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Full text of "Sacred Books East Various Oriental Scholars with Index. 50 vols Max Muller Oxford 1879.1910."

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THE 



SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST 



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HENRY FROWDE 




Oxford University Press Warehouse 
Amen Corner, E.C. 



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THE 



SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST 



TRANSLATED 



BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS 



AND EDITED BY 



F. MAX MULLER 



VOL. XXVIII 




AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
1885 

[ All rights reurvtd ] 

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\ 



THE 



SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA 



THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM 



TRANSLATED BY 



JAMES LEGGE 



PART IV 
THE Ll Kt XI— XLVI 



^ ^v v. 



(•", 



^ 



^ 



fUl'I77.U2IT7) 



AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
1885 



[ ^// MJifA/f restrveJ ] 



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_,t,<rv-& 



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CONTENTS. 

BOOK FACE 

XI. YO 3AO OR THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROTAL CAP. 

Section I i 

„ II 9 

„ "I »7 

XII. Ming Thang Wei or the Places in the Hall op 

Distinction 39 

XIII. Sang FO HsiAo £1 or Record of Smaller Matters 

in the Dress of Mourning. 

Section I 40 ' 

» II 48 

XIV. TA JTwan or the Great Treatise .... 60 

XV. ShAo t or Smaller Rules of Demeanour ... 68 

XVI. Hsio K\ or Record on the Subject of Education . 83 / 
^ XVII. Vo JC1 or Record of Music. 

Section I 9a 

,, II 105 

„ I" "4 

XVIII. 3A itl or Miscellaneous Records. 

Section I. 

Part I 13a 

» II 139 

Section II. 

Part I 150 

„ II 161 

XIX. Sang TA K\ or the Greater Record of Mourning 

Rites. 

Section I 173 1 

» II 185 

XX. JTt FA or the Law of Sacrifices aoi 

XXI. Ki t or the Meaning of Sacrifices. 

Section I 310 

„ II aao 

XXII. Kl Thung or a Summary Account of Sacrifices . 336 

XXIII. Xing ATieh or the Different Teaching of the 

Different Kisgs 355 

XXIV. Ai Rung WAn or Questions of Duke Ai . . . a6t 

XXV. JTung-nI Yen JtTO or JSTung-nI at Home at Ease . 370 . 



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VU1 CONTENTS. 



BOOK FACT 

XXVI. Khung-jzk Hsien Kv or Confucius at Home at 

Leisure 378 

XXVII. Fang Kt or Record of the Dykes .... 284 

XXVIII. ifuNG Yung or the State of Equilibrium and 

Harmony. 

Section I 300 

» II 3>» 

XXIX. P1A0 ATI or the Record on Example . .330 

XXX. Sze 1 or the Black Robes 353 

XXXI. PAn Sang or Rules on Hurrying to Mourning 

Rites 365' 

XXXII. WAn Sang or Questions about Mourning Rites . 375 

XXXIII. FO WAn or Subjects for Questioning about 

the Mourning Dress 380s 

XXXIV. JCien ATwAn or Treatise on Subsidiary Points in 

Mourning Usages 385 > 

XXXV. San Nien WAn or Questions about the Mourning 

for Three Years 391 . 

XXXVI. ShAn I or the Long Dress in One Piece- . . 395 

XXXVII. ThAu HO or the Game of Pitch-pot . . .397 

XXXVIII. ZOHsing(HAng) or the Conduct of the Scholar 402 

XXXIX. TA Hsio or the Great Learning . . .411 

XL. KWAN t OR THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING 435 - 

X LI. HwAn t or the Meaning of the Marriage Ceremony 438 

XLII. Hsiang Yin Kit t or the Meaning of the Drinking 

Festivity in the Districts .... 435 

XLIII. She t or the Meaning of the Ceremony of 

Archery 446 

XLIV. Yen I or the Meaning of the Banquet . . .454 

XLV. Phing t or the Meaning of the Interchange of 

Missions between Different Courts . . 458 

XLVI. Sang FC Sze ATih or the Four Principles under- 
lying the Dress of Mourning . . . . 465 • 

Index to Parts I, II, III, IV (Vols. Ill, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII). 

Index of Subjects .471 

Index of Proper Names 485 

Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations 

of the Sacred Books of the East 493 



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THE Ll Kl 




A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES 
OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES. 

BOOK XL Y0 3AO 

OR 
THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL CAP ■. 

Section I. 

i. The son of Heaven, when sacrificing 2 , wore 
(the cap) with the twelve long pendants of beads of 
jade hanging down from its top before and behind, 
and the robe embroidered with dragons. 

2. When saluting the appearance of the sun s 
outside the eastern gate 4 , he wore the dark-coloured 
square-cut robes ; and (also) when listening to the 
notification of the first day of the month * outside 
the southern gate. 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 27, 38. 

" Probably, to Heaven ; A*ang thought it was to the former kings. 
Many try to unite both views. 

* At the vernal equinox. Gallery has ' Quand de bon matin il 
sacrifie au soleiL' Probably there was a sacrifice on the occasion ; 
but the text does not say so. The character jjrjj (Miao) means 
' to appear at audience.' , 

4 Probably, of the city ; many say, of the Hall of Distinction. 

" This announcement was to the spirits of his royal ancestors in 
the first place. Compare Analects III, 16. 
[*8] ; b 



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2 THE Li Kt. BK. XI. 

3. If the month were intercalary, he caused the 
left leaf of the door to be shut, and stood in the 
middle of that (which remained open) l . 

4. He wore the skin cap at the daily audience in 
the court, after which he proceeded to take the 
morning meal in it. At midday he partook of 
what was left in the morning. He had music at 
his meals. Every day a sheep and a pig were 
killed and cooked ; and on the first day of the 
month an ox in addition. There were five bever- 
ages : — water, which was the principal ; rice-water, 
spirits, must, and millet-water. 

5. When he had done eating, he remained at 
ease in the dark-coloured square-cut robes 2 . His 
actions were written down by the recorder of the 
Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the 
Right. The blind musician in attendance judged 
whether the music were too high or too low s . 

6. If the year were not good and fruitful, the son 
of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the 
plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at 
his meals. 

1 This is not easy to understand, nor easy to make intelligible. 
An intercalary month was an irregular arrangement of the year. 
It and the previous month formed one double month. The shutting 
half the door showed that one half of the time was passed. There 
remained the other leaf to be given— in the temple or in the palace 
— to the king for all the ceremonies or acts of government ap- 
propriate in such a position for the whole intercalary month. 
Something like this is sketched out as the meaning by the A^ien- 
lung editors. 

9 These were so named from the form in which they were made, 
the cloth being cut straight and square. 

* And judged, it is said, of the character of the measures of govern- 
ment; but this is being 'over-exquisite' to account for the custom. 



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sect. i. Y(J 3A0. 3 

7. The princes of states, in sacrificing, wore their 
dark-coloured square-cut robes. At court-audiences 
(of the king), they wore the cap of the next inferior 
degree of rank to their own K They wore the skin- 
cap, when listening to the notification of the first 
day of the month in the Grand temples ; and their 
court robes when holding their daily audience in 
the inner court-yard. 

8. (Their ministers and officers) entered (the 
palace) as soon as they could distinguish the dawn- 
ing light 2 , and the ruler came out daily (to the first 
court, inside the Khu gate), and received them. 
(After this audience), he retired, and went to the 
great chamber, there to listen to their proposals 
about the measures of government. He employed 
men to see whether the Great officers (were all 
withdrawn) s ; and when they had left, he repaired 
to the smaller chamber, and put off his (court) 
robes. 

9. He resumed his court robes, when he was 
about to eat There was a single animal-, with 
three (other) dishes of meat, the lungs forming the 
sacrificial offering. In the evening he wore the 
long robe in one piece, and offered some of the 
flesh of the animal. On the first day of the moon, 

1 So it seems to be said ; but why it was done so, does not 
clearly appear. 

* Several pieces in the Shih allude to this early attendance at 
court. See Book II, ii, 8 ; iii, 8, et al. 

* They sat or waited, not inside the chamber, but outside. 
Some Great officer might wish to bring a matter before the ruler 
which he had not ventured to mention in public. The ruler, there- 
fore, would give him a private audience ; and did not feel himself 
free from business till all had withdrawn. 

B 2 



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4 THE hi ki. bk. xr. 

a sheep and a pig were killed, and there were five 
(other) dishes of meat, and four of grain. On 3ze 
and Mao days 1 there were only the glutinous rice 
and vegetable soup. His wife used the same 
kitchen as the ruler a . 

10. Without some cause for it, a ruler did not 
kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor a lower 
officer a pig or a dog. A superior man had his 
shambles and kitchen at a distance (from the) house ; 
he did not tread wherever there was such a thing as 
blood or (tainted) air a . 

ii. When the eighth month came without rain, 
the ruler did not have full meals nor music. If 
the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and 
stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer *. Duties 
were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams ; 
the prohibitions of the hills and meres were en- 
forced, but no contributions were required (from 
hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were 
undertaken, and Great officers did not make (any 
new) carriages for themselves. 

1 2. The officer of divination by the tortoise-shell 
fixed the shell (to be used) ; the recorder applied 
the ink ; and the ruler determined the figures 
(produced by the fire) 6 . 

1 See vol. xxvii, p. 180. 

* That is, the wife was supplied with what was left from the 
ruler's meals. 

' Lu Tien says, ' He would not tread on ants.' The JSTAien-lung 
editors characterise this as ' a womanish remark.' 

* A ruler's tablet was of ivory; an officer's only of bamboo, 
tipt with ivory. 

* See the K&u. Lf, Book XXII, 25. The JTAien-lung editors say 
that the methods of this divination are lost. 



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SECT. I. YU 3AO. 5 

13. (The cross-board in front of) the ruler was 
covered with lambskin, edged with tiger's fur; for 
his sacred carriage and court-carriage a Great 
officer had a covering of deer skin, edged with 
leopard's fur ; as also had an ordinary officer for 
his sacred carriage *. 

14. The regular place for a gentleman was ex- 
actly opposite the door, (facing the light). He slept 
with his head to the east When there came 
violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he 
changed (countenance). It was the rule for him 
then, even in the night, to get up, dress himself, 
put on his cap, and take his seat. 

15. He washed his hands five times a day. He 
used millet-water in washing his head, and maize- 
water in washing his face. For his hair (when wet) 
he used a comb of white-grained wood, and an ivory 
comb for it when dry. (After his toilet), there 
were brought to him the (usual) cup and some 
delicacy ; and the musicians came up * and sang. 

In bathing he used two towels ; a fine one for 
the upper part (of his body), and a coarser for the 
lower part. When he got out of the tub, he 
stepped on a straw mat ; and having next washed 
his feet with hot water, he stepped on the rush one. 
Then in his (bathing) robe of cloth, he dried his 
body (again), and put on his shoes; and a drink 
was then brought into him. 

16. When he had arranged to go to the ruler's, 

1 'The sacred carriage* was one used for going in to some 
temple service that required previous fasting. The paragraph is 
strangely constructed. It is supposed that the ruler's carriage at 
the beginning of it was also a sacred one. 

J Came up on the raised hall, that is. 



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6 the: l\ kL bk. xi. 

he passed the night in vigil and fasting, occupying 
an apartment outside his usual one. After he had 
washed his head and bathed, his secretary brought 
him the ivory tablet, on which were written his 
thoughts (which he should communicate to the 
ruler), and how he should respond to orders (that 
he might receive). When he was dressed he 
practised deportment and listened to the sounds 
of the gems (at his girdle pendant). When he 
went forth, he bowed to all in his own private court 
elegantly, and proceeded to mount his carriage 
(to go to the ruler's) in brilliant style. 

17. The son of Heaven carried in his girdle the 
thing tablet, showing how exact and correct he 
should be in his relations with all under heaven. 
The feudal lords had the shu, rounded at the top 
and straight at the bottom, showing how they 
should give place to the son of Heaven. The 
tablet of the Great officers was rounded both at 
the top and the bottom ; showing how they should 
be prepared to give place in all positions l . 

18. When (a minister) is sitting in attendance on 
his ruler, the rule was that he should occupy a mat 
somewhat behind him on one side. If he did not 
occupy such a mat, he had to draw the one assigned 
to him back and keep aloof from the ruler's kindred 
who were near him 2 . 

One did not take his place on his mat from the 

1 It is not clear what the tablets of this paragraph were, and 
whether they were carried in the hand or inserted in the girdle. 
The character ^ (3>n) seems to imply the latter. 

* The A'Aien-lung editors say that after these two sentences ; 
the subject of the rest of the paragraph is a student before his 
teacher. 



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sect. I. YU 3A0. y 

front, to avoid seeming to step over it. When seated 
and unoccupied he did not take up the whole of the 
mat by at least a cubit. If he were to read any 
writings or to eat, he sat forward to the edge. The 
dishes were put down a cubit from the mat \ 

19. If food were given (to a visitor), and the 
ruler proceeded to treat him as a guest, he would order 
him to present the offering, and the visitor would do 
so. If he took the precedence in eating, he would 
take a little of all the viands, drink a mouthful, and 
wait (for the ruler to eat) 2 . If there were one in 
attendance to taste the viands, he would wait till the 
ruler ate, and then eat himself. After this eating, 
he would drink (a mouthful), and wait (again). 

20. If the ruler ordered him to partake of the 
delicacies, he took of that which was nearest to him. 
If he were told to take of all, he took of whatever he 
liked. In all cases, in tasting of what was some way 
off, they began with what was near. 

(The visitor) did not dare to add the liquid to his 
rice till the ruler had touched the corners of his 
mouth with his hands and put them down 8 . When 
the ruler had done eating, he also took of the rice in 
this fashion, repeating the process three times. 
When the ruler had the things removed, he took his 
rice and sauces, and went out and gave them to his 
attendants. 

21. Whenever pressed (by his host) to eat, one 
should not eat largely; when eating at another's, 

1 And also any tablets or other things to be referred to. 

* Tasting the things before the ruler to see that they were good 
and safe. 

3 That is, touched those parts with his fingers to see that no 
grains were sticking to them. 



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8 THE Li kI 



BK. XI. 



one should not eat to satiety. It was only of the 
water and sauces that some was not put down as an 
offering ; — they were accounted too trivial for such a 
purpose. 

22. If the ruler gave a cup (of drink) to an officer, 
he crossed over from his mat, bowed twice, laid his 
head to the ground, and received it. Resuming his 
place, he poured a portion of it as an offering, drank 
it off, and waited. When the ruler had finished his 
cup, he then returned his empty. 

The rule for a superior man in drinking (with the 
ruler) was this : — When he received the first cup, he 
wore a grave look ; when he received the second, he 
looked pleased and respectful. With this the cere- 
mony stopped. At the third cup, he looked self- 
possessed and prepared to withdraw. Having with- 
drawn, he knelt down and took his shoes, retired out 
of the ruler's (sight) and put them on. Kneeling on 
his left knee, he put on the right shoe ; kneeling on 
the right knee, he put on the left one l . 

23. (At festive entertainments), of all the vases 
that with the dark-coloured liquor (of water) was 
considered the most honourable 2 ; and only the ruler 
sat with his face towards it. For the uncultivated 
people in the country districts, the vases all con- 

1 The subject in the two parts of this paragraph does not 
appear to be the same. The officer in the former was merely an 
attendant we may suppose ; in the latter, one of a superior rank. 
The cup in the one case was of special favour; in the second the 
cups were such as were drunk with the ruler at certain times, but 
were always confined to three. 

2 ' Mindful,' says A"ang, ' of the ways of antiquity.' See Book 
VII, i, 10, n, et al. on the honour paid to water at sacrifices 
and feasts, and the reasons for it. 



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SZCT. II. YtJ 3Ao. 9 

taincd prepared liquors *. Great officers had the 
vase on one side of them upon a tray without feet ; 
other officers had it in a similar position on a tray 
with feet*. 

Section II. 

1. At the ceremony of capping, the first cap put 
on was one of black linen. The use of this extended 
from the feudal lords downwards. It might, after 
having been thus employed, be put away or disused 3 . 

2. The dark-coloured cap, with red strings and 
tassels descending to the breast, was used at the 
capping of the son of Heaven. The cap of black 
linen, with strings and tassels of various colours, was 
used at the capping of a feudal prince. A dark- 
coloured cap with scarlet strings and tassels was worn 
by a feudal lord, when fasting. A dark-coloured 
cap with gray strings and tassels was worn by officers 
when similarly engaged. 

3. A cap of white silk with the border or roll of a 
dark colour was worn (? at his capping) by a son or 
grandson (when in a certain stage of mourning) 4 . A 
similar cap with a plain white edging, was worn after 
the sacrifice at the end of the year's mourning. (The 
same cap) with strings hanging down five inches, 



1 The gratification of their taste was the principal thing at 
festive entertainments of the common people. 

* On the two trays mentioned here, — the yU (composed of 7^, 
and jfft on th» right of it) and the Hia (^j£)> — see Book VIII, i, 1 2. 

' Such a cap had been used anciently; and it was used in the 
ceremony, though subsequently disused, out of respect to the 
ancient custom. 

4 When his grandfather was dead, and his father (still alive) was 
in deep mourning for him. 



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IO THE lA jrf. 



BK. XI. 



served to mark the idle and listless officer 1 . A dark- 
coloured cap with the roll round it of white silk was 
worn by one excluded from the ranks of his com- 
peers 2 . 

4. The cap worn in private, with the roll or border 
attached to it, was used by all from the son of Heaven 
downwards. When business called them, the strings 
were tied and their ends allowed to hang down. s 

5. At fifty, one did not accompany a funeral with 
his sackcloth hanging loose. When his parents were 
dead, (a son) did not have his hair dressed in tufts 
(any more). With the large white (cap) they did not 
use strings hanging down. The purple strings with 
the dark-coloured cap began with duke Hwan of Lu 3 . 

6. In the morning they wore the dark-coloured 
square-cut dress ; in the evening, the long dress in one 
piece. That dress at the waist was thrice the width 
of the sleeve; and at the bottom twice as wide as at the 
waist. It was gathered in at each side (of the body). 
The sleeve could be turned back to the elbow. 

7. The outer or under garment joined on to the 
sleeve and covered a cubit of it *. The collar was 
2 inches wide ; the cuff, a cubit and 2 inches long ; 
the border, 1^ inch broad. To wear silk under or 
inside linen was contrary to rule. 

8. An (ordinary) officer did not wear anything 
woven of silk that had been first dyed 6 . One who 
had left the service of his ruler wore no two articles 
of different colours. 

1 By way of punishment or disgrace. 

* Also in punishment. See Book HI, iv, 2-5. * b.c. 711-694. 

* If we could see one dressed as in those early days, we should 
understand this better than we do. 

* Because of its expensiveness. 



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SECT. II. YU 3AO. I I 

If the upper garment were of one of the correct 
colours, the lower garment was of the (correspond- 
ing) intermediate one \ 

9. One did not enter the ruler's gate without the 
proper colours in his dress ; nor in a single robe 
of grass-cloth, fine or coarse ; nor with his fur robe 
either displayed outside, or entirely covered. 

10. A garment wadded with new floss was called 
£ien ; with old, phao. One unlined was called 
kiung; one lined, but not wadded, tieh. 

11. The use of thin white silk in court-robes 
began with AH Khang-jze. Confucius said, ' For 
the audience they use the (regular) court-robes, 
which are put on after the announcement of the 
first day of the month (in the temple).' He (also) 
said, ' When good order does not prevail in the 
states and clans, (the officers) should not use the 
full dress (as prescribed) '.' 

12. Only a ruler wore the chequered fur robe 3 
in addressing (his troops or the multitudes), and at 
the autumnal hunts \ (For him) to wear the Great 
fur robe was contrary to ancient practice. 

1 3. When a ruler wore the robe of white fox-fur, 
he wore one of embroidered silk over it to display it 6 . 

1 The five ' correct ' colours were azure (m ; of varying shade), 
scarlet (^ ; carnation, the colour of the flesh), white, black, and 
yellow. The 'intermediate' were green ($|£), red ($l), jade- 
green (|jii), purple (j^), and bay-yellow (jffil ^). 

* See the concluding article in the ' Narratives of the School.' 
The words of Confucius are understood to intimate a condemna- 
tion of K\ Khang-gze. 

' Made of black lamb's fur and white fox-fur. 

4 Or, according to many, in giving charges about agriculture. 

8 Of one colour, worn by the king, at a border sacrifice. 



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12 the l! rf. 



BK. XI. 



When (the guards on) the right of the ruler wore 
tigers' fur, those on the left wore wolves' fur. An 
(ordinary) officer did not wear the fur of the white fox. 

14. (Great and other) officers wore the fur of the 
blue fox, with sleeves of leopard's fur, and over it 
a jacket of dark-coloured silk to display it; with 
fawn's fur they used cuffs of the black wild dog 1 , 
with a jacket of bluish yellow silk, to display it ; 
with lamb's fur, ornaments of leopard's fur, and a 
jacket of black silk to display it ; with fox-fur, a jacket 
of yellow silk to display it. A jacket of embroidered 
silk with fox-fur was worn by the feudal lords. 

15. With dog's fur or sheep's fur 2 , they did not 
wear any jacket of silk over it. Where there was 
no ornamentation, they did not use the jacket The 
wearing the jacket was to show its beauty. 

When condoling, they kept the jacket covered, 
and did now show all its ornamental character ; in 
the presence of the ruler, they showed all this. 

The covering of the dress was to hide its beauty. 
Hence, personators of the deceased covered their 
jackets of silk. Officers holding a piece of jade or a 
tortoise-shell (to present it) covered it; but if they had 
no (such official) business in hand, they displayed the 
silken garment, and did not presume to cover it. 

16. For his memorandum-tablet, the son of 
Heaven used a piece of sonorous jade; the prince 
of a state, a piece of ivory ; a Great officer, a piece 
of bamboo, ornamented with fishbone 8 ; ordinary 

1 Or foreign dog. An animal like the tapir or rhinoceros is 
called by the same name, but cannot be meant here. 

s ' The dress,' says JPang, ' worn by the common people.' 
8 The bone seems to be specified; ^, read pan. What bone 
and of what fish, I do not know. 



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SECT. II. YO 3AO. 1 3 

officers might use bamboo, adorned with ivory at the 
bottom. 

17. When appearing before the son of Heaven, 
and at trials of archery, there was no such thing as 
being without this tablet. It was contrary to rule to 
enter the Grand temple without it. During the five 
months' mourning, it was not laid aside. When en- 
gaged in the performance of some business, and wear- 
ing the cincture, one laid it aside. When he had put 
it in his girdle, the bearer of it was required to wash 
his hands ; but afterwards, though he had something 
to do in the court, he did not wash them (again). 

When one had occasion to point to or draw any- 
thing before the ruler, he used the tablet. When he 
went before him and received a charge, he wrote it 
down on it. For all these purposes the tablet was 
used, and therefore it was ornamental. 

1 8. The tablet was 2 cubits and 6 inches long. 
Its width at the middle was 3 inches ; and it tapered 
away to 2^ inches (at the ends). 

19. (A ruler) wore a plain white girdle of silk, 
with ornamented ends ; a Great officer, a similar 
girdle, with the ends hanging down ; an ordinary 
officer, one of dyed silk, with the edges tucked in, 
and the ends hanging down ; a scholar waiting to be 
employed, one of embroidered silk ; and young lads, 
one of white silk '. 

1 From this paragraph to the end of the part, the text is in 
great confusion; wilh characters missing here and there, and 
sentences thrown together without natural connexion. KAin Hao 
has endeavoured to readjust them ; but I have preferred to follow 
the order of the imperial and other editions. The iT&en-lung 
editors advise the reader to do so, and make the best he can of 
them by means of ifang HsUan's notes. JKA&n Hao's order is — 



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14 THE hi Ki, 



BK. XI. 



20. For all these the buttons and loops were made 
of silk cords. 

21. The knee-covers of a ruler were of vermilion 
colour ; those of a Great officer, white ; and of 
another officer, purple : — all of leather ; and might 
be rounded, slanting, and straight. Those of the 
son of Heaven were straight (and pointed at all the 
corners); of the prince of a state, square both at 
bottom and top ; of a Great officer, square at the 
bottom, with the corners at the top rounded off; and 
of another officer, straight both at bottom and top. 

22. The width of these covers was 2 cubits at 
bottom, and 1 at top. Their length was 3 cubits. 
On each side of (what was called) the neck were 5 
inches, reaching to the shoulders or corners. From 
the shoulders to the leathern band were 2 inches 1 . 

23. The great girdle of a Great officer was 4 



paragraphs — 25, 19, 20, 27, 23, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29. By this 
arrangement something like a train of thought can be made out. 
1 The knee-covers of the prince of a state are represented thus — 





; and ofa Great officer, 



The middle suspender joined on to the top strap at the neck ; the 
two others at the shoulders. On the central portions of the cover 
were represented certain of the emblems of distinction, according 
to the rank of the wearer :— dragons on the king's ; flames on a 
prince's ; and mountains on a Great officer's. But I do not think 
the makers of these figures had distinct ideas of the articles which 
they intended to represent. They certainly fail in giving the student 
such ideas. The colours, ftc, moreover, appear to have varied with 
the occasions on which they were worn. 



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sect. ii. Y(j 3ao. i 5 

inches (wide) 1 . In variegated girdles, the colours 
for a ruler were vermilion and green ; for a Great 
officer, cerulean and yellow; for an (ordinary) officer, 
a black border of 2 inches, and this, when carried 
round the body a second time, appeared to be 4 
inches. On all girdles which were tucked in there 
was no needlework. 

24. (An officer) who had received his first com- 
mission wore a cover of reddish-purple, with a black 
supporter for his girdle-pendant. One who had 
received the second commission wore a scarlet cover, 
(also) with a black supporter for the pendant ; and 
one who had received the third commission, a 
scarlet cover, with an onion-green supporter for the 
pendant 2 . 

25. The son of Heaven wore a girdle of plain white 
silk, with vermilion lining, and ornamented ends. 

26. The queen wore a robe with white pheasants 
embroidered on it ; (a prince's) wife, one with green 
pheasants 8 . 

27. (The cords that formed the loops and buttons) 
were 3 inches long, equal to the breadth of the 
girdle. The rule for the length of the sash (descend- 
ing from the girdle) was, that, for an officer, it should 

1 This, according to the ATAien-lung editors, was the girdle or 
sash of ' correct dress,' and white. The variegated girdles, they 
say, were worn in private and when at leisure. 

* The character for a knee-cover here (§$£, f u) is different from 
that in paragraph 21 (SM> P*) > but the jOien-lung editors say their 
significance is exactly the same. How the knee-covers and the 
supporter or balance-yard ($f, hang) of the girdle pendant are 
spoken of together, I do not know. 

* The pheasants here referred to are described as I have done 
in the i?-Ya. The ' wife ' is supposed also to include the ladies 
called the king's ' three helpmates ' in Book I, ii, Part ii, 1. 



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1 6 THE Li Ki. 



BK. XI. 



be 3 cubits; for one discharging a special service, 2^. 
3ze-yu said, ' Divide all below the girdle into three 
parts, and the sash will be equal to two of them. 
The sash, the knee-covers, and the ties are all of 
equal length 1 .' 

28. (The wife of a count or baron) who had re- 
ceived a degree of honour from the ruler 2 wore a 
pheasant cut out in silk on her robe ; (the wife of the 
Great officer of a count or baron), who had received 
two degrees, wore a robe of fresh yellow ; (the wife 
of a Great officer), who had received one degree, a 
robe of white ; and the wife of an ordinary officer, 
a robe of black. 

29. Only the ladies of honour 8 received their de- 
gree of appointment, when they presented their 
cocoons. The' others all wore the dresses proper to 
them as the wives of their husbands. 

1 Kh&a H£o says, ' Man's length is 8 cubits ; below the waist 
4i (= 45 inches). A third of this is 15 inches. 2 x 15 = 30 or 3 
cubits, the length of the sash, and of the covers in par. 22/ The 
cubit must have been shorter than the name now indicates. I do 
not know what the ' ties ' were. 

* i^ang Hstian took the ruler here to be feminine, and to mean 
' the queen ;' and, notwithstanding the protest of the .Oien-lung 
editors, I think he was right This paragraph and the next speak 
of the queen and ladies who were brought around her by their 
work in silk. Why may we not suppose that in her department 
she could confer distinction on the deserving as the king did in his? 
This passage seems to show that she did so. 

* These ladies — ' hereditary wives'— occur also in Bk. I,ii, Part ii, 1. 
It is commonly said that there were twenty-seven members of the royal 
harem, who had each that title ; but there is much vagueness and 
uncertainty about all such statements. ' The others ' must refer to 
the ladies, wives of the feudal lords and Great officers, whose rank 
gave them the privilege to co-operate with the queen in her direction 
of the nourishing of the silkworms and preparation of silk. 



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SECT. III. YlJ 3A0. 



Section III. • > -— !\L--— " 

i. All (officers) in attendance on the ruler let the 
sash hang down till their feet seemed to tread on 
the lower edge (of their skirt) *. Their chins pro- 
jected like the eaves of a house, and their hands 
were clasped before them low down. Their eyes 
were directed downwards, and their ears were higher 
than the eyes. They saw (the ruler) from his girdle 
up to his collar. They listened to him with their 
ears turned to the left 2 . 

2. When the ruler called (an officer) to his pre- 
sence, he might send three tokens. If two of them 
came to him, he ran (to answer the message) ; if 
(only) one, he yet walked quickly. If in his office, 
he did not wait for his shoes ; if he were outside 
elsewhere, he did not wait for his carriage. 

3. When an officer received a visit from a Great 
officer, he did not venture to bow (when he went) 
to meet him s ; but he did so when escorting him 
on his departure. When he went to visit one of 
higher rank than himself, he first bowed (at the 
gate) and then went into his presence. If the 
other bowed to him in replying, he hurried on one 
side to avoid (the honour). 

4. When an officer was speaking before the ruler, 
if he had occasion to speak of a Great officer who 
was dead, he called him by his posthumous epithet, 
or by the designation of his maturity ; if of an officer 

1 See vol. xxvii, page 100, note 1. 

* They were on the right of the ruler, and turned their ears to the 
left to hear him. 

' That the more honourable visitor might not have the trouble 
of responding with a bow. 

[»8] C 



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1 8 THE Lt jsrf. 



BE. XI. 



(who was similarly dead), he called him by his 
name. When speaking with a Great officer, he 
mentioned officers by their name, and (other) Great 
officers by their designation. 

5. In speaking at a Great officer's, he avoided 
using the name of the (former) ruler, but not that 
of any of his own dead. At all sacrifices and in 
the ancestral temple, there was no avoiding of 
names. In school there was no avoiding of any 
character in the text. 

6. Anciently, men of rank did not fail to wear 
their girdle-pendants with their precious stones, 
those on the right giving the notes Afih and K\o, 
and those on the left Kung and Yii 1 . 

When (the king or ruler) was walking quickly (to 
the court of audience), he did so to the music of 
the 3h£i Kh\ ; when walking more quickly (back 
to the reception-hall), they played the Sze hsia 2 . 
When turning round, he made a complete circle ; 
when turning in another direction, he did so at a 
right angle. When advancing, he inclined forward 
a little; he held himself up straight; and in all 
these movements, the pieces of jade emitted their 
tinklings. So also the man of rank, when in his 
carriage, heard the harmonious sounds of its bells ; 
and, when walking, those of his pendant jade-stones ; 
and in this way evil and depraved thoughts found 
no entrance into his mind. 

7. When the ruler was present, (his son and heir) 

1 K'\h. and K'\o were the fourth and third notes of the musical 
scale, corresponding to our D and B; Kung and Yii, the first and fifth, 
corresponding to G and E. See the Chinese Classics, vol. hi, p. 84, note. 

* 3hai Kh\ is taken as another name for the Khu 3hze, Chinese 
Classics, vol.iii, pp. 317-318. 



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SECT. III. YU 3AO. 19 

did not wear the pendant of jade-stones. He tied 
it up on the left of his girdle, and left free the 
pendant (of useful things) on the right. When 
seated at ease, he wore the (j a< ^ e ) pendant ; but in 
court, he tied it up \ 

In fasting and vigil they wore it, but the strings 
were turned round, and fastened at the girdle. 
They wore then the purple knee-covers *. 

8. All wore the jade-stone pendant at the girdle, 
excepting during the mourning rites. (At the end 
of the middle string) in it was the tooth-like piece, 
colliding with the others. A man of rank was never 
without this pendant, excepting for some sufficient 
reason ; he regarded the pieces of jade as emblematic 
of the virtues (which he should cultivate). 

9. The son of Heaven had his pendant composed 
of beads of white jade, hung on dark-coloured 
strings ; a duke or marquis, his of jade-beads of hill- 
azure, on vermilion strings ; a Great officer, his of 
beads of aqua-marine, on black strings ; an heir-son, 
his of beads of Yii jade, on variegated strings ; an 
ordinary officer, his of beads of jade-like quartz, on 
orange-coloured strings. 

Confucius wore at his pendant balls of ivory 2 , five 
inches (round), on gray strings. 

10. According to the regulations for (the dress 
of) a lad 3 , his upper garment was of black linen, 

1 There were three pendants from the girdle : — the jade-stone 
in the middle, called the pendant of 'virtue;' and two others of 
useful things on the left and right, of which we shall read by and 
by. The subject of the first two sentences is said, correctly as 
I think, to be the heir-son of a ruler ; while the last two have a 
more general application; 

* Or ' an ivory ring.' 5 One who had not yet been capped. 

C 2 



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20 THE U iff. 



BK. XI. 



with an embroidered edging. His sash was embroi- 
dered, and (also) the strings for the button-loops (of 
his girdle). With such a string he bound up his hair. 
The embroidered border and strings were all red. 

ii. When the ends of fastening strings reached 
to the girdle, if they had any toilsome business to 
do, they put them aside. If they were running, they 
thrust them in the breast 1 . 

12. A lad did not wear furs, nor silk, nor the 
ornamental points on his shoes. He did not wear 
the three months' mourning. He did not wear the 
hempen band, when receiving any orders. When he 
had nothing to do (in mourning rites), he stood on 
the north of the principal mourner, with his face to 
the south. When going to see a teacher, he followed 
in the suite of others, and entered his apartment. 

1 3. When one was sitting at a meal with another 
older than himself, or of a different (and higher) 
rank, he was the last to put down the offering 2 , but 
the first to taste the food. When the guest put down 
the offering, the host apologised, saying that the food 
was not worthy of such a tribute. When the guest 
was enjoying the viands, the host apologised for their 
being scanty and poor. When the host himself put 
down the pickle (for the guest), the guest himself re- 
moved it. When the members of a household ate 
together, not being host and guests, one of them re- 
moved the dishes ; and the same was done when a 
company had eaten together. At all festival meals, 
the women (of the house) did not remove the dishes. 

1 This paragraph seems to be out of place, .fang thought 
should follow the first sentence of paragraph 27 in the last part. 
* By way of thanksgiving to the father of Cookery. 



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SECT. III. YU 3Ao. 2T 

14. When eating dates, peaches, or plums, they 
did not cast the stones away (on the ground) 1 . They 
put down the first slice of a melon as an offering, ate 
the other slices, and threw away the part by which 
they held it. When others were eating fruits with 
a man of rank, they ate them after him; cooked 
viands they ate before him 2 . At meetings of re- 
joicing, if there were not some gift from the ruler, 
they did not congratulate one another ; at meetings 
of sorrow 8 

15. If one had any toilsome business to do, he 
took them in his hand. If he were running, he 
thrust them in his breast*. 

16. When Confucius was eating with (the head 
of) the K\ family, he made no attempt to decline any- 
thing, but finished his meal with the rice and liquid 
added to it, without eating any of the flesh 6 . 

1 7. When the ruler sent (to an officer) the gift of 
a carriage and horses, he used them in going to give 
thanks for them. When the gift was of clothes, he 
wore them on the same occasion. (In the case of 
similar gifts to a commissioner from the king), until 
his (own) ruler had given him orders to use them, he 
did not dare at once to do so*. When the ruler's 

1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 81, paragraph 62. 

* Fruits were the productions of nature, and there could be no 
poison in them. Cooked food might have been tampered with, 
and those in attendance on a superior man first tasted it as a pre- 
caution for his safety. 

* The conclusion is evidently lost. 

* A mistaken and meaningless repetition of part of paragraph ir. 

* To express, it is supposed, his dissatisfaction with some want 
of courtesy in his host. 

* This sentence is perplexing, and there are different views in 
interpreting it I have followed JT&ng Hsuan. 



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22 THE hi zt. 



BK. XI. 



gift reached him, he bowed his head to the ground 
with his two hands also, laying one of them over the 
other. A gift of liquor and flesh did not require the 
second expression of thanks (by the visit). 

1 8. Whenever a gift was conferred on a man of rank, 
nothing was given to a small man on the same day. 

19. In all cases of presenting offerings to a ruler, 
a Great officer sent his steward with them, and an 
ordinary officer went with them himself. In both 
cases they did obeisance twice, with their heads to 
the ground as they sent the things away ; and again 
the steward and the officer did the same at the 
ruler's 1 . If the offerings were of prepared food for 
the ruler, there were the accompaniments of ginger 
and other pungent vegetables, of a peach-wood and 
a sedge-broom 2 . A Great officer dispensed with the 
broom, and the officer with the pungent vegetables. 
(The bearers) went in with all the articles to the 
cook. The Great officer did not go in person to 
make obeisance, lest the ruler should come to 
respond to him. 

20. When a Great officer went (next day) to do 
obeisance for the ruler's gift, he retired after per- 
forming the ceremony. An officer, (doing the same), 
waited to receive the ruler's acknowledgment (of his 
visit), and then retired, bowing again as he did so ; 
but (the ruler) did not respond to his obeisance. 

When a Great officer gave anything in person 
to an ordinary officer, the latter bowed on receiving 



1 This translation seems to make too much out of the text ; but 
it is after Khung Ying-tS, jOin H£o, and others. 

1 Such presents might decompose or become offensive, and 
therefore these accompaniments were sent with them. 



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sect. in. yu 3Ao. 23 

it ; and also went to his house to repeat the obei- 
sance. He did not, however, wear the clothes 
(which might have been the gift), in going to make 
that obeisance. 

(In interchanges between) equals, if (the recipient) 
were in the house (when the gift arrived), he went 
and made his obeisance in the house (of the donor). 

21. When any one presented an offering to his 
superior in rank, he did not dare to say directly 
that it was for him *. 

An ordinary officer did not presume to receive the 
congratulations of a Great officer ; but a Great officer 
of the lowest grade did so from one of the highest. 

When one was exchanging courtesies with another, 
if his father were alive, he would appeal to his 
authority ; if the other gave him a gift, he would 
say, in making obeisance for it, that he did so for 
his father. 

22. If the ceremony were not very great, the 
(beauty of the) dress was not concealed. In accord- 
ance with this, when the great robe of fur was worn, 
it was without the appendage of one of thin silk to 
display it, and when (the king) rode in the grand 
carriage, he did not bend forward to the cross-bar 
(to show his reverence for any one beyond the ser- 
vice he was engaged on) 2 . 

1 He would say, for instance, that it was for some member of 
his household. 

* There are only fifteen characters in this paragraph, nor is there 
any intricacy in its structure, but few passages in the collection 
perplex a translator more. If we leave out the negatives in the 
former sentence, the meaning becomes clear. The grand carriage 
and grand fur-robe were used at the greatest of all ceremonies, 
the solstitial sacrifice to Heaven, which itself so occupied the mind 



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24 THE hi kI. BK. XI. 

23. When a father's summons came to him, a son 
reverently obeyed it without any delay. Whatever 
work he had in hand, he laid aside. He ejected 
the meat that was in his mouth, and ran, not "con- 
tenting himself with a measured, though rapid pace. 
When his parents were old and he had gone away, 
he did not go to a second place, nor delay his return 
beyond the time agreed on ; when they were ailing, 
his looks and manner appeared troubled : — these 
were less-important observances of a filial son. 

24. When his father died, he could not (bear to) 
read his books-; — the touch of his hand seemed still 
to be on them. When his mother died, he could not 
(bear to) drink from the cups and bowls that she 
had used ; — the breath of her mouth seemed still to 
be on them. 

25. When a ruler, (visiting another ruler), was 
about to enter the gate, the attendant dusted the low 
post (at the middle of the threshold). The Great 
officers stood midway between the side-posts and this 
short post (behind their respective rulers). An officer, 
acting as an attendant, brushed the side-posts. 

(A Great officer) on a mission from another court, 
did not enter at the middle of (either half of) the 
gate, nor tread on the threshold. If he were come on 
public business, he entered on the west of the short 
post ; if on his own business, on the east of it. 

26. A ruler and a representative of the dead 
brought their feet together step by step when they 
walked ; a Great officer stepped along, one foot after 
the other ; an ordinary officer kept the length of his 

of the sovereign that he was supposed to think of nothing else. 
The paragraph might have had a more appropriate place in the 
seventh Book or the ninth. 



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sict. in. vO 3Ao. 25 

foot between his steps. In walking slowly, they all 
observed these rules. In walking rapidly, while they 
wished to push on (and did so), they were not 
allowed to alter the motion either of hands or feet. 
In turning their feet inwards or outwards, they did 
not lift them up, and the edge of the lower garment 
dragged along, like the water of a stream. In walk- 
ing on the mats it was the same. 

When walking erect, (the body was yet bent, and) 
the chin projected like the eaves of a house, and 
their advance was straight as an arrow. When 
walking rapidly, the body had the appearance of 
rising constantly with an elevation of the feet. 
When carrying a tortoise-shell or (a symbol of) jade, 
they raised their toes and trailed their heels, present- 
ing an appearance of carefulness. 

27. In walking (on the road), the carriage of the 
body was straight and smart ; in the ancestral temple, 
it was reverent and grave ; in the court, it was exact 
and easy. 

28. The carriage of a man of rank was easy, but 
somewhat slow ; — grave and reserved, when he saw 
any one whom he wished to honour. He did not 
move his feet lightly, nor his hands irreverently. 
His eyes looked straightforward, and his mouth was 
kept quiet and composed. No sound from him broke 
the stillness, and his head was carried upright. His 
breath came without panting or stoppage, and his 
standing gave (the beholder) an impression of 
virtue. His looks were grave, and he sat like a per- 
sonator of the dead *. When at leisure and at ease, 
and in conversation, he looked mild and bland. 

1 See vol. xxvii, page 62, paragraph 6, and note 2. 

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26 THE Lt kI. 



BK. XI. 



29. At all sacrifices, the bearing and appearance 
(of the worshippers) made it appear as if they saw 
those to whom they were sacrificing. 

30. When engaged with the mourning rites, they 
had a wearied look, and an aspect of sorrow and 
unrest. Their eyes looked starded and dim, and 
their speech was drawling and low. 

31. The carriage of a martialist was bold and 
daring ; his speech had a tone of decision and com- 
mand ; his face was stern and determined ; and his 
eyes were clear and bright 

32. He stood with an appearance of lowliness, but 
with no indication of subserviency. His head rose 
straight up from the centre of the neck. He stood 
(firm) as a mountain, and his movements were well 
timed. His body was well filled with the volume of 
his breath, which came forth powerfully like that of 
nature. His complexion showed (the beauty and 
strength of) a piece of jade 1 . 

33. When they spoke of themselves, the style of 
the son of Heaven was, T, the One man;' a chief 
of regions described himself as 'The strong minister. 

1 On the translation of this, and many of the paragraphs immediately 
preceding, Callery says : — 'The Chinese text contains dissyllabic 
expressions very difficult to translate, because they are a sort of 
onomatopoeias, which have nothing in common with the nature 
of the things to which they are applied. We could do nothing 
better with them than adopt the sense given by the commentators.' 
But these binomial combinations, which are often repetitions of 
the same character, are only onomatopoietic in the sense in which 
all words, sensuously descriptive at first, are applied by the mind 
to express its own concepts ; metaphorical rather than onomato- 
poietic. They are very common in the Shih, or Book of Poetry, 
and in all passionate, descriptive composition. So it is in other 
languages as well as Chinese. 



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SECT. III. Yt) 3AO. 27 

of the son of Heaven;' the relation of a feudal lord 
expressed itself by 'So and So, the guardian of such 
and such a territory.' If the fief were on the borders, 
he used the style — 'So and So, the minister in such 
and such a screen.' Among his equals and those be- 
low him, he called himself ' The man of little virtue.' 
The ruler of a small state called himself 'The 
orphan.' The officer who answered for him (at a 
higher court) also styled him so 1 . 

34. A Great officer of the highest grade (at his 
own court), called himself 'Your inferior minister;' 
(at another court), his attendant who answered for 
him, described him as 'The ancient of our poor ruler.' 
A Great officer of the lowest grade (at his own 
court), called himself by his name ; (at another court), 
his attendant described him as ' Our unworthy Great 
officer.' The son and heir of a feudal prince (at his 
own court), called himself by his name ; (at another 
court), his attendant described him as ' The rightful 
son of our unworthy ruler.' 

35. A ruler's son (by an inferior lady) called him- 
self ' Your minister, the shoot from the stock.' An 
(ordinary) officer styled himself ' Your minister, the 
fleet courier;' to a Great officer, he described him- 
self as 'The outside commoner.' When a Great 
officer went on a mission about private affairs, a man 
of his private establishment went with him as his 
spokesman, and called him by his name. 

36. When an officer belonging to the ruler's 
establishment acted (at another court for a Great 
officer), he spoke of him as ' Our unworthy Great 
officer,' or ' The ancient of our unworthy ruler.' 

' So, most commentators ; but this last sentence is not clear. 

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28 



THE Lt k1. 



BK. Xt. 



When a Great officer went on any mission, it was 
the rule that he should have such an officer from the 
ruler's establishment with him, to answer for him. 



PLAN OF THE HALL OF DISTINCTION. 




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BOOK XII. MING THANG WEI 

OR 
THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF DISTINCTION 1 . 

i. Formerly, when the duke of ATiu gave 
audience to the feudal princes in their several places 
in the Hall of Distinction, the son of Heaven 
stood with his back to the axe-embrpidered screen *, 
and his face towards the south 8 . 

2. The three dukes* were in front of the steps, 
in the middle, with their faces to the north, inclining 
to the east as the most honourable position*. The 
places of the marquises were at the east of the 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 28-30. On the oppo- 
site page there is the plan of the Hall, as given in Morrison's 
Dictionary, vol. i, part i, page 51a. Compare it with the less 
complicated figure in vol. xxvii, page 252. 

* See vol. xxvii, page in, paragraph 11. 

* Many chronological and other perplexing questions arise in 
connexion with the great audience described in this and the para- 
graphs that immediately follow. The time should be referred, 
I think, to the inauguration of Lo as the eastern capital of Ji&u, 
probably in b. c. 1109, at the close of the duke of Kin's regency 
for the young king .Oang ; see the Shu, V, xiii. That ' the son 
of Heaven ' must be understood of king Kking himself, and not of 
the duke of Kku, is a point, it seems to me, that no Chinese com- 
mentator should ever have called in question. 

* The three Kung, I suppose, mentioned in vol. iii, page 227, 
paragraph 3. The duke of K&u was himself one of them ; but per- 
haps, during bis regency, another had been appointed in his place. 

* The text here simply = ' the east the upper.' The nearer 
one was to the king, the more honourable was his position. 



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30 THE Li St. BK. XII. 

eastern steps, with their faces to the west, inclining 
to the north as the most honourable position. The 
lords of the earldoms were at the west of the west- 
ern steps, with their faces to the east, inclining also 
and for the same reason to the north. The counts 
were on the east of the gate, with their faces to the 
north, inclining to the east as the more honourable 
position. The barons were on the west of the gate, 
with their faces to the north, inclining also and for 
the same reason to the east. 

3. The chiefs of the nine I 1 were outside the 
eastern door, with their faces to the west, inclining to 
the north as the position of honour ; those of the 
eight Man were outside the door on the south, with 
their faces to the north, inclining for the same reason 
to the east ; those of the six Zung were outside the 
door on the west, with their faces to the east, inclining 
for the same reason to the south ; and those of the 
five Tl were outside the door on the north, with 
their faces to the south, inclining for the same reason 
to the east. 

4. The chiefs of the nine 3h&i were outside the 
Ying gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to 
the east as the position of honour for them ; those of 
the four Sai (also) came, who had only once in their 
time to announce their arrival (at the court). These 
were the places of the lords in the Hall of Distinction 
(when they appeared before) the duke of A'iu*. 

1 t was the general name for the wild tribes of the east; Man, 
for those of the south ; Zung, for those of the west; and Ti, for 
those of the north. 

* It is so difficult to explain what is meant by ' the nine 3hai,' and 
again by 'the four Sai,' that I am inclined to doubt, with Wang Yen 
( ^P jj£) and others, the genuineness of this paragraph. 



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BK. XIL MING THANG WEI. 3 1 

5. The Hall of Distinction was so called, because 
in it the rank of the princes was clearly shown as 
high or low 1 . 

6. Formerly, when A!au of Yin was throwing the 
whole kingdom into confusion, he made dried slices 
of (the flesh of) the marquis of Kwei 2 , and used 
them in feasting the princes. On this account the 
duke of A'au assisted king Wu in attacking A'au. 
When king Wu died, king KJ&ng being young and 
weak, the duke took the seat of the son of Heaven*, 
and governed the kingdom. During six years he 
gave audience to all the princes in the Hall of 
Distinction ; instituted ceremonies, made his instru- 
ments of music, gave out his (standard) weights 
and measures 4 , and there was a grand submission 
throughout the kingdom. 

7. In the seventh year, he resigned the govern- 
ment to king Kh&ng; and he, in consideration of the 
duke's services to the kingdom, invested him with 
(the territory about) -Oii-fu 8 , seven hundred l! 
square, and sending forth a thousand chariots of 

1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, page 28. 

* ' The marquis of Kwei' appears in Sze-ma" K Men's history of 
Yin (near the end), as the marquis of KAid (^ '0|)> and is 
made into pickle. The reference, no doubt, is to some act of 
atrocious and wanton cruelty on the part of X£u. 

• This can only mean that the duke, as regent, administered the 
government, though the compiler of the Book wanted to exalt his 
personality beyond the bounds of truth. 

* The text is — measures of length and of capacity. 

• A'iid-fu is still a district city in the department of Yen-iau, 
Shan-tung. It was the capital of Lu ; and is called by foreigners 
' the city of Confucius.' It contains the great temple of the sage, 
and is the residence of his representative-descendant, with thousands 
of other Khungs. 



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32 THE hi kI. 



BK. XII. 



war 1 . He (also) gave charge that (the princes of) 
Lu, from generation to generation, should sacrifice 
to the duke of A"au with the ceremonies and music 
proper at a sacrifice by the son of Heaven. 

8. Thus it was that the rulers of Lu, in the first 
month of spring, rode in a grand carriage, display- 
ing the banner, suspended from its bow-like arm, 
with the twelve streamers, and having the sun and 
moon emblazoned on it, to sacrifice to God in the 
suburb of their metropolis, associating Hau K\ as 
his assessor in the service ; — according to the cere- 
monies used by the son of Heaven*. 

9. In the last month of summer, the sixth month, 
they used the ceremonies of the great sacrifice in 
sacrificing to the duke of A'au in the great ancestral 
temple, employing for the victim to him a white 
bull. The cups were those with the figure of a 
victim bull, of an elephant, and of hills and clouds ; 
that for the fragrant spirits was the one with gilt 
eyes on it. For libations they used the cup of jade 
with the handle made of a long rank-symbol. The 
dishes with the offerings were on stands of wood, 
adorned with jade and carved. The cups for the 
persona tor were of jade carved in the same way. 
There were also the plain cups and those of horn, 
adorned with round pieces of jade ; and for the 
meat-stands, they used those with four feet and 
the cross-binders. 

10. (The singers) went up to the hall (or stage), 

1 This is one of the gross exaggerations in the Book. The mar- 
quisate of Lu was only a hundred li square on its first constitution. 

8 Of this and many of the statements in the paragraphs that 
follow, see the fourth of the ' Praise Odes of Lu,' in the Shih, 
Metrical version, pp. 379-383. 



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BK. Xir, MING THANG WEI. 33 

and sang the JCklng Miao ; (in the court) below, 
(the pantomimes) performed the Hsiang dance 1 , 
to the accompaniment of the wind instruments. 
With their red shields and jade-adorned axes, and 
in their caps with pendants, they danced to the 
music of the Ta Wu 2 ; in their skin caps, and large 
white skirts gathered at the waist, and jacket of 
silk, they danced the Ta Hsia*. There (were also) 
the Mei, or music of the wild tribes of the East; 
and the .Zan, or music of those of the South. The 
introduction of these two in the grand temple was to 
signalise the distinction of Lu all over the kingdom. 

1 1. The ruler, in his dragon-figured robe and cap 
with pendants, stood at the eastern steps ; and his 
wife, in her head-dress and embroidered robe, stood 
in her room. The ruler, with shoulder bared, met 
the victim at the gate; his wife brought in the 
stands for the dishes. The ministers and Great 
officers assisted the ruler ; their wives 4 assisted his 
wife. Each one discharged the duty proper to him 
or her. Any officer who neglected his duty was 
severely punished; and throughout the kingdom 
there was a great acknowledgment of, and sub- 
mission to, (the worth of the duke of Aau). 

12. (In Lu) they offered (also) the sacrifices of 
summer, autumn, and winter (in the ancestral 
temple) ; with those at the altars of the land and 
grain in spring, and that at the autumnal hunt, 
going on to the great sacrifice of thanksgiving at 

1 See vol. xxvii, page 361, paragraph 21. 

* Attributed to king Wfl. * Said to be of the Hsia" dynasty. 

* 'The commissioned wives;' including, according to K/iixi 
Hio, the ruler's ' ladies of honour,' as well as the wives of his 
ministers and Great officers. 

[28] D 



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34 THE L f & bk. xii. 

the end of the year : — all (after the pattern of) the 
sacrifices of the son of Heaven. 

13. The grand temple (of Lu) corresponded to 
the Hall of Distinction of the son of Heaven, the 
Khu gate of the (marquis's palace) to the Kao (or 
outer) gate of the king's, and the ATih gate to the 
Ying \ They shook the bell with the wooden 
clapper in the court as was done in the royal court, 
in announcing governmental orders. 

14. The capitals of the pillars with hills carved 
on them, and the pond-weed carving on die small 
pillars above the beams ; the second storey and 
the great beams- projecting under the eaves; the 
polished pillars and the windows opposite to one 
another ; the earthen stand on which the cups, after 
being used, were placed ; the high stand on which 
the jade tokens were displayed aloft; and the slightly 
carved screen: — all these were ornaments of the 
temple of the son of Heaven *.. 

15. (The princes of Lu) had, as carriages, that of 
(Shun), the lord of Yii, furnished with bells ; that 
of the sovereign of Hsia, with its carved front; the 
Great carriage (of wood), or that of Yin ; and the 
carriage (adorned with jade), or that of JC&u. 

1 16. They had, as flags or banners, that of (Shun), 
the lord of Yii ; the yak's tail of the sovereign of 
Hsia ; the great white flag of Yin ; and the cor- 
responding red one of ATau. 

1 The five gates of the royal palace, beginning with the outer- 
most, were the Kao (j|l), the Khu (J^Q, the JTih (££), 
the Ying (J(j§), and the Lu ({£§) ; the palaces of the princes 
wanted the Kao and Ying gates. The grand temples appear to 
have been constructed on a similar plan, to the east of the palace. 

1 And in the temple of Lu, also, it is implied. 



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BK. XII. MING THANG WEI. 35 

1 7. They had the white horses of the sovereign 
of Hsia, with their black manes ; the white horses 
of Yin, with their black heads ; and the bay horses 
of IC&u, with red manes. The sovereigns of Hsia 
preferred black victims ; those of Yin, white ; and 
those of Aau, victims which were red and strong. 

18. Of jugs for liquor, they had the earthenware 
jug of the lord of Yii ; the jug of Hsia, with clouds 
and hills figured on it ; the ko of Yin, with no base, 
which rested directly on the ground ; and the jugs 
of Ktw, with a victim-bull or an elephant on them. 

19. For bowls or cups they had the ian 1 of Hsii; 
the £ia of Yin 2 ; and the £io of Kku*. 

20. For libations they had the jug of Hsia, with 
a cock on it; the tab. of Yin; and that of Aau, with 
gilt eyes on it 

For ladles they had that of Hsia, with the handle 
ending in a dragon^s head ; that of Yin, slightly 
carved all over ; and that of Aau, with the handle 
like plaited rushes. 

21. They had the earthen drum, with clods for 
the drumstick and the reed pipe, — producing the 
music of \-khi*; the pillow-like bundles of chaff, 

1 Made of-jade, or adorned with it. 

' With plants of grain figured on it. 

* Also made of, or adorned with, jade. 

4 1-khi is said by -ffang to be ' the dynastic title of an ancient 
son of Heaven.' Many identify him with Shan Nang, who 
generally follows Fu-hst in the chronology, and who cannot be 
placed later than the thirty-first century b. c, if we can speak at all 
of so distant dates. Evidently the compiler is putting down the 
names of the most ancient instruments which he had heard of. 
There is in the A'Aien-lung edition of our collection, chapter 81, 
page 5, a representation of the drum and its handle; with a 
collection of the views about them, contradictory and fantastical, 

D 2 



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36 the hi xl. 



BE. XII. 



which were struck 1 ; the sounding stone of jade; the 
instruments rubbed or struck, (to regulate the com- 
mencement and close of the music) 2 ; the great lute 
and great cithern ; the medium lute and little cithern 3 : 
— the musical instruments of the four dynasties. 

22. The temple of the duke of Lu was main- 
tained from generation to generation like that of 
(king) Wan (in the capital of A'au), and the temple of 
duke Wu in the same way like that of (king) Wu *. 

23. They had the hsiang (school) of the lord of 
Yii, in connexion with which were kept the stores 
of (sacrificial) rice 5 ; the hsii school of the sovereign 
of Hsia ; the school of Yin, in which the blind were 

so that it is not worth while to reproduce them here. There is a 
figure also of the reed pipe, which can only have been something 
a little superior to the early ' oaten pipe ' of the west. 

1 This also is represented in the A'Aien-lung edition ; but how any- 
thing like music could be brought from the pillows I do not know. 
The two characters, supposed to give the name, are found, perhaps, 
in the Shu, II, iv, 9, used with verbal force of playing on the lute. 

1 The A"u and Yti; see vol. xxvii, pages 219 and 273. 

■ The invention of the lute and cithern is ascribed to Fu-hsi. 
They are represented thus — 




* The duke of Lu here is the first duke, Po-^Ain (b.c. 1115- 
1063). Duke Wu was the ninth duke (b.c. 826-817). 

• As a lesson, it is said, of filial duty. 



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Br. XII. MING THANG WEI. 37 

honoured 1 ; and the college of A'au, with its semi- 
circle of water. 

24. They had the tripods of KAung* and Kwan 2 ; 
the great jade hemisphere; and the tortoise-shell of 
Fang-fu s : — all articles (properly) belonging to the 
son of Heaven. They (also) had the lance of 
Ylieh 3 ; and the great bow, — military weapons of the 
son of Heaven. 

25. They had the drum' of Hsii supported on 
four legs ; that of Yin supported on a single pillar ; 
the drums of A'au, pendent from a stand; the 
peal of bells of Sui 4 ; the differently toned ^ing 
(sonorous stones) of Shu 5 ; and the organ of Nli- 
kwa 6 , with its tongues. 

26. They had the music-stand" of Hsia, with its 
face-board and posts, on which dragons were carved ; 
that of Yin, with the high-toothed face-board ; and 
that of A'au, with its round ornaments of jade, and 
feathers (hung from the corners). 



1 The father of Music, it is said, was here sacrificed to, or had 
offerings presented to him. All this is very uncertain. Blind men 
were used as musicians. 

1 These are names of states mentioned in the Shu, with which 
we find king Wan at war. 

9 Fang-fu must also be the name of an ancient 
state; but where it was I do not know. Ytteh 
was a great state, south of Wu, on the seaboard. 

* See the Shu, II, i, si, and note. 

* Shu was also called Wu-kau (fi£ -fcjj). 

* Ntl-kwa is placed between Fu-hsi and Shan 
Nang. Various fabulous marvels are related of 
him or her (for many hold the name to be that 
of a female) in the account of the five Tis, prefixed 
to Sze-ma Alien's histories. The organ is re- 
presented thus — 




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38 THE Lt Kt. BK. XII. 

27. They had the two tui of the lord of Yli (for 
holding the grain at sacrifices) ; the four lien of Hsia; 
the six hu of Yin ; and the eight kwei of A'au 1 . 

28. They had for stands (on which to set forth 
the flesh of the victims), the khwan of Shun ; the 
ilieh of Hsia; the k\x of Yin; and the room-like 
stand of A'au. For the tall supports of the dishes, 
they used those of Hsia of unadorned wood ; those 
of Yin, adorned with jade; and those of A'au, with 
feathers carved on them. 

29. They had the plain leather knee-covers of 
Shun; those of Hsia, with hills represented on them ; 
those of Yin, with flames ; and those of A'au, with 
dragons. 

30. They used for their sacrificial offerings (to the 
father of Cookery), like the lord of Yli, (portions of) 
the head ; like the sovereigns of Hsia, (portions of) 
the heart ; as they did under Yin, (portions of) the 
liver ; and as they did under A'au, (portions of) the 
lungs 2 . 

3 1 . They used the bright water preferred by Hsia ; 
the unfermented liquor preferred by Yin ; and the 
completed liquor preferred by A'au 3 . 

1 Figures of all these are given. The number of the vessels in 
the different dynasties is thought to have been regulated by the 
number of the kinds of grain ; but most of this is conjecture. 

* .fang Hstian, in explanation of these practices, has only three 
characters, which I confess I do not fully comprehend. Khung 
Ying-t^ says nothing about them, nor the K, Aien-lung editors. 
Fang -ftieh writes, on the relation between the five elements and 
the five colours, and the symbolical colours adopted by the different 
dynasties, and of the different members of the victims; very 
mystically and darkly, and failing to elucidate the passage. 

5 There have been various references to these points already, 
and there will be more hereafter. 



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bx. xn. MING THANG WEI. 39 

32. They used (the names) of the 50 officers of the 
lord of Yu ; of the 100 of the sovereigns of Hsia; 
of the 200 of Yin ; and of the 300 of ATau*. 

33. (At their funerals) they used the feathery 
ornaments of the lord of Yti ; the wrappings of white 
silk (about the flag-staffs) of the sovereigns of Hsia ; 
(the flags) with their toothed edges of Yin ; and the 
round pieces of jade and plumes of A'au 2 . 

34. Lu (thus) used the robes, vessels and officers 
of all the four dynasties, and so it observed the royal 
ceremonies. It long transmitted them everywhere. 
Its rulers and ministers never killed one another. 
Its rites, music, punishments, laws, governmental 
proceedings, manners and customs never changed. 
Throughout the kingdom it was considered the state 
which exhibited the right ways; and therefore 
dependence was placed on it in the matters of 
ceremonies and music*. 

1 Compare the Shu, V, xx, 3. Various attempts are made to 
reconcile the statements there and those of this paragraph ; ' all,' 
says .Oan HSo, ' mere conjectures.' 

* Compare paragraph 22, page 139, vol. xxvii. 

* Much of what is said here is glaringly false ; and justifies what 
is said of the Book in the introduction, page 29. 




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BOOK XIII. SANG FC HSlAO A1 

OR 

RECORD OF SMALLER MATTERS IN THE 
DRESS OF MOURNING 1 . 

Section I. 

i. When wearing the unhemmed sackcloth (for 
a father), (the son) tied up his hair with a hempen 
(band), and also when wearing it for a mother. 
When he exchanged this band for the cincture (in 
the case of mourning for his mother) 2 , this was 
made of linen cloth, 

(A wife) 8 , when wearing the (one year's mourn- 
ing) of sackcloth with the edges even, had the 
girdle (of the same), and the inferior hair-pin (of 
hazel-wood), and wore these to the end of the 
mourning. 

2. (Ordinarily) men wore the cap, and women 
the hair-pin ; (in mourning) men wore the cincture, 
and women the same after the female fashion. 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 30. 

1 This was done after the slighter dressing of the corpse. The 
cincture (wan, yfy is mentioned in the first paragraph of the 
Than Kung (vol. xxvii, page 120). The hempen band being re- 
moved, one of linen cloth, about the breadth of which there are 
different accounts, was put round the hair on the crown, taken 
forward to the forehead, there crossed, taken back again, and 
knotted at the back of the hair. 

* The text does not mention 'the wife* here; but a com- 
parison of different passages shows that this sentence is only 
applicable to her. 



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SECT. U SANG Ft HSlAo jrf. 4 1 

The idea was (simply) to maintain in this way a 
distinction between them *. 

3. The dark-coloured staff was of bamboo ; that 
pared and fashioned (at the end) was of eleococca 
wood*. 

4. When the grandfather was dead, and after- 
wards (the grandson) had to go. into mourning for 
his grandmother, he, being the representative of the 
family (through the death of his father), did so for 
three years. 

5. The eldest son, (at the mourning rites) for his 
father or mother, (before bowing to a visitor who 
had come to condole with him), first laid his fore- 
head to the ground (as an expression of his sorrow). 

When a Great officer came to condole (with an 
ordinary officer), though it might be (only) in a case 
of the three months' mourning, (the latter first) laid 
his forehead to the ground s . 

A wife, at the rites for her husband or eldest son, 
bowed her head to the ground before she saluted 

1 Anciently, it is said, there was no distinction between these 
two cinctures, but in the name. There probably came to be some 
difference between them ; but what it was I cannot discover. 

* This is found also in the 1 LI, XXXII, 5; but the inter- 
pretation there is as difficult as here. The translation of the first 
character ( J£, jhfl) by ' dark-coloured ' is from Khung Ying-tS. 
The paring away the end of the dryandria branch was to make 
it square. The round bamboo was carried in mourning for a 
father, and was supposed to symbolise heaven; the other was 
carried in mourning for a mother, and its square end symbolised 
earth. What heaven and earth were to nature that the father and 
mother were to a child. I can make nothing more or better of the 
passage. 

* We do not see how this instance coheres with the former one ; 
nor why- the two are brought together. 



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42 THE Li k\. -bk. XIII. 

a visitor ; but in mourning for others, she did not 
do so *. 

^ 6. The man employed to preside (at the mourn- 
ing rites) was required to be of the same surname 
(as the deceased parent) ; the wife so employed, of 
a different surname 2 . 

v 7. The son who was his fath ar '° succggao^ (as 
now head of the. family) did not wear mourning 
for his mother who had been divorced. 

8. In counting kindred (and the mourning to be 
worn of them), the three closest degrees become 
expanded into five, and those five again into nine. 
The mourning diminished as the degrees ascended 
or descended, and the collateral branches also were 
correspondingly less mourned for ; and the mourn- 
ing for kindred thus came to an end 8 . 

9. At the great royal sacrifice to all ancestors, 
the first place was given to him from whom the 
founder of the line sprang, and that founder had 
the place of assessor to him. There came thus 
to be established four ancestral shrines *. In the 

1 The ' others,' according to ^ang, must be understood of her 
own parents. She was now identified with a family of another sur- 
name ; and her husband's relatives were more to her than her own. 

9 The son and his wife who should have presided are supposed to 
be dead. The wife elected for the office would be the wife of some 
other member of the family, herself therefore of a different surname. 

* The three closest degrees are ' father, son, and son's son.' 
Add the grandfather and grandson (counting from the son), and 
we have five ; great-grandfather and great-grandson (here omitted), 
and we have seven. Then great-great-grandfather and great-great- 
grandson, make nine ; and the circle of kindred, for whom mourn- 
ing should be worn, is complete. See Appendix, Book II, vol. xxvii. 

* This statement about the four shrines has given occasion to 
much writing. 



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SECT. I. SANG Ft HSIAO kI 43 

case of a son by another than the queen coming to be 
king, the same course was observed. 

10. When a son other than (the eldest) became 
the ancestor (of a branch of the same line), his 
successor was its Honoured Head, and he who 
followed him (in the line) was its smaller Honoured 
Head. After five generations there was a change 
again of the Honoured Head; but all in continu- 
ation of the High Ancestor. 

ii. Hence the removal of the ancestor took 
place high up (in the line), and the change of the 
Honoured Head low down (in it). Because they 
honoured the ancestor, they reverenced the Hon- 
oured Head; their reverencing the Honoured Head 
was the way in which they expressed the honour 
which they paid to the ancestor and his immediate 
successor l . 

12. That any other son but the eldest did not 
sacrifice to his grandfather showed that (only he 
was in the direct line from) the Honoured Head 
(of their branch of the family). So, no son but he 
wore the (three years') unhemmed sackcloth for 
his eldest son, because the eldest son of no other 
continued (the direct line) of the grandfather and 
father *. 

13. None of the other sons sacrificed to a son 

1 The subject imperfectly described in these two paragraphs, — 
the manner in which a family, ever lengthening its line and 
multiplying its numbers, was divided into collateral branches, will 
come before the reader again in the next Book. 

1 It is difficult to catch exactly the thought in the writer of 
these, and several of the adjacent, sentences. Even the native 
critics, down to the £Aien-\\xag editors, seem to experience the 
difficulty. 



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44 THE Li Kt. bk. mil 

(of his own) who had died prematurely, or one who 
had left no posterity. (The tablet of) such an one 
was placed along with that of his grandfather, and 
shared in the offerings made to him. 

14. Nor could any of them sacrifice to their 
father ; showing that (the eldest son was the repre- 
sentative of) the Honoured Head. 

1-5. (In the distinctions of the mourning) for the 
kindred who are the nearest, the honoured ones to 
whom honour is paid, the elders who are venerated 
for their age, and as the different tributes to males 
and females ; there are seen the greatest manifest- 
ations of the course which is right for men. 

16. Where mourning would be worn from one's 
relation with another for parties simply on the 
ground of that affinity,, when that other was dead, 
the mourning ceased. Where it would have been 
worn for them on the ground of consanguinity, even 
though that other were dead, it was still worn '. , 

When a concubine had followed a ruler's wife to 
the harem, and the wife came to be divorced, the 
concubine, (following her out of the harem), did not 
wear mourning for her son 2 . 

1 7. According to the rules, no one but the king 
offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors 3 . 

1 Khung Ying-ta" specifies six cases coming under the former 
of these cases, and four under the second. It is not necessary 
to set them forth. The .Oien-lung editors say that the para- 
graph has reference only to the practice of the officer; for a 
Great officer did not wear mourning either for his wife or 
mother's kin. 

2 This concubine would be either of the near relatives of 
the wife, who had gone with her on her marriage. 

' This paragraph is out of place. It should have formed part, 
probably, of paragraph 9. 



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SECT. r. sang fO hsiAo kI. 45 

1 8. The heir-son (of the king or a feudal lord) 
did not diminish the mourning for the parents of 
his wife. For his wife he wore the mourning which 
the eldest and rightful son of a Great officer did 
for his 1 . 

19. When the father was an officer, and the son 
came to be king or a feudal prince, the father was 
sacrificed to with the rites of a king or a lord ; but 
the personator wore the dress of an officer. When 
the father had been the son of Heaven, or a feudal 
lord, and the son was (only) an officer, the father 
was sacrificed to with the rites of an officer, but his 
personator wore only the dress of an officer 2 . 

20. If a wife were divorced while wearing the 
mourning (for her father or mother-in-law), she put 
it off. If the thing took place while she was wear- 
ing the mourning for her own parents, and before 
she had completed the first year's mourning, she 
continued to wear it for the three years ; but if 
that term had been completed, she did not resume 
the mourning. 

If she were called back before the completion of 
the year, she wore it to the end of that term ; but 
if that term had been completed before she was 
called back, she went on wearing it to the regular 
term of mourning for parents. 

21. The mourning which lasted for two complete 
years was (held to be) for three years ; and that 



1 The sackcloth for one year, without carrying the staff. 

* Both the cases in this paragraph can hardly be taken as any- 
thing more than hypothetical. On the concluding statement, the 
iTAien-lung editors ask how the robes of a king could be exhibited 
in the ancestral temple of an officer. 



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46 THE Li Jti. BK. XIII. 

which lasted for one complete year for two years l . 
The mourning for nine months and that for seven 
months 2 was held to be for three seasons ; that for 
five months for two ; and that for three months for 
one. Hence the sacrifice at the end of the com- 
pleted year was according to the prescribed rule ; 
but the putting off the mourning (or a part of it) 
then was the course (prompted by natural feeling). 
The sacrifice was not on account of the putting off 
of the mourning 8 . 

22. When the interment (for some reason) did 
not take place till after the three years, it was the 
rule that the two sacrifices (proper at the end of 
the first and second years) should then be offered. 
Between them, but not all at the same time, the 
mourning was put off*. 

23. If a relative who had himself to wear only 
the nine months' mourning for the deceased took the 
direction of the mourning rites in the case of any 
who must continue their mourning for three years, 
it was the rule that he should offer for them the 
two annual terminal sacrifices. If one who was 
merely a friend took that direction, he only offered 

1 See the introduction on Book XXXV, vol. xxvii, page 49. 

* We have not met before with this mourning term of seven 
months. It occurs in the 1 Xt, Book XXIV, 6, as to be worn for 
those who had died in the second degree of prematurity between 
the age of twelve and fifteen inclusive. 

* ' This remark is made by the compiler,' say the iTAien-lung 
editors, ' to guard against the sudden abandonment of their grief 
by the mourners, as if they had done with the deceased when the 
mourning was concluded.' 

* After the first, it is said, men put off the mourning headband, 
and women that of the girdle. After the second they both put 
off their sackcloth. 



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sect. i. sang fO hsiAo rt. 47 

the sacrifice of Repose, and that at the placing of 
the tablet in the shrine *. 

24. When the concubine of an officer had a son, 
he wore the three months' mourning for her. If 
she had no son, he did not do so a . 

25. When one had been born (in another state), 
and had had no intercourse with his grand-uncles 
and aunts, uncles and cousins, and his father, on 
hearing of the death of any of them, proceeded to 
wear mourning, he did not do so. 

26. If one did not (through being abroad) hear 
of the death of his ruler's father or mother, wife or 
eldest son, till the ruler had put off his mourning, 
he did not proceed to wear any. 

27. If it were a case, however, where the mourning 
was reduced to that of three months, he wore it 8 . 

28. (Small) servants in attendance on the ruler, 
(who had followed him abroad), when he assumed 
mourning (on his return, for relatives who had died 
when he was away), also put it on. Other and 
(higher officers in his train) also did so ; but if the 
proper term for the mourning in the case were past, 
they did not do so. (Those who had remained at 
home), though the ruler could not know of their 
doing so, had worn the (regular) mourning. 

1 Because of the youth of the son, Or of some other reason 
existing in the case. The director would himself be a cousin. 

* But Great officers wore the three months' mourning for the 
relatives who had accompanied their wives to the harem, though 
they might have had no son. No such relatives accompanied the 
wife of an officer. 

* This, it is supposed, should follow paragraph 25. There are 
doubts as to the interpretation of it. 



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48 THE Li kL BK. XIII. 



Section II. 

i. (The presiding mourner), after the sacrifice of 
Repose, did not carry his staff in proceeding to his 
apartment; after the placing of the tablet of the 
deceased (in the shrine of the grandfather), he did 
not carry it in going up to the hall *. 

2. The (son of another lady of the harem), who 
had been adopted as the child of the (childless) wife 
of the ruler, when that wife died, did not go into 
mourning for her kindred 2 . 

3. The sash was shorter (than the headband), by 
one-fifth of the length (of the latter). The staff 
was of the same length as the sash s . 

4. For the ruler's eldest son a concubine wore 

1 See vol. xxvii, p. 170. I have met with ' the Pacifying sacrifice,' 
instead of ' the sacrifice of Repose,' which I prefer for IS in this 
application. The character is explained by j£r, the symbol of 
' being at rest.' The mourners had done all they could for the 
body of the deceased. It had been laid in the grave ; and this 
sacrifice of Repose was equivalent to our wish for a departed friend, 
'Requiescat in pace.' It was offered in the principal apart- 
ment of the house. It remained only to place with an appropriate 
service the tablet of the deceased in its proper shrine in the an- 
cestral temple next day. The staff was discarded by the mourner, 
it is said, to show that his grief was beginning to be assuaged. 
He and the others would pass from the principal apartment to 
others more private; and on leaving the temple, would have to 
mount the steps to the hall. 

* The A^ien-lung editors argue, and, I think, correctly, that this 
paragraph should say the opposite of what it does. They think it 
has been mutilated. 

* The purely native staff in China is very long. At temples in 
the interior of the country I have often been asked to buy choice 
specimens as long as a shepherd's crook, or an alpenstock. 



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SECT. II. sang fO hsiAo kI. 49 

mourning for the same time as his wife, (the son's 
mother). 

5. In putting off the mourning attire, they com- 
menced with what was considered most important. 
In changing it, they commenced with what was 
considered least important. 

6. When there was not the (regular) occasion for 
it, they did not open the door of the temple 1 . All 
wailed in the (mourning) shed (at other times). 

7. In calling the dead back, and writing the in- 
scription (to be exhibited over the coffin), the 
language was the same for all, from the son of 
Heaven to the ordinary officer. A man was called 
by his name. For a wife they wrote her surname, 
and her place among her sisters. If they did not 
know her surname, they wrote the branch-name of 
her family. 

8. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed with the 
unhemmed sackcloth (at the end of the wailing), 
and the hempen girdle worn when one (first) put 
on the hemmed sackcloth (of one year's mourning), 
were of the same size. The girdle of dolychos 
cloth assumed (as a change) in the hemmed sack- 
cloth mourning, and that of hempen cloth at the 
(beginning of the) nine months' mourning, were of 
the same size. When the occasion for assuming 
the girdle of the lighter mourning occurred, a man 
wore both it and the other together 2 . 



1 This is not the ancestral temple ; but the apartment where the 
body was kept in the coffin, entered regularly for wailing in the 
morning and evening. 

* So far as I can understand this paragraph, it describes the 
practice of a man (not of a woman), when, while he was wearing 
[28] E 



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50 the l! jrt. 



BK. XIII. 



9. An early interment was followed by an early 
sacrifice of repose. But they did not end their 
wailing till the three months were completed. 

10. When the mourning rites for both parents 
occurred at the same time, the sacrifices of repose 
and of the enshrining of the tablet, for the (mother) 
who was buried first, did not take place till after the 
burial of the father. The sackcloth worn at her 
interment was the unhemmed and jagged *. 

11. A Great officer reduced the (period of) 
mourning for a son by a concubine * ; but his grand- 
son, (the son of that son), did not reduce his 
mourning for his father. 

12. A Great officer did not preside at the mourn- 
ing rites for an (ordinary) officer. 

1 3. For the parents of his nurse 3 a man did not 
wear mourning. 

14. When the husband had become the successor 
and representative of some other man (than his 
own father), his wife wore the nine months' mourn- 
ing for his parents-in-law *. 

15. When the tablet of an (ordinary) officer was 
placed in the shrine of (his grandfather who had 
been) a Great officer, the victim due to him (as an 
officer) was changed (for that due to a Great officer). 

16. A son who had not lived with his step-father 
(did not wear mourning for him). (They) must 

deep mourning, a fresh death in his circle required him to add 
to it something of a lighter mourning. 

1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 315, paragraph 6. 

* To nine months. 

* A concubine of his father's. 

4 Her husband's own parents. But the paragraph is a difficult 
one ; nor have the commentators elucidated it clearly. 



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SECT. II. SANG Fti HSIAO zt. 5 I 

have lived together and both be without sons to 
preside at their mourning rites; and (the step- 
father moreover) must have shared his resources 
with the son, and enabled him to sacrifice to his 
grandfather and father, (in order to his wearing 
mourning for him) ; — under these conditions they 
were said to live together. If they had sons to 
preside at the mourning rites for them, they lived 
apart. 

1 7. When people wailed for a friend, they did so 
outside the door (of the principal apartment), on 
the left of it, with their faces towards the south '. 

18. When one was buried in a grave already 
occupied, there was no divination about the site (in 
the second case). 

19. The tablet of an (ordinary) officer or of a 
Great officer could not be placed in the shrine of 
a grandfather who had been the lord of a state ; 
it was placed in that of a brother of the grandfather 
who had been an (ordinary) officer or a Great 
officer. The tablet of his wife was placed by the 
tablet of that brother's wife, and that of his concu- 
bine by the tablet of that brother's concubine. 

If there had been no such concubine, it was 
placed by the tablet of that brother's grandfather ; 
for in all such places respect was had to the rules 
concerning the relative positions assigned to the 
tablets of father and son 2 . The tablet of a feudal 
lord could not be placed in the shrine of the son of 
Heaven (from whom he was born or descended) ; 
but that of the son of Heaven, of a feudal lord, or 

1 See vol. xxvii, page 134, paragraph 10. 
* See vol. xxvii, page 223, paragraph 4, and note. 
E 2 



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52 the lI jei. 



BK. XIII. 



of a Great officer, could be placed in the shrine of 
an (ordinary) officer (from whom he was descended) \ 

20. For his mother's mother, who had been the 
wife proper of her father, if his mother were dead, 
a son did not wear mourning 2 . 

21. The son who was the lineal Head of his new 
branch of the surname, even though his mother 
were alive, (his father being dead), completed the 
full period of mourning for his wife 8 . 

22. A concubine's son who had been reared by 
another, might act as son to that other ; and she 
might be any concubine of his father or of his 
grandfather *. 

23. The mourning went on to the than ceremony 
for a parent, a wife, and the eldest son 6 . 

24. To a nursing mother, or any concubine who 
was a mother, sacrifice was not maintained for a 
second generation. 

25. When a grown-up youth had been capped, 
(and died), though his death could not be considered 
premature; and a (young) wife, after having worn 

1 A descendant in a low position could not presume on the 
dignity of his ancestors ; but those who had become distinguished 
glorified their meaner ancestors. 

' It is difficult to say exactly what is the significance of the 
jS: -^r in the text here. 

3 Meaning, say some, performed the than sacrifice at the 
end of twenty-seven months for her. I cannot think this is the 
meaning. Even for such a wife there could not be the 'three 
years' mourning.' According to Wang Yuan (£g ]gft), the 
mourning for one year terminated with a than sacrifice in the 
fifteenth month. This must be what is here intended. 

* This is the best I can do for this paragraph, over which there 
is much conflict of opinion. 

* Here is the same difficulty as in paragraph 21. 



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SECT. II. sang fO hsiAo jrf. 53 

the hair-pin, (died), though neither could her death 
be said to be premature ; yet, (if they died child- 
less), those who would have presided at their rites, 
if they had died prematurely, wore the mourning for 
them which they would then have done 1 . 

26. If an interment were delayed (by circum- 
stances) for a long time, he who was presiding over 
the mourning rites was the only one who did not 
put off his mourning. The others having worn the 
hempen (band) for the number of months (proper in 
their relation to the deceased), put off their mourn- 
ing, and made an end of it 2 . 

27. The hair-pin of the arrow-bamboo was worn 
by (an unmarried daughter for her father) to the 
end of the three years' mourning s . 

28. That in which those who wore the sackcloth 
with even edges for three months, and those who 
wore (it) for all the nine months' mourning agreed, 
was the shoes made of strings (of hemp). 

29. When the time was come for the sacrifice at 
the end of the first year's mourning, they consulted 
the divining stalks about the day for it, and the 
individual who was to act as personator of the 
deceased. They looked that everything was clean, 
and that all wore the proper girdle, carried their 
staffs, and had on the shoes of hempen-string. 
When the officers charged with this announced that 
all was ready, (the son) laid aside his staff, and 
assisted at the divinations for the day and for the 

1 Another difficult paragraph, about the interpretation of which 
there seem to be as many minds as there are commentators. 

* Yet they would keep it by them till the interment took place, 
and then put it on again for the occasion. 

* Should form part of the first paragraph of Section i. 



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54 the lJ jel bk. xm. 

personator. The officers having announced that 
these were over, he resumed his staff, bowed to the 
guests (who had arrived in the meantime), and 
escorted them away. At the sacrifice for the end 
of the second year, (the son) wore his auspicious 
(court) robes, and divined about the personator. 

30. The son of a concubine, living in the same 
house with his father, did not observe the sacrifice 
at the end of the mourning for his mother. 

Nor did such a son carry his staff in proceeding 
to his place for wailing. 

As the father did not preside at the mourning 
rites for the son of a concubine, that son's son 
might carry his staff in going to his place for wail- 
ing. Even while the father was present, the son of 
a concubine, in mourning for his wife, might carry 
his staff in going to that place. 

31. When a feudal prince went to condole on the 
death of a minister of another state l , (being himself 
there on a visit), the ruler of that state received him 
and acted as the presiding mourner. The rule was 
that he should wear the skin cap and the starched 
sackcloth. Though the deceased on account of 
whom he paid his condolences had been interred, the 
presiding mourner wore the mourning cincture. If 
he had not yet assumed the full mourning dress, the 
visitor also did not wear that starched sackcloth. 

32. One who was ministering to another who was 
ill did not do so in the mourning clothes (which he 
might be wearing) ; and (if the patient died), he 
might go on to preside at the mourning rites for 
him. But if another relative, who had not ministered 

1 That is, if the visit were made before the removal of the coffin. 

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SECT. II. SANG Ft) HSIAO xt. 55 

to the deceased in his illness, came in to preside at 
the rites for him, he did not change the mourning 
which he might be wearing. In ministering to one 
more honourable than himself, the rule required a 
person to change the mourning he might be wear- 
ing, but not if the other were of lower position *. 

33. If there had been no concubine of her hus- 
band's grandmother by whose tablet that of a 
deceased concubine might be placed, it might be 
placed by that, of the grandmother, the victim 
offered on the occasion being changed. 

34. In the mourning rites for a wife, at the 
sacrifices of repose and on the ending of the wailing, 
her husband or son presided ; when her tablet was 
put in its place, her father-in-law presided. 

35. An (ordinary) officer did not take the place 
of presiding (at the mourning rites) for a Great 
officer. It was only when he was the direct de- 
scendant of the Honoured Head of their branch of 
the surname that he could do so. 

36. If a cousin arrived from another state (to 
take part in the rites), before the presiding mourner 
had put off his mourning, the latter received him in 
the part of host, but without the mourning cincture 2 . 

37. The course pursued in displaying the articles, 
(vessels to the eye of fancy, to be put into the 
grave) 3 , was this : — If they were (too) many as dis- 

1 If the other, it is said, in the former case were elder, an uncle 
or elder cousin ; in the latter, a younger cousin. 

2 If the ruler came to condole after the interment, the presiding 
mourner would resume his cincture to receive him, out of respect 
to his rank; but this was not required on the late arrival of a 
relative. 

* These articles were the contributions of friends and those 



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56 the l! kI. 



bk. xttr. 



played, a portion of them might be put into the 
grave ; if they were comparatively few as displayed, 
they might all be put into it. 

38. Parties hurrying to the mourning rites for a 
brother or cousin (whose burial had taken place) 
first went to the grave and afterwards to the house, 
selecting places at which to perform their wailing. 
If the deceased had (only) been an acquaintance, they 
(first) wailed in the apartment (where the coffin had 
been), and afterwards went to the grave. 

39. A father (at the mourning rites) for any of 
his other sons did not pass the night in the shed 
outside (the middle door, as for his eldest son by 
his wife). 

40. The brothers and cousins of a feudal prince 
wore the unhemmed sackcloth (in mourning for him) \ 

41. In the five months' mourning for one who had 
died in the lowest stage of immaturity, the sash was 
of bleached hemp from which the roots were not cut 
away. These were turned back and tucked in. 

42. When the tablet of a wife was to be placed 
by that of her husband's grandmother, if there were 
three (who could be so denominated), it was placed 
by that of her who was the mother of her husband's 
father 2 . 

43. In the case of a wife dying while her husband 

prepared by the family. They were displayed inside the gate of 
the temple on the east of it when the body was being moved, and 
in front of the grave, on the east of the path leading to it. 

1 Even though they might not be in the same state with him. 

* We must suppose that the grandfather had had three wives ; 
not at the same time, but married one after another's death. 
Some suppose the three to be a mistake for two. ' The mother of 
her husband's father ' is simply ' the nearest ' in the text 



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sect. ii. sang fC hsiAo kI. 57 

was a Great officer, and his ceasing, after her death, 
to be of that rank ; if his tablet were placed (on his 
death) by that of his wife, the victim on the occasion 
was not changed (from that due to an ordinary 
officer). But if her husband (who had been an 
officer) became a Great officer after her death, then 
the victim at the placing of his tablet by hers was 
that due to a Great officer \ 

44. A son who was or would be his father's suc- 
cessor did not wear mourning for his divorced mother. 
He did not wear such mourning, because one engaged 
in mourning rites could not offer sacrifice 2 . 

45. When a wife did not preside at the mourning 
rites and yet carried the staff, it was when her 
mother-in-law was alive, and she did so for her hus- 
band. A mother carried the eleococca staff with 
its end cut square for the oldest son. A daughter, 
who was still in her apartment unmarried, carried a 
staff for her father or mother. If the relative super- 
intending the rites did not carry the staff, then this 
one child did so 3 . 

1 We must suppose that the appointment of the husband, 
whether as officer or Great officer, had been so recent that there 
had been no time for any tablets of an elder generation to get into 
his ancestral temple. His wife's had been the first to be placed 
in it. 

* That is, he might have to preside at the sacrifices in the ancestral 
temple of his own family, and would be incapacitated for doing 
so, if he were mourning for her. The reader should bear in mind 
that there were seven justifiable causes for the divorce of a wife, 
without her being guilty of infidelity, or any criminal act. 

* It is supposed there was no brother in the family to preside at 
the rites, and a relative of the same surname was called in to do 
so. But it was not in rule for him to carry the staff, and this 
daughter therefore did so, as if she had been a son. 



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58 THE Lt Xt. 



BK. XIII. 



46. In the mourning for three months and five 
months, at the sacrifice of repose and the ending of 
the wailing, they wore the mourning cincture. 

After the interment, if. they did not immediately 
go to perform the sacrifice of repose, they all, even 
the presiding mourner, wore their caps ; but when 
they came to the sacrifice of repose, they all assumed 
the cincture. 

When they had put off the mourning for a relative, 
on the arrival of his interment, they resumed it ; and 
when they came to the sacrifice of repose and the 
ending of the wailing, they put on the cincture. If 
they did not immediately perform the sacrifice, they 
put it off. 

When they had been burying at a distance, and 
were returning to wail, they put on their caps. On 
arriving at the suburbs, they put on the cincture, 
and came back to wail. 

47. If the ruler came to condole with mourners, 
though it might not be the time for wearing the 
cincture, even the president of the rites assumed it, 
and did not allow the ends of his hempen girdle to 
hang loose. Even in the case of a visit from the 
ruler of another state, they assumed the cincture. 
The relatives all did so. 

48. When they put off the mourning for one who 
had died prematurely, the rule was that at the 
(accompanying) sacrifice, the dress should be dark- 
coloured. When they put off the mourning for one 
fully grown, they wore their court robes, with the 
cap of white, plain, silk. 

49. A son, who had hurried to the mourning 
rites of his father (from a distance), bound up his 
hair in the raised hall, bared his chest, descended to 



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SECT. II. sang rti hsiAo kI 59 

the court, and there performed his leaping. (The 
leaping over, he reascended), covered his chest, and 
put on his sash in an apartment on the east. 

If the rites were for his mother, he did not bind 
up his hair. He bared his chest, however, in the 
hall, descended to the court, and went through his 
leaping. (Reascending then), he covered his chest, 
and put on the cincture in the apartment on the east. 

In the girdle (or the cincture), he proceeded to the 
appointed place, and completed the leaping. He 
then went out from the door (of the coffin-room), 
and went to (the mourning shed). The wailing com- 
mencing at death had by this time ceased. In three 
days he wailed five times, and thrice bared his chest 
for the leaping. 

50. When an eldest son and his wife could not 
take the place hereafter of his parents, then, (in the 
event of her death), her mother-in-law wore for her 
(only) the five months' mourning 1 . 

1 The scope of this paragraph is plain enough ; but the con- 
struing of it is difficult. I have translated after Kh&n Hao's text, 
which contains a character more than that of the A^ien-lung 
edition. The son and his wife could not become the repre- 
sentatives of the family. Various reasons are suggested by the 
commentators for the fact. The text supposes the death of the 
wife to take place before that of her mother-in-law. 



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BOOK XIV. TA A'WAN 

OR 

THE GREAT TREATISE 1 . 

i . According to the rules, only the king offered 
the united sacrifice to all ancestors. The chief place 
was then given to him from whom the founder of 
the line sprang, and that founder had the place of 
assessor to him 2 . 

The sacrifices of the princes of states reached to 
their highest ancestor. Great officers and other 
officers, who had performed great services, when 
these were examined (and approved) by the ruler, 
were able to carry their sacrifices up to their high 
ancestor. 

2. The field of Mu-yeh was the great achieve- 
ment of king Wu. When he withdrew after the 
victory, he reared a burning pile to God ; prayed at 
the altar of the earth ; and set forth his offerings in 
the house of Mu 3 . He then led all the princes of the 
kingdom, bearing his offerings in their various stands, 
and hurrying about, and carried the title of king back 
to Thai who was Than-fu, A"l-li, and king Wan who 
was A^ang ; — he would not approach his honourable 
ancestors with their former humbler titles. 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 30, 31. 

2 See the last Book, I, paragraphs 9, 17, et al. 

* I suppose that all which is, here described was done by king 
Wu after his victory at Mu, under the advice of his brother, known 
to us as the duke of A'iu ; see the Aung Yung, paragraphs 54, 55. 
' The house of Mu' would be a building converted for the occasion 
into a temple. 



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BK. XIV. 



tA *wan. 6 i 



3. Thus he regulated the services to be rendered 
to his father and grandfather before him ; — giving 
honour to the most honourable. He regulated the 
places to be given to his sons and grandsons below 
him ; — showing his affection to his kindred. He 
regulated (also) the observances for the collateral 
branches of his cousins ; — associating all their mem- 
bers in the feasting. He defined their places 
according to their order of descent ; and his every 
distinction was in harmony with what was proper 
and right. In this way the procedure of human 
duty was made complete. 

4. When a sage sovereign stood with his face to 
the south, and all the affairs of the kingdom came 
before him, there were five things which for the time 
claimed his first care, and the people were not 
reckoned among them. The first was the regulating 
what was due to his kindred (as above) ; the second, 
the reward of merit; the third, the promotion of 
worth ; the fourth, the employment of ability ; and 
the fifth, the maintenance of a loving vigilance. 
When these five things were all fully realised, the 
people had all their necessities satisfied, all that they 
wanted supplied. If one of them were defective, the 
people could not complete their lives in comfort. 

It was necessary for a sage on the throne of 
government to begin with the (above) procedure 
of human duty. 

5. The appointment of the measures of weight, 
length, and capacity; the fixing the elegancies (of 
ceremony) ; the changing the commencement of the 
year and month ; alterations in the colour of dress ; 
differences of flags and their blazonry; changes in 
vessels and weapons, and distinctions in dress : — l 



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62 THE lA St. 



BK. XIV. 



these were things, changes in which could be en- 
joined on the people. But no changes could be 
enjoined upon them in what concerned affection for 
kin, the honour paid to the honourable, the respect 
due to the aged, and the different positions and 
functions of male and female. 

6. Members of the same surname were united to- 
gether in the various ramifications of their kinship, 
under the Heads of their different branches l . Those 
of a different surname 2 had their mutual relations 
regulated principally by the names assigned to 
them. Those names being clearly set forth, the 
different positions of males and females were de- 
termined. 

When the husband belonged to the class of 
fathers [or uncles] 3 , the wife was placed in that of 
mothers [or aunts]; when he belonged to the class 
of sons [or cousins], the wife was placed in that of 
(junior) wives 4 . Since the wife of a younger brother 
was (thus) styled (junior) wife, could the wife of his 
elder brother be at the same time styled mother [or 
aunt] ? The name or appellation is of the greatest 

1 That is, the males all called by the surname of the family. 

1 That is, the females, married into the family from other families 
of different surnames, and receiving different names or appellations 
from the places of their husbands in the family roll. 

* 'Fathers' and 'mothers' here are really uncles and aunts, 
the ^ for the former being equivalent to ffi ^ ^; and 
the -^r for the latter to f£j ^ -^r. The uncles were of the 
same category as the father in respect to age, and the aunts in the 
same category as the mother. 

4 Fu, the character here for wife, does not in itself contain the 
idea of this inferiority in point of age. That idea was in the mind 
of the writer, arising from the subject of which he was treating. 



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V 



BK. XIV. TA *WAN. 63 

importance in the regulation of the family; — was 
not anxious care required in the declaration of it ? 

7. For parties four generations removed (from the 
same common ancestor) the mourning was reduced 
to that worn for three months, and this was the limit 
of wearing the hempen cloth. If the generations 
were five, the shoulders were bared and the cincture 
assumed ; and in this way the mourning within the 
circle of the same was gradually reduced. After the 
sixth generation the bond of kinship was held to be 
at an end. 

8. As the branch-surnames which arose separated /^ 
the members of them from their relatives of a former 
time, and the kinship disappeared as time went on, 
(so far as wearing mourning was concerned), could 
marr iage be contracted between parties (so wide 
apart) ' ? But there was that original surname tying 
all the members together without distinction, and the 
maintenance of the connexion by means of the com- 
mon feast 8 ; — while there were these conditions, there 
could be no intermarriage, even after a hundred 
generations. Such was the rule of A'au 8 . 

9. The considerations which regulated the mourn- 
ing worn were six: — first, the nearness of the kinship 4 ; 

1 Khin Hao says that under the Yin dynasty intermarriages 
were allowed after the fifth generation in a family of the same 
surname. The same statement is referred to by Khung Ying-tS, 
from whom K/iia, probably, took it ; but the .Oien-lung editors 
discard it, as being ' without proof.' 

* ' The feast ' given to all the kindred after the seasonal sacrifices 
in the ancestral temple. 

* Kh&a Hao refers to this prohibition of intermarriages by A'au 
as the grand distinction of the dynasty, marking clearly ' for the first 
time the distinction between man and beast.' 

* As between parents and children. 



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64 THE Li Jft. BK. XIV. 

second, the honour due to the honourable 1 ; third, 
the names (as expressing the position in the relative 
circle) 2 ; fourth, the cases of women still unmarried 
in the paternal home, and of those who had married 
and left it 8 ; fifth, age * ; and sixth, affinity, and ex- 
ternal relationship 8 . 

io. Of the considerations of affinity and external 
relationship there were six cases ?— those arising 
from inter-relationship 6 ; those in which there was 
no inter-relationship 7 ; those where mourning should 
be worn, and yet was not ; those where it should not 
be worn, and yet was ; those where it should be 
deep, and yet was light ; and those where it should 
be light, and yet was deep. 

11. Where the starting-point was affection, it 
began from the father. Going up from him by 
degrees it reached to the (high) ancestor, and was 
said to diminish. Where the starting-point was 
the consideration of what is right, it began with the 
ancestor. Coming down by natural degrees from 
him, it reached to the father, and was said to 
increase. In the diminution and the increase, the 
considerations of affection and right acted thus. 

12. It was the way for the ruler to assemble and 
feast all the members of .his kindred. None of 

1 As to the ruler, Great officers, and ministers. 

* See paragraph 6. 

* Spinsters and married aunts, cousins, sisters, &c. 
4 Relatives dying as minors, and after maturity. 

8 See next paragraph. 

' Mother's kin ; husband's tin ; wife's kin. 

7 As when a minister wore mourning for his ruler's kindred j a 
concubine for the kindred of the wife, &c. The reader must task 
himself to imagine cases in which the other four conditions would 
apply. 



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bk. xiv. tA rwAN. 65 

them could, because of their mutual kinship, claim a 
nearer kinship with him than what was expressed 
by the places (assigned to them). 

13. Any son but the eldest, (though all sons of the 
wife proper), did not sacrifice to his grandfather, — 
to show there was the Honoured Head (who 
should do so). Nor could he wear mourning for 
his eldest son for three years, because he was not 
the continuator of his grandfather x . 

14. When any other son but the eldest became 
an ancestor of a line, he who succeeded him became 
the Honoured Head (of the branch) ; and his suc- 
cessor again became the smaller Head l . 

15. There was the (great) Honoured Head whose v' 
tablet was not removed for a hundred generations. 
There were the (smaller) Honoured Heads whose 
tablets were removed after five generations. He 
whose tablet was not removed for a hundred gener- 
ations was the successor and representative of the 
other than the eldest son (who became an ancestor 
of a line) ; and he was so honoured (by the members 
of his line) because he continued the (High) ancestor 
from whom (both) he and they sprang; this was 
why his tablet was not removed for a hundred 
generations. He who honoured the continuator 
of the High ancestor was he whose tablet was re- 
moved after five generations. They honoured the 
Ancestor, and therefore they reverenced the Head. 
The reverence showed the significance of that 
honour. 

1 6. There might be cases in which there was a 
smaller Honoured Head, and no Greater Head (of 



1 See the last Book, I, paragraphs 10-12. 
08] F 



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66 the lA ri. bk. xit. 

a branch family) ; cases in which there was a 
Greater Honoured Head, and no smaller Head ; 
and cases in which there was an Honoured Head, 
with none to honour him. All these might exist 
in the instance of the son of the ruler of a state \ 

The course to be adopted for the headship of 
such a son was this; that the ruler, himself the 
proper representative of former rulers, should for 
all his half-brothers who were officers and Great 
officers appoint a full brother, also an officer or a 
Great officer, to be the Honoured Head. Such was 
the regular course. 

17. When the kinship was no longer counted, 
there was no further wearing of mourning. The 
kinship was the bond of connexion (expressed in 
the degree of mourning). 

18. Where the starting-point was fn affection, it 
began with the father, and ascended by steps to the 
ancestor. Where it was in a consideration of what 
was right, it began with the ancestor, and descended 
in natural order to the deceased father. Thus the 
course of humanity (in this matter of mourning) was 
all comprehended in the love for kindred. 

19. From the affection for parents came the 
onouring of ancestors ; from the honouring of the 

* , 

Suppose a ruler had no brother by his father's wife, and 
appointed one of his brothers by another lady of the harem, to 
take the headship of all the others, this would represent the first 
case. If he appointed a full brother to the position, but could not 
appoint a half-brother to the inferior position, this would represent 
the second; and if the younger brothers of the ruling house were 
reduced to one man, he would represent the third case, having 
merely the name and nothing more. Such is the explanation of 
the text, so far as I can apprehend it. 



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bk. xiv. tA jcwAn. 67 

ancestor came the respect and attention shown to 
the Heads (of the family branches). By that respect 
and attention to those Heads all the members of 
the kindred were kept together. Through their 
being kept together came the dignity of the an- 
cestral temple. From that dignity arose the im- 
portance attached to the altars of the land and 
grain. From that importance there, ensued the 
love of all the (people with their) hundred surnames. 
From that love came the right administration of 
punishments and penalties. Through that adminis- 
tration the people had the feeling of repose. Through 
that restfulness all resources for expenditure became 
sufficient. Through the sufficiency of these, what 
all desired was realised. The realisation led to all 
courteous usages and good customs ; and from these, 
in fine, came all happiness and enjoyment : — afford- 
ing an illustration of what is said in the ode : — 
' Glory and honour follow Win's great name, 
And ne'er will men be weary of his fame V 

1 See vol. iii, page 314, the last two lines of ode 1 ; Metrical 
Version, page 351. 




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BOOK XV. SHAO t 

OR 

SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR 1 . 

i. I have heard (the following things): — 
When one wished to see for the first time another 
of character and position, his language was, ' I, so 
and so, earnestly wish my name to be reported to 
the officer of communication 2 .' He could not go up 
the steps directly to the host. If the visitor were 
of equal rank with the host, he said, 'I, so and so, 
earnestly wish to see him.' If he were an infrequent 
visitor, he asked his name to be reported. If he 
were a frequent visitor, he added, 'this morning or 
evening.' If he were blind 8 , he asked his name to 
be reported. 

2. If it were on an occasion of mourning, the 
visitor said he had come as a servant and helper ; if 
he were a youth, that he had come to perform what- 
ever might be required of him. If the visit were at 
the mourning rites for a ruler or high minister, the 
language was, 'I am come to be employed by the 
chief minister of the household*.' 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 31, 32. 

1 The visitor did not dare to send even a message directly to the 
master of the establishment where he was calling. 

* That is, an officer of music, high or low. 

4 The name of the minister here is generally translated by 
' Minister of Instruction.' But that can hardly be its meaning 
here ; and there were officers so called also in the establishments 
of Great officers; see vol. xxvii, page 154, paragraph 20. 



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BK. XV. SHAO f. 69 

3. When a ruler was about to go out of his own 
state 1 , if a minister were presenting to him money 
or pieces of jade, or any other article, the language 
was, ' I present this to the officer for the expenses 
of his horses.' To an equal in a similar case it was 
said, 'This is presented for the use of your followers.' 

4. When a minister contributed a shroud to his 
ruler, he said, ' I send this laid-aside garment to 
the valuers 2 .' An equal, sending such a gift to 
another equal, simply said, 'a shroud.' Relatives, 
such as brothers, did not go in with the shrouds 
which they presented. 

5. When a minister was contributing articles or 
their value to his ruler who had mourning rites on 
hand for the previous ruler, he said, 'I present 
these products of my fields to the officers 3 .' 

6. A carriage and horses presented for a funeral, 
entered the gate of the ancestral temple. Contri- 
butions of money and horses with the accompanying 
presents of silk, the white flag (of a mourning 
carriage) and war chariots, did not enter the gate of 
the temple 4 . 

7. When the bearer of the contribution had 

1 About to proceed to the royal court. 

1 In the E&u Li, Book I, 35, we find that among the function- 
aries attached to the * Treasury of Jade,' there were eight men 
thus denominated 'valuers.' There were officers, probably, per- 
forming a similar duty in the department to which the charge of 
the offering in this paragraph would be consigned. 

3 The things presented here are called 'articles (coarse), shells' 
( jj J|), the meaning being, I think, what I have given. The 
things were not the produce of the donor's land; but that land 
being held by him from the ruler, he so expressed himself. 

* It is difficult for us to appreciate the reasons given for the 
distinction made between these contributions. 



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70 THE ii jrf. BK. xv. 

delivered his message, he knelt down and left the 
things on the ground. The officer of communication 
took them up. The presiding mourner did not him- 
self receive them. 

8. When the receiver stood, the giver stood; 
neither knelt Parties of a straightforward charac- 
ter might, perhaps, do so. 

9. When (the guest was) first entering, and it was 
proper to give the precedence to him, the officer of 
communication said (to the host), 'Give precedence.' 
When they proceeded to their mats, he said to them, 
'Yes; be seated.' 

When the leaves of the door were opened, only 
one man could take off his shoes inside the door. 
If there were already an honourable and elderly 
visitor, parties coming later could not do so. 

10. When asking about the various dishes (of a 
feast), they said, ' Have you enjoyed such and such 
a dish?' 

When asking one another about their (various) 
courses 1 and accomplishments 2 , they said, 'Have you 
practised such and such a course ? Are you skilful 
at such and such an accomplishment ?' 

1 1. (A man sought to) give no occasion for doubt 
about himself, nor to pass his judgment on the 
articles of others. He did not desire the (posses- 
sions of) great families, nor speak injuriously of the 
things which they valued. 

12. Sweeping in general was called sao. Sweep- 



1 There was the threefold coarse of aim, diligence, and filial 
duty, in filialness, friendship, and obedience. 

' The accomplishments were six : — ceremonies, music, archery, 
charioteering, writing, mathematics. 



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BX. XT. SHAO !. 71 

ing up in front of a mat was called phan. In 
sweeping a mat they did not use a common 
broom 1 . The sweeper held the dust-pan with its 
tongue towards himself. 

1 3. There was no divining (twice about the same 
thing) with a double mind. In asking about what 
had been referred to the tortoise-shell or the stalks, 
two things were to be considered, whether the thing 
asked about were right, and what was the diviner's 
own mind. On the matter of right he might be 
questioned, but not on what was in his own mind 

14. When others more honourable and older than 
one's self took precedence of him, he did not pre- 
sume to ask their age. When they came to feast 
with him, he did not send to them any (formal) 
message. When he met them on the road, if they 
saw him, he went up to them, but did. not ask to 
know where they were going. At funeral rites for 
them, he waited to observe the movements (of the 
presiding mourner), and did not offer his special con- 
dolences. When seated by them, he did not, unless 
ordered to do so, produce his lutes. He did not 
draw lines on the ground ; that would have been an 
improper use of his hand. He did not use a fan. 
If they were asleep, and he had any message to 
communicate to them, he knelt in doing so. 

15. At the game of archery, the inferior carried 
his four arrows in his hand. At that of throwing 
darts, he carried the four together in his breast If 
he conquered, he washed the cup and gave it to the 
other, asking him to drink. If he were defeated, the 
elder went through the same process with him. They 

* It might be dirty, having been used to sweep the ground. 

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72 THE Li Jfh BX. XV. 

did not use the (large) horn; they did not remove 
the (figure of a) horse (for marking the numbers) 1 . 

1 6. When holding the reins of the ruler's horses, 
the driver knelt. He wore his sword on his right 
side with his back to the best strap (for the ruler). 
When handing this to him, he faced him and then 
drew the strap towards the cross-bar. He used 
the second or inferior strap to help himself in 
mounting. He then took the reins in hand, and 
began to move on. 

1 7. One asked permission to appear at court, but 
not to withdraw. 

One was said to withdraw from court ; to return 
home from a feast or a ramble ; to close the toils of 
a campaign. 

18. When sitting by a person of rank, if he began 
to yawn and stretch himself, to turn round his 
tablet, to play with the head of his sword, to move 
his shoes about, or to ask about the time of day, 
one might ask leave to retire. 

19. For one who (wished to) serve his ruler, (the 
rule was) first to measure (his abilities and duties), 
and then enter (on the responsibilities) ; he did not 
enter on these, and then measure those. There 
was the same rule for all who begged or borrowed 
from others, or sought to engage in their service. 
In this way superiors had no ground for offence, 
and inferiors avoided all risk of guilt. 

20. They did not spy into privacies nor form inti- 
macies on matters aside from their proper business. 
They did not speak of old affairs, nor wear an 
appearance of being in sport 

1 See in Book XXXVU. 

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■bx. xv. shAo i. 73 

21. One in the position of a minister and inferior 
might remonstrate (with his ruler), but not speak ill 
of him ; might withdraw (from the state), but not 
(remain and) hate (its Head); might praise him, 
but not flatter; might remonstrate, but not give 
himself haughty airs (when his advice was followed). 
(If the ruler were) idle and indifferent, he might arouse 
and assist him ; if (the government) were going to 
wreck, he might sweep it away, and institute a new 
one. Such a minister would be pronounced as 
doing service for the altars (of the state). 

22. Do not commence or abandon anything 
hastily. Do not take liberties with or weary 
spiritual Beings. Do not try to defend or cover 
over what was wrong in the past, or to fathom what 
has not yet arrived. A scholar should constantly 
pursue what is virtuous, and amuse himself with 
the accomplishments. 

A workman should follow the rules (of his art), 
and amuse himself with the discussion (of their 
application). One should not think about the clothes 
and elegant articles (of others), nor try to make 
good in himself what is doubtful in words (which 
he has heard) \ 

23. The style prized in conversation required 
that it should be grave and distinct. The demean- 
our prized in the court required that it should be 

1 These cautions are expressed enigmatically in the text. The 
expurgated edition gives only the third and fourth, which P. Callery 
translates thus: — 'L'homme de lettres s'applique a la vertu par- 
dessus tout, et ne s'adonne que d'une facon secondaire a la culture 
des arts libeYaux, semblable en cela a l'ouvrier qui suit d'abord les 
precedes fondamentaux de son art, et ne discute qu'apres les 
changements a introduire dans leur application.' 



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74 the l! art. 



BK. XV. 



well regulated and urbane ; that at sacrifices was to 
be grave, with an appearance of anxiety. The horses 
of the chariot were to be well-paced and matched. 
The beauty of their bells was that they intimated 
dignity and harmony *. 

24. To a question about the age of a ruler's 
son, if he were grown up, it was said, ' He is able to 
attend to the business of the altars.' If he were 
still young, it was said, ' He is able to drive,' or 
' He is not yet able to drive.' To the same question 
about a Great officer's son, if he were grown 
up, it was said, ' He is able to take his part in 
music ; ' if still young, it was said, ' He is able to 
take lessons from the music-master,' or 'He is not 
yet able to do so.' To the same question about the 
son of an ordinary officer, if he were grown up, it 
was said, ' He is able to guide the plough;' if he 
were still young, it was said, ' He is able to carry 
firewood,' or ' He is not yet able to do so V 

25. When carrying a symbol of jade, a tortoise- 
shell, or the divining stalks, one did not walk 
hastily. Nor did he do so in the raised hall, or 
on a city wall. In a war chariot he did not bow 
forward to the cross-bar. A man in his mail did 
not try to bow 8 . 

26. A wife, on festive occasions, even though it 
were on receiving a gift from the ruler, (only) made 

1 This paragraph is in the expurgated edition, in the com- 
mentary to which, however, the whole is understood with reference 
to the heir-son of the kingdom or a state ; and P. Callery translates 
accordingly : — « (I/hentier presomptif du trdne) doit avoir,' &c. 

1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 115, paragraph 4. 

' Compare vol xxvii, page 72, paragraph 30 ; page 96, para- 
graph 39 ; et aL 



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bk. xt. shAo !. 75 

a curtsy *, When seated as a personatrix (of the 
deceased grandmother of her husband), she did not 
bow with her head to her hands, but made the 
curtsy 2 . When presiding at the mourning rites, 
she did not bow with her head to her hands lowered 
to the ground. 

27. (After the sacrifice of repose), her head-band 
was of dolychos cloth, and her girdle of hempen. 

28. When taking meat from a stand or putting 
meat on it, they did not kneel. 

29. An empty vessel was carried (with the same 
care) as a full one, and an empty apartment entered 
(with the same reverence) as if there were people 
in it 

30. At all sacrifices, whether in the apartment or 
in the hall, they did not have their feet bare. At a 
feast they might 

31. Till they had offered a portion in the temple, 
they did not eat of a new crop. 

32. In the case of a charioteer and the gentleman 
whom he was driving, when the latter mounted or 
descended, the other handed him the strap. When 
the driver first mounted, he bowed towards the 
cross-bar. When the gentleman descended to walk, 
(he also descended), but (immediately) returned to 
the carriage and stood. 

33. The riders in an attendant carriage (to court 
or temple), bowed forward to the bar, but not if it 
were to batde or hunt Of such attendant carriages, 
the ruler of a state had seven ; a Great officer of 

1 In Chinese fashion, an inclination of the head towards the 
hands. 

* Some interpret this as saying that she did not even make the 
curtsy. 



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76 THE lJ si. BK. XV. 

the highest grade, five; and one of the lowest 
grade, three \ 

34. People did not speak of the age of the 
horses or of the carriages of those who pos 
sessed such attendant carriages ; nor did they put 
a value on the dress, or sword, or horses of a gentle- 
man whom they saw before them. 

35. In giving (to an inferior) or offering to a 
superior, four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried 
meat, and a dog, (the messenger) put down the 
liquor, and carried (only) the dried meat in his 
hand, when discharging his commission, but he also 
said that he was the bearer of four pots of spirits, 
a bundle of dried meat, and a dog. In presenting 
a tripod of flesh, he carried (one piece) in his hand. 
In presenting birds, if there were more than a 
couple, he carried a couple in his hand, leaving the 
others outside. 

36. The dog was held by a rope. A watch dog 
or a hunting dog was given to the officer who was 
the medium of communication ; and on receiving it, 
he asked its name. An ox was held by the tether, 
and a horse by the bridle. They were both kept 
on the right of him who led them ; but a prisoner 
or captive, who was being presented, was kept on 
the left. 

37. In presenting a carriage, the strap was taken 
off and carried in the hand of the messenger. In 
presenting a coat of mail, if there were other things 
to be carried before it, the messenger bore them. 
If there were no such things, he tookoftits covering, 
and bore the helmet in his hands. In the case of a 

1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 1 25, paragraph 4. 

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BK. XV. 



shao t 77 



vessel, he carried its cover. In the case of a 
bow, with his left hand he stript off the case, and 
took hold of the middle of the back. In the case 
of a sword, he opened the cover of its case, and placed 
it underneath. Then he put into the case a silken 
cloth, on which he placed the sword. 

38. Official tablets ; writings ; stalks of dried 
flesh ; parcels wrapped in reeds ; bows ; cushions ; 
mats ; pillows ; stools ; spikes ; staffs ; lutes, large 
and small ; sharp-edged lances in sheaths ; divining 
stalks ; and flutes : — these all were borne with the 
left hand upwards. Of sharp-pointed weapons, the 
point was kept behind, and the ring presented; of 
sharp-edged weapons, the handle was presented. In 
the case of all sharp-pointed and sharp-edged weapons, 
the point was turned away in handing them to others. 

39. When leaving the city, in mounting a war- 
chariot, the weapon was carried with the point in 
front ; when returning and entering it again, the 

/ end. The left was the place for the general and 
[ officers of an army ; the right, for the soldiers. 

40. For visitors and guests the principal thing 
was a courteous humility ; at sacrifices, reverence ; 
at mourning rites, sorrow; at meetings and re- 
unions, an active interest. In the operations of 
war, the dangers had to be thought of. One con- 
cealed his own feelings in order to judge the better 
of those of others. 

41. When feasting with a man of superior rank 
and character, the guest first tasted the dishes and 
then stopt He should not bolt the food, nor 
swill down the liquor. He should take small and 
frequent mouthfuls. While chewing quickly, he 
did not make faces with his mouth, When he 



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78 THE I.i xt. BK. xv. 

proceeded to remove the dishes, and the host 
declined that service from him, he stopt *. 

42. The cup with which the guest was pledged 
was placed on the left; those which had been 
drunk (by the others) on the right. Those of the 
guest's attendant, of the host himself, and of the 
host's assistant; — these all were placed on the 
right *. 

43. In putting down a boiled fish to* be eaten, 
the tail was laid in front In winter it was placed 
with the fat belly on the right; in summer with 
the back. The slices offered in sacrifice (to the 
father of the fish-diet were thus more easily cut 8 ). 

44. All condiments were taken up with the right 
(hand), and were therefore placed on the left. 

45. He who received the presents offered (to the 
ruler) was on his left; he who transmitted his 
words, on the right 

46. A cup was poured out for the driver of a 
personator of the dead as for the driver of the ruler. 
In the carriage, and holding the reins in his left 
hand, he received the cup with his right; offered 
a little in sacrifice at the end of the axle and cross- 

1 Compare vol. xxvii, pages 80, 81, paragraphs 54, 57, et aL 
The writer passes in this paragraph from the indicative to the 
imperative mood. 

* The guest sat facing the south, so that the east and west were 
on his left and right respectively. The cups were set where they 
could be taken up and put down most conveniently. 

' The fish, as a sacrificial offering and on great occasions, was 
placed lengthways on the stand. As placed in this paragraph, it 
was more convenient for the guest It may be correct that the 
belly is the best part of a fish in winter, and the back in summer. 
Let gastronomers and those who are fond of pisciculture decide 
and explain the point 



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BK. XV. SHAO i. 79 

bar on the right and left (to the father of charioteer- 
ing), and then drank off the cup. 

47. Of all viands which were placed on the stands, 
the offering was put down inside the stand. 

A gentleman did not eat the entrails of grain-fed 
animals 1 . 

A boy* ran, but did not walk quickly with 
measured steps. When he took up his cup, 
he knelt in offering (some of the contents) in 
sacrifice, and then stood up and drank (the rest). 
Before rinsing a cup, they washed their hands. 
In separating the lungs of oxen and sheep, they 
did not cut out the central portion of them * ; when 
viands were served up with sauce, they did not add 
condiments to it. 

In selecting an onion or scallion for a gentle- 
man, they cut off both the root and top. 

When the head was presented among the viands, 
the snout was put forward, to be used as the 
offering. 

48. He who set forth the jugs considered the left 
of the cup-bearer to be the place for the topmost 
one. The jugs and jars were placed with their 
spouts towards the arranger. 

The drinkers at the ceremonies of washing the 
head and cupping, in presence of the stand with 
the divided victims on it, did not kneel. Before the 
common cup had gone round, they did not taste the 
viands. 

1 Dogs (bred to be eaten) and pigs. The reason for not eating 
their entrails can hardly be stated. 

• A waiting-boy. 

' That it might easily be taken in hand and pat down as an 
offering of thanksgiving. 



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8o THE jJ jrf. 



BE. XV. 



49. The flesh of oxen, sheep, and fish was cut 
small, and made into mince. That of elks and 
deer was pickled; that of the wild pig was hashed: — 
these were all sliced, but not cut small. The flesh 
of the muntjac was alone pickled, and that of fowls 
and hares, being sliced and cut small. Onions and 
shalots were sliced, and added to the brine to soften 
the meat. 

50. When the pieces of the divided body were on 
the stand, in taking one of them to offer and in return- 
ing it 1 , they did not kneel. So it was when they 
made an offering of roast meat. If the offerer, 
however, were a personator of the dead, he knelt 

51. When a man had his robes on his person, 
and did not know their names (or the meaning of 
their names), he was ignorant indeed. 

52. If one came late and yet arrived before the 
torches were lighted, it was announced to him that 
the guests were all there, and who they were. The 
same things were intimated to a blind musician by 
the one who bid him. At a drinking entertainment, 
when the host carried a light, or bore a torch before 
them, the guests rise and decline the honour done 
to them. On this he gave the torch to a torch-* 
bearer, who did not move from his place, nor say a 
word, nor sing 2 . 

53. When one was carrying in water or liquor 
and food to a superior or elder, the rule was not to 

1 The lungs. 

* In the 3o £wfin we have many accounts of these entertain- 
ments. The singing was almost always of a few lines from one of 
the pieces of the Shih King, expressing a sentiment appropriate 
to the occasion. The custom was like our after-dinner speeches 
and toasts. 



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BE. XV. 



SHAO J. 8 1 



breathe on it ; and if a question was asked, to turn 
the mouth on one side. 

54. When one conducted sacrifice for another, 
(and was sending to others the flesh of the victim), 
the message was, ' Herewith (the flesh of) blessing.' 
When sending of the flesh of his own sacrifice 
to a superior man, the party simply announced 
what it was. 

If it were flesh of the sacrifice on placing the 
tablet of the deceased in the temple, or at the close 
of the first year's mourning, the fact was announced. 
The principal mourner spread out the portions, 
and gave them to his messenger on the south of 
the eastern steps, bowing twice, and laying his head 
to the ground as he sent him away ; when he 
returned and reported the execution of his com- 
mission, the mourner again bowed twice and laid 
his head to the ground. 

If the sacrifice were a great one, consisting of the 
three victims, then the portion sent was the left 
quarter of the ox, divided into nine pieces from the 
shoulder. If the sacrifice were the smaller, the 
portion sent was the left quarter, divided into seven 
pieces. If there were but a single pig, the portion 
was the left quarter, divided into five portions. 

55. When the revenues of a state were at a low 
ebb, the carriages were not carved and painted ; 
the buff-coats were not adorned with ribbons and 
cords ; and the dishes were not carved ; the su- 
perior man did not wear shoes of silk ; and horses 
were not regularly supplied with grain. 



[28] G 

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BOOK XVI. HSIO K\ 

OR 

RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION 1 . 



V 



■..C: 



i. When a ruler is concerned that his measures 
should be in accordance with law, and seeks for the 
(assistance of the) good and upright, this is suf- 
ficient to secure him a considerable reputation, but 
not to move the multitudes. 
J When he cultivates the society of the worthy, and 
tries to embody the views of those who are remote 
(from the court), this is sufficient to move the multi- 
/ tudes, but not to transform the people. 
'■']'■_ If he wish to transform the people and to perfect 
. ;Uv\P.' vtheir manners and customs, must he not start from 
A; ( t' the lessons of the school? 

2. The jade uncut will not form a vessel for use; 
and if men do not learn, they do not know the way 
(in which they should go). On this account the 
ancient kings, when establishing states and govern- 
ing the people, made instruction and schools a 
primary' object; — as it is said in the Charge to 
Yiieh, ' The thoughts from first to last should be 
fixed on learning V 

3. However fine the viands be, if one do not eat, 
he does not know their taste ; however perfect the 
course may be, if one do not learn it, he does not 
know its goodness. Therefore when he learns, one 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 32. 
J Vol. iii, page 117. 






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BK. XVI. 



hsio *i: 83 



knows his own deficiencies ; when he teaches, he 
knows the difficulties of learning. After he knows 
his deficiencies, one is able to turn round and 
examine himself ; after he knows the difficulties, he 
is able to stimulate himself to effort Hence it is 
said, 'Teaching and learning help each other;' as 
it is said in the Charge to Ylieh, 'Teaching is the 
half of learning V 

4. According to the system of ancient teaching, 
for the families of (a hamlet) 2 there was the village 
school; for a neighbourhood 2 there was the hsiang; 
for the larger districts there was the hsii; and in 
the capitals there was the college. 

5. Every year some entered the college, and v 
every second year there was a comparative examina- 
tion. In the first year it was seen whether they 
could read the texts intelligently, and what was the 
meaning of each; in the third year, whether they 
were reverently attentive to their work, and what 
companionship was most pleasant to them ; in the 
fifth year, how they extended their studies and " 
sought the company of their teachers ; in the seventh 
year, how they could discuss the subjects of their 
studies and select their friends. They were now 
said to have made some small attainments. In the 
ninth year, when they knew the different classes of 
subjects and had gained a general intelligence, were 
firmly established and would not fall back, they 

1 Vol. iii, page 117. 

2 The hamlet was supposed to contain twenty-five families ; the 
neighbourhood 500; and the district 2,500. For the four insti- 
tutions, P. Callery adopts the names of school, college, academy, 
and university. It would be tedious to give the various explanations 
of the names Hsiang and Hsu. 

G 2 

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84 THE Li jrf. 



BK. XVI. 



were said to have made grand attainments. After 
this the training was sufficient to transform the 
people, and to change (anything bad in) manners 
and customs. Those who lived near at hand sub- 
mitted with delight, and those who were far off 
thought (of the teaching) with longing desire. 
Such was the method of the Great learning ; as is 
said in the Record, ' The little ant continually 
[ exercises the art (of amassing) 1 .' 
/ 6. At the commencement of the teaching in the 

Great college, (the masters) in their skin caps pre- 
sented the offerings of vegetables (to the ancient 
sages), to show their pupils the principle of rever- 
ence for them ; and made them sing (at the same 
time) the* (first) three pieces of the Minor Odes of 
the Kingdom, as their first lesson in the duties of 
officers 2 . When they entered the college, the drum 
was beaten and the satchels were produced, that 
they might begin their work reverently. The cane 
and the thorns s were there to secure in them ■ 
• a proper awe. It was not till the time for the 
summer sacrifice 4 was divined for, that the testing 
examination was held ; — to give composure to their 
minds. They were continually under inspection, \ 
but not spoken to, — to keep their minds undisturbedj 
They listened, but they did not ask questions ; and 

1 See the note of Callery in loc. The quotation is from some 
old Record ; it is not known what. 

* The three pieces were the LA Ming, the %ze M&u, and the 
Hwang-hwang AT6 hwS, the first three pieces in the first decade 
of the Shih, Part II; showing the harmony and earnestness of 
officers. 

* Callery calls these ' la latte et la baguette.' 

* Khung Ying-tS thought this was the quinquennial sacrifice. 
See the iTAien-lung editors on the point 



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BK. XVI. 



HSIO k\. 8 = 



they could not transgress the order of study (im- 
posed on them). These seven things were the 
chief regulations in the teaching. As it is expressed 
in the Record, 'In all learning, for him who would 
be an officer the first thing is (the knowledge of) 
business ; for scholars the first thing is the directing 
of the mind.' 

7. In the system of teaching at the Great college, 
every season had its appropriate subject; and 
when the pupils withdrew and gave up their lessons 
(for the day), they were required to continue their 
study at home. 

8. If a student do not learn (at college) to play in 
tune, he cannot quietly enjoy his lutes ; if he do not 
learn extensively the figures of poetry, he cannot 
quietly enjoy the odes; if he do not learn the varieties 
of dress, he cannot quietly take part in the different 
ceremonies ; if he do not acquire the various accom- 
plishments, he cannot take delight in learning. 

9. Therefore a student of talents and virtue 
pursues his studies, withdrawn in college from all 
besides, and devoted to their cultivation, or occu- 
pied with them when retired from it, and enjoying 
himself. Having attained to this, he rests quietly 
in his studies and seeks the company of his teachers; 
he finds pleasure in his friends, and has all con- 
fidence in their course. Although he should be 
separated from his teachers and helpers, he will not 
act contrary to the course ; — as it is said in the 
Charge to Yiieh, ' Maintain a reverent humility, and 
strive to be constantly earnest In such a case the 
cultivation will surely come V 

1 Vol. iii, p. 117. But the quotation is a little different from 
the text of the Shtt. 



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86 THE Li Xl 



BK. XVI. 



10. According to the system of teaching now-a- 
days, (the masters) hum over the tablets which they 
see before them, multiplying their questions. They 
speak of the learners' making rapid advances, and 
pay no regard to their reposing (in what they 
have acquired). In what they lay on their learners 
they are not sincere, nor do they put forth all their 
ability in teaching them. What they inculcate is 
contrary to what is right, and the learners are dis- 
appointed in what they seek for. In such a case, 
the latter are distressed by their studies and hate 
their masters; they are embittered by the diffi- 
culties, and do not find any advantage from their 
(labour). They may seem to finish their work, but 
they quickly give up its lessons. That no results 
are seen from their instructions : — is it not owing to 
these defects ? 

ii. The rules aimed at in the Great college 
were the prevention of evil before it was manifested ; 
the timeliness of instruction just when it was re- 
quired; the suitability of the lessons in adaptation 
to circumstances ; and the good influence of example 
to parties observing one another. It was from 
these four things that the teaching was so effectual 
and flourishing. 

12. Prohibition of evil after it has been mani- 
fested meets with opposition, and is not successful. 
Instruction given after the time for it is past is done 
with toil, and carried out with difficulty. The com- 
munication of lessons in an undiscriminating manner 
and without suitability produces injury and disorder, 
and fails in its object. Learning alone and without 
friends makes one feel solitary and uncultivated, 
with but little information. Friendships of festivity 



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BK. XVI, 



HSIO kL 87* 



lead to opposition to one's master. Friendships with 
the dissolute lead to the neglect of one's learning. 
These six things all tend to make teaching vain. 

13. When a superior man knows the causes v 
which make instruction successful, and those which 
make it of no effect, he can become a teacher of 
others. Thus in his teaching, he leads and does 
not drag ; he strengthens and does not discourage ; 

he opens the way but does not conduct to the end 
(without the learner's own efforts). Leading and 
not dragging produces harmony. Strengthening and 
not discouraging makes attainment easy. Opening 
the way and not conducting to the end makes (the 
learner) thoughtful. He who produces such har- 
mony, easy attainment, and thoughtfulness may be 
pronounced a skilful teacher. 

14. Among learners there are four defects with ^ 
which the teacher must make himself acquainted. 
Some err in the multitude of their studies ; some, 
in their fewness ; some, in the feeling of ease (with 
which they proceed) ; and some, in the readiness 
with which they stop. These four defects arise 
from the difference of their minds. When a teacher 
knows the character of his mind, he can save the 
learner from the defect to which he is liable. Teach- 
ing should be directed to develop^ that in which 
the pupil excels, and correct the defects to which he 
is prone. 

15. The good singer makes men (able) to continue 
his notes, and (so) the good teacher makes them 
able to carry out his ideas. His words are brief, but 
far-reaching ; unpretentious, but deep ; with few 
illustrations, but instructive. In this way he may 
be said to perpetuate his ideas. 



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88 the lA k\. 



BK. XVT. 



16. When a man of talents and virtue knows the 
difficulty (on the one hand) and the facility (on the 
other) in the attainment of learning, and knows 
(also) the good and the bad qualities (of his pupils), 
he can vary his methods of teaching. When he can 
vary his methods of teaching, he can be a master 
indeed. When he can be a teacher indeed, he can 
be the Head (of an official department). When 
he can be such a Head, he can be the Ruler (of 
a state). Hence it is from the teacher indeed 
that one learns to be a ruler, and the choice of a 
teacher demands the greatest care ; as it is said in 
the Record, ' The three kings and the four dynasties 
were what they were by their teachers V 

17. In pursuing the course of learning, the diffi- 
culty is in securing the proper reverence for the 
master. When that is done, the course (which he 
inculcates) is regarded with honour. When that is 
done, the people know how to respect learning. 
Thus it is that there are two among his subjects 
whom the ruler does not treat as subjects. When 
one is personating (his ancestor), he does not treat 
him as such, nor does he treat his master as such. 
According to the rules of the Great college, the 
master, though communicating anything to the son of 
Heaven, did not stand with his face to the north. 
This was the way in which honour was done to him. 

1 ' The three kings ' are of course the Great Yfl, founder of the 
Hsia dynasty; Thang the Successful, founder of the Shang; and 
Wan and WO, considered as one, founders of K&u. The four 
dynasties is an unusual expression, though we shall meet with it 
again, as we have met with it already. They are said to be those 
of YU (the dynasty of Shun), Hsi4, Shang, and 2Tau. But how 
then have we only ' the three kings?' I should rather take them 
to be Hsia, Shang (considered as two, Shang and Yin), and Ki\i. 



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BK. XVI. HSIO Zt. 89 

18. The skilful learner, while the master seems 
indifferent, yet makes double the attainments of 
another, and in the se*quel ascribes the merit (to the 
master). The unskilful learner, while the master is 
diligent with him, yet makes (only) half the attain- 
ments (of the former), and in the sequel is dissatis- 
fied with the master. The skilful questioner is 
like a workman addressing himself to deal with a 
hard tree. First he attacks the easy parts, and 
then the knotty. After a long time, the pupil and 
master talk together, and the subject is explained. 
The unskilful questioner takes the opposite course. 
The master who skilfully waits to be questioned, 
may be compared to a bell when it is struck. 
Struck with a small hammer, it gives a small sound. 
Struck with a great one, it gives a great sound. 
But let it be struck leisurely and properly, and it 
gives out all the sound of which it is capable 1 . He 
who is not skilful in replying to questions is the 
opposite of this. This all describes the method of 
making progress in learning. 

19. He who gives (only) the learning supplied by 

1 P. Callery makes this sentence refer to the master, and not to 
the bell, and translates it : — ' (Mais quelle que soit la nature des 
questions qu'on lui adresse, le maftre) attend que l'eleve ait fait 
a loisir toutes ses demandes, pour y faire ensuite une reponse 
complete.' He appends a note on the difficulty of the passage, 
saying in conclusion that the translation which he has adopted was 
suggested by a citation of the passage in the Pei-wan Yun-fu 
(i)Hi ~$C §^ J$f)' w ^ere there is a different reading of (^), 
' instruction,' for (W£)> 'sound.' I have not been able to find the 
citation in the greatThesaurus, to which he refers. Yen Ytlan does 
not mention any different reading in his examination of the text 
(j|l ffi JJ^l f$, chapter 917); and I do not see any reason for 
altering the translation which I first made. 



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90 THE Li kI. BK. xvi. 

his memory in conversations is not fit to be a 
master. Is it not necessary that he should hear the 
questions (of his pupils) ? Yes, but if they are not 
able to put questions, he should put subjects before 
them. If he do so, and then they do not show any 
knowledge of the subjects, he may let them alone. 

20. The son of a good founder is sure to learn 
how to make a fur-robe. The son of a good maker 
of bows is sure to learn how to make a sieve. 
Those who first yoke a (young) horse place it 
behind, with the carriage going on in front of it. 
The superior man who examines these cases can by 
them instruct himself in (the method of) learning \ 

21. The ancients in prosecuting their learning 
compared different things and traced the analogies 
between them. The drum has no special relation 
to any of the musical notes; but without it they 
cannot be harmonised. Water has no particular 
relation to any of the five colours ; but without it 
they cannot be displayed 2 . Learning has no par- 
ticular relation to any of the five senses ; but without 
it they cannot be regulated. A teacher has no 

1 The ZAien-lung editors say that this paragraph is intended to 
show that the course of learning must proceed gradually. So far is 
clear; but the illustrations employed and their application to the 
subject in hand are not readily understood. In his fifth Book 
(towards the end), Lieh-jze gives the first two illustrations as from 
an old poem, but rather differently from the text : — ' The son of a 
good maker of bows must first learn to make a sieve ; and the son 
of a good potter must first learn to make a fur-robe.' In this form 
they would more suitably have their place in paragraph 18. 

* That is, in painting. The Chinese only paint in water colours. 
' Water itself/ says Khung Ying-t£, ' has no colour, but the paint 
requires to be laid on with water, in order to its display.' I cannot 
follow the text so easily in what it says on the other illustrations. 



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BK. XVI. HSIO Jfi. 91 

special relation to the five degrees of mourning; 
but without his help they cannot be worn as they 
ought to be. 

22. A wise man has said, 'The Great virtue need 
not be confined to one office ; Great power of 
method need not be restricted to the production 
of one article ; Great truth need not be limited to 
the confirmation of oaths ; Great seasonableness 
accomplishes all things, and each in its proper time.' 
By examining these four cases, we are taught to 
direct our aims to what is fundamental. 

When the three sovereigns sacrificed to the 
waters, they did so first to the rivers and then to 
the seas ; first to the source and then to its result. 
This was what is called ' Paying attention to the 
root.' 




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BOOK XVII. YO K\ 

OR 
RECORD OF MUSIC 1 . 

Section I. 

i. All the modulations of the voice arise from the 
mind, and the various affections of the mind are pro- 
duced by things (external to it). .The affections thus 
produced .are manifested in the sounds that are 
uttered. Changes are produced by the way in which 
those sounds respond to one another; and those 
changes constitute what we call the modulations of 
the voice. The combination of those modulated 
sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the (direction in 
harmony with them of the) shields and axes 2 , and of 
the plumes and ox-tails 2 , constitutes what we call 
music. 

2. Music is (thus) the production of the modula- 
tions of the voice, and its source is in the affections 
of the mind as it is influenced by (external) things. 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 32-34. 

* There was a pantomimic exhibition of scenes of war, in which 
the performers brandished shields and axes ; and another of scenes 
of peace, in which they waved plumes and ox-tails. What I have 
rendered by 'the modulations of the voice' is in the text the one 
Chinese character yin ("a"), for which Callery gives 'air musical,' 
and which i(Tang Hsilan explains as meaning ' the five full notes 
of the scale.' See the long note of Callery prefixed to this record, 
concluding : — ' La musique Chinoise, telle que l'ont entendue les 
anciens, avait tous les caracteres d'une representation the"atrale 
ayant pour but de parler tout a la fois aux yeux, aux oreilles, 
a l'esprit, et au cceur.' 



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sect. i. yq kI. 93 

When the mind is moved to sorrow, the sound is 
sharp and fading away; when it is moved to pleasure, 
the sound is slow and gentle ; when it is moved to 
joy, the sound is exclamatory and soon disappears ; 
when it is moved to anger, the sound is coarse and 
fierce ; when it is moved to reverence, the sound is 
straightforward, with an indication of humility ; when 
it is moved to love, the sound is harmonious and 
soft. These six peculiarities of sound are not natural ' ; 
they indicate the impressions produced by (external) 
things. J On this account the ancient kings were "" 
watchful in regard to the things by which the mind 
was affected. 

3. And so (they instituted) ceremonies to direct 
men's aims aright ; music to give harmony to their 
voices ; laws to unify their conduct; and punishments 
to guard against their tendencies to evil. The end 
to which ceremonies, music, punishments, and laws 
conduct is one ; they are the instruments by which 
the minds of the people are assimilated, and good j 
order in government is made to appear. - .. I 

4. All modulations of the voice spring from the 
minds of men. When the feelings are moved within, 
they are manifested in the sounds of the voice ; and 
when those sounds are combined so as to form com- 
positions, we have what are called airs. Hence, the 
airs of an age, of good order indicate composure and 
enjoyment^ The airs of an age of disorder indicate 
dissatisfaction and anger, and its government is per- 

1 Or, 'are not the nature;' that is, the voice does not naturally, 
when the mind is not moved, from without itself, give such peculiar 
expressions of feeling. What belongs to man by his nature is 
simply the faculty of articulate speech, slumbering until he is 
awakened by his sensations and perceptions. 



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94 THE hi Kt. BK. xvi'l. 

versely bad. The airs of a sta^e going to, ruin are 
expressive of sorrow and (troubled) thought.^ There 
is an interaction between the words and airs (of the 
people) and the character of their government 

5. (The note) kung represents the ruler; shang, 
the ministers; £io, the people; ^ih, affairs; and 
yii, things. If there be no disorder or irregularity 
in these five notes, there will be no want of harmony 
in the state. If kung be irregular, (the air) is wild 
and broken ; the ruler of the state is haughty. If 
shang be irregular, (the air) is jerky; the offices of 
the state are decayed. If £io be irregular, (the air) 
expresses anxiety; the people are dissatisfied. If 
Jtih be irregular, (the air) expresses sorrow ; affairs 
are strained. If yii be irregular, (the air) is ex- 
pressive of impending ruin ; the resources (of the 
state) are exhausted. If the five notes are all irre- 
gular, and injuriously interfere with one another, 
they indicate a state of insolent disorder ; and the 
state where this is the case will at no distant day 
meet with extinction and ruin 1 . 

6. The airs of A'ang 2 and Wei were those of an 
age of disorder, showing that those states were near 
such an abandoned condition. The airs near the 
river Pu, at the mulberry forest, were those of a 
state going to ruin 8 . The government (of Wei) was 
in a state of dissipation, and the people were unset- 
tled, calumniating their superiors, and pursuing their 
private aims beyond the possibility of restraint. 

1 On those notes, see Chinese Classics, vol. iii, page 48. 

1 See Confucian Analects, XV, 10, 6. 

8 This place was in the state of Wei. See the ridiculous incident 
which gave rise to this account of the airs in Sze-mi .Oien's mono- 
graph on music, pages 13, 14. 



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sect. i. yo k\. 95 

7. All modulations of sound take their rise from 
the mind of man; and music is the intercommunica- 
tion of them in their relations and differences. Hence, 
even beasts know sound, but not its modulations ; 
and the masses of the common people know the 
modulations, but they do not know music. It is only 
the superior man who can (really) know music. 

8. On this account we must discriminate sounds in 
order to know the airs; the airs in order to know the 
music ; and the music in order to know (the character 
of) the government. Having attained to this, we 
are fully provided with the methods of good order. 
Hence with him who does not know the sounds we 
cannot speak about the airs, and with him who does 
not know the airs we cannot speak about die music. 
The knowledge of music leads to the subtle springs 
that underlie the rules of ceremony. He who has 
apprehended both ceremonies and music may be 
pronounced to be a possessor of virtue. Virtue means 
realisation (in one's self) 1 . 

9. Hence the greatest achievements of music were 
not in the perfection of the airs ; the (efficacy) of the 
ceremonies in the sacrificial offerings was not in the 
exquisiteness of the flavours. In the lutes for the 
Khmg Miao the strings were of red (boiled) silk, 
and the holes were wide apart ; one lute began, and 

1 Virtue (|jS) and getting or realising ($(f) have the same name 
or pronunciation (teh) in Chinese. This concluding sentence, as 
Callery points out, is only a sort of pun on that common name. 
And yet ' virtue ' is the ' realisation ' in one's self ' of what is good.' 
The next paragraph expands the writer's thought The greatest 
achievement of music in its ancient perfection was the softening 
and refining of the character, and that of the services of the temple 
was the making men reverent, filial, and brotherly. 



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96 THE Li kI. BK. xvn. 

(only) three others joined it ; there was much melody 
not brought out. In the ceremonies of the great 
sacrifices, the dark-coloured liquor took precedence, 
and on the stands were uncooked fish, while the 
grand soup had no condiments : there was much 
flavour left undeveloped. 

10. Thus we see that the ancient kings, in their 
institution of ceremonies and music, did not seek 
how fully they could satisfy the desires of the appe- 
tite and of the ears and eyes ; but they intended to 
teach the people to regulate their likings and 
dislikings, and to bring them back to the normal 
course of humanity. 
/ ii. It belongs to the nature of man, as from 
Heaven, to be still at his birth. His activity shows 
itself as he is acted on by external things, and 
developes the desires incident to his nature. Things 
come to him more and more, and his knowledge is 
increased. Then arise the manifestations of liking 
and disliking. When these are not regulated by 
anything within, and growing knowledge leads more 
astray without, he cannot come back to himself, and 
his Heavenly principle is extinguished. . 

1 2. Now there is no end of the things by which 
man is affected ; and when his likings and dislikings 
are not subject to regulation (from within), he is 
changed into the nature of things as they come before 
him ; that is, he stifles the voice of Heavenly prin- 
ciple within, and gives the utmost indulgence to the 
desires by which men may be possessed. I On this we 
have the rebellious and deceitful heart, with licentious 
and violent disorder. The strong press upon the 
weak ; the many are cruel to the few ; the knowing 
impose upon the dull; the bold make it bitter for 



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sect. i. yo k\. 97 

the timid ; the diseased are not nursed ; the old and 
young, orphans and solitaries are neglected : — such 
is the great disorder that ensues. 

1 3. Therefore the ancient kings, when they insti- 
tuted their ceremonies and music, regulated them by 
consideration of the requirements of humanity. By 
the sackcloth worn for parents, the wailings, and the 
weepings, they denned the terms of the mourning 
rites. By the bells, drums, shields, and axes, they 
introduced harmony into their seasons of rest and 
enjoyment. By marriage, capping, and the assump- 
tion of the hair-pin, they maintained the separation 
that should exist between male and female. By the 
archery gatherings in the districts, and the feastings 
at the meetings of princes, they provided for the 
correct maintenance of friendly intercourse. 

14. Ceremonies afforded the denned expression 
for the (affections of the) people's minds ; music 
secured the harmonious utterance of their voices ; 
the laws of government were designed to promote 
the performance (of the ceremonies and music); 
and punishments, to guard against the violation of 
them. When ceremonies, music, laws, and punish- 
ments had everywhere full course, without irregu- 
larity or collision, the method of kingly rule was 
complete 1 . 

1 With this paragraph ends the first portion of the treatise on 
music, called Yo Pan (M& ^jj), or 'Fundamental Principles in 
Music' The A'Aien-lung editors divide it into four chapters : — the 
first setting forth that music takes its character as good or bad 
from the mind of man, as affected by what is external to it; the 
second, that the character of the external things affecting the mind 
is determined by government as good or bad ; the third, that the 
ceremonies and music of the ancient kings were designed to 
[ 3 3] II 



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98 THE hi kI 



BK. XVII. 



15. Similarity and union are the aim of music; 
difference and distinction, that of ceremony. From 
union comes mutual affection; from difference, mutual 

/ respect. , Where music prevails, we find a weak 
coalescence ; where ceremony prevails, a tendency to 

. separation^ i It is the business of the two to blend 
people's feelings and give elegance to their outward 
manifestations. 

16. Through the perception of right produced by 
ceremony, came the degrees of the noble and the 
mean; through the union of culture arising from 
music, harmony between high and low. By the ex- 
hibition of what was to be liked and what was to be 
disliked, a distinction was made between the worthy 
and unworthy. When violence was prevented by 
punishments, and the worthy were raised to rank, 
the operation of government was made impartial. 
Then came benevolence in the love (of the people), 
and righteousness in the correction (of their errors) ; 
and in this way good government held its course. 

1 7. Music comes from within, and ceremonies from 
without. Music, coming from within, produces the 
stillness (of the mind); ceremonies, coming from 

I without, produce the elegancies (of manner). \, The 
\ highest style of music is sure to be distinguished by 
its ease; the highest style of elegance, by its un- 
V demonstrativeness. 

18. Let music attain its full results, and there 
would be no dissatisfactions (in the mind) ; let cere- 
mony do so, and there would be no quarrels. When 



regulate the minds of men in their likings and dislikings ; and the 
fourth, that that regulation was in harmony with the will of Heaven, 
as indicated in the nature of man. 



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•BCT. I. 



yo k\. 99 



bowings and courtesies marked the government of 
the kingdom, there would be what might be described 
as music and ceremony indeed. Violent oppression 
of the people would not arise ; the princes would 
appear submissively at court as guests ; there would 
be no occasion for the weapons of war, and no em- 
ployment of the five punishments 1 ; the common 
people would have no distresses, and the son of 
Heaven no need to be angry : — such a state of things 
would be an universal music. When the son of 
Heaven could secure affection between father and 
son, could illustrate the orderly relation between old 
and young, and make mutual respect prevail all 
within the four seas, then indeed would ceremony (be 
seen) as power. 

19. In music of the grandest style there is the 
same harmony that prevails between heaven and 
earth ; in ceremonies of the grandest form there is 
the same graduation that exists between heaven and 
earth. Through the harmony, things do not fail (to 
fulfil their ends); through the graduation we have 
the sacrifices to heaven and those to earth. s In the 
visible sphere there are ceremonies and music ; in 
the invisible, the spiritual agencies. These things 
being so, in all within the four seas, there must be 
mutual respect and love. 

20. The occasions and forms of ceremonies are 
different, but it is the same feeling of respect (which 
they express). The styles of musical pieces are dif- 
ferent, but it is the same feeling of love (which they 

1 The ' five punishments ' were branding on the forehead, cutting 
off the nose, other various dismemberments, castration, and death ; 
see Mayers' 'Chinese Readers' Manual,' page 313. But the one 
word ' punishment ' would sufficiently express the writer's meaning. 

H 2 



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IOO THE Lt kI. 



BK. XVII. 



promote). The essential nature of ceremonies and 
music being the same, the intelligent kings, one 
after another, continued them as they found them. 
The occasions and forms were according to the times 
when they were made ; the names agreed with the 
merit which they commemorated. 

21. Hence the bell, the drum, the flute, and the 
sounding-stone ; the plume, the fife, the shield, and 
the axe are the instruments of music ; the curvings 
and stretchings (of the body), the bending down and 
lifting up (of the head) ; and the evolutions and 
numbers (of the performers), with the slowness or 
rapidity (of their movements), are its elegant ac- 
companiments. The dishes, round and square, the 
stands, the standing dishes, the prescribed rules and 
their elegant variations, are the instruments of cere- 
monies ; the ascending and descending, the positions 
high and low, the wheelings about, and the changing 
of robes, are their elegant accompaniments. 

22. Therefore they who knew the essential nature 
of ceremonies and music could frame them ; and 
they who had learned their elegant accompaniments 
could hand them down. The framers may be pro- 
nounced sage ; the transmitters, intelligent. Intelli- 
gence and sagehood are other names for transmitting 
and inventing. 

23. Music is (an echo of) the harmony between 
heaven and earth ; : ceremonies reflect the orderly 
distinctions (in the operations of) heaven and eartlO 
From that harmony all things receive their being ; 
to those orderly distinctions they owe the differences 

1 Jietween them. . Music has its origin from heaven ; 

( ceremonies take their form from the appearances of 

earth. If the imitation of those appearances were 



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SECT. I. 



YO kI. 10 1 



carried to excess, confusion (of ceremonies) would 
appear ; if the framing of music were carried to 
excess, it would be too vehement. Let there be an 
intelligent understanding of the nature and inter- 
action of (heaven and earth), and there will be the 
ability to practise well both ceremonies and music. 

24. The blending together without any mutual 
injuriousness (of the sentiments and the airs on the 
different instruments) forms the essence of music ; 
and the exhilaration of joy and the glow of affection 
are its business. /Exactitude and correctness, without A 
any inflection or deviation, form the substance of 
ceremonies, while gravity, respectfulness, and a 
humble consideration are the rules for their dis- 
charge.J 

25. As to the employment of instruments of metal 
and stone in connexion with these ceremonies and 
this music, the manifestation of them by the voice 
and its modulations, the use of them in the ancestral 
temple, and at the altars to the spirits of the land 
and grain, and in sacrificing to (the spirits of) the 
hills and streams, and to the general spiritual agencies 
(in nature) ; — these are (external demonstrations), 
natural even to the people 1 . 

26. When the (ancient) kings had accomplished 
their undertakings, they made their music (to com- 
memorate them) ; when they had established their 

1 The eleven paragraphs ending with this form the second 
chapter of the Book, called by Lift Hsiang Yo Lun (|^ |jj|), 
while the third chapter, extending to the end of the section, is called 
Yo LI (i& Jj|[), as if the two were an expansion of the statement 
in the seventh paragraph, that music is ' the intercommunication 
of the modulated sounds and the mind in their relations and dif- 
ferences.' 



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I02 



THE l! Jff. BK. XVrt. 



government, they framed their ceremonies. The 
excellence of their music was according to the great- 
ness of their undertakings ; and the completeness of 
their ceremonies was according to the comprehen- 
siveness of their government. The dances with 
shields and axes did not belong to the most excellent 
music 1 , nor did the sacrifices with cooked flesh mark 
the highest ceremonies 1 . 

27. The times of the five Tis were different, and 
therefore they did not each adopt the music of his 
predecessor. The three kings belonged to different 
ages, and so they did not each follow the ceremonies 
of his predecessor. Music carried to an extreme 
degree leads to sorrow, and coarseness in cere- 
monies indicates something one-sided. To make 
the grandest music, which should bring with it no 
element of sorrow, and frame the completest cere- 
monies which yet should show no one-sidedness, 
;could be the work only # of the great sage. 

28. There are heaven above and earth below, and 
between them are distributed all the (various) beings 
with their different (natures and qualities) : — in ac- 
cordance with this proceeded the framing of cere- 
monies. (The influences of) heaven and earth flow 
forth and never cease ; and by their united action 
(the phenomena of) production and change ensue : — 
in accordance with this music arose. The processes 
of growth in spring, and of maturing in summer 
(suggest the idea of) benevolence ; those of in-gather- 
ing in autumn and of storing in winter, suggest 

1 As being, I suppose, commemorative of the achievements of 
war, and not the victories of peace ; and as marking a progress of 
society, and a departure from the primitive era of innocent simpli- 
city and reverence. 



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SECT. I. 



YO tff. I03 



~T\ 



righteousness. {Benevolence is akin to music, and 
righteousness to ceremonies. 

29. Harm ony is the thing principally sought in 
music : — it therein follows heaven, and manifests the 
spirit-like expansive influence characteristic of it. 
Normal distinction is the thing aimed at in cere- 
monies : — they therein follow earth, and exhibit the 
spirit-like retractive influence characteristic of it. 
Hence the sages made music in response to heaven, 
and framed ceremonies in correspondence with earth. 
In the wisdom and completeness of their ceremonies 
and music we see the directing power of heaven and 
earth 1 . 

30. (The relation) between ruler and minister was 
determined from a consideration of heaven (conceived 
of as) honourable, and earth (conceived of as) mean. 
The positions of noble and mean were fixed with a 
reference to the heights and depths displayed by the 
surface (of the earth). The regularity with which 
movement and repose follow each other (in the course 
of nature) led to the consideration of affairs as small 

1 On the first of these two paragraphs, P. Callery says : — 'The cele- 
brated Encyclopaedist, Ma Twan-lin (Book 181), says that this passage 
is one of the most marvellous that ever were written, and he draws 
from it the proof that the work could not have been written later 
than the Han, " because reckoning from that dynasty, there did 
not appear any author capable of conceiving ideas so profound, 
and expressing them in language so elevated."' P. Callery adds, 
' As regards the origin of the LI K\, the reasoning of the Encyclo- 
paedist appears to me passably (passablement) false; as to the 
intrinsic worth of the passage, I leave it to the reader to form his 
judgment from the translation, which I have endeavoured to render 
as faithful as possible.' 

In the passage of Mi Twan-lin, however, that author is simply 
quoting the words of A'u Hs! (Td ATwdn, Book 37), and expresses 
no opinion of his own. 



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104 THE Lt Kl. bk. xvh. 

^— ■— ^^— ^— — III III I — ■ ■ I I ' ■ I I 

and great. The different quarters (of the heavens) 
are grouped together, and the things (of the earth) 
are distinguished by their separate characteristics; 
and this gave rise to (the conception of) natures and 
their attributes and functions. In heaven there are 
formed its visible signs, and earth produces its (end- 
less variety of) things ; and thus it was that cere- 
monies were framed after the distinctions between 
heaven and earth. 

31. The breath (or influence) of earth ascends on 
high, and that of heaven descends below. These in 
their repressive and expansive powers come into 
mutual contact, and heaven and earth act on each 
other. (The susceptibilities of nature) are roused by 
the thunder, excited by the wind and rain, moved by 
the four seasons, and warmed by the sun and moon ; 
and all the processes of change and growth vigorously 
proceed. Thus it was that music was framed to 
indicate the harmonious action of heaven and earth. 

32. If these processes took place out of season, 
there would be no (vigorous) life; and if no dis- 
tinction were observed between males and females, 
disorder would arise and grow : — such is the(nature 
of the (different qualities of) heaven and earth>~ — ' 

33. When we think of ceremonies and music, how 
they reach to the height of heaven and embrace the 
earth ; how there are in them the phenomena of 
retrogression and expansion, and a communication 
with the spirit-like (operations of nature), we must 
pronounce their height the highest, their reach the 
farthest, their depth the most profound, and their 
breadth the greatest. 

34. Music appeared in the Grand Beginning (of all 
things), and ceremonies had their place on the com- 



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SECT. II. YO Kt. I05 

/ ! ; ; ; 

pletion of them.j Their manifestation, being cease- 
less, gives (die idea of) heaven; and again, being 
motionless, gives (the idea of) earth. Through the 
movement and repose (of their interaction) come all 
things between heaven and earth. Hence the sages 
simply spoke of ceremonies and music. 

Section II. 

1. Anciently, Shun made the lute with five strings, 
and used it in singing the Nan Fang. Khwei was 
the first who composed (the pieces of) music to be 
employed by the feudal lords as an expression of (the 
royal) approbation of them 1 . 

2. Thus the employment of music by the son of 
Heaven was intended to reward the most virtuous 
among the feudal lords. When their virtue was very 
great, and their instructions were honoured, and all 
the cereals ripened in their season, then they were 
rewarded by (being permitted) the use of the music. 
Hence, those of them whose toils in the government 
of the people were conspicuous, had their rows of 
pantomimes extended far ; and those of them who 
had been indifferent to the government of the people 

1 Nan F5ng, ' the South wind,' was the name of a poetical piece 
made by Shun, and celebrating the beneficent influence of rulers 
and parents as being like that of the south wind. Four lines of it 
are found in the Narratives of the School (Article 35) : — 
'The south wind's genial balm 
Gives to my people's sorrows ease; 
Its breath amidst the season's calm, 
Brings to their wealth a large increase.' 
The invention of the kh'xu. or lute, here ascribed to Shun, is also 
attributed to the more ancient Tis, Shin N&ng and Fu-hst. Per- 
haps Shun was the first to make it with five strings. Khwei was 
his minister of music; see vol. iii, pages 44, 45. 



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I06 THE Li k1. 



BK. XVII. 



had those rows made short On seeing their panto- 
mimes, one knew what was (the degree of) their 
virtue, (just as) on hearing their posthumous designa- 
tions, we know what had been (the character of) their 
conduct 

3. The Ta -A'ang expressed the brilliance (of its 
author's virtue); the Hsien.A'ih, the completeness 
(of its author's) ; the Shao showed how (its author) 
continued (the virtue of his predecessor); the Hsia, 
the greatness (of its author's virtue) ; the music of 
Yin and K&u embraced every admirable quality 1 . 

4. In the interaction of heaven and earth, if cold 
and heat do not come at the proper seasons, illnesses 
arise (among the people) ; if wind and rain do not 
come in their due proportions, famine ensues. The 
instructions (of their superiors) are the people's cold 
and heat ; if they are not what the time requires, an 
injury is done to society. The affairs (of their supe- 
riors) are the people's wind and rain ; if they are not 
properly regulated, they have no success. In accord- 
ance with this, the object of the ancient kings in their 
practice of music was to bring their government into 
harmony with those laws (of heaven and earth). If 
it was good, then the conduct (of the people) was 
like the virtue (of their superiors). 

5. (The feast on) grain-fed animals, with the ad- 
junct of drinking, was not intended to produce evil, 
and yet cases of litigation are more numerous in 
consequence of it : — it is the excessive drinking which 
produces the evil. Therefore the former kings framed 

1 Tk ATang was the name of YSo's music ; Hsien Jifih, that of 
Hwang Tfs; ShSo, that of Shun's; andHsi&.thatof Yu's. Pages 
would be required to condense what is said about the pieces and 
their names. 



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SECT. II. YO Zl. I07 

the rules to regulate the drinking. Where there is 
(but) one presentation of the cup (at one time), guest 
and host may bow to each other a hundred times, 
and drink together all the day without getting drunk. 
This was the way in which those kings provided 
against evil consequences. 

Such feasts served for the enjoyment of the parties 
at them. The music was intended to illustrate virtue ; 
the ceremonies to restrain excess. 

6. Hence the former kings, on occasions of great 
sorrow, had their rules according to which they ex- 
pressed their grief; and on occasions of great happi- 
ness, they had their rules by which they expressed 
their pleasure. The manifestations, whether of grief 
or joy, were all bounded by the limits of these rules 1 . 

7. In music the sages found pleasure, and (saw 
that) it could be used to make the hearts of the 
people good. Because of the deep influence which 
it exerts on a man, and the change which it produces 
in manners and customs, the ancient kings appointed 
it as one of the subjects of instruction. 

8. Now, in the nature of men there are both the 
energy of their physical powers and the intelligence 
of the mind; but for their (affections of) grief, 
pleasure, joy, and anger there are no invariable rules. 
They are moved according to the external objects 
which excite them, and then there ensues the mani- 
festation of the various faculties of the mind. 

9. Hence, when a (ruler's) aims are small, notes 

1 With this paragraph ends the fourth division of the Book, 
called Yo Shih (^ $fe), meaning ' The grant of Music,' or the 
principles on which the ancient kings permitted their music to be 
used by the feudal princes, to signify their approval of what was 
good, and stimulate all to virtue. 



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io8 THE Li Jfh 



BK. XVII. 



that quickly die away characterise the music, and the 
people's thoughts are sad; when he is generous, 
harmonious, and of a placid and easy temper, the 
notes are varied and elegant, with frequent changes, 
and the people are satisfied and pleased ; when he 
is coarse, violent, and excitable, the notes, vehement 
at first and distinct in the end, are full and bold 
throughout the piece, and the people are resolute 
and daring; when he is pure and straightforward, 
strong and correct, the notes are grave and expressive 
of sincerity, and the people are self-controlled and 
respectful ; when he is magnanimous, placid, and 
kind, the notes are natural, full, and harmonious, and 
the people are affectionate and loving; when he is 
careless, disorderly, perverse, and dissipated, the 
notes are tedious and ill-regulated, and the people 
proceed to excesses and disorder. 

10. Therefore the ancient kings (in framing their 
music), laid its foundations in the feelings and nature 
of men ; they examined (the notes) by the measures 
(for the length and quality of each) ; and adapted it 
to express the meaning of the ceremonies (in which 
it was to be used). They (thus) brought it into 
harmony with the energy that produces life, and to 
give expression to the performance of the five regular 
constituents of moral worth. They made it indicate 
that energy in its Yang or phase of vigour, without 
any dissipation of its power, and also in its Yin or 
phase of remission, without the vanishing of its 
power. The strong phase showed no excess like 
that of anger, and the weak no shrinking like that of 
pusillanimity. These four characteristics blended 
harmoniously in the minds of men, and were similarly 
manifested in their conduct. Each occupied quietly 



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SECT. II. 



vo kL 109 



in its proper place, and one did not interfere in- 
juriously with another. 

1 1. After this they established schools for (teach- 
ing their music), and different grades (for the learners). 
They marked most fully the divisions of the pieces, 
and condensed into small compass the parts and 
variations giving beauty and elegance, in order to 
regulate and increase the inward virtue (of the 
learners). They gave laws for the great and small 
notes according to their names, and harmonised the 
order of the beginning and the end, to represent the 
doing of things. Thus they made the underlying 
principles of the relations between the near and 
distant relatives, the noble and mean, the old and 
young, males and females, all to appear manifestly in 
the music. Hence it is said that ' in music we must 
endeavour to see its depths.' 

1 2. When the soil is worn out, the grass and trees 
on it do not grow well. When water is often troubled, 
the fish and tortoises in it do not become large. 
When the energy (of nature) is decayed, its pro- 
duction of things does not proceed freely. In an age 
of disorder, ceremonies are forgotten and neglected, 
and music becomes licentious. 

13. In such a case the notes are melancholy but 
without gravity, or joyous without repose. There is 
remissness (in ceremonies), and the violation of them 
is easy. One falls into such a state of dissoluteness 
that he forgets the virtue properly belonging to his 
nature. In great matters he is capable of treachery 
and villainy; in small matters he becomes greedy 
and covetous. There is a diminution in him of the 
.enduring, genial forces of nature, and an extinction 
of the virtue of satisfaction and harmony. On this 



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IIO THE Ll Ki. 



BE. XVII. 



account the superior man despises such (a style of 
music and ceremonies) l . 

14. Whenever notes that are evil and depraved 
affect men, a corresponding evil spirit responds to 
them (from within) ; and when this evil spirit accom- 
plishes its manifestations, licentious music is the 
result. Whenever notes that are correct affect men, 
a corresponding correct spirit responds to them 
(from within) ; and when this correct spirit accom- 
plishes its manifestations, harmonious music is the 
result. The initiating cause and the result correspond 
to each other. The round and the deflected, the 
crooked and the straight, have each its own category ; 
and such is the character of all things, that they affect 
one another severally according to their class. 

15. Hence the superior man returns to the (good) 
affections (proper to his nature) in order to bring his 
will into harmony with them, and compares the dif- 
ferent qualities (of actions) in order to perfect his 
conduct. Notes that are evil and depraved, and sights 
leading to disorder, and licentiousness, are not allowed 
to affect his ears or eyes. Licentious music and cor- 
rupted ceremonies are not admitted into the mind to 
affect its powers. The spirit of idleness, indifference, 
depravity, and perversity finds no exhibition in his 
person. And thus he makes his ears, eyes, nose, and 
mouth, the apprehensions of his mind, and the move- 
ments of all the parts of his body, all follow the course 
that is correct, and do that which is right. 

1 This and the six previous paragraphs form the fifth division of 
the Book, and are called Yo Yen (i§§ =*), 'Words about 
Music' The ATAien-lung editors, however, propose changing 
the Yen (=") into Hsing ($£), so that the meaning would be 
'Manifestations of Music' 



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SECT. II. 



YO K\. 



Ill 



1 6. After this there ensues the manifestation (of 
the inward thoughts) by the modulations of note and 
tone, the elegant accompaniments of the lutes, small 
and large, the movements with the shield and battle- 
axe, the ornaments of the plumes and ox-tails, and the 
concluding with the pipes and flutes 1 . All this has 
the effect of exhibiting the brilliance of complete 
virtue, stirring up the harmonious action of the four 
(seasonal) energies ; and displaying the true natures 
and qualities of all things. 

17. Hence in the fine and distinct notes we have 
an image of heaven ; in the ample and grand, an 
image of earth ; in their beginning and ending, an 
image of the four seasons; in the wheelings and 
revolutions (of the pantomimes), an image of the 
wind and rain. (The five notes, like) the five colours, 
form a complete and elegant whole, without any con- 
fusion. (The eight instruments of different materials, 
like) the eight winds, follow the musical accords, 
without any irregular deviation. The lengths of all 
the different notes have their definite measurements, 
without any uncertainty. The small and the great 
complete one another. The end leads on to the be- 
ginning, and the beginning to the end. The key 
notes and those harmonising with them, the sharp and 
the bass, succeed one another in their regular order. 



Thus: 





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112 THE L$ Kt 



BK. XVII. 



1 8. Therefore, when the music has full course, the 
different relations are clearly defined by it ; the per- 
ceptions of the ears and eyes become sharp and 
distinct ; the action of the blood and physical energies 
is harmonious and calm ; (bad) influences are removed, 
and manners changed ; and all under heaven there is 
entire repose. 

19. Hence we have the saying, 'Where there is 
music there is joy.' Superior men rejoice in attaining 
to the course (which they wish to pursue) ; and 
smaller men in obtaining the things which they desire. 
When the objects of desire are regulated by a consider- 
ation of the course to be pursued, there is joy without 
any disorder. When those objects lead to the forget- 
fulness of that course, there is delusion, and no joy. 

20. It is for this purpose that the superior man 
returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature), 
in order to bring his will into harmony with them, 
and makes extensive use of music in order to perfect 
Ins instructions. When the music has free course, 
the people direct themselves to the quarter (to which 
they should proceed), and we can see (the power of) 
his virtue. 

21. Virtue is the strong stem of (man's) nature, and 
music is the blossoming of virtue. Metal, stone, silk, 
and bamboo are (the materials of which) the instru- 
ments of music (are made). Poetry gives expression 
to the thoughts ; singing prolongs the notes (of the 
voice) ; pantomimic movements put the body into 
action (in harmony with the sentiments). These 
three things originate in the mind, and the instru- 
ments of the music accompany them. 

22. In this way the affections (from which comes 
the music) are deeply seated, and the elegant display 



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SECT. II. YO K\. 113 

of them is brilliant. All the energies (of the nature) 
are abundantly employed, and their transforming 
power is mysterious and spirit-like. A harmonious 
conformity (to virtue) is realised within, and the 
blossoming display of it is conspicuous without, for 
in music, more than other things, there should be 
nothing that is pretentious or hypocritical. 

23. Music springs from the movement of the mind ; 
the notes are the manifestation of the music ; the 
elegant colours and various parts are the ornaments 
of the notes. The superior man puts its fundamental 
cause in movement, makes its manifesting notes into 
music, and regulates its ornaments. 

24. Thus they first strike the drum to warn (the 
performers) to be in readiness, and (the pantomimes) 
take three steps to show the nature of the dance. 
This is done a second time and they begin to move 
forward ; and when they have completed their evolu- 
tions, they return and dress their ranks. However 
rapid their movements may be, there is nothing 
violent in them ; however mysterious they may be, 
they are not beyond the power of being understood. 
One, studying them alone, finds pleasure in the object 
of them, and does not tire in his endeavours to under- 
stand them. When he has fully understood them, 
he does not keep what he desires to himself. Thus 
the affections (of joy) are displayed ; the (ideal) of 
righteousness is established; and when the music is 
ended, the (due) honour has been paid to virtue. 
Superior men by it nourish their love of what is 
good ; small men in it hear the (correction of) their 
errors. Hence it is said, that ' for the courses to be 
pursued by men the influence of music is great' 

25. In music we have the outcome and bestowal 
[28] i 



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ii4 THE l * *t- **• XVI1 - 

(of what its framers felt) ; in ceremonies a return (for 
what their performers had received). Music expresses 
the delight in what produces it, and ceremonies lead 
the mind back to (the favours) which originate them. 
Music displays the virtue (of the framer) ; ceremonies 
are a return of the feelings (which led to them), as 
carrying the mind back to what originated them. 

26. What is called 'a Grand carriage' is one which 
is (the gift) of the son of Heaven; the flag with 
dragons, and a nine-scolloped border, was the banner 
(conferred by) the son of Heaven ; that with the 
azure and black edging exhibited the precious tor- 
toises, and was (also the gift of) the son of Heaven; 
and when these were followed by herds of oxen and 
sheep, they were the gifts bestowed on the feudal 
lords \ 

Section III. 

1. In music we have the expression • of feelings 
which do not admit of any change ; in ceremonies 
that of principles which do not admit of any altera- 
tion. Music embraces what all equally share ; cere- 
mony distinguishes the things in which men differ. 
Hence the theory of music and ceremonies embraces 
the whole nature of man. 

2. To go to the very root (of our feelings) and 
know the changes (which they undergo) is the pro- 
vince of music ; to display sincerity and put away all 
that is hypocritical is the grand law of ceremonies. 
Ceremonies and music resemble the nature of Heaven 
and Earth, penetrate to the virtues of the spiritual 
Intelligences, bring down the spirits from above, and 

1 With this ends the sixth chapter of the Book, called Yo 
Hsiang (|^ J&), meaning the natural symbols of music. 



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SECT. III. 



YO Kl. II5 



raise up those whose seat is below. They give a sort 
of substantial embodiment of what is most subtle as 
well as material, and regulate the duties between 
father and son, ruler and subject 

3. Therefore, when the Great man uses and ex- 
hibits his ceremonies and music, Heaven and Earth 
will in response to him display theirbrilliant influences. 
They will act in happy union, and the energies (of 
nature), now expanding, now contracting, will proceed 
harmoniously. The genial airs from above and the 
responsive action below will overspread and nourish 
all things. Then plants and trees will grow luxuri- 
antly ; curling sprouts and buds will expand ; the 
feathered and winged tribes will be active ; horns and 
antlers will grow ; insects will come to the light and 
revive ; birds will breed and brood ; the hairy tribes 
will mate and bring forth ; the mammalia will have 
no abortions, and no eggs will be broken or addled, — 
and all will have to be ascribed to the power of music 1 . 

4. When we speak of music we do not mean the 
notes emitted by the Hwang A'ung, T4 Lii, (and 
the other musical pipes), the stringed instruments and 
the singing, or the (brandishing of the) shields and 
axes. These are but the small accessories of the 
music; and hence lads act as the pantomimes. (In 

1 There is extravagance in this description. The Great man is 
the sage upon the throne. The imagination of^the eloquent writer 
runs riot as he dwells on the article of his creed, that ' Heaven, 
Earth, and Man ' are the « Three Powers (^ ^),' intended by 
their harmonious co-operation to make a happy and flourishing 
world. That would indeed be wonderful music which should bring 
about such a result. Compare the words of the Hebrew prophet 
in Hosea ii. 21, 22. Callery's translation of the concluding clause 
is : — ' Tout cela n'est autre chose que l'harmonie de la musique 
rejaillissant (sous tous les 6tres de la nature).' 

I 2 



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Il6 THE lA Kt. 



BK. XVII. 



the same way), the spreading of the mats, the dispos- 
ing of the vases, and the arranging of the stands and 
dishes, with the movements in ascending and descend- 
ing, are but the small accessories of ceremonies ; and 
hence there are the (smaller) officers who direct them. 
The music-masters decide on the tunes and the pieces 
of poetry; and hence they have their places with 
their stringed instruments, and their faces directed 
to the north. The prayer-officers of the ancestral 
temple decide on the various ceremonies in it, and 
hence they keep behind the representatives of the 
deceased. Those who direct the mourning rites after 
the manner of the Shang dynasty \ have their places 
(for the same reason) behind the presiding mourner. 

5. It is for this reason that the practice of virtue 
isheld to be of superior worth, and the practice of 
any art of inferior ; that complete virtue takes the 
first place, and the doing of anything, (however in- 
genious, only) the second. Therefore the ancient 
kings had their distinctions of superior and inferior, of 
first and last ; and so they could frame their music and 
ceremonies for the whole kingdom 2 . 

6. The marquis Win of Wei 3 asked 3 z e-hsia, 
saying, ' When in my square-cut dark robes and cap 
I listen to the ancient music, I am only afraid that 
I shall go to sleep. When I listen to the music of 

1 Which was distinguished for the plain simplicity of its ob- 
servances. 

* With this ends the seventh chapter, called Yo XAing (J^ 1pf)> 
• The attributes of Music' 

* The marquis Wan ruled in Wei from b.c. 425 to 387. He is 
said to have received the classical books from 3ze-hsi&, when that 
disciple of Confucius must have been a hundred years old, and 
was blind, in b.c. 407. 



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SECT. III. YO J[i. 117 

A"ang and Wei, I do not feel tired ; let me ask why 
I should feel so differently under the old and the 
new music' 

7. 3 z e-hsiA replied, ' In the old music, (the per- 
formers) advance and retire all together ; the music 
is harmonious, correct, and in large volume; the 
stringed instruments (above) and those made from 
gourd shells with the organs and their metal tongues 
(below), are all kept waiting for the striking of the 
drum. The music first strikes up at the sound of 
the drum ; and when it ends, it is at the sound of the 
cymbals. The close of each part of the performance 
is regulated by the Hsiang 1 , and the rapidity of the 
motions by the Yd 1 . In (all) this the superior man 
speaks of, and follows, the way of antiquity. The 
character is cultivated ; the family is regulated ; and 
peace and order are secured throughout the kingdom. 
This is the manner of the ancient music. 

8. ' But now, in the new music, (the performers) 
advance and retire without any regular order ; the 
music is corrupt to excess; there is no end to its 
vileness. Among the players there are dwarfs like 
monkeys, while boys and girls are mixed together, 
and there is no distinction between father and son. 
Such music can never be talked about, and cannot 
be said to be after the manner of antiquity. This is 
the fashion of the new music. 

9. ' What you ask about is music ; and what you 
like is sound. Now music and sound are akin, but 
they are not the same.' 

1 These are names of musical instruments, of which figures are 
given in the plates to the .Oien-lung edition ; but there is much 
uncertainty about them. 



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II 8 THE hi jrf. 



BE. XVII. 



10. The marquis asked him to explain, and 3 ze " 
hsia replied, 'In antiquity, Heaven and Earth acted 
according to their several natures, and the four sea- 
sons were what they ought to be. The people were 
virtuous, and all the cereals produced abundantly. 
There were no fevers or other diseases, and no ap- 
paritions or other prodigies. This was what we call 
"the period of great order." After this arose the 
sages, and set forth the duties between father and 
son, and between ruler and subject, for the guid- 
ance of society. When these guiding rules were 
thus correctly adjusted, all under heaven, there was 
a great tranquillity; after which they framed with 
exactness the six accords (upper and lower), and 
gave harmony to the five notes (of the scale), and 
the singing to the lutes of the odes and praise-songs ; 
constituting what we call " the virtuous airs." Such 
virtuous airs constituted what we call " Music," as is 
declared in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 4), 

" Silently grew the fame of his virtue, 
His virtue was highly intelligent; 
Highly intelligent, and of rare discrimination ; 
Able to lead, able to rule, — 
To rule over this great country, 
Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial 

union. 
When (the sway) came to king Wan, 
His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with. 
He received the blessing of God, 
And it was extended to his descendants." 

11. 'May I not say that what you love are the 
vile airs ? ' The marquis said, ' Let me ask where 
the vile airs come from?' 3 ze_ h s & replied, 'The 



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sect. in. yo art. 119 

airs of A'ang go to a wild excess, and debauch the 
mind ; those of Sung tell of slothful indulgence and 
women, and drown the mind; those of Wei are 
vehement and rapid, and perplex the mind ; and 
those of KhX are violent and depraved, and make 
the mind arrogant The airs of those four states 
all stimulate libidinous desire, and are injurious to 
virtue ; — they should therefore not be used at 
sacrifices. 

12. 'It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i [Partii], 
ode 5), 

"In solemn unison (the instruments) give forth their 
notes ; 
Our ancestors will hearken to them." 

That solemn unison denotes the grave reverence 
and harmony of their notes : — with reverence, 
blended with harmony, what is there that cannot 
be done? 

13. 'A ruler has only to be careful of what he 
likes and dislikes. What the ruler likes, his ministers 
will practise ; and what superiors do, their inferiors 
follow. This is the sentiment in the Book of 
Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 6), 

" To lead the people is very easy." 

1 4. ' Seeing this, and after (the repose of the 
people was secured), the sages made hand-drums 
and drums, the stopper and the starter, the earthen 
whistle and the bamboo flute, — the six instruments 
which produced the soundsof theirvirtuous airs. After 
these came the bell, the sounding-stone, the organ 
with thirty-six pipes, and the large lute, to be played 
in harmony with them ; the shields, axes, ox-tails, and 
plumes, brandished by the pantomimes in time and 



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120 THE Lt Ki. 



BK. xvn. 



tune. These they employed at the sacrifices in the 
temple of the former kings, at festivals in offering 
and receiving the pledge cup; in arranging the 
services of officers (in the temple) according to the 
rank due to each, as noble or mean, and in showing 
to future ages how they observed the order due to 
rank and to age. 

1 5. ' The bells give out a clanging sound as a 
signal. The signal is recognised by all, and that 
recognition produces a martial enthusiasm. When 
the ruler hears the sound of the bell, he thinks of 
his officers of war. 

' The sounding-stones give out a tinkling sound, as 
a summons to the exercise of discrimination. That 
discrimination may lead to the encountering of 
death. When the ruler hears the sounding-stone, 
he thinks of his officers who die in defence of his 
frontiers. 

' The stringed instruments give out a melancholy 
sound, which produces the thought of purity and 
fidelity, and awakens the determination of the 
mind. When the ruler hears the sound of the lute 
and cithern, he thinks of his officers who are bent 
on righteousness. 

' The instruments of bamboo give out a sound like 
that of overflowing waters, which suggests the idea 
of an assembly, the object of which is to collect the 
multitudes together. When the ruler hears the 
sound of his organs, pipes, and flutes, he thinks of 
his officers who gather the people together. 

'The drums and tambours give out their loud 
volume of sound, which excites the idea of move- 
ment, and tends to the advancing of the host When 
the ruler hears the sounds of his drums and tarn- 



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SECT. HI. YO Zt. 121 

bours, he thinks of his leaders and commanders. 
When a superior man thus hears his musical instru- 
ments, he does not hear only the sounds which they 
emit. There are associated ideas which accompany 
these V 

1 6. Pin-mau Ala* was sittting with Confucius. 
Confucius talked with him about music, and said, 
' At (the performance of) the Wu, how is it that the 
preliminary warning (of the drum) continues so 
long?' The answer was, 'To show (the king's) 
anxiety that all his multitudes should be of one 
mind with him.' 

' How is it that (when the performance has com- 
menced) the singers drawl their notes so long, and 
the pantomimes move about till they perspire ? ' 
The answer was, ' To show his apprehension that 
some (princes) might not come up in time for the 
engagement.' 

' How is it that the violent movement of the arms 
and stamping fiercely with the feet begin so soon ? ' 
The answer was, ' To show that the time for the 
engagement had arrived.' 

' How is it that, (in the performance of the Wu,) 
the pantomimes kneel on the ground with the right 

1 With this fifteenth paragraph ends the eighth chapter of the 
Book called simply ' Marquis Wan of Wei r s Chapter ' (^| ~fr 
ifl-i ^£\ ; and the A^ien-lung editors say nothing more about it. 

3 Pin-mau ATia must have been a scholar of Confucius' time, 
a master of music ; but, so far as I have read, nothing is known 
about him beyond what appears here. The ATAang Hung at the 
end of the paragraph was a historiographer of A"au, with whom 
Confucius is said to have studied music. The Wu was the dance 
and music which king Wu is said to have made after his conquest 
of Shang or Yin. 



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122 THE Li K\. 



BK. XVII. 



knee, while the left is kept up ? ' The answer was, 
' There should be no kneeling in the Wu.' 

' How is it that the words of the singers go on to 
speak eagerly of Shang ? ' The answer was, 'There 
should be no such sounds in the Wu.' 

' But if there should be no such sound in the Wu, 
where does it come from ? ' The answer was, ' The 
officers (of the music) failed to hand it down cor- 
rectly. If they did not do so, the aim of king Wu 
would have been reckless and wrong.' 

The Master said, ' Yes, what I heard from .Oang 
Hung was to the same effect as what you now say.' 

1 7. Pin-mau A"ia rose up, left his mat, and addressed 
Confucius, saying, ' On the long-continued warning 
(of the drum) in the Wu, I have heard your 
instructions ; but let me ask how it is that after that 
first delay there is another, arid that a long one ? ' 

The Master said, ' Sit down, and I will tell you. 
Music is a representation of accomplished facts. The 
pantomimes stand with their shields, each erect and 
firm as a hill, representing the attitude of king Wu. 
The violent movements of the arms and fierce 
stamping represent the enthusiasm of Thai-kung. 
The kneeling of all at the conclusion of the perform- 
ance represents the government (of peace, instituted) 
by (the dukes of) A'au and Shao. 

18. 'Moreover, the pantomimes in the first move- 
ment proceed towards the north (to imitate the march- 
ing of king Wu against Shang) ; in the second, they 
show the extinction of Shang ; in the third, they show 
the return march to the south ; in the fourth, they 
show the laying out of the Southern states ; in the 
fifth, they show how (the dukes of) A'au and Shao 
were severally put in charge of the states on the 



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/♦T ■»» T -v -. A 

sect. in. yo id. U w •'•• - 1 ■ 123. IT T Y J 

left and right ; in the sixth, they again unn^^J^w^'^J.^ ' 
point of starting to offer their homage to the son of 
Heaven. Two men, one on each side of the per- 
formers, excite them with bells, and four times they 
stop and strike and thrust, showing the great awe 
with which (king Wu) inspired the Middle states. 
Their advancing with these men on each side shows 
his eagerness to complete his helpful undertaking. 
The performers standing long together show how he 
waited for the arrival of the princes. 

19. 'And have you alone not heard the accounts 
of Mu-yeh ? King Wu, after the victory over Yin, 
proceeded to (the capital of) Shang ; and before he 
descended from his chariot he invested the descen- 
dants of Hwang Ti with KS. ; those of the Tt Yao 
with Kb ; and those of the Tl Shun with Kk&n. 
When he had descended from it, he invested the 
descendant of the sovereign of Hsia with K\ ; 
appointed the descendants of Yin to Sung ; raised a 
mound over the grave of the king's son, Pl-kan ; 
released the count of KhS. from his imprisonment, 
and employed him to restore to their places the 
officers who were acquainted with the ceremonial 
usages of Shang. The common people were relieved 
from (the pressure) of the (bad) government which 
they had endured, and the emoluments of the multi- 
tude of (smaller) officers were doubled. 

' (The king then) crossed the Ho, and proceeded 
to the west. H is horses were set free on the south 
of mount Hwa, not to be yoked again. His oxen 
were dispersed in the wild of the Peach forest, not 
to be put to the carriages again. His chariots and 
coats of mail were smeared with blood, and des- 
patched to his arsenals, not to be used again. The ' 



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124 THE ii *i. BK. XVII. 

shields and spears were turned upside down and con- 
veyed away, wrapped in tiger skins, which were styled 
" the appointed cases." The leaders and commanders 
were then constituted feudal lords ; and it was known 
throughout the kingdom that king Wu would have 
recourse to weapons of war no more \ 

20. ' The army having been disbanded (the king 
commanded) a practice of archery at the colleges in 
the suburbs. At the college on the left (or east) 
they shot to the music of the Ll-shau 2 ; at that on 
the right (or west) they shot to the music of the 
3au-yii ; and (from this time) the archery which 
consisted in going through (so many) buffcoats 
ceased. They wore (only) their civil robes and caps, 
with their ivory tokens of rank stuck in their girdles ; 
and the officers of the guard put off their swords. 
(The king) offered sacrifice in the Hall of Distinc- 
tion, and the people learned to be filial. He gave 
audiences at court, and the feudal lords knew how they 
ought to demean themselves. He ploughed in the 
field set apart for that purpose, and the lords learned 
what should be the object of reverence to them (in 
their states). These five things constituted great 
lessons for the whole kingdom.' 

21. In feasting the three (classes of the) old and 
the five (classes of the) experienced in the Great 
college, he himself (the son of Heaven) had his 

1 See the account of all these proceedings after the victory of 
Mu in the Shu, V, iii, 9, though it is difficult to reconcile the two 
accounts in some of their details. 

* See the ATiiu Li, Book 22, 32. The ode Lf-shSu was used 
at the archery celebrations of the feudal lords, and is now lost. The 
3au-yli is the last ode in the second Book of the Shih, Part I. It 
was used at contests where the king presided. 



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SECT. III. 



yo jri. 125 



breast bared and cut up the animals. He (also) 
presented to them the condiments and the cups. 
He wore the royal cap, and stood with a shield 
before him. In this way he taught the lords their 
brotherly duties. 

22. 'In this manner the ways of A!au penetrated 
everywhere, and the interaction of ceremonies and 
music was established ; — is it not right that in the 
performance of the Wu there should be that gradual 
and long-continuing action 1 ?' 

23. A superior man says : 'Ceremonies and music 
should not for a moment be neglected by any one. 
When one has mastered completely (the principles 
of) music, and regulates his heart and mind accord- 
ingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart 
is easily developed, and with this development of the 
heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of 
repose. This repose is long-continued. The man 
in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) Heaven. 
Heaven-like, (his action) is spirit-like. Heaven-like, 
he is believed without the use of words. Spirit-like, 
he is regarded with awe, without any display of rage. 
So it is, when one by his mastering of music regu- 
lates his mind and heart. 

24. 'When one has mastered completely (the prin- 
ciple of) ceremonies so as to regulate his person ac- 
cordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave 
and reverential, he comes to be regarded with awe. 
If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of 
harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter 

1 The preceding seven paragraphs form the ninth chapter, which, 
like the former, simply bears the name of one of the parties in it, 
and is called ' The chapter of Pin-m&u K&.' 



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126 THE Li kI 



BK. xvit. 



it If the outward demeanour be for a moment 
without gravity and respectfulness, indifference and 
rudeness show themselves. 

25. ' Therefore the sphere in which music acts is 
the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his ex- 
terior. The result of music is a perfect harmony, 
and that of ceremonies a perfect observance (of pro- 
priety). When one's inner man is (thus) harmonious, 
and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his 
countenance and do not strive with him ; they look 
to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or 
rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue 
shines and acts within (a superior), the people are 
sure to accept (his rule), and hearken to him ; and 
when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in 
his conduct, the people are sure (in the same way) to 
accept and obey him. Hence it is said, " Carry out 
perfectly ceremonies and music, and give them their 
outward manifestation and application, and under 
heaven nothing difficult to manage will appear." ' 

26. Music springs from the inward movements (of 
the soul) ; ceremonies appear in the outward move- 
ments, (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make 
ceremonies as few and brief as possible, and to give 
to music its fullest development. This rule for cere- 
monies leads to the forward exhibition of them, and 
therein their beauty resides ; that for music leads to 
the introspective consideration of it, and therein its 
beauty resides. If ceremonies demanding this con- 
densation were not performed with this forward 
exhibition of them, they would almost disappear 
altogether ; if music, demanding this full develop- 
ment, were not accompanied with this introspection, 
it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it 



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SXCT. III. 



YO KL 127 



is that to every ceremony there is jts proper response, 
and for music there is its introspection. When cere- 
monies are responded to, there arises pleasure ; and 
when music is accompanied with the right intro- 
spection, there arises, the (feeling of^) repose. The 
responses of ceremony and the introspection of music 
spring from one and the same idea, and have one and 
the same object. '"* ' ; * 

27. Now music produces pleasure; — what the 
nature of man cannot be without. That pleasure 
must arise from the modulation of the sounds, and 
have its embodiment in the movements (of the body) ; 
— such is the rule of humanity. These modulations 
and movements are the changes required by the 
nature, and they are found complete in music. Thus 
men will not be without the ministration of pleasure, 
and pleasure will not be without its embodiment, but 
if that embodiment be not suitably conducted, it is 
impossible that disorder should not arise. The 
ancient kings, feeling that they would feel ashamed 
(in the event of such disorder arising), appointed the 
tunes and words of the Ya and the Sung to guide 
(in the music), so that its notes should give sufficient 
pleasure, without any intermixture of what was bad, 
while the words should afford sufficient material for 
consideration without causing weariness; and the 
bends and straight courses, the swell and diminu- 
tion, the sharp angles, and soft melody throughout 
all its parts, should be sufficient to stir up in the 
minds of the hearers what was good in them, without 
inducing any looseness of thought or depraved air 
to be suggested. Such was the plan of the ancient 
kings when they framed their music. 

28. Therefore in the ancestral temple, rulers and 



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128 THE L,t Ki. 



BK. XVII. 



ministers, high and low, listen together to the music, 
and all is harmony and reverence ; at the district and 
village meetings of the heads of clans, old and young 
listen together to it, and all is harmony and deference. 
Within the gate of the family, fathers and sons, 
brothers and cousins, listen together to it, and all is 
harmony and affection. Thus in music there is a 
careful discrimination (of the voices) to blend them 
in unison so as to bring out their harmony ; there is 
a union of the (various) instruments to give orna- 
mental effect to its different parts ; and these parts 
are combined and performed so as to complete its 
elegance. In this way fathers and sons, rulers and 
subjects are united in harmony, and the people of the 
myriad states are associated in love. Such was the 
method of the ancient kings when they framed their 
music. 

29. In listening to the singing of the Ya and the 
Sung, the aims and thoughts receive an expansion. 
From the manner in which the shields and axes are 
held and brandished, and from the movements of the 
body in the practice with them, now turned up, now 
bent down, now retiring, now stretching forward, the 
carriage of the person receives gravity. From the 
way in which (the pantomimes) move to their several 
places, and adapt themselves to the several parts (of 
the performance), the arrangement of their ranks is 
made correct, and their order in advancing and re- 
tiring is secured. In this way music becomes the 
lesson of Heaven and Earth, the regulator of true 
harmony, and what the nature of man cannot dis- 
pense with. 

30. It was by music that the ancient kings gave 
elegant expression to their joy ; by their armies and 



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SECT. III. YO jei. 1 29 

axes that they gave the same to their anger. Hence 
their joy and anger always received their appropriate 
response. When they were joyful, all under heaven 
were joyful with them ; when they were angry, the 
oppressive and disorderly feared them. In the ways 
of the ancient kings, ceremonies and music may be 
said to have attained perfection ! . 

31. (Once), when 3ze-kung had an interview with 
the music-master Yl, he asked him, saying, ' I have 
heard that in the music and words belonging to it 
there is that which is specially appropriate to every 
man ; what songs are specially appropriate to me ? ' 
The other replied, ' I am but a poor musician, and 
am not worthy to be asked what songs are appro- 
priate for particular individuals ; — allow me to repeat 
to you what I have heard, and you can select for 
yourself (what is appropriate to you). The generous 
and calm, the mild and correct, should sing the 
Sung ; the magnanimous and calm, and those of wide 
penetration and sincere, the Ta Ya (Major Odes of 
the Kingdom) ; the courteous and self-restraining, 
the lovers of the rules of propriety, the Hsiao Ya 
(Minor Odes of the Kingdom) ; the correct, upright, 
and calm, the discriminating and humble, the Fang 
(Airs of the States) ; the determinedly upright, but 
yet gentle and loving, the Shang ; and the mild and 
honest, but yet capable of decision, the Kh\. The 
object of this singing is for one to make himself right, 
and then to display his virtue. When he has thus put 

1 From paragraph 23 to this forms the tenth chapter of the Book, 
which has the name of Yo Hw& (i§£ ^fc), 'The Transforming 
Operation of Music,' supplementing and summarising all the 
previous chapters. 

08] K 



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130 THE ii *t. BK. XVII. 

himself in a condition to act, Heaven and Earth 
respond to him, the four seasons revolve in harmony 
with him, the stars and constellations observe their 
proper laws, and all things are nourished and thrive. 

32. 'What are called the Shang 1 were the airs and 
words transmitted from the five Tls ; and having been 
remembered by the people of Shang, we call them 
the Shang. What are called the Khi were trans- 
mitted from the three dynasties ; and having been 
remembered by the people of Khi, we call them the 
Khi. He who is versed in the airs of the Shang 
will generally be found to manifest decision in the 
conduct of affairs. He who is versed in the airs of 
the Khi, when he is attracted by the prospect of 
profit, will yet give place to others. To manifest 
decision in the conduct of affairs is bravery ; to give 
place to others in the prospect of gain is righteous- 
ness. Who, without singing these songs, can assure 
himself that he will always preserve such bravery and 
righteousness ? 

33. 'In singing, the high notes rise as if they were 
borne aloft ; the low descend as if they were falling 
to the ground ; the turns resemble a thing broken 
off; and the finale resembles (the breaking) of a 
willow tree ; emphatical notes seem made by the 

1 AH the other pieces of song mentioned in the preceding para- 
graph are well known, as the divisions under which the odes of the 
Shih King are arranged. What are called the Shang and Khi 
are lost, but some account of them is given in this paragraph. 
When it is said that the people of Shang remembered the airs and 
poetry of the five Tis, we must understand by Shang the duchy of 
Sung, which was ruled by the representation of the line of the 
Shang kings. Why the state of Kh\ should have remembered 
the airs and songs of ' the three dynasties ' more than any other 
State, I cannot tell. 



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SECT. III. 



YO Jft. 131 



square ; quavers are like the hook (of a spear) ; and 
those prolonged on the same key are like pearls 
strung together. Hence, singing means the prolonged 
expression of the words ; there is the utterance of the 
words, and when the simple utterance is not sufficient, 
the prolonged expression of them. When that pro- 
longed expression is not sufficient, there come the 
sigh and exclamation. When these are insufficient, 
unconsciously there come the motions of the hands 
and the stamping of the feet 1 .' 

(Such was the answer to) 3 z e-kung's question 
about music 2 . 

1 On this passage, P. Callery says : — ' Quoique, a la rigueur, on 
puisse comparer des airs a des objcts, ou a des accidents mateViels, 
comme nous disons de tel motif musical qu'ilest "Large," "Sec," 
"Dur," etc., il faut avouer que les comparaisons adopte'es par 
l'artiste Chinois sont, en general, fort mauvaises, c'est une ampli- 
fication gate*e de ce qu'il a dit plus haut.' 

' This and the two preceding paragraphs form the eleventh 
chapter of the Book, the last of those of which the text has been 
preserved. It is called, ' Questions of 3ze-kung about Music' 



K 2 

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BOOK XVIII. 3A K\ 

OR 
MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS 1 . 

Section I. Part I. 

1. When a feudal lord was on the march and died 
in his lodging 2 , they called back his soul in the same 
way as in his state. If he died on the road, (one) 
got up on the nave of the left wheel of the chariot in 
which he had been riding, and called it, waving the 
pennon of his flag. 

(For the carriage with the bier) there was a pall, 
and attached to it a fringe made of black cloth, like 
a lower garment, serving as a curtain (to the tem- 
porary coffin), and the whole was made into a sort 
of house by a covering of white brocade. With this 
they travelled (back to his state), and on arriving 
at the gate of the temple, without removing the 
(curtain) wall, they entered and went straight to the 
place where the coffining was to take place. The 
pall was removed at the outside of the door. 

2. When a Great officer or an ordinary officer 
died on the road, (one) got up on the left end of the 
nave of his carriage, and called back his soul, waving 
his pennon. If he died in his lodging, they called 
the soul back in the same manner as if he had died 
in his house. 



1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 34. 

* The public lodging assigned to him in the state where he was. 



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SECT. I. PT. I. 3A kI. 133 

In the case of a Great officer they made a pall of 
cloth, and so proceeded homewards. On arriving at 
the house, they removed the pall, took the (tem- 
porary) coffin on a handbarrow, entered the gate, and 
proceeding to the eastern steps, there halted and 
removed the barrow, after which they took the body 
up the steps, right to the place where it was to be 
coffined. 

3. The pall-house made over the body of an ordi- 
nary officer was made of the phragmites rush; and 
the fringe for a curtain below of the typha. 

4. In every announcement of a death to the ruler 
it was said, ' Your lordship's minister, so and so, has 
died.' When the announcement was from a parent, 
a wife, or an eldest son, it was said, ' Your lordship's 

minister, my , has died.' In an announcement 

of the death of a ruler to the ruler of another state, 
it was said, ' My unworthy ruler has ceased to receive 
his emoluments. I venture to announce it to your 
officers V If the announcement were about the death 
of his wife, it was said, ' The inferior partner of my 
poor ruler has ceased to receive her emoluments.' 
On the death of a ruler's eldest son, the announce- 
ment ran, ' The heir-son of my unworthy ruler, so 
and so, has died.' 

5. When an announcement of the death of a Great 
officer was sent to another of the same grade, in the 
same state, it was said, ' So and so has ceased to 
receive his emoluments.' The same terms were 
employed when the announcement was to an ordi- 
nary officer. When it was sent to the ruler of an- 
other state, it ran, ' Your lordship's outside minister, 

1 Not daring to communicate the evil tidings directly to the 
ruler. 



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134 THE Lt Kt. 



BK. XVIII. 



my poor Great officer, so and so, has died.' If it 
were to one of equal degree (in the other state), it 
was said, ' Sir, your outside servant, our poor Great 
officer, has ceased to receive his emoluments, and 
I am sent here to inform you.' If it were to an 
ordinary officer, the announcement was made in the 
same terms. 

6. In the announcement of the death of an ordinary 
officer to the same parties, it was made in the same 
style, only that ' So and so has died,' was employed 
in all the cases. 

7. A Great officer had his place in the lodgings 
about the palace, till the end of the mourning rites 
(for a ruler), while another officer returned to his 
home on the completion of a year. An ordinary 
officer had his place in the same lodgings. A Great 
officer occupied the mourning shed ; another officer, 
the unplastered apartment 1 . 

8. In the mourning for a cousin, either paternal or 
maternal, who had not attained to the rank of a Great 
officer, a Great officer wore the mourning appropriate 

1 Two places of lodging about the palace are mentioned here : — 
the mourning shed, and the unplastered apartment. Both these 
appear to have been in the courtyard, outside the palace itself; 
the former, a hut, formed by trees and branches of trees, placed 
against the wall on the east, with the most slender provision for 
accommodation and comfort ; the latter, an apartment in some other 
place, made of unburnt bricks, and unplastered, more commodious, 
but nearly as destitute of comfort. In the former, the chief mourners 
'afflicted themselves,' while those whose mourning was not so 
intense occupied the other. 

The ordinary officer, who returned home at the end of a year, is 
supposed to have had his charge in some town at a distance from 
court, where his presence could no longer be dispensed with ; and 
the other, who occupies the unplastered apartment to the end of the 
rites, to have been employed at the court. 



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SECT. I. PT. I. 3A Kl. 135 

for an ordinary officer ; and an ordinary officer, in 
mourning similarly for a cousin on either side who 
had been a Great officer, wore the same mourning. 

9. The son of a Great officer by his wife proper 
wore the mourning appropriate for a Great officer. 

10. The son of a Great officer by any other 
member of his harem, who was himself a Great 
officer, wore for his father or mother the mourning 
of a Great officer ; but his place was only the same 
as that of a son by the proper wife who was not a 
Great officer. 

11. When the son of an ordinary officer had be- 
come a Great officer, his parents could not preside 
at his mourning rites. They made his son do so ; 
and if he had no son, they appointed some one to 
perform that part, and be the representative of the 
deceased. 

1 2. When they were divining by the tortoise-shell 
about the grave and the day of interment of a Great 
officer, the officer superintending (the operation) wore 
an upper robe of sackcloth, with (strips of) coarser 
cloth (across the chest), and a girdle of the same 
and the usual mourning shoes. His cap was of 
black material, without any fringe. The diviner 
wore a skin cap. 

13. If the stalks were employed, then the mani- 
pulator wore a cap of plain silk, and the long robe. 
The reader of the result wore his court robes. 

14. At the mourning rites for a Great officer (pre- 
paratory to the interment), the horses were brought 
out. The man who brought them wailed, stamped, 
and went out. After this (the son) folded up the 
offerings, and read the list (of the gifts that had 
been sent). 



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I36 THE ii St. 



BK. XVIII. 



1 5. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, one 
from the department of the chief superintendent of 
the ancestral temple assisted (the presiding mourner), 
and one from that of the assistant superintendent put 
the question to the tortoise-shell, which was then 
manipulated in the proper form by the diviner. 

16. In calling back (the soul of) a feudal lord, 
they used the robe which had first been conferred on 
him, with the cap and corresponding robes, varying 
according to the order of his nobility. 

17. (In calling back the soul of) a friend's wife, 
they used the black upper robe with a purple border, 
or that with pheasants embroidered on it in various 
colours ; both of them lined with white crape. 

18. (In calling back that of) the wife of a high 
noble, they used the upper robe of light green, worn 
on her first appointment to that position, and lined 
with white crape ; (in calling back that of the wife of) 
a Great officer of the lowest grade, the upper robe of 
plain white. (The souls of other wives were called 
back) by parties with the same robe as in the case of 
an ordinary officer. 

19. In the calling back, they stood (with their 
faces to the north), inclining to the west \ 

20. (To the pall over the coffin of a Great officer) 
there was not attached the (curtain of) yellow silk 
with pheasants on it, descending below the (bamboo) 
catch for water. 

21. (The tablet of a grandson who had been) a 
Great officer was placed (in the shrine of his grand- 
father who had (only) been an officer ; but not if he 

1 Paragraph 18 in the ordinary editions is before 16. The 
tablets must have been confused, and were, perhaps, defective. 



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SECT. I. PT. I. SA Si. 137 

had only been an officer, and the grandfather a Great 
officer. In that case, the tablet was placed in the 
shrine of a brother of the grandfather (who had 
only been an officer). If there were no such brother, 
(it was placed in the shrine of their high ancestor), 
according to the regular order of relationship. Even 
if his grand-parents were alive, it was so. 

22. The (tablet of a) wife was placed after that 
of the wife (of the principal of the shrine), in which 
her husband's tablet was placed. If there had been 
no such wife, it was placed in the shrine of the wife 
of the high ancestor, according to the regular order 
of relationship. The (tablet of a) concubine was 
placed in the shrine of her husband's grandmother 
(concubine). If there had been no such concubine, 
then (it was placed in that of the concubine of the 
high ancestor) according to the regular order of 
relationship. 

23. (The tablet of) an unmarried son was placed 
in the shrine of his grandfather, and was used at 
sacrifices. That of an unmarried daughter was placed 
in the shrine of her grandmother, but was not used 
at sacrifices. The (tablet of) the son of a ruler was 
placed in the shrine of (one of) the sons (of his grand- 
father), that grandfather having also been a ruler. 

24. When a ruler died, his eldest son was simply 
styled son (for that year), but he was treated (by 
other rulers) as the ruler. 

25. If one, after wearing for a year the mourning 
and cap proper to the three years for a parent, met 
with the death of a relative for whom he had to wear 
the mourning of nine months, he changed it for the 
hempen-cloth proper to the nine months ; but he 
did not change the staff and shoes. 



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138 THE Li k1. 



BK. XVIII. 



26. In mourning for a parent, (after a year) the 
sackcloth of the nine months' mourning is preferred ; 
out if there occurred the placing in its shrine of 
the tablet of a brother who had died prematurely, 
the cap and other mourning worn during that first 
year was worn in doing so. The youth who had 
died prematurely was called ' The Bright Lad,' 
and (the mourner said), ' My so and so,' without 
naming him. This was treating him with reference 
to his being in the spirit-state. 

27. In the case of brothers living in different 
houses, when one first heard of the death of another, 
he might reply to the messenger simply with a wail. 
His first step then was to put on the sackcloth, 
and the girdle with dishevelled edges. If, before 
he had put on the sackcloth, he hurried off to the 
mourning rites, and the presiding mourner had not 
yet adjusted his head-band and girdle, in the case 
of the deceased being one for whom he had to 
mourn for five months, he completed that term 
along with the presiding mourner. If nine months 
were due to the deceased, he included the time 
that had elapsed since he assumed the sackcloth 
and girdle. 

28. The master, presiding at the mourning rites 
for a concubine, himself conducted the placing of her 
tablet (in its proper shrine). At the sacrifices at the 
end of the first and second years, he employed her son 
to preside at them. The sacrifice at her offering did 
not take place in the principal apartment. 

29. A ruler did not stroke the corpse of a servant 
or a concubine. 

30. Even after the wife of a ruler was dead, the 
concubines (of the harem) wore mourning for her 



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sect. i. pt. ii. 3a jrf. 1 39 

relatives. If one of them took her place (and acted 
as mistress of the establishment), she did not wear 
mourning for the relatives 1 . 

Part II. 

i. If one heard of the mourning rites for a cousin 
for whom he had to wear mourning for nine months 
or more, when he looked in the direction of the 
place where those rites were going on, he wailed. 
If he were going to accompany the funeral to the 
grave, but did not get to the house in time, though he 
met the presiding mourner returning, he himself went 
on to the grave. The president at the mourning rites 
for a cousin, though the relationship might not have 
been near, also presented the sacrifice of Repose. 

2. On all occasions of mourning, if, before the 
mourning robes had all been completed, any one 
arrived to offer condolences, (the president) took the 
proper place, wailed, bowed to the visitor, and leaped. 

3. At the wailing for a Great officer, another of 
the same rank, wore the conical cap, with a sack- 
cloth band round it. He wore the same also when 
engaged with the coffining. 

If he had on the cap of dolichos-cloth in mourn- 
ing for his own wife or son, and were called away 
to the lighter mourning for a distant relative, he put 
on the conical cap and band. 

4. (In wailing for) an eldest son, he carried a 
staff, but not for that son's son ; he went without it 

1 This lady took the deceased wife's place, and performed many 
of the duties ; but she had not the position of wife. Anciently, a 
feudal ruler could only, in all his life, have one wife, one lady, that 
is, to be called by that name. 



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140 THE ht Jft. BK. XVlll. 

to the place of wailing. (An eldest son), going to wail 
for his wife, if his parents were alive, did not carry 
a staff, nor bow so as to lay his forehead on the 
ground. If (only) his mother were alive, he did 
not lay his forehead to the ground. Where such 
a prostration should have taken place, as in the case 
of one who brought a gift with his condolence, an 
ordinary bow was made. 

5. (An officer) who had left a feudal prince and 
gone into the service of a Great officer did not on 
the lord's death return and wear mourning for him ; 
nor did one who had left a Great officer to serve a 
prince, return to mourn on the death of the former. 

6. The strings of the mourning cap served to 
distinguish it from one used on a festive occasion. 
The silk cap worn after a year's mourning, and 
belonging to that for three years, had such strings, 
and the seam of it was on the right. That worn 
in the mourning of five months, and a still shorter 
time, was seamed on the left. The cap of the 
shortest mourning had a tassel of reddish silk. 
The ends of the girdle in the mourning of nine 
months and upward hung loose. 

7. Court robes were made with fifteen skeins (1200 
threads) in the warp. Half that number made the 
coarse cloth for the shortest mourning, which then 
was glazed by being steeped with ashes. 

8. In sending presents to one another for the 
use of the dead, the princes of the states sent their 
carriages of the second class with caps and robes. 
They did not send their carriages of the first class, 
nor the robes which they had themselves received 
(from the king). 

9. The number of (small) carriages sent (to the 



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SECT. I. PT. II. 



3A kI. 141 



grave) was according to that of the parcels of flesh 
to be conveyed. Each one had a pall of coarse cloth. 
All round were ornamental figures. These parcels 
were placed at the four corners of the coffin. 

10. (Sometimes) rice was sent, but Yu-jze said that 
such an offering was contrary to rule. The food 
put down (by the dead) in mourning was only dried 
meat and pickled. 

11. At the sacrifices (after the sacrifice of Repose), 
the mourner styled himself ' The filial son,' or ' The 
filial grandson;' at the previous rites, 'The grieving 
son,' or ' The grieving grandson.' 

12. In the square upper garment of the mourner 
and the sackcloth over it, and in the carriage in 
which he rode to the grave, there was no difference 
of degree. 

13. The white cap of high (antiquity) and the cap 
of black cloth were both without any ornamental 
fringe. The azure-coloured and that of white silk 
with turned-up rim had such a fringe. 

14. A Great officer wore the cap with the square 
top when assisting at a sacrifice of his ruler; but 
that of skin when sacrificing at his own shrines. An 
ordinary officer used the latter in his ruler's temple, 
and the cap (of dark cloth) in his own. As an officer 
wore the skin cap, when going in person to meet his 
bride, he might also use it at his own shrines. 

1 5. The mortar for the fragrant herbs, in making 
sacrificial spirits, was made of cypress wood, and the 
pestle of dryandria. The ladle (for lifting out the flesh) 
was of mulberry wood, three, some say five, cubits 
long. The scoop used in addition was of mulberry, 
three cubits long, with its handle and end carved. 

16. The girdle over the shroud used for a prince 



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142 THE Li Bi. BK. XVIH. 

or a Great officer was of five colours ; that used for 
another officer, only of two. 

1 7. The must (put into the grave) was made from 
the malt of rice. There were the jars (for it and 
other liquids), the baskets (for the millet), and the 
boxes (in which these were placed). These were 
placed outside the covering of the coffin ; and then 
the tray for the mats was put in. 

1 8. The spirit-tablet (which had been set up over 
the coffin) was buried after the sacrifice of Repose. 

19. (The mourning rites for) all wives were ac- 
cording to the rank of their husbands. 

20. (Visitors who had arrived) during the slighter 
dressing of the corpse, the more complete dressing, 
or the opening (the enclosure where the coffin was), 
were all saluted and bowed to (after these operations 
were finished). 

21. At the wailing morning and evening, (the cof- 
fin) was not screened from view. When the bier had 
been removed, the curtain was no more suspended. 

22. When the ruler came to condole, after the 
carriage with its coffin (had reached the gate of the 
temple), the presiding mourner bowed towards him 
with his face towards the east, and moving to the 
right of the gate, leaped there, with his face towards 
the north. Going outside, he waited till the ruler 
took his departure and bade him go back, after 
which he put down (by the bier the gifts which the 
ruler had brought). 

23. When 3 z e-kao was fully dressed after his 
death, first, there were the upper and lower gar- 
ments both wadded with floss silk, and over them a 
suit of black with a purple border below; next, there 
was a suit of white made square and straight, (the 



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SECT. I. PT. It. 3A kI. 143 

suit belonging to) the skin cap ; next, that belonging 
to the skin cap like the colour of a sparrow's head ; 
and next, (that belonging to) the dark-coloured cap, 
with the square top. 3 an g-J ze sa id, ' 1° sucn a dress- 
ing there should be nothing of woman's dress.' 

24. When an officer died on some commission, 
upon which he had gone for his ruler, if the death 
took place in a public hotel, they called his soul 
back ; if in a private hotel, they did not do so. By 
a public hotel was meant a ruler's palace, or some 
other building erected by him, and by a private hotel, 
the house of a noble, a Great officer, or an officer 
below that rank. 1 . 

25. (On the death of) a ruler, there is the leaping 
for him for seven days in succession ; and on that of a 
Great officer, it lasts for five days. The women take 
their share in this expression of grief at intervals, 
between the presiding mourner and his visitors. On 
the death of an ordinary officer, it lasts for three days ; 
the women taking their part in the same way. 

26. In dressing the corpse of a ruler, there is first 
put on it the upper robe with the dragon ; next, a 
dark-coloured square-cut suit ; next, his court-robes ; 
next, the white lower garment with gathers ; next, a 
purple-coloured lower garment ; next, a sparrow-head 

1 It is generally supposed that the 3ze-kao here was the disciple 
of Confucius, so styled, and also known as KSo Aji&i ; but the 
dressing here is that of the corpse of a Great officer, and there is 
no evidence that the disciple ever attained to that rank ; and I am 
inclined to doubt, with AHang A'£o-hsi and others, whether the 
party in the text may not have been another 3ze-k«io. The caps 
of the last three suits are understood to be used for the suits them- 
selves, with which they were generally worn. 3& n g-J z e's condemna- 
tion of the dressing was grounded on the purple border of one of 
the articles in the first suit. See Analects X, 4. 



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T44 THE Li Kl 



BK. XVIII. 



skin cap ; next, the dark-coloured cap with the square 
top ; next, the robe given on his first investiture ; 
next, a girdle of red and green ; over which was laid 
out the great girdle. 

27. At the slight dressing of the corpse the son 
(or the presiding mourner) wore the band of sack- 
cloth about his head. Rulers, Great officers, and 
ordinary officers agreed in this. 

28. When the ruler came to see the great dress- 
ing of the corpse, as he was ascending to the hall, 
the Shang priest spread the mat (afresh), and pro- 
ceeded to the dressing. 

29. The gifts (for the dead, and to be placed in 
the grave), contributed by the people of Lu, con- 
sisted of three rolls of dark-coloured silk, and two of 
light red, but they were (only) a cubit in width, and 
completing the length of (one) roll 1 . 

30. When one came (from another ruler) with a 
message of condolence, he took his place outside, on 
the west of the gate, with his face to the east. The 
chief officer attending him was on the south-east of 
him, with his face to the north, inclining to the west, 
and west from the gate. The orphan mourner, with 
his face to the west, gave his instructions to the 
officer waiting on him, who then went to the visitor 
and said, ' My orphaned master has sent me to ask 
why you have given yourself this trouble,' to which 
the visitor replies, ' Our ruler has sent me to ask for 
your master in his trouble.' With this reply the 
officer returned to the mourner and reported it, 

1 This paragraph, which it is not easy to construe or interpret, is 
understood to be condemnatory of a stinginess in the matter spoken 
of, which had begun in the Lu. The rule had been that such pieces 
of silk should be twenty-five cubits wide, and eighteen cubits long. 



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SECT. I. PT. II. 3 A it. 145 

returning and saying, ' My orphaned master is waiting 
for you.' On this the visitor advanced. The mourn- 
ing host then went up to the reception hall by the 
steps on the east, and the visitor by those on the 
west. The latter, with his face to the east, communi- 
cated his message, saying, ' Our ruler has heard of 
the bereavement you have sustained, and has sent 
me to ask for you in your sorrows.' The mourning 
son then bowed to him, kneeling with his forehead 
to the ground. The messenger then descended the 
steps, and returned to his place. 

31. The attendant charged with the jade for the 
mouth of the deceased, and holding it in his hand — 
a flat round piece of jade — communicated his instruc- 
tions, saying, ' Our ruler has sent me with the gem 
for the mouth.' The officer in waiting went in and 
reported the message, then returning and saying, 
' Our orphaned master is waiting for you.' The 
bearer of the gem then advanced, ascended the steps, 
and communicated his message. The son bowed to 
him, with his forehead to the ground. The bearer 
then knelt, and placed the gem on the south-east of 
the coffin, upon a phragmites mat; but if the in- 
terment had taken place, on a typha mat. After 
this, he descended the steps, and returned to his place. 
The major-domo, in his court robes, but still wear- 
ing his mourning shoes, then ascended the western 
steps, and kneeling with his face to the west, took 
up the piece of jade, and descending by the same 
steps, went towards the east (to deposit it in the 
proper place). 

32. The officer charged with the grave-clothes 
said, ' Our ruler has sent me with the grave-clothes.' 
The officer in waiting, having gone in and reported, 

08] l 



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146 THE Li fft. BK. xviii. 

returned and said, ' Our orphaned master is waiting 
for you.' Then the other took up first the cap with the 
square top and robes, with his left hand holding the 
neck of the upper garment, and with his right the 
waist He advanced, went up to the hall, and com- 
municated his message, saying, ' Our ruler has sent 
me with the grave-clothes.' The son bowed to him, 
with his forehead to the ground ; and when the bearer 
laid down the things on the east of the coffin, he 
then went down, and received the skin cap of the 
sparrow's-head colour, with the clothes belonging to 
it inside the gate, under the eaves. These he pre- 
sented with the same forms ; then the skin cap and 
clothes which he received in the middle of the court- 
yard ; then the court robes ; then the dark-coloured, 
square-cut garments, which he received at the foot 
of the steps on the west. When all these presenta- 
tions were made, five men from the department of 
the major-domo took the things up, and going 
down the steps on the west, went away with them 
to the east They all took them up with their faces 
towards the west. 

33. The chief of the attendants (of the messenger) 
had charge of the carriage and horses, and with a 
long symbol of jade in his hand communicated his 
message, saying, ' Our ruler has sent me to present 
the carriage and horses.' The officer in waiting 
went in and informed the presiding mourner, and 
returned with the message, ' The orphan, so and so, 
is waiting for you.' The attendant then had the 
team of yellow horses and the grand carriage ex- 
hibited in the central courtyard, with the front to 
the north ; and with the symbol in hand he commu- 
nicated his message. His grooms were all below, on 



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sect. i. pt. ii. 3A jrf. 147 

the west of the carriage. The son bowed to him, 
with his forehead to the ground. He then knelt, 
and placed his symbol in the corner, on the south- 
east of the coffin. The major-domo then took the 
symbol up, and proceeded with it to the east. 

34. The message was always delivered with the 
face turned towards the coffin, and the son always 
bowed to the attendant charged with it, with his 
forehead down to the ground. The attendant then 
knelt with his face to the west, and deposited his 
gift (or its representative). The major-domo and 
his employes ascended by the steps on the west to 
take these up, and did so with their faces towards 
the west, descending (again) by the same steps. 

The attendant charged with the carriage and 
horses went out, and returned to his place outside 
the gate. 

35. The chief visitor then, (wishing) to perform 
the ceremony of wailing, said, ' My ruler, being en- 
gaged in the services of his own ancestral temple, 
could not come and take part in your rites, and has 
sent me, so and so, his old servant, to assist in hold- 
ing the rope.' The officer in waiting (reported his 
request), and returned with the message, 'The 
orphan, so and so, is waiting for you.' The mes- 
senger then entered and took his place on the right 
of the gate. His attendants all followed him, and 
stood on his left, on the east. The superintendent 
of ceremonies introduced the visitor, and went up 
on the hall, and received his ruler's instructions, then 
descending and saying, ' The orphan ventures to de- 
cline the honour which you propose, and begs you 
to return to your place.' The messenger, however, 
replied, ' My ruler charged me that I should not 

L 2 



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I48 THE lA Ki. BK. XVIII. 

demean myself as a visitor or guest, and 1 venture 
to decline doing as you request.' The other then 
■reported this reply, and returned, and told the mes- 
senger that the orphan firmly declined the honour 
which he proposed, and repeated the request that he 
would return to his place. The messenger repeated 
his reply, saying that he also firmly declined (to re- 
turn to his place). The same message from the 
mourner was repeated, and the same reply to it, 
(after which) the mourner said, ' Since he thus firmly 
declines what I request, I will venture respectfully 
to comply with his wish.' 

The messenger then stood on the west of the gate, 
and his attendants on his left, facing the west The 
orphaned mourner descended by the steps on the east, 
and bowed to him, after which they both ascended 
and wailed, each of them leaping three times in re- 
sponse to each other. The messenger then went 
out, escorted by the mourner outside of the gate, 
who then bowed to him, with his forehead down to 
the ground. 

36. When the ruler of a state had mourning rites 
in hand for a parent, (any officer who was mourning 
for a parent) did not dare to receive visits of con- 
dolence (from another state). 

37. The female relatives of the exterior kept in 
their apartments ; the servants spread the mats ; the 
officer of prayer, who used the Shang forms, spread 
out the girdle, sash, and upper coverings ; the officers 
washed their hands, standing on the north of the 
vessel ; they then removed the corpse to the place 
where it was to be dressed. When the dressing was 
finished, the major-domo reported it. The son then 
leant on the coffin and leaped. The wife with her 



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SECT. I. FT. II. 3 A kI. 149 

face to the east, also leant on it, kneeling ; and then 
she got up and leaped *. 

38. There are three things in the mourning rites 
for an officer which agree with those used on the 
death of the son of Heaven : — the torches kept 
burning all night (when the coffin is to be conveyed 
to the grave) ; the employment of men to draw the 
carriage ; and the keeping of the road free from alt 
travellers on it. 



* See the twelfth paragraph in the second section of next Book. 
It appears here, with some alteration, by mistake. 




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150 THE hi zt 



BK. XVIII. 



Section II. Part I. 

1. When a man was wearing mourning for his 
father, if his mother died before the period was com- 
pleted, he put off the mourning for his father (and 
assumed that proper for his mother). He put on, 
however, the proper dress when sacrificial services 
required it ; but when they were over \ he returned 
to the mourning (for his mother). 

2. When occasion occurred for wearing the 
mourning for uncles or cousins, if it arrived during 
the period of mourning for a parent, then the pre- 
vious mourning was not laid aside, save when the 
sacrificial services in these cases required it to be so ; 
and when they were finished, the mourning for a 
parent was resumed. 

3. If during the three years' mourning (there oc- 
curred also another three years' mourning for the 
eldest son), then after the coarser girdle of the 
ATiung hemp had been assumed in the latter case, 
the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year's 
mourning for a parent might be proceeded with. 

4. When a grandfather had died, and his grand- 
son also died before the sacrifices at the end of the 
first or second year had been performed, (his spirit- 
tablet) was still placed next to the grandfather's. 

5. When a mourner, while the coffin was in the 
house, heard of the death of another relative at a 

1 That is, the sacrifices regularly presented at the end of the 
first and second year from the death. The translation here and in 
the next three paragraphs, if it were from an Aryan or Semitic lan- 
guage, could not be said to be literal ; but it correctly represents 
the ideas of the author. 



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SECT. II. PT. I. Qk Kt. 151 

distance, he went to another apartment and wailed 
for him. (Next day), 'he entered where the coffin 
was, and put down the offerings (to the deceased), 
after which he went out, changed his clothes, went 
to the other apartment, and repeated the ceremony 
of the day before. 

6. When a Great officer or another officer was 
about to take part in a sacrifice at his ruler's, if, 
after the inspection of the washing of the vessels to 
be used, his father or mother died, he still went to 
the sacrifice ; but took his place in a different apart- 
ment After the sacrifice he put off his (sacrificial) 
dress, went outside the gate of the palace, wailed, 
and returned to his own house. In other respects 
he acted as he would have done in hurrying to the 
mourning rites. If the parent's death took place 
before the inspection of the washing, he sent a 
messenger to inform the ruler of his position ; and 
when he returned, proceeded to wail (for his deceased 
parent). 

When the death that occurred was that of an 
uncle, aunt, or cousin, if he had received the pre- 
vious notice to fast, he went to the sacrifice ; and 
when it was over, he went out at the ruler's gate, put 
off his (sacrificial) dress, and returned to his own 
house. In other respects he acted as if he had been 
hurrying to the mourning rites. If the deceased 
relative lived under the same roof with him, he took 
up his residence in other apartments \ 

1 The ATtien-lung editors doubt the genuineness of this last 
sentence. A commissioned officer, they say, and much more a 
Great officer, occupied his own residence, and had left the family 
at home ; and they fail to see how the condition supposed could 
have existed. 



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152 THE Li JCt. BK. xvm. 

7. 3 ar) g-J ze asked, 'When a high minister or 
Great officer is about to act the part of the personator 
of the dead at a sacrifice by his ruler, and has 
received instructions to pass the night previous in 
solemn vigil, if there occur in his own family occa- 
sion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, 
what is he to do ? ' Confucius said, ' The rule is for 
him to leave his own house, and lodge in the ruler's 
palace till the service (for the ruler) is accomplished.' 

8. Confucius said, ' When the personator of the 
dead comes forth in his leathern cap, or that with 
the square top, ministers, Great officers, and other 
officers, all should descend from their carriages when 
he passes. He should bow forward to them, and he 
should (also) have people going before him (to 
notify his approach, that people may get out of the 
way 1 )/ 

9. During the mourning rites for a parent, when 
the occasion for one of the sacrifices was at hand, if 
a death occurred in the family of a brother or 
cousin, the sacrifice was postponed till the burial of 
the dead had taken place. If the cousin or brother 
were an inmate of the same palace with himself, 
although the death were that of a servant or con- 
cubine, the party postponed his sacrifice in this way. 
At the sacrifice the mourner went up and descended 
the steps with only one foot on each, all assisting 
him, doing the same. They did so even for the 
sacrifice of Repose, and to put the spirit-tablet in 
its place. 

10. From the feudal rulers down to all officers, at 
the sacrifice at the end of the first year's mourning 

1 See vol. xxvii, page 341, paragraph 26, which is here repeated. 

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SECT. II. PT. I. 3A Kt. 153 

for a parent, when the chief mourner took the cup 
offered to him by the chief among the visitors, he 
raised it to his teeth, while the visitors, brothers, 
and cousins all sipped the cups presented to them. 
After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, the 
chief mourner might sip his cup, while all the 
visitors, brothers, and cousins might drink off their 
cups. 

11. The attendants at the sacrifices during the 
funeral rites give notice to the visitors to present the 
offerings, of which, however, they did not afterwards 
partake. 

1 2. 3 z e-kung asked about the rites of mourning (for 
parents), and the Master said, ' Reverence is the most 
important thing ; grief is next to it ; and emaciation 
is the last. The face should wear the appearance of 
the inward feeling, and the demeanour and carriage 
should be in accordance with the dress.' 

He begged to ask about the mourning for a 
brother, and the Master said, ' The rites of mourning 
for a brother are to be found in the tablets where 
they are written.' 

13. A superior man will not interfere with the 
mourning of other men to diminish it, nor will he do 
so with his own mourning 1 . 

14. Confucius said, ' Shao-lien and Ta-lien de- 
meaned themselves skilfully during their mourning 
(for their parents). During the (first) three days 
they were alert; for the (first) three months they 
manifested no weariness; for the (first) year they were 
full of grief ; for the (whole) three years they were 

1 The iTAien-lung editors think paragraph 13 is out of place, and 
would place it farther on, after paragraph 43. 



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154 TH E Li *i. 



BK. XVIII. 



sorrowful. (And yet) they belonged to one of the 
rude tribes on the East 1 .' 

15. During the three years of mourning (for his 
father), (a son) might speak, but did not discourse ; 
might reply, but did not ask questions. In the shed 
or the unplastered apartment he sat (alone), nobody 
with him. While occupying that apartment, unless 
there were some occasion for him to appear before 
his mother, he did not enter the door (of the house). 
On all occasions of wearing the sackcloth with its 
edges even, he occupied the unplastered apartment, 
and not the shed. To occupy the shed was the 
severest form in mourning. 

16. (The grief) in mourning for a wife was like 
that for an uncle or aunt ; that for a father's sister 
or one's own sister was like that for a cousin ; that 
for any of the three classes of minors dying prema- 
turely was as if they had been full-grown. 

1 7. The mourning for parents is taken away (at 
the end of three years), (but only) its external sym- 
bols ; the mourning for brothers (at the end of one 
year), (and also) internally. 

18. (The period of mourning) for a ruler's mother 
or wife is the same as that for brothers. But 
(beyond) what appears in the countenance is this, 
that (in the latter case) the mourners do not eat and 
drink (as usual). 

19. After a man has put off the mourning (for 
his father), if, when walking along the road, he sees 
one like (his father), his eyes look startled. If he 
hear one with the same name, his heart is agitated. 

1 Sh&o-lien ; see Analects XVIII, 8, 3, and ' Narratives of the 
School,' Article 43. 



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sxct.ii.pt. i. 3a jstJ. 155 

In condoling with mourners on occasion of a death, 
and inquiring for one who is ill, there will be some- 
thing in his face and distressed manner different 
from other men. He who is thus affected is fit to 
wear the three years' mourning. So far as other 
mourning is concerned, he may walk right on (with- 
out anything) having such an effect on him. 

20. The sacrifice at the end of the second 1 year 
is signalized by the principal mourner putting off 
his mourning dress. The evening (before), he 
announces the time for it, and puts on his court 
robes, which he then wears at the sacrifice. 

21. 3 ze_ y u sa >d, 'After the sacrifice at the end of 
the second year, although the mourner should not 
wear the cap of white silk, (occasions may occur 
when) he must do so 2 . Afterwards he resumes the 
proper dress.' 

22. (At the mourning rites of an officer), if, when 
he had bared his breast, a Great officer arrived (on a 
visit of condolence), although he might be engaged 
in the leaping, he put a stop to it, and went to 
salute and bow to him. Returning then, he resumed 
his leaping and completed it, after which he re- 

' adjusted his dress and covered his breast. 

In the case of a visit from another officer, he went 
on with his leaping, completed it, readjusted his 
upper dress, and then went to salute and bow to him, 
without having occasion to resume and complete the 
leaping. 

23. At the sacrifice of Repose for a Great officer 
of the highest grade, there were offered a boar and a 

' So, KM,n Kao. 

* Such as receiving the condolences of visitors on account of 
some other occasion of mourning. 



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1 56 THE Li k\. BK. XVIII. 

ram ; at the conclusion of the wailing, and at the 
placing of his spirit-tablet, there was, in addition, the 
bull. On the similar occasions for a Great officer of 
the lowest grade, there was in the first case a single 
victim, and in the others the boar and the ram. 

24. In consulting the tortoise-shell about the burial 
and sacrifice of Repose, the style of the petition was as 
follows : — A son or grandson spoke of himself as 'the 
sorrowing,' (when divining about his father or grand- 
father) ; a husband (divining about his wife) said, 
' So and so for so and so ; ' an elder brother about 
a younger brother, simply said, ' So and so ; ' a 
younger brother about an elder brother said, ' For 
my elder brother, so and so.' 

25. Anciently, noble and mean all carried staffs. 
(On one occasion) Shu-sun Wu-shu 1 , when going to 
court, saw a wheelwright put his staff through the 
nave of a wheel, and turn it round. After this (it 
was made a rule that) only men of rank should carry 
a staff. 

26. (The custom of) making a hole in the napkin 
(covering the face of the dead) by which to introduce 
what was put into the mouth, was begun by Kung- 
yang Ki& 2 . 

27. What were the grave-clothes (contributed to 
the dead) ? The object of them was to cover the 
body. From the enshrouding to the slighter dress- 
ing, they were not put on, and the figure of the body 
was seen. Therefore the corpse was first en- 
shrouded, and afterwards came the grave-clothes. 

28. Some one asked 3^ n g-J ze > ' After sending 

1 A Great officer of Lu, about b.c. 500. 

* We do not find anything about this man elsewhere. 



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SICT. II. PT. I. 



8A kL 157 



away to the grave the offerings to the dead, we wrap 
tip what remains ; — is this not like a man, after par- 
taking of a meal, wrapping up what is left (to take 
with him) ? Does a gentleman do such a thing ?' 
35ng-jze said, ' Have you not seen what is done at a 
great feast ? At a great feast, given by a Great 
officer, after all have partaken, he rolls up what is 
left on the stands for the three animals, and sends it 
to the lodgings of his guests. When a son treats his 
parents in this way as his (honoured) guests, it is an 
expression of his grief (for their loss). Have you, 
Sir, not seen what is done at a great feast?' 

29. 'Excepting at men's funeral rites, do they 
make such inquiries and present such gifts as they 
then do ? At the three years' mourning, the mourner 
bows to his visitors in the manner appropriate to 
the occasion; at the mourning of a shorter period, 
he salutes them in the usual way V 

30. During the three years' mourning, if any one 
sent wine or flesh to the mourner, he received it after 
declining it thrice; he received it in his sackcloth and 
band. If it came from the ruler with a message 
from him, he did not presume to decline it; — he 
received it and presented it (in his ancestral temple). 

One occupied with such mourning did not send any 
gift, but when men sent gifts to him he received 
them. When engaged in the mourning rites for an 
uncle, cousin, or brother, and others of a shorter 
period, after the wailing was concluded, he might 
send gifts to others. 

31. Hsien-jze said, 'The pain occasioned by the 

1 See vol. xxvii, pp. 122-3, paragraph 5. There is probably 
something wanting at the beginning of this paragraph. 



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158 THE lA Kt. 



BK. XVIII. 



mourning for three years is like that of beheading ; 
that arising from the one year's mourning, is like the 
stab from a sharp weapon.' 

32. During the one year's mourning, in the eleventh 
month, they put on the dress of silk, which was 
called lien; in the thirteenth month they offered the 
hsiang sacrifice, and in the same month that called 
than; — which concluded the mourning. 

During the mourning for three years, even though 
they had occasion to assume the dress proper for the 
nine months' mourning, they did not go to condole 
(with the other mourners). From the feudal lords 
down to all officers, if they had occasion to dress and 
go to wail (for a relative newly deceased), they did 
so in the dress proper to the mourning for him. 
After putting on the lien silk, they paid visits of 
condolence. 

33. When one was occupied with the nine months' 
mourning, if the burial had been performed, he 
might go and condole with another mourner, retir- 
ing after he had wailed without waiting for any other 
part of the mourner's proceedings. 

During the mourning for one year, if before the 
burial one went to condole with another in the same 
district, he withdrew after he had wailed, without 
waiting for the rest of the proceedings. 

If condoling during the mourning for nine months, 
he waited to see the other proceedings, but did not 
take part in them. 

During the mourning for five months or three 
months, he waited to assist at the other proceedings, 
but did not take part in the (principal) ceremony \ 

1 That is, in putting down the offerings to the deceased. 

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SECT. II. PT. I. 3A iff. 159 

34. When one (was condoling with) another whom 
he had been accustomed to pass with a hasty step 1 , 
(at the interment of his dead relative), he retired 
when the bier had passed out from the gate of the 
temple. If they had been on bowing terms, he re- 
tired when they had reached the station for wailing. 
If they had been in the habit of exchanging inquiries, 
he retired after the coffin was let down into the grave. 
If they had attended court together, he went back 
to the house with the other, and wailed with him. If 
they were intimate friends, he did not retire till after 
the sacrifice of Repose, and the placing of the spirit- 
tablet of the deceased in the shrine. 

35. Condoling friends did not (merely) follow the 
principal mourner. Those who were forty (or less) 
held the ropes when the coffin was let down into the 
grave. Those of the same district who were fifty 
followed him back to the house and wailed ; and those 
who were forty waited till the grave was filled up. 

36. During mourning, though the food might be \y 
bad, the mourner was required to satisfy his hunger 
with it If for hunger he had to neglect anything, 
this was contrary to the rules. If he through satiety 
forgot his sorrow, that also was contrary to the rules. 

It was a distress to the wise men (who made the 
rules) to think that a mourner should not see or hear 
distinctly; should not walk correctly or be uncon- 
scious of his occasion for sorrow ; and therefore (they 
enjoined) that a mourner, when ill, should drink wine 
and eat flesh ; that people of fifty should do nothing 
to bring on emaciation; that at sixty they should not 
be emaciated; that at seventy they should drink 

1 This was a mark of respect. Compare Analects IX, 9. 

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l60 THE Lt xi. 



BK. XVIII. 



liquor and eat flesh : — all these rules were intended 
as preventives against death. 

^ 37. If one, while in mourning, was invited by an- 
other to eat with him, he did not go while wearing 
the nine months' mourning or that of a shorter period; 
if the burial had taken place, he might go to another 
party's house. If that other party belonged to his 
relative circle, and wished him to eat with him, he 
might do so; if he did not belong to that circle, he did 
not eat with him. 
v 38. While wearing the mourning of nine months, 
one might eat vegetables and fruits, and drink water 
and congee, using no salt or cream. If he could not eat 
dry provisions, he might use salt or cream with them. 
39. Confucius said, ' If a man have a sore on his 

^ body, he should bathe. If he have a wound on 
his head, he should wash it. If he be ill, he should 
drink liquor and eat flesh. A superior man will not 
emaciate himself so as to be ill. If one die from 
such emaciation, a superior man will say of him that 
he has failed in the duty of a son.' 

/ 40. Excepting when following the carriage with 
the bier to the grave, and returning from it, one was 
not seen on the road with the mourning cap, which 
was used instead of the ordinary one. 

41 . During the course of mourning, from that worn 
for five months and more, the mourner did not wash 
his head or bathe, excepting for the sacrifice of Re- 
pose, the placing the spirit-tablet in the shrine, the 
assuming the dress of lien silk, and the sacrifice at 
the end of a year. 

--"" 42. During mourning rites, when the sackcloth with 
the edges even was worn, after the burial, if one 
asked an interview with the mourner, he saw him, but 



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SECT. II. PT. II. 



SA JE-f. 161 



he himself did not ask to see any person. He might 
do so when wearing the mourning of five months. 
When wearing that for nine months, he did not carry 
the introductory present in his hand (when seeking 
an interview). It was only when wearing the mourn- 
ing for a parent that the mourner did not avoid 
seeing any one, (even) while the tears were running 
from him. 

43. A man while wearing the mourning for three 
years might execute any orders of government after 
the sacrifice at the end of a year. One mourning 
for a year, might do so when the wailing was ended ; 
one mourning for nine months, after the burial ; one 
mourning for five months or three, after the en- 
coffining and dressing. 

44. 3&ng Shan asked 3&ng-jze, saying, 'In wailing 
for a parent, should one do so always in the same 
voice?' The answer was, 'When a child has lost 
its mother on the road, is it possible for it to think 
about the regular and proper voice?' 

Part II. 
1. After the wailing was ended, there commenced 
the avoiding of certain names. (An officer) did not 
use the name of his (paternal) grandfather or grand- 
mother, of his father's brothers or uncles ; of his 
father's aunts or sisters. Father and son agreed 
in avoiding all these names. The names avoided 
by his mother the son avoided in the house. 
Those avoided by his wife he did not use when at 
her side. If among them there were names which 
had been borne by his own paternal great-grand- 
father or great-grand-uncles, he avoided them (in all 
places). 

[28] M 

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1 62 THE Lt k1. 



BK. XVIII. 



2. When (the time for) capping (a young man) 
came during the time of the mourning rites, though 
they were those for a parent, the ceremony might be 
performed. After being capped in the proper place, 
the subject went in, wailed and leaped, — three times 
each bout, and then came out again. 

3. At the end of the nine months' mourning, it 
was allowable to cap a son or to marry a daughter. 
A -father at the end of the five months' mourning, 
might cap a son, or marry a daughter, or take a wife 
(for a son). Although one himself were occupied 
with the five months' mourning, yet when he had 
ended the wailing, he might be capped, or take a 
wife. If it were the five months' mourning for one 
who had died in the lowest degree of immaturity, he 
could not do so K 

4. Whenever one wore the cap of skin with a 
sackcloth band (in paying a visit of condolence), his 
upper garment of mourning had the large sleeves. 

5. When the father was wearing mourning, a son, 
who lived in the same house with him, kept away 
from all music. When the mother was wearing it, 
the son might listen to music, but not play himself. 
When a wife was wearing it, the son, (her husband), 
did not play music by her side. When an occasion 
for the nine months' mourning was about to occur, 
the lute and cithern were laid aside. If it were only 
an occasion for the five months' mourning, music 
was not stopped. 

6. When an aunt or sister died (leaving no son), 
if her husband (also) were dead, and there were no 

1 This paragraph seems to me, as to many of the Chinese critics, 
irretrievably corrupt or defective. 



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SECT. II. PT. II. 3A St. I63 

brother or cousin in his relative circle, some other of 
her husband's more distant relatives was employed 
to preside at her mourning rites. None of a wife's 
relatives, however near, could preside at them. If 
no distant relative even of her husband could be 
found, then a neighbour, on the east or the west, was 
employed. If no such person (suitable) could be 
found, then the head man of the neighbourhood pre- 
sided. Some say, 'One (of her relatives) might 
preside, but her tablet was placed by that of the 
(proper) relative of her husband.' 

7. The girdle was not used along with the sack- 
cloth band. That band could not be used by one 
who carried in his hand his jade-token ; nor could it 
be used along with a dress of various colours. 

8. On occasions of prohibitions issued by the 
state (in connexion with the great sacrifices), the 
wailing ceased; as to the offerings deposited by 
the coffin, morning and evening, and the repairing 
to their proper positions, mourners proceeded as 
usual *. 

9. A lad, when wailing, did not sob or quaver; did 
not leap ; did not carry a staff; did not wear the straw 
sandals ; and did not occupy the mourning shed. 

10. Confucius said, ' For grand-aunts the mourning , / 
with the edges even is worn, but the feet in leaping 
are not lifted from the ground. For aunts and sisters 
the mourning for nine months is worn, but the feet 

in leaping are lifted from the ground. If a man 
understands these things, will he not (always) follow 
the right forms of ceremonies ? Will he not do so ?' 

1 The punctuation and place of this short paragraph vary. Its 
integrity is also doubted. 

M 2 



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164 THE lJ Kt. BK. XVIII. 

1 1. When the mother of I Liu died, his assistants 
in the rites stood on his left ; when I Lift died, they 
stood on his right. The practice of the assistants 
(at funeral rites) giving their aid on the right, origin- 
ated from the case of I Liu \ 

12. The mouth of the son of Heaven was stuffed 
after death with nine shells ; that of a feudal lord, 
with seven ; that of a Great officer, with five ; and 
that of an ordinary officer, with three 2 . 

13. An officer was interred after three months, 
and the same month the wailing was ended. A 
Great officer was interred (also) after three months, 
and after five months the wailing was ended. A 
prince was interred after five months, and after seven 
the wailing was ended. 

For an officer the sacrifice of Repose was offered 
three times ; for a Great officer, five times ; and for 
a feudal prince, seven times. 

14. A feudal lord sent a messenger to offer his 
condolences ; and after that, his contributions for the 
mouth, the grave-clothes, and the carriage. All these 
things were transacted on the same day, and in the 
order thus indicated. 

15. When a high minister or Great officer was ill, 
the ruler inquired about him many times. When an 
ordinary officer was ill, he inquired about him once. 
When a Great officer or high minister was buried, 
the ruler did not eat flesh ; when the wailing was 
finished, he did not have music. When an officer 
was encoffined, he did not have music. 

16. After they had gone up, and made the bier 

1 A minister of duke Mu of Lu, b.c. 409-377. 
* This was not the practice in the Aau dynasty. 



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SECT. II. PT. II. 3A Jft. I65 

ready, in the case of the burial of a feudal lord, 
there were 500 men to draw the ropes. At each of 
the four ropes they were all gagged. The minister 
of War superintended the clappers ; eight men with 
these walking on each side of the bier. The chief 
artizan, carrying a shade of feathers, guided the pro- 
gress (of the procession). At the burial of a Great 
officer, after they had gone up and made the bier 
ready, 300 men drew the ropes ; four men with their 
clappers walked on each side of the bier ; and its 
progress was guided (by the chief artizan) with a 
reed of white grass in his hand. 

1 7. Confucius said, ' Kwan A"ung had carving on 
the square vessels for holding the grain of his 
offerings, and red ornaments for his cap ; he set up 
a screen where he lodged on the way, and had a 
stand of earth on which the cups he had used, in 
giving a feast, were replaced ; he had hills carved on 
the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the 
lower pillars supporting the rafters 1 . He was a 
worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his 
superiors (to distinguish themselves from him). 

'An Phing-^ung 2 , in sacrificing to his father and 
other progenitors, used only the shoulders of a 
pig, not large enough to cover the dish. He was 
a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult 
for his inferiors (to distinguish themselves from 
him). 

'A superior man will not encroach on (the observ- 
ances of) those above him, nor put difficulties in the 
way of those below him.' 

1 See Confucian Analects III, 22, and V, 17. 
* A minister of Kh\, contemporary with Confucius, distinguished 
for his simple, and perhaps parsimonious, ways. 



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1 66 THE l! kI. 



BK. XVIII. 



1 8. Excepting on the death of her father or 
mother, the wife (of a feudal lord) did not cross the 
boundaries of the state to pay a visit of condolence. 
On that occasion she did so, and went back to her 
original home, where she used the ceremonies of 
condolence proper to a feudal lord, and she was 
treated as one. When she arrived, she entered by 
the women's gate, and went up (to the reception hall) 
by steps at the side (of the principal steps), the ruler 
receiving her at the top of the steps on the east. 
The other ceremonies were the same as those of a 
guest who hastened to attend the funeral rites. 

19. A sister-in-law did not lay the soothing hand 
on the corpse of her brother-in-law ; and vice versa. 

20. There are three things that occasion sorrow 
to a superior man (who is devoted to learning) : — If 
there be any subject of which he has not heard, and 
he cannot get to hear of it ; if he hear of it, and 
cannot get to learn it ; if he have learned it, and 
cannot get to carry it out in practice. There are 
five things that occasion shame to a superior man 
(who is engaged in governmental duties) : — If he 
occupy an office, and have not well described its 
duties; if he describe its duties well, but do not 
carry them into practice ; if he have got his office, 
and lost it again ; if he be charged with the care of 
a large territory, and the people be not correspond- 
ingly numerous ; if another, in a charge like his own, 
have more merit than he. 

21. Confucius said, 'In bad years they used in 
their carriages their poorest horses, and in their 
sacrifices the victims lowest (in the classes belonging 
to them).' 

22. At the mourning rites for Hsii Yu, duke Ai 



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SECT. II. PT.II. 3A Xl. l67 

sent Zto. Pi to Confucius to learn the rites proper at 
the mourning for the officer. Those rites were thus 
committed at that time to writing. 

23. 3 ze "kung having gone to see the agricultural 
sacrifice at the end of the year, Confucius said to 
him, ' 3hze, did it give you pleasure ?' The answer 
was, ' The people of the whole state appeared to be 
mad ; I do not know in what I could find pleasure.' 
The Master said, ' For their hundred days' labour in 
the field, (the husbandmen) receive this one day's 
enjoyment (from the state) ; — this is what you do 
not understand. (Even) Wan and WO could not 
keep a bow (in good condition), if it were always 
drawn and never relaxed ; nor did they leave it 
always relaxed and never drawn. To keep it now 
strung and now unstrung was the way of Wan 
and Wu.' 

24. Mang Hsien-jze said, 'If in the first month 
at the (winter) solstice it be allowable to offer the 
(border) sacrifice to God, in the seventh month, at 
the summer solstice, we may offer the sacrifice in 
the temple of the ancestor (of our ruling House).' 
Accordingly Hsien-jze offered that sacrifice to all the 
progenitors (of the line of Lu) in the seventh month 1 . 

25. The practice of not obtaining from the son 
of Heaven the confirmation of her dignity for the 
wife (of the ruler of Lu) began with duke Aao 2 . 

1 Hsien-jze was the honorary title of Aung-sun Mieh, a good 
officer of Lu, under dukes Wan, Hsttan, Khbag, and Hsiang. He 
must understand him as speaking of the sacrifices of the state, and 
not of his own. 

* See Confucian Analects VII, 30. Duke Kio married a lady 
of Wu, of the same surname with himself, and therefore had not 
announced the marriage to the king. 



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1 68 THE Li JCL 



BK. XVIII. 



26. The mourning of a ruler and his wife were 
regulated by the same rules for the ladies of his 
family married in other states and for those married 
in his own 1 . 

27. When the stables of Confucius were burned, 
and the friends of his district came (to offer their 
condolences) on account of the fire, he bowed once 
to the ordinary officers, and twice to the Greater 
officers ; — according to the rule on occasions of 
mutual condolence. 

28. Confucius said, ' Kwan Aung selected two 
men from among (certain) thieves with whom he 
was dealing, and appointed them to offices in the 
state, saying, " They were led astray by bad men 
with whom they had associated, but they are proper 
men themselves." When he died, duke Hwan made 
these two wear mourning for him. The practice of 
old servants of a Great officer wearing mourning 
for him, thus arose from Kwan Aung. But these two 
men only mourned for him by the duke's orders.' 

29. When an officer, in a mistake, used a name 
to his ruler which should be avoided, he rose to his 
feet. If he were speaking to any one who had 
the name that should be avoided with the ruler, he 
called him by the name given to him on his maturity. 

30. (A Great officer) took no part in any seditious 
movements within his state, and did not try to avoid 
calamities coming from without. 

31. The treatise on the duties of the Chief Inter- 
nuncio says, ' The length of the long symbol of 
rank was for a duke, nine inches ; for a marquis or 

1 There are differences of opinion as to the meaning of this 
paragraph, between which it is not easy to decide. It would be 
tedious to go into an exhibition and discussion of them. 



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SECT. II. PT. II. 3A Kt. I69 

earl, seven ; for a count or baron, five. The width in 
each case was three inches ; and the thickness, half 
an inch. They tapered to the point for one inch and 
a half. They were all of jade. The mats for them 
were made with three different colours, (two rows of 
each,) six in all.' 

32. Duke Ai asked 3 z e-kao, 'When did members 
of your family first begin to be in office ?' The 
answer was, ' My ancestor held a small office under 
duke Wan V 

33. When a temple was completed, they pro- 
ceeded to consecrate it with the following cere- 
mony : — The officer of prayer, the cook, and the 
butcher, all wore the cap of leather of the colour 
of a sparrow's head, and the dark-coloured dress 
with the purple border. The butcher rubbed the 
sheep clean, the officer of prayer blessed it, and the 
cook with his face to the north took it to the pillar 
and placed it on the south-east of it. Then the 
butcher took it in his arms, went up on the roof at 
the middle point between the east and west, and 
with his face to the south stabbed it, so that the 
blood ran down in front; and then he descended. At 
the gate of the temple, and of each of the two side 
apartments, they used a fowl, one at the gate of 
each (going up as before and stabbing them). The 
hair and feathers about the ears were first pulled 
out under the roof (before the victims were killed). 
When the fowls were cut at the gates of the temple, 
and the apartments on each side of it, officers stood, 
opposite to each gate on the north. When the thing 
was over, the officer of prayer announced that it 

1 This paragraph is supposed to be defective. Duke Wan was 
marquis of Lu from b.c. 626 to 609. 



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I70 THE Li Jet. 



BK. XVIII. 



was so, and they all retired, after which he an- 
nounced it to the ruler, saying, ' The blood-conse- 
cration has been performed.' This announcement 
was made at the door of the back apartment of the 
temple, inside which the ruler stood in his court- 
robes, looking towards the south. This concluded 
the ceremony, and all withdrew'. 

When the great apartment (of the palace) was 
completed, it was inaugurated (by a feast), but there 
was no shedding of blood. The consecration by 
blood of the temple building was the method taken 
to show how intercourse with the spirits was sought. 
All the more distinguished vessels of the ancestral 
temple were consecrated, when completed, by the 
blood of a young boar. 

34. When a feudal lord sent his wife away, she 
proceeded on her journey to her own state, and was 
received there with the observances due to a lord's 
wife. The messenger, accompanying her, then dis- 
charged his commission, saying, 'My poor ruler, from 
his want of ability, was not able to follow her, and 
take part in the services at your altars and in your 
ancestral temple. He has, therefore, sent me, so 
and so, and I venture to inform your officer ap- 
pointed for the purpose of what he has done.' The 
officer presiding (on the occasion) replied, ' My poor 
ruler in his former communication did not lay (her 
defects) before you, and he does not presume to do 
anything but respectfully receive your lord's mes- 
sage.' The officers in attendance on the commis- 

1 This ceremony is also described in the ' Rites of the greater 
Tai,' Book X, with some difference in the details. It is difficult, 
even from the two accounts, to bring the ceremony fully before the 
mind's eye. 



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SECT. II. PT. II. 3A kI. 171 

sioner then set forth the various articles sent with 
the lady on her marriage, and those on the other 
side received them. 

35. When the wife went away from her husband, 
she sent a messenger and took leave of him, say- 
ing, ' So and so, through her want of ability, is not 
able to keep on supplying the vessels of grain for 
your sacrifices, and has sent me, so and so, to pre- 
sume to announce this to your attendants.' The 
principal party (on the other side) replied, ' My son, 
in his inferiority, does not presume to avoid your 
punishing him, and dares not but respectfully receive 
your orders.' The messenger then retired, the 
principal party bowing to him, and escorting him. 
If the father-in-law were alive, then he named him- 
self; if he were dead, an elder brother of the hus- 
band acted for him, and the message was given as 
from him ; if there were no elder brother, then it 
ran as from the husband himself. The message, as 
given above, was, ' The son of me, so and so, in his 
inferiority.' (At the other end of the transaction), if 
the lady were an aunt, an elder sister, or a younger, 
she was mentioned as such. 

36. Confucius said, 'When I was at a meal at 
Shao-shih's, I ate to the full. He entertained me 
courteously, according to the rules. When I was 
about to offer some in sacrifice, he got up and wished 
to stop me, saying, "My poor food is not worth being 
offered in sacrifice." When I was about to take the 
concluding portions, he got up and wished to stop 
me, saying, " I would not injure you with my poor 
provisions , ." ' 

1 See pages 20, 21, paragraph 13. 

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I72 THE lA kI. BK. xviii. 

37. A bundle of silk (in a marriage treaty) con- 
tained five double rolls, each double roll being forty 
cubits in length. 

38. At the (first) interview of a wife with her 
father and mother-in-law, (her husband's) unmarried 
aunts and sisters all stood below the reception hall, 
with their faces towards the west, the north being 
the place of honour. After this interview, she visited 
all the married uncles of her husband, each in his 
own apartment. 

Although not engaged to be married, the rule 
was for a young lady to wear the hair-pin ; — she was 
thus treated with the honours of maturity. The 
(principal) wife managed the ceremony. When she 
was unoccupied and at ease, she wore her hair with- 
out the pin, on each side of her head. 

39. The apron (of the full robes) was three cubits 
long, two cubits wide at bottom, and one at the top. 
The border at the top extended five inches ; and 
that at the sides was of leather the colour of a 
sparrow's head, six inches wide, terminating five 
inches from the bottom. The borders at top and 
bottom were of white silk, embroidered with the five 
colours. 



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BOOK XIX. SANG TA K\ 

OR 
THE GREATER RECORD OF MOURNING RITES*. 

Section I. 

i. When the illness was extreme, all about the 
establishment was swept clean, inside and out. In 
the case of a ruler or Great officer, the stands, with 
the martial instruments suspended from them, were 
removed ; in that of an officer, his lute and cithern. 
The sufferer lay with his head to the east, under the 
window on the north. His couch was removed (and 
he was laid on the ground). The clothes ordinarily 
worn at home were removed, and new clothes sub- 
stituted for them. (In moving the body) one person 
took hold of each limb. Males and females changed 
their dress 2 . Some fine floss was put (on the mouth 
and nostrils), to make sure that the breath was gone. 
A man was not permitted to die in the hands of the 
women, or a woman in the hands of the men. 

2. A ruler and his wife both died in the Great 
chamber, a Great officer and his acknowledged wife 
in the Proper chamber 3 ; the not yet acknowledged 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 34, 35. 

* The clothes of the dying master and friend were changed ; it 
was right that all about them should also change their dress. The 
court or best robes were put on, moreover, that inquiring visitors 
might be properly received. 

* This proper, or ' legitimate ' chamber corresponded in the 
mansion of a Great officer to the Grand chamber in the palace. 



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174 THE LI si. 



BK. XIX. 



wife of a high minister, in an inferior chamber, but 
the corpse was then removed to the higher chamber. 
The wives of officers died in their chambers. 

3. At (the ceremony of) calling back the soul, if (the 
deceased were a lord on whose territory) there were 
forests and copses, the forester arranged the steps 
(by which to go up on the roof); and if there were 
no forests, one of the salvage men (employed about 
the court in menial offices) did so. An officer of low 
rank performed the ceremony. All who did so em- 
ployed some of the court robes (of the deceased): — for 
a ruler, the robe with the descending dragon; for the 
wife, that with the descending pheasant; for a Great 
officer, the dark robe and red skirt; for his recognised 
wife, the robe of fresh yellow; for an officer, that 
worn with the cap of deep purple leather ; and for 
his wife, the dark dress with the red border. In all 
cases they ascended from the east wing to the middle 
of the roof, where the footing was perilous. Facing 
the north, they gave three loud calls for the deceased, 
after which they rolled up the garment they had em- 
ployed, and cast it down in front, where the curator 
of the robes received it, and then they themselves 
descended by the wing on the north-west. 

If the deceased were a visitor, and in a public 
lodging, his soul was called back ; if the lodging 
were private, it was not called back. If he were in 
the open country, one got up on the left end of the 
nave of the carriage in which he had been riding, and 
called it back. 

Connected with the Grand chamber were two smaller apartments. 
It is mentioned in the 3o Awan, under b.c. 627, that duke Hst of 
Lu died 'in the small apartment;' which has always been under- 
stood as discreditable to him. 



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SECT. I. 



SANG TA Kl 175 



4. The garment which had been used in calling 
the soul back was not employed to cover the corpse, 
nor in dressing it. In calling back the soul of a wife, 
the upper robe with the purple border in which she 
had been married was not employed. In all cases of 
calling back the soul, a man was called by his name, 
and a woman by her designation. Nothing but the 
wailing preceded the calling the soul back. After 
that calling they did what was requisite on an occa- 
sion of death. 

5. Immediately after death, the principal mourners 
sobbed 1 ; brothers and cousins (of the deceased) 
wailed; his female relatives wailed and leaped. 

6. When the dead body (of a ruler) had been 
placed properly (beneath the window with the head 
to the south), his son sat (or knelt) on the east ; his 
ministers, Great officers, uncles, cousins, their sons 
and grandsons, stood (also) on the east; the multitude 
of ordinary officers, who had the charge of the 
different departments, wailed below the hall, facing the 
north. His wife knelt on the west ; the wives, aunts, 
sisters, their daughters and grand-daughters, whose 
husbands were of the same surname as he, stood 
(behind her) on the west; and the wives, his relatives 
of the same surname, whose position had been con- 
firmed in their relation to their husbands, at the head 
of all the others married similarly to husbands of 
other surnames, wailed above in the hall, facing the 
north. 

7. At the mourning rites (immediately after death) 
of a Great officer, the (son), presiding, knelt on the 
east, and the wife, presiding, on the west. The 

1 They were too much affected, it is said, to give loud 
expression to their grief. 



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I76 THE lA Kl 



BK. XIX. 



husbands and wives (among the relations) whose 
positions had been officially confirmed, sat (or knelt); 
others who had not that confirmation, stood. 

At the rites for a deceased officer, the son pre- 
siding, uncles, brothers, and cousins, with their sons 
and grandsons, all sat (or knelt) on the east; the 
wife presiding, aunts, sisters, and cousins, with their 
female children and grandchildren, all sat (or knelt) 
on the west. 

Whenever they wailed by the corpse in the apart- 
ment, the presiding mourner did so, holding up the 
shroud with his two hands at the same time. 

8. At the mourning rites of a ruler, before the 
slighter dressing was completed, the principal mourner 
came out to receive the visit of a refugee ruler, or a 
visitor from another state. 

At those for a Great officer, at the same period, 
he came out to receive a message from his ruler. At 
those for an ordinary officer, also at the same period, 
he came out to receive a Great officer, if he were not 
engaged in the dressing. 

9. Whenever the presiding mourner went forth (to 
meet visitors), he had his feet bare, his skirt tucked 
under his girdle, and his hands across his chest over 
his heart. Having gone down by the steps on the 
west, if a ruler, he bowed to a refugee ruler, or a 
minister commissioned from another state, each in 
his proper place. When a message from his ruler 
came to a Great officer, he came to the outside of 
the door of the apartment (where the dead was), to 
receive the messenger who had ascended to the hall 
and communicated his instructions. (They then 
went down together), and the mourner bowed to the 
messenger below. 



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SECT. I. 



SANG TA kL 177 



When a Great officer came himself to condole with 
an ordinary officer, the latter wailed along with him, 
but did not meet him outside the gate. 

10. The wife of a ruler went out (of her apartment) 
on a visit from the wife of a refugee ruler. 

The confirmed wife (of a Great officer) went out 
(in the same way) on the arrival of a message from 
the ruler's wife. 

The wife of an officer, if not engaged in the dress- 
ing, (also) went out to receive the confirmed wife (of 
a Great officer). 

1 1. At the slighter dressing, the presiding mourner 
took his place inside the door (on the east of it), and 
the presiding wife had her face to the east. When 
the dressing was ended, both of them made as if 
they leant on the body, and leaped. The mourner 
unbared his breast, took off the tufts of juvenility, 
and bound up his hair with sackcloth. The wife 
knotted up her hair, and put on her sackcloth girdle 
in her room. 

1 2. When the curtain (which screened the body) 
was removed, the men and women carried it and 
put it down in the hall, (the eldest son) going down 
the steps and bowing (to the visitors). 

1 3. The (young) ruler (who was mourning) bowed 
to refugee lords, and to ministers, commissioners from 
other states. Great officers and other officers bowed 
to ministers and Great officers in their respective 
places. In the case of (the three grades of) officers, 
they received three side-bows 1 , one for each grade. 
The ruler's wife also bowed to the wife of a refugee 

1 The side-bows were somehow made, without the ruler's turning 
directly towards the officers, 

[a8] N 



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178 THE Li Ki. 



BK. XIX. 



lord, above in the hall. With regard to the wives of 
Great officers and of other officers, she bowed speci- 
ally to each whose position had received the official 
appointment ; to the others she gave a general 
bow; — all above in the hall. 

14. When the mourner had gone to his own place 
(after bowing to his visitors), he closed the robe which 
was drawn on one side, covering his breast, put on his 
girdle and head-band, and leapt When the mourn- 
ing was for his mother, he went to his place, and tied 
up his hair, after which he put down the offerings by 
the body. The visitors who had come to condole, 
covered their fur robes, put the roll at the back of 
their caps, assumed their girdles and head-bands, and 
leapt in correspondence with the mourner. 

15. At the funeral rites for a ruler, the chief forester 
supplied wood and horns ; the chief of the salvage- 
men supplied the vases for water ; the chief of the 
slaughtering department supplied boilers ; and (an 
officer from the department of) the minister of War 
(saw to the) hanging of these. Thus they secured 
the succession of wailers. Some of those in the 
department took their part in the wailing. If they 
did not hang up the vases, and the Great officers 
were sufficient to take the wailing in turns, then they 
did not use those others \ 

In the hall of the ruler there were two lights above 
and two below ; for that of a Great officer, one above 

* The object of the arrangements in this obscure paragraph was 
evidently to maintain the wailing uninterrupted, and to provide, 
by means of the clepsydra, a regular marking of the time for that 
purpose. See, in the A'au Kwan XXX, 51-52, the duties of the 
officer of the department of the minister of War who had charge of 
the vase. 



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sect. i. sang tA kI. i 79 

and two below ; for that of an ordinary officer, one 
above and one below 1 . 

1 6. When the guests went out, the curtain was 
removed *. 

1 7. When they were wailing the corpse above in 
the hall, the principal mourner was at the east; 
visitors coming from without, took their place at the 
west, and the women stood facing the south. 

18. The wife (presiding), in receiving guests and 
escorting them, did not go down from the hall with 
them. If she did go down (as with the wife of the 
ruler), she bowed to her, but did not wail. 

If the son (presiding), had occasion to go outside 
the door of the apartment, and saw the guest (whom 
he so went to meet), he did not wail. 

When there was no female to preside, a son did 
so, and bowed to the female visitors inside the door 
of the apartment. If there were no son to preside, 
a daughter did so, and bowed to the male visitors at 
the foot of the steps on the east. 

If the son were a child, then he was carried in his 
sackcloth in the arms, and his bearer bowed for him. 

If the successor of the deceased were not present, 
and was a man of rank, an apology was made to the 
guests ; if he were not a man of rank, some other one 
bowed to them for him. 

If he were anywhere in the state, they waited for 
him ; if he had gone beyond it, the encoffining and 
burial might go on. The funeral rites might proceed 
without the presence of the successor of the deceased, 
but not without one to preside over them. 

1 This must have been towards morning. During the night 
torches were kept burning. 

* This should be at the end of paragraph 14. 

N 2 



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l80 THE ii k1. 



BK. XIX. 



19. At the mourning rites for a ruler, on the third 
day his sons and his wife assumed the staff. On the 
fifth day, when the corpse was put into the coffin, 
his daughters who had become the wives of Great 
officers were allowed to use it. His (eldest) son and 
Great officers used it outside the door of the apart- 
ment (where the coffin was) ; inside the door they 
carried it in their hands (but did not use it). The 
wife and his daughters, the wives of Great officers, 
used the staff in their rooms ; when they went to 
their places (in the apartment where the coffin was), 
people were employed to hold it for them. 

When a message came from the king, (the son 
presiding) put away his staff ; when one came from 
the ruler of another state, he only held it in his 
hand. When attending to any consultation of the 
tortoise-shell about the corpse, he put away his staff. 

A Great officer, in the place of the ruler, carried 
his staff in his hand ; at another Great officer's, he 
used it. 

20. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, on 
the morning of the third day, when the body was 
put into the coffin, his son presiding, his wife 
presiding, and the steward of the House, all assumed 
the staff. On a message from the ruler, the (new) 
Great officer put away his staff; on a message from 
another Great officer, he carried it in his hand. His 
wife, on a message from the wife of the ruler, put her 
staff away ; on a message from the confirmed wife (of 
another Great officer), she gave it to some one to 
hold for her. 

21. At the mourning rites for an officer, the body 
on the second day was put into the coffin. On the 
morning of the third day, the presiding mourner 



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SECT. I. 



SANG TA Kt. l8l 



assumed the staff, and his wife also. The same 
observances as in the rites for a Great officer were 
observed on messages arriving from the ruler or his 
wife, or from a Great officer and his confirmed wife. 

22. All the sons assumed the staff, but only the 
eldest son used it when they were going to their 
places (in the apartment where the coffin was). 
Great officers and other officers, when wailing by the 
coffin, used the staff; when wailing by the bier, 
they carried it in their hands. When the staff (used 
in mourning) was thrown away, it was broken and 
thrown away in secret. 

23. As soon as death took place, the corpse was 
transferred to the couch 1 , and covered with a large 
sheet. The clothes in which the deceased had died 
were removed. A servant plugged the mouth open 
with the spoon of horn ; and to keep the feet from 
contracting, an easy stool was employed*. These 
observances were the same for a ruler, a Great officer, 
and an ordinary officer 8 . 

24. The servant in charge of the apartments drew 
the water, and without removing the well-rope from 
the bucket gathered it up, and carried the whole up to 
the top of the steps. There, without going on the 
hall, he gave it to the attendants in waiting on the 
body. These then went in to wash the corpse, four 

1 When death seemed to be imminent, the body was removed 
from the couch and laid on the ground ; — if, perhaps, contact with 
' mother ' earth might revive it. When death had taken place, it 
was replaced on the couch. 

s I do not quite understand how this stool was applied so as to 
accomplish its purpose. 

° This paragraph is the 24th in the Af^ien-lung edition. See 
below, paragraph 26. 



\S 



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1 82 the l! jri. 



BK. XIX. 



lower servants holding up the sheet, and two per- 
forming the washing ; having put the water in basins, 
to which they took it with ladles. In washing they 
used napkins of fine linen, and in drying the body 
the ordinary bathing clothes. Another servant 
then pared the nails of the feet, after which they 
threw away the rest of the water into the pit At 
the funeral rites for a mother (or other female), the 
female attendants in waiting in the inner room held 
up the sheet and washed the body. 

25. The servant in charge of the apartments, 
having drawn water and given it to the attendants 
in waiting on the body, these prepared the wash for 
the head, above in the hall : — for a ruler, made from 
maize-water; for a Great officer, from that of the 
glutinous millet; and for an ordinary officer, that 
from maize-water. After this, some of the forester's 
department made a sort of furnace at the foot of the 
wall on the west ; and the potter brought out a large 
boiler, in which the servant in charge of the apart- 
ments should boil the water. The servants of the 
forester's department brought the fuel which he had 
removed from the crypt in the north-west of the 
apartment, now converted into a shrine, to use for 
that purpose. When the water was heated, he gave 
it to the attendants, who proceeded to wash the 
head, and poured the water into an earthenware 
basin, using the napkin as on ordinary occasions 
to dry the head. Another servant then clipped 
the nails of the fingers, and wiped the beard. The 
water was then thrown into the pit. 

26. For a ruler they put down a large vessel, full 
of ice ; for a Great officer, a middle-sized one, full of 
ice ; and for an ordinary officer, only one of earthen- 



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SECT. I. SANG TA Ki. 183 

ware, without any ice in it. Over these they placed 
the couch with a single sheet and pillow on it; 
another couch on which the jade should be put into 
the mouth; and another still, where the fuller dressing 
should be done. Then the corpse was removed to 
a couch in the hall, on which was a pillow and mat. 
The same forms were observed for a ruler, a Great 
officer, and an ordinary officer K 

27. At the mourning rites for a ruler, his (eldest) 
son, Great officers, his other sons, and all the (other) 
officers (employed about the court), ate nothing for 
three days, but confined themselves to gruel. 
(Afterwards) for their consumption they received in 
the morning a handful of rice, and another in the 
evening ; which they ate without any observance 
of stated times. Officers (at a distance) were 
restricted to coarse rice and water for their drink, 
without regard to any stated times. The wife (of 
the new ruler), the confirmed wives (of the Great 
officers), and all the members of their harems, had 
coarse rice and drank water, having no regard in 
their eating to stated times. 

28. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, the 
presiding mourner, the steward, and grandsons, all 
were confined to gruel. All the inferior officers 
were restricted to coarse rice, and water to drink. 
Wives and concubines took coarse rice, and water to 
drink. At the rites for an ordinary officer the same 
rules were observed. 

29. After the burial, the presiding mourner had 
(only) coarse rice and water to drink ; — he did not 

1 This paragraph is the 33rd in the Kh\ en-lung edition, con- 
fessedly out of place. 



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184 THE hi jri. 



BK. XIX. 



eat vegetables or fruits. His wife observed the 
same rule. So it was in the case of rulers, Great 
officers, and other officers. 

After the change of mourning, towards the end 
of the year, they ate vegetables and fruit ; and after 
the subsequent sacrifice, they ate flesh. 

30. They took their gruel in bowls, and did not 
wash their hands (before doing so). When they 
took their rice from the basket, they washed their 
hands. They ate their vegetables along with pickles 
and sauces. When they first ate flesh, it was dry 
flesh ; when they first drank liquor, it was that 
newly made. 

31. During the mourning of a year, on three 
occasions they abstained from eating. When eating 
coarse rice, with water to drink, they did not eat 
vegetables or fruits. After the burial, at the end of 
three months, they ate flesh and drank liquor. When 
the year's mourning was ended, they did not eat 
flesh nor drink liquor. When the father was alive, 
in the mourning of nine months, the rules were the 
same as in that for a year, on account of the mother 
or of the wife. Though they ate flesh and drank 
liquor, they could not take the enjoyment of these 
things in company with others 1 . 

32. During the mourning for five months, and 
that for three months, it was allowable to abstain 
from eating once or twice. Between the coffining 
and burial 2 , when eating flesh and drinking liquor, 

1 The statements in this paragraph, and those in the next, might 
certainly be stated more distinctly. 
8 Such is the meaning of the text here, as fully defined by a Fang 



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SSCT. II. SANG TA Jft. 185 

they did not take the enjoyment of these things in 
company with others. While mourning for an 
aunt, the confirmed wife of an uncle, one's old ruler, 
or the head of a clan, they ate flesh and drank liquor. 

If a mourner could not eat the gruel, he might 
eat soup of vegetables. If he were ill, he might 
eat flesh and drink liquor. At fifty, one did not 
go through all the observances of mourning. At 
seventy, he simply wore the sackcloth on his person. 

33. After the burial, if his ruler feasted a mourner, 
he partook of the viands ; if a Great officer or a 
friend of his father did so, he partook in 'the same 
way. He did not even decline the grain and flesh 
that might be set before him, but wine and new 
wine he declined. 

Section II. 

1. The slighter dressing was performed inside 
the door (of the apartment where the body was) ; 
the fuller dressing (at the top of) the steps (leading 
up to the reception hall) on the east. The body 
of a ruler was laid on a mat of fine bamboo ; of a 
Great officer, on one of typha grass ; and of an 
ordinary officer, on one of phragmites grass. 

2. At the slighter dressing one band of cloth was 
laid straight, and there were three bands laid 
cross-wise. The sheet for a ruler's body was em- 
broidered ; for a Great officer's, white ; for an 
ordinary officer's, black : — each had one sheet. 

There were nineteen suits of clothes 1 ; those for 



1 So in all our dictionaries ; as in Medhurst, ^ — » Bf, ' a suit 
of clothes.' But why nineteen suits ? A!"ang and Ying-ta say, ' To 
make up ten, the concluding number of heaven ; and nine, that of 



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1 86 THE Li jrf. 



BK. XIX. 



the ruler, displayed in the corridor on the east ; and 
those for a Great officer, or a common officer, inside 
the apartments : — all with their collars towards the 
west, those in the north being the best. The sash 
and sheet were not reckoned among them. 

3. At the fuller dressing there were three bands 
of cloth laid straight, and five laid cross -wise. 
There were (also) strings of cloth, and two sheets : — 
equally for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common 
officer. The clothes for a ruler consisted of one 
hundred suits, displayed in the courtyard, having their 
collars towards the north, those on the west being 
the best ; those of a Great officer were fifty suits, 
displayed in the corridor on the east, having the 
collars towards the west, those on the south being 
the best ; those of a common officer were thirty 
suits, displayed also in the corridor on the east, with 
their collars towards the west, the best on the south. 
The bands and strings were of the same quality as 
the court robes. One strip of the band-cloth was 
divided into three, but at the ends was not further 
divided. The sheets were made of five pieces, 
without strings or buttons. 

4. Among the clothes at the slighter dressing, 
the sacrificial robes were not placed below the 
others. For the ruler no clothes were used that 
were presented. For a Great officer and a common 
officer, the sacrificial (and other) robes belonging to 
the principal mourner were all used, and then they 
used those contributed by their relatives ; but these 
were not displayed along with the others. 

earth.' But how shall we account for the hundred, fifty, and thirty 
suits at the greater dressing, in next paragraph ? These suits were 
set forth, I suppose, for display ; they could hardly be for use. 



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SECT. II. SANG TA Kt. 187 

At the slighter dressing, for a ruler, a Great 
officer, and a common officer, they used wadded 
upper robes and sheets. 

At the greater dressing, the number of sacrificial 
(and other) robes put on a ruler, a Great officer, or 
another officer, was not definitely fixed ; but the 
upper robes and sheets for a ruler had only a thin 
lining, (instead of being wadded) ; for a Great 
officer and a common officer, they were as at the 
slighter dressing. 

5. The long robe (worn in private) had a shorter 
one placed over it ; — it was not displayed alone. It 
was the rule that with the upper garment the lower 
one should also be shown. So only could they be 
called a suit. 

6. All who set forth the clothes took them from 
the chests in which they had been deposited ; and 
those who received the clothes brought (as con- 
tributions) placed them in (similar) chests. In 
going up to the hall and descending from it, they 
did so by the steps on the west. They displayed 
the clothes without rumpling them. They did not 
admit any that were not correct ; nor any of fine or 
coarse dolychos fibre, or of coarse flax. 

7. All engaged in dressing the corpse had their 
arms bared ; those who moved it into the coffin, had 
their breasts covered. At the funeral rites for a 
ruler, the Great officer of prayer performed the 
dressing, assisted by all the members of his depart- 
ment ; at those for a Great officer, the same officer 
stood by, and saw all the others dress the body ; 
at those of a common officer, the members of that 
department stood by, while other officers (his 
friends) performed the dressing. 



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188 THE l! Kt BK. XIX. 

8. At both the dressings the sacrificial robes 
were not placed below the others. They were all 
placed with the lappel to lie on the left side. The 
bands were tied firmly, and not in a bow-knot. 

9. The rule was that the dressers should wail, 
when they had completed their work. But in the 
case of an officer, as the dressing was performed by 
those who had served in office along with him, they, 
after the work was done, omitted a meal. In all 
cases the dressers were six. 

10. The body cases (used before the dressing) 
were made : — for a ruler, the upper one embroidered, 
and the lower one striped black and white, with 
seven strings on the open side ; for a Great officer, 
the upper one dark blue, and the lower one striped 
black and white, with five tie-strings on the side ; 
for a common officer, the upper one black, and the 
lower one red, with three tie-strings at the side. 
The upper case came down to the end of the hands, 
and the lower case was three feet long. At the 
smaller dressing and afterwards, they used coverlets 
laid on the body (instead of these cases), their size 
being the same as that of the cases. 

11. When the great dressing of a ruler's body 
was about to commence, his son, with the sackcloth 
band about his cap, went to his place at the (south) 
end of the (eastern) corridor, while the ministers 
and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the 
hall, with the pillar on their west, their faces to the 
north, and their row ascending to the east. The 
uncles, brothers, and cousins were below the hall, 
with their faces to the north. The (son's) wife, and 
other wives whose position had been confirmed 
were on the west of the body, with their faces to 



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sect. ii. sang tA jrt. 189 

the east. The female relations from other states 
were in their apartments with their faces to the 
south. Inferior officers spread the mats. The Shang 
officers of prayer spread the strings, the coverlet, 
and clothes. The officers had their hands over the 
vessels. They then lifted the corpse and removed 
it to the place for the dressing. When the dress- 
ing was finished, the superintendent announced the 
fact The son then (seemed to) lean on it, and 
leaped while his wife did the same, with her face 
to the east. 

12. At the mourning rites of a Great officer, when 
they were about to proceed to the great dressing, 
and the tie-strings, coverlets, and clothes had all 
been spread out, the ruler arrived, and was met by 
(the son), the principal mourner. The son entered 
before him, (and stood) at the right of the gate, out- 
side which the exorcist stopped. The ruler having 
put down the vegetables (as an offering to the spirit 
of the gate), and the blesser preceding him, entered 
and went up to the hall. He then repaired to his 
place at the end of the corridor, while the ministers 
and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall 
on the west of the pillar, looking to the north, their 
row ascending to the east. The presiding mourner 
was outside the apartment (where the corpse was), 
facing the south. His wife presiding was on the west 
of the body, facing the east. When they had moved 
the corpse, and finished the dressing, the steward re- 
ported that they had done so, and the presiding 
mourner went down below the hall, with his face to 
the north. There the ruler laid on him the soothing 
hand, and he bowed with his forehead to the ground. 
The ruler signified to him to go up, and lean on the 



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190 THE L{ Ki. 



BK. XIX. 



body, and also requested his wife, presiding, to lean 
on it 

13. At the mourning rites for a common officer, 
when they were about to proceed to the great dress- 
ing, the ruler was not present In other respects 
the observances were the same as in the case of a 
Great officer. 

14. They also leaped at the spreading out of the 
ties and strings'; of the sheet ; of the clothes ; at 
the moving of the corpse ; at the putting on of the 
clothes ; of the coverlet ; and of the adjusting of 
the ties and bands. 

1 5. The ruler laid his hand on the body of a Great 
officer, and on that of the most honourable ladies of 
his own harem. A Great officer laid his hand on the 
body of the steward of his house, and on that of his 
niece and the sister of his wife, who had accompanied 
her to the harem. 

The ruler and a Great officer leant closely with 
their breasts over the bodies of their parents, wives, 
and eldest sons, but not over those of their other 
sons. 

A common officer, however, did so also to all his 
other sons. 

If a son by a concubine had a son, the parents did 
not perform this ceremony over him. When it was 
performed, the parents did it first, and then the wife 
and son. 

A ruler laid his hand on the body of a minister ; 
parents, while bending over that of a son, also took 
hold of his hand. A son bent over his parents, 
bringing his breast near to theirs. A wife seemed 
as if she would place her two arms beneath the 
bodies of her parents-in-law; while they (simply) 



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A . .(UKiv^nsiry 

sect, n. SANG TA Jn. \ >> I.91 



le ai^ifcsw^' 



laid their hands on her. A wife made 
would cling to her husband's body ; while the hus- 
band held her hand as he did that of a brother or 
cousin. When others brought the breast near the 
body of a corpse, they avoided the point at which 
the ruler had touched it. After every such mark of 
sorrow, the mourner rose up and leaped. 

16. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) 
occupied the slanting shed, unplastered ; slept on 
straw, with a clod of earth for his pillow. He spoke 
of nothing but what related to the rites. A ruler 
enclosed this hut; but Great and common officers 
left it exposed. 

After the burial, the inclined posts were set up on 
lintels, and the hut was plastered, but not on the 
outside which could be seen. Rulers, Great and 
common officers, all had it enclosed. 

All the other sons, but the eldest by the proper 
wife, even before the burial had huts made for them- 
selves in out-of-the-way places. 

17. After the burial, the son would stand with 
others. If a ruler, he would speak of the king's 
affairs, but not of those of his own state. If a Great 
officer, or a common officer, he would speak of the 
ruler's affairs, but not of those of his own clan or 
family. 

18. When the ruler was buried, the royal ordi- 
nances came into the state. After the wailing was 
finished, the new ruler engaged in the king's affairs. 

When a Great officer or a common officer was 
buried, the ordinances of the state came to his family. 
After the wailing was finished, while continuing the 
sackcloth band round his cap, and the girdle, he 
might don his armour and go into the field. 



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192 THE Lt kL BK. XIX. 

19. After the mourning was changed at the end of 
a year, (the sons) occupied the unplastered apartment, 
and did not occupy one along with others. Then 
the ruler consulted about the government of the 
state ; and Great officers and common officers about 
the affairs of their clan and families. After the 
sacrifice at the end of two years, the ground of the 
apartment was made of a dark green, and the walls 
were whitened. After this, they no longer wailed 
outside ; and after the sacrifice at the end of twenty- 
seven months, they did not do so inside ; for, after 
it, music began to be heard. 

20. After that sacrifice, at the end of twenty-seven 
months, (the son) attended to all his duties; and 
after the felicitous sacrifice (of re-arranging the 
tablets in his ancestral temple), he returned to his 
(usual) chamber. 

At the one year's mourning, he occupied the hut ; 
and when it was completed, the occasions on which 
he did not seek the nuptial chamber were: — when 
his father was alive, and he had been wearing the 
hemmed sackcloth of a year for his mother or his 
wife, and when he had been wearing the cloth 
mourning of nine months ; on these occasions, for 
three months he did not seek the intercourse of the 
inner chamber. 

A wife did not occupy the hut, nor sleep on the 
straw. At the mourning for her father or mother, 
when she had changed the mourning at the end of a 
year, she returned to her husband ; when the mourn- 
ing was that of nine months, she returned after the 
burial. 

21. At the mourning rites for a duke (of the 
royal domain), his Great officers continued till the 



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SECT. H. 



SANG TA kI. 193 



change of mourning at the end of a year, and then 
returned to their own residences. A common officer 
returned at the conclusion of the wailing. 

22. At the mourning rites for their parents, (the 
other sons who were) Great officers or common 
officers, returned to their own residences after the 
change of the mourning at the end of the year ; but 
on the first day of the month and at full moon, and 
on the return of the death-day, they came back and 
wailed in the house of him who was now the Head 
of their family. 

At the mourning for uncles and cousins, they 
returned to their own residences at the conclusion 
of the wailing. 

23. A father did not take up his quarters (during 
the mourning) at a son's, nor an elder brother at a 
younger's. 

24. At the mourning rites for a Great officer or 
his acknowledged wife, a ruler (went to see) the 
greater dressing ; but if he wished to show special 
favour, he attended the slighter dressing. 

The ruler, in the case of an acknowledged wife, 
married to a Great officer of a different surname 
from his own, arrived after the lid was put on the 
coffin. 

He went to an officer's, when the body was put 
into the coffin ; but if he wanted to show special 
favour, he attended at the greater dressing. 

The ruler's wife, at the mourning for a (Great 
officer's) acknowledged wife, attended at the greater 
dressing ; but if she wished to show special favour, 
at the slighter. In the case of his other wives, if 
she wished to show special favour, she attended at 
the greater dressing. In the case of a Great officer's 

08] O 



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194 THE L * **• 



BK. XIX. 



acknowledged wife, who was of a different surname 
from her own, she appeared after the coffining had 
taken place. 

25. When the ruler went to a Great officer's or a 
common officer's, after the coffining had taken place, 
he sent word beforehand of his coming. The chief 
mourner provided all the offerings to be set down 
for the dead in the fullest measure, and waited out- 
side the gate, till he saw the heads of the horses. 
He then led the way in by the right side of the gate. 
The exorcist stopped outside, and the blesser took his 
place, and preceded the ruler, who put down the offer- 
ings of vegetables (for the spirit of the gate) inside 
it. The blesser then preceded him up the eastern 
steps, and took his place with his back to the wall, 
facing the south. The ruler took his place at (the 
top of) the steps ; two men with spears standing 
before him, and two behind. The officer of recep- 
tion then advanced. The chief mourner bowed, 
laying his forehead to the ground. The ruler then 
said what he had to say ; looked towards the blesser 
and leaped. The chief mourner then (also) leaped. 

26. If the visit were paid to a Great officer, the 
offerings might at this point be put down by the 
coffin. If it were to a common officer, he went out 
to wait outside the gate. Being requested to return 
and put down the offerings, he did so. When this 
was done, he preceded the ruler, and waited for him 
outside the gate. When the ruler retired, the chief 
mourner escorted him outside the gate, and bowed 
to him, with his forehead to the ground. 

27. When a Great officer was ill, the ruler thrice 
inquired for him ; and when his body was coffined, 
visited (his son) thrice. When a common officer 



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SECT. II. SANG TA El. 195 

was ill, he inquired for him once ; and when his body 
was coffined, visited (his son) once. 

When the ruler came to condole (after the coffin- 
ing), the (son) put on again the clothes he had worn 
at the coffining. 

28. When the ruler's wife went to condole at a 
Great officer's or a common officer's, the chief 
mourner went out to meet her outside the gate, and, 
when he saw her horses' heads, went in before her 
by the right side of the gate. She then entered, 
went up to the hall, and took her place. The wife 
presiding went down by the steps on the west, and 
bowed with her head to the ground below (the hall). 
The ruler's wife looked towards her eldest son (who 
had accompanied her), and leaped. 

The offerings were put down according to the 
rules for them on the visit of the ruler. When she 
retired, the wife presiding went with her to the in- 
side of the door of the apartment, and bowed to her 
with her head to the ground. The chief mourner 
escorted her to the outside of the great gate, but did 
not bow. 

29. When a Great officer came to the mourning 
rites of one of his officers to whom he stood in the 
relation of ruler, the officer did not meet him out- 
side the gate. He entered and took his place below 
the hall. The chief mourner (stood on the south of 
his place), with his face to the north, though the 
general rule for chief mourners was to face the south. 
The wife took her place in the room. 

If, at this juncture, there came a message from the 
ruler of the state, or one from a confirmed (Great) 
officer or his confirmed wife, or visitors from the 
neighbouring states, the Great officer-ruler, having 

o 2 



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I96 THE L{ Kt. 



BE. XIX. 



the chief mourner behind him, performed the bow of 
ceremony to each visitor. 

30. When a ruler, on a visit of condolence, saw 
the bier for the corpse, he leaped. 

If a ruler had not given notice beforehand of his 
coming to a Great officer or a common officer, and 
he had not prepared the various offerings to be put 
down by the coffin on the occasion, when the ruler 
withdrew, the rule was that they should then be put 
down. 

31. The largest (or outermost) coffin of the ruler 
of a state was eight inches thick ; the next, six inches ; 
and the innermost, four inches. The larger coffin 
of a Great officer of the highest grade was eight 
inches thick ; and the inner, six inches ; for one of 
the lowest grade, the dimensions were six inches 
and four. The coffin of a common officer was six 
inches thick. 

32. The (inner) coffin of a ruler was lined with 
red (silk), fixed in its place with nails of various 
metals ; that of a Great officer with (silk of a) dark 
blue, fixed with nails of ox-bone ; that of a common 
officer was lined, but had no nails. 

33. The lid of a ruler's coffin was varnished, with 
three double wedges (at the edges) over which were 
three bands ; that of a Great officer's was (also) var- 
nished, with two double wedges and two bands ; that 
of a common officer was not varnished, but it had two 
double wedges and two bands. 

34. The (accumulated) hair and nails of a ruler 
and Great officer were placed (in bags) at the four 
corners of the coffin; those of an officer were 
buried (without being put in the coffin). 

35. The coffin of a ruler was placed upon a bier, 



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sect. ii. sang tA jrf. 197 

which was surrounded with high stakes, inclined over 
it till, when all was finished and plastered, there was 
the appearance of a house. That of a Great officer, 
having been covered with a pall, was placed in the 
western corridor and staked, but the plastering did not 
reach all over the coffin. That of a common officer 
was placed so that the double wedges could be seen ; 
above that it was plastered. All were screened. 

36. Of scorched grain there were put by the coffin 
of a ruler eight baskets, containing four different 
kinds; by that of a Great officer, six baskets, con- 
taining three kinds; by that of a common officer, 
four baskets, containing two kinds. Besides these, 
there were (dried) fish and flesh. 

37. Ornamenting the coffin (on its way to the 
grave), there were for a ruler: — the curtains with 
dragons (figured on them), and over them three 
gutter-spouts ; the fluttering ornaments (with phea- 
sants figured on them and the ends of the curtains) ; 
above (on the sloping roof of the catafalque) were 
figures of axe-heads, of the symbol of discrimination, 
thrice repeated, and of flames, thrice repeated. These 
occupied the pall-like roof of white silk, as embroi- 
dery, and above it was the false covering attached 
to it by six purple ties, and rising up with ornaments 
in five colours and five rows of shells. There were 
(at the corners) two streamers of feathers, suspended 
from a frame with the axes on it ; two from another, 
bearing the symbol of discrimination ; two from 
another, variously figured ; all the frames on staffs, 
showing jade-symbols at the top. Fishes were made 
as if leaping at the ends of the gutters. The whole 
of the catafalque was kept together by six supports 
rising from the coffin, and wound round with purple 



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I98 THE Li zt. 



BK. XIX. 



silk, and six sustaining ropes, also purple, (drawn 
through the curtains). 

For the catafalque of a Great officer there were 
painted curtains, with two gutter-spouts (above 
them) ; there were not the fluttering ornaments ; 
above (on the sloping roof) there were flames painted, 
thrice repeated ; and three symbols of discrimination. 
These formed the pall-like roof, and there were two 
purple ties, and two of deep blue. At the very top 
there were ornaments in three colours, and three rows 
of shells. There were two feather-streamers from a 
frame with axes, and two from a painted frame ; all 
the frames on staffs with plumage at the tops. 
Figures of fishes were made at the ends of the 
gutters. The front supports of a Great officer's 
catafalque were purple, and those behind deep blue. 
So also were the sustaining ropes. 

For the catafalque of a common officer, the cur- 
tains were of (plain) linen, and there was the sloping 
roof. There was (but) one gutter-spout. There 
were the fluttering pheasants on the bands. The 
purple ties were two, and the black also two. At 
the very top the ornaments were of three colours, and 
there was only one row of shells. The streamers of 
feathers from a painted frame were two, the staffs of 
which had plumage at their tops. The front sup- 
ports of the catafalque were purple, and those behind 
black. The sustaining ropes were purple. 

38. In burying the coffin of a ruler, they used a bier, 
four ropes, and two pillars. Those guiding the course 
of the coffin carried the shade with pendent feathers. 

In burying a Great officer, they used two ropes 
and two pillars. Those who guided the coffin used 
a reed of white grass. 



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SXCT. II. SANG TA Kl. 199 

In burying a common officer, they used a carriage 
of the state. They employed two ropes and no post. 
As soon as they left the residence, those who directed 
the coffin used the shade of merit. 

39. In letting down the coffin into the grave, they 
removed the ropes from the posts, and pulled at 
them with their backs to the posts. For a ruler's 
coffin, they also used levers, and for a Great officer's 
or a common officer's, ropes attached to the sides of 
the coffin. Orders were given that they should not 
cry out in letting down that of the ruler. They let 
it down as guided by the sound of a drum. In let- 
ting down a Great officer's, they were commanded 
not to wail. In letting down a common officer's, 
those who began to wail stopped one another. 

40. The outer shell of the coffin of a ruler was 
of pine ; of a Great officer, of cypress ; of another 
officer, of various kinds of wood. 

41. The surface between the coffin and shell of a 
ruler was sufficient to contain a music stopper ; in 
the case of the coffin and shell of a Great officer, a 
vase for water ; in that of the coffin and shell of a 
common officer, a jar of liquor. 

42. In the rites of a ruler, the shell was lined, and 
there were baskets of ytt ; in those of a Great officer, 
the shell was not lined ; in those of a common officer, 
there were no baskets of yii 1 . 



1 We cannot tell what these baskets were, ./fang says he did 
not know, and the JTAien-lung editors think they may have con- 
tained the grain mentioned in paragraph 36. Otherwise, the 
paragraph is obscure. 

On the next page there is given a figure of the catafalque over 
the coffin as borne to the grave, copied from the second volume of 



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200 



THE Li *i. 



BK. XIX. 



P. Zottoli's work. A larger one, more fully illustrating the details 
of the text, forms the last plate in the A^ien-lung edition of the 
Classic ; but it is so rough and complicated that the friend who has 
assisted me with most of the figures that I have ventured to intro- 
duce shrank from attempting to reproduce it on a smaller scale. 




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BOOK XX. Kt FA 

OR 
THE LAW OF SACRIFICES 1 . 

i. According to the law of sacrifices, (Shun), the 
sovereign of the line of Yii, at the great associate 
sacrifice, gave the place of honour to Hwang Tl, 
and at the border sacrifice made Khd the correlate 
of Heaven ; he sacrificed (also) to A'wan-hsu as his 
ancestor (on the throne), and to Yao as his honoured 
predecessor. 

1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 35, 36. It is there said that 
in the idea of sacrifices (it), which is here given, there is no indication 
of deprecation by means of them, and much less of atonement, but 
that they were merely expressions of gratitude. The character kt 
(^*t) is one of those formed by combination of the ideas in its several 
parts. The Shwo-wan, the earliest Chinese dictionary, says that 
it is made up of two ideagrams : jjj, the symbol for spiritual beings ; 
and another, composed of |^J and ^, representing a right hand 
and a piece of flesh. Offerings of flesh must have been common 
when the character was formed, which then itself entered, as the 
phonetic element, into the formation of between twenty and thirty 
other characters. The explanations of it given by Morrison (Diet, 
part i), taken mostly from the Khang-hsi dictionary, are : — ' To 
carry human affairs before the gods [i. e. spirits]. That which is 
the medium between, or brings together men and gods [spirits]. 
To offer flesh in the rites of worship ; to sacrifice with worship.' 
There is nothing, however, in the Khang-hst corresponding to this 
last sentence; and I suppose that Morrison gave it from the 
analysis of the character in the Shwo-wan. The general idea 
symbolised by it is — an offering whereby communication and 
communion with spiritual beings is effected. 



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202 THE hi xt. 



BK. XX. 



The sovereigns of Hsia, at the corresponding 
sacrifice, gave the place of honour also to Hwang 
Tl, and made Khwan the correlate at the border 
sacrifice; they sacrificed to Awan-hsu as their* 
ancestor, and to Yii as their honoured predecessor. 

Under Yin, they gave the place of honour to A^u, 
and made Ming the correlate at the border sacrifice; 
they sacrificed to Hsieh as their ancestor, and to 
Thang as their honoured predecessor. 

Under A"au they gave the place of honour to Khix, 
and made Ki the correlate at the border sacrifice ; 
they sacrificed to king Wan as their ancestor, and 
to king Wu as their honoured predecessor K 

2. With a blazing pile of wood on the Grand altar 
they sacrificed to Heaven 2 ; by burying (the victim) 



1 This and other portions of the Book are taken mainly from 
the seventh article in the second section of the ' Narratives of the 
States,' part i. The statements have much perplexed the commen- 
tators, and are held to be of doubtful authority. Some of them, 
indeed, are said by Kh&i\ H&o to be inexplicable. Khwan, ' the 
correlate in the sacrifices of HsiS, was the father of Ya,' of whom 
we receive a bad impression from the references to him in the Shu 
-ffing; and Ming, who occupied the same position in those of Yin, 
was the fifth in descent from Hsieh, the ancestor of that dynasty, 
a minister of Works, who died somehow in his labours on a flood. 
P. Zottoli thinks that of the four sacrifices here mentioned, the first 
(jftfj) was to the Supreme Deity (Supremo Numini), and the 
second, to the Highest Heaven (Summo Coelo). My own view 
is different, and agrees with that of the .ATAien-lung editors. They 
discuss the different questions that have been agitated on the 
subject, and their conclusions may be taken as the orthodoxy of 
Chinese scholars on the subject ; into the exhibition of which it is 
not necessary to go at greater length. 

* On the blazing pile were placed the victim and pieces of jade ; 
in the square mound were buried the victim and pieces of silk. For 



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BK. XX. K\ FA. 203 

in the Grand mound, they sacrificed to the Earth. 
(In both cases) they used a red victim \ 

3. By burying a sheep and a pig at the (altar of) 
Great brightness, they sacrificed to the seasons. 
(With similar) victims they sacrificed to (the spirits 
of) cold and heat, at the pit and the altar, using 
prayers of deprecation and petition 2 ; to the sun, at 
the (altar called the) royal palace ; to the moon, at 
the (pit called the) light of the night ; to the stars 
at the honoured place of gloom ; to (the spirits of) 
flood and drought at the honoured altar of rain ; to 
the (spirits of the) four quarters at the place of the 
four pits and altars ; mountains, forests, streams, 
valleys, hills, and mounds, which are able to produce 
clouds, and occasion winds and rain, were all regarded 
as (dominated by) spirits. 

He by whom all under the sky was held sacrificed 
to all spirits. The princes of states sacrificed to those 
which were in their own territories ; to those which 
were not in their territories, they did not sacrifice. 

4. Generally speaking, all born between heaven 
and earth are said to have their allotted times ; the 
death of all creatures is spoken of as their dissolu- 
tion ; but man when dead is said to be in the ghostly 

^ ^f, which follow, Zottoli gives solenni angulari, and I have 
met with 'the great pit' as a translation of them. Of course a ' pit ' 
was formed in the mound to receive the offerings ; but in the Khang- 
hsi dictionary ffi- is specially defined with reference to this passage 
as 'a mound of earth as a place of sacrifice;' though we do not find 
this account of the character in Morrison, Medhurst, or Williams. 

1 This was specially the colour of the victims under the Alu 
dynasty. 

1 Such is the meaning given by Ying-tfi and others to jfe jJ£, 
which they think should be && jgC 



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204 THE L{ Jft. 



BK. XX. 



state. There was no change in regard to these 
points in the five * dynasties. What the seven 2 
dynasties made changes in, were the assessors at the 
Great associate and the border sacrifices, and the 
parties sacrificed to in the ancestral temple ; — they 
made no other changes. 

5. The sovereigns, coming to the possession of 
the kingdom, divided the land and established the 
feudal principalities ; they assigned (great) cities (to 
their nobles), and smaller towns (to their chiefs); 
they made ancestral temples, and the arrangements 
for altering the order qf the spirit-tablets ; they 
raised altars, and they cleared the ground around 
them for the performance of their sacrifices. In all 
these arrangements they made provision for the 
sacrifices according to the nearer or more remote 
kinship, and for the assignment of lands of greater 
or less amount. 

Thus the king made for himself seven ancestral 
temples, with a raised altar and the surrounding 
area for each. The temples were — his father's; 
his grandfather's ; his great-grandfather's ; his great- 
great-grandfather's ; and the temple of his (high) 
ancestor. At all of these a sacrifice was offered 
every month. The temples of the more remote 
ancestors formed the receptacles for the tablets as 
they were displaced ; they were two, and at these 
only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For the 
removed tablet of one more remote, an altar was 

1 Those of Yao, Shun, Hsia, Shang or Yin, and KSto. 

* What these ' seven ' dynasties were is doubtful. Add to the 
preceding five, the names of Awan-hsu" and Khh, and we get the 
number, all descended from Hwang Tf. The writer must have 
regarded him as the founder of the Chinese kingdom. 



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BK. XX. 



kI FA. 205 



raised and its corresponding area ; and on occa- 
sions of prayer at this altar and area, a sacrifice was 
offered, but if there were no prayer, there was no 
sacrifice. In the case of one still more remote, (there 
was no sacrifice) ; — he was left in his ghostly state. 

A feudal prince made for himself five ancestral 
temples, with an altar and a cleared area about it for 
each. The temples were — his father's ; his grand- 
father's ; and his great-grandfather's ; in all of which 
a sacrifice was offered every month. In the temples 
of the great-great-grandfather, and that of the (high) 
ancestor only, the seasonal sacrifices were offered. 
For one beyond the high ancestor a special altar 
was raised, and for one still more remote, an area 
was prepared. If there were prayer at these, a 
sacrifice was offered ; but if there were no prayer, 
there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more 
remote, (there was no service) ; — he was left in his 
ghostly state. 

A Great officer made for himself three ancestral 
temples and two altars. The temples were — his 
father's ; his grandfather's ; and his great-grand- 
father's. In this only the seasonal sacrifices were 
offered. To the great-great-grandfather and the 
(high) ancestor there were no temples. If there 
were occasion for prayer to them, altars were raised, 
and sacrifices offered on them. An ancestor still 
more remote was left in his ghostly state. 

An officer of the highest grade had two ancestral 
temples and one altar ; — the temples of his father 
and grandfather, at which only the seasonal sacrifices 
were presented. There was no temple for his great- 
grandfather. If there were occasion to pray to him, 
an altar was raised, and a sacrifice offered to him. 



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206 THE Lt St. 



BK. XX. 



Ancestors more remote were left in their ghostly 
state. 

An officer in charge merely of one department 
had one ancestral temple ; that, namely, of his father. 
There was no temple for his grandfather, but he was 
sacrificed to (in the fathers temple.) Ancestors 
beyond the grandfather were left in their ghostly 
state. 

The mass of ordinary officers and the common 
people had no ancestral temple. Their dead were 
left in their ghostly state, (to have offerings presented 
to them in the back apartment, as occasion required). 

6. The king, for all the people, erected an altar to 
(the spirit of) the ground, called the Grand altar, and 
one for himself, called the Royal altar. 

A feudal prince, for all his people, erected one 
called the altar of the state, and one for himself 
called the altar of the prince. 

Great officers and all below them in association 
erected such an altar, called the Appointed altar. 

7. The king, for all the people, appointed (seven 
altars for) the seven sacrifices :— one to the super- 
intendent of the lot ; one in the central court, for the 
admission of light and the rain from the roofs ; one 
at the gates of the city wall ; one in the roads leading 
from the city; one for the discontented ghosts of 
kings who had died without posterity ; one for the 
guardian of the door ; and one for the guardian of 
the furnace. He also had seven corresponding 
altars for himself. 

A feudal prince, for his state, appointed (five altars 
for) the five sacrifices: — one for the superintendent 
of the lot; one in the central court, for the admission 
of light and rain ; one at the gates of the city wall ; 



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BK. XX. 



rt fA. 207 



one in the roads leading from the city ; one for the 
discontented ghosts of princes who had died without 
posterity. He also had five corresponding altars for 
himself. 

A Great officer appointed (three altars for) the 
three sacrifices : — one for the discontented ghosts 
of his predecessors who had died without posterity ; 
one at the gates of his city ; and one on the roads 
leading from it 

An officer of the first grade appointed (two altars 
for) the two sacrifices : — one at the gates, and one 
on the roads (outside the gates). 

Other officers and the common people had one 
(altar and one) sacrifice. Some raised one altar for 
the guardian of the door ; and others, one for the 
guardian of the furnace. 

8. The king, carrying down (his favour), sacri- 
ficed to five classes of those who had died pre- 
maturely : — namely, to the rightful eldest sons (of 
former kings); to rightful grandsons; to rightful 
great-grandsons ; to rightful great-great-grandsons ; 
and to the rightful sons of these last. 

A feudal prince, carrying down (his favour), sacri- 
ficed to three classes ; a Great officer similarly to 
two ; another officer of the first grade and the 
common people sacrificed only to the son who had 
died prematurely 1 . 

9. According to the institutes of the sage kings 
about sacrifices, sacrifice should be offered to him 
who had given (good) laws to the people; to him 

1 From paragraph 1 down to this is absent from the expurgated 
edition of Fan 3z«-&ngi which P. Callery translated, so that the 
book contains in it only the one long paragraph that follows. 



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208 THE Li kI. 



BE. XX. 



"> 



who had laboured to the death in the discharge of 
his duties ; to him who had strengthened the state 
by his laborious toil ; to him who had boldly and 
successfully met great calamities ; and to him who 
had warded off great evils. 

Such were the following : — Nang, the son of the 
lord of Ll-shan J , who possessed the kingdom, and 
showed how to cultivate all the cereals; and Kk\. 
(the progenitor) of A"au, who continued his work 
after the decay of Hsia, and was sacrificed to under 
the name of Ki 2 ; Hau-thu, a son of the line of 
Kung-kung 8 , that swayed the nine provinces, who 
was able to reduce them all to order, and was sacri- 
ficed to as the spirit of the ground; the Tl KAd, 
who could define all the zodiacal stars, and exhibit 
their times to the people ; Yao, who rewarded (the 
worthy), made the penal laws impartial, and the end 
of whose course was distinguished by his righteous- 
ness ; Shun, who, toiling amid all his affairs, died in 
the country (far from his capital) ; Yii, (the son of) 
Khwan, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying 
to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yii com- 
pleted the work, and atoned for his father's failure ; 
Hwang Tl, who gave everything its right name, 
thereby showing the people how to avail themselves 
of its qualities; A'wan-hsii, who completed this work 

1 Li-shan is generally mentioned as Lieh-shan, and sometimes 
Lien-shan. Where the country so-called was, we do not know. 
Nang, or Shan Nang, is generally accepted as the first of the line, 
about b.c. 3072. 

* This account of K\ is given confusedly. 

* It is difficult to find a place in chronology for this Kung-kung. 
An article in the 3° JSTwan (under duke Aao's seventeenth year, 
paragraph 3) places him between Fu-hsi and Shan Nang. 



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BK. XX. K\ FA. 209 

of Hwang Tl ; Hsieh, who was minister of Instruc- 
tion, and perfected the (condition and manners of 
the) people; Ming, who, through his attention to 
the duties of his office, died in the waters ; Thang, 
who ruled the people with a benignant sway and cut 
off their oppressor; and king Wan, who by his 
peaceful rule, and king Wu, who by his martial 
achievements, delivered the people from their afflic- 
tions. All these rendered distinguished services to 
the people. 

As to the sun and moon, the stars and constella- 
tions, the people look up to them, while mountains, 
forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply 
them with the materials for use which they require. 
Only men and things of this character were admitted 
into the sacrificial canon. 



[28] p 

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BOOK XXI. Kl 1 

OR 
THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES 1 . 

Section I. 

i. Sacrifices should not be frequently repeated. 
Such frequency is indicative of importunateness ; 
and importunateness is inconsistent with reverence. 
Nor should they be at distant intervals. Such in- 
frequency is indicative of indifference ; and indiffer- 
ence leads to forgetting them altogether. Therefore 
the superior man, in harmony with the course of 
Heaven, offers the sacrifices of spring * and autumn. 
When he treads on the dew which has descended 
as hoar-frost he cannot help a feeling of sadness, 
which arises in his mind, and cannot be ascribed to 
the cold. In spring, when he treads on the ground, 
wet with the rains and dews that have fallen heavily, 
he cannot avoid being moved by a feeling as if he 
were seeing his departed friends. We meet the 
approach of our friends with music, and escort 
them away with sadness, and hence at the sacrifice 
in spring we use music, but not at the sacrifice 
in autumn. 

2. The severest vigil and purification is main- 
tained and carried on inwardly ; while a looser vigil 

1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pages 36, 37. 

* The spring sacrifice is here called tf (jjjjfr), probably by mis- 



take for yo (Jpg)i the proper name for it 

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SECT. I. 



JCi 1. 211 



is maintained externally. During the days of such 
vigil, the mourner thinks of his departed, how and 
where they sat, how they smiled and spoke, what 
were their aims and views, what they delighted in, 
and what things they desired and enjoyed. On the 
third day of such exercise he will see those for 
whom it is employed. 

3. On the day of sacrifice, when he enters the 
apartment (of the temple), he will seem to see (the 
deceased) in the place (where his spirit-tablet is). 
After he has moved about (and performed his 
operations), and is leaving at the door, he will seem 
to be arrested by hearing the sound of his move- 
ments, and will sigh as he seems to hear the sound 
of his sighing. 

'4. Thus the filial piety taught by the ancient 
kings required that the eyes of the son should not 
forget the looks (of his parents), nor his ears their 
voices ; and that he should retain the memory of 
their aims, likings, and wishes. As he gave full play 
to his love, they seemed to live again ; and to his 
reverence, they seemed to stand out before him. 
So seeming to live and stand out, so unforgotten 
by him, how could his sacrifices be without the 
accompaniment of reverence ? 

5. The superior man, while (his parents) are alive, 
reverently nourishes them; and, when they are 
dead, he reverently sacrifices to them ; — his (chief) 
thought is how to the end of life not to disgrace 
them. The saying that the superior man mourns 
all his life for his parents has reference to the 
recurrence of the day of their death. That he does 
not do his ordinary work on that day does not 
mean that it would be unpropitious to do so ; it 

p 2 

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212 THE Li tft. 



BK. XXI. 



means that on that day his thoughts are occupied 
with them, and he does not dare to occupy him- 
self as on other days with his private and personal 
affairs. 

6. It is only the sage l who can sacrifice to God, 
and (only) the filial son who can sacrifice to his 
parents. Sacrificing means directing one's self to. 
The son directs his thoughts (to his parents), and 
then he can offer his sacrifice (so that they shall 
enjoy it). Hence the filial son approaches the 
personator of the departed without having occasion 
to blush ; the ruler leads the victim forward, while 
his wife puts down the bowls ; the ruler presents 
the offerings to the personator, while his wife sets 
forth the various dishes; his ministers and Great 
officers assist the ruler, while their acknowledged 
wives assist his wife. How well sustained was 
their reverence ! How complete was the expression 
of their loyal devotion ! How earnest was their 
wish that the departed should enjoy the service ! 

7. King Wan, in sacrificing, served the dead as 
if he were serving the living. He thought of them 
dead as if he did not wish to live (any longer him- 
self) 2 . On the recurrence of their death-day, he 
was sad ; in calling his father by the name else- 
where forbidden, he looked as if he saw him. So 
sincere was he in sacrificing that he looked as if 

he saw the things which his father loved, and the 

f. 

1 According to i rule, and in fact, only the sovereign sacrifices 
to God. He may be ' a sage,' but more frequently is not But the 
ritual of China should impress on him, as on no other person, the 
truth in the words 'noblesse oblige.' 

* Khixi H&o says here: — 'As if he wished to die himself and 
follow them." 



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SECT. I. 



xt t 213 



pleased expression of his face : — such was king Wan ! 
The lines of the ode (II, v, ode 2), 

' When early dawn unseals my eyes, 
Before my mind my parents rise,' 
might be applied to king Wan. On the day after 
the sacrifice, when the day broke, he did not sleep, 
but hastened to repeat it ; and after it was finished, 
he still thought of his parents. On the day of 
sacrifice his joy and sorrow were blended together. 
He could not but rejoice in the opportunity of offer- 
ing the sacrifice ; and when it was over, he could 
not but be sad. 

8. At the autumnal sacrifice, when Aung-n! ad- 
vanced, bearing the offerings, his general appear- 
ance was indicative of simple sincerity, but his steps 
were short and oft repeated. When the sacrifice 
was over, ^ze-kung questioned him, saying, ' Your 
account of sacrificing was that it should be marked 
by the dignity and intense absorption of all engaged 
in it; and now how is it that in your sacrificing 
there has been no such dignity and absorption ? ' 

The Master said, ' That dignity of demeanour 
should belong to those who are only distantly con- 
nected (with him who is sacrificed to), and that 
absorbed demeanour to one whose thoughts are 
turned in on himself (lest he should make any mis- 
take). But how should such demeanour consist with 
communion with the spirits (sacrificed to) ? How 
should such dignity and absorption be seen in my 
sacrifice ? (At the sacrifices of the king and rulers) 
there is the return of the personator to his apart- 
ment, and the offering of food to him there ; there 
are the performances of the music, and the setting 
forth of the stands with the victims on them ; there 



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214 THE L ^ *t- 



BK. XXI. 



are the ordering of the various ceremonies and the 
music ; and there is the complete array of the 
officers for all the services. When they are engaged 
in the maintenance of that dignity and absorption 
in their duties, how can they be lost in their aban- 
donment to intercourse with the spiritual presences ? 
Should words be understood only in one way ? 
Each saying has its own appropriate application.' 

9. When a filial son is* about to sacrifice, he is 
anxious that all preparations should be made before- 
hand ; and when the time arrives, that everything 
necessary should be found complete ; and then, with 
a mind free from all pre-occupation, he should address 
himself to the performance of his sacrifice. 

The temple and its apartments having been re- 
paired, the walls and roofs having been put in order, 
and all the assisting officers having been provided, 
husband and wife, after vigil and footing, bathe 
their heads and persons, and array themselves in 
full dress. In coming in with the things which 
they carry, how grave and still are they ! how ab- 
sorbed in what they do ! as if they were not able to 
sustain their weight, as if they would let them fall : — 
Is not theirs the highest filial reverence ? He sets 
forth the stands with the victims on them ; arranges 
all the ceremonies and music ; provides the officers 
for the various ministries. These aid in sustaining 
and bringing in the things, and thus he declares his 
mind and wish, and in his lost abstraction of mind 
seeks to have communion with the dead in their 
spiritual state, if peradventure they will enjoy his 
offerings, if peradventure they will do so. Such 
is the aim of the filial son (in his sacrifices) ! 

10. The filial son, in sacrificing, seems never able 



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SECT. I. 



si t. 215 



to exhaust his earnest purpose, his sincerity, and 
reverence. He observes every rule, without trans- 
gression or short-coming. His reverence appears 
in his movements of advancing and retiring, as if he 
were hearing the orders (of his parents), or as if 
they were perhaps directing him. 

11. What the sacrifice of a filial son should be 
can be known. While he is standing (waiting for 
the service to commence), he should be reverent, 
with his body somewhat bent ; while he is engaged 
in carrying forward the service, he should be 
reverent, with an expression of pleasure ; when he 
is presenting the offerings, he should be reverent, 
with an expression of desire. He should then 
retire and stand, as if he were about to receive 
orders; when he has removed the offerings and 
(finally) retires, the expression of reverent gravity 
should continue to be worn on his face. Such is the 
sacrifice of a filial son. 

To stand without any inclination of the body 
would show insensibility ; to carry the service for- 
ward without an expression of pleasure would show 
indifference; to present the offerings without an 
expression of desire (that they may be enjoyed) 
would show a want of love ; to retire and stand 
without seeming to expect to receive orders would 
show pride; to retire and stand, after the removal 
of the offerings, without an expression of reverent 
gravity would show a forgetfulness of the parent to 
whom he owes his being. A sacrifice so conducted 
would be wanting in its proper characteristics. 

12. A filial son, cherishing a deep love (for his 
parents), is sure to have a bland air ; having a bland 
air, he will have a look of pleasure ; having a look 



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2l6 THE it kL 



BK. XXI. 



of pleasure, his demeanour will be mild and com- 
pliant A filial son will move as if he were carrying 
a jade symbol, or bearing a full vessel. Still and 
grave, absorbed in what he is doing, he will seem as 
if he were unable to sustain the burden, and in 
danger of letting it fall. A severe gravity and 
austere manner are not proper to the service of 
parents ; — such is the manner of a full-grown man. 

13. There were five things by means of which 
the ancient kings secured the good government of 
the whole kingdom : — the honour which they paid 
to the virtuous ; to the noble ; and to the old ; the 
reverence which they showed to the aged ; and their 
kindness to the young. It was by these five things 
that they maintained the stability of the kingdom. 

Why did they give honour to the virtuous ? 
Because of their approximation to the course of 
duty \ They did so to the noble because of their 
approximation to the position of the ruler ; and to 
the old because of their approximation to that of 
parents. They showed reverence to the aged, be- 
cause of their approximation to the position of elder 
brothers ; and kindness to the young, because of 
their approximation to the position of sons. 



1 P. Callery translates this by — ' Parce qu'ils sont proche de 
la ve'riteV saying in a note: — 'According to the Chinese philo- 
sophers, they understand by teh (||S) that which man has 
obtained by his own efforts or the virtue he has acquired, and by 
tao (j&[) that which all men should be striving to reach, what is 
suitable, what is in order, or virtue in the abstract. Now, as I 
think, there is nothing but truth which satisfies these conditions, for, 
according to the Christian philosophy, God Himself is the truth,' 
&c. Zottoli's translation is, 'Quia hi appropinquant ad per- 
fectionem.' 



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SECT. I. 



tft t. 217 



14. Therefore he who is perfectly filial approxi- 
mates to be king, and he who is perfectly fraternal 
approximates to being presiding chieftain. He who 
is perfectly filial approximates to being king, for 
even the son of Heaven had the father (whom he 
must revere) ; and he who is perfectly fraternal 
approximates to being presiding chieftain, for even 
a feudal lord had his elder brothers (or cousins), 
(whom he must obey). The observance of the 
lessons of the ancient kings, without admitting any 
change in them, was the way by which they united 
and kept together the kingdom with its states and 
families x . 

1 5. The Master said, ' The laying the foundation 
of (all) love in the love of parents teaches people 
concord. The laying the foundation of (all) rever- 
ence in the reverence of elders teaches the people 
obedience. When taught loving harmony, the people 
set the (proper) value on their parents; when taught 
to reverence their superiors, the people set the 
(proper) value in obeying the orders given to them. 
Filial piety in the service of parents, and obedience in 
the discharge of orders can be displayed throughout 
the kingdom, and they will everywhere take effect. 

16. At (the time of) the border sacrifice (to 
Heaven), those who are engaged in funeral rites do 
not dare to wail, and those who are wearing mourn- 
ing do not dare to enter the gate of the capital ; — 
this is the highest expression of reverence. 

17. On the day of sacrifice, the ruler led the 
victim forward, along with and assisted by his son on 

1 The sequence in the writer's mind in this paragraph almost 
eludes my discovery ; it does so still more in the translation of it 
by Gallery and Zottoli. 



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2l8 THE Lt Kl 



BK. XXI. 



the opposite side; while the Great officers followed 
in order. When they had entered the gate of the 
temple, they fastened the victim to the stone pillar. 
The ministers and Great officers then bared their 
arms, and proceeded to inspect the hair, paying par- 
ticular attention to that of the ears. They then with 
the knife with the bells attached to it, cut it open, 
took out the fat about the inwards, and withdrew 
(for a time 1 ). Afterwards they offered some of the 
flesh boiled, and some raw, then (finally) withdrawing. 
There was the highest reverence about everything. 
1 8. The sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was the 
great expression of gratitude to Heaven, and it was 
specially addressed to the sun, with which the moon 
was associated 2 . The sovereigns of Hsia presented 
it in the dark. • Under the Yin dynasty they did so 



1 They withdrew for a time, ' to offer the hair and blood.' 
* This sentence is translated byZottoli: — 'Coeli sacrificio summe 
rependitur coelum sed potissimum intenditur sol, consociatus cum 
luna.' Callery says : — ' Le sacrifice qu'on offre dans la campagne 
est un acte de grande reconnaissance envers le ciel, et principale- 
ment envers le soleil, auquel on associe la lune.' 

Here, again, nature-worship seems to crop up. .Oan Hao 
says on the passage: — 'Heaven is the great source of tao (the 
course of nature and duty), and of all the visible bodies which it 
hangs out, there are none greater than the sun and moon. There- 
fore, while the object of the suburban sacrifice was a grateful 
acknowledgment of Heaven, the sun was chosen as the resting- 
place for its spirit (01 spirits). The idea in the institution of the 
rite was deep and far-reaching.' It must be borne in mind that 
the rites described in the text are those of former dynasties, 
especially of that of JSTau. I cannot bring to mind any passages 
in which there is mention made of any sacrifice to the sun or sun- 
spirit in connexion with the great sacrifice to Heaven, or Shang 
Tl, at the service on the day of the winter solstice in the southern 
suburb. 



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SECT. I. 



k! 1. 219 



at noon. Under the A"au they sacrificed all the 
day, especially at daybreak, and towards evening. 

19. They sacrificed to the sun on the altar, and to 
the moon in the hollow ; — to mark the distinction be- 
tween (the) gloom (of the one) and (the) brightness 
(of the other), and to show the difference between the 
high and the low. They sacrificed to the sun in the 
east, and to the moon in the west; — to mark the dis- 
tinction between (the) forthcoming (of the former) 
and (the) withdrawing (of the latter), and to show the 
correctness of their (relative) position. The sun 
comes forth from the east, and the moon appears in 
the west ; the darkness and the light are now long, 
now short ; when the one ends, the other begins, in 
regular succession: — thus producing the harmony of 
all under the sky 1 . 

20. The rites to be observed by all under heaven 
were intended to promote the return (of the mind) to 
the beginning ( = Creator of all); to promote (the 
honouring of) spiritual Beings ; to promote the har- 
monious use (of all resources and appliances) of 
government ; to promote righteousness ; and to 
promote humility. They promote the return to 
the beginning, securing the due consideration of 
their originator. They promote (the honouring) 
of spiritual Beings, securing the giving honour 
to superiors. They promote the (proper) use of 
all resources, thereby establishing the regulations 
(for the well-being of) the people. They promote 

1 The sacrifices in this paragraph are those at the equinoxes ; 
that to the sun at the vernal in the eastern suburb, and that to the 
moon at the autumnal in the western suburb. They are still main- 
tained. See the ritual of the present dynasty (^ ffi jg| jjf |f), 
Book VIII, where the former is called jj$ Q , and the latter^ ft . 



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220 THE l! xf. 



BK. XXI. 



righteousness, and thus there are no oppositions and 
conflictings between high and low. They promote 
humility, in order to prevent occasions of strife. Let 
these five things be united through the rites for the 
regulation of all under heaven, and though there may 
be some extravagant and perverse who are not kept 
in order, they will be few. 

Section II. 

I. 3^' Wo said, ' I have heard the names Kwei 
and Shan, but I do not know what they mean 1 .' 
The Master said, 'The (intelligent) spirit* is of the 
shan nature, and shows that in fullest measure; the 
animal soul is of the kwei nature, and shows that in 
fullest measure. It is the union of kwei and shan 
that forms the highest exhibition of doctrine. 

' All the living must die, and dying, return to the 
ground; this is what is called kwei. The bones 
and flesh moulder below, and, hidden away, become 
the earth of the fields. But the spirit issues forth, 
and is displayed on high in a condition of glorious 
brightness. The vapours and odours which produce 
a feeling of sadness, (and arise from the decay of 
their substance), are the subtle essences of all things, 
and (also) a manifestation of the shan nature. 



1 I am unable to give a translation of the characters kwei 
and shin, so as to make the meaning readily intelligible to the 
English reader. Callery gives for them 'L'&me et l'esprit.' 
Zottoli, ' Manes Spiritusque.' Evidently the question is about 
the application of them to the dead and gone, and the component 
elements of the human constitution. 

1 The character in the text here is iM (££). 'the breath.' 
Zottoli translates it by 'rationalis vis,' and Callery by 'la respi- 
ration de rhomme.' 



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SXCT. II. 



jrf t. 221 



' On the ground of these subtle essences of things, 
with an extreme decision and inventiveness, (the 
sages) framed distinctly (the names of) kwei and 
sh5n, to constitute a pattern for the black-haired , 
race 1 ; and all the multitudes were filled with 
awe, and the myriads of the people constrained to / 
submission.' 

2. ' The sages did not consider these (names) to be 
sufficient, and therefore they built temples with their 
(different) apartments, and framed their rules for an- 
cestors who were always to be honoured, and those 
whose tablets should be removed; — thus making a 
distinction for nearer and more distant kinship, and 
for ancestors the remote and the recent, and teaching 
the people to go back to their oldest fathers, and re- 
trace their beginnings, not forgetting those to whom 
they owed their being. In consequence of this the 
multitude submitted to their lessons, and listened to 
them with a quicker readiness. 

3. ' These two elements (of the human constitu- 
tion) having been established (with the two names), 
two ceremonies were framed in accordance with 
them. They appointed the service of the morning, 
when the fat of the inwards was burned so as to bring 
out its fragrance, and this was mixed with the blaze 
of dried southern-wood. This served as a tribute to 
the (intelligent) spirit, and taught all to go back to 
their originating ancestors. They (also) presented 
millet and rice, and offered the delicacies of the liver, 
lungs, head, and heart, along with two bowls (of 

1 It is observed by many of the commentators that the characters 
here employed for ' black-haired race ' were unused in the time of 
Confucius, and became current under the JOin dynasty. 



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222 THE lA Ki. 



BE. XXI. 



liquor) and odoriferous spirits. This served as a 
tribute to the animal soul, and taught the people to 
love one another, and high and low to cultivate good 
feeling between them; — such was the effect of those 
ceremonies. 

4. ' The superior man, going back to his ancient 
fathers, and returning to the authors of his being, 
does not forget those to whom he owes his life, and 
therefore he calls forth all his reverence, gives free 
vent to his feelings, and exhausts his strength in dis- 
charging the above service; — as a tribute of gratitude 
to his parents he dares not but do his utmost 1 .' 

5. Thus it was that anciently the son of Heaven 
had his field of a thousand acres, in which he himself 
held the plough, wearing the square-topped cap with 
red ties. The feudal princes also had their field of a 
hundred acres, in which they did the same, wearing 
the same cap with green ties. They did this in the 
service of Heaven, Earth, the Spirits of the land and 
grain, and their ancient fathers, to supply the new 
wine, cream, and vessels of grain. In this way did 
they procure these things; — it was a great expression 
of their reverence. 

6. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal 
lords had their officers who attended to their animals ; 
and at the proper seasons, after vigil and fasting, they 
washed their heads, bathed, and visited them in 
person 2 , taking from them for victims those which 

1 The above conversation with 3&i Wo is found in the ' Narra- 
tives of the School,' Article 1 7, headed ' Duke Ai's Questions about 
Government;' and the reply of Confucius ends here. I hesitate, 
therefore, to continue the points of quotation in what follows. 

* The first day, probably, of the last month of spring. If it were 
not bright, perhaps another was chosen. 



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SECT. II. Ki t. 223 

were spotless and perfect; — it was a great expression 
of their reverence. 

The ruler ordered the oxen to be brought before 
him, and inspected them ; he chose them by their 
hair, divined whether it would be fortunate to use 
them, and if the response were favourable, he had 
them cared for. In his skin cap, and the white skirt 
gathered up at the waist, on the first day and at the 
middle of the month, he inspected them. Thus did 
he do his utmost; — it was the height of filial piety. 

7. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal 
lords had their own mulberry trees and silkworms' 
house; the latter built near a river, ten cubits in 
height, the surrounding walls being topped with 
thorns, and the gates closed on the outside. In the 
early morning of a very bright day, the ruler, in his 
skin cap and the white skirt, divined for the most 
auspicious of the honourable ladies in the three 
palaces of his wife 1 , who were then employed to take 
the silkworms into the house. They washed the 
seeds in the stream, gathered the leaves from the 
mulberry trees, and dried them in the wind to feed 
the worms. 

When the (silkworm) year was ended, the honour- 
able ladies had finished their work with the insects, 
and carried the cocoons to show them to the ruler. 
They then presented them to his wife, who said, 
1 Will not these supply the materials for the ruler's 
robes?' She forthwith received them, wearing her 
head-dress and the robe with pheasants on it, and 
afterwards caused a sheep and a pig to be killed and 



1 The queen had six palaces ; the wife of a prince, three. The 
writer confines his account here to the latter. 



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224 THE L * *$• BK - *«•' 

cooked to treat (the ladies). This probably was the 
ancient custom at the presentation of the cocoons. 

Afterwards, on a good day, the wife rinsed some 
of them thrice in a vessel, beginning to unwind them, 
and then distributed them to the auspicious and 
honourable ladies of her three palaces to (complete) 
the unwinding. They then dyed the thread red and 
green, azure and yellow, to make the variously- 
coloured figures on robes. When the robes were 
finished, the ruler wore them in sacrificing to the 
former kings and dukes ; — all displayed the greatest 
reverence. 

8. The superior man says, ' Ceremonies and music 
should not for a moment be neglected by any one. 
When one has mastered (the principles of) music, and 
regulates his heart and mind accordingly, the natural, 
correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed, 
and with this development of the heart comes joy. 
This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose 
is long continued. The man in this constant repose 
becomes (a sort of) heaven. Heaven-like, his action 
is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed, though he 
do not speak. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe, 
though he display no rage. So it is when one by his 
mastering of music regulates his mind and heart 

' When one has mastered* (the principle of) cere- 
monies, and regulates his person accordingly, he be- 
comes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential, 
he is regarded with awe. If the heart be for a 
moment without the feeling of harmony and joy, 
meanness and deceitfulness enter it If the out- 
ward demeanour be for a moment without gravity 
and reverentialness, indifference and rudeness show 
themselves. 



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SKCT. It. Ki i. 225 

' Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the 
interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his exterior. 
The result of music is a perfect harmony, and that 
of ceremonies is a perfect observance (of propriety). 
When one's inner man is thus harmonious, and his 
outer man thus docile, the people behold his coun- 
tenance and do not strive with him; they look to his 
demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness 
arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines 
and moves within (a superior), the people are sure to 
accept (his rule) and hearken to him; and when the 
principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct, 
the people are all sure to accept (his rule) and obey 
him. Therefore it is said, 'Let ceremonies and 
music have their course till all under heaven is 
filled with them ; then give them their manifestation 
and application, and nothing difficult to manage will 
appear.' 

Music affects the inward movements (of the soul) ; 
ceremonies appear in the outward movements (of 
the body). Hence it is the rule to make cere- 
monies as few and brief as possible, and to give to 
music its fullest development. This leads to the 
forward exhibition of ceremonies, and therein their 
beauty resides; and to the introspective consideration 
of music, and therein Its beauty resides. If cere- 
monies, demanding this condensation, did not receive 
this forward exhibition of them, they would almost 
disappear altogether; if music, demanding this full 
development, were not accompanied with the intro- 
spection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind. 
Thus it is that to every ceremony there is its proper 
response, and for music there is this introspection. 
When ceremonies are responded to, there arises 
[28] Q 

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226 THE lA Kl. 



BK. XXI. 



pleasure, and when music is accompanied with 
the right introspection, there arises repose. The 
response of ceremony and the introspection of music 
spring from one and the same idea, and have one 
and the same object. 

9. 3& n g"J ze sa *d, ' There are three degrees of filial 
piety. The highest is the honouring of our parents; 
the second is the not disgracing them ; and the lowest 
is the being able to support them.' 

10. (His disciple), Kung-ming f, said, 'Can you, 
master, be considered (an example of a) filial son ? ' 
3ang-jze replied, ' What words are these ? What 
words are these ? What the superior man calls filial 
piety requires the anticipation of our parents' wishes, 
the carrying out of their aims and their instruction 
in the path (of duty). I am simply one who supports 
his parents ; — how can I be considered filial ?' 

1 1. 33ng-jze said, 'The body is that which has been 
transmitted to us by our parents ; dare any one allow 
himself to be irreverent in the employment of their 
legacy? If a man in his own house and privacy be 
not grave, he is not filial; if in serving his ruler, he 
be not loyal, he is not filial ; if in discharging the 
duties of office, he be not reverent, he is not filial ; 
if with friends he be not sincere, he is not filial; if on 
the field of battle he be not brave, he is not filial. If 
he fail in these five, things, the evil (of the disgrace) 
will reach his parents; — dare he but reverently 
attend to them?' 

To prepare the fragrant flesh and grain which he 
has cooked, tasting and then presenting them before 
his parents, is not filial piety; it is only nourishing 
them. He whom the superior man pronounces filial 
is he whom (all) the people of (his) state praise, 



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SECT. II. Ki i. 227 

saying with admiration, ' Happy are the parents who 
have such a son as this!' — that indeed is what can 
be called being filial. The fundamental lesson for 
all is filial piety. The practice of it is seen in the 
support (of parents). One may be able to support 
them ; the difficulty is in doing so with the proper 
reverence. One may attain to that reverence; — 
the difficulty is to do so without self-constraint That 
freedom from constraint may be realised ; — the diffi- 
culty is to maintain it to the end. When his parents 
are dead, and the son carefully watches over his 
actions, so that a bad name, (involving) his parents, 
shall not be handed down, he may be said to be able 
to maintain his piety to the end. True love is the 
love of this ; true propriety is the doing of this; true 
righteousness is the lightness of this ; true sincerity 
is being sincere in this; true strength is being strong 
in this. Joy springs from conformity to this; punish- 
ments spring from the violation of this. 

1 2. 3&ng-jze said, ' Set up filial piety, and it will 
fill the space from earth to heaven ; spread it out, and 
it will extend over all the ground to the four seas; 
hand it down to future ages, and from morning to 
evening it will be observed; push it on to the eastern 
sea, the western sea, the southern sea, and the northern 
sea, and it will be (everywhere) the law for men, and 
their obedience to it will be uniform. There will be 
a fulfilment of the words of the ode (III, i, ode 10, 6), 

" From west to east, from south to north, 
There was no unsubmissive thought." ' 

13. 3& n g-J z e said, 'Trees are felled and animals 
killed, (only) at the proper seasons. The Master said 1 , 

1 The master here is Confucius. The record of his saying is 
found only here. 

Q2 



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228 the l! rt. 



BK. XXI. 



" To fell a single tree, or kill a single animal, not at 
the proper season, is contrary to filial piety." ' 

There are three degrees of filial piety : — the least, 
seen in the employment of one's -strength (in the 
service of parents) ; the second, seen in the en- 
durance of toil (for them) ; and the greatest, seen in 
its never failing. Thinking of the gentleness and 
love (of parents) and forgetting our toils (for them) 
may be called the employment of strength. Honour- 
ing benevolences and resting with the feeling of 
repose in righteousness may be called the endurance 
of toil ; the wide dispensation of benefits and the 
providing of all things (necessary for the people) 
may be called the piety that does not fail. 

When his parents love him, to rejoice, and not 
allow himself to forget them ; when they hate him, to 
fear and yet feel no resentment; when they have 
faults, to remonstrate with them, and yet not with- 
stand them ; when they are dead, to ask (the help 
only of) the good to obtain the grain with which to 
sacrifice to them : — this is what is called the com- 
pletion (by a son) of his proper services. 

14. The disciple Yo-^ang .Oun 1 injured his foot 
in descending from his hall, and for some months 
was not able to go out Even after this he still wore 
a look of sorrow, and (one of the) disciples of the 
school said to him, 'Your foot, master, is better; 
and though for some months you could not go out, 
why should you still wear a look of sorrow ? ' Yo- 
king JCAun replied, 'It is a good question which 

1 Yo-^ang iT/iun evidently was a disciple of 3&ng-§ze. Men- 
cius had a disciple of the same surname, Yo-&ng Kho (I, ii, 16). 
Another is mentioned by him (V, ii, 3). Lieh-jze mentions a fourth. 
The Yo-Aangs are said to have sprung from the ducal stock of Sung. 



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SECT. II. Ki t, 22Q 

you ask ! It is a good question which you ask ! I 
heard from 3&ng-jze what he had heard the Master 
say, that of all that Heaven produces and Earth 
nourishes, there is none so great as man. His parents 
give birth to his person all complete, and to return it 
to them all complete may be called filial duty. When 
no member has been mutilated and no disgrace done 
to any part of the person, it may be called complete ; 
and hence a superior man does not dare to take the 
slightest step in forgetfulness of his filial duty. But 
now I forgot the way of that, and therefore I wear 
the look of sorrow. (A son) should not forget his 
parents in a single lifting up of his feet, nor in the 
utterance of a single word. He should not forget 
his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, and 
therefore he will walk in the highway and not take 
a by-path, he will use a boat and not attempt to 
wade through a stream ; — not daring, with the body 
left him by his parents, to go in the way of peril. 
He should not forget his parents in the utterance of 
a single word, and therefore an evil word will not 
issue from his mouth, and an angry word will not 
come back to his person. Not to disgrace his per- 
son and not to cause shame to his parents may be 
called filial duty.' 

15. Anciently, the sovereigns of the line of Yii 
honoured virtue, and highly esteemed age ; the 
sovereigns of Hsia honoured rank, and highly 
esteemed age ; under Yin they honoured riches, and 
highly esteemed age; under Aau, they honoured 
kinship, and highly esteemed age. Ytt, Hsia, Yin, 
and Aau produced the greatest kings that have ap- 
peared under Heaven, and there was not one of them 
who neglected age. For long has honour been paid 



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230 the l! jrf. 



BK. XXI. 



to years under the sky; to pay it is next to the 
service of parents. 

1 6. Therefore, at court among parties of the same 
rank, the highest place was given to the oldest. 
Men of seventy years carried their staffs at the court. 
When the ruler questioned one of them, he made 
him sit on a mat One of eighty years did not wait 
out the audience, and when the ruler would question 
him he went to his house. Thus the submission of 
a younger brother (and juniors generally) was recog- 
nised at the court 

1 7. A junior walking with one older (than himself), 
if they were walking shoulder to shoulder, yet it was 
not on the same line. If he did not keep trans- 
versely (a litde behind), he followed the other 1 . 
When they saw an old man, people in carriages or 
walking got out of his way. Men, where the white 
were mingling with their black hairs, did not carry 
burdens on the roads. Thus the submission of 
juniors was recognised on the public ways. 

Residents in the country took their places according 
to their age, and the old and poor were not neglected, 
nor did the strong come into collision with the weak, 
or members of a numerous clan do violence to those 
of a smaller. Thus the submission of juniors was 
recognised in the country districts and hamlets 2 . 

1 8. According to the ancient rule, men of fifty 
years were not required to serve in hunting expedi- 
tions 8 ; and in the distribution of the game, a larger 

1 If the elder were a brother or cousin, the junior kept a little 
behind, and apart. If he were an uncle, the other followed in a line. 

4 Five K&a, translated 'districts,' made a ' hsiang,' here translated 
' the country districts.' 

* Literally, 'men of the tien' Mift\ The tien was a tract of 



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SECT. IL Xt i. 231 

share was given to the more aged. Thus the sub- 
mission of juniors was recognised in the arrange- 
ments for the hunts. In the tens and fives of the 
army and its detachments, where the rank was the 
same, places were given according to age. Thus the 
submission of juniors was recognised in the army. 

19. The display of filial and fraternal duty in the 
court; the practice of them on the road; their 
reaching to the districts and hamlets ; their extension 
to the huntings ; and the cultivation of them in the 
army, (have thus been described). All would have 
died for them under the constraint of righteousness, 
and not dared to violate them. 

20. The sacrifice in the Hall of Distinction served 
to inculcate filial duty on the feudal lords ; the feast- 
ing of the three classes of the old and five classes 
of the experienced in the Great college served to 
inculcate brotherly submission on those princes ; the 
sacrifices to the worthies of former times in the 
western school served to inculcate virtue on them ; 
the (king's) ploughing in the field set apart for him, 
served to teach them the duty of nourishing (the 
people) ; their appearances at court in spring and 
autumn served to inculcate on them their duty as 
subjects or ministers. Those five institutions were 
the great lessons for the kingdom. 

21. When feasting the three classes of the old and 
five classes of the experienced, the son of Heaven 
bared his arm, cut up the bodies of the victims, and 
handed round the condiments ; he also presented 

considerable size ; contributing to the army a chariot, three mailed 
men, and seventy-two foot-men. There was a levy on it also of 
men to serve in the hunting expeditions. 



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232 THE l! kL BK. XXI. 

the cup with which they rinsed their mouths, wearing 
the square-topped cap, and carrying a shield. It 
was thus he inculcated brotherly submission on the 
princes. It was thus that in the country and villages 
regard was paid to age, that the old and poor were 
not neglected, and that the members of a numerous 
clan did not oppress those of a smaller; — these 
things came from the Great college. 

The son of Heaven appointed the four schools ; 
and when his eldest son entered one of them, he 
took his place according to his age. 

22. When the son of Heaven was on a tour of 
inspection, the princes (of each quarter) met him on 
their borders. The son of Heaven first visited those 
who were a hundred years old. If there were those 
of eighty or ninety, on the way to the east, he, though 
going to the west, did not dare to pass by (with- 
out seeing them) ; and so, if their route was to the 
west, and his to the west. If he wished to speak of 
matters of government, he, though ruler, might go 
to them. 

23. Those who had received the first degree of 
office took places according to age (at meetings) in 
the country and villages ; those who had received 
the second, took places in the same way (at meetings) 
of all the members of their relatives. Those who 
had received the third degree did not pay the same 
regard to age. But at meetings of all the members 
of a clan no one dared to take precedence of one 
who was seventy years old. 

Those who were seventy, did not go to court un- 
less for some great cause. When they did so for such 
a cause, the ruler would bow and give place to them, 
afterwards going on to the parties possessed of rank. 



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SECT. I!. 



xi I 233 



24. Whatever good was possessed by the son of 
Heaven, he humbly ascribed the merit of it to 
Heaven ; whatever good was possessed by a feudal 
lord, he ascribed it to the son of Heaven ; whatever 
good was possessed by a minister or Great officer, 
he attributed it to the prince of his state ; whatever 
good was possessed by an officer or a common man, 
he assigned the ground of it to his parents, and the 
preservation of it to his elders. Emolument, rank, 
felicitations, and rewards were (all) transacted in the 
ancestral temple ; and it was thus that they showed 
(the spirit of) submissive deference. 
^"25. Anciently, the sages, having determined the 
phenomena of heaven and earth in their states of 
rest and activity, made them the basis of the Yl (and 
divining by it). The diviner held the tortoise-shell 
in his arms, with his face towards the south, while 
the son of Heaven, in his dragon-robe and square- 
topped cap, stood with his face to the north. The 
latter, however intelligent might be his mind, felt it 
necessary to set forth and obtain a decision on what 
his object was; — showing that he did not dare to 
take his own way, and giving honour to Heaven (as 
jhe supreme Decider) \ What was good in him (or 
in his views) he ascribed to others ; what was wrong, 
to himself; thus teaching not to boast, and giving 
honour to men of talents and virtue. 

26. When a filial son was about to sacrifice, the 

1 Who does not see that, from the writer's point of view, divina- 
tion was originally had recourse to in the search for an ' infallible ' 
director in matters to be done? The Decider was held to be 
•Heaven;' the error was in thinking that the will of Heaven 
could be known through any manipulation of the tortoise-shell, or 
the stalks. 



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234 THE Li Jtt. BK. XXI. 

rule was that he should have his mind well adjusted 
and grave, to fit him for giving to all matters their 
full consideration, for providing the robes and other 
things, for repairing the temple and its fanes, and 
for regulating everything. When the day of sacri- 
fice arrived, the rule was that his countenance should 
be mild, and his movements show an anxious dread, 
as if he feared his love were not sufficient When 
he put down his offerings, it was required that his 
demeanour should be mild, and his body bent, as if 
(his parents) would speak (to him) and had not yet 
done so; when the officers assisting had all gone 
out 1 , he stood lowly and still, though correct and 
straight, as if he were about to lose the sight (of his 
parents). 

After the sacrifice, he looked pleased and expect- 
ant, as if they would again enter 2 . 

In this way his ingenuousness and goodness were 
never absent from his person; his ears and eyes 
were never withdrawn from what was in his heart ; 
the exercises of his thoughts never left his parents. 
What was bound up in his heart was manifested in 
his countenance ; and he was continually examining 
himself; — such was the mind of the filial son. 



1 The text here is difficult. I have followed K&ng, as has 
Zottoli ; — the interpretation of $2^ 5§" as ' assisting officers,' can 
otherwise be defended. Callery gives for the clause : — ' Toutes 
les pensees e^rangeres (au sacrifice) il les chasse au dehors,' 
which it would be difficult to justify. 

1 Here again translation is difficult Zottoli gives : — ' Cumque 
sacrificium transiverit, intendet animo, prosequetur ore, quasi mox 
iterum ingressuri essent' Callery: — 'Apres le sacrifice il s'en 
va lentement, comme (s'il suivait quelqu'un pas a pas, et avait 
envie) de rentrer (avec lui dans le temple).' 



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SECT. II. 



Kt 1. 



235 



27. The sites for the altars to the spirits of the 
land and grain were on the right; that for the 
ancestral temple on the left *. 

1 That is, with reference to the palace. As you looked out from 
it to the south, the altars were on the right hand and the temple 
on the left. 




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BOOK XXII. K\ THUNG 

OR 
A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES 1 . 

i. Of all the methods for the good ordering of 
men, there is none more urgent than the use of cere- 
monies. Ceremonies are of five kinds 2 , and there is 
none of them more important than sacrifices. 

Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from 
| without ; it issues from within him, and has its birth 
in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved, 
expression is given to it by ceremonies ; and hence, 
only men of ability and virtue can give complete 
exhibition to the idea of sacrifice. 

2. The sacrifices of such men have their own 
blessing ; — not indeed what the world calls blessing 3 . 
Blessing here means perfection ; — it is the name 
given to the complete and natural discharge of all 
duties. When nothing is left incomplete or im- 
properly discharged ; — this is what we call perfection, 
implying the doing everything that should be done 
in one's internal self, and externally the performance 
of everything according to the proper method. 
There is a fundamental agreement between a loyal 
subject in his service of his ruler and a filial son in 

1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 37, 38. 

* The five kinds of ceremonies are the Auspicious (^ including 
all acts of religious worship) ; the Mourning (p^\) ; those of Hospi- 
tality (^[) ; the Military (j||) ; and the Festive (*£). 

8 Success, longevity, the protection of spiritual Beings. 



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BK. XXII. 



kI thung. 237 



his service of his parents. In the supernal sphere 
there is a compliance with (what is due to) the repose 
and expansion of the energies of nature 1 ; in the 
external sphere, a compliance with (what is due) to 
rulers and elders ; in the internal sphere, the filial 
service of parents ; — all this constitutes what is called 
perfection. 

It is only the able and virtuous man who can 
attain to this perfection ; and can sacrifice when he 
has attained to it. Hence in the sacrifices of such a 
man he brings into exercise all sincerity and good 
faith, with all right-heartedness and reverence ; he 
offers the (proper) things ; accompanies them with 
the (proper) rites ; employs the soothing of music ; 
does everything suitably to the season. Thus 
intelligently does he offer his sacrifices, without 
seeking for anything to be gained by them : — such 
is the heart and mind of a filial son. 

3. It is by sacrifice that the nourishment of parents 
is followed up and filial duty to them perpetuated. 
The filial heart is a storehouse (of all filial duties). 
Compliance with everything that can mark his 
course, and be no violation of the -relation (between 
parent and child) : — the keeping of this is why we call 
it a storehouse. Therefore in three ways is a filial 
son's service of his parents shown : — while they are 
alive, by nourishing them ; when they are dead, by 

1 Callery gives for these: — 'Conformity avec les Esprits et 
les Dieux.' Zottoli : — ' Ordo erga Genios Spiritusque.' Med- 
hurst : — ' Being obedient to the Kwei Shins.' If they had 
observed the ' three spheres ' of the writer, I think they would have 
translated differently. I believe the idea is — ' Compliance with 
the will of Heaven or God, as seen in the course of Nature and 
Providence.' 



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238 THE Li tA. MC. XXII. 

all the rites of mourning ; and when the mourning is 
over by sacrificing to them. In his nourishing them 
we see his natural obedience ; in his funeral rites we 
see his sorrow ; in his sacrifices we see his reverence 
and observance of the (proper) seasons. In these 
three ways we see the practice of a filial son. 

4. When a son had done everything (for his 
sacrifices) that he could do himself, he proceeded to 
seek assistance from abroad ; and this came through 
the rites of marriage. Hence the language of a ruler, 
when about to marry a wife, was : — ' I beg you, O 
ruler, to give me your elegant daughter, to share this 
small state with my poor self, to do service in the 
ancestral temple, and at the altars to (the spirits of) 
the land and grain.' This underlay his seeking for 
that assistance (from abroad). 

In sacrificing, husband and wife had their several 
duties which they personally attended to ; and on 
this account there was the array of officials belong- 
ing to the exterior and interior departments (of the 
palace). When these officers were complete, all 
things necessary (for the service) were made ready : — 
small things, such as the sourcrout of water plants 
and pickles from the produce of dry grounds ; and 
fine things, such as the stands for the bodies of the 
three victims, and the supplies for the eight dishes. 
Strange insects and the fruits of plants and trees, 
produced under the best influences of light and shade, 
were all made ready. Whatever heaven produces, 
whatever earth developes in its growth ; — all were 
then exhibited in the greatest abundance. Every- 
thing was there from without, and internally there 
was the utmost effort of the will : — such was the spirit 
in sacrificing. 



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bk. xxn. zl THUNG. 239 

5. For this reason, also, the son of Heaven him- 
self guided the plough in the southern suburb, to 
provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels ; and the 
queen looked after her silkworms in the northern 
suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. The 
princes of the states guided the plough in their east- 
ern suburb, also to provide the grain for the sacrificial 
vessels, and their wives looked after their silkworms 
in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes 
of silk. This was not because the son of Heaven 
and the princes had not men to plough for them, or 
because the queen and the princes' wives had not 
women to tend the silkworms for them ; it was to 
give the exhibition of their personal sincerity. Such 
sincerity was what is called doing their utmost ; and 
such doing of their utmost was what is called reve- 
rence. When they had reverently done their ut- 
most, they could serve the spiritual Intelligences — 
such was the way of sacrificing. 

6. When the time came for offering a sacrifice, the 
man wisely gave himself to the work of purification. 
That purification meant the production of uniformity 
(in all the thoughts) ; — it was the giving uniformity to 
all that was not uniform, till a uniform direction of the 
thoughts was realised. Hence a superior man, un- 
less for a great occasion, and unless he were animated 
by a great reverence, did not attempt this purifica- 
tion. While it was not attained, he did not take 
precautions against the influence of (outward) things, 
nor did he cease from all (internal) desires. But 
when he was about to attempt it, he guarded against 
all things of an evil nature, and suppressed all his 
desires. His ears did not listen to music ; — as it is 
said in the Record, ' People occupied with purification 



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240 THE Lt kL BK. XXII. 

have no music,' meaning that they did not venture to 
allow its dissipation of their minds. He allowed no 
vain thoughts in his heart, but kept them in a strict 
adherence to what was right. He allowed no reck- 
less movement of his hands or feet, but kept them 
firmly in the way of propriety. Thus the superior 
man, in his purification, devotes himself to carrying 
to its utmost extent his refined and intelligent 
virtue. 

Therefore there was the looser ordering of the 
mind for seven days, to bring it to a state of fixed 
determination ; and the complete ordering of it for 
three days, to effect the uniformity of all the 
thoughts. That determination is what is called 
purification; the final attainment is when the highest 
degree of refined intelligence is reached. After this 
it was possible to enter into communion with the 
spiritual Intelligences. 

7. Moreover, on the eleventh day, before that 
appointed for the sacrifice, the governor of the palace 
gave warning notice to the wife of the ruler, and she 
also conducted that looser ordering of her thoughts 
for seven days, and that more complete ordering of 
them for three. The ruler accomplished his puri- 
fication in the outer apartment, and the wife her 
purification in the inner. After this they met in the 
grand temple. 

The ruler, in the dark-coloured square-topped cap, 
stood at the top of the steps on the east ; his wife in 
her head-dress and pheasant-embroidered robe stood 
in the eastern chamber. The ruler from his mace- 
handled libation-cup poured out the fragrant spirit 
before the personator of the dead; and the great 
minister in charge of the temple with his halfmace- 



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bk. xxn. k! thung. 241 

handled cup poured the second libation (for the wife). 
When the victim was introduced, the ruler held it by 
the rope ; the ministers and Great officers followed ; 
other officers carried the dried grass (to lay on the 
ground when it should be killed) ; the wives of the 
ruler's surname followed the wife with the basins ; 
she presented the purified liquid ; the ruler held in 
his hand the knife with bells ; he prepared the lungs 
(to be offered to the persona tor) ; and his wife put 
them on the dishes and presented them. All this 
shows what is meant in saying that husband 
and wife had their parts which they personally 
performed. 

8. When they went in for the dance, the ruler, 
holding his shield and axe, went to the place for the 
performance. He took his station at the head of 
those on the east, and in his square-topped cap, 
carrying his shield, he led on all his officers, to give 
pleasure to the august personator of the dead. 
Hence the son of Heaven in his sacrifices (gave 
expression to) the joy of all in the kingdom. (In the 
same way) the feudal princes at their sacrifices (gave 
expression to) the joy of all within their territories. 
In their square-topped caps, and carrying their 
shields, they led on all their officers, to give joy to 
the august personators : — with the idea of showing 
the joy of all within their territories. 

9. At a sacrifice there were three things specially 
important. . Of the offerings there was none more } 
important than the libation ; .' of the music there was / 
none more important than" the singing in the hall 
above ; of the pantomimic evolutions there was none 
more important than that representing (king) Wu's 
(army) on the night (before his battle). Such was 

[ 3 8] R 

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242 THE hi Kt bk. XXII. 

the practice of the A"au dynasty. All the three things 
were designed to increase the aim of the superior 
man by the use of these external representations. 
Hence their movements in advancing and retreating 
were regulated by (the degree of) that aim. If it 
were less intense, they were lighter; if it were 
more intense, they were more vehement If the 
aim were less intense, and they sought to make the 
outward representation more vehement, even a sage 
could not have accomplished this. 

Therefore the superior man, in sacrificing, exerted 
himself to the utmost in order to give clear ex- 
pression to these more important things. He con- 
ducted everything according to the rules of ceremony, 
thereby giving prominent exhibition to them, and 
displaying them to the august personator : — such 
was the method of the sages. 

10. At sacrifices there are the provisions that 
are left The dealing with these is the least im- 
portant thing in sacrifices, but it is necessary to 
take knowledge of it. Hence there is the saying 
of antiquity, ' The end must be attended to even 
as the beginning:' — there is an illustration of it 
in these leavings. Hence it was the remark of 
a superior man of antiquity, that ' The personator 
also eats what the spirits have left ; — it is a device 
of kindness, in which may be seen (the method 
of) government' 

Hence, when the personator rose, the ruler and 
his three ministers partook of what he had left. 
When the ruler had risen, the six Great officers par- 
took ; — the officers partook of what the ruler had 
left. When the Great officers rose, the eight officers 
partook : — the lower in rank ate what the higher had 



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BK. XXII. X\ THUNG. 243 

left. When these officers rose, each one took what 
was before him and went out, and placed it (in the 
court) below the hall, when all the inferior attendants 
entered and removed it : — the inferior class ate what 
the superior had left. 

11. Every change in the disposal of these relics 
was marked by an increase in the number (of those 
who partook of them) ; and thus there was marked 
the distinction between the degrees of the noble and 
the mean, and a representation given of the dis- 
pensation of benefits (by the sovereign). Hence by 
means of the four vessels of millet there is shown 
the cultivation of this in the ancestral temple, which 
becomes thereby a representation of all comprised 
within the confines (of the state). 

What is done at sacrifices afforded the greatest 
example of the dispensation of favours 1 . Hence 
when the superior possessed the greatest blessing, 
acts of favour were sure to descend from him to 
those below him, the only difference being that he 
enjoyed the blessing first, and those below him after- 
wards ; — there was no such thing as the superior's 
accumulating a great amount for himself, while the 
people below him might be suffering from cold and 
want. Therefore when the superior enjoyed his 
great blessing, even private individuals waited till 
the stream should flow down, knowing that his 
favours would surely come to them. This was shown 
by what was done with the relics at sacrifices, and 
hence came the saying that ' By the dealing with 
these was seen (the method of) government.' 

1 It is difficult to detect the mind of the writer here, and make 
out the train of his reasoning. Zottoli : — ' Sacrificium, bene- 
ficiorum maximum est.' Callery : — ' Dans les sacrifices, les bien- 

R2 



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244 the iA jrt. bk. xxii. 

12. Sacrifice is the greatest of all things. Its 
apparatus of things employed in it is complete, but 
that completeness springs from all being in accord- 
ance with the requirements (of nature and reason) : — 
is it not this which enables us to find in it the basis 
of all the lessons of the sages ? Therefore ^those 
lessons, in the external sphere, inculcated the honour- 
ing of the ruler and of elders, and, in the internal 
sphere, filial piety towards parents v Hence, when 
there was an intelligent ruler above, all his ministers 
submitted to and followed him. When he reverently 
sacrificed in his ancestral temple, and at the altars 
to the (spirits of the) land and grain, his sons and 
grandsons were filially obedient. He did all his duty 
in his own walk, and was correct in his righteous- 
ness ;' and thence grew up the lessons (of all duty),/) 

Therefore a superior man, in the service of his 
ruler, should find (guidance for) all his personal con- 
duct. What does not satisfy him in (the behaviour 
of) his superiors, he will not show in his employment 
of those below himself ; and what he dislikes in the 
behaviour of those below him, he will not show in 
the service of his superiors. To disapprove of any- 
thing in another, and do the same himself, is contrary 
to the rule of instruction. Therefore the superior in 
the inculcation of his lessons, ought to proceed from 
the foundation (of all duty). This will show him 
pursuing the greatest method of what is natural and 
right in the highest degree ; and is not this what is 
seen in sacrifice ? Hence we have the saying that 

faits sont la plus grande chose.' Wylie : — ' Sacrifice is the greatest 
of the virtuous influences.' But is not the writer simply referring to 
what he has said about the admission of all classes to participate 
in the relics of a sacrifice? 



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BK. xxii. zt THUNG. 245 

' The first and greatest teaching is to be found in 
sacrifice.' 

13. In sacrifice there is a recognition of what 
belongs to ten relationships 1 . There are seen in it 
the method of serving spiritual Beings ; the right- 
eousness between ruler and subject ; the relation 
between father and son ; the degrees of the noble 
and mean ; the distance gradually increasing be- 
tween relatives; the bestowment of rank and reward ; 
the separate duties of husband and wife ; impartiality 
in government affairs ; the order to be observed 
between old and young ; and the boundaries of high 
and low. These are what are called the (different 
duties in the) ten relationships. 

14. The spreading of the mat and placing on it 
a stool to serve for two, was intended as a resting- 
place for the united spirits (of husband and wife) 2 . 
The instruction to the blesser in the apartment and 
the going out to the inside of the gate 3 , was the 
method pursued in (seeking) communion with the 
spirits. 

1 5. The ruler went to meet the victim, but not to 
meet the representative of the dead ; — to avoid mis- 
construction 4 . While the representative was outside 

1 Zottoli : — ' Sacrificium habet decern sensus.' Callery : — ' Les 
sacrifices renferment dix ordres d'idees.' 

* The reason given for this practice is peculiar. ' While alive,' says 
Kkka Hao, ' every individual has his or her own body, and hence 
in the relation of husband and wife, there are the separate duties to be 
discharged by each ; but when they are dead, there is no difference 
or separation between their spiritual essences (4|| ^a ^BSL HH), 
and one common stool for support is put down for them both.' Is 
there any truth that these Chinese speculators are groping after ? 

* See vol. xxvii, page 444, paragraph 18. 

* It was not for the ruler to go to meet one who was still a 



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246 THE Li ft. BK. XXII. 

the gate of the temple, he was to be regarded only 
as a subject; inside the temple, he had the full 
character of a ruler. While the ruler was outside 
the gate of the temple, he was there the ruler; 
when he entered that gate (on the occasion of the 
sacrifice), he had the full character of a subject, or 
a son. Hence his not going forth (to meet the 
representative) made clear the right distinction be- 
tween the ruler and subject. 

16. According to the rule in sacrifices, a grand- 
son acted as the representative of his grandfather. 
Though employed to act the part of representative, 
yet he was only the son of the sacrificer. When 
his father, with his face to the north, served him, 
he made clear how it is the way of a son to serve 
his father. Thus (sacrifice) illustrated the relation 
of father and son. 

1 7. When the representative had drunk the fifth 
cup, the ruler washed the cup of jade, and presented 
it to the ministers. When he had drunk the seventh 
cup, that of green jasper was presented to the Great 
officers. When he had drunk the ninth cup, the 
plain one varnished was presented to the ordinary 
officers, and all who were taking part in the service. 
In all the classes the cup passed from one to 
another, according to age ; and thus were shown the 
degrees of rank as more honourable and lower. 

18. At the sacrifice the parties taking part in 
it were arranged on the left and right, according to 
their order of descent from the common ancestor, 
and thus the distinction was maintained between 
the order of fathers and sons, the near and the 

subject, and had not yet entered on the function, which placed him 
in a position of superiority for the time and occasion. 



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BK. XXII. 



kI thung. 247 



distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly 
related and the more distantly, and there was no 
confusion. Therefore at the services in the grand 
ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were 
present, and no one failed to receive his proper 
place in their common relationship. This was what 
was called (showing) the distance gradually increas- 
ing between relatives. 

19. Anciently the intelligent rulers conferred rank 
on the virtuous, and emoluments on the meritorious; 
and the rule was that this should take place in the 
Grand temple, to show that they did not dare to do 
it on their own private motion. Therefore, on the 
day of sacrifice, after the first presenting (of the cup 
to the representative), the ruler descended and stood 
on the south of the steps on the east, with his face 
to the south, while those who were to receive their 
appointments stood facing the north. The recorder 
was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets 
on which the appointments were written. He read 
these, and (each man) bowed twice, with his head 
to the ground, received the writing, returned (home), 
and presented ft in his (own) ancestral temple : — such 
was the way in which rank and reward were given. 

20. The ruler, in the dragon robe and square- 
topped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the 
east, while his wife in her head-dress and pheasant- 
embroidered robe, stood in the chamber on the east. 
When the wife presented and put down the dishes 
on stands, she held them by the foot ; (the officer) 
who held the vessels with new wine, presented them 
to her, holding them by the bottom ; when the repre- 
sentative of the dead was handing the cup to the wife, 
he held it by the handle, and she gave it to him by 



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248 THE Li jrf. BK. XXII. 

the foot ; when husband and wife were giving and 
receiving, the one did not touch the place where the 
other had held the article ; in passing the pledge cup, 
they changed the cups: — so was the distinction to 
be maintained between husband and wife shown. 

21. In all arrangements with the stands, the chief 
attention was given to the bones. Some bones 
were considered nobler, and some meaner. Under 
the Yin they preferred the thigh bone ; and under 
the A"au, the shoulder bone. Generally, the bones 
in front were thought nobler than those behind. 
The stands served to illustrate the rule in sacrifices 
of showing favours. Hence the nobler guests 
received the nobler bones, and the lower, the less 
noble ; the nobler did not receive very much, and 
the lower were not left without any : — impartiality 
was thus shown. With impartiality of favours, 
government proceeded freely ; with the free pro- 
ceeding of government, undertakings were accom- 
plished ; with the accomplishment of undertakings, 
merit was established. It is necessary that the way 
in which merit is established should be known. 
The stands served to show the rule for the im- 
partial bestowment of favours. So did the skilful 
administrators of government proceed, and hence it 
is said that (sacrifices showed the principle of) 
impartiality in the business of government. 

22. Whenever they came to the (general) circula- 
tion of the cup, those whose place was on the left stood 
in one row, and also those whose place was on the 
right. The members of each row had places accord- 
ing to their age ; and in the same way were arranged 
all the assistants at the service. This was what was 
called (exhibiting) the order of the old and young. 



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BK. XXII. 



k1 thung. 249 



23. At sacrifices there were portions given to the 
skinners, cooks, assistants, feather-wavers, and door- 
keepers, — showing how favours should descend to 
the lowest. Only a virtuous ruler, however, could 
do this ; having intelligence sufficient to perceive 
(the wisdom of) it, and benevolence equal to the 
bestowment of it. Apportioning means bestowing ; 
they were able to bestow what was left on those 
below them. 

Skinners were the meanest of those who looked 
after the buff-coats ; cooks' assistants, the meanest 
of those who looked after the flesh ; feather-wavers, 
the meanest of those who had to do with the music ; 
door-keepers, those who looked after the doors ; for 
anciently they did not employ men who had suffered 
dismemberment to keep the doors. These four 
classes of keepers were the meanest of the servants ; 
and the representative of the dead was the most 
honoured of all. When the most honoured, at the 
close of the sacrifice, did not forget those who were 
the most mean, but took what was left and bestowed 
it on them, (it may be seen how) with an intelligent 
ruler above, there would not be any of the people 
within his territory who suffered from cold and want. 
This is what was meant by saying that sacrifices 
show the relation between high and low. 

24. For the sacrifices (in the ancestral temple) 
there were the four seasons. That in spring was 
called yo 1 ; that in summer, tl ; that in autumn, 
kh&ng ; and that in winter, khkng. The yo and 
tl expressed the idea in the bright and expanding 
(course of nature); the JkAang and kh$.ng, that in 

1 Meaning, it is said, 'meagre;' the things offered being few in 
the spring season ; but such explanations are far-fetched. 



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25O THE Lt Zt. BK. XXH. 

the sombre and contracting (course). The tl 
showed the former in its fullest development, and 
the &Aang showed the latter in the same. Hence 
it is said, ' There is nothing more important than 
the tl and i^ang.' Anciently, at the tl sacrifice, 
they conferred rank, and bestowed robes ; — acting 
according to the idea in the bright and expanding 
(course) ; and at the kha.ng they gave out fields 
and homesteads, and issued the rules of autumn- 
work ; — acting according to the idea in the sombre 
and contracting (course). Hence it is said in the 
Record, 'On the day of the £^ang sacrifice they 
gave forth (the stores of) the ruler's house;' showing 
how rewards (were then given). When the plants 
were cut down, the punishment of branding might 
be inflicted. Before the rules of autumn-work were 
issued, the people did not dare to cut down the grass. 

25. Hence it is said that 'the ideas in the tl and 
kAang are great, and lie at the foundation of the 
government of a state ; and should by all means 
be known.' It is for the ruler to know clearly those 
ideas, and for the minister to be able to execute (what 
they require). The ruler who does not know the 
ideas is not complete, and the minister who cannot 
carry them into execution is not complete. 

Now the idea serves to direct and help the aim, 
and leads to the manifestation of all virtue. Hence 
he whose virtue is the completest, has the largest 
aims; and he whose aims are the largest, has the 
clearest idea. He whose idea is the clearest, will be 
most reverent in his sacrifices. When the sacrifices 
(of a state) are reverent, none of the sons and grand- 
sons within its borders will dare to be irreverent 
Then the superior man, when he has a sacrifice, will 



^ 



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BK.XXII. *t THUNG. 25I 

feel it necessary to preside at it in person. If there 
be a (sufficient) reason for it, he may commit the 
performance of it to another. But when com- 
mitting the performance to another, the ruler will 
not fail (to think) of its meaning, because he under- 
stands the ideas in it. He whose virtue is slight, 
has but a small aim. He who is in doubts as to the 
idea in it, and will yet seek to be reverent in his 
sacrifice, will find it impossible to be so ; and how 
can he, who sacrifices without reverence, be the 
parent of his people ? 

26. The tripods (at the sacrifices) had inscriptions 
on them. The maker of an inscription named him- 
self, and took occasion to praise and set forth the 
excellent qualities of his ancestors, and clearly 
exhibit them to future generations. Those ancestors 
must have had good qualities and also bad. But the 
idea of an inscription is to make mention of the good 
qualities and not of the bad : — such is the heart of a 
filial descendant ; and it is only the man of ability 
and virtue who can attain to it. 

The inscriber discourses about and panegyrises 
the virtues and goodness of his ancestors, their merits 
and zeal, their services and toils, the congratulations 
and rewards (given to them), their fame recognised 
by all under heaven ; and in the discussion of these 
things on his spiritual vessels, he makes himself 
famous ; and thus he sacrifices to his ancestors. In 
the celebration of his ancestors he exalts his filial 
piety. That he himself appears after them is natural. 
And in the clear showing (of all this) to future 
generations, he is giving instruction. 

27. By the one panegyric of an inscription benefit 
accrues to the ancestors, to their descendant and to 



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252 THE ht jrf. 



BK. XXII. 



others after them. Hence when a superior man looks 
at an inscription, while he admires those whom it 
praises, he also admires him who made it. That 
maker had intelligence to see (the excellences of his 
ancestors), virtue to associate himself with them, and 
wisdom to take advantage (of his position) ; — he 
may be pronounced a man of ability and virtue. 
Such worth without boasting may be pronounced 
courteous respect. 

28. Thus the inscription on the tripod of Khung 
Khwei of Wei was : — ' In the sixth month, on the 
day ting-hai, the duke went to the Grand Temple, 
and said, " My young uncle, your ancestor ^Twang 
Shti assisted duke Kkkng, who ordered him to follow 
him in his difficulties on the south of the Han, and 
afterwards to come to him in his palace (of imprison- 
ment) in the honoured capital of JC&u ; and all these 
hurried journeyings he endured without wearying of 
them. From him came the helper of duke Hsien, 
who charged your (later) ancestor Kh&ng Shuh to 
continue the service of his ancestor. Your deceased 
father Wan Shti cherished and stimulated in himself 
the old desires and aims, roused and led on the 
admirable officers, and showed his own great personal 
interest in the state of Wei. His labours for our 
ducal house never wearied early or late, so that the 
people all testified how good he was." The duke 
further said, " My young uncle, I give you (this tripod 
with) its inscription. Carry on and out the services 
of your father." Khwei bowed with his head to the 
ground, and said, " In response to the distinction 
(you have conferred upon me) I will take your 
great and important charge, and I will put it on 
the vases and tripods of my winter sacrifice." ' Such 



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bk. xxii. kI thung. 253 

was the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei 
of Wei 1 . 

In this way the superior men of antiquity pane- 
gyrised the excellent qualities of their ancestors, and 
clearly exhibited them to future generations, thereby 
having the opportunity to introduce their own per- 
sonality and magnify their states. If descendants 
who maintain their ancestral temples and the altars 
to the spirits of the land and grain, praised their 
ancestors for good qualities which they did not 
possess, that was falsehood ; if they did not take 
knowledge of the good qualities which they did 
possess, that showed their want of intelligence; if 
they knew them and did not transmit them (by their 
inscriptions), that showed a want of virtue : — these 
are three things of which a superior man should have 
been ashamed. 

29. Anciently, Tan, duke of -A"au, did most 
meritorious service for the kingdom. After his 
death the kings Kh&ng and Khang, bearing in mind 
all his admirable work, and wishing to honour Lu, 
granted to its lords the right of offering the greatest 
sacrifices ; — those in the borders of their capital to 
Heaven and Earth, in the wider sphere of sacrifice ; 
and the great summer and autumnal sacrifices in 
the ancestral temple of the state. At those great 
summer and autumnal sacrifices, on the hall above, 
they sang the Kh'mg Miao, and in the courtyard 
below it they danced the Hsiang to the flute ; they 

1 In the year that Confucius died, b.c. 479, this Khung Khwei 
was obliged to flee from Wei to Sung. The duke A'ang, who is 
mentioned in connexion with his ancestor known as JTwang Shu, 
was marquis of Wei from b.c. 635 to 600. Duke Hsien ruled from 
b.c. 577 to 559. 



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254 THE L * *t- BK - xx »- 

carried red shields and axes adorned with jade in 
performing the Ta Wu dance ; and this was the music 
employed by the son of Heaven. (Those kings) in 
acknowledgment of the great merit of the duke of 
Aau, allowed (the use of those sacrifices and this 
music) to the (marquis of) Lu. His descendants have 
continued it, and down to the present day it is not 
abolished, thereby showing clearly the virtue of the 
lords of Aau and magnifying their state \ 

1 This distinction, said to have been thus conferred on the 
princes of Lu, is contrary to the views of the ablest commentators 
on the subject. 



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BOOK XXIII. JHNG K1EH 

OR 

THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE DIFFERENT 

JHNGS 1 . 

I. Confucius said, ' When you enter any state 

/ you can know what subjects (its people) have been 

V taught. If they show themselves men who are 

(mild and gentle, sincere and good, they have been 

taught from the Book of Poetry. If they have a 

wide comprehension (of things), and know what is 

remote and old, they have been taught from the Book 

of History. If they be large-hearted and generous, 

bland and honest, they have been taught from the 

Book of Music. "> If they be pure and still, refined 

and subtile, they have been taught from the Yl. ( If 

they be courteous and modest, grave and respectful, 

they have been taught from the Book of Rites and 

Ceremonies. If they suitably adapt their language 

to the things of which they speak, they have been 

taught from the ^T^un K/n<x. 

f ' Hence the failing that may arise in connexion 

with the study of the Poems is a stupid simplicity; 

that in connexion with the History is duplicity ; that 

. in connexion with Music is extravagance; that, in 

( connexion with the Yi is the violation (of reason) 1 ; 

K that in connexion with the practice of Rites and 

Ceremonies is fussiness ; and that in connexion with 

the Khxxa KK\i± is insubordination 2 . . 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 38. 
* Callery translates the character in the text by The're'sie.' I have 
met with ' robbery ' for it. 



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256 THE hi kL 



BK. XXIII. 



2. ' ' If they show themselves men who are mild 
and gentle, sincere and good, and yet free from that 
simple stupidity, their comprehension of the Book of 
Poetry is deep. If they have a wide comprehension 
(of things), and know what is remote and old, and 
yet are free from duplicity, their understanding of 
the Book of History is deep. If they are large- 
hearted and generous, bland and honest, and yet 
have no tendency to extravagance, their knowledge 

. of Music is deep.\ If they are pure and still, refined 
*-f ' .' and subtle, and yet do not violate (reason), they have 
■ made great attainments in the Yl. (If they are 
courteous and modest, grave and reverent, and yet 
not fussy, their acquaintance with the Book of Rites 
and Ceremonies is deep. If they suitably adapt their 
language to the things of which they speak, and yet 
have no disposition to be insubordinate, their know- 
ledge of the A^un ICAid is deep.' ) 

3. The son of Heaven forms a ternion with 
heaven and earth. Hence, in power of his good- 
ness he is their correlate, and his benefits extend at 
once to all things 1 . His brilliancy is equal to that of 
the sun and moon, and enlightens all within the four 
seas, not excepting anything, however minute and 
small. In the audiences at his court everything is 
done according to the orderly procedure of benevo- 
lence, wisdom, propriety, and righteousness. At his 
entertainments he listens to the singing of the Odes 
of the Kingdom and the Odes of the Temple and 
Altar. When he walks, there are the .notes from his 
girdle pendant. When he rides in his chariot, there 
are the harmonious sounds of the bells attached to 



1 Compare vol. xxvii, pp. 377, 378. 

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bk. xxm. KNG JTIEH. 257 

his horses. When he is in private at ease, there is 
the observance of the rules of propriety. When he 
advances or retires, he does so according to rule and 
measure. All the officers fulfil their duties rightly, 
and all affairs are carried on with order. It is as 
described in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, 3), 

' That virtuous man, the princely one, 
Has nothing wrong in his deportment ; 
He has nothing wrong in his deportment, 
And thus he rectifies the four quarters of the state.' 

4. When (a ruler) issues his notices and gives 
forth his orders, and the people are pleased, we have 
what may be called the condition of harmony. When 
superiors and inferiors love one another, we have the 
condition of benevolence. When the people get 
what they desire without seeking for it, we have 
the condition of confidence. When all things in the 
operations of heaven and earth that might be injurious 
are taken out of the way, we have the condition of 
lightness. Rightness and confidence, harmony and 
benevolence are the instruments of the presiding 
chieftain and the king. If any one wishes to govern 
the people, and does not employ these instruments, 
he will not be successful. 

5. In the right government of a state, the Rules 
of Propriety serve the same purpose as the steel- 
yard in determining what is light and what is heavy; 
or as the carpenter's line in determining what is 
crooked and what is straight ; or as the circle and 
square in determining what is square and what is 
round. Hence, if the weights of the steel-yard be 
true, there can be no imposition in the matter of 
weight ; if the line be truly applied, there can be no 

[28] S 

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258 THE lA Zt. 



BK. XXIII. 



imposition in the evenness of a surface ; if the square 
and compass be truly employed, there can be no 
imposition in the shape of a figure. When a superior 
man (conducts the government of his state) with a 
discriminating attention to these rules, he cannot be 
imposed on by traitors and impostors. 

6. Hence he who has an exalted idea of the rules, 
and guides his conduct by them, is called by us a 
mannerly gentleman, and he who has no such 
exalted idea and does not guide his conduct by the 
rules, is called by us one of the unmannerly people. 
These rules (set forth) the way of reverence and 
courtesy; and therefore when the services in the 
ancestral temple are performed according to them, 
there is reverence ; when they are observed in the 
court, the noble and the mean have their proper 
positions; when the family is regulated by them, 
there is affection between father and son, and har- 
mony among brothers ; and when they are honoured 
in the country districts and villages, there is the 
proper order between old and young. There is the 
verification of what was said by Confucius, ' For 
giving security to superiors and good government of 
the people, there is nothing more excellent than the 
Rules of Propriety 1 .' 

7. The ceremonies at the court audiences of the 
different seasons were intended to illustrate the 
righteous relations between ruler and subject ; those 
of friendly messages and inquiries, to secure mutual 
honour and respect between the feudal princes ; 
those of mourning and sacrifice, to illustrate the 
kindly feelings of ministers and sons ; those of social 

1 See vol. iii, page 482 (The Hsi&o King). 

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BK. XXIII. XING JHEH. 259 

meetings in the country districts, to show the order 
that should prevail between young and old ; and 
those of marriage, to exhibit the separation that 
should be maintained between males and females. 
Those ceremonies prevent the rise of disorder and 
confusion, and are like the embankments which 
prevent the overflow of water. He who thinks the 
old embankments useless and destroys them is sure 
to suffer from the desolation caused by overflowing 
water ; and he who should consider the old rules of 
propriety useless and abolish them would be sure to 
suffer from the calamities of disorder. 

8. Thus if the ceremonies of marriage were dis- 
continued, the path of husband and wife would be 
embittered, and there would be many offences of 
licentiousness and depravity. If the drinking cere- 
monies at country feasts were discontinued, the 
order between old and young would be neglected, 
and quarrelsome litigations would be numerous. If 
the ceremonies of mourning and sacrifice were dis- 
continued, the kindly feeling of officers and sons 
would become small ; there would be numerous cases 
in which there was a revolt from the observances due 
to the dead, and an oblivion of (those due) to the 
living. If the ceremonies of friendly messages and 
court attendances were discontinued, the positions of 
ruler and subject would fall into disuse, the conduct 
of the feudal princes would be evil, and the ruin 
wrought by rebellion, encroachment, and oppression 
would ensue. 

9. Therefore the instructive and transforming 
power of ceremonies is subtile ; they stop depravity 
before it has taken form, causing men daily to move 
towards what is good, and keep themselves farther 

s 2 



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260 THE lA Kt. 



bk. xxnr. 



apart from guilt, without being themselves conscious 
of if. It was on this account that the ancient kings 
set so high a value upon them. This sentiment is 
found in the words of the Yi, ' The superior man 
is careful at the commencement; a mistake, then, 
of a hair's breadth, will lead to an error of a thou- 
sand 11V 

1 But these words, common enough in later Chinese writings, 
are not found in the Yi King. Khung Ying-ti says they are from 
the ' Great Appendix.' It is more likely that he was in error, than 
that they existed there in his time. 



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BOOK XXIV. Al KUNG WAN 

OR 
QUESTIONS OF DUKE Al 1 . 

i. Duke Ai 2 asked Confucius, saying, 'What do 
you say about the great rites ? How is it that 
superior men, in speaking about them, ascribe so 
much honour to them ?' Confucius said, ' I, KAid, 
am a small man, and unequal to a knowledge of the 
rites.' ' By no means,' said the ruler. ' Tell me 
what you think, my Master.' Then Confucius re- 
plied, ' According to what I have heard, of all things 
by which the people live the rites are the greatest 
Without them they would have no means of regulating 
the services paid to the spirits of heaven and earth ; 
without them they would have no means of dis- 
tinguishing the positions proper to father and son, to 
high and low, to old and young ; without them they 
would have no means of maintaining the separate 
character of the intimate relations between male and 
female, father and son, elder brother and younger, 
and conducting the intercourse between the contract- 
ing families in a marriage, and the frequency or infre- 
quency (of the reciprocities between friends). These 

1 See the introduction, vol. zxvii, pp. 39, 40. 

* Ai ('The Courteous, Benevolent, and Short-lived') was the 
posthumous title of the marquis 3>ang (^) of Lu (b.c. 494-468), 
in whose sixteenth year Confucius died. He seems to have often 
consulted the sage on important questions, but was too weak to 
follow his counsels. 



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262 THE Li kI. 



BK. XXIV. 



are the grounds on which superior men have honoured 
andr everenced (the rites) as they did. 

2. ' Thereafter, (having this view of the rites), they 
taught them to the people, on the ground of their 
ability (to practise them), not disregarding their 
general principles or the limitations (that circum- 
stances impose in particular cases). 

3. ' When their object had been accomplished (so 
far), they proceeded to give rules for the engraving 
(of the ceremonial vessels), and the embroider- 
ing in various colours (of the robes), in order to 
secure the transmission (of the rites). 

4. ' Having obtained the concurrence (of the 
people in these things), they proceeded to tell them 
the different periods of mourning ; to provide the 
full amount of tripods and stands ; to lay down the 
(offerings of) pork and dried meats ; to maintain in 
good order their ancestral temples ; and then at the 
different seasons of the year reverently to present 
their sacrifices ; and to arrange thereat, in order, the 
different branches and members of their kindred. 
Meanwhile (they themselves) were content to live 
economically, to have nothing fine about their dress ; 
to have their houses low and poor ; to eschew much 
carving about their carriages ; to use their vessels 
without carving or graving ; and to have the 
plainest diet, in order to share all their advantages 
in common with the people. In this manner did 
the superior men of antiquity practise the rites/ 

5. The duke said, ' How is it that the superior 
men of the present day do not practise them (in this 
way).' Confucius said, ' The superior men of the 
present day are never satisfied in their fondness for 
wealth, and never wearied in the extravagance of 



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bk. xxiv. Al RUNG WAN. 263 

their conduct. They are wild, idle, arrogant, and 
insolent They determinedly exhaust the (resources 
of the) people, put themselves in opposition to the 
multitude, and seek to overthrow those who are 
pursuing the right way. They seek to get whatever 
they desire, without reference to right or reason. 
The former using of the people was according to the 
ancient rules; the using of them now-a-days is ac- 
cording to later rules. The superior men of the 
present day do not practise the rites (as they ought 
to be practised).' 

6. Confucius was sitting beside duke Ai, when 
the latter said, ' I venture to ask, according to the 
nature of men, which is the greatest thing (to 
be attended to in dealing with them).' Confu- 
cius looked startled, changed countenance, and re- 
plied, ' That your lordship should put this question 
is a good thing for the people. How should your 
servant dare but express his opinion on it ?' Ac- 
cordingly he proceeded, and said, ' According to the 
nature of men, government is the greatest thing for 
them.' 

7. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is meant 
by the practice of government.' Confucius replied, 
' Government is rectification. When the ruler is cor- 
rect himself, all the people will follow his government. 
What the ruler does is what the people follow. How 
should they follow what he does not do ?' 

8. The duke said, ' I venture to ask how this 
practice of government is to be effected ?' Confu- 
cius replied, ' Husband and wife have their separate 
functions ; between father and son there should be 
affection ; between ruler and minister there should 
be a strict adherence to their several parts. If 



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264 THE Li kI. 



BK. XXIT. 



\ 



these three relations be correctly discharged, all 
other things will follow.' 

9. The duke said, ' Although I cannot, in my un- 
worthiness, count myself as having attained, I should 
like to hear how these three things which you have 
mentioned can be rightly secured. May I hear it 
from you ?' Confucius replied, ' With the ancients 
in their practice of government the love of men 
was the great point; in their regulation of this 
love of men, the rules of ceremony was the great 
point ; in their regulation of those rules, re- 
verence was the great point For of the extreme 
manifestation of reverence we find the greatest 
illustration in the great (rite of) marriage. Yes, in 
the great (rite of) marriage there is the extreme 
manifestation of respect ; and when one took place, 
the bridegroom in his square-topped cap went in 
person to meet the bride ; — thus showing his affec- 
tion for her. It was his doing this himself that 
was the demonstration of his affection. Thus it is 
that the superior man commences with respect as the 
basis of love. To neglect respect is to leave affec- 
tion unprovided for. Without loving there can be 
no (real) union ; and without respect the love will 
not be correct Yes, love and respect lie at the 
foundation of government' ) 

10. The duke said, ' I 'wish that I could say I 
agree with you, but for the bridegroom in his square- 
topped cap to go in person to meet the bride, — is it 
not making too much (of the ceremony) ?' Con- 
fucius looked startled, changed countenance, and 
said, ' (Such a marriage) is the union of (the repre- 
sentatives of) two different surnames in friendship 
and love, in order to continue the posterity of the 



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BK. XXIV. Al KUNG WAN. 265 

former sages 1 , and to furnish those who shall pre- 
side at the sacrifices to heaven and earth, at 
those in the ancestral temple, and at those at the 
altars to the spirits of the land and grain; — how 
can your lordship say that the ceremony is made 
too great?' 

n. The duke said, ' I am stupid. But if I were 
not stupid, how should I have heard what you have 
just said ? I wish to question you, but cannot find 
the proper words (to do so) ; I beg you to go on a 
little further.' Confucius said, ' If there were not 
the united action of heaven and earth, the world 
of things would not grow. By means of the grand 
rite of marriage, the generations of men are con- 
tinued through myriads of ages. How can your 
lordship say that the ceremony in question is too 
great ?' He immediately added, ' In their own 
peculiar sphere, (this marriage) serves for the regula- 
tion of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, and 
is sufficient to supply the correlates to the spiritual 
Intelligences of heaven and earth ; in the (wider) 
sphere abroad, it serves for the regulation of the 
ceremonies of the court 2 , and is sufficient to establish 
the respect of those below him to him who is 

1 JT&ng takes this in the singular, 'the former sage,' meaning the 
dnke of Kia, so that Confucius should say that the ceremony in 
question was a continuation of that instituted by the duke of 
K&a. I cannot construe or interpret the text so. 

* The text here seems to be corrupt. Translating it as it stands — 
^ j|j[ =|f j£ jjf|| — we should have to say, 'the regulation 
of straightforward speech.' KJ&n Hao says that he does not 
understand the yk ^T, and mentions the conjecture of 'some 
one ' that they should be j^fj ^E. I have followed this conjecture, 
which also is followed in Gallery's expurgated edition. 



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266 THE L! k\. 



BK. XXIV. 



above them all. If there be ground for shame on 
account of (a deficiency of) resources, this is sufficient 
to stimulate and secure them ; if there be ground for 
shame on account of the condition of the states, this 
is sufficient to revive and renew them. Ceremonies 
are the first thing to be attended to in the practice 
of government Yes, (this) ceremony (of marriage) 
lies at the foundation of government!' 

12. Confucius continued, 'Anciently, under the 
government of the intelligent kings of the three 
dynasties, it was required of a man to show respect 
to his wife and son. When the path (of right govern- 
ment) was pursued, the wife was the hostess of the 
(deceased) parents ; — could any husband dare not to 
show her respect ? And the son was the descendant 
of those parents ; — could any father dare not to show 
him respect? The superior man's respect is 
universal. Wherein it appears the greatest is in his 
respect for himself. He is in his person a branch 
from his parents; — can any son but have this self- 
respect ? If he is not able to respect his own person, 
he is wounding his parents. If he wound his parents, 
he is wounding his own root ; and when the root 
is wounded, the branches will follow it in its dying. 
These three things are an image of what is true 
with the whole people (in the body politic). One's 
own person reaches to the persons of others ; one's 
own son to the sons of others ; one's own wife to 
the wives of others. If a ruler do these things, the 
spirit of his conduct will reach to all under the sky. 
If the course of the great king be thus, all the states 
and families will be docilely obedient.' 

13. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is 
meant by "respecting one's self." ' Confucius replied, 



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BK. XXIV. 



Al KUNG WAN. 267 



'When a man who is over others 1 transgresses in 
his words, the people will fashion their speech 
accordingly ; when he transgresses in his actions, the 
people will make him their model. If in his words 
he do not go beyond what should be said, nor in his 
actions what should be a model, then the people, 
without being commanded, will reverence and honour 
him. When this obtains, he can be said to have 
respected his person. Having succeeded in respect- 
ing his person, he will (at the same time) be able to 
do all that can be done for his parents.' 

14. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is 
meant by doing all that can be done for one's 
parents?' Confucius replied, 'A'lin-jze is the com- 
pletest name for a man ; when the people apply the 
name to him, they say (in effect) that he is the 
son of a £lin-jze ; and thus he makes his parents 
(? father) to be a ilin-jze. This is what I intend 
by saying that he does all that can be done for 
his parents 2 .' 

Confucius forthwith added, ' In the practice of 

1 The phrase in the text for 'a man who is high in rank' 
is JTun-jze (j^l* ■^*, Keun-jze, in Southern mandarin, and as 
it is transliterated by Morrison and our older scholars), meaning 
'ruler's son,' 'a princely man,' 'a superior man,' 'a wise man,' 
'a sage.' In all these ways it has been translated by Chinese 
scholars, and I have heard it proposed to render it by ' a gentle- 
man.' Here all the commentators say it is to be understood of a 
man of rank and position (38* -^P* J£j[ 'fj^F ==)» which is a 
not unfrequent application of it. 

1 What I translate by ' doing all that can be done for his 
parents ' is in the text ' completing his parents.' Callery renders 
it : — ' Assurant (un nom honorable) a ses pere et mere.' Wylie : — 
' Completing his duty to his parents.' It certainly is not easy to 
catch the mind of Confucius here and in the context. 



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268 the l! kI. 



BK. XXIV. 



government in antiquity, the love of men was the 
great point If (a ruler) be not able to love men 
he cannot possess 1 his own person ; unable to possess 
his own person, he cannot enjoy in quiet his land ; 
unable to enjoy in quiet his land, he cannot rejoice 
in Heaven ; unable to rejoice in Heaven, he cannot 
do all that can be done for his person.' 

15. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what is 
meant by " doing all that could be done for one's per- 
son." ' Confucius replied, ' It is keeping from all 
transgression of what is due4n all the sphere beyond 
one's self'?} ^ ** <^S~ °^*~*^ c 

16. The duke said, ' I venture to ask what it is 
that the superior man values in the way of Heaven.' 
Confucius replied, ' He values its unceasingness. 
There is, for instance, the succession and sequence 
of the sun and moon from the east and west : — that 
is the way of Heaven. There is the long continu- 
ance of its progress without interruption : — that is the 
way of Heaven. There is its making (all) things 
complete without doing anything : — that is the way of 
Heaven. There is their brilliancy when they have 
been completed : — that is the way of Heaven.' 

1 7. The duke said, ' I am very stupid, unintelli- 
gent also, and occupied with many things ; do you, 
Sir, help me that I may keep this lesson in my mind.' 

18. Confucius looked grave, moved a little from 
his mat, and replied, ' A man of all-comprehensive 

1 ATang says that 'to possess' is equivalent to 'to preserve' 
(^=! 311 $k "tfii)' a< *ding ' men W M injure him.' So all the other 
commentators. 

* Callery gives for this : — ' Ce n'est autre chose que de se 
maintenir dans le devoir.' Wylie : — ' It is not to transgress 
the natural order of things.' The reply of Confucius appears more 
fully in the ' Narratives of the School.' 



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bk. xxiv. Al KUNG WAN. 269 

virtue 1 does not transgress what is due from him in 
all the sphere beyond himself, and it is the same with 
a filial son. Therefore a son of all-comprehensive 
virtue serves his parents as he serves Heaven, and 
serves Heaven as he serves his parents. Hence a 
filial son does all that can be done for his person 2 .' 

19. The duke said, ' I have heard your (excellent) 
words ; — how is it that I shall hereafter not be able 
to keep from the guilt (of transgressing) ?' Confucius 
answered, ' That your lordship gives expression to 
such words is a happiness to me.' 

1 ' A man of all-comprehensive virtue ' is in the text simply ' the 
benevolent man frf"* ^J).' But that name must be to be taken in 
the sense of Mencius, who says that ' Benevolence is man (f~* -^ 
^ A"|fei) (*"» "' r< 0» ^ J u ^ en translates it, 'Humanitas 
homo est.' There ^~ > . 'benevolence,' is a name denoting the 
complex of human virtues, with the implication that it is itself 
man's distinguishing characteristic. So ' humanity ' may be used 
in English to denote ' the peculiar nature of man as distinguished 
from other beings.' 

* Callery has a note on this paragraph : — ' Ces axidmes de 
Confucius ne sont pas d'une grande clarte* ; on y entrevoit, cepend- 
ant, que le philosophe veut e*tablir l'identite° entre le devoir chez 
1'homme et la verite* Iternelle, ou la vertu dans le sens abstrait' 
But perhaps the sayings of the Master seem to be wanting in 
' clearness ' because it is difficult to catch his mind and spirit in 
them. Nor do I think that the latter part of what the French 
sinologue says is abundantly clear or appropriate. I have often 
said that Confucius and his school try to make a religion out of 
filial virtue. That appears here with a qualification ; for the text 
makes out 'the service of Heaven/ which would be religion, to 
be identical with the full discharge of all filial duty, equivalent, in 
the Chinese system, to all morality. 



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BOOK XXV. tfTJNG-Nl YEN AT0 

OR 
A^JNG-Nt AT HOME AT EASE 1 . 

i. Aung-ni 'being at home at ease 1 ,' with $ze- 
£ang, 3ze-kung, and Yen Yu by him, their conversa- 
tion went on from general matters to the subject of 
ceremonies. 

2. The Master said, ' Sit down 2 , you three, and I 
will discourse to you about ceremonies, so that you 
may rightly employ them everywhere and in all 
circumstances.' 

3. 3 z e-kung crossed over (3ze->£ang's) mat 8 , and 
replied, ' Allow me to ask what you mean.' The 
Master said, ' Respect shown without observing the 
rules of propriety is called vulgarity ; courtesy with- 
out observing those rules is called forwardness ; and 
boldness without observing them is called violence.' 
The Master added, ' Forwardness takes away from 
gentleness and benevolence.' 

4. The Master said, ' Sze, you err by excess, and 
Shang by defect.' 3ze-M£n might be regarded as a 

1 See the introductory notice of this Book, vol. xxvii, page 40. 
The Yen (^jj|) in Yen Ztt is said by A"ang to denote that the 
party had been to court, and was now at his ease in his own 
residence. 

1 The three disciples must have risen from their mats on the 
introduction of a new topic, according to vol. xxvii, page 76, 
paragraph ai. 

* Substantially a violation of vol. xxvii, page fi, paragraph 26. 



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BK. XXV. lUNG-Nt YEN KV. 2"Jl 

mother of the people. He could feed them, but he 
could not teach them 1 . 

5. 3 z e-kung (again) crossed the mat, and replied, 
' Allow me to ask by what means it is possible to 
secure this due mean.' The Master said, ' By means 
of the ceremonial rules ; by the rules. Yes, it is those 
rules which define and determine the due mean.' 

6. 3 z e-kung having retired, Yen Yu advanced, and 
said, ' May I be allowed to ask whether the rules of 
ceremony do not serve to control what is bad, and to 
complete what is good ? ' The Master said, ' They 
do.' ' Very well, and how do they do it ? ' The 
Master said, ' The idea in the border sacrifices to 
Heaven and Earth is that they should give expres- 
sion to the loving feeling towards the spirits ; the 
ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services in 
the ancestral temple give expression to the loving 
feeling towards all in the circle of the kindred ; 
the ceremony of putting down food (by the deceased) 
serves to express the loving feeling towards those 
who are dead and for whom they are mourning ; the 
ceremonies of the archery f£tes and the drinking at 
them express the loving feeling towards all in the 
district and neighbourhood ; the ceremonies of festal 
entertainments express the loving feeling towards 
visitors and guests.' 

1 The flTAien-lung editors say that in this paragraph, the part 
from * 3ze-Man ' has been introduced by an error in mani- 
pulating the tablets. It is found, and more fully, also in the 
Narratives of the School, article 41 Q£ Ijjjr j$£). The previous 
sentence of it also appears to me to be out of place. Why should 
Confucius address himself to Sze? — that was not the name of 
3ze-kung. What is said to him is found in the Analects, VI, 15, 
and also more fully. 



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272 the lI jrl. 



BK. XXV. 



7. The Master said, ' An intelligent understand- 
ing of the idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and 
Earth, and of the ceremonies of the autumnal and 
summer services, would make the government of a 
state as easy as to point to one's palm. Therefore 
let the ceremonial rules be observed: — in the ordin- 
ary life at home, and there will be the (right) distinc- 
tion between young and old ; inside the door of the 
female apartments, and there will be harmony among 
the three branches of kin ; at court, and there will 
be the right ordering of office and rank; in the 
different hunting expeditions, and skill in war will be 
acquired ; in the army and its battalions, and military 
operations will be successful. 

' In this way, houses and their apartments will be 
made of the proper dimensions; measures and 
tripods will have their proper figure ; food will have 
the flavour proper to its season ; music will be 
according to the rules for it ; carriages will have their 
proper form; spirits will receive their proper offer- 
ings; the different periods of mourning will have 
their proper expression of sorrow; discussions will 
be conducted by those who from their position should 
take part in them; officers will have their proper 
business and functions ; the business of government 
will be properly distributed and applied. (The 
duty) laid on (each) person being discharged in the 
matter before him (according to these rules), all his 
movements, and every movement will be what they 
ought to be.' 

8. The Master said, * What is (the object of) the 
ceremonial rules ? It is just the ordering of affairs. 
The wise man who has affairs to attend to must 
have the right method of ordering them. (He who 



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BK. XXV. JTUNG-Nt YEN KVS. 273 

should attempt) to regulate a state without those 
rules would be like a blind man with no one to lead 
him ; — groping about, how could he find his way ? 
Or he would be like one searching all night in a 
dark room without a light ; — how could he see any- 
thing? 

'If one have not the ceremonial rules, he would 
not (know how to) dispose of his hands and feet, or 
how to apply his ears and eyes ; and his advancing 
and retiring, his bowings and giving place would be 
without any definite rules. Hence, when the rules 
are thus neglected : — in the ordinary life at home, 
then the right distinction between old and young 
will be lost; in the female apartments, then the 
harmony among the three branches of kin will be 
lost ; in the court, then the order of office and rank 
will be lost; in the different hunting expeditions, 
then the prescribed methods of military tactics will be 
lost ; in the army and its battalions, then the arrange- 
ments that secure success in war will be lost. (Also), 
houses and apartments will want their proper dimen- 
sions ; measures and tripods will want their proper 
figure ; food will want its seasonal flavour ; music 
will want its proper parts; Spirits will want their 
proper offerings ; the different periods of mourning 
will want their proper expression of sorrow ; discus- 
sions will not be conducted by the pro[ er men for 
them ; officers will not have their proper business ; 
the affairs of government will fail to be properly 
distributed and applied ; and (in the duties) laid on 
(each) person to be discharged in the matters before 
him, all his movements, every movement, will fail 
to be what they ought to be. In this condition of 
things it will be impossible to put one's self at the 

[a8] T 

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274 THE Lf Jri. BK. xxv. 

head of the multitudes, and secure harmony among 
them/ 

9. The Master said, ' Listen attentively, you three, 
while I discourse to you about the ceremonial rules. 
There are still nine things (to be described), and 
four of them belong to the Grand festive entertain- 
ments. When you know these, though your lot may 
lie among the channeled fields, if you carry them 
into practice, you will become wise as sages. 

' When one ruler is visiting another, they bow to 
each other, each courteously declining to take the pre- 
cedence, and then enter the gate. As soon as they 
have done so, the instruments of music, suspended 
from their frames, strike up. They then bow and 
give place to each other again, and ascend to the 
hall ; and when they have gone up, the music stops. 
In the court below, the dances Hsiang and Wu are 
performed to the music of the flute, and that of Hsia 
proceeds in due order with (the brandishing of 
feathers and) fifes. (After this), the stands with 
their offerings are set out, the various ceremonies 
and musical performances go on in regular order, 
and the array of officers provided discharge their 
functions. In this way the superior man perceives 
the loving regard (which directs the entertainment). 
They move forward in perfect circles ; they return 
and form again the squares. The bells of the 
equipages are tuned to the Kh£\-kh\ ; when the 
guest goes out they sing the Yung; when the 
things are being taken away, they sing the A^an- 
yii ; and thus the superior man (sees that) there is 
not a single thing for which there is not its proper 
ceremonial usage. The striking up of the instru- 
ments of metal, when they enter the gate, serves to 



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bk. xxv. jtung-n! yen kv. 275 

indicate their good feeling ; the singing of the 
.AT^ing Miao, when they have gone up to the hall, 
shows the virtue (they should cultivate); the per- 
formance of the Hsiang to the flute in the court 
below, reminds them of the events (of history). Thus 
the superior men of antiquity did not need to set 
forth their views to one another in words ; it was 
enough for them to show them in their music and 
ceremonies.' 

10. The Master said, ' Ceremonial usages are (the 
prescriptions of) reason ; music is the definite limitation 
(of harmony). The superior man makes no move- 
ment without (a ground of) reason, and does nothing 
without its definite limitation. He who is not versed 
in the odes will err in his employment of the usages, 
and he who is not versed in music will be but an 
indifferent employer of them. He whose virtue is 
slender will vainly perform the usages.' 

n. The Master said, 'The determinate measures 
are according to the rules ; and the embellishments 
of them are also so ; but the carrying them into 
practice depends on the men.' 

12. 3 ze -k un g crossed over the mat and replied, 
'Allow me to ask whether even Khwei was ignorant 
(of the ceremonial usages) 1 ?' 

13. The Master said, 'Was he not one of the 
ancients ? Yes, he was one of them. To be versed 
in the ceremonial usages, and not versed in music, 
we call being poorly furnished. To be versed in the 
usages and not versed in music, we call being one- 
sided. Now Khwei was noted for his acquaintance 
with music, and not for his acquaintance with cere- 

1 Khwei was Shim's Director of Music. See the Shu, II, i, 24. 

T 2 

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276 the l! rt. 



BK. XXV. 



monies, and therefore his name has been transmitted 
with that account of him (which your question 
implies). But he was one of the men of antiquity.' 

14. 3 z e-£ang asked about government The 
Master said, ' Sze, did I not instruct you on that 
subject before ? The superior man who is well ac- 
quainted with ceremonial usages and music has 
only to take and apply them (in order to practise 
government).' 

I 5- 3 z e-vkmg again put the question, and the 
Master said, ' Sze, do you think that the stools and 
mats must be set forth, the hall ascended and de- 
scended, the cups filled and offered, the pledge-cup 
presented and returned, before we can speak of 
ceremonial usages ? Do you think that there must 
be the movements of the performers in taking up 
their positions, the brandishing of the plumes and 
fifes, the sounding of the bells and drums before we 
can speak of music ? To speak and to carry into 
execution what you have spoken is ceremony; 
to act and to give and receive pleasure from what 
you do is music. The ruler who vigorously pursues 
these two things may well stand with his face to the 
south, for thus will great peace and order be secured 
all under heaven ; the feudal lords will come to his 
court; all things will obtain their proper develop- 
ment and character ; and no single officer will dare to 
shrink from the discharge of his functions. Where such 
ceremony prevails, all government is well ordered ; 
where it is neglected, all falls into disorder and con- 
fusion. A house made by a good (though unassisted) 
eye will yet have the corner of honour, and the 
steps on the east for the host to ascend by ; every 
mat have its upper and lower end ; every chariot have 



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bk. xxv. jtung-n! yen jtu. 277 

its right side and left ; walkers follow one another, 
and those who stand observe a certain order: — such 
were the right rules of antiquity. If an apartment 
were made without the corner of honour and the 
steps on the east, there would be confusion in the 
hall and apartment. If mats had not their upper 
and lower ends, there would be confusion among the 
occupants of them ; if carriages were made without 
their left side and right, there would be confusion in 
their seats ; if people did not follow one another in 
walking, there would be confusion on the roads ; if 
people observed no order in standing, there would 
be disorder in the places they occupy. Anciently the 
sage Tls and intelligent kings and the feudal lords, 
in making a distinction between noble and mean, old 
and young, remote and near, male and female, out- 
side and inside, did not presume to allow any to 
transgress the- regular rule they had to observe, 
but all proceeded in the path which has been indi- 
cated. ' 

16. When the three disciples had heard these 
words from the Master, they saw clearly as if a film 
had been removed from their eyes. 



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BOOK XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN KVi 

OR 
CONFUCIUS AT HOME AT LEISURE 1 . 

i. Confucius being at home at leisure, with 3ze- 
hsia by his side, the latter said, 'With reference to 
the lines in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 8, i), 
" The happy and courteous sovereign 
Is the father and mother of the people;" 
I beg to ask what the sovereign must be, who can 
be called "the parent of the people."' Confucius 
said, ' Ah ! the parent of the people! He must have 
penetrated to the fundamental principles of cere- 
monies and music, till he has reached the five 
extreme points to which they conduct, and the 
three that have no positive existence, and be able 
to exhibit these all under heaven ; and when evil is 
impending in any part of the kingdom, he must 
have a foreknowledge of it: — such an one is he 
whom we denominate ' the parent of the people.' 

2. 3 z e-hsia said, 'I have thus heard (your expla- 
nation) of the name " parent of the people ;" allow 
me to ask what " the five extreme points " (that you 
mention) mean.' Confucius said, ' The furthest aim 
of the mind has also its furthest expression in the 
Book of Poetry. The furthest expression of the 
Book of Poetry has also its furthest embodiment in 
the ceremonial usages. The furthest embodiment 

1 Sec the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 41. 

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BK. XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN Zti. 279 

in the ceremonial usages has also its furthest indica- 
tion in music. The furthest indication of music has 
also its furthest indication in the voice of sorrow. 
Sorrow and joy produce, each the other ; and thus it 
is that when we look with the directest vision of the 
eyes at (these extreme points) we cannot see them, 
and when we have bent our ears with the utmost 
tension we cannot hear them. The mind and spirit 
must embrace all within heaven and earth : — these 
are what we denominate " the five extreme points." ' 

3. 3 z e-hsia said, ' I have heard your explanation 
of "the five extreme points;" allow me to ask 
what "the three points that have no positive ex- 
istence" mean.' Confucius said, 'The music that 
has no sound ; ceremonial usages that have no 
embodiment; the mourning that has no garb: — 
these are what we denominate " the three points 
that have no positive existence." 3 ze ~hsia said, ' I 
have heard what you have said on those three 
•negations ; allow me to ask in which of the odes 
we find the nearest expression of them.' Confu- 
cius said, ' There is that (IV, ii, ode i, 6), 

"Night and day he enlarged its foundations by 
his deep and silent virtue :" — 
there is music without sound. And that (I, iii, ode 

i. 3), 

" My deportment has been dignified and good, 

Without anything wrong that can be pointed out:" — 
there is the ceremony that has no embodiment. And 
that (I, iii, ode 10, 4), 
" When among any of the people there was a death, 

I crawled on my knees to help them:" — 
there is the mourning that has no garb.' 



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280 THE Li jet BK. xxvi. 

4. 3 ze_ hsi& sa id, ' Your words are great, admirable, 
and complete. Do they exhaust all that can be said 
on the subject? Is there nothing more?' Confucius 
said, ' How should it be so ? When a superior man 
practises these things, there still arise five other 
points.' 

5. 3 z e-hsia -said, 'How is that?' Confucius said, 
' When there is that music without sound, there is 
no movement of the spirit or will in opposition to it 
When there is that ceremony without embodiment, 
all the demeanour is calm and gentle. When there 
is that mourning without garb, there is an inward 
reciprocity, and great pitifulness. 

'When there is that music without sound, the 
spirit and will are mastered. When there is that 
ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is 
marked by courtesy. When there is that mourning 
without garb, it reaches to all in all quarters. 

'When there is that music without sound, the 
spirit and will are followed. When there is that 
ceremony without embodiment, high and low are har- 
monious and united. When there is that mourning 
without garb, it goes on to nourish all regions. 

'When there is that music without sound, it is 
daily heard in all the four quarters of the kingdom. 
When there is that ceremony without embodiment, 
there is a daily progress and a monthly advance. 
When there is that mourning without garb, the 
virtue (of him who shows it) becomes pure and very 
bright. 

' When there is that music without sound, all 
spirits and wills are roused by it. When there is 
that ceremony without embodiment, its influence 
extends to all within the four seas. When there is 



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BK. XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN KV. 28 1 

that mourning without garb, it extends to future 
generations.' 

6. 3 z e-hsia said, ' (It is said that) the virtue of the 
kings (who founded the) three dynasties was equal 
to that of heaven and earth; allow me to ask of 
what nature that virtue was which could be said to 
put its possessors on an equality with heaven and 
earth.' Confucius said, ' They reverently displayed 
the Three Impartialities, while they comforted all 
beneath the sky under the toils which they imposed.' 
3ze-hsii said, ' Allow me to ask what you call the 
" Three Impartialities." ' Confucius said, ' Heaven 
overspreads all without partiality ; Earth sustains 
and contains all without partiality; the Sun and 
Moon shine on all without partiality. Reverently 
displaying these three characteristics and thereby 
comforting all under heaven under the toils which 
they imposed, is what is called " the Three Impar- 
tialities." It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, 
ode 4, 3), 

"God in His favour Thang's House would not leave, 
And then Thang rose that favour to receive. 
Thang's birth was not from Hsieh too far re- 
moved, 
His sagely reverence daily greater proved; 
For long to Heaven his brilliant influence rose, 
And while his acts the fear of God disclose, 
God Thang as model fit for the nine regions 
chose : " — 
such was the virtue of Thang. 

7. 'To Heaven belong the four seasons, spring, 
autumn, winter, summer, with wind, rain, hoar-frost, 
and dew ; — (in the action) of all and each of these 
there is a lesson. 



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282 THE lA Kl. 



BK. XXVI. 



' Earth contains the mysterious energy (of nature). 
That mysterious energy (produces) the wind and 
thunder-clap. By the wind and thunder-clap the 
(seeds of) forms are carried abroad, and the various 
things show the appearance of life : — in all and each 
of these things there is a lesson. 

8. 'When the personal character is pure and 
bright, the spirit and mind are like those of a 
spiritual being. When what such an one desires is 
about to come, there are sure to be premonitions 
of it in advance, (as when) Heaven sends down 
the seasonable rains, and the hills produce the 
clouds. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, 
Hi, ode 5, 1), 

" How grand and high, with hugest bulk, arise 
Those southern hills whose summits touch the 

skies! 
Down from them came a Spirit to the earth, 
And to the sires of Fu and Shan gave birth. 
In those two states our K&xl a bulwark has, 
O'er which the southern foemen dare not pass, 
And all its states they screen, and through them 

spread 
Lessons of virtue, by themselves displayed : " — 
such was the virtue of (kings) Wan and Wu. 

9. ' As to the kings (who founded) the three 
dynasties, it was necessary that they should be pre- 
ceded by the fame of their forefathers. As it is said 
in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 8, 6), 

" Very intelligent were the sons of Heaven, 
Their good fame was without end : " — 
such was the virtue of (the founders) of the three 
dynasties. 



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BK. XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN Jft). 283 

' (And again), 

" He displayed his civil virtues, 
And they permeated all parts of the kingdom:" — 
such was the virtue of king Thai.' 

10. 3 z e-hsia rose up with a sudden joy, and, stand- 
ing with his back to the wall, said, ' Your disciple 
dares not but receive (your instructions) with rever- 
ence.' 



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BOOK XXVII. FANG K\ 

OR 
RECORD OF THE DYKES 1 . 

i. According to what the Masters said, the ways 
laid down by the superior men may be compared to 
dykes, the object of which is to conserve that in 
which the people may be deficient ; and though they 
may be on a great scale, the people will yet pass 
over them. Therefore the superior men framed 
rules of ceremony for the conservation of virtue ; 
punishments to serve as a barrier against licentious- 
ness ; and declared the allotments (of Heaven), as 
a barrier against evil desires 2 . 

2. The Master said, ' The small man, when poor, 
feels the pinch of his straitened circumstances ; and 
when rich, is liable to become proud. Under the 
pinch of that poverty he may proceed to steal ; and 
when proud, he may proceed to deeds of disorder. 
The rules of propriety recognise these feelings of 
men, and lay down definite regulations for them, to 
serve as dykes for the people. Hence the sages 
dealt with riches and honours, so that riches should 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 41, 42. 

1 Any reader acquainted with Chinese will see that the character 
fang (jfm is used substantively and meaning 'a dyke,' and as a 
verb, ' to serve as a dyke.' But a dyke has two uses : — to conserve 
what is inside it, preventing its flowing away; and to ward off 
what is without, barring its entrance and encroachment. So the 
character is here used in both ways. The .Oien-lung editors 
insist on this twofold application of it, tersely and convincingly. 



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BK. XXVII. 



FANG Kt 285 



not have power to make men proud ; that poverty 
should not induce that feeling of being pinched ; and 
that men in positions of honour should not be intract- 
able to those above them. In this way the causes of 
disorder would more and more disappear.' 

3. The Master said, ' Under heaven the cases are 
few in which the poor yet find enjoyment 1 , the rich 
yet love the rules of propriety, and a family that is 
numerous (and strong) yet remains quiet and at 
peace. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, 
ode 3, 11), 

" The people desire disorder, 
And find enjoyment in bitter, poisonous ways." 

Hence it was made the rule that no state should have 
more than 1000 chariots, no chief city's wall more 
than 100 embrasures, no family, however rich, more 
than* 100 chariots. These regulations were intended 
for the protection of the people, and yet some of the 
lords of states rebelled against them.' 

4. The Master said, ' It is by, the rules of cere- 
mony that what is doubtful is displayed, and what is 
minute is distinguished, that they may serve as 
dykes for the people. Thus it is that there are the 
grades of the noble and the mean, the distinctions 
of dress, the different places at court ; and so the 
people (are taught to) give place to one another.' 

5. The Master said, ' There are not two suns in 
the sky, nor two kings in a territory, nor two 
masters in a family, nor two superiors of equal 
honour ; and the people are shown how the distinc- 
tion between ruler and subject should be maintained. 

1 Literally, ' the poor are fond of (enjoyment) ;' but the ' fond of 
is acknowledged to be an addition to the text. 



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286 THE Li jrf. 



BK. XXVII. 



The JCAun Kh\iX does not mention the funeral rites 
for the kings of Kk<X and Ytieh. According to the 
rules, the ruler of a state is not spoken of as 
" Heaven's," and a Great officer is not spoken of as 
" a ruler;" — lest the people should be led astray. It 
is said in the ode, 
" Look at (that bird) which in the night calls out for 

the morning 1 ." 
Even this is still occasion for being dissatisfied with it.' 

6. The Master said, ' A ruler does not ride in the 
same carriage with those of the same surname with 
himself ; and when riding with those of a different 
surname, he wears a different dress ; — to show the 
people that they should avoid what may give rise 
to suspicion. This was intended to guard the 
people (from incurring suspicion), and yet they 
found that there were those of the same surname 
who murdered their ruler 2 .' 

7. The Master said, ' The superior man will 
decline a position of high honour, but not one that is 
mean ; and riches, but not poverty. In this way con-- 
fusion and disorder will more and more disappear. 
Hence the superior man, rather than have his emolu- 
ments superior to his worth, will have his worth 
superior to his emoluments.' 

8. The Master said, ' In the matter of a cup of 
liquor and a dish of meat, one may forego his 
claim and receive that which is less than his due ; 

1 This is from one of the old pieces, which have been forgotten 
and lost. Is the bird alluded to the cock ? and where is the point 
of the reference? 

' The .A3Sien-Iung editors labour in vain to make this para- 
graph clear, and say that it is ' an error of errors ' to ascribe it to 
Confucius. 



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BK. XXVII. FANG si. 287 

and yet the people will try to obtain more than is 
due to their years. When one's mat has been 
spread for him in a high place, he may move 
and take his seat on a lower; and yet the people 
will try to occupy the place due to rank. From the 
high place due to him at court one may in his 
humility move to a meaner place ; and yet the people 
shall be intrusive even in the presence of the ruler. 
As it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode 
9.4), 

"When men in disputations fine 
To hear their consciences refuse, 
Then 'gainst each other they repine, 

And each maintains his special views. 
If one a place of rank obtain, 
And scorn humility to show, 
The others view him with disdain, 
And, wrangling, all to ruin go.'" 

9. The Master said, ' The superior man exalts 
others and abases himself; he gives the first place 
to others and takes the last himself ; — and thus the 
people are taught to be humble and yielding. Thus 
when he is speaking of the ruler of another state, he 
calls him " The Ruler ;" but when mentioning his 
own ruler, he calls him " Our ruler of little virtue." ' 

10. The Master said, ' When advantages and re- 
wards are given to the dead first 1 , and to the living 
afterwards, the people will not act contrarily to the 
(character of) the dead. When (the ruler) places 
those who are exiles (from and for their state) first, 
and those who remain in it last, the people may be 

1 The memory of the dead would be honoured, and titles given 
to them, while those they left behind would be supported. 



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288 the l! kI 



BK. XXVII. 



trusted with (the most arduous duties). It is said in 
the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 3, 4), 

"In thinking of our deceased lord, 
She stimulated worthless me." 

When this dyke is set up for the people, will they 
still act contrarily to the dead and have to bewail 
their lot, with none to whom to appeal ?' 

1 1. The Master said, ' When the ruler of a state, 
with its clans, thinks much of the men and little of 
the emoluments (which he bestows on them), the 
people give place readily (to those men). When he 
thinks much of their ability, and little of the chariots 
(with which he rewards them), the people address 
themselves to elegant arts. Hence a superior man 
keeps his speech under control, while the small man 
is forward to speak.' 

12. The Master said, 'If superiors consider and 
are guided by the words of the people, the people, 
receive their gifts or commands as if they were 
from Heaven. If superiors pay no regard to the 
words of the people, the people put themselves in 
opposition to them. When inferiors do not receive 
the gifts of their superiors as if they were from 
Heaven, there ensues violent disorder. Hence, 
when the superior exhibits his confidence and 
courtesy in the government of the people, then the 
usages of the people in response to him are very 
great It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, 
ode 10, 3), 

" Remember what in days of old they spake, 
With grass and fuel-gatherers counsel take.'" 

13. The Master said, 'If (the ruler) ascribe what 
is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, the 



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IK. xxvii. FANG rt. 289 

people will not contend (among themselves). If he 
ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to 
himself, dissatisfactions will more and more dis- 
appear. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, 
ode 4, 2), 

" You had consulted the tortoise-shell ; you had 
consulted the stalks; 
In their responses there was nothing unfavour- 
able."* 

14. The Master said, 'If (the ruler) ascribe what 
is good to others and what is wrong to himself, the 
people will yield to others (the credit of) what is 
good in them. It is said in the Book of Poetry 
(III, i, ode 10, 7), 

"He examined and divined, did the king, 
About settling in the capital of Hao. 
The tortoise-shell decided the site, 
And king Wu completed the city.'" 

15. The Master said, ' If (ministers) ascribe what 
is good to their ruler and what is wrong to them- 
selves, the people will become loyal. It is said in 
the Book of History (V, xxi, 6), 

' " When you have any good plans or counsels, 
enter and lay them before your ruler in the court; 
and thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accord- 
ance with them, say, ' This plan, or this view, is all 
due to the virtue of our ruler!' Oh! in this way 
how good and distinguished will you be ! "' 

16. The Master said, ' If (a ruler, being a son,) 
ascribe what is good to his father, and what is wrong 
to himself, the people will become filial. It is said 
in " The Great Declaration," " If I subdue A'au, it 
will not be my prowess, but the faultless virtue of 

08] U 

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290 THE lA Zt. 



BK. XXVII. 



my deceased father Wan. If A'au subdues me, it 
will not be from any fault of my deceased father 
Wan, but because I, who am as a little child, am not 
good"' (Shu, V, i, sect. 3, 6). 

1 7. The Master said, ' A superior man will forget 
and not make much of the errors of his father, 
and will show his reverence for his excellence. It is 
said in the Lun Yii (I, xi), " He who for three years 
does not change from the way of his father, may be 
pronounced filial;" and in the Kao 3 un g (Shu, III, 
viii, 1) it is said, " For three years he kept without 
speaking ; when he did speak, they were delighted.'" 

1 8. The Master said, ' To obey (his parents') 
commands without angry (complaint) ; to remon- 
strate with them gently without being weary ; and 
not to murmur against them, though they punish 
him, may be pronounced filial piety. It is said in 
the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 5), 

"Your filial son was unceasing in his service."' 

19. The Master said, ' To cultivate harmony with 
all the kindred of parents may be pronounced 
filial! It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, 
ode 9, 3), 

" Brethren whose virtue stands the test, 

By bad example still unchanged, 
Their generous feelings manifest, 

Nor grow among themselves estranged. 
But if their virtue weakly, fails 

The evil influence to withstand, 
Then selfishness o'er love prevails, 

And troubles rise on every hand.'" 

20. The Master said, ' (A son) may ride in the 
chariot of an intimate friend of his father, but he 



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BK. XXVII. 



FANG XL 201 



should not wear his robes. By this (rule) the 
superior man widens (the sphere of) his filial duty.' 

21. The Master said, 'Small men are all able to 
support their parents. If the superior man do not 
also reverence them, how is his supporting to be 
distinguished (from theirs)?' 

22. The Master said, ' Father and son should not 
be in the same (official) position ; — to magnify the 
reverence (due to the father). It is said in the Book 
of History (Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 3), " If the sovereign 
do not show himself the sovereign, he disgraces his 
ancestors." ' 

23. The Master said, ' Before his parents (a son) 
should not speak of himself as old ; he may speak 
of the duty due to parents, but not of the gentle 
kindness due from them ; inside the female apart- 
ments he may sport, but should not sigh. By these 
(rules) the superior man would protect the people 
(from evil), and still they are found slight in their 
acknowledgment of filial duty, and prompt in their 
appreciation of gentle kindness.' 

24. The Master said, ' When they who are over 
the people show at their courts their respect for the 
old, the people become filial.' 

25. The Master said, 'The (use of) the represen- 
tatives of the deceased at sacrifices, and of one who 
presides (at the services) in the ancestral temple, was 
intended to show the people that they had still those 
whom they should serve. The repairing of the 
ancestral temple and the reverential performance of 
the sacrifices were intended to teach the people 
to follow their dead with their filial duty. These 
things should guard the people (from evil), and still 
they are prone to forget their parents.' 

u 2 



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292 THE L! Jft. 



BK. XX VII. 



r 26. The Master said, 'When (it is wished to) 
< show respect (to guests), the vessels of sacrifice are 
used 1 . Thus it is that the superior man will not in 
the poverty of his viands neglect the rules of cere- 
mony, nor in their abundance and excellence make 
j those rules disappear. Hence, according to the rules 
1 of feasting, when the host gives in person anything 
to a guest, the guest offers a portion in sacrifice, 
but he does not do so with what the host does not 
himself give him. Therefore, when there is no 
1 ceremony in the gift, however admirable it may be, 
V_ the superior man does not partake of it J It is said 
in the Yi, " The ox slain in sacrifice by the neighbour 
on the east is not equal to the spare spring sacrifice 
of the neighbour on the west, (whose sincerity) 
receives the blessing 2 ." It is said in the Book of 
Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 1), 

"You have made us drink to the full of your 
spirits, 
You have satiated us with your virtue." 

But though in this way the people are admonished, 
they will still keep striving after profit, and forget 
righteousness.' 

27. The Master said, ' There are the seven days 
of fasting, and the three days of vigil and adjustment 
of the thoughts ; there is the appointment of the one 
man to act as the personator of the dead, in passing 
whom it is required to adopt a hurried pace : — all to 
teach reverence (for the departed).' 



1 This would be in the entertainment, at the close of the sacri- 
fices, given to the relatives and others who had taken part in them. 

1 This is the symbolism of the fifth line of the 63rd Hexagram 
(ATi 3t). See vol. xvi, pp. 206-208. 



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Br. zxvn. fang jrt. 293 

The sweet liquor is in the apartment (where the 
personator is); the reddish in the hall; and the clear 
in the court below : — all to teach the people not to 
go to excess in being greedy 1 . 

The personator drinks three cups, and all the 
guests drink one : — teaching the people that there 
must be the distinction of high and low. 

The ruler takes the opportunity of the spirits and 
flesh of his sacrifice to assemble all the members of his 
kindred : — teaching the people to cultivate harmony. 

Thus it is that on the hall above they look at 
what is~Mone in the apartment, and in the court 
below at what is done by those in the hall (for their 
pattern) ; as it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, 
vi, ode 5, 3), 

' Every form is according to rule ; 
Every smile and word is as it should be.' 

28. The Master said, 'The giving place to a 
visitor at every stage of his advancing (from the en- 
trance gate), according to the rules for visitors ; and 
the repetition of the ceremonies, according to the 
mourning rites, in an ever-increasing distance from 
the apartment of the corpse ; the washing of the 
corpse over the pit in the centre of the open court ; 
the putting the rice into the mouth under the win- 
dow; the slighter dressing of the corpse inside the 
door of the apartment ; the greater dressing at the 
top of the steps on the east; the coffining in the 
place for guests ; the sacrifice on taking the road 
(with the coffin) in the courtyard ; and the interment 
in the grave : — these were intended to teach the 
people how Ihe element of distance enters into the 

* The best liquor was in the lowest place. 

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294 THE L * zl' BK - "vir. 

usages. Under the Yin dynasty they condoled with 
the mourners at the grave ; they do so under 75T4u 
in the house : — showing the people that they should 
not neglect the custom.' 

The Master said, ' (These services in connexion 
with) death are the last duties which the people have 
to pay (to their departed). I follow A'au in them. 
They were intended to serve as guards to the people 
(to keep them from error). Among the princes, 
however, there still were those who did not attend 
the burials of other princes, and take part in them 1 .' 

29. The Master said, ' The going up to the hall 
by the steps for the guests, and receiving the con- 
dolences sent to him in the guests' place, are designed 
to teach the filial to continue their filial duty even 
to the dead. 

' Until the mourning rites are finished, a son is not 
styled " Ruler:" — showing the people that there ought 
to be no contention (between father and son). Hence 
in the A"^un A7/iu of Lu, recording deaths in 3'n, it 
is said, "(Li Kho) killed Hs!-££t, the son of his ruler, 
and his ruler Kho*:" — a barrier was thus raised to 
prevent the people (from doing such deeds). And 
yet there were sons who still murdered their fathers.' 

30. The Master said, ' Filial duty may be trans- 
ferred to the service of the ruler, and brotherly sub- 

1 It is not easy to determine the meaning of the text in this 
sentence. Chinese writers differ about it among themselves. The 
whole paragraph, indeed, is confused ; and the second ' The 
Master said' should probably form a paragraph by itself. 

* This forms two entries in the Khan. Kh\% under the ninth and 
tenth years of duke Hsf. The first notice is according to the rule 
about a son of a feudal prince being still only called ' Son' till the 
mourning for his father was completed, and the second is contrary 
to it. The concluding remark is also away from the point. 



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BK. XXVII. FANG ft. 295 

mission to the service of elders : — showing the people 
that they ought not to be double-minded. Hence a 
superior man, while his ruler is alive, should not take 
counsel about taking office (in another state). It is 
only on the day of his consulting the tortoise-shell 
(about such a thing) that he will mention two rulers 1 .' 

' The mourning for a father lasts for three years, 
and that for a ruler the same time : — showing the 
people that they must not doubt (about the duty 
which they owe to their ruler). 

'While his parents are alive, a son should not 
dare to consider his wealth as his own, nor to hold 
any of it as for his own private use : — showing the 
people how they should look on the relation between 
high and low. Hence the son of Heaven cannot be 
received with the ceremonies of a guest anywhere 
within the four seas, and no one can presume to be 
his host Hence, also, when a ruler goes to a minis- 
ter's (mansion) he goes up to the hall by the (host's) 
steps on the east and proceeds to the place (of honour) 
in the hall : showing the people that they should not 
dare to consider their houses their own. 

' While his parents are alive, the gifts presented to 
a son should not extend to a carriage and its team : — 
showing the people that they should not dare to 
monopolise (any honours). 

' All these usages were intended to keep the people 
from transgressing their proper bounds ; and yet there 
are those who forget their parents, and are double- 
minded to their ruler.' 

31. The Master said, 'The ceremony takes place 
before the silks (offered in connexion with it) are 

1 The translation here is according to a view appended by the 
ATAien-lung editors to the usual notes on the sentence. 



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296 THE hi Jft. M. XXVJI. 

presented : — this is intended to teach the people to 
make the doing of their duties the first thing, and 
their salaries an after consideration. If money be 
sought first and the usages of propriety last, then the 
people will be set on gain : if the mere feeling be 
acted on, without any expressions (of courtesy and 
deference), there will be contentions among the 
people. Hence the superior man, when presents are 
brought to him, if he cannot see him who offers 
them, does not look at the presents. It is said in 
the Yl, "He reaps without having ploughed that he 
may reap; he gathers the produce of the third year's 
field without having cultivated them the first year ;-— 
there will be evil 1 ." In this way it is sought to guard 
the people, and yet there are of them who value their 
emoluments and set little store by their practice.' 

32. The Master said, 'The superior man does not 
take all the profit that he might do, but leaves some 
for the people. It is said in the Book of Poetry 
(II, vi, ode 8, 3), 

" There shall be handfuls left on the ground, 
And ears here and there left untouched ; — 
For the benefit of the widow." 

'Hence, when a superior man is in office (and 
enjoys its emoluments), he does not go in for farm- 
ing ; if he hunts, he does not (also) fish ; he eats the 
(fruits of the) season, and is not eager for delicacies ; 
if a Great officer, he does not sit on sheepskins ; if 
a lower officer, he does not sit on dogskins. It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 10, 1), 

1 See the symbolism of line 2, of the 25th Hexagram, vol. xvi, 
pp. no, in. The last character here is not in the Yi, and a 
different moral seems to be drawn from the whole. 



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BK. xx vii. PANG kI. ^^1 ■' 2 97 



"When we gather the mustard-plant and earth- 
melons, 
We do not reject them because of their roots. 
While I do nothing contrary to my good name, 
I should live with you till our death." 

In this way it was intended to guard the people 
against loving wrong ; and still some forget righteous- 
ness and struggle for gain, even to their own ruin.' 

33. The Master said, ' The ceremonial usages 
serve as dykes to the people against bad excesses 
(to which they are prone). They display the separa- 
tion which should be maintained (between the sexes), 
that there may be no occasion for suspicion, and the 
relations of the people be well defined. It is said in , 
the Book of Poetry (I, viii, ode vi, 3, 4), 

" How do we proceed in hewing an axe-handle ? 
Without another axe it cannot be done. 
How do we proceed in taking a wife ? 
Without a go-between it cannot be done. 
How do we proceed in planting hemp ? 
The acres must be dressed length-wise and cross- 
wise. 
How do we proceed in taking a wife ? 
Announcement must first be made to our parents." 

In this way it was intended to guard the people 
(against doing wrong), and still there are some 
(women) among them, who offer themselves (to 
the male).' 

34. The Master said, 'A man in taking a wife 
does not take one of the same surname with him- 
self : — to show broadly the distinction (to be main- 
tained between man and wife). Hence, when a man 
is buying a concubine, if he do not know her surname, 



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298 THE lA zt BK. XXVII. 

he consults the tortoise-shell about it. In this way 
it was intended to preserve the people (from going 
wrong in the matter) ; and yet the A^un Khld. of 
Lu still suppresses the surname of duke Aao's wife, 
simply saying " Wu," and the record of her death is 
" Mang (the elder) 3ze died 1 ." ' 

35. The Master said, 'According to the rules, male 
and female do not give the cup to one another, ex- 
cepting at sacrifice. This was intended to guard the 
people against (undue freedom of intercourse) ; and 
yet the marquis of Yang killed the marquis of Mu, 
and stole away his wife 2 . Therefore the presence 
of the wife at the grand entertainments was dis- 
allowed.' 

36. The Master said, 'With the son of a widow 
one does not have interviews : — this would seem to 
be an obstacle to friendship, but a superior man will 
keep apart from intercourse in such a case, in order 
to avoid (suspicion). Hence, in the intercourse of 
friends, if the master of the house be not in, a visitor, 
unless there is some great cause, does not enter the 
door. This was intended to preserve the people 
(from all appearance of evil) ; and yet there are of 
them who pay more regard to beauty than to virtue.' 

37. The Master said, ' The love of virtue should 
be like the love of beauty (from an inward constraint). 
Princes of states should not be like fishers for beauty 

1 The latter entry is found in the K/mn Khih, under the twelfth 
year of duke Ai. The lady's surname is not found in that JTing 
at all; and Confucius himself probably suppressed it. Compare 
what is said in the Analects, VII, 30, where the sage, on the same 
subject, does not appear to more advantage than he does here. 

* Who these princes were, or what were the circumstances of 
the case, is not known. 



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BK. XXVII. 



FANG *L 299 



(in the families) below them. Hence the superior 
man keeps aloof from beauty, in order to constitute 
a rule for the people. Thus male and female, in 
giving and receiving, do not allow their hands to 
touch ; in driving his wife in a carriage, a husband 
advances his left hand ; when a young aunt, a sister, 
or a daughter has been married, and returns (to her 
father's house), no male can sit on the same mat 
with her ; a widow should not wail at night ; when a 
wife is ill, in asking for her, the nature of her illness 
should not be mentioned : — in this way it was sought 
to keep the people (from irregular connexions) ; and 
yet there are those who become licentious, and intro- 
duce disorder and confusion among their kindred.' 

38. The Master said, ' According to the rules of 
marriage, the son-in-law should go in person to meet 
the bride. When he is introduced to her father and 
mother, they bring her forward, and give her to 
him 1 : — being afraid things should go contrary to 
what is right. In this way a dyke is raised in the 
interest of the people ; and yet there are cases in 
which the wife will not go (to her husband's) V 

1 ' Warning her, at the same time, to see that she reverenced her 
husband.' 

* We should rather say here — ' in which the bride will not go 
to the bridegroom's.' The commentators do not give instances in 
point from the records of Chinese history. Perhaps the Master 
merely meant to say that there were cases in which the bride did 
not go to her new home in the spirit of reverence and obedience 
enjoined upon her. 



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BOOK XXVIII. /HJNG YUNG 

OR 
THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND HARMONY 1 . 

Section I. 

i. What Heaven has conferred is called the 
Nature. An accordance with this nature is called 
the Path of Duty; the regulation of this path is 
called the System of Instruction. 

2. The path should not be left for an instant ; if 
it could be left, it would not be the path. 

3. On this account the superior man does not wait 
till he sees things to be cautious, nor till he hears 
things to be apprehensive. 

4. There is nothing more visible than what is 
secret, and nothing more manifest than what is 
minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful 
over himself when he is alone. 

5. When there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, 
sorrow, or joy, we call it the State of Equi- 
librium. When those feelings have been stirred, 
and all in their due measure and degree, we call it 
the State of Harmony. This Equilibrium is 
the great root (from which grow all the human 
actings) in the world; and this Harmony is the 
universal path (in which they should all proceed). 

6. Let the State of Equilibrium and Har- 
mony exist in perfection, and heaven and earth 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 42, 43. 

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SECT. I. tfUNG YUNG. 30I 

would have their (right) places, (and do their 
proper work), and all things would be nourished 
(and flourish) 1 . 

7. Aung-nl' said, 'The superior man (exhibits) 
the state of equilibrium and harmony *; the small 

1 These six short paragraphs may be considered a summary of 
the Confucian doctrine, and a sort of text to the sermon which 
follows in the rest of the Treatise ; — the first chapter of it. The 
commencing term, Heaven, gives us, vaguely, the idea of a 
supreme, righteous, and benevolent Power; while 'heaven and 
earth,' in paragraph 6, bring before us the material heaven and 
earth with inherent powers and capabilities, by the interaction of 
which all the phenomena of production, growth, and decay are 
produced. Midway between these is Man; and nothing is wanting 
to make a perfectly happy world but his moral perfection, evidenced 
by his perfect conformity to the right path, the path of duty. ' The 
superior man,' in paragraph 3, has evidently the moral signification 
of the name in its highest degree. He is the man ' who embodies 
the path ("^ ^ ^ /\)-' The description of him in para- 
graph 4, that ' he is watchful over himself when alone,' is, literally, 
that 'he is watchful over his solitariness, — his aloneness,' that ' soli- 
tariness ' being, I conceive, the ideal of his own nature to which every 
man in his best and highest moments is capable of attaining. 

* See the introductory notice of Book XXV. 

' Formerly I translated this by 'The superior man (embo- 
dies) the course of the mean.' Zottoli gives for it, ' Sapiens 
vir tenet medium;' Remnsat, 'Le sage tient invariablement 
le milieu,' and 'Sapiens medio constat.' The two characters 
JSTung yung (rfj l||f), however, are evidently brought on from 
the preceding chapter, yung (JJ|f) being used instead of the ho 
(Jffi) in paragraphs 5 and 6. In the Khang-hst dictionary, we 
find that yung is defined by ho, among other terms, with a 
reference to a remark of A"ang Hsttan, preserved by Lu Teh-ming, 
that ' the Book is named the JPung Yung, because it records the 
practice of the A'ung Ho.' AUng was obliged to express himself 
so, having defined the yung of the title by another yung (Jffi\), 
meaning 'use' or 'practice.' But both Aung and yung are 
adjectival terms used substantively. 



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302 THE L! Kt. BK. XXVIII. 

man presents the opposite of those states. The 
superior man exhibits them, because he is the superior 
man, and maintains himself in them ; the small man 
presents the opposite of them, because he is the small 
man, and exercises no apprehensive caution.' 

8. The Master said, ' Perfect is the state of equi- 
librium and harmony ! Rare have they long been 
among the people who could attain to it ! ' 

9. The Master said, ' I know how it is that the 
Path is not walked in. The knowing go beyond it, 
and the stupid do not come up to it. The worthy 
go beyond it, and the unworthy do not come up to it. 
There is nobody but eats and drinks ; but they are 
few who can distinguish the flavours (of what they 
eat and drink) 1 .' 

10. The Master said, 'Ah! how is the path un- 
trodden ! ' 

11. The Master said, 'Was not Shun grandly 
wise ? Shun loved to question others, and to study 
their words though they might be shallow. He 
concealed what was bad (in them), and displayed 
what was good. He laid hold of their two extremes, 
determined the mean 2 between them, and used it in 
(his government of) the people. It was this that 
made him Shun!' 

1 2. The Master said, ' Men all say, "We are wise ;" 
but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap, 
or a pitfall, not one of them knows how to escape. 
Men all say, "We are wise ;" but when they have 
chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, they 
are not able to keep in it for a round month.' 

1 Men eat and drink without knowing why or what. 
* Here Kxmg has the signification of ' the mean/ the just 
medium between two extremes. 



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SECT. I. tfUNG YUNG. 303 

1 3. The Master said, ' This was the character of 
Hui : — Having chosen the state of equilibrium and 
harmony, when he found any one thing that was good, 
he grasped it firmly, wore it on his breast, and did not 
let it go 1 .' 

14. The Master said, 'The kingdom, its states, 
and clans may be perfectly ruled ; dignities and 
emoluments may be declined ; but the state of equi- 
librium and harmony cannot be attained to.' 

15. 3 z e-lu a asked about fortitude. 16. The Master 
said, ' Do you mean the fortitude of the South, the 
fortitude of the North, or your fortitude ?' 17. To 
show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others \ 
and not to return conduct towards one's self which 
is contrary to the right path : — this is the forti- 
tude of the South, and the good man makes it his 
study. 1 8. To lie under arms, and to die without 
regret: — this is the bravery of the North, and the bold 
make it their study. 19. Therefore, the superior man 
cultivates a (friendly) harmony, and is not weak ; — 
how firm is he in his fortitude I He stands erect in 
the middle, and does not incline to either side; — 
how firm is he in his fortitude ! If right ways pre- 
vail in (the government of his state), he does not 
change from what he was in retirement ; — how firm 
is he in his fortitude 1 If bad ways prevail, he will 
die sooner than change ; — how firm is he in his 
fortitude!' 

20. The Master said, 'To search for what is 

1 3ze-hui was Yen Yuan, Confucius' favourite disciple. 

* 3ze-lu was Aung Yu, another celebrated disciple, famous for 
his bravery. 'Your fortitude,' in paragraph 16, is probably the 
fortitude which you ought to cultivate, that described in para- 
graph 19. 



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304 the hi z\. bk. xxvm. 

mysterious 1 , and practise marvellous (arts), in order 
to be mentioned with honour in future ages : — this 
is what I do not do. 21. The good man tries to 
proceed according to the (right) path, but when he 
has gone half-way, he abandons it ; — I am not able 
(so) to stop. 22. The superior man, acting in accord- 
ance with the state of equilibrium and harmony, 
may be all unknown and unregarded by the world, 
but he feels no regret : — it is only the sage who is 
able for this*. 

23. ' The way of the superior man reaches far and 
wide, and yet is secret 24. Common men and women, 
however ignorant, may intermeddle with the know- 
ledge of it ; but in its utmost reaches there is that 
which even the sage does not know. Common men 
and women, however much below the ordinary 
standard of character, can carry it into practice ; but in 
its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage 
cannot attain to. 25. Great as heaven and earth are, 
men still find things in their action with which to be 
dissatisfied 3 . 

26. ' Therefore, if the superior man were to speak 
(of this way) in its greatness, nothing in the world 
would be able to contain it ; and if he were to speak 
of it in its smallness, nothing in the world would be 

1 This is translated from a reading of the text, as old as the 
second Han dynasty. 

* With this ends the second chapter of the Treatise, in which 
the words of Confucius are so often quoted; specially it would 
appear, to illustrate what is meant by ' the state of equilibrium 
and harmony.' Yet there is a great want of definiteness and 
practical guidance about the utterances. 

* Who does not grumble occasionally at the weather, and dis- 
turbances apparently of regular order in the seasons? 



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SECT. I. KVUG YUNG. 305 

found able to divide it 27. It is said in the Book 
of Poetry (III, i, ode 5), 

" Up to heaven flies the hawk ; 
Fishes spring in the deep," 
telling how (the way) is seen above and below. 
28. The way of the superior man may be found 
in its simple elements among common men and 
women, but in its utmost reaches it is displayed in 
(the operations of) heaven and earth V 

29. The Master said, ' The path is not far from 
man. When men try to pursue a path which is 
far from what their nature suggests, it should not 
be considered the Path. 30. It is said in the Book 
of Poetry (I, xv, ode 5), 

" In hewing an axe-shaft, in hewing an axe-shaft, 
The pattern is not far off." 
We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other ; but if 
we look askance at it, we still consider it far off. 
31. Therefore the superior man governs men ac- 
cording to their humanity ; and when they change 
(what is wrong), he stops. 32. Fidelity to one's self 
and the corresponding reciprocity are not far from 
the path. What you do not like when done to 
yourself, do not do to others. 33. In the way 
of the superior man there are four things, to not 
one of which have I, .Oiu 2 , as yet attained. — To 

1 With this chapter commences, it is commonly and correctly 
held, the third part of the Treatise, intended to illustrate what is 
said in the second paragraph of it, that ' the path cannot be left 
for an instant.' The author proceeds to quote sayings of Confucius 
to make his meaning clear, but he does so ' in a miscellaneous 
way,' and so as to embrace some of the widest and most difficult 
exercises of Chinese thought 

s The name first given to Confucius by his parents. 
[28] X 



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306 THE Li k\. bk. xxvnr* 

serve my father as I would require my son to serve 
me, I am not yet able ; to serve my ruler as I would 
require my minister to serve me, I am not yet able ; 
to serve my elder brother as I would require a younger 
brother to serve me, I am not yet able ; to set the 
example in behaving to a friend as I would require 
him to behave to me, I am not yet able. 34. In 
the practice of the ordinary virtues, and attention to 
his ordinary words, if (the practice) be in anything 
defective, (the superior man) dares not but exert 
himself; if (his words) be in any way excessive, he 
dares not allow himself in such license. His words 
have respect to his practice, and his practice has 
respect to his words. 35. Is not the superior man 
characterised by a perfect sincerity ? 

36. ' The superior man does what is proper to the 
position in which he is ; he does not wish to go be- 
yond it. In a position of wealth and honour, he does 
what is proper to a position of wealth and honour. 
In a position of poverty and meanness, he does what 
is proper to a position of poverty and meanness. 
Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is 
proper in such a situation. In a position of sorrow 
and difficulty, he does what is proper in such a 
position. The superior man can find himself in no 
position in which he is not himself. 37. In a high 
situation, he does not insult or oppress those who 
are below him ; in a low situation, he does not cling 
to or depend on those who are above him. 

38. 'He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing 
from others ; and thus none feel dissatisfied with him. 
Above, he does not murmur against Heaven ; below, 
he does not find fault with men. 39. Therefore the 
superior man lives quietly and calmly, waiting for the 



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skct. i. tfUNG VUNG. 307 

appointments (of Heaven) ; while the mean man 
does what is full of risk, looking out for the turns of 
luck.' 40. The Master said, ' In archery we have 
something like (the way of) the superior man. When 
the archer misses the centre of the target, he turns 
round and seeks for the cause of his failure in 
himself. 

41. ' The way of the superior man may be com- 
pared to what takes place in travelling, when to go 
far we must traverse the space that is near, and in 
ascending a height we must begin from the lower 
ground. 42. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, i, 
ode 4, 7, 8), 

" Children and wife we love ; 

Union with them is sweet, 
As lute's soft strain, that soothes our pain. 

How joyous do we meetl 

But brothers more than they 

Can satisfy the heart. 
'Tis their accord does peace afford, 

And lasting joy impart. 

For ordering of your homes, 

For joy with child and wife, 
Consider well the truth I tell; — 

This is the charm of life ! " ' 

43. The Master said, ' How complacent are 
parents (in such a state of things) ! ' 

44. The Master said, ' How abundant and rich 
are the powers possessed and exercised by Spiritual 
Beings ! We look for them, but do not see them ; 
we listen for, but do not hear them ; they enter into 
all things, and nothing is without them 1 . 45. They 

1 We hardly see the relevancy of pars. 44-47 as illustrating the 

X 2 



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308 THE Lt zt. BK. xxvm. 

cause all under Heaven to fast and purify themselves, 
and to array themselves in their richest dresses in 
order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, like over- 
flowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and 
on the left and right (of their worshippers). 46. It 
is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7), 
" The Spirits come, but when and where, 

No one beforehand can declare. 

The more should we not Spirits slight, 

But ever feel as in their sight" 

47. ' Such is the manifestness of what is minute. 
Such is the impossibility of repressing the outgoings 
of sincerity ! ' 

48. The Master said, ' How greatly filial was 
Shun ! His virtue was that of a sage ; his dignity 
was that of the son of Heaven ; his riches were all 
within the four seas; his ancestral temple enjoyed 
his offerings; his descendants preserved (those to) 
himself. 49. Thus it was that with his great virtue 
he could not but obtain his position, his riches, his 
fame, and his long life. 50. Therefore Heaven, in 

statement that ' the path cannot be left.' They bear rather on the 
next statement of the first chapter, the manifestness of that which is 
most minute, and serve to introduce the subject of ' sincerity,' 
which is dwelt upon so much in the last part of the Treatise. But 
what are the Spirits or Spiritual Beings that are spoken of? In 
paragraphs 45, 46, they are evidently the spirits sacrificed to in 
the ancestral temple and spirits generally, according to our meaning 
of the term. The difficulty is with the name in paragraph 44, the 
Kwei Shan there. Remusat renders the phrase simply by 'les 
esprits/and in his Latin version by 'spiritus geniique,' as also 
does Zottoli. Wylie gives for it ' the Spiritual Powers.' Of course £&a 
Hst and all the Sung scholars take it, according to their philosophy, 
as meaning the phenomena of expansion and contraction, the dis- 
plays of the Power or Powers, working under Heaven, in nature. 



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SECT. I. STUNG YUNG. 309 

producing things, is sure to be bountiful to them 
according to their qualities. 51. Thus it nourishes 
the tree that stands flourishing, and that which is 
ready to fall it overthrows. 52. It is said in the 
Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 5, 1), 

"What brilliant virtue does our king, 
Whom all admire and love, display ! 
People and officers all sing 
The praise of his impartial sway. 

Heaven to his sires the kingdom gave, 
And him with equal favour views, 

Heaven's strength and aid will ever save 
The throne whose grant it oft renews." 

Hence (we may say that) he who is greatly virtuous 
is sure to receive the appointment (of Heaven).' 

53. The Master said, ' It is only king Wan of 
whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief ! 
His father was king Ki, and his son was king Wu. 
His father laid the foundations of his dignity, and 
his son transmitted it. 54. King Wu continued the 
line and enterprise of kings Thai, Ki, and Win. Once 
for all he buckled on his armour, and got possession 
of all under heaven ; and all his life he did not lose 
the illustrious name of being that possessor. His 
dignity was that of the son of Heaven ; his riches 
were all within the four seas ; his ancestral temple 
enjoyed his offerings ; and his descendants preserved 
those to himself. 55. It was in his old age that 
king Wu received the appointment (to the throne), 
and the duke of Aau completed the virtuous achieve- 
ments of Wan and Wu. He carried back the title 
of king to Thai and Ki, sacrificing also to all the 
dukes before them with the ceremonies of the son 



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3IO THE l! kI. BK. XXVIII. 

of Heaven. And the practice was extended as a 
rule to all the feudal princes, the Great officers, 
all other officers, and the common people. If the 
father were a Great officer, and the son an inferior 
officer, the former was buried with the ceremonies 
due to a Great officer, and sacrificed to with those 
due by an inferior officer. If the father were an 
ordinary officer, and the son a Great officer, the 
burial was that of an ordinary officer, and the sacri- 
fices those of a Great officer. The one year's 
mourning extended up to Great officers ; the three 
years' mourning extended to the son of Heaven 
(himself). In the mourning for a father or mother 
no difference was made between the noble and the 
mean ; — it was one and the same for all.' 

56. The Master said, ' How far-extending was the 
filial piety of king Wu and the duke of A"au ! Now 
filial piety is the skilful carrying out of the wishes of 
our forefathers, and the skilful carrying on of their 
undertakings. In spring and autumn * they repaired 
and beautified the temple-halls of their ancestors, 
set forth their ancestral vessels, displayed their 
dresses, and presented the offerings of the several 
seasons. 57. By means of the ceremonies of the 
ancestral temple, they maintained the order of their 
ancestors sacrificed to, here on the left, there on the 
right, according as they were father or son; by 
arranging the parties present according to their rank, 
they distinguished between the more noble and the 
less; by the arrangement of the various services, 
they made a distinction of the talents and virtue of 



1 Two seasons, instead of the four, as in the title of the Khun 

Km. 



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sect. I. tfUNG YUNG. 311 

those discharging them ; in the ceremony of general 
pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to the 
superiors, and thus something was given to the 
lowest to do ; at the (concluding) feast, places were 
given according to the hair, and thus was made the 
distinction of years. 58. They occupied the places 
(of their forefathers) ; practised their ceremonies ; 
performed their music ; showed their respect for 
those whom they honoured ; and loved those whom 
they regarded with affection. Thus they served 
the dead as they served them when alive, and served 
the departed as they would have served them if they 
had been continued among them : — all this was the 
perfection of filial duty. 

59. ' By the ceremonies of the border sacrifices (to 
Heaven and Earth) they served God, and by those 
of the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their fore- 
fathers \ 60. If one understood the ceremonies of 
the border sacrifices and the meaning of the sacrifices 
of the ancestral temple, it would be as easy for him 
to rule a state as to look into his palm 2 .' 

1 The phraseology of this paragraph and the next is to be taken 
in accordance with the usage of terms in the chapters on Sacrifices. 

* With this ends, according to the old division of the Treatise, 
followed by the ATAien-lung editors, the first section of it ; and with 
it, we may say, ends also the special quotation by the author of the 
words of Confucius to illustrate what is said in the first chapter 
about the path being never to be left. The relevancy of much of 
what we read from paragraph 24 downwards to the purpose which 
it is said to serve, it is not easy for us to appreciate. All that the 
Master says from paragraph 48 seems rather to belong to a 
Treatise on Filial Piety than to one on the States of Equilibrium 
and Harmony. 



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312 THE Ll Jft. BK. XXVIII. 



Section II. 

i. Duke Ai asked about government 1 . The 
Master said, ' The government of Wan and Wu is 
exhibited in (the Records), — the tablets of wood and 
bamboo. Let there be the men, and their govern- 
ment would (again) flourish ; but without the men, 
their government must cease. 2. With the (right) 
men the growth of government is rapid, (just as) 
in the earth the growth of vegetation is rapid. 
3. Government is (like) an easily-growing rush 2 . 4. 
Therefore the exercise of government depends on 
(getting) the proper men. 5. (Such) men are to be 
got by (the ruler's) own character. That character 
is to be cultivated by his pursuing the right course. 
That course is to be cultivated by benevolence. 
6. Benevolence is (the chief element in) humanity s , 
and the greatest exercise of it is in the love of rela- 
tives. Righteousness is (the accordance of actions 
with) what is right, and the greatest exercise of it is 
in the honour paid to the worthy. The decreasing 

1 A considerable portion of this chapter, with variations and 
additions, is found in the Narratives of the School, forming the 
17th article of that compilation. It may very well stand by itself; 
but the author of the Aung Yung adopted it, and made it fit into 
his own way of thinking. 

' Literally, ' a typha or a phragmites.' Such is Kb Hsf s view 
of the text The old commentators took a different view, which 
appears to me, and would appear to my readers, very absurd. 

* Literally, ' Benevolence is Man (f~* ^ A -A,);' a remark- 
able saying, found elsewhere in the Lf K\, and also in Mencius. 
The value of it is somewhat marred by what follows about ' righteous- 
ness ' and ' propriety.' 



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SECT. II. tfUNG YUNG. 313 

measures in the love of relatives, and the steps in 
the honour paid to the worthy, are produced by (the 
principle of) propriety. 7. When those in inferior 
situations do not obtain (the confidence of) their 
superiors, the people cannot be governed success- 
fully 1 . 8. Therefore the wise ruler should not 
neglect the cultivation of his character. Desiring 
to cultivate his character, he should not neglect to 
serve his parents. Desiring to serve his parents, 
he should not neglect to know men. Desiring to 
know men, he should not neglect to know Heaven. 
9. The universal path for all under heaven is five- 
fold, and the (virtues) by means of which it is 
trodden are three. There are ruler and minister; 
father and son; husband and wife; elder brother 
and younger; and the intercourse of friend and 
friend: — (the duties belonging to) these five (relation- 
ships) constitute the universal path for all. Wisdom, 
benevolence, and fortitude: — these three are the 
universal virtues of all. That whereby these are 
carried into exercise is one thing*. 10. Some are 
born with the knowledge of these (duties) ; some 
know them by study ; and some know them as the 
result of painful experience. But the knowledge 
being possessed, it comes to one and the same thing. 
11. Some practise them with the ease of nature; 
some for the sake of their advantage ; and some by 

1 This short sentence is evidently out of place. It is found 
again farther on in its proper place. It has slipped in here by 
mistake. There is a consent of opinion, ancient and modern, on 
this point 

* * One thing ; ' literally ' one,' which might be translated ' sin- 
gleness,' meaning, probably, the ' solitariness ' of chapter i, or the 
' sincerity ' of which we read so often in the sequel. 



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314 THE Li Ki. 



BK. XXVIII. 



dint of strong effort. But when the work of them 
is done, it comes to one and the same thing V 

12. The Master said, ' To be fond of learning is 
near to wisdom ; to practise with vigour is near to 
benevolence ; to know to be ashamed is near to 
fortitude. He who knows these three things, knows 
how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how 
to cultivate his own character, he knows how to 
govern other men. Knowing how to govern other 
men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with its 
states and families. 

1 3. 'All who have the government of the kingdom 
with its states and families have nine standard rules 
to follow: — the cultivation of themselves; the honour- 
ing of the worthy ; affection towards their relatives ; 
respect towards their great ministers; kind and 
sympathetic treatment of the whole body of officers ; 
dealing with the mass of the people as their children ; 
encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans ; 
indulgent treatment of men from a distance ; and 
the kindly cherishing of the princes of the states. 

14. 'By (the ruler's) cultivation of himself there is 
set up (the example of) the course (which all should 
pursue) ; by his honouring of the worthy, he will be 
preserved from errors of judgment ; by his showing 
affection towards his relatives, there will be no dis- 
satisfaction among his uncles and brethren ; by 
respecting the great ministers he will be kept 
from mistakes ; by kindly treatment of the whole 
body of officers, they will be led to make the most 

1 After this, it follows in the 'Narratives:' — The duke said, 
' Your words are admirable, are perfect ; but I am really stupid 
and unable to fulfil them.' 



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SECT. II. KVUG YUNG. 3 1 5 

grateful return for his courtesies; by dealing with 
the mass of the people as his children, they will be 
drawn to exhort one another (to what is good) ; by 
encouraging the resort of artisans, his wealth for ex- 
penditure will be rendered sufficient ; by indulgent 
treatment of men from a distance, they will come to 
him from all quarters ; by his kindly cherishing of the 
princes of the states, all under heaven will revere him. 
15. 'The adjustment of all his thoughts, purifica- 
tion, arraying himself in his richest dresses, and the 
avoiding of every movement contrary to the rules of 
propriety ; — this is the way in which (the ruler) must 
cultivate his own character. Discarding slanderers, 
keeping himself from (the seductions of) beauty, 
making light of riches and honouring virtue : — this 
is the way by which he will encourage the worthy. 
Giving his relatives places of honour, and large 
emolument, and entering into sympathy with them 
in their likes and dislikes : — this is the way by which 
he can stimulate affection towards relatives. Giving 
them numerous officers to discharge their functions 
and execute their orders : — this is the way by which 
he will stimulate his Great ministers. According 
to them a generous confidence, and making their 
emoluments large : — this is the way by which he will 
stimulate (the body of) his officers. Employing them 
(only) at the regular times and making the imposts 
light : — this is the way by which he will stimulate the 
people. Daily examinations and monthly trials, and 
rations and allowances in proportion to the work 
done : — this is the way in which he will stimulate the 
artisans. Escorting them on their departure, and 
meeting them on their coming, commending the 
good among them and showing pity to the incom- 



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316 THE Li zt. BK. xxvm. 

petent: — this is the way in which he will manifest his 
indulgent treatment of men from a distance. Con- 
tinuing families whose line of succession has been 
broken, reviving states that have ceased to exist, 
reducing confusion to order, supporting where there 
is peril ; having fixed times for receiving the princes 
themselves and their envoys; sending them away 
after liberal treatment and with liberal gifts, and re- 
quiring from them small offerings on their coming: — 
this is the way in which he will cherish with kindness 
the princes of the states. 

1 6. 'AH who have the government of the king- 
dom with its states and families have these nine 
standard rules to attend to. That whereby they are 
carried into exercise is one thing. In all things 
success depends on previous preparation ; without 
such preparation there is failure. If what is to be 
spoken be determined beforehand, there will be no 
stumbling in the utterance. If the things to be done 
be determined beforehand, there will be no difficulty 
with them. If actions to be performed be deter- 
mined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with 
them. If actions to be performed be determined 
beforehand, there will be no sorrow or distress in 
connexion with them. If the courses to be pursued 
be determined beforehand, the pursuit of them will 
be inexhaustible \ 

1 7. ' When those in inferior situations do not 

1 The ' one thing ' in this paragraph carries us back to the same 
phrase in paragraph 9. If we confine our attention to this para- 
graph alone, we shall say, with iiT&ng and Ying-tS, ' the one thing ' 
is the ' preparation beforehand,' of which it goes on to speak ; and 
it seems to be better not to grope here for a more mysterious 
meaning. 



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SECT. II. JTUNG YUNG. 317 

obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people 
cannot be governed successfully. 

1 8. ' There is a way to obtain (the confidence of) 
the superior; — if one is not believed in by his friends, 
he will not obtain the confidence of his superior. 
There is a way to secure being believed in by his 
friends ; — if he be not in submissive accord with his 
parents, he will not be believed in by his friends. 
There is a way to secure submissive accord with 
parents; — if one, on turning his thoughts in on himself, 
finds that he has not attained to the perfection of his 
nature 1 , he will not be in submissive accord with his 
parents. There is a way to secure the perfection of 
the nature ; — if a man have not a clear understanding 
of what is good, he will not attain to that perfection. 

19. ' Perfection of nature is characteristic of 
Heaven. To attain to that perfection belongs to 
man. He who possesses that perfection hits what 
is right without any effort, and apprehends without 
any exercise of thought ; — he is the sage 2 who 

1 Literally, ' that he is not sincere,' which is Mr. Wylie's render- 
ing ; or, as I rendered it in 1861, ' finds a want of sincerity.' But 
in the frequent occurrence of §J|£ in the ' Sequel of the Treatise,' 
'sincerity' is felt to be an inadequate rendering of it. Zottoli 
renders the clause by ' Si careat veritate, integritate,' and says in a 
note, 'jjjjflj est naturalis entis perfectio, quae rei convenit juxta 
genuinum Creatoris protypon, quaeque a creatore infunditur ; pro- 
indeque est rei Veritas, seu rei juxta veritatem perfectio.' It seems 
to me that this ideal perfection, as belonging to all things, which 
God made ' good,' is expressed by ^fe in the last clause; and that 
the realisation of that perfection by man, as belonging to his own 
nature, is the work of gj$, and may be spoken of as actually and 
fully accomplished, or in the process of being accomplished. It is 
difficult with our antecedent knowledge and opinions to place 
ourselves exactly in the author's point of view. 

* |H ^, — Rimusat, Zottoli, and many give for this name 



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318 THE Lt rt. 



BK. XXVIII. 



naturally and easily embodies the right way. He 
who attains to perfection is he who chooses what is 
good, and firmly holds it fast. 

20. 'He extensively studies what is good ; inquires 
accurately about it ; thinks carefully over it ; clearly 
discriminates it ; and vigorously practises it. While 
there is anything he has not studied, or in what he 
has studied there is anything he cannot (understand), 
he will not intermit his labour. While there is any- 
thing he has not asked about, or anything in what he 
has asked about that he does not know, he will not 
intermit his labour. While there is anything he has 
not thought over, or anything in what he has 
thought about that he does not know, he will not 
intermit his labour. While there is anything which 
he has not tried to discriminate, or anything in his 
discrimination that is not clear, he will not intermit 
his labour. While there is anything- which he has 
not practised, or any want of vigour so far as he has 
practised, he will not intermit his labour. 

' If another man succeed by one effort, he will use 
a hundred efforts ; if another succeed by ten, he will 
use a thousand. Let a man proceed in this way, 
and though stupid, he is sure to become intelligent ; 
though weak, he is sure to become strong.' 

21. The understanding (of what is good), spring- 
ing from moral perfection, is to be ascribed to the 
nature ; moral perfection springing from the under- 

'sanctus vir,' 'un saint,' 'the holy man/ I prefer, after all, to adhere to 
the rendering, ' le sage,' ' the sage.' The sage is the ideal man ; the 
saint is the man sanctified by the Spirit of God. Humanity pre- 
dominates in the former concept; Divinity in the latter. The ideas 
of morality and goodness belong to both names. See Mencius, 
VII, ix, 25, for his graduation of the appellations of good men. 



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SECT. II. JTUNG YUNG. 319 

standing (of what is good) is to be ascribed to 
instruction. But given the perfection, and there 
shall be the understanding; given the understanding, 
and there shall be the perfection \ 

22. It is only he of all under heaven who is 
entirely perfect that can give its full development to 
his nature. Able to give its full development to his 
own nature, he can also give the same to the nature 
of other men. Able to give its full development to 
the nature of other men, he can also give the same 
to the natures of animals and things a . Able to give 
their full development to these, he can assist the 
transforming and nourishing operations of heaven 
and earth. Capable of assisting those transforming 
and nourishing operations, he can form a ternion 
with heaven and earth. 

23. Next to the above is he who cultivates to the 
utmost the shoots (of goodness in his nature) 3 , till 
he becomes morally perfect. This perfection will 
then obtain embodiment ; embodied, it will be mani- 
fested ; manifested, it will become brilliant ; brilliant, 



1 With this paragraph there commences the last chapter of the 
Treatise. 3 z e-sze, it is said, takes up in it the commencing utter- 
ances in paragraph 19, and variously illustrates and prosecutes them. 
From the words ' nature and instruction ' it is evident how he had 
the commencing chapter of the Treatise in his mind. 

* The text is simply 'the nature of things;' but the word ' things 
($j)' comprehends all beings besides man. Zottoli's 'rerum 
natur a' seems quite inadequate. Remusat's Latin version is the same; 
his French is ' la nature des choses.' Wylie says, ' the nature of 
other objects.' This chapter has profoundly affected all subsequent 
philosophical speculation in China. The ternion of ' Heaven, Earth, 
and Man' is commonly called San 3hii ( — 7J"), 'the Three 
Powers.' 

' The character in the text here is a difficult one : — kht 



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320 THE Li jrf. BK. XXVlll. 

it will go forth in action ; going forth in action, it 
will produce changes; producing changes, it will 
effect transformations. It is only he of all under 
heaven who is entirely perfect that can transform. 

24. It is characteristic of him who is entirely 
perfect that he can foreknow. When a state or 
family is about to flourish, there are sure to be lucky 
omens, and when it is about to perish, there are 
sure to be unlucky omens. They will be seen in 
the tortoise-shell and stalks * ; they will affect the 
movements of the four limbs. When calamity or 
happiness is about to come, the good is sure to be 
foreknown by him, and the evil also. Hence, he 
who is entirely perfect is like a Spirit *. 

meaning ' crooked,' often used as the antithesis of ' straight ; ' but 
the title of the first Book in this collection shows that it need 
not be used only of what is bad. In that case, the phrase Jjjt |Jfj 
would mean — ' carries to the utmost what is bad.' Zottoli's render- 
ing of it by ' promovere declinatam naturam ' is inadmissible. Nor 
can we accept Re'musat's 'diriger efforts vers une seule vertu,' 
which Wylie follows, merely substituting ' object ' for ' vertu.' See 
the introduction on the title of the first Book. Very much to the 
point is an illustration by the scholar Pai Lti : — ' Put on stone 
on a bamboo shoot, or where it would show itself, and it will 
travel round the stone and come out crookedly at its side.' So 
it is with the good nature, whose free and full development is 
repressed. 

1 These were the two principal methods of divination practised 
from very ancient times. The stalks were those of the Ptarmica 
Sibirica ; of which I possess a bundle brought from the tomb of 
Confucius in 1873. It is difficult to say anything about 'the four 
limbs,' which were to iT&ng ' the four feet of the tortoise.' 

* ' The Spirit-man ' is, according to Mencius' graduation, an ad- 
vance on the Sage or Holy man, one whose action is mysterious 
and invisible, like the power of Heaven and Earth working in nature. 
Chinese predicates about him could not go farther. 



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sect. ii. JTUNG YUNG. 321 

25. Perfection is seen in (its possessor's) self- 
completion ; and the path (which is its embodiment), 
in its self-direction, 

26. Perfection is (seen in) the beginning and end 
of (all) creatures and things. Without this perfec- 
tion there would be no creature or thing. 

27. Therefore the superior man considers per- 
fection as the noblest of all attainments. 

28. He who is perfect does not only complete 
himself; his perfection enables him to complete 
all other beings also. The completion of himself 
shows the complete virtue of his nature; the 
completion of other beings shows his wisdom. 
(The two) show his nature in good operation, and 
the way in which the union of the external and 
internal is effected. 

29. Hence, whenever he exercises it, (the opera- 
tion) is right. 

30. Thus it is that entire perfection is unresting ; 
unresting, it continues long; continuing long, it 
evidences itself; evidencing itself, it reaches far; 
reaching far, it becomes large and substantial ; large 
and substantial, it becomes high and brilliant. 

31. By being large and substantial it contains 
(all) things. By being high and brilliant, it over- 
spreads (all) things. By reaching far and continuing 
long, it completes (all) things. By its being so large 
and substantial, it makes (its possessor) the co- 
equal of earth; by its height and brilliancy, it 
makes him the co-equal of heaven ; by its reaching 
far and continuing long, it makes him infinite. 

32. Such being his characteristics, without any 
manifestation he becomes displayed ; without any 
movement he effects changes ; without any exertion 

[28] Y 

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322 THE Li Kt. 



BK. XXVIII. 



he completes. The way of heaven and earth may 
be completely described in one sentence : — 

33. They are without any second thought, and so 
their production of things is inexhaustible. 

34. The characteristics of heaven and earth are 
to be large ; to be substantial ; to be high ; to be 
brilliant ; to be far-reaching ; to be long-continuing. 

35. There now is this heaven ; it is only this 
bright shining spot, but when viewed in its inex- 
haustible extent, the sun, moon, stars, and constella- 
tions of the zodiac are suspended in it, and all things 
are overspread by it. There is this earth ; it is only 
a handful of soil, but when regarded in its breadth 
and thickness, it sustains mountains like the Hwa 
and the Yo, without feeling the weight, and contains 
the rivers and seas without their leaking away. 
There is this mountain ; it looks only the size of a 
stone, but when contemplated in all its altitude 
the grass and trees are produced on it, birds and 
beasts dwell on it, and the precious things which 
men treasure up are found in it. There is this 
water ; it appears only a ladleful, but, when we think 
of its unfathomable depths, the largest tortoises, 
iguanas, iguanadons, dragons, fishes, and turtles are 
produced in them, and articles of value and sources 
of wealth abound in them. 

36. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect 1, 
ode 2), 

' The ordinances of Heaven, 
How profound are they and unceasing!' 
intimating that it is thus that Heaven is Heaven. 
(And again) : — 
' Oh ! how illustrious 
Was the singleness of the virtue of king Wan ! ' 



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SECT. II. tfUNG YUNG. 323 

intimating that it was thus that king Wan was the 
accomplished (king), by his singleness unceasing. 

37. How great is the course of the sage ! Like an 
overflowing flood it sends forth and nourishes all 
things ! It rises up to the height of heaven. 

38. How complete is its greatness ! It embraces 
the three hundred usages of ceremony, and the 
three thousand modes of demeanour. It waits for 
the right man, and then it is trodden. Hence it is 
said, ' If there be not perfect virtue, the perfect 
path cannot be exemplified.' 

39. Therefore the superior man honours the vir- 
tuous nature, and pursues the path of inquiry and 
study (regarding it); seeking to carry it out in its 
breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the 
exquisite and minute points (which it embraces); 
raising it to its greatest height and brilliancy, so as 
to be found in the way of equilibrium and harmony. 
He cherishes his old knowledge so as (continually) 
to be acquiring new, and thus manifests an honest, 
generous, earnestness in the esteem and practice of 
all propriety 

40. Therefore, when occupying a high situation 
he is not proud, and in a low situation he is not in- 
subordinate. If the state is well-governed, his words 
are able to promote its prosperity ; and if it be ill- 
governed, his silence is sufficient to secure forbear- 
ance (for himself). 

41. Is not this what is said in the Book of Poetry 
(III, iii, ode 6, 4), 

' Intelligent is he and wise, 
Protecting his own person ?* 

42. The Master said, ' Let a man who is ignorant 
be fond of using his own judgment ; let one who is 

y 2 

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324 THE lA jrf. 



BK. XXVIII. 



in a low situation be fond of arrogating a directing 
power ; let one who is living in the present age go 
back to the ways of antiquity ; — on all who act thus 
calamity is sure to come.' 

43. To no one but the son of Heaven does it 
belong to discuss the subject of ceremonial usages ; 
to fix the measures ; and to determine (the names 
of) the written characters. 

44. Now, throughout the whole kingdom, car- 
riages have all wheels of the same breadth of rim ; 
all writing is with the same characters ; and for 
conduct there are the same rules. 

45. One may occupy the throne, but if he have 
not the proper virtue, he should not presume to 
make ceremonies or music. One may have the virtue, 
but if he have not the throne, he in the same way 
should not presume to make ceremonies or music. 

46. The Master said, ' I might speak of the cere- 
monies of Hsia, but Khi could not sufficiently attest 
(my words). I have learned the ceremonies of Yin, 
and they are preserved in Sung. I have learned 
the ceremonies of Kkw, and they are now used. 
I follow -fifau.' 

47. If he who attains to the sovereignty of all the 
kingdom attach the due importance to (those) three 
points 1 , there are likely to be few errors (among the 
people). 

48. However excellent may have been (the regu- 
lations of) those of former times, they cannot be 
attested. Not being attested, they cannot command 
credence. Not commanding credence, the people 

1 What are those three points? The old interpretations said, — 
' The ceremonies of the three kings ;' Afu Hst thought they were the 
three things in paragraph 43 ; — which is more likely. 



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sect. II. rUNG YUNG. 325 

would not follow them. However excellent might be 
those of one in an inferior station, they would not be 
honoured. Not honoured, they would not command 
credence. Not commanding credence, the people 
would not follow them. 

49. Therefore the course of the superior man is 
rooted in his own character and conduct, and attested 
by the multitudes of the people. He examines 
(his institutions) by comparison with those of the 
founders of the three dynasties, and finds them with- 
out mistake. He sets them up before heaven and 
earth, and there is nothing in them contrary to 
(their mode of operation). He presents himself 
with them before Spiritual Beings, and no doubts 
about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the 
rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, and has no mis- 
givings. That he can present himself with them 
before Spiritual Beings, without any doubts about 
them arising, shows that he knows Heaven ; that he 
is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred 
ages hence, without any misgivings, shows that he 
knows men. 

50. Therefore the movements of the superior man 
mark out for ages the path for all under heaven ; 
his actions are the law for ages for all under heaven; 
and his words are for ages the pattern for all under 
heaven. Those who are far from him look longingly 
for him, and thosewho are near are never weary of him. 

51. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 2, 
ode 3), 

' There in their own states .are they loved, 
Nor tired of are they here ; 
Their fame through lapse of time shall grow, 
Both day and night, more clear.' 



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326 THE Li jri. BK. xxvni. 

• Never has a superior man obtained an early 
renown throughout the kingdom who did not cor- 
respond to this description. 

52. Aung-nt handed down (the views of) Y4o and 
Shun as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly 
displayed (the ways) of Wan and Wu, taking them 
as his model. Above, he adopted as his law the 
seasons of heaven ; and below, he conformed to the 
water and land. 

53. He may be compared to heaven and earth in 
their supporting and containing, their overshadowing 
and curtaining all things. He may be compared to 
the four seasons in their alternating progress, and 
to the sun and moon in their successive shining. 
All things are nourished together without their injur- 
ing one another; the courses (of the seasons and of the 
sun and moon) proceed without any collision among 
them. The smaller energies are like river-currents ; 
the greater energies are seen in mighty transforma- 
tions. It is this which makes heaven and earth so great. 

54. It is only he possessed of all sagely qualities 
that can exist under heaven, who shows himself 
quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of far- 
reaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge, 
fitted to exercise rule ; magnanimous, generous, 
benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance; impul- 
sive, energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain a 
strong hold ; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving 
from the mean, and correct, fitted to command re- 
spect ; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, and 
searching, fitted to exercise discrimination. 

55. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active 
as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons 
these (qualities). 



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sect. n. ruNG yung. 327 

56. All-embracing is he and vast, like heaven. 
Deep and active as a fountain, he is like an abyss. 
He shows himself, and the people all revere him ; 
he speaks, and the people all believe him ; he acts, 
and the people all are pleased with him. In this 
way his fame overspreads the Middle kingdom, and 
extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships 
and carriages reach ; wherever the strength of man 
penetrates ; wherever the heavens overshadow and 
the earth sustains ; wherever the sun and moon 
shine ; wherever frosts and dews fall ; all who have 
blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him. 
Hence it is said, ' He is the equal of Heaven V 

57. It is only he among all under heaven who is 
entirely perfect that can adjust and blend together 
the great standard duties of all under heaven, 
establish the great fundamental principles of all, and 
know the transforming and nourishing operations of 
heaven and earth. 

58. How shall this individual have any one beyond 
himself on whom he depends ? Call him man in his 
ideal, how earnest is he ! Call him an abyss, how 
deep is he ! Call him Heaven, how vast is he ! 

59. Who can know him but he who is indeed 
quick in apprehension and clear in discernment, 
of sagely wisdom, and all-embracing knowledge, 
possessing heavenly virtue ? 

60. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, 
ode 3, 1), 

1 It was the old opinion that in this part of the Treatise we have 
his grandson's eloquent eulogium of Confucius, and I agree with 
that opinion. Yet I have not ventured to translate the different 
parts of it in the past tense. Let it be read as the description of 
the ideal sage who found his realisation in the Master. 



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328 THE l! k\. BK. XXVIII. 

' Over her embroidered robe she wears a (plain) 
garment;' 

expressing how the wearer disliked the display of 
the beauty (of the robe). Just so, it is the way of 
the superior man to prefer the concealment (of his 
virtue), while it daily becomes more illustrious, and 
it is the way of the small man to seek notoriety, 
while he daily goes more and more to ruin. 

6 1. It is characteristic of the superior man, 
appearing insipid, yet not to produce satiety ; pre- 
ferring a simple negligence, yet to have his accom- 
plishments recognised ; seeming mild and simple, yet 
to be discriminating. He knows how what is dis- 
tant lies in what is near. He knows where the wind 
proceeds from. He knows how what is minute 
becomes manifested 1 . He, we may be assured, will 
enter (the innermost recesses of) virtue. 

62. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, iv, 
ode 8, 11), 

' Though they dive to the bottom, and lie there, 
They are very clearly seen.' 

Therefore the superior man internally examines his 
heart, that there may be nothing wrong there, and 
no occasion for dissatisfaction with himself. 

63. That wherein the superior man cannot be 
equalled is simply this, — his (work) which other men 
do not see. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, 
iii, ode 2, 7), 

' When in your chamber, 'neath its light, 
Maintain your conscience pure and bright.' 

1 That is how the ruler's character acts on the people as the 
wind on grass and plants. 



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SECT. II. JCUNG YUNG. 329 

64. Therefore the superior man, even when he is 
not acting, has the feeling of reverence ; and when 
he does not speak, he has the feeling of truthfulness. 
It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 2), 

4 These offerings we set forth without a word, 
Without contention, and with one accord, 
To beg the presence of the honoured lord.' 

65. Therefore the superior man does not use re- 
wards, and the people are stimulated (to virtue) ; he 
does not show anger, and the people are awed more 
than by hatchets and battle-axes. It is said in the 
Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1, ode 4), 

' What is most distinguished is the being virtuous; 
It will secure the imitation of all the princes.' 

66. Therefore the superior man being sincerely 
reverential, the whole kingdom is made tranquil. 
It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 7), 

' I am pleased with your intelligent virtue, 
Not loudly proclaimed, nor pourtrayed.' 

67. The Master said, ' Among the appliances to 
transform the people, sounds and appearances (may 
seem to) have a trivial effect. But it is said in 
another ode (III, iii, ode 6, 6), 

"Virtue is light as a hair." 

68. ' But a hair will still admit of comparison (as 
to its size). In what is said in another ode (III, i, 
ode 1, 7), 

" The doings of high Heaven 
Have neither sound nor odour," 

we have the highest description (of transforming 
virtue).' 



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BOOK XXIX. PlAO Ki 

OR 
THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE 1 . 

i. These were the words of the Master : — ' Let us 
return V The superior man, in obscurity, yet makes 
himself manifest; without giving himself any airs, 
his gravity is acknowledged ; without the exercise 
of severity, he inspires awe ; without using words, 
he is believed. 

2. The Master said, ' The superior man takes no 
erroneous step before men, nor errs in the expres- 
sion of his countenance, nor in the language of his 
speech. Therefore his demeanour induces awe, his 
countenance induces fear, and his words produce 
confidence. It is said in The Punishments of FA 
(The ShA, V, xxvii, n): " They were all reverence 
and caution. They had no occasion to make choice 
of words in reference to their conduct" ' 

3. The Master said, ' The dress and the one worn 
over it do not take the place, the one of the other, 
it being intimated to the people thereby that they 
should not trouble or interfere with one another.' 

4. The Master said, ' When a sacrifice has come 
to the point of greatest reverence, it should not be 
immediately followed by music. When the dis- 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 44, 45. 

* Compare Analects, V, 22. When Confucius thus spoke, he 
was accepting his failure in the different states, and saying in effect 
that his principles and example would ultimately win their way, 
without his being immediately successful. 



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BK. XXIX. PIAO jrf. 331 

cussion of affairs at court has reached its utmost 
nicety, it should not be immediately followed by an 
idle indifference.' 

5. The Master said, ' The superior man is careful 
(in small things), and thereby escapes calamity. His 
generous largeness cannot be kept in obscurity. His 
courtesy keeps shame at a distance.' 

6. The Master said, 'The superior man, by his 
gravity and reverence, becomes every day stronger 
(for good) ; while indifference and want of restraint 
lead to a daily deterioration. The superior man does 
not allow any irregularity in his person, even for a 
single day ; — how should he be like (a small man) 
who will not end his days (in honour)?' 

7. The Master said, 'Vigil and fasting are required 
(as a preparation) for serving the spirits (in sacri- 
fice) ; the day and month in which to appear before 
the ruler are chosen beforehand : — these observances 
were appointed lest the people should look on these 
things without reverence.' 

8. The Master said, ' (The small man) is familiar 
and insolent He may bring death on himself (by 
being so), and yet he stands in no fear 1 .' 

9. The Master said, ' Without the interchange of 
the formal messages, there can be no reception of 
one party by another ; without the presenting of the 
ceremonial (gifts), there can be no interview (with 
a superior) : — these rules were made that the people 
might not take troublesome liberties with one 
another! It is said in the Yl, "When he shows (the 
sincerity that marks) the first recourse to divination, 
I instruct him. If he apply a second and third time, 

1 The text of this short paragraph is supposed to be defective. 

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332 THE it *!. 



BK. XXIX. 



that is troublesome, and I do not instruct the 
troublesome 1 ." ' 

10. These were the words of the Master : — 
' (Humanity, of which the characteristic is) Benevo- 
lence, is the Pattern for all under Heaven; Righteous- 
ness is the Law for all under Heaven; and the 
Reciprocations (of ceremony) are for the Profit of 
all under Heaven.' 

1 1. The Master said, ' When kindness is returned 
for kindness, the people are stimulated (to be kind). 
When injury is returned for injury, the people are 
warned (to refrain from wrong-doing). It is said in 
the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 26) : — 

" Answers to every word will leap, 
Good deeds their recompense shall reap." 
' It is said in the Thai Ala (Shu, IV, v, sect. 2, 2), 
"Without the sovereign, the people cannot enjoy 
repose with one another ; without the people, the 
sovereign would have none to rule over in the 
four quarters (of the kingdom)." ' 

1 2. The Master said, ' They who return kindness 
for injury are such as have a regard for their own 
persons. They who return injury for kindness are 
men to be punished and put to death V 

13.' The Master said, 'Under heaven there is only 
a man (here and there) who loves what is proper 
to humanity without some personal object in the 

1 See the explanation of the 4th Hexagram, Mang, vol. xvi, pp. 
64, 65, — with this paragraph ends the first section of the Treatise. 
It seems to be extended to exhibit the necessity of reverence in the 
superior man, who is to be an example to others. 

1 Comparing this utterance with the decision of Confucius in the 
Analects, XIV, 36, Khixi Hao thinks it doubtful that we have here 
the sentiment or words of the sage. 



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bk. xxix. piAo xt. 333 

matter, or who hates what is contrary to humanity 
without being apprehensive (of some evil). There- 
fore the superior man reasons about the path to be 
trodden from the standpoint of himself, and lays 
down his laws from the (capabilities of the) people.' 

14. The Master said, '(The virtues of) humanity 
appear in three ways. (In some cases) the work of 
humanity is done, but under the influence of dif- 
ferent feelings. In these, the (true character of 
the) humanity cannot be known ; but where there is 
some abnormal manifestation of it, in those the true 
character can be known 1 . Those to whom it really 
belongs practise it easily and naturally ; the wise 
practise it for the sake of the advantage which it 
brings ; and those who fear the guilt of transgression 
practise it by constraint. 

15. Humanity is the right hand; pursuing the 
right path is the left 2 . Humanity comprehends the 
(whole) man ; the path pursued is the exhibition of 
righteousness. Those whose humanity is large, 
while their exhibition of righteousness is slight, are 
loved and not honoured. Those whose righteousness 
is large and their humanity slight are honoured and 
not loved. 

16. There is the perfect path, the righteous path, 
and the calculated path. The perfect path conducts 
to sovereignty; the righteous path, to chieftaincy; and 
the calculated path, to freedom from error and failure 3 . 

1 In illustration of this point there is always adduced the case of 
the duke of ATau, who erred, under the influence of his brotherly 
love, in the promotion of his brothers that afterwards joined in 
rebellion. 

1 The right hand is used most readily and with greatest effect. 

* With this paragraph ends the second section of the Treatise. It 



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334 THE L * jrf« **• XXIX - 

1 7. These were the words of the Master : — ' Of 
humanity there are various degrees ; righteousness 
is now long, now short, now great, now small. Where 
there is a deep and compassionate sympathy in the 
heart, we have humanity evidenced in the love of 
others ; where there is the following of (old) exam- 
ples, and vigorous endeavour, we have the employ- 
ment of humanity for the occasion. It is said in 
the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 10, 6), 

"Where the Fang-water flows, 
Is the white millet grown. 
So his men Wu employed, 

And his merit was shown! 
To his sons he would leave 

His wise plans and his throne 
And our Wu was a sovereign true." 
' That was a humanity extending to many gener- 
ations. In the Lessons from the States it is said 
(I, iii, ode 10, 3), 

" Person slighted, life all blighted, 
What can the future prove ?" 
' That was a humanity extending (only) to the 
end of the speaker's life.' 

18. The Master said, ' Humanity is like a heavy 
vessel, and like a long road. He who tries to lift 
the vessel cannot sustain its weight ; he who travels 
the road cannot accomplish all its distance. There 
is nothing that has so many different degrees as (the 
course of) humanity ; and thus he who tries to nerve 
himself to it finds it a difficult task. Therefore when 

is occupied with the subject of humanity, or the whole nature of 
man, of which benevolence is the chief element and characteristic, 
as the most powerful form of example. 



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bk. xxix. piAo zt. 335 

the superior man measures men with the scale of 
righteousness, he finds it difficult to discover the 
men (whom he seeks) ; when he looks at men and 
compares them with one another, he knows who 
among them are the more worthy.' 

19. The Master said, ' It is only one man (here 
and there) under heaven, who with his heart of 
hearts naturally rests in humanity. It is said in the 
Ta Ya, or Major Odes of the Kingdom (III, iii, 
ode 6, 6), 

"Virtue is very light, — 
Light as a hair, yet few can bear 

The burden of its weight. 
'Tis so; but .Afung Shan, as I think, 
Needs not from virtue's weight to shrink 

That other men defies. 
Aid from my love his strength rejects. 
(If the king's measures have defects, 
What's needed he supplies)." 
'In the Hsiao Y4, or Minor Odes of the Kingdom, 
it is said (II, vii, ode 4, 5), 

"To the high hills I looked; 
The great way I pursued." ' 
The Master said, ' So did the poets love (the ex- 
hibition of) humanity. (They teach us how) one 
should pursue the path of it, not giving over in the 
way, forgetting his age, taking no thought that the 
years before him will not be sufficient (for his task), 
urging on his course with earnestness from day to 
day, and only giving up when he sinks in death.' 

20. The Master said, ' Long has the attainment 
of a perfect humanity been difficult among men ! all 
men err in what they love ; — and hence it is easy to 



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33^ THE Lt Jft. bk. xxix. 

apologise for the errors of those who are seeking 
this humanity 1 .' 

21. The Master said, 'Courtesy is near to pro- 
priety ; economy is near to humanity ; good faith is 
near to the truth of things. When one with respect 
and humility practises these (virtues), though he may 
fall into errors, they will not be very great Where 
there is courtesy, the errors are few ; where there is 
truth, there can be good faith ; where there is 
economy, the exercise of forbearance is easy : — will 
not failure be rare in the case of those who practise 
these things ? It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, 
iii, ode 2, 9), 

"Mildness and reverence base supply 
For virtue's structure, broad and high.'" 

22. The Master said, ' Long has the attainment 
of perfect humanity been difficult among men ; it is 
only the superior man who is able to reach it There- 
fore the superior man does not distress men by 
requiring from them that which (only) he himself 
can do, nor put them to shame because of what they 
cannot do. Hence the sage, in laying down rules 
for conduct does not make himself the rule, but 
gives them his instructions so that they shall be able 
to stimulate themselves to endeavour, and have the 
feeling of shame if they do not put them in practice. 
(He enjoins) the rules of ceremony to regulate the 
conduct; good faith to bind it on them; right de- 
meanour to set it off; costume to distinguish it; and 
friendship to perfect it : — he desires in this way to 
produce a uniformity of the people. It is said in 
the Hsiao Ya (V, ode 5, 3), 

1 This seems to be the meaning, about which there are various 
opinions. 



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bk, xxix. piAo zi. 337 

" Shall they unblushing break man's law ? 

Shall they not stand of Heaven in awe ? " 
23. 'Therefore, when a superior man puts on the 
dress (of his rank), he sets it off by the demeanour 
of a superior man. That demeanour he sets off with 
the language of a superior man ; and that language 
he makes good by the virtues of a superior man. 
Hence the superior man is ashamed to wear the 
robes, and not have the demeanour; ashamed to 
have the demeanour, and not the style of speech ; 
ashamed to have the style of speech, and not the 
virtues ; ashamed to have the virtues, and not the 
conduct proper to them. Thus it is that when the 
superior man has on his sackcloth and other mourn- 
ing, his countenance wears an air of sorrow ; when he 
wears the square-cut dress and square-topped cap, 
his countenance wears an air of respect ; and when 
he wears his mail-coat and helmet, his countenance 
says that he is not to be meddled with. It is said 
in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 2, 2), 
"Like pelicans, upon the dam 

Which stand, and there their pouches cram, 
Unwet the while their wings, 

Are those who their rich dress display, 

But no befitting service pay, 
Intent on meanest things 1 .'" 



1 With this paragraph ends the 3rd section of the Book. ' It 
speaks,' say the jOien-lung editors, 'of the perfect humanity, 
showing that to rest naturally in this is very difficult, yet it is 
possible by self-government to advance from the practice of it, with 
a view to one's advantage, to that natural resting in it ; and by 
means of instruction to advance from the practice of it by con- 
straint to the doing so for its advantages.' 
[>8] Z 



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338 the iA si. bk. xxix. 

24. These were the words of the Master : — ' What 
the superior man calls righteousness is, that noble 
and mean all have the services which they discharge 
throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven him- 
self ploughs the ground for the rice with which to 
fill the vessels, and the black millet from which to 
distil the spirit to be mixed with fragrant herbs, for 
the services of God, and in the same way the feudal 
lords are diligent in discharging their services to the 
son of Heaven.' 

25. The Master said, ' In serving (the ruler) his 
superior, (an officer) from his position has great 
opportunity to protect the people; but when he does 
not allow himself to have any thought of acting 
as the ruler of them, this shows a high degree of 
humanity. Therefore, the superior man is courteous 
and economical, seeking to exercise his benevolence, 
and sincere and humble in order to practise his sense 
of propriety. He does not himself set a high value on 
his services; he does not himself assert the honour 
due to his person. He is not ambitious of (high) 
position, and is very moderate in his desires. He 
gives place willingly to men of ability and virtue. 
He abases himself and gives honour to others. 
He is careful and in fear of doing what is not 
right His desire in all this is to serve his ruler. 
If he succeed in doing so (and obtaining his ruler s 
approbation), he feels that he has done right ; if 
he do not so succeed, he still feels that he has 
done right : — prepared to accept the will of Heaven 
concerning himself. It is said in the Book of 
Poetry (III, i, ode 5, 6), 

" How the creepers close twine 
Round the branches and stems! 



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bk. xxix. piAo jsrt. 339 

Self-possession and ease 

Robed our prince as with gems. 
Happiness increased unsought, 
Nor by crooked ways was bought." 

Might not this have been said of Shun, Yii, king 
Wan, or the duke of Kku, who had the great virtues 
(necessary) to govern the people, and yet were (only) 
careful to serve their rulers ? It is said again in the 
same Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 2, 3), 

" This our king Wan in all his way 
Did watchful reverence display, 
With clearest wisdom serving God, 
Who, pleased to see the course he trod, 

Him with great favour crowned. 
His virtue no deflection knew, 
But always to the right was true. 
The states beheld, and all approved. 
With loyal ardour stirred and moved, 

Wan as their head they owned.'" 

26. The Master said, ' The practice of the ancient 
kings in conferring honorary posthumous names was 
to do honour to the fame (of the individuals) ; but 
they limited themselves to one excellence (in the 
character); — they would have been ashamed if the 
name had been beyond the actions (of the life). In 
accordance with this the superior man does not him- 
self magnify his doings, nor himself exalt his merit, 
seeking to be within the truth ; actions of an extra- 
ordinary character he does not aim at, but seeks to 
occupy himself only with what is substantial and 
good. He displays prominently the good qualities 
of others, and celebrates their merits, seeking to place 
himself below them in the scale of worth. There-: 

Z2 



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34-0 THE lA k\, bk. XXIX. 

fore, although the superior man abases himself, yet 
the people respect and honour him.' 

27. The Master said, 'The meritorious services 
of Hau Kl were the greatest of all under Heaven ; 
could his hands and feet be described as those of an 
ordinary man ? But all which he desired was that 
his doings should be superior to his name, and 
therefore he said of himself that he was simply " a 
man useful to others V ' 

28. These were the words of the Master: — 
' Difficult is it to attain to what is called the perfect 
humanity of the superior man! It is said in the 
Book of Poetry 2 , 

"The happy and courteous prince 
Is the father and mother of his people." 
Happy, he (yet) vigorously teaches them ; courteous, 
he makes them pleased and restful. With all their 
happiness, there is no wild extravagance ; with all 
their observance of ceremonial usages, there is the 
feeling of affection. Notwithstanding his awing 
gravity, they are restful ; notwithstanding his son- 
like gentleness, they are respectful. Thus he causes 

1 With this ends the 4th section of the Book, ' On the service of 
his ruler by an inferior, showing the righteousness between them, 
and how that righteousness completes the humanity.' 

1 The ode here quoted from can hardly be any other than III, 
ii, 7. The first character in the former of the two lines in that 
ode, however, is only the phonetic part of that in the text here, and 
the meaning of ' force or vigour ' which the writer employs seems 
incongruous with that belonging to it in the Shih, where it occurs 
several times, in combination with the character that follows it, used 
as a binomial adjective. I need not say more on the difficulty. The 
meaning of the paragraph as a whole is plain: — ' The superior man,' 
the competent ruler, must possess, blended together, the strength of 
the father and the gentleness of the mother. 



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BK. XXIX. PlAo St. 341 

them to honour him as their father, and love him as 
their mother. There must be all this before he is 
the father and mother of his people. Could any one 
who was not possessed of perfect virtue be able to 
accomplish this ? 

29. ' Here now is the affection of a father for his 
sons ; — he loves the worthy among them, and places 
on a lower level those who do not show ability ; but 
that of a mother for them is such, that while she 
loves the worthy, she pities those who do not show 
ability: — the mother deals with them on the ground 
of affection and not of showing them honour ; the 
father, on the ground of showing them honour and 
not of affection. (So we may say of) water and the 
people, that it manifests affection to them, but does 
not give them honour ; of fire, that it gives them 
honour, but does not manifest affection; of the 
ground, that it manifests affection, but does not give 
honour ; of Heaven, that it gives them honour, but 
does not manifest affection ; of the nature conferred 
on them, that it manifests affection, but does not give 
them honour ; and of the manes of their departed, 
that they give honour, but do not manifest affection 1 .' 

30. ' Under the Hsia dynasty it was the way to 
give honour to the nature conferred on men ; they 
served the manes of the departed, and respected 
Spiritual Beings, keeping them at a distance, while 
they brought the people near, and made them loyal ; 
they put first the (attraction) of emolument, and last 
the terrors of power ; first rewards, and then punish- 
ments ; showing their affection (for the people), but 

J The ruler-father of the previous paragraph is here contrasted 
with the ordinary parent; but the second half of the text is not 
easily translated, and is difficult to comprehend. 



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342 THE iA rI 



BK. XXIX. 



not giving them honour. The bad effect on the 
people was, that they became stupid and ignorant, 
proud and clownish, and uncultivated, without any 
accomplishments. 

' Under the Yin dynasty, they honoured Spiritual 
Beings, and led the people on to serve them ; they 
put first the service of their manes, and last the 
usages of ceremony ; first punishments, and then re- 
wards; giving honour (to the people), but not showing 
affection for them. The bad effect on the people was, 
that they became turbulent and were restless, striving 
to surpass one another without any sense of shame. 

' Under the Afau dynasty, they honoured the cere- 
monial usages, and set a high value on bestowing 
(favours); they served the manes and respected 
Spiritual Beings, yet keeping them at a distance ; 
they brought the people near, and made them loyal ; 
in rewarding and punishing they used the various 
distinctions and arrangements of rank; showing 
affection (for the people), but not giving them 
honour. The bad effects on the people were, that 
they became fond of gain and crafty; were all 
for accomplishments, and shameless ; injured one 
another, and had their moral sense obscured.' 

31. The Master said, ' It was the method of the 
Hsia dynasty not to trouble (the people) with many 
notices ; it did not require everything from the 
people, nor (indeed) look to them for great things ; 
and they did not weary of the affection (between 
them and their rulers). 

' Under the Yin dynasty, they did not trouble (the 
people) with ceremonies, and yet they required 
everything from them. 

* Under the ATau dynasty, they were rigorous with 



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BE. XXIX. 



piAo si. 343 



the people, and not troublesome in the services to 
the spirits ; but they did all that could be done 
in the way of awards, conferring rank, punishments, 
and penalties.' 

32. The Master said, ' Under the methods of (the 
dynasties of the line of) Yii * and Hsia, there were 
few dissatisfactions among the people. The methods 
of Yin and Aau were not equal to the correction of 
their errors.' 

33. The Master said, ' The plain and simple ways 
of (the dynasties of the line of) Yii and Hsia, and 
the multiplied forms of Yin and K$m were both 
extreme. The forms of Yii and Hsia did not 
neutralise their simplicity, nor was there sufficient 
simplicity under Yin and Aau to neutralise their 
forms.' 

34. These were the words of the Master : — 
'Although in subsequent ages there arose (distin- 
guished sovereigns), yet none of them succeeded in 
equalling the Tl of (the line of) Yii. He ruled over 
all under heaven, but, while he lived, he had not a 
selfish thought, and when he died, he did not make 
his son great (with the inheritance). He treated the 
people as his sons, as if he had been their father and 
mother. He had a deep and compassionate sym- 
pathy for them (like their mother) ; he instructed 
them in loyalty and what was profitable (like their 
father). While he showed his affection for them, he 
also gave them honour; in his natural restfulness, 
he was reverent ; in the terrors of his majesty, he yet 
was loving ; with all his riches, he was yet observant 

* « The line of Yfl ' was Shun, who succeeded to Y&o. He did 
not found a dynasty; but he is often spoken of as if he had 
done so. 



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344 THE L * **• 



BK. XXIX. 



of the rules of propriety ; and his kindness was yet 
(rightly) distributed. The superior men who stood 
in connexion with him gave honour to benevolence, 
and stood in awe of righteousness ; were ashamed of 
lavish expenditure, and set little store by their 
accumulation of substance ; loyal, but not coming 
into collision with their sovereign ; righteous, and 
yet deferential to him ; accomplished, and yet rest- 
ful ; generous, and yet discriminating. It is said in 
Fu on Punishments, " He sought to awe the people 
by his virtue, and all were filled with dread ; he pro- 
ceeded to enlighten them by his virtue, and all were 
enlightened." Who but the Tt of (the line of) Yii 
could have been able to do this 1 ?' (Shu,V, xxvii, 7.) 
35. These were the words of the Master : — ' (A 
minister) in the service of his ruler will first offer his 
words of counsel, and (when they are accepted), he 
will bow and voluntarily offer his person to make 
good his sincerity. Hence, whatever service a ruler 
requires from his minister, the minister will die in 
support of his words. In this way the salary which he 
receives is not obtained on false pretences, and the 

1 With this paragraph it is understood that the 5th section of 
the Book ends, 'illustrating the perfect humanity of the superior 
man in the government of the people.' Every fresh section thus 
far, however, has commenced with a — ' These were the words of 
the Master,' and in no case ended with that phraseology. Paragraph 
35 rightly begins with it. It is out of place, or rather misplaced, 
in this ; and belongs, I believe, to another place, as we shall see. 
We should read here, instead of it, ' The Master said.' With regard 
to the greater part of the section, its genuineness is liable to sus- 
picion, and is indeed denied by the majority of commentators, 
including the -ATAien-lung editors. The sentiments are more 
Taoistic than Confucian. See the introductory notice of the 
Book. 



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BK. XXIX. 



piAo kL 345 



things for which he can be blamed will be more and 
more few.' 

36. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
when great words are spoken to (and accepted by) 
him, great advantages (to the state) may be ex- 
pected from them ; and when words of small import- 
ance are presented to him, only small advantages 
are to be looked for. Therefore a superior man 
will not for words of small importance receive great 
emolument, nor for words of great importance small 
emolument. It is said in the Yl, " He does not 
enjoy his revenues in his own family, (but at court) ; 
there will be good fortune 1 ." ' 

37. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
(a minister) should not descend to subjects beneath 
him, nor set a high value on speeches, nor accept 
an introduction from improper individuals. It is 
said in the Hsiao Ya (II, vi, ode 3, 4), 

" Your duties quietly fulfil, 
And hold the upright in esteem, 

With friendship fast; 
So shall the Spirits hear your cry, 
You virtuous make, and good supply 

In measure vast.'" 

38. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
for (a minister) whose place is remote from (the 
court), to remonstrate is an act of sycophancy; for 
one whose place is near the ruler, not to remonstrate 
is to hold his office idly for the sake of gain.' 

39. The Master said, ' Ministers near (the ruler) 
should (seek to) preserve the harmony (of his 

1 See the Thwan, or first of the appendixes of the Yt, on 
Hexagram 26, vol. xvi, page 234. 



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346 the l! kL 



BK. XXIX. 



virtues). The chief minister should maintain correct- 
ness in all the departments. Great ministers should 
be concerned about all parts (of the kingdom).' 

40. The Master said, 'In the service of a ruler 
there should be the wish to remonstrate, but no wish 
to set forth (his faults). It is said in the Book of 
Poetry (II, viii, ode 4, 4), 

" I cherish those men in my heart ; — 
Might not my words my love impart ? 
No ; — if the words were once but spoken, 
The charm of love might then be broken. 
The men shall dwell within my heart, 
Nor thence with lapse of time depart"' 

41. The Master said, * In the service of a ruler, 
when it is difficult to advance and easy to retire, 
there is a proper order maintained in the occupancy 
of places (according to the character of their holders). 
If it were easy to advance and difficult to retire, 
there would be confusion. Hence a superior (visitor) 
advances (only) after he has been thrice bowed to, 
while he retires after one salutation on taking leave ; 
and thus confusion is prevented.' 

42. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
if (an officer), after thrice leaving the court (on his 
advice being rejected), do not cross the borders (of 
the state), he is remaining for the sake of the profit 
and emolument Although men say that he is not 
trying to force (his ruler), I will not believe them.' 

43. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
(an officer) should be careful at the beginning, and 
respectful to the end.' 

44. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
one may be in a high position or a low, rich or poor, 
to live or to die (according to the will of the ruler), 



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BK. XXIX. 



piAo si. 347 



but he should not allow himself to be led to do any- 
thing contrary to order or right' 

45. The Master said, ' In the service of a ruler, 
if it be in the army, (an officer) should not (try to) 
avoid labour and danger ; if it be at court, he should 
not refuse a mean office. To occupy a post and not 
perform its business is contrary to order and right. 
Hence, when a ruler employs him on any duty, if it 
suit his own mind, he thinks carefully of what it 
requires, and does it ; if it do not suit his own mind, 
he thinks the more carefully of what it requires, and 
does it. When his work is done, he retires from 
office : — such is an officer who well discharges his 
duty. It is said in the Yl (vol. xvi, p. 96), "He does 
not serve either king or feudal lord, but in a lofty 
spirit prefers (to attend to) his own affairs." ' 

46. The Master said, ' It is only the son of Heaven 
who receives his appointment from Heaven ; officers 
receive their appointments from the ruler. There- 
fore if the ruler's orders be conformed (to the mind 
of Heaven), his orders to his ministers are also con- 
formed to it ; but if his orders be contrary (to that 
mind), his orders to them are also contrary to it. 
It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iv, ode 5, 2), 

" How strong the magpies, battling fierce, 

Each one to keep his mate ! 
How bold the quails together rush, 

Upon the same debate! 
This woman, with no trait that's good, 

Is stained by vicious crime, 
Yet her I hail as marchioness ; — 

Alas ! woe worth the time ! " ' 

47. The Master said, ' The superior man does not 
consider that his words (alone) show fully what a 



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348 THE Li *t. BK. XXIJC. 

man is. Hence when right ways prevail in the 
kingdom, the branches and leaves (from the stem) 
of right conduct appear ; but when there are not 
right ways in the kingdom, the branches and leaves 
of (mere) words appear. 

'In accordance with this, when a superior man is 
by the side of one occupied with the mourning rites, 
and cannot contribute to assist him in his expendi- 
ture, he does not ask him what it is ; when he is 
by the side of one who is ill, and cannot supply him 
with food, he does not ask what he would like ; 
when he has a visitor for whom he cannot provide 
a lodging, he does not ask where he is staying. 
Hence the intercourse of a superior man may be 
compared to water, and that of a small man, to 
sweet wine. The superior man seems insipid, but 
he helps to perfection ; the small man seems sweet, 
but he leads to ruin. It is said in the Hsiao Y4 
(II, v, ode 4,3), 

"He trusts the rogues that lie and sneak, 

And make things worse; 
Their duties shirked, their words so meek 

Prove but a curse."' 

48. The Master said \ ' The superior man does 
not confine himself to praising men with his words ; 
and so the people prove loyal to him. Thus, when 
he asks about men who are suffering from cold, he 
clothes them ; or men who are suffering from want, 
he feeds them ; and when he praises a man's good 
qualities, he (goes on to) confer rank on him. It 

1 With this commences the 7th section of the Book, but it com- 
mences irregularly with ' the Master said/ instead of ' The words 
of the Master were;' see note above, on page 344. 



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BK. XXIX. 



wAo k\. 349 



is said in the Lessons from the States (I, xiv, 
ode i, 3), 

"I grieve; would they but lodge with me!"' 
49. The Master said, ' Dissatisfaction and calamity 
will come to him whose lip-kindness is not followed 
by the corresponding deeds. Therefore the superior 
man will rather incur the resentment arising from 
his refusal than the charge of promising (and then 
not fulfilling). It is said in the Lessons from the 
States (V, ode 4, 6), 

" I wildly go ; I'll never know 
Its smiles and chat again, 
To me you clearly swore the faith, 
Which now to break you're fain. 
Could I foresee so false you'd be ? 
And now regrets are vain."' 

50. The Master said, ' The superior man is not 
affectionate to others with his countenance (merely) 
as if, while cold in feeling, he could assume the 
appearance of affection. That belongs to the small 
man, and stamps him as no better than the thief 
who makes a hole in the wall.' 

51. The Master said, ' What is required in feeling 
is sincerity ; in words, that they be susceptible of 
proof 1 .' 

52. These were the words of the Master : — ' The 
ancient and intelligent kings of the three dynasties 
all served the Spiritual Intelligences of heaven and 
earth, but invariably used the tortoise-shell and 
divining stalks. They did not presume to employ 
their own private judgment in the service of God. 

1 Here ends the 7th section, showing how the superior man 
strives to be sincere in his words and looks. 



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350 THE lA K\. 



BK. XXIX. 



In this way they did not transgress in the matter 
of the day or month, for they did not act contrary to 
the result of the divination. The tortoise and the 
shell were not consulted in succession on the same 
point. 

53. ' For the great (sacrificial) services there were 
(fixed) seasons and days; for the smaller services 
these were not fixed. They fixed them by divi- 
nation (near the time). (In divining) about external 
affairs they used the odd days; and for internal 
affairs, the even. They did not go against the 
(intimations of the) tortoise-shell and stalks.' 

54. The Master said, 'With the victims perfect, 
the proper ceremonies and music, and the vessels of 
grain, (they sacrificed) ; and thus no injury was 
received from the Spiritual Powers, and the people 
had no occasion for dissatisfaction.' 

55. The Master said, 'The sacrifices of Hau Ki 
were easily provided. His language was reverential ; 
his desires were restricted ; and the blessings re- 
ceived extended down to his descendants. It is said 
in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 1, 8), 

" Hau Ki founded the sacrifice ; 
No one has failed in it, 
Down to the present day."' 

56. The Master said, ' The shell and stalks em- 
ployed by the great men 1 must be held in awe and 
reverence. But the son of Heaven does not divine 
by the stalks. While the princes are keeping guard 
in their states, they divine by the stalks. When the 
son of Heaven is on the road (travelling), he (also) 
divines by the stalks. In any other state but their 

1 The king and feudal lords. 

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bk. xxix. piAo ri. 351 

own they do not divine by the stalks. They consult 
the tortoise-shell about the chambers and apart- 
ments of the houses (where they lodge). The son 
of Heaven does not so consult the tortoise-shell ; 
he stays always in the grand ancestral temples.' 

57. The Master said, ' The men of rank, on 
occasions of special respect, use their sacrificial 
vessels. On this account they do not fail to observe 
the set seasons and days, and do not act contrary 
to the intimations of the shell and stalks; thus 
seeking to serve with reverence the ruler and their 
superiors. In this way superiors are not trouble- 
some to the people, and the people do not take 
liberties with their superiors 1 .' 

1 Paragraphs 52 to 57 from the last section of the Book. They 
are not so interesting as the previous sections, nor do they hang 
closely together. ' The section,' say the iK4ien-lung editors, ' treats 
of the two methods of divination, and also of reverence. 
Reverence is the subject of the first section, and here again it 
occurs in the end of the Treatise. Reverence is the beginning and 
end of the learning of the superior man.' 




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BOOK XXX. 3ZE t 

OR 
THE BLACK ROBES'. 

i. These were the words of the Master': — 
' When the superior is easily served, his inferiors are 
easily known 3 , and in this case punishments are not 
numerous (in the state).' 

2. The Master said, ' When (the superior) loves 
the worthy as (the people of old loved him of) the 
black robes (Shih, I, vii, ode i), and hates the bad 
as Hsiang-po (hated them; — II, v, ode 6), then 
without the frequent conferring of rank the people 
are stimulated to be good, and without the use of 
punishments they are all obedient to his orders. 
It is said in the Ta YS. (III, i, ode i, 7), 

" From Wan your pattern you must draw, 
And all the states will own your law.'" 

3. The Master said, ' If the people be taught by 
lessons of virtue, and uniformity sought to be given 
to them by the rules of ceremony, their minds will 
go on to be good. If they be taught by the laws, 
and uniformity be sought to be given to them by 
punishments, their minds will be thinking of how 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 45, 46. 

* Thus the Book begins as if it were another section of the pre- 
ceding Treatise. 

8 They are 'easily known,' there being nothing in the ruler's 
method to make them deceitful. 



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BK. XXX. 



Sze t. 353 



they can escape (the punishment; — Analects, II, iii). 
Hence, when the ruler of the people loves them as his 
sons, they feel to him as a parent; when he binds them 
to himself by his good faith, they do not turn away 
from him ; when he presides over them with dourtesy, 
their hearts are docile to him. It is said in the 
Punishments of Fu (Shu, V, xxvii, 3), "Among the 
people of Miao they did not use orders simply, but 
the restraints of punishment They made the five 
punishments engines of oppression, calling them the 
laws." In this way their people became bad, and 
(their rulers) were cut off for ever (from the land).' 

4. The Master said, ' Inferiors, in serving their 
superiors, do not follow what they command, but 
what they do. When a ruler loves anything, those 
below him are sure to do so much more. There- 
fore the superior should by all means be careful in 
what he likes and dislikes. This will make him an 
example to the people V 

5. The Master said, ' When Yti had been on the 
throne three years, the humanity of the common 
people was in accordance with his ; — was it necessary 
that all (at court) should be perfectly virtuous ? It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 7, 1), 

" Awe-inspiring are you, O (Grand-) Master Yin, 
And the people all look up to you." 
It is said in the Punishments of Fu (V, xxvii, 13), 
" I, the One man, will have felicity, and the millions 
of the people will look to you as their sure 
dependence." It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, 
ode 9, 3), 

1 This again looks very much as if this Treatise were a continu- 
ation of the last 

[28] A a 



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354 THE Lt jrf. 



BK. XXX. 



" King Wu secured the people's faith, 
And gave to all the law.'" 

6. The Master said, 'When superiors are fond of 
showing their humanity, inferiors strive to outstrip one 
another in their practice of it Therefore those who 
preside over the people should cherish the clearest 
aims and give the most correct lessons, honouring 
the requirement of their humanity by loving the people 
as their sons ; then the people will use their utmost 
efforts with themselves to please their superiors. It 
is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 2), 

"Where from true virtue actions spring, 
All their obedient homage bring."' 

7. The Master said, ' The king's words are (at 
first) as threads of silk ; but when given forth, they 
become as cords. Or they are (at first) as cords ; 
but when given forth, they become as ropes. There- 
fore the great man does not take the lead in idle 
speaking. The superior does not speak words 
which may be spoken indeed but should not be 
embodied in deeds ; nor does he do actions which 
may be done in deed but should not be expressed 
in words. When this is the case, the words of the 
people can be carried into action without risk, and 
their actions can be spoken of without risk. It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 8), 

"Keep on your acts a watchful eye, 
That you may scrutiny defy." ' 

8. The Master said, ' The superior man leads 
men on (to good) by his words, and keeps them 
(from evil) by (the example of) his conduct. Hence, 
in speaking, he must reflect on what may be the end 
of his words, and examine whether there may not be 



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bk. xxx. 3ze i. 355 

some error in his conduct ; and then the people will 
be attentive to their words, and circumspect in their 
conduct It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, 
ode 2, 5), 

"Be circumspect in all you say, 
And reverent bearing still display." 
It is said in the Ta Ya (III, i, ode 1, 4), 
" Deep were Wan's thoughts, unstained his ways ; 
His reverence lit its trembling rays.'" 

9. The Master said,' When the heads of the people 
use no (improper) variations in their dress, and their 
manners are always easy and unconstrained, and 
they seek thus to give uniformity to the people, the 
virtue of the people does become uniform. It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 1, 1), 

"In the old capital they stood, 
With yellow fox-furs plain ; 
Their manners all correct and good, 

Speech free from vulgar stain. 
Could we go back to A'au's old days, 
All would look up to them with praise.'" 

10. The Master said, ' When (the ruler) above 
can be known by men looking at him, and (his 
ministers) below can have their doings related and 
remembered, then the ruler has no occasion to doubt 
his ministers, and the ministers are not led astray by 
their ruler. The Announcement of Yin says (Shu, 
IV, vi, 3), "There Were I, Yin, and Thang ; both pos- 
sessed the same pure virtue." It is said in the 
Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 3), 

" In soul so steadfast is that princely man, 
Whose course for fault or flaw we vainly scan." ' 

1 1. The Master said, ' When the holders of states 

a a 2 



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356 the l! tff. 



BK. XXX. 



and clans give distinction to the righteous and make 
it painful for the bad, thus showing the people the 
excellence (they should cultivate), then the feelings 
of the people do not swerve (to what is evil). It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 3, 5), 
" Your duties quietly fulfil, 
And hold the upright in esteem, 
With earnest love."' 

12. The Master said, 'When the highest among 
men has doubts and perplexities, the common people 
go astray. When (the ministers) below him are 
difficult to be understood, the toil of the ruler is 
prolonged. Therefore when the ruler exhibits clearly 
what he loves, and thus shows the people the style 
of manners (they should aim at), and is watchful 
against what he dislikes, and thereby guards the 
people against the excesses (of which they are in 
danger), then they do not go astray. 

' When the ministers are exemplary in their 
conduct, and do not set a value on (fine) speeches ; 
when they do not try to lead (the ruler) to what 
is unattainable, and do not trouble him with what 
cannot be (fully) known, then he is not toiled. It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 10, 1), 
" Reversed is now the providence of God ; 

The lower people groan beneath their load." 
It is said in the Hsiao Yi (II, v, ode 4, 4), 
"They do not discharge their duties, 
But only cause distress to the king.'" 

1 3. The Master said, ' When (the measures of) 
government do not take effect, and the lessons of 
the ruler do not accomplish their object, (it is 
because) the giving of rank and emoluments is 



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BK. XXX. 3ze i. 357 

unfit to stimulate the people to good, and (the inflic- 
tion of) punishments and penalties is unfit to make 
them ashamed (of evil). Therefore (the ruler) above 
must not be careless in punishing, nor lightly confer 
rank. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince 
of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 8), " Deal reverently and un- 
derstandingly in your infliction of punishments;" 
and in the Punishments of Fu (Shu, V, xxvii, 12), 
"He spreads abroad his lessons to avert punish- 
ments." ' 

14. The Master said, ' When the great ministers 
are not on terms of friendly intimacy (with the 
ruler), and the common people consequently are not 
restful, this is because the loyalty (of the ministers) 
and the respect (of the ruler) are not sufficient, and 
the riches and rank conferred (on the former) are 
excessive. (The consequence is, that) the great 
ministers do not discharge their functions of govern- 
ment, and the ministers closer (to the ruler) form 
parties against them. Therefore the great ministers 
should by all means be treated with respect ; they 
are examples to the people ; and ministers nearer 
(to the ruler) should by all means be careful ; — they 
direct the way of the people. Let not the ruler 
consult with inferior officers about greater, nor with 
those who are from a distance about those who are 
near to him, nor with those who are beyond the 
court about those who belong to it. If he act thus, 
the great ministers will not be dissatisfied; the 
ministers closer to him will not be indignant ; and 
those who are more remote will not be kept in 
obscurity. The duke of Sheh in his dying charge 
said, " Do not by little counsels ruin great enter- 
prises ; do not for the sake of a favourite concubine 



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358 the l! kL 



BK. XXX. 



provoke queen Awang ; do not for the sake of a 
favourite officer provoke your grave officers, — the 
Great officers or high ministers 1 .'" 

1 5. The Master said, ' If the great man be not in 
affectionate sympathy with (his officers) whom he 
considers worthy, but give his confidence to others 
whom he despises, the people in consequence will 
not feel attached to him, and the lessons which he 
gives them will be troublesome (and ineffective). It 
is said in the Book of Poetry (II, ii, ode 8), 

"As if I were hidden they sought me at first, 
At court for a pattern to shine ; 
'Tis with hatred intense they now bend their 
scowls, 
And my services curtly decline." 

It is said in the Atin-v&fcan (Shu, V, xxiv, 4), 
" While they have not seen a sage, (they are full of 
desire) as if they could not get a sight of him ; but 
after they have seen him, they are still unable to 
follow him.'" 

16. The Master said, ' A small man is drowned 
in the water ; a superior man is drowned or ruined 
by his mouth ; the great man suffers his ruin from 
the people ; — all suffer from what they have played 
and taken liberties with. Water is near to men, 
and yet it drowns them. Its nature makes it easy 
to play with, but dangerous to approach ; — men are 
easily drowned in it. The mouth is loquacious and 

1 This is an error. The dying counsels referred to were not 
given by any duke of Sheh (a dependency of KM), but by W&n-fu, 
duke of 3&i, to king Mu of Kin. They are found with some slight 
alterations in the Apocryphal Books of Kin (j$, ffl ^j£), Book 
VIII, article 1. Confucius would not have fallen into such a 
mistake. 



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bk. xxx. 3ze 1. 359 

troublesome ; for words once uttered there is hardly 
a place of repentance j — men are easily ruined by it. 
The people, restricted in their humanity, have vulgar 
and rude minds ; they should be respected, and should 
not be treated with contempt; — men are easily 
ruined by them. Therefore the superior man 
should by all means be careful in his dealings with 
them. It is said in the Thai Ala (Shu, III, v, sect, 
i, 5, 7), "Do not frustrate the charge to me, and 
bring on yourself your own overthrow. Be like the 
forester, who, when he has adjusted the string, goes 
to examine the end of the arrow, whether it be placed 
according to rule, and then lets go." It is said in the 
Charge to Ylieh (III, viii, sect. 2, 4), "It is the mouth 
which gives occasion to shame ; they are the coat of 
mail and helmet which give occasion to war. The 
upper robes and lower garments (for reward) should 
not be taken (lightly from) their chests; before spear 
and shield are used, one should examine himself." 
It is said in the Thai Ala (Shu, III, v, sect 2, 3), 
" Calamities sent by Heaven may be avoided ; but 
from those brought on by one's self there is no 
escape." It is said in the Announcement of Yin 
(Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 3), "I have seen it myself in 
Hsiawith its western capital, that when its sovereigns 
went through a prosperous course to the end, their 
ministers also did the same." ' 

1 7. The Master said, ' To the people the ruler is 
as their heart ; to the ruler the people are as his 
body. When the heart is composed, the body is at 
ease ; when the heart is reverent, the body is re- 
spectful ; when the heart loves anything, the body 
is sure to rest in it. (So), when the ruler loves 
anything, the people are sure to desire it The 



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360 THE li jsrt. 



BK. xxx. 



body is the complement of the heart, and a wound 
in it makes the heart also suffer. So the ruler is 
preserved by the people, and perishes also through 
the people. It is said in an ode, 

"Once we had that former premier, 
His words were wise and pure; 
The states and clans by him were at rest, 
The chief cities and towns by him were well 

regulated, 
All the people by him enjoyed their life. 
Who (now) holds the ordering of the kingdom ? 
Not himself attending to the government, 
The issue is toil and pain to the people 1 ." 

It is said in the Aiin-ya (Shu, V, xxv, 5), "In the 
heat and rain of summer days the inferior people 
may be described as murmuring and sighing. And 
so it may be said of them in the great cold of winter.'" 

18. The Master said, ' In the service by an inferior 
of his superior, if his personal character be not 
correct, his words will not be believed ; and in this 
case their views will not be the same, and the 
conduct (of the superior) will not correspond (to the 
advice given to him) V 

19. The Master said, 'Words should be capable of 
proof by instances, and conduct should be conformed 
to rule ; when the case is so, a man's aim cannot be 
taken from him while he is alive, nor can his good 
name be taken away when he is dead. Therefore 
the superior man, having heard much, verifies it by 

1 This is from an ode not in the Shih, and only preserved, so far, 
here. The three concluding lines, however, are also found in the 
Shih, II, iv, ode 7, 6. 

* The meaning of this latter part is matter of dispute. 



-\ 



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bk. xxx. 3ze i. 36 r 

inquiry, and firmly holds fast (what is proved) ; he 
remembers much, verifies it by inquiry, and makes 
it his own ; when he knows it exactly, he carries the 
substance of it into practice. It is said in the ^Tvin- 
£4an (Shu, V, xxi, 5), " Going out and coming in, 
seek the judgment of the people about things, till 
you find a general agreement upon them." It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 1), 

" The virtuous man, the princely one, 
Is uniformly correct in his deportment"' 

20. The Master said, ' It is only the superior man 
who can love what is correct, while to the small 
man what is correct is as poison. Therefore the 
friends of the superior man have the definite aims 
which they pursue, and the definite courses which 
they hate. In consequence, those who are near 
at hand have no perplexities of thought about him, 
and those who are far off, no doubts. It is said in 
the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 1,1), 

" For our prince a good mate." ' 

21. The Master said, 'When a man on light 
grounds breaks off his friendship with the poor and 
mean, and only on great grounds with the rich and 
noble, his love of worth cannot be great, nor does 
his hatred of evil clearly appear. Though men may 
say that he is not influenced by (the love of) gain, 
I do not believe them. It is said in the Book of 
Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 4), 

"And all the friends assisting you 
Behave with reverent mien.'" 

22. The Master said, 'The superior man will not 
voluntarily remain to share in private acts of kind- 



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362 THE li *t. BK. XXX. 

ness not offered on grounds of virtue. In the Book 
of Poetry it is said (II, i, ode i, 1), 

" They love me, and my mind will teach 
How duty's highest aim to reach." ' 

23. The Master said, 'If there be a carriage 
(before you), you are sure (by-and-by) to see the 
cross-board (in front) ; if there be a garment, you 
are sure (in the same way) to see (the traces of) its 
being worn ; if one speaks, you are sure to hear 
his voice ; if one does anything, you are sure to 
see the result It is said in the Book of Poetry 
(I, i, ode 2, 2), 

" I will wear them without being weary of them.'" 

24. The Master said, ' When one says anything, 
and immediately proceeds to act it out, his words 
cannot embellish it; and when one does anything, 
and immediately proceeds to describe it, the action 
cannot be embellished. Hence the superior man 
saying little, and acting to prove the sincerity of his 
words, the people cannot make the excellence of 
their deeds greater than it is, nor diminish the 
amount of their badness '. It is said in the Book 
of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5), 

" A flaw in mace of white jade may 
By patient toil be ground away; 
But for a flaw we make in speech, 
What can be done ? 'Tis past our reach." 

1 The excellence and the badness would seem, in the text, to 
belong to the conduct of the superior man ; but to predicate badness 
of him would be too daring. To justify the view which appears in 
my translation, the J^Men-lung editors, in their expansion of the 
meaning, after 'the people,' interpolate 'who come under the trans- 
forming influence of his example.' 



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BK. XXX. 



SZE t. 363 



It is said in the Hsiao Ya (II, iii, ode 5, 8), 
"Well does our lord become his place, 
And high the deeds his reign have crowned." 
It is said to the Prince Shih (Shu, V, xvi, 11), 
"Aforetime, when God beheld the virtue of king 
Win in the fields of A'au, he made the great decree 
light on his person." ' 

25. The Master said, ' The people of the south 
have a saying that "A man without constancy cannot 
be a diviner either with the tortoise-shell or the 
stalks." This was probably a saying handed down 
from antiquity. If such a man cannot know the 
tortoise-shell and stalks, how much less can he 
know other men 1 ? It is said in the Book of Poetry 
(II, v, ode 1, 3), 

" Our tortoise-shells are wearied out, 
And will not tell us anything about the plans." 
The Charge to Ylieh says (Shu, IV, viii, sect 2, 5, 1 1), 
" Dignities should not be conferred on men of evil 
practices. (If they be), how can the people set 
themselves to correct their ways ? If this be sought 
merely by sacrifices, it will be disrespectful (to the 
spirits). When affairs come to be troublesome, 
there ensues disorder ; when the spirits are served 
so, difficulties ensue 2 ." 

' It is said in the Yi, "When one does not conti- 

1 I cannot make anything but this of this sentence, though 
Khung Ying-tS takes it differently. The whole paragraph is 
evidently very corrupt, and even the ATAien-lung editors have put 
forth all their strength upon it in vain. 

* We have here a quotation from the Shu, IV, viii, sect, a ; but 
it is very different from the textus receptus. All the commen- 
tators and critics are at fault upon it; see vol. iii, pp. 115, 116. 



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364 THE Lt zt. 



BK. XXX. 



nuously maintain his virtue, some will impute it to 
him as a disgrace 1 ; — (in the position indicated in the 
Hexagram.) When one does maintain his virtue 
continuously (in the other position indicated), this 
will be fortunate in a wife, but in a husband evil." ' 

1 See the symbolism of the 3rd and 5th lines of the Hang or 
32nd Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. 125-128. 



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BOOK XXXI. PAN SANG 

OR 
RULES ON HURRYING TO MOURNING RITES 1 . 

i. According to the rules for hurrying to attend 
the mourning rites, when one first heard that the 
mourning rites for a relative were going on, he 
wailed as he answered the messenger 8 , and gave full 
vent to his sorrow. Having asked all the particulars, 
he wailed again, with a similar burst of grief, and 
immediately arranged to go (to the place). He went 
ioo li a day, not travelling in the night. 

2. Only when the rites were those for a father or a 
mother did he travel while he could yet see the stars, 
and rested when he (again) saw them 8 . If it was 
impossible for him to go (at once) 4 , he assumed the 
mourning dress, and then went (as soon as he could). 
When he had passed through the state (where he 
was), and reached its frontier, he stopped and wailed, 
giving full vent to his sorrow. He avoided wailing 
in the market-place and when near the court. He 
looked towards the frontier of his own state when he 
wailed. 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. zxvii, pp. 46, 47. 

1 The mourner is absent from his state, and a messenger has 
been sent to tell him of the death. The relative, it is argued, may 
have been anyone within the 'five degrees' of consanguinity. 

' That is, from peep of dawn till the stars came out again after 
sunset 

* Being restrained by the duties of the commission, with which 
he was charged by the ruler. 



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366 THE Li xt. BK. XXXI. 

3. When he came to the house, he entered the 
gate at the left side of it, (passed through the court), 
and ascended to the hall by the steps on the west. 
He knelt on the east of the coffin, with his face to 
the west, and wailed, giving full vent to his grief. He 
(then) tied up his hair in a knot, bared his arms, 
and went down from the hall, proceeding to his place 
on the east, where he wailed towards the west. 
Having completed the leaping, he covered his arms 
and put on his sash of sackcloth in the corridor on 
the east ; and after tucking up the ends of his sash, 
he returned to his place. He bowed to the visitors, 
leaping with them, and escorted them (to the gate), 
returning (afterwards) to his place. When other 
visitors arrived, he bowed to them, leaped with them , 
and escorted them ; — all in the same way. 

4. (After this), all the principal mourners 1 , with 
their cousins, went out at the gate, stopping there 
while they wailed. The gate was then closed, 
and the director told them to go to the mourning 
shed 2 . 

5. At the next wailing, the day after, they tied up 
their hair, bared their arms, and went through the 
leaping. At the third wailing next day, they again tied 
up their hair, bared their arms, and went through 
the leaping. On these three days, the finishing the 
mourning dress, bowing to and escorting the visitors, 
took place as in the first case. 

6. If he who has hurried to be present at the 



1 This seems to mean ' all the sons of the departed.' Of course 
there was really but one ' chief or host-man,' as in par. 6. 

* This takes us by surprise. Did all go to the shed ? Were 
there many sheds? 



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be. xxxi. PAN SANG. 367 

rites were not the presiding mourner on the occa- 
sion 1 , then that presiding mourner, instead of him, 
bowed to the visitors and escorted them. 

7. When one hurried to the rites, even where 
they were less than those for a mother or father, 
which required the wearing of sackcloth, with even 
edge or frayed, he entered the gate at the left side 
of it, and stood in the middle of the court-yard with 
his face to the north, wailing and giving full vent to 
his sorrow. He put on the cincture for the head 
and the sackcloth girdle in the corridor on the east, 
and repaired to his place, where he bared his arms. 
Then he wailed along with the presiding mourner, 
and went through the leaping. For the wailing on 
the second day and the third, they wore the cincture 
and bared the arms. If there were visitors, the 
presiding mourner bowed to them on their arrival, 
and escorted them. 

The husbands and wives (of the family) waited 
for him at the wailing-places for every morning and 
evening, without making any change. 

8. When one hurries to the mourning rites for a 
mother, he wails with his face to the west, giving 
full vent to his sorrow. He then ties up his hair, 
bares his arms, descends from the hall, and goes to 
his station on the east, where, with his face to the 
west, he wails and goes through the leaping. After 
that, he covers his arms and puts on the cincture 
and sash in the corridor on the east. He bows to 
the visitors, and escorts them (to the gate) in the 
same way as if he had hurried to the rites for his 

1 This seems to imply that, in the preceding paragraphs, he had 
been the principal mourner. 



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368 THE Lt tft. 



BK. XXXI. 



father. At the wailing on the day after, he does not 
tie up his hair. 

9. When a wife 1 hurried to the mourning rites, she 
went up to the hall by the (side) steps on the east, 
and knelt on the east of the coffin with her face to 
the west There she wailed, giving full vent to her 
grief. Having put on the lower cincture on the 
east 2 , she went to the station (for wailing), and there 
leaped alternately with the presiding mourner. 

10. When one, hurrying to the mourning rites, did 
not arrive while the coffin with the body was still in 
the house, he first went to the grave; and there 
kneeling with his face to the north, he wailed, giving 
full vent to his sorrow. The principal mourners have 
been waiting for him (at the grave), and have taken 
their stations, — the men on the left of it, and the 
wives on the right Having gone through the leap- 
ing, and given full expression to his sorrow, he tied 
up his hair, and went to the station of the principal 
mourners on the east In his headband of sack- 
cloth, and sash with the ends tucked up, he wailed 
and went through the leaping. He then bowed to 
the visitors, and returned to his station, going (again) 
through the leaping, after which the director an- 
nounced that the business was over 8 . 

11. He then put on the cap, and returned to the 

1 An aunt, sister, or daughter of the family, who was married, 
and hurried to the family home from her husband's. 

1 I suppose this was in the corridor on the east The rule was 
for the women to dress in an apartment ,* but a distinction was made 
between those residing in the house, and those who returned to it 
for the occasion. 

* It is understood that this mourner was the eldest and rightful 
son of the deceased. 



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bk. xxxi. PAN SANG. 369 

house. There he entered at the left side of the 
door, and, with his face to the north, wailed and gave 
full vent to his sorrow. He then tied up his hair, 
bared his arms, and went through the leaping. 
Going to his station on the east, he bowed to the 
visitors, and went through the leaping. When the 
visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to 
them, and escorted them. When other visitors after- 
wards arrived, he bowed to them, went through the 
leaping, and escorted them in the same way. All the 
principal mourners and their cousins went out at the 
gate, wailed there and stopped, when the directors 
instructed them to go to the shed. At the wailing 
next day, he bound up his hair and went through the 
leaping. At the third wailing, he did the same. On 
the third day he completed his mourning dress (as 
was required). After the fifth wailing, the director 
announced that the business was over. 

1 2. Wherein the usages at the rites for a mother 
differed from those at the rites for a father, was that 
there was but one tying up of the hair. After that 
the cincture was worn to the end of the business. 
In other respects the usages were the same as at the 
rites for a father. 

13. At the rites for other relations, after those for 
the mother or father, the mourner who did not arrive 
while the coffin was in the house, first went to the 
grave, and there wailed with his face to the west, 
giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the 
cincture and hempen sash, and went to his station on 
the east, where he wailed with the presiding mourner, 
and went through the leaping. After this he covered 
his arms ; and if there were visitors, the presiding 
mourner bowed to them and escorted them away. 

[28] B b 

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N 



37O THE Li Ki. BK. XXXI. 

If any other visitors afterwards came, he bowed to 
them, as in the former case, and the director an- 
nounced that the business was over. 

Immediately after he put on the cap, and returned 
to the house. Entering at the left side of the door, 
he wailed with his face to the north, giving full vent 
to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture, bared 
his arms, and went through the leaping. Going then 
to the station on the east, he bowed to the visitors, 
and went through the leaping again. When the 
visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to 
them and escorted them. 

At the wailing next day, he wore the cincture, 
bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At 
the third wailing he did the same. On the third day, 
he put on his mourning-garb ; and at the fifth wailing, 
the director announced that the business was over. 

14. When one heard of the mourning rites, and it 
was impossible (in his circumstances) to hurry to be 
present at them, he wailed and gave full vent to his 
grief. He then asked the particulars, and (on hear- 
ing them) wailed again, and gave full vent to his 
grief. He then made a place (for his mourning) 
where he was, tied up his hair, bared his arms, and 
went through the leaping. Having covered his arms, 
and put on the higher cincture and his sash with the 
ends tucked up, he went (back) to his place. After 
bowing to (any visitors that arrived), he returned to 
the place, and went through the leaping. When the 
visitors went out, he, as the presiding mourner, 
bowed to them, and escorted them outside the gate, 
returning then to his station. If any other visitors 
came afterwards, he bowed to them and went through 
the leaping, then escorting them as before. 



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bk. xxxi. pan sang. 371 

At the wailing next day, he tied up his hair, bared 
his arms, and went through the leaping. At the 
third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he 
put on his mourning-garb, wailed, bowed to his 
visitors, and escorted them as before. 

15. If one returned home after the mourning rites 
had been completed, he went to the grave, and there 
wailed and went through the leaping. On the east 
of it, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, put on the 
cincture for the head, bowed to the visitors, and went 
(again) through the leaping. Having escorted the 
visitors, he returned to his place, and again wailed, 
giving full vent to his grief. With this he put off 
his mourning. In the house he did not wail. The 
principal mourner, in his treatment of him, made no 
change in his dress ; and though he wailed with him 
(at the grave), he did not leap. 

1 6. Wherein at other observances than those for 
the death of a mother or father, the usages (of such 
a mourner) differed from the above, were in the 
cincture for the head and the hempen sash. 

17. In all cases where one made a place for his 
mourning (away from home), if it were not on occa- 
sion of the death of a parent, but for some relative 
of the classes not so nearly related, he went to the 
station, and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow. 
Having put on the cincture for the head and the 
girdle on the east, he came back to the station, 
bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He 
then covered his arms, bowed to the visitors, went 
back to the station, wailed, and went through the 
leaping. (After this), he escorted the guests away, 
and came back to the station, when the director 
told him to go to the shed. When the fifth wailing 

B b 2 



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372 THE hi kL 



BK. XXXI. 



si 



was ended, on the third day, the presiding mourner 
came forth and escorted the visitors away. All the 
principal mourners and their cousins went out at the 
gate, wailed, and stopped there. The director an- 
nounced to them that the business was ended. He 
put on his full mourning-garb, and bowed to the 
visitors K 

1 8. If the home were far distant from the place 
which an absent mourner has selected (for his wail- 
ing), they completed all their arrangements about 
dress before they went to it. 

1 9. One hurrying to mourning rites, if they were 
for a parent, wailed when he looked towards the 
district (where they had lived) ; if they were for 
a relation for whom nine months' mourning was 
due, he wailed when he could see the gate of his 
house ; if for one to whom five months' mourning 
was due, he wailed when he got to the door ; if for 
one to whom but three months' mourning was due, 
he wailed when he took his station. 

20. For one of his father's relations (for whom he 
did not need to go into mourning) a man wailed in 
the ancestral temple; for one of his mother or 
wife's relatives, in the back chamber of the temple ; 
for his teacher, outside the gate of the temple ; for 
a friend, outside the door of the back-chamber; 
for an acquaintance, in the open country, having 
pitched a tent for the occasion. Some say the 
wailing for a mother's relation was in the temple. 



1 The .ffften-lung editors think that this last sentence is an 
erroneous addition to the paragraph. But with other parts of it 
there are great difficulties, insoluble difficulties, as some of the 
commentators allow. 



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bk. xxxi. PAN SANG. 373 

21. In all cases where a station was selected, away 
from the house of mourning, for paying funeral rites, 
no offerings were put down (for the departed). 

* 22. For the son of Heaven they wailed nine 
days ; for a feudal prince, seven ; for a high minister 
and Great officer, five ; for another officer, three. 

/ 23. A Great officer, in wailing for the ruler of his 
state, did not presume to bow to the visitors. 

^ 24. Ministers in other states, when they selected 
a station (for their wailing), did not presume to bow 
to the visitors. 

j 25. Officers, of the same surname with a feudal 
prince, (but who were serving in other states), also 
made a place at which to wail for him (on his 
death). 

\ 26. In all cases where one made a place (at a 
distance) at which to wail, he bared his arms (only) 
once. 

j 27. In condoling with (the relations of) an ac- 
quaintance (after he has been buried), one first 
wailed in his house, and afterwards went to the 
grave, in both cases accompanying the wailing with 
the leaping. He alternated his leaping with that 
of the presiding mourner, keeping his face towards 
the north. 

28. At all mourning rites (in a household), if the 
father were alive, he acted as presiding mourner; 
if he were dead, and brothers lived together in the 
house, each presided at the mourning for one of his 
own family-circle. If two brothers were equally 
related to the deceased for whom rites were neces- 
sary, the eldest presided at those rites ; if they 
were not equally related, the one most nearly so 
presided. 



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374 THE L * **• 



BK. XXXI. 



29. When one heard of the death of a brother or 
cousin at a distance, but the news did not arrive till 
the time which his own mourning for him would 
have taken had expired 1 , he (notwithstanding) put 
on the mourning cincture, bared his arms, and went 
through the leaping. He bowed to his visitors, 
however, with the left hand uppermost *. 

30. The only case in which a place was chosen in 
which to wail for one for whom mourning was not 
worn, was the death of a sister-in-law, the wife of an 
elder brother. For a female member of the family 
who had married, and for whom therefore mourning 
was not worn, the hempen sash was assumed. 

31. When one had hurried to the mourning rites, 
and a Great officer came (to condole with him), 
he bared his arms, and bowed to him. When he 
had gone through the leaping, he covered his arms. 
In the case of a similar visit from an ordinary officer, 
he covered his arms, and then bowed to him. 

1 The deceased would have been only in the degree of relation- 
ship, to which five months' mourning was assigned. 

* The left hand uppermost made the bow one more appropriate 
to a festive occasion. 



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BOOK XXXII. WAN SANG 

OR 
QUESTIONS ABOUT MOURNING RITES 1 . 

i. Immediately after his father's death, (the son V 
put off his cap, and) kept his hair, with the pin 
in it, in the bag (of silk) ; went barefoot, with the 
skirt of his dress tucked up under his girdle; and 
wailed with his hands across his breast. In the 
bitterness of his grief, and the distress and pain of 
his thoughts, his kidneys were injured, his liver dried 
up, and his lungs scorched, while water or other 
liquid did not enter his mouth, and for three days 
fire was not kindled (to cook anything for him). On 
this account the neighbours prepared for him gruel 
and rice-water, which were his (only) meat and drink. 
The internal grief and sorrow produced a change in 
his outward appearance; and with the severe pain 
in his heart, his mouth could not relish any savoury 
food, nor his body find ease in anything pleasant. 

2. On the third day there was the (slighter) 
dressing (of the corpse). While the body was on the 
couch it was called the corpse; when it was put into 
the coffin, it was called iiu. At the moving of 
the corpse, and lifting up of the coffin, (the son) 
wailed and leaped, times without number. Such 
was the bitterness of his heart, and the pain of his 
thoughts, so did his grief and sorrow fill his mind and 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 47, 48. 

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376 THE Li zl. BK. XXXII. 

agitate his spirit, that he bared his arms and leaped, 
seeking by the movement of his limbs to obtain 
I some comfort to his heart and relief to his spirit 

The women could not bare their arms, and there- 
fore they (merely) pushed out the breast, and smote 
upon their hearts, moving their feet with a sliding, 
hopping motion, and with a constant, heavy sound, 
like the crumbling away of a wall. The expression 
of grief, sorrow, and deep-seated pain was extreme ; 
hence it is said, ' With beating of the breast and 
movement of the feet, did they sorrowfully accom- 
pany the body ; so they escorted it away, and so did 
they come back to meet its essential part.' 

When (the mourners) went, accompanying the 
coffin (to the grave), they looked forward, with an 
expression of eagerness, as if they were following 
some one, and unable to get up to him. When 
returning to wail, they looked disconcerted, as if 
they were seeking some one whom they could 
not find. Hence, when escorting (the coffin), they 
appeared full of affectionate desire ; when returning, 
they appeared full of perplexity. They had sought 
the (deceased), and could not find him ; they entered 
the gate, and did not see him ; they went up to the 
hall, and still did not see him ; they entered his 
chamber, and still did not see him ; he was gone ; 
he was dead ; they should see him again nevermore. 
Therefore they wailed, wept, beat their breasts, and 
leaped, giving full vent to their sorrow, before they 
ceased. Their minds were disappointed, pained, 
fluttered, and indignant. They could do nothing 
more with their wills; they could do nothing but 
continue sad. 

3. In presenting the sacrifice (of repose) in the 



\ 



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bk. XXXII. WAN SANG. 377 

ancestral temple \ (the son) offered it (to his parent) 
in his disembodied state, hoping that his shade 
would peradventure return (and enjoy it). When 
he came back to the house from completing the 
grave, he did not venture to occupy his chamber, 
but dwelt in the mourning shed, lamenting that his 
parent was now outside. He slept on the rushes, 
with a clod for his pillow, lamenting that his parent 
was in the ground. Therefore he wailed and wept, 
without regard to time ; he endured the toil and 
grief for three years. His heart of loving thoughts 
showed the mind of the filial son, and was the real 
expression of his human feelings. 

4. Some one may ask, ' Why does the dressing 
not commence till three days after death ? ' and the 
answer is : — When his parent is dead, the filial son 
is sad and sorrowful, and his mind is full of trouble. 
He crawls about and bewails his loss, as if the dead 
might come back to life ; — how can he hurriedly 
take (the corpse) and proceed to dress it ? There- 
fore, when it is said that the dressing does not 
begin till after three days, the meaning is, that (the 
son) is waiting that time to see if (his father) will 
come to life. When after three days there is no 
such return, the father is not alive, and the heart of 
the filial son is still more downcast (During this 
space, moreover), the means of the family can be 
calculated, and the clothes that are necessary can 
be provided and made accordingly; the relations 
and connexions who live at a distance can also 
arrive. Therefore the sages decided in the case 

1 ' Not the structure so called,' says Khung Ying-tS, ' but the 
apartment where the coffin had been ;' — now serving for the occasion 
as a temple. 



«y 



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378 THE Li zl bk. xxxir. 

that three days should be allowed, and the rule was 
made accordingly. 

5. Some one may ask, * How is it that one with 
the cap on does not bare his arms, and show the 
naked body ? ' and the answer is : — The cap is the 
most honourable article of dress, and cannot be 
worn where the body is bared, and the flesh ex- 
posed. Therefore the cincture for the head is worn 
instead of the cap, (when the arms are bared). 

6. And so, when a bald man does not wear the 
cincture, and a hunchback does not bare his arms, 
and a lame man does not leap, it is not that they do 
not feel sad, but they have an infirmity which 
prevents them from fully discharging the usages. 
Hence it is said that in the rites of mourning it is 
the sorrow that is the principal thing. When a 
daughter wails, weeps, and is sad, beats her breast, 
and wounds her heart; and when a son wails, 
weeps, is sad, and bows down till his forehead 
touches the ground, without regard to elegance 
of demeanour, this may be accepted as the highest 
expression of sorrow. 

7. Some one may ask, 'What is the idea in 
the cincture ? ' and the reply is : — The cincture is 
what is worn while uncapped. The Rule says, 
' Boys do not wear (even) the three months' mourn- 
ing; it is only when the family has devolved on 
one that he does so.' The cincture, we may sup- 
pose, was what was worn in the three months' 
mourning (by a boy). If he had come to be the 
representative of the family, he wore the cincture, 
and carried the staff. 

8. Some one may ask, ' What is meant by (using) 
the staff?' and the answer is : — The staff of bamboo 



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bk. xxxn. WAN SANG. 379 

and that of elaeococcus wood have the same mean- 
ing. Hence, for a father they used the black staff 
of bamboo ; and for a mother, the square-cut staff, 
an elaeococcus branch 1 . 

9. Some one may say, ' What is meant by (using) 
the staff ? ' and the answer is : — When a filial son 
mourns for a parent, he wails and weeps without 
regard to the number of times ; his endurances are 
hard for three years ; his body becomes ill and his 
limbs emaciated ; and so he uses a staff to support 
his infirmity. 

10. Thus, while his father is alive he does not 
dare to use a staff, because his honoured father is 
still living. Walking in the hall, he does not use 
the staff; — refraining from doing so in the place 
where his honoured father is. Nor does he walk 
hastily in the hall, — to show that he is not hurried. 
Such is the mind of the filial son, the real expres- 
sion of human feeling, the proper method of pro- 
priety and righteousness. It does not come down 
from heaven, it does not come forth from the earth ; 
it is simply the expression of the human feelings. 

1 On Book XIII, i, 3 the A'/iien-lung editors say, that the staff 
of old men was carried with the root up, and the other end down ; 
but the opposite was the case with the mourner's staff. In break- 
ing off a branch from the elaeococcus, the part which has been 
torn from the stem is cut square and smooth with a knife. The 
round stem of the bamboo cane is said by A^an HSo to symbolise 
heaven, and so is carried for a father ; and the square cut end of 
the dryandria branch, to symbolise earth, and so is used for a 
mother. But this fanciful explanation seems to be contrary to what 
is said in the conclusion of the next paragraph. 



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BOOK XXXIII. FO WAN 

OR 

SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT THE 
MOURNING DRESS 1 . 

i. The Directory for Mourning says, 'There are 
cases in which parties wear deep mourning, while 
those, in consequence of their connexion with whom 
they assume it, wear only light' Such is the mourn- 
ing for her husband's mother by the wife of the son 
of a ruler (by a concubine) 8 . 

2. ' There are cases in which parties wear light 
mourning, while those, in consequence of their con- 
nexion with whom they assume it, wear deep mourn- 
ing.' Such is the mourning of a husband for the 
father or mother of his wife 3 . 

3. ' There are cases in which parties wear mourn- 
ing, while those, in consequence of their connexion 
with whom they have a relation with the deceased, 
wear none.' Such is the case of the wife of a ruler's 



1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 48. 

* Such a son of a ruler could wear for his mother only the nine 
months' mourning, as she was but a concubine with an inferior 
position in the family ; but his wife wore mourning for her for a 
whole year. She was her husband's mother, and the general rule 
for mourning in such a relation was observed by the wife, without 
regard to the deceased being only a concubine, and whether the 
ruler were alive or dead. 

' The wife, of course, observed the three years' mourning for her 
father or mother ; the husband only the three months. 



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BX. XXXIII. 



rti WAN. 381 



son with the cousins of her husband on the female 
side 1 . 

4. ' There are cases in which parties wear no 
mourning, while those, in consequence of their con- 
nexion with whom they have a relation with the 
deceased, do wear mourning.' Such is the case of a 
ruler's son with regard to the father and mother of 
his wife. 

5. The Directory of Mourning says, 'When his 
mother has been divorced, the son wears mourning 
for the relatives of the wife whom his father has 
taken in his mother's place.' When his mother has 
died 2 (without being divorced), a son wears mourn- 
ing for her relatives. Wearing mourning for his 
own mother's relatives, he does not do so for those 
of the step-mother, whom his father may have taken 
in her place. 

6. After the sacrifice at the end of the first year, 
during the three years' rites, and after the interment 
has taken place, during those of one year (occurring 
at the same time), the mourner puts on the old 
sash of dolychos cloth, and the headband of the 
one year's mourning, wearing (at the same time) the 
sackcloth of the mourning for nine months. 

7. The same thing is done (after the interment) 
during the nine months' mourning. 

8. No change is made (after the interment) during 
the five months' mourning. 

1 There is no satisfactory account of this case. 

* ATian Hao supposed that this mother ' dying ' is the wife whom 
his father has taken in the place of the son's divorced mother. The 
JTAien-lung editors rightly point out his error ; but it shows how 
these notices are perplexing, not only to foreigners, but also to 
native scholars. 



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382 THE Li ri. BK. xxxiii. 

9. Where they wore the sash with the roots of 
hemp wrought into the cloth \ they changed it for the 
dolychos cloth of the three years' mourning 2 . 

10. After the sacrifice at the end of a year, if 
there occurred an occasion for using the hempen 
sash with the roots cut off, (the mourner) put on the 
proper band along with the higher cincture. When 
the cincture was no longer worn, he put off the band. 
When it was proper to use the band, the rule was 
to wear it ; and when the occasion for it was over, it 
was put off 3 . 

11. In the mourning for five months they did not 
change the cap worn for the sacrifice at the end of 
a year. If there were occasion to wear the cincture, 
then they employed the band proper for the mourn- 
ing of three months or five months; still keeping 
on the first dolychos sash. The linen of the three 
months' mourning did not make it necessary to 
change the dolychos cloth of the five months ; nor 
the linen of the five months to change the dolychos 
cloth of the nine months. Where the roots were 
woven with the cloth, they made a change. 

1 2. On occasion of mourning for a minor, if he 
were of the highest grade or the middle, they 
changed the dolychos cloth of the three years' 
mourning, assuming it when they had completed the 
months of these intervening rites. This was done 
not because of the value set on the linen, but 
because no change was made at the conclusion of 

1 This was done in the mourning for nine months and for one 
year ; not in that for five months and for three. 

* That is, after the sacrifice at the end of the first year. 

* This is supplementary, say the AT&en-lung editors, to para- 
graph 8. 



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BK. XXXIII. 



FU WAN. 383 



the wailing. They did not observe this rule on the 
death of a minor of the third or lowest grade. 

13. The ruler of a state mourned for the son of 
Heaven for the three years. His wife observed the 
rule of a lady of her husband's house who had gone 
to her own married home in mourning for the ruler 1 . 

14. The heir-son of a ruler did not wear mourn- 
ing for the son of Heaven 2 . 

15. A ruler acted as presiding mourner at the 
mourning rites for his wife, his eldest son, and that 
son's wife. 

16. The eldest son of a Great officer, by his 
proper wife, wore the mourning of an ordinary officer 
for the ruler, and for the ruler's wife and eldest son. 

1 7. When the mother of a ruler had not been the 
wife (of the former ruler) 3 , the body of the ministers 
did not wear mourning (on her death). Only the 
officers of the harem, the charioteer and the man-at- 
arms who sat on the left, followed the example of 
the ruler, wearing the same mourning as he did. 

18. For a high minister or Great officer, (during 
the mourning rites for him), the ruler wore in his 
place the coarse glazed linen, and also when he 
went out (on business not connected with the rites). 
If it were on business connected with them, he wore 
also the skin-cap and the band round it. Great 
officers dressed in the same way for one another. 
At the mourning rites for their wives, they wore the 
same dress, when they were going to be present at 

1 That is, for a year. 

2 To avoid suspicion, say the commentators. I do not see it. 

5 She must have been a concubine, or some inferior member of 
the harem. Various circumstances might have concurred to lead to 
her son's succession to the state. 



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384 THE Lt Jff. 



BK. XXXIII. 



those rites ; if they went out (on other business), 
they did not wear it 

19. In all cases of going to see others, the visitor 
(being in mourning for his parents) did not put off 
his headband. Even when he was going to the 
ruler's court, he did not put it off; it was only at 
the ruler's gate that (in certain circumstances) he 
put off his sackcloth. The Directory of Mourning 
says, ' A superior man will not take away from 
others their mourning rites ; ' and so it was deemed 
wrong to put off this mourning. 

20. The Directory of Mourning says, ' Crimes 
are many, but the punishments are only five. The 
occasions for mourning are many, but there are 
only five varieties of the mourning dress. The 
occasions must be arranged, according as they are 
classed in the upper grade or in the lower.' 



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BOOK XXXIV. THEN AWAN 

OR 

TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN MOURNING 
USAGES 1 . 

i. What is the reason that the headband worn 
with the frayed sackcloth, for a father, must be made 
of the fibres of the female plant ? 

Those fibres have an unpleasant appearance, and 
serve to show outwardly the internal distress. The 
appearance of (the mourners), wearing the sackcloth 
for a father with its jagged edges, corresponds to 
those fibres. That of one wearing the sackcloth for 
a mother with its even edges, corresponds to the 
fibres of the male plant. That of one wearing the 
mourning of nine months looks as if (the ebullitions 
of sorrow) had ceased. For one wearing the mourn- 
ing of five months or of three, his (ordinary) appear- 
ance is suitable. 

These are the manifestations of sorrow in the 
bodily appearance a . 

2. The wailing of one wearing the sackcloth for 
his father seems to go forth in one unbroken strain ; 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 48, 49. 

8 The 3s fl ( ffi) is commonly understood to be the female 
plant of hemp, and the hst (j(j^) the male plant ; though some 
writers reverse the application of the names. The fibres of both 
are dark coloured, those of the female plant being the darker. 
The cloth woven of them was also of a coarser texture. All 
admit that the subject here is the mourning band for the head ; 
the staffs borne in the two cases corresponded in colour to the band. 
[38] c c 



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386 the l! kL 



BK. XXXIV. 



that of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother is now 
and then broken ; in the mourning of nine months, 
after the first burst there are three quavers in it, and 
then it seems to die away ; in the mourning of five 
and three months, an ordinary wailing is sufficient. 

These are the manifestations of sorrow in the 
modulations of the voice *. 

3. When wearing the sackcloth for a father, one 
indicates that he hears what is said to him, but does 
not reply in words ; when wearing that for a mother, 
he replies, but does not speak of anything else. 
During the nine months' mourning, he may speak of 
other things, but not discuss them ; during that for 
five months or three months, he may discuss other 
things, but does not show pleasure in doing so. 

These are the manifestations of sorrow in speech. 

4. When a mourner has assumed the sackcloth for 
a father, for three days he abstains from food ; for a 
mother, for two days. When he has commenced the 
nine months' mourning, he abstains from three meals; 
in that of five months or of three, for two. When 
an ordinary officer takes part in the dressing (of a 
friend's corpse), he abstains from one meal. Hence 
at the mourning rites for a father or mother, when 
the coffining takes place, (the children) take gruel 
made of a handful of rice in the morning, and the 
same quantity in the evening. During all the rites 
for a mother, they eat coarse rice and drink only 
water, not touching vegetables or fruits. During the 
nine months' mourning (the mourners) do not eat 
pickles or sauces ; during that of five months or three, 
they do not drink prepared liquor, either new or old. 

1 I have read something of the same kind as this account of the 
' wailing ' in descriptions of the ' keening ' at an Irish wake. 



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bk. xxxiv. ilEN *wAn. 387 

These are the manifestations of sorrow in drinking 
and eating. 

5. In the mourning rites for a parent, when the 
sacrifice of repose has been presented, and the wailing 
is at an end, (the mourners) eat coarse rice and drink 
water, but do not take vegetables or fruits. At the 
end of a year, when the smaller felicitous sacrifice has 
been offered, they eat vegetables and fruits. After 
another year, when the greater sacrifice has been 
offered, they take pickles and sauces. In the month 
after, the final mourning sacrifice is offered, after 
which they drink the must and spirits. When they 
begin to drink these, they first use the must ; when 
they begin to eat flesh, they first take that which has 
been dried. 

6. During the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) 
occupied the mourning shed, and slept on straw with 
a clod for his pillow, without taking off the headband 
or girdle. If they were for a mother (only, and the 
father were still alive), he occupied the unplastered 
chamber, (sleeping on) typha rushes with their tops 
cut off, but not woven together. During the mourn- 
ing for nine months, there was a mat to sleep on. In 
that for five months or for three, it was allowed to 
use a bedstead. 

These were the manifestations of sorrow given in 
the dwelling-places. 

7. At the mourning rites for a parent, after the 
sacrifice of repose, and when the wailing was con- 
cluded, the (inclined) posts of the shed were set up 
on lintels, and the screen (of grass) was clipped, while 
typha rushes, with the tops cut off, but not woven 
together, (were laid down for a mat). At the end of 
a year, and when the smaller felicitous sacrifice had 

c c 2 



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388 THE Ll jrf. BK. XXXIV. 

been offered, (the son) occupied the unplastered 
chamber, and had a mat to sleep on. After another 
year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had 
been offered, he returned to his old sleeping apart- 
ment. Then, when the final mourning sacrifice was 
offered, he used a bedstead. 

8. The mourning with jagged edges was made 
with 3 shang of hempen threads, each shang con- 
taining 8 1 threads ; that with even edge, with 4, 5, or 
6 shang; that for the nine months' mourning with 7, 
8, or 9 shang ; that for the five months, with 10, 1 1 , 
or 12 shang; that for the three months, with 15 
shang less the half 1 . When the thread was mani- 
pulated and boiled, no such operation was performed 
on the woven cloth, and it was called sze (or the 
material for the mourning of three months). 

These were the manifestations of sorrow shown in 
the fabrics of the different mournings. 

9. The sackcloth with jagged edges (worn at 
first) was made with 3 shang, but after the 
sacrifice of repose when the wailing was over, this 
was exchanged for a different fabric made with 6 
shang, while the material for the cap was made 
with 7 shang. The coarse sackcloth for a mother 
was made with 4 shang, exchanged for a material 
made with 7 shang, while the cap was made witrt 
one of 8 shang. 

When the hempen dress is put away (after the 
burial), grass-cloth is worn, the sash of it being 
made of triple twist At the end of the year, and 
when the first felicitous sacrifice has been offered, 
(the son) puts on the cap of dyed silk proper to that 

1 JPd Hsi says, 'Inexplicable!' 

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BK. XXXIV. MEN JTWAN. 389 

sacrifice, and the red collar, still retaining the sash 
and headband. A son begins at the head, and 
a woman with the girdle, in putting off their 
mourning. What is the reason ? Because a man 
considers the head the most important to him, and 
a woman the waist In laying aside the mourning, 
they began with the most important; in changing 
it, with what was least. 

At the end of the second year, and when the 
greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, the cap 
and dress of plain hempen cloth was assumed. After 
the concluding sacrifice of mourning, in the next 
month, the black cap and silk of black and white 
were put on, and all the appendages of the girdle 
were assumed. 

10. Why is it that in changing the mourning they 
(first) changed what was the lightest ? During the 
wearing of the sackcloth with jagged edges for a 
father, if when, after the sacrifice of repose and the 
end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the 
even-edged sackcloth for a mother, that, as lighter, 
was considered to be embraced in the other, and 
that which was most important was retained. 

After the sacrifice at the end of the year, when 
there occurred occasion for the mourning rites 
of nine months, both the sackcloth and grass-cloth 
bands were worn. 

During the wearing of the sackcloth for a 
mother, when, after the sacrifice of repose and the 
end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the 
mourning for nine months, the sackcloth and grass- 
cloth bands were worn together. 

The grass-cloth band with the jagged-edged sack- 
cloth and the hempen band with the even-edged 



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390 THE Lt ii. BK. xxxiv. 

sackcloth were of the same value. The grass-cloth 
with the even-edged sackcloth and the hempen 
band of the nine months' mourning were of the 
same value. The grass-cloth with the nine months' 
mourning and the hempen band with that of five 
months were of the same value. The grass-cloth 
with the five months' mourning and the hempen 
with that of three months were of the same value. 
So they wore them together. When they did so, 
that which was the lighter was changed first 



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BOOK XXXV. SAN NIEN WAN 

OR 

QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING FOR THREE 

YEARS ». 

i. What purposes do the mourning rites for three 
years serve ? 

The different rules for the mourning rites were 
established in harmony with (men's) feelings. By 
means of them the differences in the social relations 
are set forth, and the distinctions shown of kindred 
as nearer or more distant, and of ranks as more 
noble or less. They do not admit of being diminished 
or added to ; and are therefore called ' The un- 
changing rules.' j 

2. The greater a wound is, the longer it remains ; v 
and the more pain it gives, the more slowly is it 
healed. The mourning of three years, being appointed 
with its various forms in harmony with the feelings 
(produced by the occasion of it), was intended to 
mark the greatest degree of grief. The sackcloth 
with jagged edges, the dark colour of the sackcloth 
and the staff, the shed reared against the wall, the 
gruel, the sleeping on straw, and the clod of earth 
for a pillow : — these all were intended to set forth 
the extremity of the grief. 

3. The mourning of the three years came really 
to an end with (the close of) the twenty-fifth month. 
The sorrow and pain were not yet ended, and the 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 49, 50. 

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392 THE Li kI. 



BK. XXXV. 



longing loving thoughts were not yet forgotten ; but 
in the termination of the mourning dress in this 
way, was it not shown that there should be an end 
to the duties rendered to the dead, and that the 
time was come for the resumption of their duties to 
the living ? 

4. All living creatures between heaven and earth, 
being endowed with blood and breath, have a certain 
amount of knowledge. Possessing that amount of 
knowledge, there is not one of them but knows to 
love its species. Take the larger birds and beasts : — 
when one of them has lost its mate, after a month 
or a season, it is sure to return and go about their 
old haunts. It turns round and round, utters its 
cries, now moves, now stops, and looks quite em- 
barrassed and uncertain in its movements, before it 
can leave the place. Even the smaller birds, such 
as swallows and sparrows, chatter and cry for a little 
before they can leave the place. But among all 
creatures that have blood and breath, there is none 
which has intelligence equal to man ; and hence the 
feeling of man on the death of his kindred remains 
unexhausted even till death. 

5. Will any one follow the example of those men 
who are under the influence of their depraved lusts? 
In that case, when a kinsman dies in the morning, 
he will forget him by the evening. But if we follow 
the course of such men, we shall find that they are 
not equal to the birds and beasts. How can they 
live with their kindred, and not fall into all dis- 
orders ? 

6. Will he rather follow the example of the superior 
man who attends to all the methods by which the 
feeling of grief is set forth ? In that case, the 



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BK. XXXV. SAN NIEN WAN. 393 

twenty-five months, after which the mourning of 
three years comes to an end, will seem to pass as 
quickly as a carriage drawn by four horses is whirled 
past a crevice. And if we continue to indulge the 
feeling, it will prove to be inexhaustible. 

7. Therefore the ancient kings determined the 
proper medium for mourning, and appointed its 
definite terms. As soon as it was sufficient for the 
elegant expression of the varied feeling, it was to be 
laid aside. 

8. This being the case, how is it that (in certain 
cases the mourning lasts) only for a year? The 
answer is, that in the case of the nearest kindred, 
there is a break in it at the end of a year. 

9. How is that ? The answer is : — The inter- 
action of heaven and earth has run its round ; and 
the four seasons have gone through their changes. 
All things between heaven and earth begin their 
processes anew. The rules of mourning are intended 
to resemble this. 

10. Then how is it that there are three years' 
mourning (for a parent) ? The answer is : — From the 
wish to make it greater and more impressive, the 
time is doubled, and so embraces two round years. 

11. What about the mourning for nine months' 
and the shorter periods? The answer is : — It is to 
prevent such mourning from reaching (the longer 
periods). 

12. Therefore the three years should be consi- 
dered as the highest expression of grief in mourning; 
the three months and five months, as the lowest ; 
while the year and the nine months are between 
them. Heaven above gives an example ; earth 
beneath, a law ; and man between, a pattern. The 



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394 THE L * **• 



BK. XXXV. 



harmony and unity that should characterise men 
living in their kinships are hereby completely shown. 

13. Thus it is that in the mourning of three years 
the highest forms that vary and adorn the ways of 
men are displayed. Yes, this is what is called the 
richest exhibition (of human feelings). 

14. In this the hundred kings (of all the dynasties) 
agree, and ancient and modern customs are one and 
the same. But whence it came is not known. 

15. Confucius said, 'A son, three years after his 
birth, ceases to be carried in the arms of his parents. 
The mourning of three years is the universal rule 
of all under heaven.' 



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BOOK XXXVI. SHAN t 

OR 
THE LONG DRESS IN ONE PIECE 1 . 

i. Anciently the long dress had definite measure- 
ments, so as to satisfy the requirements of the 
compass and square, the line, the balance, and the 
steelyard. It was not made so short as to show any 
of the skin, nor so long as to touch the ground. 
The outside pieces of the skirt joined, and were 
hooked together at the side ; (the width of) the seam 
at the waist was half that at the bottom (of the skirt). 

2. The sleeve was joined to the body of the dress 
at the arm-pit, so as to allow the freest movement 
of the elbow-joint; the length of the lower part 
admitted of the cuffs being turned back to the 
elbow. The sash was put on where there were no 
bones, so as not to interfere with the action of the 
thighs below or of the ribs above. 

3. In the making (of the garment) twelve strips 
(of the cloth) were used, to correspond to the twelve 
months. The sleeve was made round, as if fashioned 
by a disk. The opening at the neck was square, as 
if made by means of that instrument so named. The 
cord-like (seam) at the back descended to the ankles, 
as if it had been a straight line. The edge at the 
bottom was like the steelyard of a balance, made 
perfecdy even. 

4. In this way through the rounded sleeves the 
arms could be lifted up in walking (for the pur- 
pose of salutation) in the most elegant form. The 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 50. 

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39^ THE l! si. bx. xxxvr. 

cord-like seam of the back and the square-shaped 
collar about the neck in front, served to admonish 
(the wearer) how his government should be correct 
and his righteousness on the square. It is said in 
the Yi, 'The movement indicated by the second 
line in Khwan, divided, is "from the straight (line) 
to the square 1 ." ' The even edge at the bottom, 
like the steelyard and balance, admonished him to 
keep his will at rest, and his heart even and calm. 

5. These five rules being observed in the making (of 
the dress), the sages wore it. In its squareness and 
roundness they saw its warning against selfishness ; 
in its line-like straightness they saw its admonition 
to be correct, and in its balance-like evenness they 
saw its lesson of impartiality. Therefore the ancient 
kings attached a high value to it ; it could be worn 
in the discharge of both their civil and military duties ; 
in it they could receive visitors and regulate the 
cohorts of their armies. It was complete, but not 
extravagant ; it ranked in the second class of good 
dresses 2 . 

6. For ornament, while his parents and grand- 
parents were alive, (a son) wore the dress with its 
border embroidered. If (only) his parents were 
alive, the ornamental border was blue. In the case 
of an orphan son 3 , the border was white. The border 
round the mouth of the sleeves and all the edges 
of the dress was an inch and a half wide. 

1 See the symbolism of the second line of the 2nd Hexagram, and 
especially the lesser symbolism in the 2nd Appendix, from which 
the quotation is made ; — vol. xvi, pages 60 and 268. 

* That is, next after the court and sacrificial robes. 

* iPang says that a son whose father was dead was called ' an 
orphan son ' up to thirty. 



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BOOK XXXVII. thAu hCt 

or 
THE GAME OF PITCH-POT 1 . 

i. According to the rules for Pitch-pot, the host 
carries the arrows in both his hands put together; 
the superintendent of the archery carries in the 
same way the stand 2 on which the tallies were placed; 
and an attendant holds in his hand the pot. 

2. The host entreats (one of the guests), saying, 
' I have here these crooked 3 arrows, and this pot with 
its wry 3 mouth ; but we beg you to amuse yourself 
with them.' The guest says, ' I have partaken, Sir, 
of your excellent drink and admirable viands ; allow 
me to decline this further proposal for my pleasure.' 
The host rejoins, ' It is not worth the while for 
you to decline these poor arrows and pot; let me 
earnestly beg you to try them.' The guest re- 
peats his refusal, saying, ' I have partaken (of your 
entertainment), and you would still further have me 
enjoy myself; — I venture firmly to decline.' The 
host again addresses his request in the same words, 
and then the guest says, * I have firmly declined 
what you request, but you will not allow me to 
refuse; — I venture respectfully to obey you.' 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 50, 51. 

s This was a small stand or tray, with the figure of a stag (or 
some other animal, according to the rank of the party) carved in 
wood and put down on it, with a tube by its side in which the 
tallies were to be placed. 

8 These are merely the customary terms of depreciation in which 
a Chinese speaks of his own things. 



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398 the l! art. 



BK. XXXVH. 



The guest then bows twice, and signifies that he 
will receive (the arrows). The host wheels round, 
saying, 'Let me get out of the way;' and then at the 
top of the steps on the east, he bows to the guest 
and gives him the arrows. The guest wheels round, 
and says, 'Let me get out of the way 1 .' 

3. (The host) having bowed, and received the 
arrows (for himself), advances to the space between 
the two pillars. He then retires, and returns to his 
station, motioning also to the guest to go to his mat 
(for pitching from). 

4. The superintendent of the archery comes for- 
ward, and measures the distance of the pot (from 
the mats), which should be a space of the length of 
two and a half arrows. He then returns to his 
station, sets forth the stand for the tallies, and 
with his face to the east, takes eight counters and 
stands up. He asks the guest to pitch, saying, 
'When the arrow goes straight in, it is reckoned an 
entry. If you throw a second (without waiting for 
your opponent to pitch), it is not reckoned.' The 
victor gives the vanquished a cup to drink ; and 
when the cups of decision have been dispatched, 
the superintendent begs to set up what he calls ' a 
horse ' for the victor. If he set up one horse, then 
a second, and finally a third, he begs to con- 
gratulate the thrower on the number of his horses. 
He asks' the host to pitch in the same way, and 
with the same words. 

5. He orders the cithern-players to strike up 

1 From this point to the end of the paragraph, it is very difficult 
to make out from the text the sequence of proceedings between 
the host and guest. 

' The pitching,' say the ^ien-lung editors, ' has been agreed on/ 



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BK. XXXVil. THAU HU. 399 

'The Fox's Head/ with the same interval between 
(each repetition of the tune), and the director of 
the music answers, ' Yes.' 

6. When the superintendent announces to them 
on the left and right that the arrows are all used up, 
he requests them to pitch again. When an arrow 
enters, he kneels, and puts down a counter. The 
partners of the guest are on the right, and those of 
the host on the left 

7. When they have done pitching, he takes up 
the counters, and says, ' They have done pitching, 
both on the left and right; allow me to take the 
numbers.' He then takes the numbers two by two, 
and leaves the single counters. After this he takes 
the single counters, and gives the announcement, 
saying, ' Such and such a side has the better by so 
many doubles, or naming the number of the singles.' 
If they are equal, he says, 'Left and right are equal.' 

8. He then orders the cups to be filled, saying, 
' Let the cup go round,' and the cup-bearer (of the 
successful side) replies, ' Yes.' Those who have to 
drink all kneel, and raising their cups with both 
hands, say, 'We receive what you give us to drink.' 
The victors (also) kneel and say, 'We beg respect- 
fully to refresh you.' 

9. When this cup has gone round, according to 
rule, (the superintendent) asks leave to exhibit the 
'horses' (of the victorious side). Each ' horse' stands 
for so many counters. (He who has only) one 'horse' 
gives it to him who has two, to congratulate him (on 
his superiority). The usage in congratulating (the 
most successful) is to say, ' Your three " horses " are 
all here ; allow me to congratulate you on their 
number.' The guests and host all express their 



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400 THE Li Kl. bk. xxxvii. 

assent. The customary cup goes round, and the 
superintendent asks leave to remove the ' horses.' 

10. The number of the counters varies according 
to the place in which they kneel (when playing the 
game). (Each round is with 4 arrows.) (If the game 
be in) the chamber, there are 5 sets of these ; if in 
the hall, 7 ; if in the courtyard, 9. The counters are 
1 cubit 2 inches long. The neck of the pot is 7 inches 
long ; its belly, 5 ; and its mouth is 2\ inches in 
diameter. It contains a peck and 5 pints. It is filled 
with small beans, to prevent the arrows from leaping 
out. It is distant from the mats of the players, the 
length of 2\ arrows. The arrows are made of 
mulberry wood, or from the zizyphus, without the 
bark being removed. 

11. In Lu, the young people (taking part in the 
game) were admonished in these words, ' Do not be 
rude ; do not be haughty ; do not stand awry ; do 
not talk about irrelevant matters ; for those who stand 
awry, or speak about irrelevant matters, there is the 
regular (penal) cap.' A similar admonition in Hsieh 
was to this effect : — ' Do not be rude ; do not be 
haughty ; do not stand awry ; do not speak about 
irrelevant matters. Those who do any of these things 
must pay the penalty.' 

12. The superintendent of the archery, the over- 
seer of the courtyard, and the capped officers who 
stood by, all belonged to the party of the guest. The 
musicians and the boys who acted as attendants, all 
belonged to the party of the host. 



13. There follows after this what appears to be a repre- 
sentation of the progress of a game by means of small circles 
and squares. The circles indicating blows on a small drum 



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BK. XXXVII. THAU HO. 40I 

called pht, and the squares, blows on the larger drum 
(ku) ; — according, we may suppose, to certain events in the 
game. The 'drum ' marks are followed by what are called 
' halves ' or semis. The representation is : — 

Semis. Drums. 

OODO OOOO 

D □ O □ DDDD 

O D .O O O D O 

Then follows the representation of a game in iu : — 
Semis. Lu drums. 

OO O □ D O O 

D D □ O O □ D 

DO D D O D O 

O O O O □ O O 

There is then a remark that in the Hsieh drums the semi 
marks were used for the game of pitch-pot, and all the 
marks for the archery game ; and then we have : — 



Semis. 


Hsieh drums. 


Semis. 


Lu drums, 


O O 


O O D O O 


OOO 


D O 


O □ 


□ O □ D 


D O D 


O D 


O O 


OOOO 


OOO 


O O 


D D 


OODO 


O O 


O 


O O 


D D O O 


D D 


D 



[98] D d 



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BOOK XXXVIII. Zti HSING 

OR 
THE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR 1 . 

i. Duke Ai of Lu asked Confucius, saying, ' Is 
not the dress, Master, which you wear that of the 
scholar 2 ?' Confucius replied, 'When I was little, 
I lived in Lu, and wore the garment with large 
sleeves ; when I was grown up, I lived in Sung, and 
was then capped with the £ang-fu cap*. I have 
heard that the studies of the scholar are extensive, 
but his dress is that of the state from which he 
sprang. I do not know any dress of the scholar.' 

2. The duke said, 'Allow me to ask what is the 
conduct of the scholar.' Confucius replied, ' If I 
were to enumerate the points in it summarily, 
I could not touch upon them all ; if I were to go 
into details on each, it would take a long time. You 
would have changed all your attendants-in-waiting 
before I had concluded*.' The duke ordered a mat 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 51, 52. 

* Callery renders Zu here by ' le Philosophe.' Evidently there 
was in Confucius' time a class of men, thus denominated, dis- 
tinguished by their learning and conduct. The name first occurs 
in the Aau Lf. It is now used for the literati of China, the 
followers of Confucius, in distinction from TSoists and Buddhists. 

8 See vol xxvii, page 438, paragraph 3. Confucius' ancestors 
belonged to the state of Sung, the representative of the ancient 
Yin. 

* It was the custom for a ruler to change his attendants-in- 
waiting, so as not to overtire any. 



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BK. xxxvin. zt HSING. 403 

to be placed for him, and Confucius took his place 
by his side. 

3. He then said, 'The scholar has a precious gem 
placed upon its mat, with which he is waiting to 
receive an invitation (from some ruler) 1 ; early and 
late he studies with energy, waiting to be questioned. 
He carries in his bosom leal-heartedness and good 
faith, waiting to be raised (to office) ; he is vigorous in 
all his doings, waiting to be chosen(to employment): — 
so does he establish his character and prepare himself 
(for the future). 

4. ' The scholar's garments and cap are all fitting 
and becoming ; he is careful in his undertakings and 
doings : in declining great compliments he might 
seem to be rude, and in regard to small compliments, 
hypocritical ; in great matters he has an air of dignity, 
and in small matters, of modesty ; he seems to have 
a difficulty in advancing, but retires with ease and 
readiness ; and he has a shrinking appearance, as 
if wanting in power: — such is he in his external 
appearance. 

5. ' The scholar, wherever he resides, ordinarily or 
only for a time, is grave as if he were apprehensive 
of difficulties ; when seated or on foot, he is courteous 
and respectful ; in speaking, his object is, first of all, 
to be sincere ; in acting, he wishes to be exact and 
correct ; on the road, he does not strive about the 
most difficult or easiest places ; in winter and 
summer, he does not strive about the temperature, 
the light and shade ; he guards against death that he 
may be in waiting (for whatever he may be called 
to) ; he attends well to his person that he may be 

1 Compare Analects IX, ia. The gem is the scholar's virtue, — 
his character and capacities. 

D d 2 

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404 THE l! Jti. bk. xxx vm. 

ready for action: — such are his preparations and 
precautions for the future. 

6. ' The scholar does not consider gold and jade 
to be precious treasures, but leal-heartedness and 
good faith ; he does not desire lands and territory, 
but considers the establishment of righteousness as 
his domain ; he does not desire a great accumulation 
of wealth, but looks on many accomplishments as 
his riches ; it is difficult to win him, but easy to pay 
him ; it is easy to pay him, but difficult to retain him. 
As he will not show himself when the time is not 
proper for him to do so, is it not difficult to win him ? 
As he will have no fellowship with what is not 
righteous, is it not difficult to retain him ? As he 
must first do the work, and then take the pay, is it 
not easy to pay him ? — such are the conditions of his 
close association with others. 

7. ' Though there may be offered to the scholar 
valuable articles and wealth, and though it be tried 
to enervate him with delights and pleasures, he sees 
those advantages without doing anything contrary to 
his sense of righteousness; though a multitude may 
attempt to force him (from his standpoint), and his 
way be stopped by force of arms, he will look death 
in the face without changing the principles (which) 
he maintains ; (he would face) birds and beasts of 
prey with their talons and wings, without regard to 
their fierceness; he would undertake to raise the 
heaviest tripod, without regard to his strength ; he 
has no occasion to regret what he has done in the 
past, nor to make preparations for what may come 
to him in the future ; he does not repeat any error 
of speech ; any rumours against him he does not 
pursue up to their source; he does not allow his 



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BK. XXXVill. zti HSING. 405 

dignity to be interrupted ; he does not dread to 
practise (beforehand) the counsels (which he gives): — 
such are the things in which he stands out and 
apart from other men. 

8. \l With the scholar friendly relations may be 
cultivated, but no attempt must be made to constrain 
him ; near association with him can be sought, but 
cannot be forced on him ; he may be killed, but he 
cannot be disgraced ^/in bis dwelling he will not be 
extravagant ; in his eating and drinking he will not 
be luxurious ; he may be gently admonished of his 
errors and failings, but he should not have them 
enumerated to him to his face : — such is his boldness 
and determination. 

9. ' The scholar considers leal-heartedness and 
good faith to be his coat-of-mail and helmet ; pro- 
priety and righteousness to be his shield and 
buckler ; he walks along, bearing aloft over his head 
benevolence ; he dwells, holding righteousness in his 
arms before him ; the government may be violently 
oppressive, but he does not change his course : — 
such is the way in which he maintains himself. 

10. ' The scholar may have a house in (only) 
a m&u of ground, — a (poor) dwelling each of whose 
(surrounding) walls is (only) ten paces long, with an 
outer door of thorns and bamboos, and openings in 
the wall, long and pointed ; within, the inner door 
stopped up by brushwood, and little round windows 
like the mouth of a jar 1 ; the inmates may have to 

1 This is a picture of squalid poverty, in which it is not easy to 
understand all the details without a discussion of the force of the 
Chinese characters, on which it is impossible to enter here. With all 
the discussion which they have received from the critics, there are 
still difficulties in interpreting the paragraph. 



/ 



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406 THE lA k\. 



BK. XXXVIII. 



exchange garments when they go out ; they may 
have to make one day's food serve for two days ; if 
the ruler respond to him, he does not dare to have 
any hesitation (in accepting office) ; if he do not 
respond, he does not have recourse to flattery: — 
such is he in the matter of taking office, (however 
small). 

ii. 'The scholar lives and has his associations 
with men of the present day, but the men of an- 
tiquity are the subjects of his study. Following 
their (principles and example) in the present age, he 
will become a pattern in future ages. If it should 
be that his own age does not understand and en- 
courage him, that those above him do not bring him, 
and those below him do not push him, forward, or 
even that calumniators and flatterers band together 
to put him in danger, his person may be placed in 
peril, but his aim cannot be taken from him. Though 
danger may threaten him in his undertakings and 
wherever he is, he will still pursue his aim, and 
never forget the afflictions of the people, (which he 
would relieve): — such is the anxiety which he 
cherishes. 

12. 'The scholar learns extensively, but never 
allows his researches to come to an end; he does 
what he does with all his might, but is never weary; 
he may be living unnoticed, but does not give way to 
licentiousness ; he may be having free course in his 
acknowledged position, but is not hampered (by it) ; 
in his practice of ceremonial usages he shows the 
value which he sets on a natural ease ; in the excel- 
lence of his leal-heartedness and good faith, he acts 
under the law of a benignant playfulness ; he shows 
his fond regard for men of virtue and ability, and yet 



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BK. xxxviii. zti HSING. 407 

is forbearing and kind to all ; he (is like a potter who) 
breaks his square (mould), and his tiles are found 
to fit together : — such is the largeness and generosity 
of his spirit. 

- 13.' The scholar recommends members of his 
own family (to public employment), without shrinking 
from doing so, because of their kinship, and pro- 
poses others beyond it, without regard to their being 
at enmity with him ; he estimates men's merits, and 
takes into consideration all their services, selecting 
those of virtue and ability, and putting them for- 
ward, without expecting any recompense from them ; 
the ruler thus gets what he wishes, and if benefit 
results to the state, the scholar does not seek riches 
or honours for himself: — such is he in promoting 
the employment of the worthy and bringing forward 
the able. 

14. ' The scholar when he hears what is good, 
tells it to (his friends), and when he sees what is 
good, shows it to them ; in the view of rank 
and position, he gives the precedence to them over 
himself; if they encounter calamities and hardships, 
he is prepared to die with them ; if they are long 
(in getting advancement), he waits for them; if they 
are far off, he brings them together with himself: — 
such is he in the employment and promotion of his 
friends. 

15. ' The scholar keeps his person free from stain, 
and continually bathes (and refreshes) his virtue ; he 
sets forth what he has to say (to his superior by way of 
admonition), but remains himself in the back-ground, 
trying thus quietly to correct him ; if his superior 
do not acknowledge (his advice), he more proudly 
and clearly makes his views known, but still does 



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408 THE hi xt. BK. XXXviii. 

not press them urgently ; he does not go among those 
who are low to make himself out to be high, nor 
place himself among those who have little (wisdom) 
to make himself out to have much ; in a time of 
good government, he does not think little (of what 
he himself can do) ; in a time of disorder, he does 
not allow his course to be obstructed ; he does not 
(hastily) agree with those who ^hink like himself, 
nor condemn those who think differently : — so does 
he stand out alone among others and take his own 
solitary course. 

1 6. ' The scholar sometimes will not take the high 
office of being a minister of the son of Heaven, nor 
the lower office of serving the prince of a state ; he 
is watchful over himself in his retirement, and 
values a generous enlargement of mind, while at the 
same time he is bold and resolute in his intercourse 
with others ; he learns extensively that he may 
know whatever should be done ; he makes himself 
acquainted with elegant accomplishments, and thus 
smoothes and polishes all his corners and angles; 
although the offer were made to share a state with 
him, it would be no more to him than the small 
weights of a balance ; he will not take a ministry, 
he will not take an office : — such are the rules and 
conduct he prescribes to himself. 

1 7. ' The scholar has those with whom he agrees 
in aim, and pursues the same objects, with whom he 
cultivates the same course, and that by the same 
methods; when they stand on the same level with 
him, he rejoices in them ; if their standing be below 
his, he does not tire of them ; if for long he has 
not seen them, and hears rumours to their prejudice, 
he does not believe them ; his actions are rooted in 



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bk. xxxviil. ztl HSING. 409 

correctness, and his standing is in what is right 1 ; if 
they proceed in the same direction with him, he 
goes forward with them, if not in the same direction, 
he withdraws from them : — so is he in his inter- 
course with his friends. 

18. 'Gentleness and goodness are the roots of 
humanity ; respect and attention are the ground on 
which it stands ; generosity and large-mindedness 
are the manifestation of it ; humility and courtesy 
are the ability of it ; the rules of ceremony are the 
demonstration of it ; speech is the ornament of it ; 
singing and music are the harmony of it ; sharing 
and distribution are the giving of it. The scholar 
possesses all these qualities in union and has them, 
and still he will not venture to claim a perfect 
humanity on account of them : — such is the honour 
(he feels for its ideal), and the humility (with which) 
he declines it (for himself). 

19. 'The scholar is not cast down, or cut from 
his root, by poverty and mean condition ; he is not 
elated or exhausted by riches and noble condition ; 
he feels no disgrace that rulers and kings (may try 
to inflict) ; he is above the bonds that elders and 
superiors (may try to impose) ; and superior officers 
cannot distress him. Hence he is styled a scholar. 
Those to whom the multitude now-a-days give that 
name have no title to it, and they constantly employ 
it to one another as a term of reproach.' 

When Confucius came (from his wanderings to 
Lu) to his own house, duke Ai gave him a (public) 
lodging. When the duke heard these words, he 
became more sincere in his speech, and more 

1 I suspect there is here some error in the text. 

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4io the Li art. 



bk. xxxvin. 



righteous in his conduct He said, ' To the end of 
my days I will not presume to make a- jest of the 
name of scholar 1 .' 



1 It is doubtful whether any of this paragraph should be ascribed 
to Confucius, even in the sense in which we receive the preceding 
paragraphs as from him. Evidently the latter half of it is a note 
by the compiler to show the effect which the long discourse had on 
duke Ai. 



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BOOK XXXIX. TA HSIO 

OR 

THE GREAT LEARNING 1 . 

y 

(/ 

i. What the Great Learning teaches, is to illus- 
trate illustrious virtue ; to love the people 2 ; and 
to rest in the highest excellence. 

The point where to rest being known, the object 
of pursuit is then determined ; and, that being 
determined, a calm unperturbedness may be at- 
tained to. To that calmness there will succeed a 
tranquil repose. In that repose there will be careful 
deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed 
by the attainment (of the desired end). 

Things have their root and their branches; affairs 
have their end and their beginning. To know what 
is first and what is last will lead near to what is 
taught (in the Great Learning). 

2. The ancients who wished* to illustrate illus- 
trious virtue throughout the kingdom, first ordered 
well their states. Wishing to order well their 
states, they first regulated their families. Wishing 
to regulate their families, they first cultivated their 
persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 53, 54. 

* The text of the Ta Hsio, since the labours of Kb Hsi upon it, 
reads here — 'to renovate,' instead of 'to love,' the people. JSTu 
adopted the alteration from Po-shun, called also Ming-tao, one of his 
'masters,' the two brothers ATAang ; but there is really no authority 
for it. 



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412 THE ii si. bk. xxxix. 

first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their 
hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their 
thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, 
they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. 

3. The extension of knowledge is by the investi- 
gation of things 1 . 

4. Things being investigated, their knowledge 
became complete. Their knowledge being com- 
plete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts 
being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. 
Their hearts being rectified, their persons were 
cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their 
families were regulated. Their families being regu- 
lated, their states were rightly governed. Their 
states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom 
was made tranquil and happy. 

From the son of Heaven down to the multitudes 
of the people, all considered the cultivation of the 
person to be the root (of everything besides). It 
cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what 
should spring from it will be well ordered. It never 
has been the case that what was of great importance 
has been slightly cared for, and at the same time 
what was of slight importance has been greatly 
cared for 2 . 



' There is great difficulty in determining the meaning of this 
short sentence. What iTang and Khung Ying-tS say on it is 
unsatisfactory. Kh introduces a long paragraph explaining it from 
his master JWang; — see Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 229, 239. 

* Here ends the first chapter of the Book according to the 
arrangement of Kb Hst. He says that it is ' the words of Con- 
fucius, handed down by 3&ng-jze,' all the rest being the com- 
mentary of 3&ng-gze, recorded by his disciples. The sentiments 
in this chapter are not unworthy of Confucius ; but there is no 



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bk. xxxix. TA HSIO. 413 

This is called 'knowing the root,' this is called 
'the perfection of knowledge.' 

5. What is called ' making the thoughts sincere ' 
is the allowing no self-deception ; — as when we hate 
a bad smell and love what is beautiful, naturally 
and without constraint. Therefore the superior man 
must be watchful over himself when he is alone. 
There is no evil to which the small man, dwelling 
retired, will not proceed ; but when he sees a 
superior man, he tries to disguise himself, conceal- 
ing his evil, and displaying what is good. The 
other beholds him as if he saw his heart and reins ; — 
of what use (is his disguise) ? This is an instance 
of the saying, 'What truly is within will be mani- 
fested without.' Therefore the superior man must 
be watchful over himself when he is alone. 

6. 3ang-jze said, ' What ten eyes behold, what 
ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence 1 . 
(As) riches adorn a house, so virtue adorns the 
person. When the mind becomes enlarged, the 
body appears at ease. Therefore the superior man 
is sure to make his thoughts sincere. 

7. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v,ode 1, 1), 
' How rich the clumps of green bamboo, 

Around each cove of Khi ! 



evidence that they really proceeded from him, nor of the other 
assertions of Kb. See what is said on the subject in the intro- 
ductory notice. 

1 This saying is from 3*ng-gze ; but standing as it does alone 
and apart, it gives no sanction to the view that the first chapter was 
handed down by him, or the rest of the Book compiled by his 
disciples. Rather, the contrary. « The ten eyes and ten hands,' 
says Lo A'ung-fan, ' indicate all the spirits who know men's inmost 
solitary thoughts.' 



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414 THE L ^ K ^- BK « XXXIX. 

They lead my thoughts to our duke Wu ; — 

Of winning grace is he! 
As knife and file make smooth the bone, 
As jade by chisel wrought and stone, 

Is stamp upon him set. 
Grave and of dignity serene; 
With force of will as plainly seen ; 
Accomplished, elegant in mien ; 

Him we can ne'er forget.' 

(That expression), ' as knife and file make smooth 
the bone,' indicates the effect of learning. ' Like 
jade by chisel wrought and stone' indicates that of 
self-culture. 'Grave and of dignity serene' indicates 
the feeling of cautious reverence. ' With force of 
will as plainly seen' indicates an awe-inspiring 
deportment. (The lines), 

' Accomplished, elegant in mien, 
Him can we ne'er forget,' 
indicate how when virtue is complete, and excellence 
extreme, the people cannot forget them. 

8. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, ode 4), 
1 The former kings in mind still bear, 

What glory can with theirs compare?' 
Superior men deem worthy whom they deemed 
worthy, and love whom they loved. The inferior 
people delight in what they delighted in, and are 
benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is 
on this account that the former kings, after they 
have quitted the world, are not forgotten. 

9. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince 
of Khang (Shu, V, ix, 3), 

1 He was able to make his virtue illustrious.' 
It is said in the Thai KA, 'He kept his eye 



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BE. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 415 

continually on the bright requirements of Heaven ' 
(Shu, III, v, sect. 1, 2). 

It is said in the Canon of the Tl (Yao), ' He was 
able to make illustrious his lofty virtue ' (Shu, I, 2). 

These (passages) all show how (those sovereigns) 
made themselves illustrious. 

10. On the bathing-tub of Thang 1 , the following 
words were engraved, 'If you can one day renovate 
yourself, do so from day to day. Yea, daily renovate 
yourself.' 

In the Announcement to the Prince of Khang it 
is said, ' Stir up the new people ' (Shu, V, ix, 7). 
In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 1), 

' The state of Kka had long been known ; 
Heaven's will as new at last was shown.' 

Therefore the superior man in everything uses his 
utmost endeavours 2 . 

11. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, 3), 
' A thousand 11 extends the king's domain, 

And there the people to repose are fain.' 

And in another place (II, viii, 1), 

' Twitters fast the oriole 

Where yonder bends the mound, 
The happy little creature 
Its resting-place has found.' 

The Master said, ' Yes, it rests ; it knows where 



1 A fact not elsewhere noted. But such inscriptions are still 
common in China. 

* The repeated use of ' new,' ' renovated,' in this paragraph, is 
thought to justify the change of 'loving the people,' in paragraph 1, 
to ' renovating the people ; ' but the object of the renovating here 
is not the people. 



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41 6 THE LI Jti. 



BK. XXXIX. 



to rest. Can one be a man, and yet not equal (in 
this respect) to this bird ?' 

12. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, i, 4), 
' Deep were Wans thoughts, sustained his ways ; 

And reverent in each resting-place.' 
As a ruler, he rested in benevolence ; as a 
minister, he rested in respect ; as a son, he rested 
in filial piety ; as a father, he rested in kindness ; 
in intercourse with his subjects, he rested in good 
faith. 

13. The Master said, ' In hearing litigations, I am 
like any other body.' What is necessary is to cause 
the people to have no litigations, so that those who 
are devoid of truth shall find it impossible to carry 
out their speeches, and a great awe be struck into 
the minds of the people". 

1 4. This is called ' knowing the root V 

1 5. What is meant by ' The cultivation of the 
person depends on the rectifying of the mind ' (may 
be thus illustrated) : — If a man be under the in- 
fluence of anger, his conduct will not be correct. 
The same will be the case, if he be under the 
influence of terror, or of fond regard, or of sorrow 
and distress. When the mind is not present, we 
look and do not see ; we hear and do not under- 
stand ; we eat and do not know the taste of what 
we eat. This is what is meant by saying that ' the 
cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying 
of the mind.' 

16. What is meant by 'The regulation of the 
family depends on the cultivation of the person' 

1 It is certainly difficult to see how paragraphs 13, 14 stand where 
they do. Lo ATung-fan omits them. 



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BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 417 

is this : — Men are partial where they feel affection 
and love ; partial where they despise and dislike ; 
partial where they stand in awe and with a feeling 
of respect ; partial where they feel sorrow and com- 
passion ; partial where they are arrogant and rude. 
Thus it is that there are few men in the world who 
love and at the same time know the bad qualities 
(of the object of their love), or who hate and yet 
know the good qualities (of the object of their 
hatred). Hence it is said, in the common adage, 
' A man does not know the badness of his son j he 
does not know the richness of his growing corn.' 
This is what is meant by saying, that ' if his person 
be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate his family.' 

17. What is meant by 'In order to govern well 
his state, it is necessary first to regulate his family ' 
is this : — It is not possible for one to teach others 
while he cannot teach his own family. Therefore 
the superior man (who governs a state), without 
going beyond his family, completes the lessons for 
his state. There is filial piety ; — it has its applica- 
tion in the service of the ruler. There is brotherly 
obedience ; — it has its application in the service of 
elders. There is kindly gentleness; — it has its ap- 
plication in the employment of the multitudes. It 
is said in the Announcement to the Prince of 
Khang (Shu, V, ix, 9), '(Deal with the people), 
as if you were watching over an infant.' If (a 
mother) be really anxious about it, though she may 
not hit (exactly the wants of her infant), she will not 
be far from doing so. There never has been (a 
girl) who learned (first) to bring up an infant that 
she might afterwards be married. 

18. From the loving (example) of one family, 
[*8J e e 

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41 8 THE Li Jri. bk. xxxix. 

a whole state may become loving, and from its 
courtesies, courteous, while from the ambition and 
perverseness of the One man, the whole state may be 
thrown into rebellious disorder ; — such is the nature 
of the influence. This is in accordance with the 
saying, 'Affairs may be ruined by a single sentence ; 
a state may be settled by its One man.' 

19. Yao and Shun presided over the kingdom 
with benevolence, and the people followed them. 
■ATieh and A!au did so with violence, and the people 
followed them. When the orders of a ruler are 
contrary to what he himself loves to practise the 
people do not follow him. 

20. Therefore the ruler must have in himself the 
(good) qualities, and then he may require them in 
others ; if they are not in himself, he cannot require 
them in others. Never has there been a man who, 
not having reference to his own character and wishes 
in dealing with others, was able effectually to 
instruct them. Thus we see how ' the government 
of the state depends on the regulation of the family.' 

21. In the Book of Poetry it is said (I, i, 6, 3), 

' Graceful and young the peach-tree stands, 
Its foliage clustering green and full. 
This bride to her new home repairs; 
Her household will attest her rule.' 

Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the 
people of the state may be taught 
In another ode it is said (II, ii, 9, 3), 

' In concord with their brothers may they dwell ! ' 

Let rulers dwell in concord with all their brethren, 
and then they may teach the people of their states. 
In a third ode it is said (I, xiv, 3, 3), 



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BK. XXXIX. tA HSIO. 419 

' His movements without fault or flaw beget 
Good order for his rule throughout the state.' 
When the ruler as a father, a son, an elder brother 
or a younger, is a model for imitation, then the 
people imitate him. These (passages) show how 
' the government of a state depends on the regu- 
lation of the family.' 

22. What is meant by ' The making the whole 
kingdom peaceful and happy depends on the govern- 
ment of its states ' is this : — When the superiors 
behave to their aged as the aged should be behaved 
to, the people become filial ; when they behave to 
their elders as elders should be behaved to, the 
people learn brotherly submission ; when they treat 
compassionately the young and helpless, the people 
do the same. Thus the superior man has a principle 
with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate 
his course. 

23. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him 
not display in his treatment of his inferiors; and what 
he dislikes in his inferiors, let him not display in 
his service of his superiors : what he dislikes in 
those who are before him, let him not therewith 
precede those who are behind him ; and what he 
dislikes in those who are behind him, let him not 
therewith follow those who are before him : what he 
dislikes to receive on the right, let him not bestow 
on the left ; and what he dislikes to receive on the 
left, let him not bestow on the right : — this is what 
is called ' The Principle with which, as with a 
measuring square, to regulate one's course.' 

24. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, ii, 7, 3), 
4 To be rejoiced in are these noble men, 

The parents of the people !' 
Ee 2 



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420 THE Li Kt. 



BK. XXXIX. 



When (a ruler) loves what the people love, and 
hates what the people hate, then is he what is called 
' The Parent of the People.' 

25. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, iv, 7, i), 

' That southern hill, sublime, uprears its craggy 
height ; 
Such thou, Grand-master Yin, before the nation's 
sight ! ' 

Rulers of states should not neglect to be careful. 
If they deviate (to a selfish regard only for them- 
selves), they will be counted a disgrace throughout 
the kingdom. 

26. In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 6), 

' Ere Shang had lost the nation's heart, 
Its monarchs all with God had part 
In sacrifice. From them we see 
'Tis hard to keep High Heaven's decree.' 

This shows that by gaining the people, the state is 
gained ; and by losing the people, the state is lost. 

Therefore the ruler should first be careful about 
his (own) virtue. Possessing virtue will give him 
the people. Possessing the people will give him the 
territory. Possessing the territory will give him its 
wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have re- 
sources for expenditure. 

Virtue is the root ; wealth is the branches. If he 
make the root his secondary object, and the branches 
his primary object, he will only quarrel with the 
people, and teach them rapine. Hence the accu- 
mulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people, 
and the distribution of his wealth is the way to 
collect the people. Hence (also), when his words 
go forth contrary to right, they will come back to 



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BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 421 

him in the same way, and wealth got by improper 
ways will take its departure by the same. 

27. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince of 
Khang (Shu, V, ix, 2, 3), 'The decree (of Heaven) 
is not necessarily perpetual.' That is, goodness 
obtains the decree, and the want of goodness 
loses it. 

28. In a Book of Khk it is said l , ' The state of 
KM does not consider (such a toy) to be precious. 
Its good men are what it considers to be precious.' 

29. Fan, the maternal uncle (of duke Wan of 3in), 
said, ' A fugitive (like you) should not account (that) 
to be precious. What he should consider precious 
is the affection due (even) to his (deceased) parent 2 .' 

30. It is said in the Speech of (duke MO of) KMn 
(Shu, V, xxx, 6, 7), 'Let me have but one minister, 
plain and sincere, not possessed of other abilities, 
but with a simple, upright, and at the same time 
a generous, mind, regarding the talents of others 
as if they were his own ; and when he finds accom- 
plished and perspicacious men, loving them in his 
heart more than his mouth expresses, and really 
showing himself able to bear them (and employ 
them), — such a minister will be able to preserve my 
sons and grandsons, and other benefits (to the state) 
may well be expected from him. But if (it be his 
character), when he finds men of ability, to be 

1 The narratives about KA&, Section II, Article 5, in the ' Nar- 
ratives of the States.' The exact characters of the text are not 
found in the article, but they might easily arise from what we do 
find. An officer of 3'n is asking Wang-sun Wei, an envoy from 
Khh, about a famous girdle of that state. The envoy calls it a 
toy, and gives this answer. 

* See vol. xxvii, page 165, paragraph 19. 



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422 THE Lt zt. 



BK. XXXIX. 



jealous of them and hate them ; and, when he 
finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose 
them, and not allow their advancement, showing 
himself really not able to bear them, — such a man 
will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons, 
and black-haired people ; and may he not also be 
pronounced dangerous (to the state) ? ' 

31. It is only the truly virtuous man that can 
send away such a man and banish him, driving him 
out among the barbarous tribes around, determined 
not to dwell with him in the Middle states. This is 
in accordance with the saying, 'It is only the truly 
virtuous man who can love others or can hate 
others.' 

32. To see men of worth, and not be able to 
raise them to office ; to raise them to office, but not 
to do so quickly : — this is treating them with dis- 
respect. To see bad men, and not to be able to 
remove them ; to remove them, but not to do so to 
a distance : — this is weakness. 

33. To love those whom men hate, and to hate 
those whom men love : — this is to outrage the 
natural feeling of men. Calamities are sure to come 
on him who does so. 

34. Thus we see that the ruler has a great course 
to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion and 
sincerity to succeed, and by pride and extravagance 
he will fail. 

35. There is a great course (also) for the produc- 
tion of wealth. Let the producers be many, and the 
consumers few. Let there be activity in the pro- 
duction, and economy in the expenditure. Then 
the wealth will always be sufficient. 

36. The virtuous (ruler) uses his wealth so as to 



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BK. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 423 

make himself more distinguished. The vicious 
ruler will accumulate wealth, even though it cost 
him his life. 

37. Never has there been a case of the superior 
loving benevolence, and his inferiors not loving 
righteousness. Never has there been a case where 
(his inferiors) loved righteousness, and the business 
(of the superior) has not reached a happy issue. 
Never has there been a case where the wealth 
accumulated in the treasuries and arsenals (of such 
a ruler and people) did not continue to be his. 

38. Mang Hsien-jze 1 said, ' He who keeps his 
team of horses * does not look after fowls and pigs. 
The family which has its stores of ice 3 does not 
keep cattle or sheep. The house which possesses 
a hundred chariots 4 should not keep a grasping 
minister to gather up all the taxes for it Than 
have such a minister, it would be better to have one 
who would rob it of its revenues.' This is in 
accordance with the saying, ' In a state gain should 
not be considered prosperity; its prosperity lies in 
righteousness.' 

39. When he who presides over a state or a 
family makes his revenues his chief business, he 
must be under the influence of some small man. 
He may consider him to be good ; but when such a 
person is employed in the administration of a state 

1 The worthy minister of LA, mentioned in vol. xxvii, p. 154, et al. 
His name was Aung-sun Mieh. Hsien was his posthumous title. 

* An officer who has just attained to be a Great officer, and 
received from the ruler the carriage of distinction. 

* To be used in sacrificing; but, we may suppose, for other 
uses as well. 

4 A dignitary, possessing an appanage. 



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424 THE Li J?i. bk. xxxix. 

or family, calamities and injuries will befal it to- 
gether; and though a good man (may take his 
place), he will not be able to remedy the evil. This 
illustrates (again) the saying, ' In a state gain should 
not be considered prosperity ; its prosperity should 
be sought in righteousness.' 



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BOOK XL. KWAN t 

OR 
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING 1 . 

i. Generally speaking, that which makes man 
man is the meaning of his ceremonial usages. The 
first indications of that meaning appear in the correct 
arrangement of the bodily carriage, the harmonious 
adjustment of the countenance, and in the natural 
ordering of the speech. When the bodily carriage is 
well arranged, the countenance harmoniously ad- 
justed, and speech naturally ordered, the meaning of 
the ceremonial usages becomes complete, and serves 
to render correct the relation between ruler and 
subject, to give expression to the affection between 
father and son, and to establish harmony between 
seniors and juniors. When the relation between 
ruler and subject is made correct, affection secured 
between father and son, and harmony shown between 
seniors and juniors, then the meaning of those usages 
is established. Hence after the capping has taken 
place, provision is made for every other article of 
dress. With the complete provision of the dress, 
the bodily carriage becomes (fully) correct, the 
harmonious expression of the countenance is made 
perfect, and the speech is all conformed to its 
purposes. VHence it is said that in capping we have 
the first indications of (the meaning of the) cere- 
monial usages^ It was on this account that the sage 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 54, 55. 

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426 THE l! zl. BK. XL. 

kings of antiquity made so much as they did of the 
capping. 

2(' Anciendy, when about to proceed to the 
ceremony of capping, they divined for the day by 
the stalks, and also for the guests (who should be 
present). In this way did they manifest the value 
which they attached to capping. Attaching such a 
value to it, they made the ceremony very important. 
They made the ceremony so important, showing 
how they considered it to lie at the foundation of 
the state's (prosperity). 

3. Hence (also) the capping took place at the top 
of the eastern steps, (appropriate to the use of the 
Master) ; — to show that the son would (in due time) 
take his place. (The father) handed him a (special) 
cup in the guests' place. Three caps were used in 
the ceremony, each successive one more honourable, 
and giving the more importance to his coming of 
age. When the capping was over, he received the 
name of his maturity. So was it shown that he was 
now a full-grown man!«_, 

4. He presented himself before his mother, and 
his mother bowed to him ; he did the same before 
his brothers and cousins, and they bowed to him : — 
he was a man grown, and so they exchanged 
courtesies with him. In the dark-coloured cap, 
and the dark-coloured square-cut robes, he put 
down his gift of introduction before the ruler, and 
then proceeded with the proper gifts to present him- 
self to the high ministers and Great officers, and to 
the old gentlemen of the country : — appearing before 
them as a man grown. ■_ 

1 Compare paragraph 2 on pages 437, 438, vol xxvii. 

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BK. XL. KWAN i. 427 

5/ Treating him (now) as a grown-up man, they 
would require from him all the observances of a 
full-grown man. Doing so, they would require from 
him the performance of all the duties of a son, a 
younger brother, a subject, and a junior ,1 But when 
these four duties or services were required from him, 
was it not right that the ceremony by which he 
was placed in such a position should be considered 
important ? 

6.(Thus when the discharge of filial and fraternal 
duties, of loyal service, and of deferential submission 
was established, he could indeed be regarded as a 
(full-grown) man. When he could be regarded as 
such, he could be employed to govern other men. ) 
It was on this account that the sage kings attached 
such an importance to the ceremony, and therefore 
it was said, that in capping we have the introduction 
to all the ceremonial usages, and that it is the most 
important of the festive services. 

Therefore the ancients considered the capping as 
so important. Considering it so important, they 
performed it in the ancestral temple. They did so, 
to do honour to so important a service. Feeling 
that it was to be honoured so, they did not dare to 
take the responsibility of its performance on them- 
selves. Not daring themselves to take the respon- 
sibility of it, they therefore humbled themselves, and 
gave honour in doing so to their forefathers. 



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BOOK XLI. HWAN I 

OR 
THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY 1 . 

W i. The ceremony of marriage was intended to be 
a bond of love between two (families of different) 
surnames, with a view, in its retrospective character, 
to secure the services in the ancestral temple, and in 
its prospective character, to secure the continuance 
of the family line. . Therefore the superior men, 
(the ancient rulers),' set a great value upon it. 
Hence, in regard to the various (introductory) cere- 
monies, — the proposal with its accompanying gift 2 ; 
the inquiries about the (lady's) name ; the intimation 
of the approving divination 8 ; the receiving the 
special offerings 4 ; and the request to fix the day 5 : — 
these all were received by the principal party (on the 
lady's side), as he rested on his mat or leaning-stool 
in the ancestral temple. (When they arrived), he 
met the messenger, and greeted him outside the 
gate, giving place to him as he entered, after which 
they ascended to the hall. Thus were the instruc- 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 55. 

* This gift was always a goose ; into the reasons for which it is 
not necessary to enter. 

* The gentleman's family had divined on the proposal. 
4 These were various. 

8 The lady's family fixed this. The first proposal was made, 
and perhaps those which followed also, by that important functionary 
in Chinese life, ' the go-between,' or a friend acting in that capacity. 



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BK. XLI. HWAN i. 429 

tions received in the ancestral temple \ and in this 
way was the ceremony respected, and watched over, 
while its importance was exhibited and care taken 
that all its details should be correct. 

2. The father gave himself the special cup * to his 
son, and ordered him to go and meet the bride ; it 
being proper that the male should take the first step 
(in all the arrangements). The son, having received 
the order, proceeded to meet his bride. Her father, 
who had been resting on his mat and leaning-stool 
in the temple, met him outside the gate and received 
him with a bow, and then the son-in-law entered, 
carrying a wild goose. After the (customary) bows 
and yieldings of precedence, they went up to the hall, 
when the bridegroom bowed twice and put down the 
wild goose. Then and in this way he received the 
bride from her parents. 

After this they went down, and he went out and 
took the reins of the horses of her carriage, which 
he drove for three revolutions of the wheels, having 
handed the strap to assist her in mounting. He 
then went before, and waited outside his gate. When 
she arrived, he bowed to her as she entered. They 
ate together of the same animal, and joined in 
sipping from the cups made of the same melon 8 ; 

1 Thus a religious sanction entered into the idea of marriage. 

* The same cup that is mentioned in the last chapter, paragraph 
3 ; the son received it and gave no cup to the father in return. 
This was its speciality. In the capping ceremonies it was given 
• in the guests' place ; ' in those of marriage, in the son's chamber. 

' Once when I was permitted to witness this part of a marriage 
ceremony, the bridegroom raised his half of the melon, with the 
spirit in it, to the bride's lips, and she raised her half to his. Each 
sipped a little of the spirit. 



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430 THE hi zl. BK. xl*. 

thus showing that they now formed one body, were 
/ of equal rank, and pledged to mutual affection. 

3. The respect, the caution, the importance, the 
attention to secure correctness in all the details, and 
then (the pledge of) mutual affection, — these were 
the great points in the ceremony, and served to 
establish the distinction to be observed between man 
and woman, and the righteousness to be maintained 
between husband and wife. From the distinction 
between man and woman came the righteousness 
between husband and wife. From that righteous- 
ness came the affection between father and son; 
and from that affection, the rectitude between ruler 
and minister. Whence it is said, ' The ceremony 
of marriage is the root of the other ceremonial 
observances.' 

4. Ceremonies (might be said to) commence with 
the capping; to have their root in marriage; to be most 
important in the rites of mourning and sacrifice ; to 
confer the greatest honour in audiences at the royal 
court and in the interchange of visits at the feudal 
courts ; and to be most promotive of harmony in 
the country festivals and celebrations of archery. 
These were the greatest occasions of ceremony, and 
the principal points in them. 

5. Rising early (the morning after marriage), the 
young wife washed her head and bathed her per- 
son, and waited to be presented (to her husband's 
parents), which was done by the directrix, as soon 
as it was bright day. She appeared before them, 
bearing a basket with dates, chestnuts, and slices of 
dried spiced meat. The directrix set before her a 
cup of sweet liquor, and she offered in sacrifice some 
of the dried meat and also of the liquor, thus 



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BK. XLI. 

performing the ceremony which declared her their 
son's wife \ 

6. The father and mother-in-law then entered 
their apartment, where she set before them a single 
dressed pig, — thus showing the obedient duty of 
(their son's) wife '. 

7. Next day, the parents united in entertaining 
the young wife, and when the ceremonies of their 
severally pledging her in a single cup, and her 
pledging them in return, had been performed, they 
descended by the steps on the west, and she by 
those on the east, — thus showing that she would 
take the mother s place in the family 1 . 

8. Thus the ceremony establishing the young wife 
in her position; (followed by) that showing her 
obedient service (of her husband's parents) ; and 
both succeeded by that showing how she now 
occupied the position of continuing the family line : — 
all served to impress her with a sense of the defer- 
ential duty proper to her. When she was thus 
deferential, she was obedient to her parents-in-law, 
and harmonious with all the occupants of the 
women's apartments; she was the fitting partner 
of her husband, and could carry on all the work in 
silk and linen, making cloth and silken fabrics, and 
maintaining a watchful care over the various stores 
and depositories (of the household). 

9. In this way when the deferential obedience of 
the wife was complete, the internal harmony was 

1 The details of the various usages briefly described in these 
paragraphs are to be found in the 4th Book of the 1 Lf, the 2nd 
of those on the scholar's marriage ceremonies: paragraphs 1-10; 
1 1-17 ; 18-20. There were differences in the ceremonies according 
to the rank of the parties ; but all agreed in their general character. 



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432 THE Li JCJf. 



BK. Hi. 



secured ; and when the internal harmony was 
secured, the long continuance of the family could be 
calculated on. Therefore the ancient kings attached 
such importance (to the marriage ceremonies). 

10. Therefore, anciently, for three months before 
the marriage of a young lady, if the temple of the 
high ancestor (of her surname) were still standing 
(and she had admission to it), she was taught in it, 
as the public hall (of the members of her surname) ; if 
it were no longer standing (for her), she was taught 
in the public hall of the Head of that branch of the 
surname to which she belonged; — she was taught 
there the virtue, the speech, the carriage, and the 
work of a wife. When the teaching was accom- 
plished, she offered a sacrifice (to the ancestor), using 
fish for the victim, and soups made of duckweed and 
pondweed. So was she trained to the obedience of 
a wife 1 . 

ii. Anciently, the queen of the son of Heaven 
divided the harem into six palace-halls, (occupied) 
by the 3 ladies called fu-san, the 9 pin, the 27 shih- 
fu, and the 81 yti-^i. These were instructed in 
the domestic and private rule which should prevail 
throughout the kingdom, and how the deferential 
obedience of the wife should be illustrated ; and 
thus internal harmony was everywhere secured, and 
families were regulated. (In the same way) the son 
of Heaven established six official departments, in 

1 There is supposed to be an allusion to this custom in the Stub, 
I, ii, 4, beginning, 

'She gathers fast the large duckweed, 

From valley stream that southward flows; 
And for the pondweed to the pools 
Left on the plains by floods she goes.' 



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bk. xli. hwAn t. 433 

which were distributed the 3 kung, the 9 kh'mg, 
the 27 ta fu, and the 8i sze of the highest grade. 
These were instructed in all that concerned the 
public and external government of the kingdom, and 
how the lessons for the man should be illustrated ; 
and thus harmony was secured in all external affairs, 
and the states were properly governed. 

It is therefore said, ' From the son of Heaven 
there were learned the lessons for men ; and from 
the queen, the obedience proper to women.' The 
son of Heaven directed the course to be pursued by 
the masculine energies, and the queen regulated the 
virtues to be cultivated by the feminine receptivities. 
The son of Heaven guided in all that affected the 
external administration (of affairs) ; and the queen, 
in all that concerned the internal regulation (of the 
family). The teachings (of the one) and the obe- 
dience (inculcated by the other) perfected the 
manners and ways (of the people) ; abroad and at 
home harmony and natural order prevailed ; the 
states and the families were ruled according to 
their requirements : — this was what is called ' the 
condition of complete virtue.' 

12. Therefore when the lessons for men are not 
cultivated, the masculine phenomena in nature do 
not proceed regularly ; — as seen in the heavens, we 
have the sun eclipsed. When the obedience proper 
to women is not cultivated; the feminine phenomena 
in nature do not proceed regularly; — as seen in the 
heavens, we have the moon eclipsed. Hence on an 
eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven put on plain 
white robes, and proceeded to repair what was 
wrong in the duties of the six official departments, 
purifying everything that belonged to the masculine 
[28] F f 

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434 THE L ? xi- BK - XLI - 

sphere throughout the kingdom ; and on an eclipse 
of the moon, the queen dressed herself in plain 
white robes, and proceeded to repair what was 
wrong in the duties of the six palace-halls, purifying 
everything that belonged to the feminine sphere 
throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven is to 
the queen what the sun is to the moon, or the 
masculine energy of nature to the feminine. They 
are necessary to each other, and by their interde- 
pendence they fulfil their functions. 

13. The son of Heaven attends to the lessons for 
men ; — that is the function of the father. The queen 
attends to the obedience proper to women ; — that is 
the function of the mother. Therefore it is said, 
'The son of Heaven and the queen are (to the 
people) what father and mother are.' Hence for 
him who is the Heaven(-appointed) king they wear 
the sackcloth with the jagged edges, — as for a father; 
and for the queen they wear the sackcloth with the 
even edges, — as for a mother. 



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BOOK XLII. HSIANG YIN Klti 1 

OR 

THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING FESTIVITY IN 
THE DISTRICTS 1 . 

i. The meaning of the drinking in the country 
districts may be thus described : — The president on 
the occasion bows to the (coming) guest as he 
receives him outside the college gate. They enter 
and thrice salute each other till they come to the 
steps. There each thrice yields the precedence to 
the other, and then they ascend. In this way they 
carry to the utmost their mutual demonstrations of 
honour and humility. (The host) washes his hands, 
rinses the cup, and raises it, — to give the highest 
idea of purity. They bow on the guest's arrival ; 
they bow as (the cup) is washed ; they bow when 
the cup is received, and when it is presented (in 
return) ; they bow when the drinking it is over : — 
in this way carrying to the utmost their mutual 
respect. 

2. Such giving of honour, such humility, such 
purity, and such respect belonged to the intercourse 
of superior men with others. When they gave 
honour and showed humility, no contentions arose. 
When they maintained purity and respect, no in- 
difference or rudeness arose. When there was no 
rudeness or contention, quarrels and disputations 
were kept at a distance. When men did not quarrel 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 56. 
F f 2 



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436 THE Li tfi. bk. xlii. 

nor dispute, there came no evils of violence or 
disorder. It was thus that superior men escaped 
suffering calamity from other men ; and therefore 
the sages instituted the observances in this ceremony 
to secure such a result. 

3. The chief of the district with the accomplished 
and virtuous men belonging to it had the vessel of 
liquor placed between the room (on the east), and 
the door (leading to the apartments on the west), 
host and guests sharing it between them. The 
vessel contained the dark-coloured liquor (of pure 
water) ; — showing the value they attached to its sim- 
plicity. The viands came forth from the room on 
the east ; — being supplied by the host. All washing 
took place (in the courtyard) opposite the eastern 
wing ; — showing how the host purified himself and 
made himself ready to serve the guests. 

4. The (principal) guest and the host represented 
heaven and earth ; the attendants of the guest and 
host respectively represented the forces inherent in 
nature in their contracting and expanding operations; 
the three (heads of the) guests (in their threefold 
division) represented the three (great) luminaries; 
the precedence thrice yielded (to the guest) repre- 
sented the three days when the moon is invisible till 
it begins to reappear ; the seating of the parties 
present (all round or) on the four sides represented 
the four seasons \ 

1 P. Callery says: — 'There were at this ceremony, 1. the chief 
and his assistant; 2. the principal guest who was supposed to 
represent all the other guests, and who also had his assistant; 
3. three guests who formed a second category; 4. finally, the 
crowd of guests, a number not fixed, to whom no honour was paid 
directly, since they were held to receive all the honours rendered to 



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BK. XLH. HSIANG YIN Kit i. 437 

5. The snell and icy wind (that blows between) 
heaven and earth begins in the south-west and 
is strongest in the north-west. This is the wind 
that represents the most commanding severity of 
heaven and earth ; — the wind of their righteous 
justice. The warm and genial wind (that blows 
between) heaven and earth begins in the north-east 
and is strongest in the south-east. This is the wind 
that represents the abundant virtue of heaven and 
earth ; — the wind of their benevolence. The host, 
wishing to do honour to his guest, assigns him his 
seat on the north-west, and that of his attendant on 
the south-west, that he may there (most conveniently) 
assist him. The guest (represents) the treatment of 
others according to justice, and therefore his seat is 

the principal guest.' ATAan Hao quotes an opinion that the prin- 
cipal guest was made to represent heaven, to do him the greater 
honour ; and the host to represent the earth, because he was the 
entertainer and nourisher; and that their assistants represented 
the yin and yang, because they assisted their principals as these 
energies in nature assist heaven and earth. 

On ' the three Luminaries,' Callery says : — ' Ordinarily the name 
of " the three Luminaries " belongs to the sun, the moon, and the 
stars, but par. 16 below does not allow us to take it so here. 
The commentators say that we are to understand the three most 
brilliant constellations in the firmament, which they call Hsin, 
FS, and Po-^Aan, corresponding, I believe, in part to Orion, 
Scorpio, and Argo or the Ship.' So also Kh&a HaVs authority. 
Hsin is generally understood to be Scorpio (Antares, <r,r, and two 
c 3584 and 3587); Fa to be v Orion; and Po-Man to be the 
north polar star. 

On the ' thrice-yielded precedence to the guest,' Callery says : — 
' The comparison is far-fetched ; it is intended to say that as the 
moon would not receive light if the sun did not accord it, so the 
guest would not receive such honours if the host did not render 
them.' So the commentators certainly try to explain it. 



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438 THE Li Ki. 



BK. XLII. 



on the north-west ; the host (represents) the treat- 
ment of others according to benevolence and a genial 
kindness, and therefore his seat is on the south- 
east, and his attendant is seated on the north-east, 
that he may there (most conveniently) assist him *. 

6. That intercourse according to benevolence and 
righteousness being established, so as to show the 
respective duties of host and guest, and the number 
of stands and dishes being properly fixed ; — all this 
must be the result of sage intelligence. That 
intelligence established the arrangements, and each 
one being carried through with respect, it became 
a ceremonial usage. That usage proceeding to mark 
and embody the distinction between old and young, 
it became a virtue. Virtue is that which is the 
characteristic of the person. Therefore we have 
the saying, ' In the learning of antiquity, the 
methods by which they pursued the course adopted 
were intended to put men in possession of their 
proper virtue.' On this account the sages employed 
their powers (on its lessons) 2 . 

1 P. Callery observes on this paragraph : — ' The meteorological 
observations on which these statements rest must have been made 
very long ago in the interior of the country, there where the winds 
come under the influence of the icy plains of Tartary and the high 
mountains which separate China from Thibet; for on the sea- 
coasts of China, exactly the contrary has place. During the winter 
the north-east monsoon prevails, varying sometimes to the north 
and sometimes to the east, rarely to the north-west ; while during 
the heats of summer the wind blows from the south-west, bending 
a little towards the south or towards the east, according as the 
monsoon is in the period of its increase or decline. It is generally 
in the course of this monsoon that there takes place the terrible 
storms known by the name of typhoons.' 

* The A^ien-lung editors do their best to elucidate this 



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BK. XLH. HSIANG YIN JElti i. 439 

7. When (the guest) offers in sacrifice some of the 
things that have been set before him, and some 
of the liquor, he showed how he respected (the host) 
for his courtesy; when he proceeded to take some 
of the lungs in his teeth, he thereby tasted (the 
host's) courtesy; when he then sipped some of the 
liquor, that was his last step in acknowledgment 
thereof. This last act was done at the end of his 
mat, showing that the mat was spread straight 
before him, not only for the purpose of eating and 
drinking, but also for the performance of the 
(proper) rites. In this was shown how it was the 
ceremony that was valued, while the wealth was 
made little account of. Finally, when the host filled 
their cups from the horn, they drained them at the 
top of the western steps; — showing how the mat 
was set not (merely) for the purpose of eating and 
drinking, and how the idea was that of giving to the 
ceremony the first place, and to wealth the last 
But when the ceremony has the first place, and 
wealth the last, the people become respectful and 
yielding, and are not contentious with one another. 

8. At the ceremony of drinking in the country 
districts, those who were sixty years old sat, and 
those who were (only fifty) stood, and were in 
waiting to receive any orders and perform any 
services ; — thus illustrating the honour which should 
be paid to elders. 

Before those who were sixty, three dishes were 
placed ; before those of seventy, four ; before those 
of eighty, five ; before those of* ninety, six : — 

difficult and obscure paragraph; but are obliged to quote in the 
end the judgment of J£& Hsi that ' it is vague and intractable, and 
not worth taking much trouble about.' 



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44-0 THE Lt Kt. BK. XLH. 

thus illustrating how the aged should be cherished 
and nourished. 

When the people knew to honour their elders and 
nourish their aged, then at home they could practise 
filial piety and fraternal duty. Filial and fraternal 
at home and abroad, honouring elders and nourish- 
ing the aged, then their education was complete, 
and this led to the peace and tranquillity of the 
state. What the superior man calls filial piety, 
does not require that (every) family should be 
visited and its members daily taught ; if (the people) 
be assembled at the archery meetings in the dis- 
tricts, and taught the usages at the district-drinkings, 
their conduct is brought to be filial and fraternal. 

9. Confucius said, ' When I look on at the festivity 
in the country districts, I know how easily the Royal 
way may obtain free course. 

10. ' The host in person invites the principal guest 
and his attendant, and all the other guests follow 
them of themselves. When they arrive outside the 
gate, he bows (and welcomes) the chief guest and 
his attendant, and all the others enter of themselves. 
In this way the distinction between the noble and 
the mean is exhibited. 

11.' With the interchange of three bows (the host 
and guest) arrive at the steps ; and after precedence 
has been thrice yielded to him, the guest ascends. In 
bowing to him (on the hall), (the host) presents to 
him the cup, and receives the cup from him in 
return. The usages between them, now declining, 
now yielding, the one to the other, are numerous ; 
but the attention paid to the assistant is less. As 
to the crowd of guests, they ascend, and receive the 
cup. Kneeling down they offer some of it in sacri- 



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BK. XLII. HSIANG YIN Kit i. 44 1 

fice ; they rise and drink it ; and without pledging 
the host in the return-cup, they descend. In this 
way the proper distinction is made between the 
different parties by the multitude or paucity of the 
observances paid to them. 

1 2. ' The musicians enter, ascend the hall, and sing 
the three pieces which complete their performance, 
after which the host offers to them the cup. The 
organists enter, and (below the hall) play three tunes, 
which complete their part of the performance, after 
which the host offers to them (also) the cup. Then 
they sing and play alternately other three pieces and 
tunes ; and also thrice again they sing and play 
in concert. When this is finished, the musicians 
announce that the music is over, and go out. 

' At the same time a person (as instructed by the 
host) takes up the horn, and one is appointed to 
superintend the drinking, and see that it proceeds 
correctly. From this we know how they could be 
harmonious and joyful, without being disorderly. 

1 3. ' The (principal) guest pledges the host, the 
host pledges the attendants, the attendants pledge 
all the guests. Young and old pledge one another 
according to their age, and the cup circulates on to 
the keepers of the vases and the cup-washers. From 
this we know how they could practise brotherly 
deference to their elders without omitting any one. 

14. ' Descending (after this), they take off their 
shoes ; ascending again, and taking their seats, they 
take their cups without any limit as to number. But 
the regulations of the drinking do not allow them to 
neglect the duties either of the morning or evening. 
When the guests go out, the host bows to each 
as he escorts him away. The regulations and 



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442 THE iA kL 



BK. XLII. 



forms are observed to the end; and from this we 
know how they could enjoy the feast without turbu- 
lence or confusion. 

15. 'The distinction between the noble and 
mean thus exhibited ; the discrimination in the 
multitude or paucity of the observances to different 
parties ; the harmony and joy without disorder ; the 
brotherly deference to elders without omitting any ; 
the happy feasting without turbulence or confusion ; — 
the observance of these five things is sufficient to 
secure the rectification of the person, and the tran- 
quillity of the state. When that one state is 
tranquil, all under heaven will be the same. There- 
fore I say that when I look on at the festivity in the 
country districts, I know how easily the Royal Way 
may obtain free course V 

16. According to the meaning attached to the 
festivity of drinking in the country districts, the 
principal guest was made to represent heaven ; the 
host, to represent earth ; their attendants respec- 
tively to represent the sun and moon ; and the three 
head guests (according to the threefold division of 
them) to represent the three (great) luminaries. 
This was the form which the festivity received on 
its institution in antiquity: the presiding idea was 
found in heaven and earth ; the regulation of that 
was found in the sun and moon; and the three 
luminaries were introduced as a third feature. (The 

1 I have supposed that all from paragraph 9 to this is the language 
of Confucius, and translated in the present tense as he would speak. 
Possibly, however, after par. 9 the compiler of the Book may be 
giving his own views of the different parts of the festivity (which 
would in that case have to be translated in the past tense), and then 
winds up with therefore ' He — Confucius — said,' &c. 



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BK. XLII. HSIANG YIN Kit t. 443 

whole represented) the fundamental principles in the 
conduct of government and instruction. 

1 7. The dogs were boiled on the eastern side (of 
the courtyard 1 ); — in reverential acknowledgment of 
the fact that the vivifying and expanding power in 
nature issues from the east. 

The washings took place at the eastern steps, 
and the water was kept on the east of the washing- 
place ; — in reverential acknowledgment of the fact 
that heaven and earth have placed the sea on the 
left 

The vessel contained the dark-coloured liquid ; — 
teaching the people not to forget the original 
practice (at ceremonies). 

18. The rule was that the (principal) guest should 
face the south. The quarter of the east suggests 
the idea of the spring, the name of which (also) 
denotes the appearance of insects beginning to 
move : — (there is then at work that mysterious) 
intelligence which gives birth to all things. The 
quarter of the south suggests the idea of the 
summer, the name of which (also) denotes what 
is great : — what nourishes things, encourages their 
growth, and makes them great is benevolence. The 
quarter of the west suggests the idea of the autumn, 
the name of which also denotes gathering or collect- 
ing: — the fruits of the earth are gathered at this 
season, suggesting the idea of justice in discrimi- 

1 Compare the statement in paragraph 3, that ' the viands come 
forth from the room on the east.' JCh&n Hsiang-tto says : — ' The 
dog is a creature that keeps watch, and is skilful in its selection of 
men ; — it will keep away from any one who is not what he should 
be. On this account the ancients at all their festive occasions of 
eating and drinking employed it.' 



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444 THE L ^ xt' 



BK. XLII. 



nating and guarding. The quarter of the north 
suggests the idea of winter, the name of which 
denotes also what is kept within: — and the being 
within leads us to think of being stored up. On 
this account, when the son of Heaven stands up, 
he keeps (the quarter of the life-giving) intelligence 
on his left hand, faces (the quarter of) benevolence, 
has that of justice on his right hand, and that of 
depositing behind him 1 . 

19. It was the rule that his attendants should face 
the east ; thus (making) the principal guest to be the 
chief (party) at the festivity. 

1 The ^TAien-lung editors say that portions of this paragraph 
have been lost, and that other parts are out of their proper place ; 
and they suggest the additions and alterations necessary to make 
it right. It is not worth while, however, to consider their views. 
No alterations will remedy its incurable defects or reverse the 
severe judgment passed on it by P. Callery: — 'The. method,' he 
says, ' by which the author proceeds is exceedingly eccentric, and 
partakes at once of the nature of the pun, of allegory, and of 
mysticism. He begins by basing his comparisons on the resem- 
blance of certain sounds, or the homophony of certain words. 
Then he seeks to find in the sense, proper to those words that 
are homophonous or nearly so, connexions with the principal word 
in the text; and as those connexions are far from being natural or 
simply plausible, he puts his spirit to the torture, and goes to seek 
in the mysterious action of nature points of contact of which no 
one would think. Thus in the sound ihxxn (^k, ^£) he finds 
a natural analogy between the slow and gradual movement of a 
worm without eyes, and the march, equally slow and gradual, of 
vegetation in spring; in the sounds hsia and £i& (W, "fi^) 
he finds a direct connexion between greatness and the action 
which makes plants become great in summer. So in the same 
way with the other sounds which he deals with. To many 
Chinese this fashion of reasoning appears to be very profound ; 
but, as I think, it is nothing but a childish play on words and 
hollow ideas.' 



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bk. xlii. hsiang yin nC t. 445 

It was the rule that the host should be in the 
eastern quarter. The eastern quarter suggests the 
idea of spring, the name of which (also) denotes the 
appearance of insects beginning to move, and (it is 
spring) which produces all things. The host makes 
the festivity ; that is, he produces all things. 

20. The moon, after three days, completes the 
period of its dark disk. Three months complete 
a season. Therefore in this ceremony precedence 
is thrice yielded to the guest, and in establishing 
a state three high ministers must be appointed. 
That the guests are in three divisions, each with 
its head or leader, indicated the fundamental prin- 
ciples in the administration of government and 
instruction, and was the third great feature of the 
ceremony. 



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BOOK XLIII. SH£ 1 

OR 
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF ARCHERY 1 . 

i . Anciently it was the rule for the feudal lords, 
when they would practise archery, first to celebrate 
the ceremony of the Banquet, and for the Great officers 
and ordinary officers, when they would shoot, first to 
celebrate the ceremony of the Drinking in the country 
districts. The ceremony of the Banquet served to 
illustrate the relation between ruler and subject ; 
that of the District-drinking, to illustrate the distinc- 
tion between seniors and juniors. 

2. The archers, in advancing, retiring, and all 
their movements, were required to observe the 
rules. With minds correct, and straight carriage 
of the body, they were to hold their bows and 
arrows skilfully and firmly ; and when they did so, 
they might be expected to. hit the mark. In this 
way (from their archery) their characters could be 
seen x . 

3. To regulate (the discharging of the arrows), 
there was, — in the case of the son of Heaven, the 
playing of the 3&u-yu ; in the case of the feudal 
lords, that of the Lt-shau ; in the case of the digni- 
taries, the Great officers, that of the 3hai-pin ; and 
in the case of officers, that of the 3hai-fan*. 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 56, 57. 
* Each archer discharged four arrows at the target According 
to the account of the duties of the superintendent of archery in 



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BK. XLIII. 



sh£ !. 447 



The 3&u-yii 1 is expressive of joy that every office 
is (rightly) filled ; the Ll-shau is expressive of the joy 
at audiences of the court; the 3hai-pin is expres- 
sive of the joy in observing the laws (which have been 
learned) ; and the 3hai-fan is expressive of the joy 
in being free from all failures in duty. Therefore 
the son of Heaven regulated his shooting by keep- 
ing in his mind the right feeling of all officers ; a 
feudal prince, by keeping in his mind the times of 
his appearing before the son of Heaven ; a digni- 
tary, being a Great officer, by keeping in his mind 
the observing of the laws (which he had learned) ; 
and an officer, by keeping in his mind that he must 
not fail in the duties of his office. 

In this way, when they clearly understood the 
meaning of those regulating measures, and were thus 
able to avoid all failure in their services, they were 
successful in their undertakings, and their character 

the K&vl LI (jjj^ ^, Book XXX, paragraphs 54-67, especially 
57), the 3&u-yu was played or sung nine times; the Lf-sh&u 
seven times ; and the two other pieces five times. When the king 
was shooting therefore, he began to shoot after the fifth perform- 
ance, and had all the previous time to prepare himself; a prince 
began to shoot after the third performance ; and in the two other 
cases there was only the time of one performance for preparation. 

1 The 3&u-yU is the last piece in the 2nd Book of the first 
part of the Book of Poetry ; supposed to celebrate the benevolence 
of the king ; here seen in his delight at every office being rightly 
filled. The Li-shau, 'Fox's Head,' or 'Wild Cat's Head,' has not 
come down to us;— see note 2, page 124. The 3 n &i-pin and 
3hai-fan are the fifth and second pieces of the same Book and 
same part of the Shih as the 3&u-yfi. The regulating the dis- 
charge of the arrows by the playing of these pieces was part of 
the moral discipline to which it was sought to make the archery 
subservient. 



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448 the iA kL 



BK. XLIII. 



and conduct were established. When their charac- 
ters were established, no such evils as oppression 
and disorder occurred ; and when their undertakings 
were successful, the states were tranquil and happy. 
Hence it is said that ' the archery served to show 
the completeness of (the archer's) virtue.' 

4. Therefore, anciently, the son of Heaven chose 
the feudal lords, the dignitaries who were Great 
officers, and the officers, from their skill in archery. 
Archery is specially the business of males, and there 
were added to it the embellishments of ceremonies 
and music. Hence among the things which may 
afford the most complete illustration of ceremonies 
and music, and the frequent performance of which 
may serve to establish virtue and good conduct, there 
is nothing equal to archery : and therefore the ancient 
kings paid much attention to it. 

5. Therefore, anciently, according to the royal 
institutes, the feudal princes annually presented the 
officers who had charge of their tribute to the son 
of Heaven, who made trial of them in the archery- 
hall. Those of them whose bodily carriage was in 
conformity with the rules, and whose shooting was 
in agreement with the music, and who hit the mark 
most frequently, were allowed to take part at the 
sacrifices. When his officers had frequently that 
privilege, their ruler was congratulated ; if they 
frequently failed to obtain it, he was reprimanded. 
If a prince were frequently so congratulated, he 
received an increase to his territory ; if he were 
frequently so reprimanded, part of his territory was 
taken from him. Hence came the saying, 'The 
archers shoot in the interest of their princes.' Thus, 
in the states, the rulers and their officers devoted 



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BK. XLIII. 



sh£ t. 449 



themselves to archery, and the practice in connexion 
with it of the ceremonies and music. But when 
rulers and officers practise ceremonies and music, 
never has it been known that such practice led to 
their banishment or ruin. 

6. Hence it is said in the ode (now lost), 

' The long-descended lord 
Presents your cups of grace. 
His chiefs and noble men 
Appear, all in their place; 
Small officers and Great, 
Not one will keep away. 
See them before their prince, 
All in their full array. 
They feast, and then they shoot, 
Happy and praised to boot' 

The lines show how when rulers and their officers 
earnestly devoted themselves together to archery, 
and the practice in connexion with it of ceremonies 
and music, they were happy and got renown. It 
was on this account that the son of Heaven insti- 
tuted the custom, and the feudal lords diligently 
attended to it This was the way in which the son 
of Heaven cherished the princes, and had no need 
of weapons of war (in dealing with them) ; it fur- 
nished (also) to the princes an instrument with which 
they trained themselves to rectitude. 

7. (Once), when Confucius was conducting an 
archery meeting in a vegetable garden at Ajo- 
hsiang, the lookers-on surrounded it like a wall. 
•When the proceedings reached the point when a 
Master of the Horse should be appointed, he 
directed 3ze-lu to take his bow and arrows, and go 

08] c g 

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45& THE Li Kt. BK. xLiif. 

out to introduce those who wished to shoot, and to 
say, ' The general of a defeated afmy, the Great 
officer of a ruler-less state, and arty one who (has 
schemed to be) th£ successor and heir of another, 
will not be allowed to enter, but the rest may all 
enter.' On this, one half went away, and the other 
half entered. 

After this, (wishing to send the cup round among 
all the company), he further directed Kung-wang 
KAid and Hsu Tien to raise the horns of liquor, 
and make proclamation. Then Kung-wang ICAitii 
raised his horn, and said, 'Are the young and strong 
(here) observant of their filial and fraternal duties? 
Are the old and men of eighty (here) such as love 
propriety, not following licentious customs, and 
resolved to maintain their characters to death ? (If 
so), they may occupy the position of guests.' On 
this, one half (of those who had entered) went away, 
and the other half remained. 

Hsu Tien next raised his horn, and proclaimed, 
' Are you fond of learning without being tired ? are 
you fond of the rules of propriety, and unswerving 
in your adherence to them ? Do those of you who 
are eighty, ninety, or one hundred, expound the way 
(of virtue) without confusion or error ? If so, you 
can occupy the position of visitors.' Thereupon, 
hardly any remained '. 

8. To shoot means to draw out to the end, and 
some say to lodge in the exact point. That draw- 

1 The authenticity of what is related in this paragraph, which is 
not in the expurgated edition of the Lt K\, may be doubted. But 
however that be, it is evidently intended to be an illustration of 
what did, or might, take place at meetings for archery in the country. 
■/Tio-hsiang is understood to be the name of some place in Lu. 



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BK. XLIIt. SHfe f. 451 

ing out to the end means every one unfolding his 
own idea ; hence, with the mind even-balanced and 
the body correctly poised, (the archer) holds his bow 
and arrow skilfully and firmly. When he so holds 
them, he will hit the mark. Hence it is said, ' The 
father (shoots) at the father-mark; the son, at the 
son-mark ; the ruler, at the ruler-mark ; the subject, 
at the subject-mark." Thus the archer shoots at the 
mark of his (ideal) self; and so the Great archery 
of the son of Heaven is called shooting at (the mark 
of) the feudal prince. ' Shooting at the mark of the 
feudal prince* was shooting to prove himself a 
prince. He who hit the mark was permitted to be 
(that is, retain his rank as) a prince ; he who did not 
hit the mark was not permitted to retain his rank as 
a prince *. 

9. When the son of Heaven was about to sacri- 
fice, the rule was that he should celebrate the 
archery at the pool, which name suggested the idea 
of selecting the officers (by their shooting)*. After 

1 In this paragraph we have a remarkable instance of that 
punning or playing on words or sounds, which Callery has 
pointed out as a ' puerility ' in Chinese writers, and of which we 
have many examples in the writers of the Han dynastry. The 
idea in the paragraph is good, that when one realises the ideal 
of what he is, becoming all he ought to be, he may be said to hit 
the mark. But to bring out this from the character (§t\), which 
is the symbol of shooting with the bow, the author is obliged to give 
it two names, — yt (1ft = JjjS, drawing out or unwinding the thread 
of a cocoon, or clue of silk, to the end) and she" (JM* = <4k 
a cottage or booth, a place to lodge in). The latter is the proper 
name for the character in the sense of shooting. 

1 Here there is another play on names,— $eh, in Pekinese Mi 
()|S)> '» pond or pool,' suggesting the character j§&, which 
has the same name, and means 'to choose, select.' There were two 

Gg 2 

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452 THE lA kI. BK. XLIIU 

the archery at the pool came that in the archery 
hall. Those who hit the mark were permitted to 
take part in .the sacrifice ; and those who failed were 
not permitted to do so. (The ruler of those) who did 
not receive the permission was reprimanded, and 
had part of his territory taken from him. The ruler 
of those who were permitted was congratulated, and 
received an addition to his territory. The advance- 
ment appeared in the rank ; the disapprobation, in 
the (loss of) territory. 

io. Hence, when a son is born, a bow of mulberry 
wood, and six arrows of the wild raspberry plant 
(are placed on the left of the door), for the purpose 
of shooting at heaven, earth, and the four cardinal 
points. Heaven, earth, and the four points denote 
the spheres wherein the business of a man lies. 
The young man must first give his mind to what 
is to be his business, and then he may venture to re- 
ceive emolument, that is, the provision for his food. 

ii. Archery suggests to us the way of benevo- 
lence. (The archer) seeks to be correct in himself, 
and then discharges his arrow. If it miss the mark, 
he is not angry with the one who has surpassed 
himself, but turns round and seeks (for the cause of 
failure) in himself 1 . Confucius said, ' The student 
of virtue has no contentions. If it be said that he 
cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery ? (But) 
he bows complaisantly to his competitor, ascends 

places for the archer}', one called the Ki'\ Kung, ' Palace or Hall 
by the pool,' and the other, She" Kung, 'Palace or Hall of Archery,' 
which was, says Callery, ' a vast gallery in the royal college.' 

1 Compare above, page 307, paragraph 40, where we have ' the 
way of the superior man' instead of ' the way of benevolence, or 
perfect virtue.' 



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bk. xliii. sh£ !. 453 

(the hall), descends (again), and exacts the forfeit of 
drinking. In his contention, he is still the superior 
man V 

1 2. Confucius said, ' How difficult it is to shoot ! 
How difficult it is to listen (to the music) ! To 
shoot exactly in harmony with the note (given) by 
the music, and to shoot without missing the bull's- 
eye on the target : — it is only the archer of superior 
virtue who can do this! How shall a man of 
inferior character be able to hit the mark? It is 
said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 6, i), 

"'Now shoot," he says, "and show your skill." 
The other answers, " Shoot I will, 
And hit the mark ; — and when you miss, 
Pray you the penal cup to kiss." ' 

' To pray ' is to ask. The archer seeks to hit that 
he may decline the cup. The liquor in the cup is 
designed (properly) to nourish the aged, or the sick. 
When the archer seeks to hit that he may decline 
the cup, that is declining what should serve to 
nourish (those that need it). 

1 See Confucian Analects, III, vii. 



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BOOK XLIV. YEN I 

OR 
THE MEANING OF THE BANQUET 1 . 

i. Anciently, among the officers of the kings of 
K&u, there was one called the shu-jze. He was 
charged with the care of the sons of the feudal lords, 
the high dignitaries who were the Great officers, and 
(other) officers, — the eldest sons who occupied the 
next place to their fathers. He managed (the issuing) 
to them of (all) cautions and orders ; superintended 
their instruction in all they had to learn and (the art 
of self-)government ; arranged them in their different 
classes ; and saw that they occupied their correct 
positions. If there were any grand solemnity 
(being transacted) in the kingdom, he conducted 
them — these sons of the state — and placed them 
under the eldest son, the heir-apparent, who made 
what use of them he thought fit. If any military 
operations were being undertaken, he provided for 
them their carriages and coats of mail, assembled for 
them the companies of a hundred men and of five men 
(of which they should have charge), and appointed 
their inferior officers, thus training them in the art 
of war: — they were not under the jurisdiction of 
the minister of War. In all (other) governmental 
business of the state, these sons of it were left free, 
their fathers' eldest sons, without public occupation, 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 57, 58. 

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BE. XLIV. YEN i. 455 

and were made to attend to the cultivation of 
virtuous ways. In spring, (the shu-jze) assembled 
them in the college ; and in autumn, in the archery 
(hall), that he might examine into their proficiency, 
and advanced or degraded them accordingly. 

2. The meaning of the ceremony of the banquet 
at the feudal courts (may be thus described) : — The 
ruler stood on the south-east of (his own) steps on 
the east, having his face towards the south, fronting 
the ministers or dignitaries who were nearest to 
him. They and all the (other) Great officers came 
forward a little, taking each his proper station. 
The ruler's mat is placed at the top of the eastern 
steps : — there is the station of the host The ruler 
alone goes up and stands on his mat ; with his face 
to the west he stands there by himself: — showing 
that no one presumes to place himself on a par 
with him. 

3. Guests and host having been arranged, accord- 
ing to the rules for the ceremony of drinking in the 
country districts, (the ruler) makes his chief cook 
act for him in presenting (the cup):^ra minister may 
not presume to take on himself any usage proper to 
the ruler. None of the (three) kung and no high 
minister has the place of a guest ; but the Great 
officers are among the guests, — because of the 
doubts that might arise, and to show the jealousy 
(which such great men in that position might 
create). 

When the guests have entered to the middle of 
the courtyard, the ruler descends a step and bows to 
them :— thus courteously receiving them. 

4. The ruler sends the cup round among the guests 
in order ; and when he has given a special cup to 



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45^ THE l! Jft. bk. XLir. 

any, they all descend, and bow twice, laying at the 
same time their heads to the ground; after which 
they ascend, and complete their bowing : — thus 
showing the observance due from subjects. The 
ruler responds to them, for every act of courtesy 
must be responded to : — illustrating the observances 
due from the ruler and superiors. When ministers 
and inferiors do their utmost to perform service for 
the state, the ruler must recompense them with rank 
and emoluments. Hence all officers and inferiors 
endeavour with their utmost strength and ability to 
establish their merit, and thus the state is kept in 
tranquillity, and the ruler's mind is at rest 

(The principle) that every act of courtesy must 
be responded to, showed that rulers do not receive 
anything from their inferiors without sufficient 
ground for doing so. The ruler must illustrate 
the path of rectitude in his conduct of the people ; 
and when the people follow that path and do good 
service (for the state), then he may take from them 
a tenth part (of their revenues). In this way he 
has enough, and his subjects do not suffer want. 
Thus harmony and affection prevail between high 
and low, and they have no mutual dissatisfactions. 
Such harmony and rest are the result of the cere- 
monial usages. This is the great idea in the 
relation between ruler and subject, between high 
and low : — hence it is said that the object of the 
banquet was to illustrate the idea of justice between 
ruler and subject. 

5. The mats were arranged so that the dignitaries 
of smaller rank occupied the place next (in honour) 
to those of higher ; the Great officers, the place next 
to the lower dignitaries. The officers and sons of 



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BK. XLIV. YEN I. 457 

concubines * (also) took their places below in their 
regular order. The cup being presented to the 
ruler, he begins the general pledging, and offers 
the cup to the high dignitaries *. They continue the 
ceremony, and offer the cup to the Great officers, 
who offer it in turn to the (other) officers, and these 
finally offer it to the sons of concubines. The 
stands and dishes, with the flesh of the animals 3 , 
and the savoury viands, were all proportioned to 
the differences of rank in the guests : — and thus the 
distinction was shown between the noble and the 
mean. 

1 This is a common meaning of the phrase shu-jze. We 
cannot suppose that there is a reference to the officer so called in 
paragraph i. He was of too high a rank to be placed after the 
officers, who ranked below the Great officers. Nor can we 
suppose that it denotes here ' the sons of the state ' under his charge. 

1 The ruler did this by his deputy, the chief cook, who officiated 
for him on the occasion. All the different offerings are said to 
have been made by him indeed ; but that is not the natural inter- 
pretation of the text 

' A^an HSo says these were dogs; see above, page 443, para- 
graph 17. 



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BOOK XLV. PHING 1 

OR 

THE MEANING OF THE INTERCHANGE OF MIS- 
SIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT COURTS 1 . 

i. According to the ceremonies in missions, a 
duke of the highest grade sent seven attendants 
with (his representative) ; a marquis or earl, five ; 
and a count or baron, three. The difference in 
number served to show the difference in rank of 
their principals 8 . 

2. The messages (between the visitor and the 
host) were passed through all the attendants, from 
one to another. A superior man, where he wishes 
to do honour, will not venture to communicate 
directly and in person. This was a high tribute 
of respect. 

3. The message was transmitted (only) after the 
messenger had thrice declined to receive (the cour- 
tesies offered to him at the gate) ; he entered the gate 
of the ancestral temple after thrice in the same way 
trying to avoid doing so ; thrice he exchanged bows 
with his conductor before they arrived at the steps ; 
and thrice he yielded the precedence offered to him 
before he ascended the hall : — so did he carry to 

1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 58, 59. 

s If the ruler went in person on the mission, he had in every 
case, according to his rank, two attendants more than the number 
specified for his representative. 



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BK. XLV. 



PHING 1; 459 



the utmost his giving of honour and yielding 
courtesy. 

4. The ruler sent an officer to meet (the messen- 
ger) at the border (of the state), and a Great officer 
to offer him the customary presents and congratula- 
tions (after the toils of the journey) in the suburb 
(near the capital) ; he himself met him and bowed 
to him inside the great gate, and then received him 
in the ancestral temple ; with his face to the north 
he bowed to him when the presents (which he 
brought) were presented, and bowed again (when 
his message was delivered), in acknowledgment of 
its condescension ; — in this way did he (on his part) 
testify his respect. 

5. Respectfulness and yielding courtesy mark the 
intercourse of superior men with one another. 
Hence, when the feudal lords received one another 
with such respectfulness and yielding courtesy, they 
would not attack or encroach on one another. 

6. A high minister is employed as principal usher 
(for the messenger), a Great officer as the next, and 
(ordinary) officers acted as their attendants. (When 
he had delivered his message), the ruler himself 
showed him courtesy, (and presented to him the 
cup of new liquor). He had his private interviews 
(with the dignitaries and Great officers of the 
court), and also with the ruler *. (After this), sup- 
plies of animals, slaughtered and living, were sent 
(to his hotel). (When he was about to take his 
departure), the jade-symbols (by which he was 
accredited) were returned to him, and the return 

1 At these interviews, after he had discharged his mission and 
presented the gifts from his ruler, he presented other gifts on his 
own account. 



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460 THE Lt kI. 



BK. XLV. 



gifts (of silk and other things) presented at the 
same time. He had been entertained and feasted. 
All these observances served to illustrate the idea 
underlying the relations between ruler and minister 
in receiving visitors and guests \ 

7. Therefore it was a statute made by the son of 
Heaven for the feudal lords, that every year they 
should interchange a small mission, and every three 
years a great one : — thus stimulating one another 
to the exercise of courtesy. If the messenger com- 
mitted any error in the exchange of his mission, 
the ruler, his host, did not personally entertain 
and feast him : — thereby making him ashamed, and 
stimulating him. 

When the princes thus stimulated one another to 
the observance of the ceremonial usages, they did 
not make any attacks on one another, and in their 
states there was no oppression or encroachment. 
In this way the son of Heaven cherished and 
nourished them ; there was no occasion for any 
appeal to arms, and they were furnished with an 
instrument to maintain themselves in rectitude. 

8. (The commissioners) carried with them their 
jade-symbols, the sceptre and half-sceptre : — show- 
ing the importance of the ceremony. On the 
completion of their mission, these were returned 
to them :— showing the small importance to be 
attached to their value, and the great importance 
of the ceremony. When the princes thus stimulated 
one another, to set light by the value of the articles, 
and recognise the importance of the ceremony, the 
people learned to be yielding and courteous. 

1 The entertainment took place in the open court ; the banquet 
in the banqueting chamber. 



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BK. XLV. 



PHING f. 461 



9. The prince of the state to which the mission 
was sent treated his guests in this way : — Till their 
departure from their coming, they were supplied 
from the three stores (provided for such purposes). 
Living animals were sent to them at their lodging. 
A provision of five sets of the three animals for 
slaughter was made inside. Thirty loads of rice, 
the same number of grain with the straw, and twice 
as many of fodder and firewood were provided 
outside. There were five pairs of birds that went 
in -flocks every day. All the attendants had cattle 
supplied to them for their food. There was one 
meal (a day in the court), and two (spare) entertain- 
ments (in the temple). The banquets and occasional 
bounties were without any definite number. With 
such generosity was the importance of the ceremony 
indicated 1 . 

10. They could not always be so profuse as this 
in antiquity in the use of their wealth ; but their 
employment of it thus liberally (in connexion with 
these missions) showed how they were prepared to 
devote it to the maintenance of the ceremonies. 
When they expended it as they did on the cere- 
monies, then in the states ruler and minister did not 
encroach on one another's rights and possessions, 
and different states did not attack one another. It 
was on this account that the kings made their 
statute about these missions, and the feudal lords 
did their utmost to fulfil it 2 . 

1 The particulars here briefly mentioned and many others are to 
be found in great detail in the 8th division of the I Li, Books 15- 
18, which are on the subject of these missions. 

* About twenty years ago, when I had occasion to accompany 
a mandarin from Canton to a disturbed district in the interior, he 



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462 THE Lt k\. 



BK. XLV. 



1 1. The archery in connexion with these missions 
Was a very great institution. With the early dawn 
they commenced it, and it was nearly midday be- 
fore the whole of the ceremonies were concluded : — 
it required men of great vigour and strength to go 
through with it. 

And further, when such men were about to 
engage in it, though the liquor might be clear and 
they were thirsty, they did not venture to drink of 
it ; though the stalks of flesh were dry (and ready 
to their hand), and they were hungry, they did not 
venture to eat of them ; at the close of the day, 
when they were tired, they continued to maintain 
a grave and correct deportment. So they carried 
Out all the details of the ceremonies ; so they 
maintained correctly the relation between ruler 
and subject, affection between father and son, 
and harmony between seniors and juniors. AH 
this it is difficult for the generality of men to do, 
but it was done by those superior men ; and on 
this account they were called men possessed of 
great ability in action. The ascribing to them such 
ability in action implied their possession of the sense 
of righteousness ; and their possession of that sense 
implied that they were valiant and daring. The 

introduced one day in conversation the subject of these missions, 
saying that they must have been a great drain on the revenues of 
the ancient states, and that in the same way in the present day 
the provincial administrations were burdened with many outlays 
which should be borne by the imperial treasury. As resident 
ambassadors from foreign nations had then begun to be talked 
about, be asked whether China would have to pay their expenses, 
or the countries which they represented would do so, and was greatly 
relieved when I told him that each nation would pay the expenses 
of its embassy. 



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BK. XLV. PHING f. 463 

most valuable quality in a man who is bold and 
daring is that he can thereby establish his sense of 
righteousness ; the most valuable quality in him 
who establishes that sense is that he can thereby 
show his great ability in action ; the most valuable 
quality in him who has that ability is that he can 
carry all Ceremonies into practice. In this way, the 
most valuable quality in valiant daring is that its 
possessoi 1 dares to carry into practice the rules of 
ceremony and righteousness. 

It follows from this that such men, bold and 
daring, full of vigour and strength, when the king- 
dom was at peace, employed their gifts in the 
exercise of propriety and righteousness ; and, when 
there was trouble in the kingdom, employed them 
in the battle-field and in gaining victory. When 
they employed them to conquer in battle, no enemies 
could resist them ; when they employed them in the 
exercise of propriety and righteousness, then obe- 
dience and good order prevailed. No enemies 
abroad, and obedience and good order at home :— 
this was called the perfect condition for a state. 
But when men, so endowed, did not use their 
valour and strength in the service of propriety 
and righteousness, and to secure victory, but in 
strifes and contentions, then they were styled men 
of turbulence or disorder. Punishments were put 
in requisition throughout the kingdom, and the 
(first) use of them was to deal with those same men, 
and take them off. In this way (again), the people 
became obedient and there was good order, and the 
state was tranquil and happy. 

12. 3 ze "kung asked Confucius, saying, 'Allow 
me to ask the reason why the superior man sets 



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464 THE Li Si. BK. XLV. 

a high value on jade, and but little on soapstone ? 
Is it because jade is rare, and the soapstone 
plentiful ?' 

1 3. Confucius replied, 'It is not because the 
soapstone is plentiful that he thinks but little of it, 
and because jade is rare that he sets a high value 
on it Anciently superior men found the likeness of 
all excellent qualities in jade. Soft, smooth, and 
glossy, it appeared to them like benevolence ; fine, 
compact, and strong, — like intelligence ; angular, but 
not sharp and cutting, — like righteousness ; hanging 
down (in beads) as if it would fall to the ground, — 
like (the humility of) propriety ; when struck, yield- 
ing a note, clear and prolonged, yet terminating 
abruptly, — like music ; its flaws not concealing its 
beauty, nor its beauty concealing its flaws, — like 
loyalty; with an internal radiance issuing from it 
on every side, — like good faith ; bright as a brilliant 
rainbow, — like heaven ; exquisite and mysterious, 
appearing in the hills and streams, — like the earth ; 
standing out conspicuous in the symbols of rank, — 
like virtue; esteemed by all under the sky, — like 
the path of truth and duty. As is said in the ode 
(I, xi, ode 3, 1), 

" Such my lord's car. He rises in my mind, 
Lovely and bland, like jade of richest kind." 

This is why the superior man esteems it so highly ! ' 



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BOOK XLVI. SANG FO SZE KIW 

OR 

THE FOUR PRINCIPLES UNDERLYING THE DRESS 
OF MOURNING 1 . 

i. All ceremonial usages looked at in their 
great characteristics are the embodiment of (the 
ideas suggested by) heaven and earth ; take their 
laws from the (changes of the) four seasons ; imitate 
the (operation of the) contracting and developing 
movements in nature ; and are conformed to the 
feelings of men. It is on this account that they are 
called the Rules of Propriety; and when any one 
finds fault with them, he only shows his ignorance 
of their origin. 

2. Those usages are different in their applications 
to felicitous and unfortunate occurrences ; in which 
they should not come into collision with one 
another: — this is derived from (their pattern as 
given by) the contracting and developing move- 
ments in nature. 

3. The mourning dress has its four definite 
fashions and styles, the changes in which are 
always according to what is right : — this is derived 
from the (changes of the) four seasons. 

Now, affection predominates; now, nice distinc- 
tions; now, defined regulations; and now, the 
consideration of circumstances : — all these are 

1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 59, 60. 
'[28] H h 

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466 the l! kL 



BK. XL VI. 



derived from the human feelings. In affection we 
have benevolence ; in nice distinctions, righteous- 
ness ; in defined regulations, propriety ; and in the 
consideration of circumstances, knowledge. Benevo- 
lence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge; — 
these make up the characteristic attributes of 
humanity. 

4. Where the affection has been great, the 
mourning worn is deep. On this account the 
sackcloth with jagged edges is worn for the father 
for three years : — the regulation is determined by 
affection. 

5. In the regulation (of the mourning) within the 
family circle, the affection throws the (duty of public) 
righteousness into the shade 1 . In the regulation 
(of that which is) beyond that circle, the (duty of 
public) righteousness cuts the (mourning of) affec- 
tion short 1 . The service due to a father is employed 
in serving a ruler, and the reverence is the same for 
both : — this is the greatest instance of (the convic- 
tion of the duty of) righteousness, in all the esteem 
shown to nobility and the honour done to the 
honourable. Hence the sackcloth with jagged edges 
is worn (also) for the ruler for three years : — 
the regulation is determined by righteousness. 

6. The eating after three days ; the washing the 
head after three months ; the sacrifice and change of 
dress at the end of the first year ; the not carrying the 
emaciation to such an extent as to affect life : — these 
regulations were to avoid doing harm to the living 

1 A son, on his father's death, is exempted from official duties 
for a time; but this exemption is suspended on occasions of 
pressing exigency. 



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bk. xlvi. sang fO sze jtih. 467 

(by the mourning) for the dead. Not protracting 
the mourning rites beyond three years ; not mending 
even the coarsest sackcloth ; making no addition to 
the mound (raised at first) over the grave ; fixing 
the day for the sacrifice at the end of the second 
year ; playing (at first, on the conclusion of the 
rites) on a plain, unvarnished lute : — all these things 
were to make the people aware of the termination 
(of the several rites), and constituted the defined 
regulations. 

The service due to a father is employed in serving 
a mother, and the love is the same for both. (But) 
in the sky there are not two suns, nor in a land 
two kings, nor in a state two rulers, nor in a family 
two equally honourable : — one (principle) regulates 
(all) these conditions. Hence, while the father is 
alive, the sackcloth with even edges is worn (for a 
mother), (and only) for a year, — showing that there 
are not (in the family) two equally honourable. 

7. What is meant by the use of the staff ? It is 
(a symbol of) rank. On the third day it is given to 
the son ; on the fifth day, to Great officers ; and on 
the seventh day, to ordinary officers; — (at the 
mourning rites for a ruler). Some say that it is 
given to them as the presiding mourners; and 
others, that it is to support them in their distress. 

A daughter (not yet fully grown) and a son (while 
but a lad), do not carry a staff ; — (being supposed) 
not to be capable of (extreme) distress. 

When all the array of officers is complete, and all 
things are provided, and (the mourner) cannot speak 
(his directions), and things must (still) proceed, he is 
assisted to rise. If he be able to speak, and things 
will proceed (as he directs), he rises by the help of 

h h 2 



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468 THE li fft. 



BK. XLVI. 



the staff. Where (the mourner) has himself to take 
part in what is to be done, he will have his face 
grimed (as if black with sorrow). Women who are 
bald do not use the coiffure; hunchbacks do not 
unbare their arms ; the lame do not leap ; and the 
old and ill do not give up the use of liquor and 
flesh. All these are cases regulated by the con- 
sideration of circumstances. 

8. After the occurrence of the death, the (wailing 
for) three days, which left no leisure for anything 
else; the not taking off (the headband or girdle) 
for three months ; the grief and lamentation for a 
whole year ; and the sorrow on to the three years : — 
(in all these things) there was a gradual diminu- 
tion of the (manifestation of) affection. The sages, 
in accordance with that diminution of the natural 
feeling, made their various definite regulations. 

9. It was on this account that the mourning rites 
were limited to three years. The worthiest were 
not permitted to go beyond this period, nor those 
who were inferior to them to fall short of it. This 
was the proper and invariable time for those rites, 
what the (sage) kings always carried into practice. 

When it is said in the Shu (Part IV, Book VIII, 
i, 1), that Kao 3 un g> while occupying the mourning 
shed, for three years did not speak, this expresses 
approval of that sovereign. But the kings all 
observed this rule ; — why is the approval only 
expressed in connexion with him ? It may be 
replied, ' This Kao 3 un g was Wfl Ting.' Wu Ting 
was a worthy sovereign of Yin. He had come to 
the throne in the due order of succession, and was 
thus loving and good in his observance of the 
mourning rites. At this time Yin, which had been 



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bk. XLVI. SANG FG SZE KIH. 469 

decaying, revived again ; ceremonial usages, which 
had been neglected, came again into use. On this 
account the approval of him was expressed, and 
therefore it was recorded in the Shu, and he was 
styled Kao (The Exalted), and designated Kao 
3ung (The Exalted and Honoured Sovereign). 
(The rule was that), during the three years' mourn- 
ing, a ruler should not speak ; and that the Shu 
says, ' Kao 3ung, while he occupied the mourning 
shed, for the three years did not speak,' was an 
illustration of this. When it is said (in the Hsiao 
King, chapter 18th), 'They speak, but without 
elegance of phrase,' the reference is to ministers and 
inferior (officers). 

10. According to the usages, when wearing the 
sackcloth with jagged edges (for a father), (a son) 
indicated that he heard what was said to him, but 
did not reply in words ; when wearing that with 
even edges (for a mother), he replied, but did not 
speak (of anything else) ; when wearing the mourn- 
ing of nine months, he might speak (of other things), 
but did not enter into any discussion ; when wearing 
that of five months, or of three, he might discuss, but 
did not show pleasure in doing so. 

11. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son) 
wore the cap of sackcloth, with strings of cords, and 
sandals of straw ; after the third day, he (began to) 
take gruel ; after the third month, he washed his 
head ; at the end of the year, in the thirteenth 
month, he put on the mourning silk and cap proper 
after the first year ; and when the three years were 
completed, he offered the auspicious sacrifice. 

12. When one has completed these three regu- 
lated periods, the most animated with the sentiment 



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470 the l! jrf. 



BK. XL VI. 



of benevolence (or humanity) can perceive the 
affection (underlying the usages) ; he who has 
(most) knowledge can perceive the nice distinctions 
pervading them ; and he who has (most) strength 
can perceive the (force of) will (required for their 
discharge). The propriety that regulates them, and 
the righteousness that maintains their correctness, 
may be examined by filial sons, deferential younger 
brothers, and pure-minded virgins. 



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INDEX 

TO THE 

TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM, 

PARTS I, II, III, IV, 
VOLUMES III, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII. 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



The references refer to the parts and the pages. 



Ability and character necessary to 
official employment, Part i, 
pages 221-5; iii, 392-4. 

Acts and character, of Y3o, i, 31-6 ; 
of Shun, as YSo's vice-gerent, i, 
38-41 ; as sovereign, i, 42-5. 

Administration of government, royal 
regulations for, iii, 209-48 ; in 
the twelve months of the year, 
iii, 249-310; of justice, and how 
tempered, i, 43, 48-9, 254-64; 
iii, a 35-8. 

Admonitions, of Yti to Shun, i, 58- 
6 1 ; of I Yin to ThSi JRa, 92- 
103 ; to the prince of Khang, 
1 70- 1 ; to prince Shih, 205-10; 
to king Kiting, 200-5, 220-5, 
404-7; to officers, 407-10; of 
duke Wfl to himself, 413-17. 

Age and the aged, all dynasties 
honoured in all conditions of 
life, iv, 229-31; reverence and 
care of, i, 123, 185, 401 ; iii, 67- 
8. 70, 73-4. 240-4, 287-8, 464- 
70 (delicacies provided for) ; 
how shown in walking with, iv, 
230; three classes of the aged, 
see Three. 



Agriculture, references to and de- 
scriptions of, i, 32-4, 42-3, 85, 
258, 312, 316, 320-3, 33i-3» 3*5. 
369-70, 383, 389, 398-9; iii, 227- 
30, 239,255,260, 264,270-1, 274, 
284, 289, 293, 304, 308-9, 431-2. 

Altars, i, 40, 153, 420 (and note); 
the Great, i, 384 (and note); to 
the spirits of the land and grain, 
iv, 235; various, iv, 206-7. 

Ancestral temples and worship, i, 40- 
>.44, 5i. 92.95, 126, 130, 134. 
304-13, 313-36, 343, 348, 365-8, 
37o,374-5. 387,402-3, 420,431- 
2, 477-8, 485-6, 488; iii, 223-5, 
369-71, 411-13; iv, 204-6, 3<»9- 
11. 

Ancients, the, emblematic figures of, 
i, 58 ; lessons and examples of, 
107, 166,171,204,229,249,252, 
301. Ancientsayings,i,27i,4o8. 

Announcements, or public procla- 
mations, and speeches, at Kan, i, 
76-7 ; of Thang, 84-6 ; of ATung- 
hui, 86-9 ; of king Wfl,— the 
Great Declaration, 124-32, 
Speech at MQ, 13 1-2, and The 
Completion of the War, 133-5; 



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472 



THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



of king JTMng, 156-61 (the Great 
Announcement) ; to prince of 
Khang, 165-71; against drunken- 
ness, 1 71-81; of the duke of 
Shao, 181-8; of the duke of 
Xau, 188-95 ; of king Kiting, to 
the people of Shang, 196-200; 
to his ministers, 226-31; of 
king Khang, 243-8 ; the speech 
at PT, 267-70 ; of the marquis 
of Kbm, 270-72. 

Announcements of deaths, forms of, 
iv, 1 J 3-4- 

Antiquity, Yio and Shun studied, i, 
227 (and note) ; highest, the, ii, 
385; middle, the, ii, 397; ways 
of, to be followed, iv, 324. 

Aprons, or knee-covers, i, 350; iv, 
14, 15 ; size of parts of, iv, 17a. 

Archery, i, 375-400; iii, 20a, 231, 
375, 400 ; the ceremony of, iii, 
56-7; iv, 446*53. 

Arrows in the game of pitch-pot, iv, 
397-400. 

Armv, royal, i, 76-7, 81, 244; see 
Six ; signals and movements of, 
in an expedition, iii, 90-a. Army 
of Lfl, i, 344 (and note). 

Arts or special acquirements, iii, 
235; iv, 116. 

Association of husband and wife in 
sacrifices, iv, 238-41. See also 
i, 431-a. 

Astronomical references, i, 23-8, 
32-4, 38-9, 82, 143, 296, 355, 
363-4,419; iii, 91-2, 249, »54» 
»57, '59, '61, a68, 372, 275, 
276, 283, 286, 289, 291, 396, 
301, 304, 306, 308, 426. 

Audiences and other great meetings, 
i, 40, 229, 373-4, 437-8; iii, 
11 1-2, 318; non-attendance at 
was criminal, i, 426. 

Avenging the death of parents and 
others, iii, 93, 140. 

Banishment, rules for, i, 40-1, 43 ; 

iii, 232-4 ; cases of, i, 41, 75-6. 
Banners, i, 326, 338, 342, 351,418; 

iii, 91-3. 
Banquet, ceremony of the, iii, 57-8 ; 

•v, 454-57- 
Barter, established by Yii, i, 58. See 

Inventions. 
Bathing and washing, iv, 5. 
Bells, see Music. The wooden- 



tongued bell, i, 83; iii, 190, 
360; iv, 34, 165. 
Birth, usages in connexion with, of 
a boy or girl, by the wife, iii, 
471-4 ; by a concubine, 475 ; of 
sons and daughters differently 
regarded, i, 350-1 ; usages on 
special occasions of, iii, 311- 

«3- 

Blessing of sacrifice, the, iv, 336-7. 

Blind, musicians, i, 323 (and note). 
Hall of the, a school of music, 
iii, 346. 

Bows, see Weapons of war. Bows 
and arrows, conferred as re- 
wards and at investitures, i, 
267 ; use of, at the birth of an 
heir-son, iii, 424 (and note), 472. 
Mow a bow was presented and 
received, iii, 84-5. 

Branding, i, 356. 

Bride and bridegroom, observances 
between, iii, 440-1 ; iv, 264-5 ; 
see also Book XLI. Brides of 
kings A Wan, and Wu, i, 380-1. 

Burial, earliest forms of gave way 
to use of coffins, ii, 385 ; differ- 
ent materials of coffins, iii, 135; 
coffins prepared beforehand 
and kept in readiness, iii, 341 ; 
taken with rulers leaving their 
states, iii, 334. Reasons for 
burial and coffin, iii, 177, 185 ; 
times of, iii, 222-3. Thickness of 
coffins, iii, 150; iv, 196. Coffins 
of kings fourfold, iii, 158. Coffin 
on bier presented in temple, 
and then drawn to grave, iii, 
172; iv, 164-5; catafalque of, 
at great funerals, iv, J 97-8 ; let- 
ting down of, iv, 198-9; with 
head to the north, and on the 
north of city, iii, 170. Rain 
did not interrupt an interment, 
iii, 223; case of an eclipse oc- 
curring, iii, 338-9; vessels to 
the eye of fancy and other 
things for the grave or coffin, 
iii, 148 (and note), 173 (wooden 
automata condemned), iv, 55-6, 
144, 197-8. Procedure when 
both parents were buried at 
same time, iii, 315; in case of 
a lady dying before she had 
become acknowledged wife, iii, 
322. Origin of burying young 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



473 



boys in coffins, iii, 341. A stone 
coffin, iii, 149. 
Burying living persons with the dead, 
i» 443J «"', 1 8a, 184. 

Calamities, the avoidable and un- 
avoidable, i, 98. 

Calling back the dead, iii, 108, 11 a, 
129, 157, 167, 340, 368-9; iv, 
13a, 136, 143, 174-5. 

Cap, the royal, with pendants, iv, 1 ; 
other caps, i, 340, 334, 379 ; iii, 
69, 76, 103, 125, 133, 144, 
'4 6 > >53> ,6o > a °i (<*P of the 
bee), a88, 327, 344, 40a, 433, 
437-8, 449, 454; iv, 5. 9, 10, 
54i '35-6, 138, 140-', 163,369, 
378, 382, 40a. 

Capping, ceremony of, iii, 65, 79, 
83, i44» 3i6-7, 358, 3«7, 388, 
437-8, 477 ; iv, 9, 5a, 97, i«a, 
40a, 435-7. 

Carriages or chariots, and their 
teams, i, 239 (and note), 343, 
3a7, 34a, 38a, 407, 414, 418, 
424 ; easy, iii, 66. Chariot and 
horses, royal gift of, i, 267 ; iii, 
67 ; small, sent to grave, iii, 
161 (and note) ; iv, 140-1 ; the 
soul-carriage, iii, 96 (and note). 

Carrying and holding articles, rules 

for, iii, 73, 99, «°°; "v, 77- 

Castration, iv, 99 (note). 

Ceremonies, respect or reverence 
in, essential, i, 482 ; iii, 61-2 ; 
their use and indispensableness, 
iii, 63-5; iv, 270-77. Origin, 
growth, and development, iii, 
364-93 ; originated in the 
Grand Unity, 386-8 ; their use 
in the formation of character, 
with the varying characteristics 
of their value, 394-414; as 
dykes, for conservation and de- 
fence, iv, 284-99. I" govern- 
ment of a state, and all relation- 
ships, iv,2 57-60. Afford example, 
iv, 330-64. The greatest of all 
things by which men live, iv, 
261. Determine the due mean, 
and what is right, 271. Com- 
pared and contrasted with 
music, iv, 96-105, 114-6, 224-6. 
Grouped under five categories," 
iv, 236 (and note); and under 
six, iii, 230, 248. Comprehend 



300 greater rules and 3000 
smaller, iv, 323. 

Charges, to Yuen, i, 112-8 ; to the 
count of Wei, 161-3 ; to ATung 
of 3hai, 2 1 1-3; to Klln-Hb&n, 
231-4; to the duke of Pt, 245- 
9 ; to Attn-ya, 250-1; to Kb\ u n p, 
252-3 ; to the marquis Win, 
265-7 ; the Testamentary 
Charge of king ATMng, 234-42 ; 
to the earl of Shao, 423-4 ; to 
/Tung Shan-fu, 425-6 ; to Hfl of 
Shao, 427. 

Civilisation, steps in early progress 
of, ii, 383-5. See Inventions. 

Comparisons, rule about, iii, 114. 

Complaint, of king Yfl's queen, i, 
376 ; of distressed officer, 364; 
of a wife, 433-4 ; of unfortunate 
woman deserted, 437-8. 

Concubines, iii, 78, 101, 109, 113, 
184, 189, 457, 47 i-a, 475, 478 ; 
>v, 44, 47, 48-9, 51, 5a, 55, «37, 
138-9, 15a, 183, 297-8. 

Condolences, see Mourning rites. 

Confucius, at home at ease, iv, 270- 
7 ; at leisure, 278-83 ; death of, 
iii, 138-9. His burial of his 
mother, iii, 123, in same grave 
with his father, 124-5, and of 
his dog, 196-7. Ideal descrip- 
tion of, iv, 326-7. Friendship 
with Yuan Zang, iii, 198-9 (and 
note). 

Consecration of a temple and its 
vessels by blood, iv, 169-70. 

Constellations and stars, see Astro- 
nomical, and i, 149. 

Counsels, of Shun to pastors of pro- 
vinces, i, 42 ; of the Great Yd, 
46-52 ; of Kio-yao, 53-6 ; of 
I Yin, 92-103 ; of duke Wfl to 
himself, i, 413-7. 

Count, one of the orders of nobility, 
i, 136 (and note); iii, 209; iv, 
30. Title of chiefs of the wild 
tribes, iii, in. 

Crimes, of JTieh of Hsii, i, 85, 197, 
2 16 ; of Shiu of Yin or Shang, 
i, 119-21, 125-30, 135, 177, 197- 

8, 322, 4II-2. 

Criminals, how dealt with, iii, 215-6. 

Cups, jugs, and other drinking ves- 
sels,!, 343, 366,374-5 (and note), 
386,427,445-6; iv, 32, 35. 

Cupboards, iii, 464. 



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474 



THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



Dancing or pantomime, taught to 
boys at thirteen, and afterwards, 
iii, 477 (and note) ; 255 (and 
note), J45, 347; iv, 92 (and 
note), 121-31 (to the piece T§> 
wfi). Dancing habits of Yin, i, 
239. See also i, 343, 375. 

Death, what takes place at, iii, 369, 
444; iv, 220-1 ; names for, of 
different parties, iii, 108, 112, 
117; of parents alive and dead, 
118; of husband, wife's lament 
over, i, 441-2 ; of three worthies 
of KMn, i, 443-4. 

Decades, life divided into, and de- 
scribed, iii, 65-6. 

Demeanour, importance of, i, 413- 
4 ; of different parties, iii, 112; 
■ v > *5"7 i of son, on father's 
death, iii, 129; at grave, 137; 
in serving parents, i, 480-1 ; in 
mourning, 487-8. 

Different, teaching of the different 
classical books, iv, 255-6 ; an- 
swers to questions about age 
and wealth, iii, 11 5-6. 

Dishes, arrangement of, at feast, iii, 
79 ; various, of food, iii, 459- 
64; 468-70. 

Divination, i, 50, 104, 128, 145-7 
(and note), 153-4, 'S7-9, t6i, 
183, 189-90, 349, 350-2 (about 
dreams), 358-9; ii, 371-2 (and all 
ii. is, in form at least, a book of 
divination); iii, 78, 94, 119, 128, 
181,235,238,385,428,472; iv, 
51, 71, 84, 135, 156, 180, 233, 
289, 295, 298, 320, 331, 349-51- 

Division of kingdom into twelve 
provinces, i, 40, 60 ; into nine, 
i, 64-72, 101 (see also 310) ; iii, 
in, 211-2, 413; iv, 208. Di- 
vision and apportioning of the 
income, iii, 221-2. 

Divorce, iii, 122 (and note, Did 
Confucius divorce his wife?), 457 
(and note) ; iv, 42, 44, 45, 57 ; 
of a lady sent back before she 
had become the acknowledged 
wife, iv, 170-1. 

Doctor's family should have prac- 
tised medicine for three genera- 
tions, iii, 114. 

Domains or tenures, the five, i, 75-6, 
229. See also i, 163, 176-7, 
183, 207, 244. 



Doubts, submitted to divination, i, 
145-6. 

Dress, ordinary, of young men and 
their wives, iii, 449-50; of 
mourning, see Mourning rites. 
The black robes, iv, 352-64. 
The long dress,iv, 395-6. Dark- 
coloured robes, iii, 448 ; various 
particulars about, iv, 9-17. 

Drinks, iii, 446-7(and note), 460 ; iv, 8. 

Drinking in the country districts, 
ceremony of, iii, 56 ; iv, 435-45. 

Dyeing, iii, 278. 

Dynasties, see Three, Four, Five, 
Seven. 

Ears, cutting off, a punishment, i, 
168, 256; left, of captives, i, 

339. 392. 

Ears of grain, left in field for the 
widow, i, 373. 

Eating, rules in, iii, 80-1, 89 ; iv, 20-1. 

Eclipse of the sun, and ceremonies 
at, i, 82 (and note); another, i, 
355 ; at an interment, iii, 338-9. 

Economy, rules of, iv, 3, 4 ; iii, 227. 

Education and schools, iii, 231-5, 
»4»> *55, »66, 308, 347-9, 359- 
61 ; iv, 82-90; attention of king 
WO to, i, 137. Education of 
young princes, iii, 345-50; iv, 
82-90; ordinary of a boy, iii, 
476-7 ; of a girl, 478. The 
Great Learning, iv, 411-24. 

Eight is the number of the months 
of spring, iii, 250, 258, 262. 
Eight objects of government, i, 
141-2; iii, 230, 248; tribes of 
the Man, i, 150; iv, 30; ik 
sacrifices, iii, 431 ; materials of 
musical instruments, iv, 111; 
men walked beside the ruler's 
bier with clappers, iv, 165 ; 
bells at the bits of carriage 
team, i, 338, 426 ; baskets of 
grain placed by ruler's coffin, hr, 
197 ; dishes at sacrifice, iv, 38. 

Eighty, old men of, iii, 66, 465-6 ; 
iv, 230, 232. 

Endogens and exogens, iii, 394(note). 

Equilibrium and harmony, state of, 
ir, 300-29 (see note 3, p. 301). 

Eulogies, rule for, iii, 3 3 3-4(and note) . 

'Example, the, of the sovereign, i, 
53-4, 60, 88-9 ; effects of, i, 
201-4; of crown-prince, iii, 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



475 



351-3 ; as taught by the cere- 
monial usages, iv, 330-64. 

Father and son, the relationship of, 
iii, 345; iv, 313. 

Father and mother, different posi- 
tion of with son, iv, 341. 

Fathers of husbandry, the, i, 371 
(and note), 373; iii, 431; of 
war, i, 392 (and note) ; iii, 220; 
of cookery, iii, 79; iv, 38; of 
match-making, iii, 259 ; of the 
fish-diet, iv, 78. 

Filial Piety, Classic of, i, 465-88 ; 
its name, early existence, con- 
tents, and author, 449-51 ; its 
history to a.d. 745, i, 452-8; 
and since, 458-62 ; descriptions 
and instances of, i, 212, 393-4 ; 
iii, 67-9, 87-8, 172, 183, 343, 
357-8, 360-1, 372, 379. 386, 
446, 449. 455-7, 467, 477 ;[>v, 
24, 41, 2H-7, 222, 226-9, 233-4, 
236-8, 268-9, 289-91, 308-11; 
when parents are ill, iii, 343-4 ; 
under other peculiar circum- 
stances, iii, 335-7 ; when parents 
have faults, and deal hardly, iii, 
456-7. An unfilial ruler was 
reduced in rank, iii, 217. 

Five jade-symbols of rank, i, 39 ; iv, 
168-9; relationships of society, 
and duties of, i, 43, 129, 137; 
iii, 379-80; ceremonies, i, 55 

Ssee Ceremonies) ; emblematic 
igures on robes, i, 56; pun- 
ishments, i, 48, 56, 255, 261, 
481; iii, 235-6; iv, 99, 384; 
coloured earths, i, 67 ; correct 
colours, iii, 382 ; iv, 90 ; inter- 
mediate colours, iv, 1 1 (in note); 
flavours, iii, 382, 435 ; domains 
(see Domains) ; elements, i, 77, 
140-1 ; iii, 382 ; sons, songs of 
the, i, 78-80; orders of nobility, 
i, 136, and their territories, iii, 
209; personal matters and their 
qualities, i, 141 ; dividers of 
time, i, 142; favourable and 
unfavourable verifications, i, 
147 ; sources of happiness and 
extreme evils, i, 149; adminis- 
trative officers, iii, 109-10 ; 
sacrifices of the house, iii, 116, 
«5. 3<>o» 329, 376, 385 5 Great 
officers in Great state, iii, 214; 



states, a union, iii, 212; tour 
of inspection in five years, i, 40 ; 
iii, 316; princes appeared at 
court once in five years, i, 40 ; 
iii, 216; five kinds of grain, iii, 
221, 239, 270, 372, 376, 280, 
393, 308 ; ancestral temples of 
princes, iii, 333, 397 ; iv, 205 ; 
five regions, the, iii, 229 ; turn- 
ings over of royal boat, iii, 363 ; 
five storehouses, iii, 365 ; con- 
ditions in sacrificial victims, iii, 
288 ; weapons of war, iii, 294 ; 
descendants of the rulers in five 
temple shrines, iii, 355-8; five 
classes of the experienced, iii, 
360; iv, 124, 231; beverages, 
iv, 2 ; washings of hands a day, 
iv, 5 ; Ti, the, iv, 30 ; Tts, the, 
iii, 468; iv, 102, 130; degrees 
in kinship, iv, 42 (and note) ; 
heads of clans changed in five 
generations, 43, 63, 65 ; five 
things claiming first attention 
/ of sovereign, 61 ; attendant 
carriages of Great officers of 
first grade, 75; fifth year of 
study, 83; five degrees of 
mourning, 90 ; five senses, 90 ; 
strings, lute with, 105 ; usages 
of king, conveying great les- 
sons, 124; days' leaping on 
death of Great officer, 143 ; 
months' mourning, 158; shells 
in stuffing Great officer's mouth, 
wailing for him ended in five 
months, sacrifice of Repose for 
him offered five times, prince 
buried five months after death, 
164 ; things of shame to an 
officer, 166; double rolls of 
silk, a marriage offering, 172 ; 
cross-bands in greater dressing 
of dead, 186; dynasties, 204; 
five premature deaths for which 
king sacrificed, 207 ; things 
securing good government, 216; 
objects accomplished by sacri- 
fice, 219-20; extreme points, 
the, 278-9; fivefold or univer- 
sal path, 313; waitings and 
leapings of one who bad hurried 
to mourning rites, 369-73 ; rules 
for long dress, 396. 
Fifty, men of, iii, 66, 163, 340-1, 
464-6; iv, 230. 



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Four, classes of the people, i, 339 ; 
seas, the, 41, 46, 47, 76, 81, 
ri7-8, 136; Hi, an, 345, 303, 
413; >v, 9'. 99. "7, »8o, 295, 
308-9 ; mountains, i, 339 (see 
35, 39-4o); states, the, 314, 
217 ; rivers, iii, 335 (and note) ; 
subjects of instruction in four 
seasons, iii, 332-3 (and note); 
cases of fatal criminality, 338 ; 
forlorn classes, 344; inspectors, 
378, 308 ; things interrupting 
an audience, 328; aides, 350; 
agencies, 378 ; intelligent crea- 
tures, 383-4; limbs, 390; iv, 
330; quarters, orcardinal points, 
473 ; dishes of grain at royal 
meal, iv, 4 ; Sai, the, 30; 
dynasties, 36, 39, 88 ; rules 
for effectual teaching, 86 ; de- 
fects in learners, 87 ; aids to the 
fundamental in instruction, 91 ; 
characteristics of ancient music, 
108 ; states with bad music, 
119; baskets of grain put by 
officer's coffin, 197; schools, 
the, 232; lowest classes of 
menials, 249 ; things at grand 
festive entertainments, 374 ; 
seasons, the, 281, 326, 393; 
things Confucius had not at- 
tained to, 305-6. 

Forty, men at, iii, 66. 

Game of pitch-pot, iv, 397-401. 

Gifts sent on occasions of death and 
burial, and ceremonies of, iv, 
144-8. 

God (Ti and Shang Tt), i, 39, 58, 
85.87,89,91,95,99, in, 114, 
126, 130, 135, 139, 144, 153, 
159, 161, 163, 166, 184-5, 196-8, 
306-8, 314-5, 231-3, «45, 256, 
359, 266, 307, 3<>9-J<», 319-™, 
3*1, 34', 343, 354, 378, 381-3, 
389-93, 397, 399,408, 410, 413, 
420, 432 ; ii, 150, 233, 355, 387, 
341, 435; iii, 318, 220, 254, 
273, 288, 293, 309, 344, 370, 
385, 407, 410, 413-4, 430-1 ; iv, 
60, 118, 167, 212, 281, 311, 

338-9, 349, 3*3- 
God (tt and shang-ti, used, pro- 
bably, in the sense of demigod, 
or deified hero), i, 32, 34, 38, 
41-5, 46-52, 54, 57-8, 60-2, 256, 



258. So, in the phrase 'five 
Tis,' see Five; and, in iii, 250, 
257, 262, 268, 272, 276, 280, 
383, 387, 391, 396, 303, 306. 

Good, their, ascribed by men to 
their parents, by ministers to 
their rulers, by sovereigns to 
Heaven, iv, 333. 

Good, men are bom, i, 89-90, 334, 
410, 425. 

Government, appointed by Heaven 
for good of the people, i, 86-7, 
90,115,309; fundamental con- 
nexion of, with Heaven, iii, 376; 
different conditions of, iii, 375-8 ; 
of Kau dynasty, i, 219-25, 226- 
31; Royal regulations for, iii, 
309-48 ; Confucius on the prac- 
tice of.iv, 263-4, 312-7, 340-7. 

Governmental proceedings for each 
month, iii, 249-310. 

Grand course, early period of the, 
iii, 364-6. 

Grief, various outward manifesta- 
tions of in mourning, iv, 385-90. 

Habit becomes a second nature, i, 97. 

Hall of Distinction, the, iii, intro- 
duction, 28-30; i, 477 (and 
note); iv, 331 ; progress of king 
through its different apart- 
ments from month to month, 
iii, 351-3, 258, 363, 369, 373, 
377, 281, 284, 387, 392, 297, 
302, 307 ; audience held in it 
by duke of ATSu, iv, 39-31 ; 
effect of sacrifice in it, iv, 331. 

Harems of king and princes, iii, 
100, 109, 115; iv, 433-4. 

Harmony, benevolence, confidence, 
and rightness, conditions of, iv, 

357. 
Heaven (—the Supreme Being), i, 
39, 45, 5o, 55-6, 58, 63, 77, 81, 
83, 85, 86-7, 89, 90-1, 93, 96, 
98-9, 101, 104, 108-9, 115, 118- 
33, 125-30, 132, 134-5, 139, 154, 
156-61, 166-7, 169-70, 174, 
176-8, 184-90, 192, 196-201, 

205-8, 3IO, 313, 314-9, 2 36, 34T, 
345, 348, 359-60, 262, 264, 266, 
306-7, 3IO-2, 316-7, 320, 325, 

335, 34», 345, 347-8, 353, 354, 
357-61, 364, 376, 378-81, 389, 
394, 408-11, 414, 416-9, 4 2 5, 
438-9, 434-5, 439, 441, 444, 479, 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



477 



484; ii, 88, 155, 213-4, 218, 
226, 229-30. 234-5, 239, »5>» 
254, 263, 276, 285,322,351, 354, 
372, 375-6, 383, 417; iii, 135, 
159, 201, aao, 236, 244, 256, 
*79> 333. 367, 371, 388-9, 410, 
4»7. 43°; »▼. 9 6 , *oi, *'8, 224, 
233, 268-9, >8i, 286, 288, 300, 
306, 309, 313, 317, 322, 325, 
3*7, 3*9. 337-8, 341, 347, 359- 
To these should be added the 
very many instances of the oc- 
currence of the term in the 
highest name of the sovereign 
as ' the son of Heaven,' see iii, 
107, note 1. 
Heaven and Earth (where the phrase 
has more than a material mean- 
ing), i, 125, "9. 135, 228; ii, 
223-4, 226, 227, 235, 238-40, 

242-3, 245, 250-1, 257, 353-4, 
358, 362, 380-1, 395, 417, 424, 

433J "«, "6, 222, 2*5, *85, 
372, 377, 380, 382-3, 387, 396, 
410, 439; iv, 100, 106, in, 
1 14-5, 118, 128, 131,202-3, 222, 
257, 281, 300, 304-5, 311, 321-2, 
326-7, 349, 379. How they re- 
spond to music and ceremonies, 
iii, 115 (and note). 

Honoured ones of heaven, the, i, 39 
(six) ; iii, 300 (and note). 

Honoured Head, and Smaller Head, 
in new clan families, iv, 43-4, 
65-6. 

Honorary title or name, the, iii, 102, 
112, 144, 180-1, 438; iv, 18, 
106, 339. 

Humanity, as the totality of man's 
nature, iv, 332-6. 

Hunting,iii, 106, 220-1, 294-5; exces- 
sive, i, 79 ; king Win, in, i, 203. 

Husband and wife, how the separa- 
tion between them, as of dif- 
ferent sex, continued to be 
maintained, iv, 470-1. 

Ice, preservation and use of, i, 445 ; 
iii, 261, 308; iv, 423; use of, 
in mourning rites, iii, 182. 

Inauguration, of the different sea- 
sons, iii, 253-4, *°9, 284, 297-8; 
of palace, i, 349-50 ; of mansion, 
iii, 196. 

Inscriptions on tripods, iv, 251-3. 

Instruments of government, and in 



the relations of society, iv, 257- 
60. 

Introduction, presents of, iii, 119. 

Inventions early, of the eight tri- 
grams, ii, 382 ; of written char- 
acters and bonds, 385 ; of use 
of fire in cooking and moulding, 
iii, 369 ; of nets, markets, of 
plough and husbandry, ii, 383 ; 
of canoes and oars, of the use of 
oxen and horses for draught, of 
gates and other means of de- 
fence, of the pestle and mortar, 
of the bow and arrow, 384 ; of 
house building, 385 ; iii, 369 ; 
of burial and coffins, ii, 385 ; of 
fermented or distilled liquors, 
see i, 172-3. 

Jade, why more valued than soap- 
stone, iv, 463-4. 

Judges, and administration of jus- 
tice, i, 43, 48-9, 83, 259-64; 
iii, 235-8. 

King, the, is appointed by Heaven 
for the good ruling of the peo- 
ple, i, 89-90, 126 ; the per- 
manence of, and his line depend 
on Heaven, 1,95,126,378-9, 380- 
2, 389 ; should excel in virtue, 
187 ; forms a tern ion with Hea- 
ven and Earth, iii, 377 ; iv, 256 ; 
three prerogatives of, iv, 324; 
Sacrifices peculiar to, see Sacri • 
fices. His ploughing, and its 
object, iii, 254-5 (and note) ; 
iv, 239. How he dealt in re- 
gard to his criminal kindred, 
iii, 356> 359, and at audiences 
and feasts, 357. His care of 
schools, see Education. His 
domain, i, 75 ; iii, 209, 212-3; 
appanages in it not hereditary, 
iii, 214. He could never be 
said to go abroad, iii, 113 (and 
note). 

Knee-covers, see Aprons. 

Kl sacrifice, the, see Sacrifices. 

Lament, see Death ; over miserable 
state of kingdom, i, 351-3,354-5. 
355-7, 357-8; over absence from 
parents, i, 441. 

Lessons, of the ancients, see An- 
cients ; of the four seasons, iv, 



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281-3 ; of the will of Heaven, 
iii, 376 (and note). 

Lt £1, the history of, iii, 1-9 ; title 
and value of, 9-1 4; enrolment as 
oneofthe Five King, 14; notices 
of different books in, 15-60. 

Life, decades of, see Decades. 

Longevity, of several virtuous kings, 
i, 201-3; sought in worship, i, 
345> 348 » eyebrows of, i, 306, 
i*6, 345- 

Looking, regulation and direction 

of, iii, 70-1, 77. 97, "8. 
Love and respect lie at foundation 
of government, iv, 264. 

Man has a moral sense from God, i, 
89, 90 ; is born good, 231, 425 ; 
is the heart and mind of Heaven 
and Earth, embodying the five 
elements, iii, 382 ; is benevo- 
lence, iv, 268-9 (and note) ; the 
most intelligent of all creatures, 
iv, 392 ; is in danger of becom- 
ing bad, i, 86, 234, 410-11. 

Man, the Superior, often meaning a 
man of rank, but generally of 
virtue and all admirable quali- 
ties, iii, 350 (see note 1); iv, 267. 
The name occurs more than 
300 times, and is applied to 
men of all classes, from the 
scholar to the sage. 

Man, the great, ii, 417. 

Marriage, iii, 248, 367, 388, 438 ; 
iv, 97 ; details about, iii, 77-8, 
374. 439-4* ; »v, 45. 238, 259, 
261, 264-6, 299,428-34; pecu- 
liar case in, iii, 320-1 ; could 
only be formed through the 
parents and the services of a 
match-maker, iii, 78; iv, 297; 
between parties of different 
surnames, iii, 78 ; iv, 63 ; age 
at, iii, 65 (and note), 478 ; a 
second was discreditable on the 
part of the widow, i, 435 (and 
introductory note). 

Marriages, of Shun, i, 36 (but see 
iii, 132 and note); of Yfi, 60; 
of kings Ki and Wan, 360. 

Meals, offerings at, see Offerings. 

Mean, the, Doctrine of, or State of 
Equilibrium and Harmony, see 
Equilibrium; Golden Rule of, 
> v > 305, 419; Confucius had not 



attained to it, iv, 305-6 ; stand- 
ard of, to be set up by king, i, 
88. 

Melon, cutting, for different parties, 
iii, 82. 

Minister, the prime, i, 228 ; had 
under him the six grandees, iii, 
109 (see i, 227-8) ; of Instruc- 
tion, i, 228 ; iii, 230-3 ; of War, 
i, 228; iii, 234-5; of Crime, i, 
229; iii, 235-8; of Religion, i, 
328 (i, 44, and iii, 109, and the 
minister of Offices, no); of 
Works, i, 229; iii, no, 228-30 
(see note on i, 229). King had 
six Great ministers, i, 268-9, 
and the feudal lords, three, i, 
233; iii, 213-4; their emolu- 
ments and rank, iii, 210-n. 

Missions, friendly, between states, 
iii, 57-8. 

Mourning, rites of, dress, times, and 
tables of, iii, 202-8 (appendix 
to Book II). Questions of 
3Sng-jze about them and other 
"rites, iii, 311-42. Smaller points 
in dress, iv, 40-59. Greater 
points, 173-200. Gifts for and 
miscellaneous points, 133-72. 
Hurrying to, from a distance, 
365-74. Questions about, 375-9. 
Questions about dress in, 380-4. 
Subsidiary points in, 385-90. 
Questions about the three years 
of, 391-4. The four moral con- 
stituents underlying, iv, 465-73. 
Preparations for a death, iv, 
173, 181 (and note). Calling 
the dead back, see Calling back. 
Covering the body, plugging 
the mouth open, keeping the 
feet straight, washing,abstinence 
of mourners, and replacing on 
the couch, and putting in coffin, 
iii, 14 1-3, 144-5; i»» »8i-5. 
193. Putting down offerings 
of food by the corpse or coffin, 
iii, 1 33, 148 (and note), 153,156- 
7; iv, 194-6. The slighter and 
greater dressings (body-cases, 
clothes, ties, and operations with 
them), iv, 185-9, 375-7- The 
first spirit-tablet, iii, 168 (and 
note). Taking hold of the hand 
and bending over the corpse, 
iv, 1 90- 1. The hut, huts, and 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



479 



unplastered apartment, iv, 1 34, 
'54, t6 3> 191-2- The wailing, 
leaping, and beating the breast, 
iii, 89, 93 (and note), 131-7, 
150, 160; iv, 51, 58-9, 143, 
188-90, 194-6, 370-9, 385-6, et 
saepe. Visits of condolence, iii, 
"J, 135-6. «4«; »v, 41. 54,58, 
>39> 144, et saepe. The use 
of the staff, iii, 134, 136, 161, 
313, 322, 334; W, 48, 54, 57, 
163, 180-1, 378-9, 467-8. The 
coffin and burial, see Burial. 
Sacrifices, in connexion with 
mourning, see Sacrifice. A 
bald man, a hunchback, and a 
lame man, and the rites, iv, 378. 
Real grief is better than many 
rites, iii, 141. 
Music, the, of Shun, i, 61 ; of Yao, 
Shun, and Yu, iv, 106 (and note) ; 
of Wu, i2i-4 (see also 130); 
the ancient schools of, 109 ; 
rules and times for teaching and 
practising, iii, 232, 255,261, 266, 
269-71, 274, 293, 348; iv, 274-5; 
instruments of, i, 305, 3 19, 32 3-4, 
326, 367; iii, 83, 219,273 5 'v, 
35-7,97,iii,ii5, i«9-2i, 123; 
times for regulating, iii, 217, 
273; were composed of eight 
materials, iv, 1 1 1-2. The Re- 
cord of music, iv, 95-131 ; with 
the account of it in, iii, 32-3. 
Object and effects of music, iii, 
389-91 ; iv, 107, 224-5, 255-6 ; 
see also i, 61. The music that 
has no sound, iv, 279 ; see 276. 
Officers kept their instruments 
at hand, iii, 106. But music 
was not played during mourn- 
ing, i, 41; iii, 103; nor in bad 
years, iii, 106 ; nor at marriages, 
iii, 442 (and note) ; nor for 
three days after bride came to 
her husband's, 322 (and note) ; 
nor in escorting friends or in 
autumn, iv, 210. Occasions 
when the ruler gave up bis 
music, iii, 159 ; iv, 164 ; see iii, 
179-80. It was used at sacri- 
fices, iv, 213-4, 35° , but with 
discrimination, iv, 330 ; and not 
in preliminary purification, iv, 
240. Confucius and Hsien-jze, 
in resuming music after mourn- 



ing, iii, 130. See Notes, Officers, 
and Tubes. 

Name, the first, was given in child- 
hood, iii, 79, 144 ; by the father, 
three months after birth, iii, 
473-5 5 that of maturity (the 
designation), at the capping at 
the age of twenty, iii, 65, 79, 
144, 438 ; the name of ' uncle ' 
was not used till fifty, iii, 144. 
The honorary or posthumous 
name, see Honorary. The first 
naming of a rulers heir-son, 
born after his father's death, iii, 
311-3 ; after the burial, 313-4. 

Names which should not be given to 
a child, iii, 78 (and note), 474-5. 
On the avoiding of certain names, 
and the names used in certain 
circumstances, iii, 66, 79, 93, 
101, 107-8, no-i, 190; iv, 18, 
27-8, 138, 161, 175; case of 
names, composed of two char- 
acters, iii, 93, 190; sacrificial 
names for victims, offerings, 
grandparents and parents, iii, 
1 17-8. Dogs got names, iv, 76. 

Natural phenomena of the different 
months, iii, 251, 258, 259-60, 
263-4, 269, 272, 275, 277-8, 283, 
287, 289, 291-2, 295, 297, 302, 
305-6, 308. 

Nine is the number of the months 
of autumn, iii, 283, 286, 291 ; 
and the indication of the strong 
or undivided lines in the dia- 
grams of volume ii. Nine pro- 
vinces, see Divisions ; classes of 
kin, i, 32 ; iv, 42 ; pastors, i, 
229; virtues, i, 54, 221; divi- 
sions of the Great Plan, i, 139- 
49 ; tribes of the t, i, 150 ; iv, 
jo; services of good govern- 
ment, and nine songs of them, 
i, 48, 61 ; plains, iii, 196, 199 ; 
individuals supported on best 
farms, 210: high ministers, 2 1 3, 
269 ; symbols of distinction, 
215; years' surplus of income, 
222 ; ladies of honour, 259 ; 
gates of capital, 265-6; things 
that suspend a sacrifice, 330; 
boys taught to number the days 
at nine, 476 ; nine 3hai, iv, 30 ; 
the ninth year of study, 83; 



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THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



nine-scolloped flag, 114; shells 
put in mouth of deceased king, 
164 ; nineteen suits, in dressing 
corpse, 185; standard rules of 
government, 314-6 ; days' wail- 
ing for king's death, 373 ; 
months' mourning, fabric of, 
388 ; nine pin of king's harem, 
iv, 43a. 

Nose, cutting off the, punishment 
of, i, 40 (note), no. 

Notes of music, see Five. 

Numerical categories, see under two, 
three, and other numbers 

' Numerous Officers,' the, i, 196-100; 
'Numerous Regions,' i, 213-9. 

Odour, or fragrance, a charac- 
teristic of the K&u sacrifices, 
iii, 443 ; i, 366 (and note), 367, 
399. The fragrance of good 
government, i, 232 ; and of vir- 
tue before God, and the rank 
odour of cruel punishments, i, 
256. 

Offerings, sacrificial or thanksgiving, 
at meals, iii, 79 ; iv, 20 ; et al. 

Officers, the number of, gradually 
increased, i, 227; gradations, 
numbers, emoluments, and other 
arrangements of, iii, 209-14. 

One man, the, i, 100, 163, 394; iii, 
107 (and note) ; iv, 418. 

Order, Great, period of, iv, 118. 

Otter, the, offers fish in sacrifice, iii, 
221, 251 (and note). 

Palace, the royal, i, 236 (and note) ; 
ancestral temple was built be- 
fore the palace, in new settle- 
ment, 384; see also iii, 103-4. 

Parent, the, of all creatures, i, 125, 
361; parent of the people, i, 
125, 144 ; import of that name, 
iv , »78, 340-1, 420. 

Parents, service of, see Filial pietjr ; 
by sons and their wives, iii, 
449-51, 452-6; assisted by the 
younger brothers and sisters 
of the household, 451 ; of the 
widowed mother-in-law by the 
wife, 453, 457. 

Pastors, i, 39, 42, 221-2, 214-5; u '» 
in. Judges, the pastors or 
shepherds of Heaven, i, 259. 

Paths, three, iv, 333. 



People, will of, Heaven's will, i, 128. 

Perfection, what it is, iv, 236-7; 
the royal perfection, i, 142-4. 
The perfect man, and the mani- 
festation of his perfection, iv, 
317 (and note), 318-22. 

Personators of the dead in sacrifices, 
i, 300-1, 365, 367, 369, 375, 401, 
403, 409 ; iii, 62, 69 (son cannot 
personate father), 87, 170, 183, 
189-90, 329-30, 337-8, 341, 
374, 405-6 (six at the Great 
sacrifice), 444, 44* ; iv, 12, 25-6, 
45, 53-4, 75. 78, 80, 88, 116, 
152,212,240-2,245-7. 

Ploughing, the, of king and princes, 
iv, 222. See King. 

Powers, the three, ii, 402, 424 ; iv, 
319 (note 2). 

Prayer of king Hstian, i, 419-23 ; of 
duke of aSu, 153-4. 

Precautions against excess in mourn- 
ing austerities, iii, 87-8; iv, 159. 

Premature deaths, iii, 125 (three 
classes of), 161, 185, 337-8; iv, 
44, 52-3, 56, 58, 154, 162, 207, 
383. 

Preparation, importance of, i, 116; 
iv, 316. 

Presents of introduction, see Intro- 
duction. 

Presenting various offerings, rules 
for, iii, 84-6; iv, 22-3, 144-7; 
presenting a daughter for a 
harem, language in, iii, 119. 

Provisions, left, iii, 82 ; at sacrifices, 
the, iv, 242-3. 

Queen, her six palaces and then- 
inmates (the harem), and how 
she trained them, iv, 432-4; 
work with silkworms and in silk, 
iii, 265, 278 ; iv, 239. She sacri- 
fices to the first matchmaker, 
iii, 259. Her robe, iv, 15. 
Effect of her sudden death, iii, 
328-30. Associated, when she 
died, in a sacrifice to her de- 
ceased husband, i, 326. Famous 
queens, i, 380-1, 383, 387-8,396- 
7. The bad Szeof Pao, i, 356 
(and note). 

Recorders or secretaries, i, 4-6; 
178 (Grand, and Recorder of 
interior); iii, 91, 235-6,238, 309, 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



481 



3i3-»5, 373, 385, 439, 468, 474 ; 

iv, 2 (recorders of Left and 

Right), 4, 6, 135, 246-7. 
Remonstrances, with parents and 

rulers, on, iii, 114, 339, 45*-7; 

iv, 73, 228, 290, 345-6 ; of the 

people should not be suppressed, 

1, 105. 
Respect for one's self, iv, 266-7. 
Reverence in ceremonies generally, 

see Ceremonies; in marriage, 

iv, 264-5. 
Rise of new families or clans within 

the same surname, iv, 43-4, 63 ; 

rules for sacrifice in connexion 

with them, iii, 458. 

Sacrifices, the laws of, iv, 200-9; 
the meaning of, iv, 210-35; a 
summary account of,iv, 236-54; 
were for the purposes of prayer, 
thanksgiving, and deprecation, 
iii, 448 ; were especially expres- 
sions of gratitude to God, and 
the reverent commemoration 
of ancestors and benefactors of 
men, iv, 201 (and note), 207-8; 
were preceded by vigil and 
purification, see Purification ; 
were performed with selected 
victims and other offerings, in 
the proper robes, at the proper 
altars, with the prescribed cere- 
monies and music, iii, 107, 113, 
226,242-3,288; iv, 201-7,214-5, 
322-4, 337, 245-6. Most an- 
ciently, water was the only 
liquid used at them, and after- 
wards had the most honoured 
place, iii, 370-1 ; iv, 8 (and 
note). They lie at the founda- 
tion of all teaching, iv, 245. 

Sacrifices of the king, wherein they 
exceeded and differed from 
those of others, iii, 116, 335-7 ; 
iv, 304-6. The border sacrifices, 
presented on the border or 
suburbs of the capital to God 
or Heaven and Earth (iv, 311), 
were peculiar to him. There 
was but a single victim (Book 
IX, and note 3, iii, 416) in 
them, and the offerings of grain, 
and the robes were the product 
of the king's ploughing and the 
queen's work in silk ; they 

08] 



were 'the deepest expression 
of reverence' and 'greatest 
act of thanksgiving,' iii, 373, 
309, 398, 413, 436-31; >v, 1, 
302-3. The sacrifice at the 
Great She altar, iii, 425; sa- 
crifices to the sun, moon, and 
other material objects, iii, 427 
(and note) ; iv, 209. Sacrifices 
to ancestors, see Ancestral tem- 
ple ; to the spirits of the land 
and grain, to seas, hills, rivers, 
and streams, iii, 373, 303, 307, 
309. Sacrifices of the house, 
with the parts of the victims 
made prominent in them, iii, 
116,251, 258, 262, 269, 272,277, 
281, 283, 287, 296-7, 302, 306 ; 
iv, 38. The Ki sacrifice, iii, 
364, 431-4? iv, 333, >*7. Sa- 
crifices of Lfl, iv, 31-4. That for 
driving away pestilence, iii, 423 
(and note) ; to the kings of two 
preceding dynasties, iii, 422-3 ; 
on tours of inspection, i, 39-40; 
iii, 417, 426, — compare iii, 218. 
Sacrifices connected with the mourn- 
ing rites: — That of Repose, iii, 

137, 170 (and note), 189-90, 
316 ; iv, 46-7, 48 (and note), 50, 

55, 58, 139, Ma, '55-6, 159-K 
164, 387-9; at the end of the 
1st year (hsiao hsiang) and of 
the 2nd (ta hsiang), iii, 129-30 
(and note), 3 17-8; iv, 9, 52, 

138, 150, t5»-3, 184, 193, 387; 
and at the end of the mourning 
(than), iii, i39-3o(and note); iv, 
193, 388. The same names are 
employed of services at the end 
of shorter periods of mourning, 
iv, 158, 160. 

Sacrifices, expense of, were a tenth 
of all expenditure, iii, 322. The 
robes at them were the most 
prized of all, iv, 186, 308 ; they 
and vessels were burnt or buried, 
when worn out, iii, 92. 

Scholar, the, and his character and 
course, iv, 403-10. 

Seven was the number of the 
months of summer, iii, 368, 373, 
277. 

Seven directors, the (in astronomy), 
i, 39 ; days' fasting, case of, iii, 
133 ; all in royal domain as- 

I 1 



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sumed mourning seven days 
after king's death, iii, 194, and 
during them the market-place 
was shut, iii, 302 ; ruler of second 
class had seven symbols of dis- 
tinction, 315 ; king was coffined 
on seventh day, 222 ; seven 
lessons of morality, 330, 348; 
classes of grooms, 394 ; feelings 
of men, the, 379 ; brothers and 
sisters did not use the same 
mat or eat together at seven, 
476; seven months' mourning 
held to be for three seasons, iv, 
46 (and note) ; the seventh year 
of study, 83; seven regulations 
in teaching, 84-5 ; days' leaping 
for ruler's death, 1 4 3 ; his mouth 
stuffed with seven shells, wail- 
ing for him ended in seven 
months, and sacrifice of repose 
offered seven times, 164, 373 ; 
seven dynasties, 304 (and note) ; 
sacrifices and altars of king, 206; 
days of looser vigil, 240, 393 ; 
drinking the seventh cup, 246 ; 
seven shSng in fabric of me- 
dium sackcloth, 388. 

Seventy, old men of, iii, 66, 88, 240- 
3, 464-6 ; eldest son of, should 
not be without a wife, 316. 

Shih King, the, name and contents 
of, i, 275-79 I before Confucius, 
and what, if any, werehis labours 
on it, 380-4 ; from him to the ac- 
knowledgment of present text, 
285-9 > how it was . formed, 
290-3 ; how it is so incom- 
plete, 293-4 ; interpretation and 
writers, 294-6 ; the Confucian 
preface, 296-8. 

Shoes, left outside the door, iii, 71. 
Rules about, iii, 71, 76-7, 103, 
449-5°. 453 ; iv, 17, 20, 53, 70, 
72,81, 135, 137, 145. 

Shti King, the, nature and history 
of, i, 1-11; credibility of, 12-19, 
principal eras in, and chrono- 
logy of China, with chart of the 
principal stars for epoch of B.C. 
2300, 20-30. 

Six was the number for the months 
of winter, iii, 396, 302, 306, and 
the name for the divided lines 
of the diagrams of vol. ii. Six 
Honoured ones, i, 39 ; hosts of 



king and their leaders, i, 76-7, 
81, 129, 229, 344 ; magazines 
of natural wealth, 48, 74 ; 
Grand ministers and their de- 
partments, 328-9 > extreme 
evils, 149 (and note); tenures, 
336 ; grandees of Heaven's in- 
stitution, and six departments 
of the statutes, iii, 109 ; trea- 
suries and six stores of the king, 
no; ceremonial observances, 
330, 248 ; things that break up 
an audience, 3 38-9 ; Great men, 
366 ; upper musical accords, 
and six figures on robes, 382 ; 
personators, 406 ; arrows shot 
on birth of ruler's heir-son, 473; 
Zung tribes, iv, 30 ; years of 
the duke of Altu's regency, 3 1 ; 
bond of kinship ends with sixth 
generation, 63 ; six considera- 
tions regulating the mourning 
worn, 63-4 ; cases of affinity, 
64 ; things that make teaching 
vain, 86-7 ; peculiarities of 
sound, in music, 93 ; six upper 
and six lower musical accords, 
118; instruments introducing 
virtuous airs, 119; dressers of 
corpse, 188 ; baskets of grain 
by coffin of Great officer, and 
six supporting ropes of ruler's 
catafalque, 197-8; shSng in fa- 
bric of certain sackcloth, 388. 

Sixty, men of, iii, 66, 88, 340-2, 464-6. 

Slept, how gentlemen, and would rise 
for wind, thunder, and rain,iv,5. 

Spirit, spirits, spirit-like, and cognate 
words, denoted by shan (jpA) 
and kwei shSn (^ j^), 

>, 39. 45. 47, 51 (k.s.), 5«-*» 9° 
(and note), 93 (k. s.), 96, 99 
(k. s.), 101, 109, 116, 123, 126, 
>35, 153 (k-s-), 1*3, »»7, 228, 
232, 318 (and note),- 347-8, 
365-8, 372, 387-8, 405 (and 
note), 415 (and note), 419-20, 
422, 428, 485-6 (k. s.) ; ii, 226 
it. s.), 230, 259 (k. s.), 354 
(k. s.), 354, 357 (and note), 365 
(k. s.), 366, 370, 372-4, 377-8, 
383, 39°, 39», 395, 4«7 (k. s.), 
422, 427 ; iii, 64 (k. s.), 78 (k. s.) t 
108 (k.s.), 148, 167 (k.s.), 169, 
i73,"7, *38, 250,257, 262, 268, 



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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



483 



373, 276, 378, 280,383, 387, 291, 
296, 302, 306, 367 (k. s.), 368 
(k.s.), 370 (k.s.), 371, 375 (k.s.), 
377 (k-s.), 381 (k. 0,383 (k.s.), 



384 (k.s.), 385 k.s.), 386 (k.s.), 

1 (k.s.), ; 

(k.s.), 395 0> 
398 (k.s.), 412, 423, 425, 430, 



388 (k.s.), 389 (k.s.), 391 (k.s.), 
394 (k.s.), 395 (k.s.), 397 (k.s.), 



434, 436. 44i (k.s.), 444, 446; 
iv, 73, 99 (k.s.), 101 (k.s.), 104 
(k.s.), 1 1 3-4, 125, >38, 170, 203, 

213-4, 219 (k.S.), 220 (k. S.),224, 

235, 237 (k.s.), 239-40, 245, 261, 
265, 371 (k.s.), 372 (k.s.), 273 
(k. s.), 282, 307 (k.s.), 308, 330, 
335 (k.s.), 331 (k.s.), 342-3, 345, 
349-50 (k. s.), 363, 464. 

Staff, the, was always carried, even 
in house, after fifty, iii, 24 1 , 465 ; 
and stool were carried to an 
interview with an old man, iii, 
67, and always given to one of 
seventy still in office, 66. Staffs 
of hazel, iii, 432 ; of bamboo, 
and a dryandria branch, iv, 41. 
Use in mourning, see Mourning 
rites. 

State, officers and rulers leaving 
their, rules for, iii, 104, 107. 

Strap, for mounting a carriage by, 
iii, 95 (and note), 96, 98. 

Sympathy and kindly feeling, rules 
of, iii, 106, 125, 356, 265, 375, 
387-8. 

Tablet, the Spirit, iii, 108 (and 
note), 168 (and note), 171-3, 

3*3. 33<>, 444; iv, 47, 51, 81, 
136-7, 142, 163; in the event of 
war, iii, 324-5, 355 i the memo- 
randum, iv, 12, 13. 
Ten evil ways of three bad fashions, 
i, 94 ; able ministers of king 
Wfl, 128; good men who helped 
king Kb&ng, 158, 160; a boy 
went out to school at ten, iii, 
65, 477 ; and a girl no longer 
went out from the women's 
apartments, 478 ; a youth serves 
one older by ten years as an 
elder brother, 68 ; ten states 
formed a confederacy, 212 ; a 
tenth of the expenditure went 
for sacrifices, and during the 
three years of mourning for the 
rites, 332 ; ten things held to be 



right or virtues, 380 ; relation- 
ships recognised in sacrifice, iv, 
345-9; what ten eyes behold,4i3. 

Terminus, the Grand, ii, 373. 

Ternion, the Great, iii, 377 ; iv, 256 ; 
see iv, 319 (and note). 

Testamentary Charge of king JCMng, 
the, i, 234-42. 

Thirty, marriage at, iii, 65 (and 
note), 477. 

Three Miao and three Wei, i, 41, 
45 ; silks, 40 ; localities for 
banishment, 43; religious cere- 
monies, 44 ; examinations, 45 ; 
departments of governmental 
action, 48, 222; virtues, 55, 
1 44, 260 ; characters of soil, 75 ; 
commencements of the year, 
77; kings of A3u, 153 ; grades of 
ability, 221-2 ; Kung and three 
KG, 227-8; Jfiao and three 
Sui, 269; extremes, ii, 351; 
first three gifts of king, iii, 67, 
215; divination should not ex- 
ceed thrice, 94 ; absence from 
one's state for three generations 
or more, 102 ; three years' 
mourning for father, ruler, and 
teacher, 121; deaths not con- 
doled about, 131; wives of Shun, 
132 (and note) ; small carriages 
sent to the grave, 161 ; dynas- 
ties, usages of, in burial, 170; 
families of Lfi, 184 (and note) ; 
days' wailing for a burnt shrine, 
190 ; different times in assuming 
mourning for king, 194; mar- 
ket shut for three days on a 
ruler's death, 202 ; huntings, 220 
(note) ; customs for three days 
and three nights after a mar- 
riage, 322 ; king Win visited his 
father thrice a day, 347 (note) ; 
three mats' distance between 
pupil and master, 347 ; classes 
of the old, 360, 385; iv, 124, 
231; dynasties, 405; iv, 130, 
349 ; dukes, iv, 29 ; over two 
years counted three, 45 ; third 
year's studies, 83 ; three kings, 
the, 88, 91, 102 ; impar- 
tialities, 281 ; things common 
to mourning rites for king and 
an officer, 149; shouts in 
calling dead back, 174; grades 
of officers, 177 ; mourners took 



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THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



the staff on the third day, 180 ; 
they abstained from food for 
three days, 183, 575 ; three 
occasions for abstinence, 184 ; 
months' keeping from nuptial 
chamber, 193 ; condoling visits 
of ruler, 194 ; shells put in 
mouth of officer, and sacrifice 
of Repose thrice offered for 
him, 164 ; three things about 
his learning that occasion sor- 
row to superior men, 166 ; spe- 
cial sacrifices of Great officer, 
307 ; things specially important 
at a sacrifice, 341 ; great re- 
lationships and their functions, 
363-4 i points having no positive 
existence, 278-9, and their five 
effects, 380-1 ; universal virtues, 
313 ; things essential to cultiva- 
tion of character, 314 ; hundred 
ceremonies and three thousand 
modes of demeanour, 323 ; iii, 
404 ; ways in which the virtues 
of humanity appear, 333 ; a 
visitor only advances after three 
salutations, and an officer leaves 
the state when his advice has 
been thrice rejected, 346 ; 
dressing the corpse commenced 
three days after death, 377 ; 
three quavers in wailing, 386 ; 
shSng in fabric of coarsest 
sackcloth, 388 ; reason for the 
three years' mourning, 394 ; 
' horses ' in game of pitch-pot, 

399- 

Tranquillity Small, the period of, iii, 
366-7. 

« Tribute, of Ytt,' the, 1, 63-76 ; arti- 
cles of tribute, iii, 420. 

Twelve pendants of royal cap, fv, 1 ; 
streamers of Lu banner, 32 ; 
shSng in fabric of five months' 
mourning, 388 ; strips of cloth 
in the Long dress, 395 ; mouths, 
pitch-tubes, articles of diet, iii, 
383. 

Twenty, the age for capping, iii, 79, et 
al., and for marriage of girls, 478. 

Two, living animals in introductory 
presents, i, 40 ; characters in a 
name, case of, iii, 93, 190; 
grounds for a certain wailing, 
150 ; hair of two colours (turn- 
ing grey), men with, not to be 



taken captive, 178 ; two Great 
chiefs, 213 (and note); best 
trees, the, 394; concubines, 
case of, 457 ; victims, 459 ; 
towels in bathing, iv, 5 ; sub- 
jects not treated as subjects, 
88 ; torches in ruler's hall, in 
mourning, 178 ; two prisoners 
liberated by Kwan Kung, 168 ; 
baskets of grain by coffin of 
officer, 197 ; elements in man's 
constitution, the, 221 ; sur- 
names united by marriage, 364, 
428 ; elements in ceremony 
and music, 276 ; days' absti- 
nence on mother's death, 386. 

Union, the Grand, period of, iii, 365-6. 
Unity, the Grand, iii, 3 86-8 (and note). 

Verifications, the various, i, 147-9 
(and notes). 

Victims and offerings, of, i, 134, 183, 
194, 306, 317, 323, 325, 332-4, 
343. 387-9» 4°', 419-20, 445 ; 
iii, 326-7, 338 (the satisfying 
offerings, dark and bright), 347- 
8, 369-72, 398, 408, 4"-»,4i6- 
9,428,435-7,446; iv, 35,80. 

Visits between princes, iv, 274. The 
ceremony of friendly missions 
or visits, iv, 458-64. 

Wailing, see Mourning rites. 

Walking, rules in, iii, 68,244; iv,35-6. 

Wedges, double, use of, jii, 158 ; iv, 
196-7. 

Widow, a, should not wail at night, 
iv, 299 ; and one should not 
have interviews with her son, 
398 ; iii, 78. 

Wife, the correct, will not marry 
again, i, 435 ; iii, 439. 

Wild tribes, the, and their charac- 
teristics, iii, 209-30 ; they had 
different languages, and inter- 
preters were used in communi- 
cating with them, ib. ; their 
places at an audience, iv, 30. 

Witch, exposing a, in the sun, iii, 201 . 

Yt King, history of, from twelfth 
century B. C. to the commence- 
ment of the Christian era, ii, 
1-9 ; the subject matter of the 
Text, with the lineal figures 



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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 



485 



and the explanation of them, 
9-36 ; the Appendixes, 26-55. 
Diagrams of the Trigrams and 
Hexagrams, after the Intro- 
duction. 



Yin and Yang, the, i, 338 ; ii, 323, 
355. 357, 359. 388, 395, 431, 
423 ; iii, 386, 304, 338, 381, 383, 
387 ; iv, 104, 108, 115, 319, 333, 
338, 349-50, 403, 433, 436, 465. 



INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 



A-hangi Part i, pages 95, 118, 311. 

Called Pao-hang, i, 118, 307. 

I.q. t Yin, q.v. 
Ai (duke), iii, 159. 187-9. '9M97; iv, 

166, 169, 361, 263, 312, 403, 409. 
An (surname), An-jze and An Phing- 

*ung, iii, 174-5, 4°» J iv, 165. 

Black-, the, water, i, 71, 73. 

Fa (name of king Wfl, q. v.), i, 136, 

13a, '35- 

Fan, i, 355. (Relative of KJnmg r), 
iii, 166, 199; iv, 431. 

Fang (constellation), i, 83. (Place), 
iii, 1 35. Fang-hstin, i, 33. Fang- 
m, i, 34- Fang-fu, iv, 37. 

Fang (capital of king Wan), i, 133, 
183, 246, 394-5. (River), i, 71, 
74, 395- (Name of prince), i, 
164-71. (Hexagram 55), ii, 183- 
6, 358-9, 335-6, 438, 443. 

Ffl (state), i, 433 ; iv, 282. (Hexa- 
gram 24), ii, 107-8, 233, 297-8, 
435, 442. FG-A&ai, Hi, 178. 
Ffl-AMen, i, 73. Ffl-kwan, i, 
438. Ffl-yen, i, 114. 

Han (river), i, 68-9, 73- (State), i, 
426. (Hill),i,386. (Milky way), 

i, 363, 4«9- , . x 

Hang (river), i, 65. (Mountains), 
i, 68, 72-3. (Hex. 3a), ii, 125-6, 
238-9, 307, 436, 442. 

Hao, i. 395. 

Hau-tf, i, 320, 341-2, 397-9, 4»o ; 
iv, 33, 340, 35° 0-q« & ana " 
Kb\ q.v.) Hau Mfi, iii, 152. 
Hau-thO, iii, 280 ; iv, 208. (A 
domain), i,75,i34,i65,i89, 344. 

Ho (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. (The 
Ho, or Yellow river), i, 65, 67, 
69,71,73-4, 79, »°8, "7, 308, 
3'8, 336, 435? ii, 81; iii, 135, 



>93, *45, 4«>7 5 iv, 123. (The 
Ho map), ii, 14-17; "«, 374- 
(Another river), i, 70. (State), 
i, 239. Ho-1!, i, 73. 

Hsl (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. Hst- 
£ih, i, 72. Hsi-^i, iv, 294. 
Hst-sze, i, 346. 

Hsii (river), i, 381. (Dynasty), i, 
33-4, «3, 84-5, 87, 89, 93, 96, 
iox, 128, 185-7, '97, 199, 214- 
6, 227, 310, 412. Hsii Hau- 
shih, iii, 125, 138, 151, 191, 240, 

343-3, 34«, 438, 464 J iv, 34-9, 
123. Hsia FQ-AM, iii, 403. 

Hsiang, i, 356. (Dukes), iii, 154; 
186. (The symbols of the Yt), 
ii, 12, 360, 381. 

Hsiao (duke), iii, 318. Hsiao Xi>d 
(hex. 9), ii, 76-7, 221-2, 278-9, 
433-4, 443< Hsiao Kwo (hex. 
62), ii, 201-3, 364, 344-5, 384, 
438, 443- 

Hsieh, i, 42-3, 303, 307, 309 ; iii, 
372 ; iv, 202, 208. 

Hsien (dukes), iii, 126, 165 ; 182, iv, 
353. (Hex. 31), ii, 133-4, 338, 
305-6, 436, 442. Hsien Pan-ffl, 
iii, 137-8. Hsien-jze, Hsien-jze 
So, iii, 150, 153-4, 301 ; iv, 433. 

Hsin (state), i, 381 (note). Hsin-fQ, 

i, 34«- 
Hsiung-r, i, 73. 
Hsu (hex. 5), «, «7, 3i8, 373, 433, 

443. Hstt iCau, i, 66. (Region), 

i, 269 ; iii, 193. Hstl YQ, iv, 166. 

Hstt Tien, iv, 450. 
Hsttan-ming, iii, 296, 302, 306. 
Hu (hill), i, 345- (Nobles), i, 213-3, 

437. (State), i, 77. (Officer), 

iii, 143. HQ-khau, i, 64, 7a. 

Hfl TO, iii, 136-7. 
Hui, iv, 303 (i. q. Yen Yttan, q. v.) 

Hui-jze, iii, 143. 
Hung Yao, i, 308. 



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Hwi, i, 70, 73 (Thai Hwa), 133. 

Hwai, i, 66-8, 74, 368, 339-40, 345. 

Hwan (river), i, 71. (Dukes), iii, 
186; iii, 323, 430; iv, 168; iv, 
10. (Hex. 59), ii, 194-6, 361-a, 
34', 384. 438, 44^- (Minis- 
ter), iii, 149. Hwan-tiu, i, 34, 
41,54. ThethreeHwan,iii,4ai. 

Hwang Ti, iii, a 80; iv, 123, aoi, 
209. Hwang-fQ, i, 355. 

Hwo, i, an. 

1 (rivers), i, 66, 7+. (Another), 69, 
74. (Tribes of the East), i, 1 50 ; 
(nine 1), as in iv, 30. ^Element- 
ary forms of the Yi), ii, 1a. 
(Prince), i, 79. (An officer), 
iii, 178. (Hex. a7), ii, 114-5. 
235, 3o|-2» 435, 443. 1-ho, i, 
366-7. I ATih, i, 307. I Lifl, iv, 
164. 1-po, iii, 187. lYin, i, 93, 
95, 97-Joi, 307 (i. q. A-hang). 

Kan (place), i, 76. KanPan,i,i 16,307. 

Kan (trigram 7), ii, n, 33, 33, 425- 

6, 438-30, 43a. (Hex. 53), ii, 

175-7, 256,33«-a. 437, 44«- 
Khan (trig. 6), ii, 11, 33-3, 435-6, 
438-9, 431. (Hex. 39), ii, 1 18- 

9, 236-7,303-4, 435, 443- 
Khang (state), i, 164. (King), i, 343, 

250, 3'9! iv, 253. (King of 

Kb% iii, 186. 
Klo, KloYao, 1,43, 53-8,61-3, 339. 

K3o 3ung, i, 118-9 ; ii, 205 ; iii, 

179 ; iv, 390, 468 (i. q. Wfl-ting, 

q. v.) Kio 3ze-k£o, iii, 1 36. 
Khao (duke), iii, 193. 
KSu (hex. 44), ii. 154-5, 350, 321-3, 

437, 443- Kiu-mang, iii, 250, 

257, 262. 
Ko (marsh), i, 70, 74. (State), i, 88. 

(Hex. 49), ii, 167-8, 353-4, 338- 

9, 437, 443- 

KG" (state), i, 310. (Hex. 18), ii, 
95-6, 338-9, 390-1, 434, 443. 
Kfi-sau, i, 53. 

Kung (place), i, 391. Kung-hsi Kbih, 
iii, 139. Kung-t ATung-jze, iii, 
130. Kung Afiang,i, 434. Kung- 
/Hen ATia, iii, 184. Kung-kung 
(minister), i, 34, 41, 43 ; iv, 
308 (Kung-kung-shih). Kung- 
ming f, iii, 140 ; iv, 336. 
Kung-shu ; Mu, iii, 151 ; Wan- 
jze, iii, 145, 180; Zo, iii, 184; 



Zfi-zan, iii, 185. Kung-yang 
ATia, iv, 156. 

Khung (surname). Khung-jze, Con- 
fucius, passim in iii, iv. Called 
also Khung KbVL, iii, 133, 139, 
196, 198, 364 ; iv, 133, 361, 305. 
Called also ATung-ni and Ni-fu, 
q.v. Styled also Ffl-jze, the 
Master, and still more often, 
simply 3ze, the Master. Khung 
Kwei, iv, 35a. 

Kwii (hex. 43), ii, 151-3, 349, 320- 

1, 385, 437, 444- 

KhwSi Shang, iii, 187. 

Kwan (state), i, 154, an. (Hordes), 
i, 389. (Hex. ao), ii, 99-100, 
229-30,392-3,434,441. Kwan 
ATung, iii, 403; iv, 165, 168. 

KhwSn (mountain), i, 83. (Yfl's 
father), i, 35, 41, 139; iv, 308. 
(Trig. 8), ii, 11, 33-3, 348-9, 
377-81, 425-6, 428-30. (Hex. 
3), ii, 59-61, 314-5, 268-9, 418- 
21, 433.44«- (Hex. 47), ii, 161- 
St 252, 325-6, 437, 442. Khwan- 
lun, i, 73. 

Khwei (minister),'!, 44-5, 61; iv, 
105, 375. (Hex. 38), ii, 139-40, 

243, 3M, 385, 436, 442. 
Kwei (hill), i, 345. (Stream), i, 36. 
Kwei Mei (hex. 54), 180-3, 357- 

8,334-5,438,444- 
Kwo (state), i, 308. Kwo-lin, i, 3 1 1 . 
Kwo ATao-jze, iii, 175. 

A3 (a festivity), iii, 364, 431-4 ; iv, 

33-4, 167. 

Kin (marsh), i, 68. (Trig. 4), ii, 1 1, 
32-3,425-31- (Hex. 51), ii, 17 a- 
4,255-6,330-1,437,441. 

King (river), I, 64. (City), i, 346. 
Afang LSo, iii, 196. 

Jtang (state), iv, 117, 119. King 
ATiang, iii, 167, 176. ATSng-jai, 
iii, 190. 

Kbm, i, 69, 74, 189. 

Kbin, or Kbm (state), i, 370-1, 442- 
3; iii, 186; iv, 421. (As sur- 
name), Kb&n: — Kan-hsi, iii, 185; 
Kb\-i\, iii, 186; Hti, i, 207; 
Qze-t% iii, 181 ; 3ze-khang, iii, 
1 8a ; Afwang-jze, iii, 150. 

ATiang (king Win), iv, 60. Kbang 
ATung, Iv, 1 aa. 

ATASng (king), i, 155, 250, 316, 319, 
331, 336, 338, 343; iii, 344-5. 



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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 



487 



(Duke), iii, 187 ; iv, 253. Kb&ng- 
shQ, iv, 352. (Tribes), i, 223. 
Kb&ng-i&u, i, 246, 249. Kbing- 
jze Kao, iii, 1 55. 

ATJo (duke), iii, 318, 327; iv, 167. 
(State, as surname), Wan-ize, 
iii, 196, 199, 420(1. q. ATao Wu). 

ATSu (state and dynasty), i, 124, and 
passim, in the Books of ATau (i, 
124-272); also in the Shih King 
(i> 3I3M45); «, J (^au Yi), 
403; iii, 125-6, 131, 139, 144, 
151, 168-9, 172, 24°, 242-3, 
34i, 35o, 373, 4061 428, 438, 
443-4, 467; iv, 34-9, 63, 106, 
122, 125, 202, 208, 219, 229, 
342, 348, 252, 282, 294, 324, 
342-3, 355, 363, 4'5- In many 
of these instances, and others, 
the reference is to the duke of 
ATau, called Tan, q. v. (The 
tyrant of Shang or Yin), iii, 
396 ; iv, 31, 63, 290, 448 (called 
also K au-hsin, and Shan, q. v.) 
ATau Fang, iii, 191. 

Ki (king*! Li), i, 134, 153, 203, 381, 
390; iii, 343; iv, 60. JTi, 1, 
56-8, and Kbi, i, 42 ; i. q. H3u- 
*?, q. v. (I. q. 3ze-sze), iii, 123, 
133. (Clan name), iii, 415; iv, 
31 (ATt-shih) ; iii, 138, 197 
(ATi-sun); Hwan-jze, iii, 333; 
Khang-jze, iii, 176, 184, 324; 
iv, 11; Xao-jze, iii, 174; WQ- 
>ze, iii, 121, 132, 162. ATi-jze, 
iii, 192. ATI 3! (hex. 63), ii, 204- 
6,265,345-6,438,443. ATf-shih, 
i, 73. K\ ATau, i, 64. (River), i, 

65-6, 74- 
Kb\ (states), i, 136, 139; ii, 135, 

242, 3" CW-Jze); «, i-3* 
(note), 337; iii, 188, 333, 420; 
iv, 123. (Mountain), i, 64, 71- 
2,316,342, 383, 39«- {Kb\-kaa), 
427; ii, 160, 324. (Rivers), i, 
74, 325, 382, 438. (King, son of 
YQ),i, 60, 72 (note). Kbi Liang, 
iii, 188. (Poetical pieces), iv, 
129-30. 

ATia, ATia Zan (hex. 37), ii, 136-8, 
242, 3>2-3, 436, 442. ATia«ffl,i, 
353. ATii-po, i, 356. 

ATiang (tribes), i, 131. (The Great 
river), i, 68 (Three K., nine 
K-)> 69, 73 (Northern K., nine 
K.), 437; iii, 345. (Another 



river), i, 73. (Surname), i, 383 
(i. q. Thai K.) Alang Yuan, i, 
341, 396. 

ATiiiang, i, 43. 

ATieh (rocks), i, 65, 72. (The tyrant), 
i, 84 (note), 86, 127, 197, 221, 
310; iii, 396; iv, 418. (Hex. 
40), ii, 144-5, 245, 316-7, 436, 
442. (Hex. 60), ii, 197-8, 262, 
342-3, 438, 443 (may be read 
3ieh). 

ATien (river), i, 69, 74, 189. (Hex. 
39), », 141-3, 244,3«5,436,443. 
(Hex. 53), ii, 178-9, 357, 333, 
437-8, 443. 

ATMen (trig. 1), ii, n, 33-3, 395, 
435-6,438-30. (Hex. i),ii, 57- 
8, 213, 367, 348-9, 381, 408-17, 
430, 441. (Hex. 15), ii, 89-90, 
236, 286-7, 434, 442. (Moun- 
tain), i, 72. (River), i, 69. 
Ktten Ao, iii, 194. 

Kbiung (state), i, 78-9. (Office), i, 
252 (and Po-Miung). 

ATih, Kih TSo-jze, iii, 179. 

Kbih, Kbih Zan, i, 106. A'Aih-yO, 
«, 255. 

King (hills), i, 68-9, 71, 308, 313. 
(River), i, 71, 74, 402. (State), 
i, 31 1-2 (and King-Abb), 344; 
iii, 150, 186-7. ATing ATSu, i, 68. 

Khmg I, iii, 155. Kbing K&u, i, 65. 

Kbo (a name), iv, 394. 

Kb (Yao's son), i, 34, 60. (River), 
iii, 135. ATu-yeh, i, 71. ATfi-yfl, 
i, 73. ATfi-lB, iii, 193, 195. ATfi- 
yung, iii, 268, 272, 276. 

Jttfi (Ti), iv, 208. 

ATun (hex. 3), ii, 62-3, 215-6, 270, 
433,439 (note), 441. 

Kb\m-v/Q, 1,71. Kbun Kbid, iv, 255-6. 

Kbui, i, 239. 

ATung (prince), i, 311 (i. q. HO). 
ATung-ni, iii, 179, 184-5, 196, 
35i, 364; iv, 213, 370, 301, 
336 (Confucius). Aung Hwan, 
i, 337. ATung Hsien, iii, 151. 
ATung Liang-jze, iii, 152. ATung 
Shan-fQ, i, 425-6 ; iv, 335. ATung 
Sui, iii, 184. ATung Khang 
(king), j, 81. ATung-nan (hill), 
i, 71. ATung-tG, iii, 150. ATung 

fung (king), i, 201, 304. ATung 
u (hex. 61), ii, 199-200, 263, 

343-4, 438, 443- 
Kbvmg (minister), i, 257. (City), 



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THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



i» 39»-3- (Mountain), i, 41. 
Kbang-hwd, i, 38. AfAung-r 
(prince), iii, 136, 165-6. 

Xtt (king), iii, 193. ICu-iMa.0, i, 136. 
• Au Po-yii, iii, 145, 411. 

Kim (river), i, 74, 383. A"£u-sau, i, 7a. 

-Klin, ATun-iti^n, i, 331-3. Aun-wQ, 
i, 310. Aun Ya, i, 350-1. 

Kwzn (Ti), Awan-hsii, iii, 496, 30a, 
306 ; iv, 201, 308. 

jKwang (dukes), i, 34a; iii, 127, 165, 
188, 198. AVang-shu, iv, 25a. 
Awang Alang, i, 433. (Mu- 
sician), iii, 179. 

Lli, i, 66. 

Lang, iii, 185. 

Lao, Lao Tan, iii, 325, 339-40, 343 
(i. q. Lao-jze). 

Lei, Lei-hsii, i, 65. Lei-shau, i, 73. 

Lt, see At Li (State), i, 130. 
(Stream), i, 73, 189. (Hill), i, 
5a. (Minister), i, 357. (Con- 
fucius' son), iii, 131 (i.q. Po-yii). 
(Trig. 3), ", 11, 32-3, 4*5.438- 
30, 433. (Hex. 10), ii, 78-80, 
333-3, 380-1, 434, 443. (Hex. 
jo), ii, 120-3, 337, 3<>4-5, 435, 
443. Lt-shan Shin, iv, 208. 
Li At, iii, 136. Lt Shau, iv, 1 34. 

Liang (mountain), i, 64, 421. Liang 
Aau, i, 70. 

Ling (duke), iii, 323. 

Liu (duke), i, 1 34 (note). Liu Zo, 
ih',151. LiuA"wang,iii,i83. Lid 
Shi (moving sands), i, 73, 76. 

Lo (river), i, 69, 70, 73-4, 79, 183. 
(City), i, 165, 183, 188-9, 196, 
199, 300, 318, 346. Lo Shin, 
iii, 433 (and note). 

Lu (state), i, 269, 336-46; iii, 126- 
7, 129, 150-1, 153, 159, 165, 
184-5, 187, 189, 191, 202, 327, 
3<>4, 37a, 4«>7; >v, 31-9, 144- 
(Tribes), i, 131, 223. Lu Thai, 
1,136. 

Lu (state), i, 254-5. (Tribe), i, 149- 
50. (Hex. 56), ii, 187-8, 359- 

60, 337, 438, 443- 
Lung (minister), i, 44-5. Lung- 
man, i, 73-3. 

Man (southern tribes), i, 345 ; iii, 
in, 339; iv, 30 (eight M.), 33. 
Man-fQ, iii, 124. 

Mang (hills), i, 66, 70, 345. (Hex. 



4), a, 64-«, "7, 371-3, 433, 44i- 

f Marsh), Mang-£u, i, 69, 70. 
Ford), Mang Alng, i, 73, 135, 

136. (Surname), Ming: — Hsien- 

«e, iii, 139, 154; •▼, 167, 4*3; 

Xing-jze, iii, 174 ; Hfl and Phi, 

iii, 152. 
Mao (tribes), i, 131. (State), i, 235. 
Mei (region), i, 174-5. Mei-iniu 

(name), iii, 143. 
Ml. i, 391- 
Miao, i, 51-a, 54, 61, 355-6, 358-60. 

See San Miao. 
Mien, i, 71. 
Min, i, 70, 73. 
Ming, iv, 203. 309 (i. q. Hsuan- 

ming, q.v.) Ming t (hex. 36), 

»', 134-5, «4i-», 3n-», 436»443. 

Ming-thiao, i, 93. 
Mo (tribes), i, 345. 
MO (king), i, 350. (Dukes), iii, ia6, 

150, 173, 201, 165-6. (State), 

iv, 298. Mfl-po, iii, 167, 176. 

Nan (domain), i, 75, 165, 177-8, 183, 
344. Nan-^Aao, i, 86. Nan- 
Mo, i, 33. Nan-kung (sur- 
name) : — Alng-shu, iii, 149 ; 
Kwo, i, 208 ; Mao, i, 237; Thao, 
iii, 139. 

Nei-fang, i, 73. 

Nt-fu, iii, 159 (Confucius). 

Niao-shfi, i, 7 1 , and Niao-shfl Thung- 
hstteh, 74. 

Nii-kwi, iv, 37. Nu-fang, i, 73. 

Pai, iii, 133. 

Pan, iii, 184 (i. q. Kung-shfi Zo). 

Pan-king, i, 103-6, 108, m. 
Pan, iii, 154. Pan-mau JCii, iv, 

121-2. 
Phang (tribes), i, 131. Phang-1?, i, 

67, 73. 
Pao (state), i, 356 (P5o Sze). PSo- 

hst, ii, 383-3 (i. q. Fu-hsi). Pao- 

hSng, see A-hang. 
Pei-wei, i, 73. 
P! (place), i, 367-8. (SUte), i, 335, 

»43, »45- (Hex. 8), ii. 73-5, 

330-1, 377-8, 433, 441. (Hex. 

33), ii, 103-4, 231, 294-5, 435, 

442. Pi-kan, i, 136; iv, 123. 
Pht, iii, 178. (Hex. ia), ii, 83-5, 

334, 383-3, 434, 443* 
Pin, i, 444. 
Phing (duke), iii, 179-80. 



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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 



489 



Po (hill), i, 70, 73 (Po KMxng). 
(Capital), i, 89, 93, 97, 117, 333 
(three Po). (Hexagram 33), ii, 
105-6, 232, 396, 435, 44a. Po 
I, i, 44, 258. Po Kbm, i, 368 ; 
Hi, 34», 345. 35o. Po Kbing, 
i, 25a. Po Yi-khlo, iii, 120. 
Po-ytt, i, 43; iii, 131 (i.q.LJ, 

Pho, 1, 131. 

PO Kwo, iii, 137. 

San t-shang, i, ao8. San Miao, i, 
41, 45, 71 (see Milo). San 
Wei, i, 41, 71, 75. 

Sh3n (state), 1,433; iv, 28a. (Name 
of 3ang-jze), ii, 465 ; iii, 149 ; 
It, aa6. Shan-hsiang, iii, 132-3. 
Shan-sang, iii, 126. ShanNang, 
iii, 379 (see note) ; ii, 383 (i. q. 
Yen Ti, q. v.) 

Shang (dynasty), i, 84, 87-8, 93, 98, 
101, 118, 133, '^5, 127-8, 1 3 1- 
6, 303-13, 412; iv, 116, iaa- 
3 ; see Yin. (Disciple), iii, 
135; iv, 370 (i. q. Sze-hsia). 
Shang-fQ, i, 382. Shang Yung, 
i, 136. Shang Yang, iii, 185. 
(Odes), iv, 1 39-30. 

Shang (hex. 46), ii, 159-60, 351-3, 
3*4-5. 437, 44»- ShSng-hsing, 
iii, 139. 

Shdo (state), i, 181, 404, 437 ; iii, 
340-1 ; iv, 123. ShJo mo (Tl), 
iii, 383, 387, 391. Shao-lien, 
iv, 153. Sh&o-shih, iv, 171. 

Shin, i, 136-30, 133, 135-6, 304, 
333. 

Shih, i, 205-9,335. Shih: — Tli-*ung 
and ifiii-jze, iii, 181. Shih Ho 
(hex. 21), ii, 101-2,230-1,293-4, 

434. 44*« 

Shu (name), 1,43; iii, 180. (IfTing), iv, 
255-6. Shu-sun Wti-shfi,iii, 146: 
iv, 156. Shu-*ung :— Phi and 
Yen, iii, aoo. Shfl-yfl, iii, 199. 

Shun (Tt), i, 35, 37-8, 45, 118, 227; 
iii, 132, 396; iv, 105, 123, 208, 
302, 308, 326 (called also Yd 
Ytt-shih, see Ytt). 

Sui (Zui, Kbm), i, 43, 239 ; iv. 37. 
(State), iii, 194. (Hex. 17), ii, 
93-4, 228, 289-90, 384, 434, 442. 

Sun (trig. 5), ii, 11, 32-3, 425, 

428-9,431. (Hex.4i),ii, 146-8, 

• 346, 317-8, 437, 441- (Hex. 



57), ii, 189-91, 360, 338-9, 438, 

44»- 
Sung (state), I, 327; iii, 127, 149, 

197, 368, 37a ; iv, 119, »3. *46, 
402. (Praise-songs), i, 336-7 
(note). (Hex. 6), ii, 69-70, 219, 

*74-5> 433, 443- 
Sze (disciple), iv, 270, 376, (i. q. 
3ze->ang, q. v.) (Hex. 7), ii, 
33-5, 71-2, aao, 375-6, 433, 441. 
Sze-thfl Jfing-jze, iii, 174-5- 

Ta-lU, i, 65, 73. TS-lien, iv, 153. 
Ta-pei, i, 73. Ta-yeh, i, 66. 
Ta-yQ (hex. 14), ii, 88, 225-6, 
285-6, 434, 443. Ta ATwang 
(hex. 34), ii, 139-30, 340, 309, 
385, 436, 443. Ta Kb& (hex. 
36), ii, 1 12-3, 334-5, 300, 435, 
441. Ta Kwo (hex. 38), ii, 
1 16-7, 334-5, 303-3, 385, 435, 

443- 

Tha, i, 65. 

Tai, Tai-jung, and Thai (moun- 
tain), i, 39, 65-6, 345. 

Thai (king), i, 134 (note), 153, 303, 
316, 343 (i. q. Than-ffl, q. v.) 
State, i, 398. (Hex. 11), ii, 
81-3, 333-4, 381-2, 434, 443. 
Thai Hao, iii, 350, 257, 262, 
(i. q. Ffi-hst, or Pao-hst). Thai 
JTia, i, 95, 100, 206; iv, 332, 359, 
414. Thai-hang, i, 72. Thai Wti, 
i, 207 (i. q. ATung Sung, q. v.) 
Thai Tien, i, 208. ThSi Yo, i, 
72. Thai ZSn,i, 380-1, 387. Thai 
Sze, i, 388. Th3i ATiang (or 
JC3u JTiang), i, 383. 387. Thai 
yuan, i, 64. Thai Kung, iii, 
131 ; iv, 122 (i. q. Shang-fQ). 

Tan (state), i, 60. (Name), i, 153 
(note), 153, 185, 194, 209. 224 
(I. q. A3u Kung). Tan-hwii, 
1,64. 

Than Kung, iii, 17, iao. Than-fQ, 
i> 383 ; iv, 60 (i.q. king Thai). 

Thang (state), i, 31, 35, 327 
(king), i, 85 (title), 89, 92, 
128, 162, 176, 197, 206, 215, 
221, 304-1 2; iii, 366, 396; iv, 

202, 209, 28l, 355. 

Thang, iii, 152, 187. 

Thao (state), i, 80 (and note). Th3o- 

tM&, i, 74. Thao-lin, i, 1 34. 
Thwan, the, ii, 31, 35, 213-66, 35a, 

387, 400, 405. 



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THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM. 



Ti (northern tribes), iii, 177, 229; 

iv, 30 (six Ti). (Region), 

i, 312. Ti-*£A, i, 73. Ti 1, 

iii, 151. 
Ting (constellation), i, 436. (Duke), 

iii, 195. (Hex. 50), ii, 169-71, 

254-5, 3*9-3°. 437, 443- 
Tho, i, 68-9, 70, 73. 
Tu (place), i, 426. Tfl Kbiao, iii, 

153. Tfl Khwai, iii, 179. 
Thfi-shan, i, 60. 

Tui (trig. 2), ii, 11, 32-3, 425-6, 
428-32. (Hex. 58), ii, 192-3, 
261,340,438,442. (Armourer), 
i, 239. 

Tun (names), iii, 120, 188. Tun- 
AblfL, i, 438. 

Tbun (hex. 33), ii, 127-8, 240, 308, 
436, 443. 

Thung (place), i, 97. (State), i, 
235. Thung-pii, i, 73. Thung- 
yiian, i, 67. Thung Zan (hex. 
13), ii, 86-7, 225, 284, 434, 443. 

3ai Wo, iv, 220. 

3hai (hill), i, 70. (State), i, 21 1-2. 

(Domain), i, 165 (compare 1,75, 

ch. 4, par. 3). 
3ang Wan-lung, iii, 403. 
Shang-lang, i, 73. 
3ang (surname), SSng-jze, i, 465, 

472,476,4 8 3; '», "4. "6,128, 

132-5, 141-2, 147, 149, 151-2, 

154, 164, 174, 187, 197, 311-92 
(passim), 406, 467; iv, 143, 152, 
156-7, 161 (see Shin). 33ng 
Tien, iii, 162. 3&ng Shin, iii, 
126 (and note), 128; iv, 161. 
Sang Yuan, iii, 128. 

3ze (river), i, 66. (In names or desig- 
nations), 3ze-hsi3, iii, 135-6, 
140, 142, 150, 155-6, 174. 
341-2; iv, 116-8, 278-81 (i. q. 
Shang, q. v.) 3ze-*ang, iii, 132, 
140, 142, 164, 179; iv, 270, 
276 (i. q. Sze, q. v.) 3ze- 
kung, iii, 134, 136-7, 138-9, 
196-7; iv, 129, 131, 153, 167, 
313, 270-1, 275 (i. q. 3hze, q. v.) 
3ze-kio, iv, 142, 169. 3ze-lfl, 
iii, 123, 127, 131, 139, 141, 182, 
185, 190-1, 415; iv, 303, 144, 
(i. q. Yfl, .q. v.) 3ze-sze, iii, 
122, IS4, 133, 151-2, 173, 194 
(i. q. Khung K\, q. v.) 3ze- 
shang, iii, 122. 3ze-li0, iii, 145, 



200. 3 z e-shih, iii, 145. 3ze- 
ibzn, iv, 270. 3ze-hsien, iii, 

166. 3ze-han, •»', 197-8. Bze- 
yfl, iii, 120, 141-4, 146, 165, 174, 
176, 326, 337; iv, 16, 155 (i. q. 
Yen Yfl, q.v.) 3ze-ffl Hui-po, 
iii, 187. 3ze-fQ Po-jze, iii, 120. 
3ze-£tt Yen-hs!, i, 443. 3ze- 
shfl £ing-shfl, iii, 187. 

3hze,iii, 134, 138; iv, 129, 167 (i.q. 

3ze-kung), 
3in (state), iii, 126, 165, 196-7, 199, 

407; iv, 294. (Hex. 35), ii, 

131-3, 241, 310,436,442. 
Sing (hex. 48), ii, 164-6, 253, 327-8, 

.437, 442. 
Sfll, i, 120-1. 3fi K*. i,"9. 3<J- 

lai, i, 346. 3fl-*ii, i, 204. 3G- 

yi, i, 207. 3A-shau, iii, 391 

(should be Zfl-shau). 
3hui (hex. 45), ii, 156-8, 250-1, 

323-4. 437, 44*> 
3un-£i, iii, 183. 

Wai-fang, i, 73. 

Wan (king), i, 136, 130, 134, 153, 
165-6, 170, 174-5,193-5,203-4, 
308-10, 212, 222-5, 235-6, 241, 
244, 246, 250-1, 252, 266, 314-5, 
3'7, 338, 343, 377-8, 380-1, 387, 
391-2, 394, 411-3; ii, 241, 403, 
iii, 120, 343-5, 366; iv, 60, 118, 

167, 209 (see ATAang). (Duke), 
iv, 169. (Earl), iii, 153. (Mar- 
quises), i, 265; iv, it6, 118. 
(River), i, 66, 74. W5n-jze, Iii, 
143-4. Wan-po, iii, 176. Wan- 
ming, i, 46. 

Wang-wfl, i, 72. Wang 1, 111, 185. 

Weak-water, the, i, 73. 

Wei (states), i, 13 1-2, 437; iii, 120, 
126, 134, 136-7, 181-3, 194, 
353; iv, 94, »6, 119- (Rivert, 
j,65,7i,74, 381,392. (Domain), 
i, 165, 177-8, 189, 244. Wei 
3t (hex. 64), ii, 307-10, 265-6, 

346-7, 439, 444- 
WO (king), i, 1 54-5, 192-5,208,232-5, 
236, 241, 244, 250-1, 252, 266, 
318-9, 328, 334-5, 342, 393, 395, 
427; ii, 354; »', »20, 344,366, 
396; iv, 31, 36,60, 121-3, 167, 
310 (see FS). (Musical perform- 
ance), iv, 1 2 1-2. (Dukes), i, 
374 (note); iv, 36. Wfl-wang 
(hex.28),ii,io9-n, 233-4, 399, 



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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 



491 



435, 44i- WO-ting (king), i, 
1:2 (note), 207, 308; iv, 468 
(i. q. tfau 3ung, q. v.) WO 
Hsien, i, 207. 

YS odes, ir, 84, 127-8, 129 (T4" Y3, 
Hsiao Ya). (Musical instru- 
ment), iv, 1 1 7. 

Yang (river), i, 73. Yang K3u, i, 
67. Yang KbQ-(Q, Hi, 199. 

Ylo, i, 31, 38, 118, 227; Hi, 396; 
iv, 123, 201, 208, 326, 418. 

Yen (Tl), iii, 268, 272, 276 (i. q. Shan 
Ning, q. v.) (Region), i, 199, 
214. (Name), iii, 120. Yen- 
sze, iii, 133. YenYO, iv, 270-1; 
(i. q. 3ze-yfl, q. v.) Yen Yuan, 
»', 137, 139, 185 (i-q- Hui,q.v.) 
Yen LiO, iii, 188. 

Yi (hill), i, 67. (Minister), i, 44, 47, 
56-7. (A Recorder), i, 195; iii, 
341; iv, 129- (Hex. 42), ii, 
149-50, 247-8, 319, 437, 441. 

Yin (dynasty, later name of Shang), 
i, 104, 108, 120, 122-3, '57, i6'» 
162, 168, 170-1, 176-8, 183-7, 
190, 194, 196-9, 201, 205, 208, 
214, 217-8, 233, 236, 244, 246, 
248-9, 308, 311, 411-2 (Yin 
Shang); iii, 125, 138-40, 145, 
168-70, 172, 191, 240, 242-3, 
341, 368, 405-6, 438, 443-4, 
464, 467 ; iv, 31, 34-0, 106, 123, 
202, 218, 229, 294, 324, 342-3. 
Yin KM, iii, 431. 

Yo (mountain), i, 64, 72 (Thai Yo). 



Yo-^ang &ze-ib\in, iii, 128, 
201. 

Yu (king), i, 296; iii, 372. (Dis- 
ciple),iii, 127,415 (i.q. 3ze-lG, 
q. v.) YO-jze, iii, 1 30, 149, 176 ; 
iv, 141, i.q. Yd Zo, iii, 165, 174, 
188-9. 

Yu (the Great), i, 42, 46-52, 53-4, 
57-8, 60, 64, 76, 79, 87, 140, 
225, 258, 342, 369, 395, 426 ; iii, 
366,372,396,202,208,339,353; 
(included in Hsia Hau-shih,q. v.) 
Ytl Tt, iv, 343, i. q. Shun, who 
is also called YO Yu Shih, iii, 
125, 191, 240, 242, 443, 467; 
•v, 34-6, 38-9, 201, 229. (Hill), i, 
41, 66-7. (Officer), i, 356. 
(State), i, 385. (Hex. 16), ii, 
91-2, 227, 287-8, 434, 442. YU 
Khi, i, 19. 

Yuan (state), i, 391. (Name), iii, 
145. Yttan Zang, iii, 198. 

Yiieh, i, 1 1 2-8 (name of man, and 
title of Book). (State), iv, 37. 

Yun, i, 69. 

Yung (river), i, 65. (Tribes), i, 131. 
Yung Jfau, i, 71. Yung-po, i, 
69, 74. Yung ATii, iii, 193. 

Zan-jze, iii, 134. Zan YO, iii, 150. 

Z;hi (district), iii, 124. 

ZO-shiu, iii, 283, 287, 291, printed 

30. Zfl Pi, iii, 167. 
Zui, i, 235, 244, 385. 
Zung, i, 72, 266; iii, 111, 177, 229; 

iv, 30 (six Zung). 



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