Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world’s books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that’s often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book’s long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google’s system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google “watermark” you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can’t offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book’s appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google’s mission is to organize the world’s information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world’s books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
atthttp://books.google.com/
“i
SS ST ΣΟΣΣΞ
μ- νον LE σθαι, ὡς
τυ oe tee Swe 8 ae ee σι mee 4 ποτ τα ας
Raat tae SS Se EE
eg ae a en ne a ee See
τς ΠΤ re enter Ξ: ce ee
Se ene errors
= ee erry
—— —— I CD aE — > "πον rts
re et LS OE Re ee FS OO A ΣΡ
tty eee ae Seen toes ae ὩΣ,
eed <n eae eee eee =
ee amnnannes Meek nets ΤΡ ae
eet eee reenee tent. eae nes ge ee
ge or ee ee ee
ne ee ee ee ae
τ πο mes ee ae
ς + συ -α
Ὡς ae ee oe
Sage 3 ce eee ewe teense Sead
Stews owe
a
A or eae
2 ea OS cage aoe te eee
SSS Oo
"πα νσι.““-«ΦὁἍἌΠΦΠ πω πόθ, .... σ΄ ποιωστ τ "ἢ
Pe Ot ae fe Ay =
‘
ee ee Ν
a ae aaa aime
τα σον σι κα ἀπὸ τ ER eS ee a Oe σα Te
a a PE Gf ee ee ὡς LL ee -“-Φ-ηασ “πῶ Ξπὸ π͵- πὶ
“αὐ συν ο΄ ee νον 4... et eee een a a a
aw ey! PS OT σῶν AEN ἃ, «“αμανν ὦ eT A A a TOL, «ἀτώνισνσνσιασαν νῖῳ
OO eer y hem eereny ape Scag Bg παν IE ae en PN a Se ar
ΟΣ CS Se
OP OO PL OE POEL GG LL I GN
or eee ee Se Ne A Aan eta αι ,αιανφυσ αννσανανμανς σινθνδκαν, ἱὐνβεδεαι δος
eas
= ΩΝ
Sipe
vw
4
Digitized by O
Google
Digitized by O
Google
Digitized by O
Google
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[28] a
Zondon
HENRY FROWDE
OxFoRD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
AMEN CORNER, ΕΚ.
ΤΗΕ
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL. XXVIII
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
[AU rights reserved ἢ
Digitized by Google
THE a
nal Ga
γ'. ὦ
SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM
TRANSLATED BY
JAMES LEGGE
PART IV
THE Li Kt, XI-XLVI
ΝΣ Te
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885
[ All rights reserved ἢ
ἘΝ
«ΝΜ
CONTENTS.
BOOK
XI. YO 340 oR THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL Cap,
SectionI «6. 6 6 6 ewe ts
grid λα dos 9%". “co. “Wrewaies “ahs. fos ae as
ἊΝ ἀν σον.
ΧΙ]. Minc THANG WEI OR THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF
DISTINCTION . * . . A ᾧ “ 7 Ἢ
XIII. Sane FO HsrAo Kt or RecorD oF SMALLER MATTERS
IN THE DrEsS OF MOURNING.
Section I . ὶ ; ‘ . ‘ . ὃ ᾿ ᾿
» iJ 4 3 Σ : ᾧ ἑ ᾿ .
XIV. TA KwAn oR THE GREAT TREATISE : Fi . Ἀ
XV. ϑὅ8ηᾶῖο f or SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR . < :
XVI. Hsto Xt on REcORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION .
XVII. Yo Kt or RecorD or Music.
Section I 5 : : . F : :
, 0 | . . j 5 Ε ξ . : Η :
» Sil ‘ ‘ é " ; : : ὃ 3 :
XVIII. 3A Ki orn MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS.
SecTIon 1.
PartI . Ρ 3 ‘ Ε . 7 ; E : :
»Ἡ ἡ Η F Ν 3 ᾿ F ὲ : ¥ ῷ
. Section 1].
PartI . ! ; 5 Ξ Ε ‘ ξ ὃ : :
Ἐς Meee wey τὰς OR ΠῚ πὴ πεῖν ὲν. ὧδ
XIX. SaNc TA Ki oR THE GREATER RECORD oF ΜΟύΚΝΙΚΟ
RITES,
Section I . 5 " ᾿ Α : i . : F
»}1 5 : ‘ ν᾽ Η ἢ ‘i : ὃ a
XX. Xt FA on THE Law oF SACRIFICES . ; ὺ ῷ :
XXI. &t f on THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES,
Section I ᾿ . . . 3 . . ὃ < .
II ‘ ᾿ :
» . . Φ . . Φ Φ
XXII. Kt THUNG oR A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES .
XXIII, Xinc KiEH OR THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE
DIFFERENT KINGS . ‘ ᾿ A ἢ A .
XXIV. Ar Kunc WAN or QuzsTionsor Duxg Ar. . .
XXV. Kune-nt YEN KU or Kunc-ni aT HomE aT EASE ‘
PACE
105
114
132
139
150
161
173 +
185
201
210
220
236
255
261
37o
Vili CONTENTS.
BOOK PAGE
XXVI. Kuuns-3z—E Hsten KU or Conrucius at HoueE AT
LEISURE . A ‘ Ἢ . Ἄ ὃ δ . 278
XXVII. Fane Xf orn RECORD ΟΕ THE DYKES . . . . 284
XXVIII. Kune YunG or THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND
HARMONY. :
Section I . : ὩΣ ὁ . : ᾿ . . 300
» ἢ . . : ᾿ . . ‘ . +» 312
XXIX. Prdo Kf on THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE τ οἱ + 330
XXX. 3zef or THE Brack Roses a ee ee Σ-:
XXXI. PAN SANG OR RULES ON HuRRYING TO MOURNING
Rites. 5 " 5 . Ὁ . . . 365°
XXXII. WAwn SANG OR QUESTIONS ABOUT MourNING RITES. 375
XXXII. FO WAn or SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT
THE MOURNING DRESS . . ΟΞ . 380s
XXXIV. Kren KwAn oR TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN
MOourRNING USAGES . eps . Α . 385
XXXV. San NIEN WAN OR QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING
FOR THREE YEARS. . F ξ . 5 . 391.
XXXVI. SHAn for THE Lonc DREssINONE PIECE . - 395
XXXVII. TxHAu HO orn THE GAME OF PITCH-POT . 3 . 397
XX XVIII. Ζὺ Hstxnc (HANG) ORTHE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR 402
XXXIX. TA Hsio or THE GREAT LEARNING - : . 41:
XL. Kwan f or THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING 425.
ΧΙ]. νὰν f on THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY 428
XLII. Hsrane Yin X10 { oR THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING
FESTIVITY IN THE DISTRICTS . 7 : . 435
XLII]. Su f oR THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF
ARCHERY ς 3 A β 6 . ᾿ . 446
XLIV. Yen! or THE MEANING OF THE BANQUET . ‘ . 454
XLV. Pune f on THE MEANING OF THE INTERCHANGE OF
MISSIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT COURTS . . 458
XLVI. Sane Εὖ Sze Kr oR THE Four PRINCIPLES UNDER-
LYING THE DRESS OF MouRNING . . . 465"
InDEX TO Parts I, II, III, 1V ee XVI, XXVH, XXVIII).
Index of Subjects . ‘ : ᾿ Γ ἢ ᾿ . 470
Index of Proper Names... οἷ. re 485
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations
of the Sacred Books of the East . - Ε F . . 493
A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES
OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.
BOOK XI. YU 3A0
OR
THE JADE-BEAD PENDANTS OF THE ROYAL CAP".
Section I.
1. The son of Heaven, when sacrificing *, wore
(the cap) with the twelve long pendants of beads of
jade hanging down from its top before and behind,
and the robe embroidered with dragons.
2. When saluting the appearance of the sun*
outside the eastern gate‘, he wore the dark-coloured
square-cut robes; and (also) when listening to the
notification of the first day of the month® outside
the southern gate.
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 27, 28.
3 Probably, to Heaven; Aung thought it was to the former kings.
Many try to unite both views.
* At the vernal equinox. Callery has ‘Quand de bon matin il
sacrifie au soleil.’ Probably there was a sacrifice on the occasion ;
but the text does not say so. The character [}} (ἀλὶδο) means
‘to appear at audience.’
* Probably, of the city; many ἊΝ of the Hall of Distinction.
* This announcement was to the spirits of his royal ancestors in
the first place. Compare Analects III, 16.
[8] | B
2 : THE τῇ xt. ΒΚ. XI.
3. If the month were intercalary, he caused the
left leaf of the door to be shut, and stood in the
middle of that (which remained open)".
4. He wore the skin cap at the daily audience in
the court, after which he proceeded to take the
morning meal in it. At midday he partook of
what was left in the morning. He had music at
his meals. Every day a sheep and a pig were
killed and cooked; and on the first day of the
month an ox in addition. There were five bever-
ages :—water, which was the principal; rice-water,
spirits, must, and millet-water.
5. When he had done eating, he remained at
ease in the dark-coloured square-cut robes’. His
actions were written down by the recorder of the
Left, and his utterances by the recorder of the
Right. The blind musician in attendance judged
whether the music were too high or too low ὃ.
6. If the year were not good and fruitful, the son
of Heaven wore white and plain robes, rode in the
plain and unadorned carriage, and had no music at
his meals.
1 This is not easy to understand, nor easy to make intelligible.
An intercalary month was an irregular arrangement of the year.
It and the previous month formed one double month. The shutting
half the door showed that one half of the time was passed. There
remained the other leaf to be given—in the temple or in the palace
—to the king for all the ceremonies or acts of government ap-
propriate in such a position for the whole intercalary month.
Something like this is sketched out as the meaning by the X;hien-
lung editors,
3 These were so named from the form in which they were made,
the cloth being cut straight and square.
3. And judged, it is said, of the character of the measures of govern-
ment; but this is being ‘over-exquisite’ to account for the custom.
SECT. I. yU 8Ao. 3
7. The princes of states, in sacrificing, wore their
dark-coloured square-cut robes. At court-audiences
(of the king), they wore the cap of the next inferior
degree of rank to their own}. They wore the skin-
cap, when listening to the notification of the first
day of the month in the Grand temples; and their
‘court robes when holding their daily audience in
the inner court-yard.
8. (Their ministers and officers) entered (the
palace) as soon as they could distinguish the dawn-
ing light 5, and the ruler came out daily (to the first
court, inside the Kha gate), and received them.
(After this audience), he retired, and went to the
great chamber, there to listen to their proposals
about the measures of government. He employed
men to see whether the Great officers (were all
withdrawn) *; and when they had left, he repaired
to the smaller chamber, and put off his (court)
robes.
9. He resumed his court robes, when he was
about to eat. There was a single animal, with
three (other) dishes of meat, the lungs forming the
sacrificial offering. In the evening he wore the
long robe in one piece, and offered some of the
flesh of the animal. On the first day of the moon,
1 So it seems to be said; but why it was done so, does not
clearly appear.
2 Several pieces in the Shih allude to this early attendance at
court. See Book II, ii, 8 ; iii, 8, et al.
5 They sat or waited, not inside the chamber, but outside.
Some Great officer might wish to bring a matter before the ruler
which he had not ventured to mention in public. The ruler, there-
fore, would give him a private audience ; and did not feel himself
free from business till all had withdrawn,
B2
4 THE Lf xt. BK, XI.
a sheep and a pig were killed, and there were five
(other) dishes of meat, and four of grain. On 3ze
and M4o days? there were only the glutinous rice
and vegetable soup. His wife used the same
kitchen as the ruler *.
10. Without some cause for it, a ruler did not
kill an ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor a lower
officer a pig or a dog. A superior man had his
shambles and kitchen at a distance (from the) house ;
he did not tread wherever there was such a thing as
blood or (tainted) air ὃ,
11. When the eighth month came without rain,
the ruler did not have full meals nor music. If
the year were not abundant, he wore linen, and
stuck in his girdle the tablet of an officer‘. Duties
were not levied at the barrier-gates and dams;
the prohibitions of the hills and meres were en-
forced, but no contributions were required (from
hunters and fishermen). No earthworks were
undertaken, and Great officers did not make (any
new) carriages for themselves.
12, The officer of divination by the tortoise-shell
fixed the shell (to be used); the recorder applied
the ink; and the ruler determined the figures
(produced by the fire)®.
1 See vol. xxvii, p. 180.
3 That is, the wife was supplied with what was left from the
ruler’s mea!s,
5 Τῇ Tien says, ‘He would not tread on ants.’ The Xhien-lung
editors characterise this as ‘a womanish remark.’
‘ A ruler’s tablet was of ivory; an officer’s only of bamboo,
tipt with ivory.
5 See the Kau Li, Book XXII, 25. The Ahien-lung editors say
that the methods of this divination are lost. :
SECT. I. YU Ao. 5
13. (The cross-board in front of) the ruler was
covered with lambskin, edged with tiger's fur; for
his sacred carriage and court-carriage a Great
officer had a covering of deer skin, edged with
leopard’s fur; as also had an ordinary officer for
his sacred carriage}.
14. The regular place for a gentleman was ex-
actly opposite the door, (facing the light). He slept
with his head to the east. When there came
violent wind, or rapid thunder, or a great rain, he
changed (countenance). It was the rule for him
then, even in the night, to get up, dress himself,
put on his cap, and take his seat.
15. He washed his hands five times a day. He
used millet-water in washing his head, and maize-
water in washing his face. For his hair (when wet)
he used a comb of white-grained wood, and an ivory
comb for it when dry. (After his toilet), there
were brought to him the (usual) cup and some
delicacy ; and the musicians came up ? and sang.
In bathing he used two towels; a fine one for
the upper part (of his body), and a coarser for the
lower part. When he got out of the tub, he
stepped on a straw mat; and having next washed
his feet with hot water, he stepped on the rush one.
Then in his (bathing) robe of cloth, he dried his
body (again), and put on his shoes; and a drink
was then brought into him.
16. When he had arranged to go to the ruler’s,
1 ©The sacred carriage’ was one used for going in to some
temple service that required previous fasting. The paragraph is
strangely constructed. It is supposed that the ruler’s carriage at
the beginning of it was also a sacred one.
2 Came up on the raised hall, that is.
6 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XI.
he passed the night in vigil and fasting, occupying
an apartment outside his usual one. After he had
washed his head and bathed, his secretary brought
him the ivory tablet, on which were written his
thoughts (which he should communicate to the
ruler), and how he should respond to orders (that
he might receive). When he was dressed he
practised deportment and listened to the sounds
of the gems (at his girdle pendant), When he
went forth, he bowed to all in his own private court
elegantly, and proceeded to mount his carriage
(to go to the ruler’s) in brilliant style.
17. The son of Heaven carried in his girdle the
thing tablet, showing how exact and correct he
should be in his relations with all under heaven.
The feudal lords had the sha, rounded at the top
and straight at the bottom, showing how they
should give place to the son of Heaven. The
tablet of the Great officers was rounded both at
the top and the bottom ; showing how they should
be prepared to give place in all positions '.
18. When (a minister) is sitting in attendance on
his ruler, the rule was that he should occupy a mat
somewhat behind him on one side. If he did not
occupy such a mat, he had to draw the one assigned
to him back and keep aloof from the ruler’s kindred
who were near him 3,
One did not take his place on his mat from the
1 Tt is not clear what the tablets of this paragraph were, and
whether they were carried in the hand or inserted in the girdle.
The character FH (3in) seems to imply the latter.
3 The Xhien-lung editors say that after these two sentences ;
the subject of the rest of the paragraph is a student before his
teacher.
SECT. I. yu SAo. 7
front, to avoid seeming to step over it. When seated
and unoccupied he did not take up the whole of the
mat by at least a cubit. If he were to read any
writings or to eat, he sat forward to the edge. The
dishes were put down a cubit from the mat.
19. If food were given (to a visitor), and the
ruler proceeded to treat him as a guest, he would order
him to present the offering, and the visitor would do
so. If he took the precedence in eating, he would
take a little of all the viands, drink a mouthful, and
wait (for the ruler to eat)* If there were one in
attendance to taste the viands, he would wait till the
ruler ate, and then eat himself. After this eating,
he would drink (a mouthful), and wait (again).
20. If the ruler ordered him to partake of the
delicacies, he took of that which was nearest to him.
If he were told to take of all, he took of whatever he
liked. In all cases, in tasting of what was some way
off, they began with what was near.
(The visitor) did not dare to add the liquid to his
rice till the ruler had touched the corners of his
mouth with his hands and put them down®. When
the ruler had done eating, he also took of the rice in
this fashion, repeating the process three times.
When the ruler had the things removed, he took his
rice and sauces, and went out and gave them to his
attendants.
21. Whenever pressed (by his host) to eat, one
should not eat largely; when eating at another's,
1 And also any tablets or other things to be referred to.
3 Tasting the things before the ruler to see that they were good
and safe.
3 That is, touched those parts with his fingers to see that no
grains were sticking to them.
8 THE Lf xt. BK. XI.
one should not eat to satiety. It was only of the
water and sauces that some was not put down as an
offering ;—they were accounted too trivial for such a
purpose.
22. If the ruler gave a cup (of drink) to an officer,
he crossed over from his mat, bowed twice, laid his
head to the ground, and received it. Resuming his
place, he poured a portion of it as an offering, drank
it off, and waited. When the ruler had finished his
cup, he then returned his empty.
The rule for a superior man in drinking (with the
ruler) was this :—When he received the first cup, he
wore a grave look; when he received the second, he
looked pleased and respectful. With this the cere-
mony stopped. At the third cup, he looked self-
possessed and prepared to withdraw. Having with-
drawn, he knelt down and took his shoes, retired out
of the ruler’s (sight) and put them on. Kneeling on
his left knee, he put on the right shoe ; kneeling on
the right knee, he put on the left one!.
23. (At festive entertainments), of all the vases
that with the dark-coloured liquor (of water) was
considered the most honourable?; and only the ruler
sat with his face towards it. For the uncultivated
people in the country districts, the vases all con-
1 The subject in the two parts of this paragraph does not
appear to be the same. The officer in the former was merely an
attendant we may suppose; in the latter, one of a superior rank.
The cup in the one case was of special favour; in the second the
cups were such as were drunk with the ruler at certain times, but
were always confined to three.
2 * Mindful,’ says Kang, ‘of the ways of antiquity.’ See Book
VII, i, 10, 11, et al. on the honour paid to water at sacrifices
and feasts, and the reasons for it.
SECT. II. YU βΆο. 9
tained prepared liquors'. Great officers had the
vase on one side of them upon a tray without feet;
other officers had it in a similar position on a tray
with feet*.
Section II.
1. At the ceremony of capping, the first cap put
on was one of black linen. The use of this extended
from the feudal lords downwards. It might, after
having been thus employed, be put away or disused 3,
2. The dark-coloured cap, with red strings and
tassels descending to the breast, was used at the
capping of the son of Heaven. The cap of black
linen, with strings and tassels of various colours, was
used at the capping of a feudal prince. A dark-
coloured cap with scarlet strings and tassels was worn
by a feudal lord, when fasting. A dark-coloured
cap with gray strings and tassels was worn by officers
when similarly engaged.
3. A cap of white silk with the border or roll of a
dark colour was worn (? at his capping) by a son or
grandson (when in a certain stage of mourning)‘. A
similar cap with a plain white edging, was worn after
the sacrifice at the end of the year’s mourning. (The
same cap) with strings hanging down five inches,
1 The gratification of their taste was the principal thing at
festive entertainments of the common people.
* On the two trays mentioned here,—the yi (composed of JX,
and J on the right of it) and the in (2),—see Book VIII, i, r2.
δ᾽ Such a cap had been used anciently; and it was used in the
ceremony, though subsequently disused, out of respect to the
ancient custom.
4 When his grandfather was dead, and his father (still alive) was
in deep mourning for him.
10 THE Li Kt. BK. XI.
served to mark the idle and listless officer. A dark-
coloured cap with the roll round it of white silk was
worn by one excluded from the ranks of his com-
peers 3,
4. The cap worn in private, with the roll or border
attached to it, was used by all from the son of Heaven
downwards. When business called them, the strings
were tied and their ends allowed to hang down. .
5. At fifty, one did not accompany a funeral with
his sackcloth hanging loose. When his parents were
dead, (a son) did not have his hajr dressed in tufts
(any more). With the large white (cap) they did not
use strings hanging down. The purple strings with
the dark-coloured cap began with duke Hwan of Ld.
6. In the morning they wore the dark-coloured
square-cut dress; in the evening, the long dress in one
piece. That dress at the waist was thrice the width
of the sleeve; andat the bottom twice aswide as at the
waist. It was gathered in at each side (of the body).
The sleeve could be turned back to the elbow.
7. The outer or under garment joined on to the
sleeve and covered a cubit of it*. The collar was
2 inches wide; the cuff, a cubit and 2 inches long;
the border, 14 inch broad. To wear silk under or
inside linen was contrary to rule.
8. An (ordinary) officer did not wear anything
woven of silk that had been first dyed& One who
had left the service of his ruler wore no two articles
of different colours.
1 By way of punishment or disgrace.
® Also in punishment. See Book IIE, iv, 2-5. ὃ B.c. 711-694.
4 If we could see one dressed as in those early days, we should
understand this better than we do.
δ᾽ Because of its expensiveness.
SECT. 11. Yu 340. ΓΙ
If the upper garment were of one of the correct
colours, the lower garment was of the (correspond-
ing) intermediate one.
9. One did not enter the ruler’s gate without the
proper colours in his dress; nor in a single robe
of grass-cloth, fine or coarse ; nor with his fur robe
either displayed outside, or entirely covered.
10. A garment wadded with new floss was called
Rien; with old, phéo. One unlined was called
Aiung; one lined, but not wadded, tieh.
11. The use of thin white silk in court-robes
began with Ai Khang-sze. Confucius said, ‘ For
the audience they use the (regular) court-robes,
which are put on after the announcement of the
first day of the month (in the temple).’ He (also)
said, ‘When good order does not prevail in the
states and clans, (the officers) should not use the
full dress (as prescribed) 3,
12. Only a ruler wore the chequered fur robe*
in addressing (his troops or the multitudes), and at
the autumnal hunts‘. (For him) to wear the Great
fur robe was contrary to ancient practice.
13. When a ruler wore the robe of white fox-fur,
he wore one of embroidered silk over it to display 115.
1 The five ‘ correct’ colours were azure (iF ; of varying shade),
scarlet Cis carnation, the colour of the flesh), white, black, and
yellow. The ‘intermediate’ were green (SR): red (KL); jade-
green (#8), purple (3%), and bay-yellow (θὲ i).
3. See the concluding article in the ‘ Narratives of the School.’
The words of Confucius are understood to intimate a condemna-
tion of Kt Khang-3ze.
3 Made of black lamb’s fur and white fox-fur.
* Or, according to many, in giving charges about agriculture.
5 Of one colour, worn by the king, at a border sacrifice.
12 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XI.
When (the guards on) the right of the ruler wore
tigers’ fur, those on the left wore wolves’ fur. An
(ordinary) officer did not wear the fur of the white fox.
14. (Great and other) officers wore the fur of the
blue fox, with sleeves of leopard’s fur, and over it
a jacket of dark-coloured silk to display it; with
fawn’'s fur they used cuffs of the black wild dog’,
with a jacket of bluish yellow silk, to display it;
with lamb’s fur, ornaments of leopard’s fur, and a
jacket of black silk to display it ; with fox-fur, a jacket
of yellow silk to display it. A jacket of embroidered
silk with fox-fur was worn by the feudal lords.
15. With dog’s fur or sheep’s fur®, they did not
wear any jacket of silk over it. Where there was
no ornamentation, they did not use the jacket. The
wearing the jacket was to show its beauty.
When condoling, they kept the jacket covered,
and did now show all its ornamental character ; in
the presence of the ruler, they showed all this.
The covering of the dress was to hide its beauty.
Hence, personators of the deceased covered their
jackets of silk. Officers holding a piece of jade or a
tortoise-shell (to present it) covered it; but if they had
no (such official) business in hand, they displayed the
silken garment, and did not presume to cover it.
16. For his memorandum-tablet, the son of
Heaven used a piece of sonorous jade; the prince
of a state, a piece of ivory; a Great officer, a piece
of bamboo, ornamented with fishbone*®; ordinary
1 Or foreign dog. An animal like the tapir or rhinoceros is
called by the same name, but cannot be meant here.
3 «The dress,’ says Kang, ‘worn by the common people.’
5. The bone seems to be specified ; ΖΗ, read pan. What bone
and of what fish, I do not know.
SECT. II. yU g3Ao. 13
officers might use bamboo, adorned with ivory at the
bottom.
17. When appearing before the son of Heaven,
and at trials of archery, there was no such thing as
being without this tablet. It was contrary to rule to
enter the Grand temple without it. During the five
months’ mourning, it was not laid aside. When en-
gaged in the performance of some business, and wear-
ing the cincture, one laid it aside. When he had put
it in his girdle, the bearer of it was required to wash
his hands ; but afterwards, though he had something
to do in the court, he did not wash them (again).
When one had occasion to point to or draw any-
thing before the ruler, he used the tablet. When he
went before him and received a charge, he wrote it
down on it. For all these purposes the tablet was
used, and therefore it was ornamental.
18. The tablet was 2 cubits and 6 inches long.
Its width at the middle was 3 inches; and it tapered
away to 24 inches (at the ends).
19. (A ruler) wore a plain white girdle of silk,
with ornamented ends; a Great officer, a similar
girdle, with the ends hanging down; an ordinary
officer, one of dyed silk, with the edges tucked in,
and the ends hanging down; a scholar waiting to be
employed, one of embroidered silk; and young lads,
one of white silk?
1 From this paragraph to the end of the part, the text is in
great confusion; with characters missing here and there, and
sentences thrown together without natural connexion. KA&n H4o
has endeavoured to readjust them; but I have preferred to follow
the order of the imperial and other editions. The Kfien-lung
editors advise the reader to do so, and make the best he can of
them by means of Xing Hstian’s notes. KA’n Ηδο᾽ 5 order is—
14 THE Lf xt, ΒΚ. XI.
20. For all these the buttons and loops were made
of silk cords.
21. The knee-covers of a ruler were of vermilion
colour; those of a Great officer, white; and of
another officer, purple :—all of leather; and might
be rounded, slanting, and straight. Those of the
son of Heaven were straight (and pointed at all the
corners); of the prince of a state, square both at
bottom and top; of a Great officer, square at the
bottom, with the corners at the top rounded off; and
of another officer, straight both at bottom and top.
22. The width of these covers was 2 cubits at
bottom, and 1 at top. Their length was 3 cubits.
On each side of (what was called) the neck were 5
inches, reaching to the shoulders or corners. - From
the shoulders to the leathern band were 2 inches}.
23. The great girdle of a Great officer was 4
paragraphs—25, 19, 20, 27, 23, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29. By this
arrangement something like a train of thought can be made out.
1 The knee-covers of the prince of a state are represented thus—
The middle suspender joined on to the top strap at the neck ; the
two others at the shoulders. On the central portions of the cover
were represented certain of the emblems of distinctidn, according
to the rank of the wearer :—dragons on the king’s; flames on a
prince’s ; and mountains on a Great officer’s. But I do not think
the makers of these figures had distinct ideas of the articles which
they intended to represent. They certainly fail in giving the student
such ideas. The colours, &c., moreover, appear to have varied with
the occasions on which they were worn, :
SECT. II. YU 8Ao. 15
inches (wide)'. In variegated girdles, the colours
for a ruler were vermilion and green; for a Great
officer, cerulean and yellow; for an (ordinary) officer,
a black border of 2 inches, and this, when carried
round the body a second time, appeared to be 4
inches. On all girdles which were tucked in there
was no needlework.
24. (An officer) who had received his first com-
mission wore a cover of reddish-purple, with a black
supporter for his girdle-pendant. One who had
received the second commission wore a scarlet cover,
(also) with a black supporter for the pendant; and
one who had received the third commission, a
scarlet cover, with an onion-green supporter for the
pendant?.
25. The son of Heaven wore a girdle of plain white
silk, with vermilion lining, and ornamented ends.
26. The queen wore a robe with white pheasants
embroidered on it; (a prince’s) wife, one with green
pheasants®.
27. (The cords that formed the loops and buttons)
were 3 inches long, equal to the breadth of the
girdle. The rule for the length of the sash (deseend-
ing from the girdle) was, that, for an officer, it should
1 This, according to the X’ien-lung editors, was the girdle or
sash of ‘correct dress,’ and white. The variegated girdles, they
say, were worn in private and when at leisure.
3 The character for a knee-cover here (ax, fQ) is different from
that in paragraph 21 (8, pt); but the Αἰ λίεη-Ἰυηρ editors say their
significance is exactly the same. How the knee-covers and the
supporter or balance-yard (764, hang) of the girdle pendant are
spoken of together, I do not know.
5 The pheasants here referred to are described as I have done
in the R-Ya. The ‘wife’ is supposed also to include the ladies
called the king’s ‘three helpmates ’ in Book I, ii, Part ii, τ.
16 THE Li xf. © ΒΚ. ΧΙ-
be 3 cubits; for one discharging a special service, 24.
3ze-yi said, ‘ Divide all below the girdle into three
parts, and the sash will be equal to two of them.
The sash, the knee-covers, and the ties are all of
equal length.’
28. (The wife of a count or baron) who had re-
ceived a degree of honour from the ruler? wore a
pheasant cut out in silk on her robe ; (the wife of the
Great officer of a count or baron), who had received
two degrees, wore a robe of fresh yellow; (the wife
of a Great officer), who had received one degree, a
robe of white; and the wife of an ordinary officer,
a robe of black.
29. Only the ladies of honour® received their de-
gree of appointment, when they presented their
cocoons. The others all wore the dresses proper to
them as the wives of their husbands.
1 Khin Héo says, ‘Man’s length is 8 cubits; below the waist
4% (= 45 inches). A third of this is 15 inches. 2x15 = 30 or 3
cubits, the length of the sash, and of the covers in par. 22. The
cubit must have been shorter than the name now indicates. I do
not know what the ‘ ties’ were.
? Kang Hstian took the ruler here to be feminine, and to mean
‘the queen;’ and, notwithstanding the protest of the Xsien-lung
editors, I think he was right. This paragraph and the next speak
of the queen and ladies who were brought around her by their
work in silk, Why may we not suppose that in her department
she could confer distinction on the deserving as the king did in his?
This passage seems to show that she did so.
5 These ladies—‘ hereditary wives’—occuralsoin Bk. I, ii, Part ii, 1.
It is commonly said that there were twenty-seven members of theroyal
harem, who had each that title; but there is much vagueness and
uncertainty about all such statements. ‘The others’ must refer to
the ladies, wives of the feudal lords and Great officers, whose rank
gave them the privilege to co-operate with the queen in her direction
of the nourishing of the silkworms and preparation of silk.
SECT. Ill.
Section III. ten Se ese
1. All (officers) in attendance on the ruler let the
sash hang down till their feet seemed to tread on
the lower edge (of their skirt)’. Their chins pro-
jected like the eaves of a house, and their hands
were clasped before them low down. Their eyes
were directed downwards, and their ears were higher
than the eyes. They saw (the ruler) from his girdle
up to his collar. They listened to him with their
ears turned to the left 3.
2. When the ruler called (an officer) to his pre-
sence, he might send three tokens. If two of them
came to him, he ran (to answer the message); if
(only) one, he yet walked quickly. If in his office,
he did not wait for his shoes; if he were outside
elsewhere, he did not wait for his carriage.
3. When an officer received a visit from a Great
officer, he did not venture to bow (when he went)
to meet him*; but he did so when escorting him
on his departure. When he went to visit one of
higher rank than himself, he first bowed (at the
gate) and then went into his presence. If the
other bowed to him in replying, he hurried on one
side to avoid (the honour).
4. When an officer was speaking before the ruler,
if he had occasion to speak of a Great officer who
was dead, he called him by his posthumous epithet,
or by the designation of his maturity ; if of an officer
1 See vol. xxvii, page 100, note 1.
3 They were on the right of the ruler, and turned their ears to the
left to hear him.
* That the more honourable visitor might not have the trouble
of responding with a bow.
[28] ς
18 THE Li xt. ΒΚ. XI.
(who was similarly dead), he called him by his
name. When speaking with a Great officer, he
mentioned officers by their name, and (other) Great
officers by their designation.
5. In speaking at a Great officer's, he avoided
using the name of the (former) ruler, but not that
of any of his own dead. At all sacrifices and in
the ancestral temple, there was no avoiding of
names. In school there was no avoiding of any
character in the text.
6. Anciently, men of rank did not fail to wear
their girdle-pendants with their precious stones,
those on the right giving the notes Kih and Kio,
and those on the left Kung and Υ 1.
When (the king or ruler) was walking quickly (to
the court of audience), he did so to the music of
the 3hai Ai; when walking more quickly (back
to the reception-hall), they played the Sze hsia*.
When turning round, he made a complete circle;
when turning in another direction, he did so at a
right angle. When advancing, he inclined forward
a little; he held himself up straight; and in all
these movements, the pieces of jade emitted their
tinklings. So also the man of rank, when in his
carriage, heard the harmonious sounds of its bells ; "
and, when walking, those of his pendant jade-stones;
and in this way evil and depraved thoughts found
no entrance into his mind.
7. When the ruler was present, (his son and heir)
1 Kih and Xio were the fourth and third notes of the musical
scale, corresponding to ourDand B; Kung and Yi, the first and fifth,
corresponding toG and E. See the Chinese Classics, vol. iii, p.84, note.
2 Bhai XAtis taken as another name for the Κα 3hze, Chinese
Classics, vol. iii, pp. 317-318.
SECT. 111. “yt 8Άο. 19
did not wear the pendant of jade-stones. He tied
it up on the left of his girdle, and left free the
pendant (of useful things) on the right. When
seated at ease, he wore the (jade) pendant; but in
court, he tied it up}.
In fasting and vigil they wore it, but the strings
were turned round, and fastened at the girdle.
They wore then the purple knee-covers '.
,8. All wore the jade-stone pendant at the girdle,
excepting during the mourning rites. (At the end
of the middle string) in it was the tooth-like piece,
colliding with the others. A man of rank was never
without this pendant, excepting for some sufficient
reason ; he regarded the pieces of jade as emblematic
of the virtues (which he should cultivate).
9. The son of Heaven had his pendant composed
of beads of white jade, hung on dark-coloured
strings; a duke or marquis, his of jade-beads of hill-
azure, on vermilion strings; a Great officer, his of
beads of aqua-marine, on black strings; an heir-son,
his of beads of Yi jade, on variegated strings; an
ordinary officer, his of beads of jade-like quartz, on
orange-coloured strings.
Confucius wore at his pendant balls of ivory?, five
inches (round), on gray strings.
10. According to the regulations for (the dress
of) a lad*, his upper garment was of black linen,
1 There were three pendants from the girdle :—the jade-stone
in the middle, called the pendant of ‘virtue ;’ and two others of
useful things on the left and right, of which we shall read by and
by. The subject of the first two sentences is said, correctly as
I think, to be the heir-son of a ruler; while the last two have a
more general application.
3 Or ‘an ivory ring.’ 5 One who had not yet been capped.
ς 2
20 THE Lf xf. BK. X!.
with an embroidered edging. His sash was embroi-
dered, and (also) the strings for the button-loops (of
his girdle). With such a string he bound up his hair.
The embroidered border and strings were all red.
11. When the ends of fastening strings reached
to the girdle, if they had any toilsome business to
do, they put them aside. If they were running, they
thrust them in the breast’.
12. A lad did not wear furs, nor silk, nor the
ornamental points on his shoes, He did not wear
the three months’ mourning. He did not wear the
hempen band, when receiving any orders. When he
had nothing to do (in mourning rites), he stood on
the north of the principal mourner, with his face to
the south. When going to see a teacher, he followed
in the suite of others, and entered his apartment.
1. When one was sitting at a meal with another
older than himself, or of a different (and higher)
rank, he was the last to put down the offering’, but
the first to taste the food. When the guest put down
the offering, the host apologised, saying that the food
was not worthy of such a tribute. When the guest
was enjoying the viands, the host apologised for their
being scanty and poor. When the host himself put
down the pickle (for the guest), the guest himself re-
moved it. When the members of a household ate
together, not being host and guests, one of them re-
moved the dishes; and the same was done when a
company had eaten together. At all festival meals,
the women (of the house) did not remove the dishes.
1 This paragraph seems to be out of place. Kang thought
should follow the first sentence of paragraph 27 in the last part.
* By way of thanksgiving to the father of Cookery.
SECT. ΠῚ. vii BAo. 21
14. When eating dates, peaches, or plums, they
did not cast the stones away (on the ground). They
put down the first slice of a melon as an offering, ate
the other slices, and threw away the part by which
they held it. When others were eating fruits with
a man of rank, they ate them after him; cooked
viands they ate before him%. At meetings of re-
joicing, if there were not some gift from the ruler,
they did not congratulate one another ; at meetings
of sorrow’,....
15. If one had any tollsome business to do, he
took them in his hand. If he were running, he
thrust them in his breast‘.
16. When Confucius was eating with (the head
of) the ΑἹ family, he made no attempt to decline any-
thing, but finished his meal with the rice and liquid
added to it, without eating any of the flesh®,
17. When the ruler sent (to an officer) the gift of
a carriage and horses, he used them in going to give
thanks for them. When the gift was of clothes, he
wore them on the same occasion. (In the case of
similar gifts to a commissioner from the king), until
his (own) ruler had given him orders to use them, he
did not dare at once to do so*. When the ruler’s
1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 81, paragraph 62.
* Fruits were the productions of nature, and there could be no
poison in them. Cooked food might have been tampered with,
and those in attendance on a superior man first tasted it as a pre-
caution for his safety.
> The conclusion is evidently lost.
* A mistaken and meaningless repetition of part of paragraph rr.
5 To express, it is supposed, his dissatisfaction with some want
of courtesy in his host.
* This sentence is perplexing, and there are different views in
interpreting it. I have followed Xang Hstian.
22 THE τὴ xt. BK. XI.
gift reached him, he bowed his head to the ground
with his two hands also, laying one of them over the
other. A gift of liquor and flesh did not require the
second expression of thanks (by the visit).
18, Whenever a gift was conferred on a man of rank,
nothing was given to a small man on the same day.
19, In all cases of presenting offerings to a ruler,
a Great officer sent his steward with them, and an
ordinary officer went with them himself. In both
cases they did obeisance twice, with their heads to
the ground as they sent the things away; and again
the steward and the officer did the same at the
ruler's!. If the offerings were of prepared food for
the ruler, there were the accompaniments of ginger
and other pungent vegetables, of a peach-wood and
a sedge-broom?, A Great officer dispensed with the
broom, and the officer with the pungent vegetables.
(The bearers) went in with all the articles to the
cook. The Great officer did not go in person to
make obeisance, lest the ruler should come to
respond to him,
20. When a Great officer went (next day) to do
obeisance for the ruler’s gift, he retired after per-
forming the ceremony. An officer, (doing the same),
-waited to receive the ruler’s acknowledgment (of his
visit), and then retired, bowing again as he did so ;
but (the ruler) did not respond to his obeisance.
When a Great officer gave anything in person
to an ordinary officer, the latter bowed on receiving
1 This translation seems to make too much out of the text; but
it is after Khung Ying-ta, A44n Ho, and others.
3. Such presents might decompose or become offensive, and
therefore these accompaniments were sent with them.
SECT. III. yU 8Ao. 23
it; and also went to his house to repeat the obei-
sance. He did not, however, wear the clothes
(which might have been the gift), in going to make
that obeisance.
(In interchanges between) equals, if (the recipient)
were in the house (when the gift arrived), he went
and made his obeisance in the house (of the donor).
21. When any one presented an offering to his
superior in rank, he did not dare to say directly
that it was for him’.
An ordinary officer did not presume to receive the
congratulations of a Great officer; but a Great officer
of the lowest grade did so from one of the highest.
When one was exchanging courtesies with another,
if his father were alive, he would appeal to his
authority ; if the other gave him a gift, he would
say, in making obeisance for it, that he did so for
his father.
22. If the ceremony were not very great, the
(beauty of the) dress was not concealed. In accord-
ance with this, when the great robe of fur was worn,
it was without the appendage of one of thin silk to
display it, and when (the king) rode in the grand
carriage, he did not bend forward to the cross-bar
(to show his reverence for any one beyond the ser-
vice he was engaged on) *.
1 He would say, for instance, that it was for some member of
his household.
3 There are only fifteen characters in this paragraph, nor is there
any intricacy in its structure, but few passages in the collection
perplex a translator more. If we leave out the negatives in the
former sentence, the meaning becomes clear. The grand carriage
and grand fur-robe were used at the greatest of all ceremonies,
the solstitial sacrifice to Heaven, which itself so occupied the mind
24 THE Lf xf. BK. ΧΙ.
23. When a father’s summons came to him, a son
reverently obeyed it without any delay. Whatever
work he had in hand, he laid aside. He ejected
the meat that was in his mouth, and ran, not con-
tenting himself with a measured, though rapid pace.
When his parents were old and he had gone away,
he did not go to a second place, nor delay his return
beyond the time agreed on; when they were ailing,
his looks and manner appeared troubled :—these
were less-important observances of a filial son.
- 24. When his father died, he could not (bear to)
read his books.;—the touch of his hand seemed still
to be on them. When his mother died, he could not
(bear to) drink from the cups and bowls that she
had used ;—the breath of her mouth seemed still to
be on them.
25. When a ruler, (visiting another ruler), was
about to enter the gate, the attendant dusted the low
post (at the middle of the threshold). The Great
officers stood midway between the side-posts and this
short post (behind their respective rulers). An officer,
acting as an attendant, brushed the side-posts.
(A Great officer) on a mission from another court,
did not enter at the middle of (either half of) the
gate, nor tread on the threshold. If he were come on
public business, he entered on the west of the short
post; if on his own business, on the east of it.
26. A ruler and a representative of the dead
brought their feet together step by step when they
walked ; a Great officer stepped along, one foot after
the other; an ordinary officer kept the length of his
of the sovereign that he was supposed to think of nothing else.
The paragraph might have had a more appropriate place in the
seventh Book or the ninth.
SECT. IIL. YU 8Ao. 25
foot between his steps. In walking slowly, they all
observed these rules. In walking rapidly, while they
wished to push on (and did so), they were not
allowed to alter the motion either of hands or feet.
In turning their feet inwards or outwards, they did
not lift them up, and the edge of the lower garment
dragged along, like the water of a stream. In walk-
ing on the mats it was the same.
When walking erect, (the body was yet bent, and)
the chin projected like the eaves of a house, and
their advance was straight as an arrow. When
walking rapidly, the body had the appearance of
rising constantly with an elevation of the feet.
When carrying a tortoise-shell or (a symbol of) jade,
they raised their toes and trailed their heels, present-
ing an appearance of carefulness.
27. In walking (on the road), the carriage of the
body was straight and smart ; in the ancestral temple,
it was reverent and grave ; in the court, it was exact
and easy.
28. The carriage of a man of rank was easy, but
somewhat slow ;—grave and reserved, when he saw
any one whom he wished to honour. He did not
move his feet lightly, nor his hands irreverently.
His eyes looked straightforward, and his mouth was
kept quiet and composed. No sound from him broke
the stillness, and his head was carried upright. His
breath came without panting or stoppage, and his
standing gave (the beholder) an impression of
virtue. His looks were grave, and he sat like a per-
sonator of the dead'. When at leisure and at ease,
and in conversation, he looked mild and bland.
See vol. xxvii, page 62, paragraph 6, and note 2.
26 THE Lf xf. BK. XI.
29. At all sacrifices, the bearing and appearance
(of the worshippers) made it appear as if they saw
those to whom they were sacrificing.
30. When engaged with the mourning rites, they
had a wearied look, and an aspect of sorrow and
unrest. Their eyes looked startled and dim, and
their speech was drawling and low.
31. The carriage of a martialist was bold and
daring ; his speech had a tone of decision and com-
mand; his face was stern and determined ; and his
eyes were clear and bright.
32. He stood with an appearance of lowliness, but
with no indication of subserviency. His head rose
straight up from the centre of the neck. He stood
(firm) as a mountain, and his movements were well
timed. His body was well filled with the volume of
his breath, which came forth powerfully like that of
nature. His complexion showed (the beauty and
strength of) a piece of jade’. .
33. When they spoke of themselves, the style of
the son of Heaven was, ‘I, the One man;’ a chief
of regions described himself as ‘The strong minister.
Onthe translation of this,and many of the paragraphsimmediately
preceding, Callery says: —-‘ The Chinese text contains dissyllabic
expressions very difficult to translate, because they are a sort of
onomatopeeias, which have nothing in common with the nature
of the things to which they are applied. We could do nothing
better with them than adopt the sense given by the commentators.’
But these binomial combinations, which are often repetitions of
the same character, are only onomatopoietic in the sense in which
all words, sensuously descriptive at first, are applied by the mind
to express its own concepts; metaphorical rather than onomato-
poietic. They are very common in the Shih, or Book of Poetry,
and in all passionate, descriptive composition. So it is in other
languages as well as Chinese.
SECT. III. YU gAo. 27
of the son of Heaven;’ the relation of a feudal lord
expressed itself by ‘So and So, the guardian of such
and such a territory.’ If the fief were on the borders,
he used the style—‘So and So, the minister in such
and sucha screen.’ Among his equals and those be-
low him, he called himself ‘The man of little virtue.’
The ruler of a small state called himself ‘The
orphan.’ The officer who answered for him (at a
higher court) also styled him so’.
34. A Great officer of the highest grade (at his
own court), called himself ‘Your inferior minister ;’
(at another court), his attendant who answered for
him, described him as ‘The ancient of our poor ruler.’
A Great officer of the lowest grade (at his own
court), called himself by his name; (at another court),
his attendant described him as ‘Our unworthy Great
officer.” The son and heir of a feudal prince (at his
own court), called himself by his name; (at another
court), his attendant described him as ‘ The rightful
son of our unworthy ruler,
35. A ruler’s son (by an inferior lady) called him-
self ‘Your minister, the shoot from the stock.’ An
(ordinary) officer styled himself ‘ Your minister, the
fleet courier ;’ to a Great officer, he described him-
self as ‘The outside commoner.’ When a Great
officer went on a mission about private affairs, a man
of his private establishment went with him as his
spokesman, and called him by his name.
36. When an officer belonging to the ruler’s
establishment acted (at another court for a Great
officer), he spoke of him as ‘Our unworthy Great
officer, or ‘The ancient of our unworthy ruler,’
2 So, most commentators; but this last sentence is not clear.
28 THE Lf Ki. , ΒΚ. XI.
When a Great officer went on any mission, it was
the rule that he should have such an officer from the
ruler’s establishment with him, to answer for him.
PLAN OF THE HALL OF DISTINCTION.
BOOK XII. MING THANG WEI
OR
THE PLACES IN THE HALL OF DISTINCTION".
1. Formerly, when the duke of K4u gave
_ audience to the feudal princes in their several places
in the Hall of Distinction, the son of Heaven
stood with his back to the axe-embroidered screen ?,
and his face towards the south’.
2. The three dukes‘ were in front of the steps,
in the middle, with their faces to the north, inclining ᾿
to the east as the most honourable ροβί!οηδ, The
places of the marquises were at the east of the
~
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 28-30. On the oppo-
site page there is the plan of the Hall, as given in Morrison’s
Dictionary, vol. i, part i, page 512. Compare it with the less
complicated figure in vol. xxvii, page 252.
* See vol. xxvii, page 111, paragraph 11.
* Many chronological and other perplexing questions arise in
connexion with the great audience described in this and the para-
graphs that immediately follow. The time should be referred,
I think, to the inauguration of Lo as the eastern capital of K4u,
’ probably in Β. 6. 1109, at the close of the duke of K4u’s regency
for the young king Khang; see the Shf, V, xiii. That ‘the son
of Heaven’ must be understood of king KA&ng himself, and not of
the duke of Xu, is a point, it seems to me, that no Chinese com-
mentator should ever have called in question.
4 The three Kung, I suppose, mentioned in vol. iii, page 227,
paragraph 3. The duke of X4u was himself one of them; but per-
haps, during his regency, another had been appointed in his place.
5 The text here simply = ‘the east the upper.’ The nearer
one was to the king, the more honourable was his position.
|
|
;
|
30 THE Li xf. BK. XII-
eastern steps, with their faces to the west, inclining
to the north as the most honourable position. The
lords of the earldoms were at the west of the west-
ern steps, with their faces to the east, inclining also
and for the same reason to the north. The counts
were on the east of the gate, with their faces to the
north, inclining to the east as the more honourable
position. The barons were on the west of the gate,
with their faces to the north, inclining also and for
δα same reason to the east.
3. The chiefs of the nine {1 were outside the
eastern door, with their faces to the west, inclining to
the north as the position of honour; those of the
eight M4n were outside the door on the south, with
their faces to the north, inclining for the same reason
to the east; those of the six Zung were outside the
door on the west, with their faces to the east, inclining
for the same reason to the south; and those of the
five Tt were outside the door on the north, with
their faces to the south, inclining for the same reason
to the east.
4. The chiefs of the nine 3h4i were outside the
Ying gate, with their faces to the north, inclining to
the east as the position of honour for them ; those of
the four S4i (also) came, who had only once in their
time to announce their arrival (at the court). These
were the places of the lords in the Hall of Distinction
(when they appeared before) the duke of K4u?.
1 ἢ was the general name for the wild tribes of the east; MAn,
for those of the south; Zung, for those of the west ; and Ti, for
those of the north.
3 It is so difficult to explain what is meant by ‘the nine 3 hai,’ and
again Rg ‘the four S4i,’ that I am inclined to doubt, with Wang Yen
(= R) and others, the genuineness of this paragraph.
BK. XI. MING THANG WEI. 31
5. The Hall of Distinction was so called, because
in it the rank of the princes was clearly shown as
high or low}.
6. Formerly, when X4u of Yin was throwing the
whole kingdom into confusion, he made dried slices
of (the flesh of) the marquis of Kwei*, and used
them in feasting the princes. On this account the
duke of A4u assisted king Δ ἃ in attacking Au.
When king Wa died, king Aang being young and
weak, the duke took the seat of the son of Heaven,
and governed the kingdom. During six years he
gave audience to all the princes in the Hall of
Distinction ; instituted ceremonies, made his instru-
ments of music, gave out his (standard) weights
and measures‘, and there was a grand submission
throughout the kingdom.
7. In the seventh year, he resigned the govern-
ment to king Aang; and he, in consideration of the
duke’s services to the kingdom, invested him with
(the territory about) AAii-f05, seven hundred It
square, and sending forth a thousand chariots of
1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, page 28.
2 «The marquis of Kwei’ appears in Sze-ma Kzhien’s history of
Yin (near the end), as the marquis of Ἀϊὰ σι BR), and is
made into pickle. The reference, no doubt, is to some act of
atrocious and wanton cruelty on the part of Ku.
5 This can only mean that the duke, as regent, administered the
government, though the compiler of the Book wanted to exalt his
personality beyond the bounds of truth.
* The text is—measures of length and of capacity.
5 Khi-f0 is still a district city in the department of Yen-Aau,
Shan-tung. It was the capital of Lf; and is called by foreigners
‘the city of Confucius.’ It contains the great temple of the sage,
and is the residence of his representative-descendant, with thousands
of other Khungs.
32 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XII,
war!, He (also) gave charge that (the princes of)
Ld, from generation to generation, should sacrifice
to the duke of K4u with the ceremonies and music
proper at a sacrifice by the son of Heaven.
8. Thus it was that the rulers of Ld, in the first
month of spring, rode in a grand carriage, display-
ing the banner, suspended from its bow-like arm,
with the twelve streamers, and having the sun and
moon emblazoned on it, to sacrifice to God in the
suburb of their metropolis, associating Hau At as
his assessor in the service ;—according to the cere-
monies used by the son of Heaven?
g. In the last month of summer, the sixth month,
they used the ceremonies of the great sacrifice in
sacrificing to the duke of Ku in the great ancestral
temple, employing for the victim to him a white
bull. The cups were those with the figure of a
victim bull, of an elephant, and of hills and clouds ;
that for the fragrant spirits was the one with gilt
eyes on it. For libations they used the cup of jade
with the handle made of a long rank-symbol. The
dishes with the offerings were on stands of wood,
adorned with jade and carved. The cups for the
personator were of jade carved in the same way.
There were also the plain cups and those of horn,
adorned with round pieces of jade; and for the
meat-stands, they used those with four feet and
the cross-binders.
10. (The singers) went up to the hall (or stage),
1 This is one of the gross exaggerations in the Book. The mar-
quisate of LQ was only a hundred If square on its first constitution.
3 Of this and many of the statements in the paragraphs that
follow, see the fourth of the ‘Praise Odes of Lf,’ in the Shih,
Metrical version, pp. 379-383.
ΒΚ. ΧΙ, MING THANG WEI. 33
and sang the King Mido; (in the court) below,
(the pantomimes) performed the Hsiang dance’,
to the accompaniment of the wind instruments.
With their red shields and jade-adorned axes, and
in their caps with pendants, they danced to the
music of the Τὰ Δ ἃ 3; in their skin caps, and large
white skirts gathered at the waist, and jacket of
silk, they danced the Τὰ Η 5185, There (were also)
the Mei, or music of the wild tribes of the East;
and the Zan, or music of those of the South. The
introduction of these two in the grand temple was to
signalise the distinction of La all over the kingdom.
11. The ruler, in his dragon-figured robe and cap
with pendants, stood at the eastern steps; and his
wife, in her head-dress and embroidered robe, stood
in her room. The ruler, with shoulder bared, met
the victim at the gate; his wife brought in the
stands for the dishes. The ministers and Great
officers assisted the ruler; their wives‘ assisted his
wife. Each one discharged the duty proper to him
or her. Any officer who neglected his duty was
severely punished; and throughout the kingdom
there was a great acknowledgment of, and sub-
mission to, (the worth of the duke of Ku).
12, (In Lf) they offered (also) the sacrifices of
summer, autumn, and winter (in the ancestral
temple); with those at the altars of the land and
grain in spring, and that at the autumnal hunt,
going on to the great sacrifice of thanksgiving at
1 See vol. xxvii, page 361, paragraph 21.
3 Attributed to king Wa. Said to be of the Hsia dynasty.
4 *The commissioned wives;’ including, according to AA&n
Ho, the ruler’s ‘ladies of honour,’ as well as the wives of his
ministers and Great officers,
[28] D
44 , THE Lif xt. BK. XII.
the end of the year :—all (after the pattern of) the
sacrifices of the son of Heaven.
13. The grand temple (of Lf) corresponded to
the Hall of Distinction of the son of Heaven, the
Kha gate of the (marquis’s palace) to the K4o (or
outer) gate of the king’s, and the Aih gate to the
Ying?, They shook the bell with the wooden
clapper in the court as was done in the royal court,
in announcing governmental orders.
14. The capitals of the pillars with hills carved
on them, and the pond-weed carving on the small
pillars above the beams; the second storey and
the great beams projecting under the. eaves; the
polished pillars and the windows opposite to. one
another ; the earthen stand on which the cups, after
being used, were placed; the high stand on which
the jade tokens were displayed aloft; and the slightly
carved screen:—all these were ornaments of the
temple of the son of Heaven 3.
15.. (The princes of Lf) had, as carriages, that of
(Shun), the lord of Yii, furnished with bells; that
of the sovereign of Hsia, with its carved front; the
Great carriage (of wood), or that of Yin; and the
carriage (adorned with jade), or that of Ku.
‘16, They had, as flags or banners, that of (Shun),
the lord of Yii; the yak’s tail of the sovereign of
Hsia ; the great white flag of Yin; and the cor-
responding red one of Kau.
1 The five gates of the royal palace, beginning with the outer-
most, were the Kéo (88), the Kho (Jif), the Xih (4€),
the Ying (jf), and the La (864); the palaces of the princes
wanted the Kao and Ying gates. The grand temples appear to
have been constructed on a similar plan, to the east of the palace.
* And in the temple of LA, also, it is implied.
ΒΚ. XII. MING THANG WEI. 35
17. They had the white horses of the sovereign
of Hsia, with their black manes; the white horses
of Yin, with their black heads; and the bay horses
of Au, with red manes. The sovereigns of Hsia
preferred black victims ; those of Yin, white ; and
those of Au, victims which were red and strong.
18. Of jugs for liquor, they had the earthenware
jug of the lord of Yi; the jug of Hsia, with clouds
and hills figured on it; the £0 of Yin, with no base,
which rested directly on the ground; and the jugs
of K4u, with a victim-bull or an elephant on them.
19. For bowls or cups they had the £4n! of Hsié;
the Zia of Yin*; and the ζίο of Kau’.
20. For libations they had the jug of Hsia, with
a cock on it; the 4i4 of Yin; and that of Au, with
gilt eyes on it.
For ladles they had that of Hsia, with the handle
ending in a dragon's head; that of Yin, slightly
carved all over; and that of K4Au, with the handle
like plaited rushes.
21. They had the earthen drum, with clods for
the drumstick and the reed pipe,—producing the
music of 1-£4t*; the pillow-like bundles of chaff,
} Made of-jade, or adorned with it.
3 With plants of grain figured on it.
5 Also made of, or adorned with, jade.
4 1. ἀλὶ is said by XUng to be ‘the dynastic title of an ancient
son of Heaven.’ Many identify him with Shan N&ng, who
generally follows Ff-hst in the chronology, and who cannot be
placed later than the thirty-first century B.c., if we can speak at all
of so distant dates. Evidently the compiler is putting down the
names of the most ancient instruments which he had heard of.
There is in the Xhien-lung edition of our collection, chapter 81,
page 5, ἃ representation of the drum and its handle; with a
collection of the views about them, contradictory and fantastical,
D2
36 THE Lf xf. BK. XII,
which were struck!; the sounding stone of jade; the
instruments rubbed or struck, (to regulate the com-
mencement and close of the music)?; the great lute
and great cithern; the medium lute and little cithern’:
—the musical instruments of the four dynasties.
22. The temple of the duke of LO was main-
tained from generation to generation like that of
(king) Wn (in the capital of AAu),and the temple of
duke Wd in the same way like that of (king) Wa‘.
23. They had the hsiang (school) of the lord of
Yii, in connexion with which were kept the stores
of (sacrificial) rice’; the hsti school of the sovereign
of Hsia; the school of Yin, in which the blind were
so that it is not worth while to reproduce them here. There is a
figure also of the reed pipe, which can only have been something
a little superior to the early ‘ oaten pipe’ of the west.
1 This also is represented in the X/ien-lung edition ; but how any-
thing like music could be brought from the pillows I do not know.
The two characters, supposed to give the name, are found, perhaps,
in the Shu, II, iv, 9, used with verbal force of playing on the lute.
3 The Xfi and Yi; see vol. xxvii, pages 219 and 273.
5 The invention of the lute and cithern is ascribed to F@-hsf.
They are represented thus—
“ The duke of Lf here is the first duke, Po-&4in (B.c. 1115—
1063). Duke Wa was the ninth duke (Β. ο. 826-817).
_* Asa lesson, it is said, of filial duty.
BK. XII. MING THANG WEI. 37
honoured’; and the college of δα, with its semi-
circle of water.
24. They had the tripods of Aung? and Kwan?;
the great jade hemisphere; and the tortoise-shell of
Fang-fa*:—all articles (properly) belonging to the
son of Heaven. They (also) had the lance of
Yiieh*; and the great bow,—military weapons of the
son of Heaven.
25. They had the drum. of Hsia supported on
four legs ; that of Yin supported on a single pillar ;
the drums of 4u, pendent from a stand; the
peal of bells of Sui‘; the differently toned £/ing
(sonorous stones) of Shi'; and the organ of Nii-
kw δ, with its tongues.
26. They had the music-stand of Hsia, with its
face-board and posts, on which dragons were carved;
that of Yin, with the high-toothed face-board; and
that of A4au, with its round ornaments of jade, and
feathers (hung from the corners).
1 The father of Music, it is said, was here sacrificed to, or had
offerings presented to him. ΑἹ] this is very uncertain, Blind men
were used as musicians.
2 These are names of states mentioned in the Sha, with which
we find king Wan at war. ᾿
3 ἙἘδηρ-[ἃ must also be the name of an ancient
state; but where it was I do not know. Yteh
was a great state, south of WA, on the seaboard.
4 See the Shf, II, i, 21, and note.
* ShGi was also called Wa-k4u ({ΠῈ 14}.
® Ni-kw4 is placed between F-hsi and Shan
Nang. Various fabulous marvels are related of
him or her (for many hold the name to be that
of a female) in the account of the five Tis, prefixed
to Sze-m4 Xhien’s histories. The organ is re-
presented thus—
48 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XII.
27. They had the two tui of the lord of Yi (for
holding the grain at sacrifices); the four lien of Hsia;
the six ha of Yin; and the eight kwei of Kau’.
28. They had for stands (on which to set forth
the flesh of the victims), the khwan of Shun; the
Riieh of Hsia; the Ζῇ of Yin; and the room-like
stand of Kau. For the tall supports of the dishes,
they used those of Hsia of unadorned wood; those
of Yin, adorned with jade; and those of K4u, with
feathers carved on them.
29. They had the plain leather knee-covers of
Shun; those of Hsi4, with hills represented on them ;
those of ‘Yin, with flames; and those of KAu, with
dragons.
30. They used for their sacrificial offerings (to the
father of Cookery), like the lord of Yii, (portions of)
the head; like the sovereigns of Hsia, (portions of)
the heart; as they did under Yin, (portions of) the
liver ; and as they did under ‘cu, (portions of) the
lungs?.
31. They used the bright water preferred by Hsia;
the unfermented liquor preferred by Yin; and the
completed liquor preferred by Kau’.
_ ἃ Figures of all these are given. The number of the vessels in
the different dynasties is thought to have been regulated by the
number of the kinds of grain; but most of this is conjecture.
3 Kang Hstian, in explanation of these practices, has only three
characters, which I confess I do not fully comprehend. Khung
Ying-ta says nothing about them, nor the K/ien-lung editors.
Fang Xtieh writes, on the relation between the five elements and
the five colours, and the symbolical colours adopted by the different
dynasties, and of the different members of the victims; very
mystically and darkly, and failing to elucidate the passage.
5. There have been various references to these points already,
and there will be more hereafter.
ΒΚ. XII. MING THANG WEI. 39
32. They used (the names) of the 50 officers of the
lord of Yii; of the 100 of the sovereigns of Hsid;
of the 200 of Yin; and of the 300 of KAu’.
33. (At their funerals) they used the feathery
ornaments of the lord of Yi; the wrappings of white
silk (about the flag-staffs) of the sovereigns of Hsia;
(the flags) with their toothed edges of Yin; and the
round pieces of jade and plumes of δι,
34. Ld (thus) used the robes, vessels and officers
of all the four dynasties, and so it observed the royal
ceremonies. It long transmitted them everywhere.
Its rulers and ministers never killed one another.
Its rites, music, punishments, laws, governmental
proceedings, manners and customs never changed.
Throughout the kingdom it was considered the state
which exhibited the right ways; and therefore
dependence was placed on it in the matters of
ceremonies and music*.
1 Compare the Shi, V, xx, 3. Various attempts are made to
"reconcile the statements there and those of this paragraph ; ‘all,’
says Khan Hao, ‘mere conjectures.’
* Compare paragraph 22, page 139, vol. xxvii.
5. Much of what is said here is glaringly false ; and justifies what
is said of the Book in the introduction, page 29.
BOOK XIII. SANG FU HSIAO αἵ
OR
RECORD OF SMALLER MATTERS IN THE
DRESS OF MOURNING!.
Section I.
1. When wearing the unhemmed sackcloth (for
a father), (the son) tied up his hair with a hempen
(band), and also when wearing it for a mother.
When he exchanged this band for the cincture (in
the case of mourning for his mother), this was .
made of linen cloth.
(A wife) 5, when wearing the (one year’s mourn-
ing) of sackcloth with the edges even, had the
girdle (of the same), and the inferior hair-pin (of
hazel-wood), and wore these to the end of the
mourning.
2. (Ordinarily) men wore the cap, and women
the hair-pin ; (in mourning) men wore the cincture,
and women the same after the female fashion.
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 30.
* This was done after the slighter dressing of the corpse. The
cincture (win, %,) is mentioned in the first paragraph of the
Than Kung (vol. xxvii, page 120). The hempen band being re-
moved, one of linen cloth, about the breadth of which there are
different accounts, was put round the hair on the crown, taken
forward to the forehead, there crossed, taken back again, and
knotted at the back of the hair. :
8 The text does not mention ‘the wife’ here; but a com-
parison of different passages shows that this sentence is only
applicable to her.
SECT. I" SANG Εὖ usIAo gf. 41
The idea was (simply) to maintain in this way a
distinction between them |.
3. The dark-coloured staff was of bamboo; that
pared and fashioned (at the end) was of eleococca
wood ?.
4. When the grandfather was dead, and after-
wards (the grandson) had to go into mourning for
his grandmother, he, being the representative of the
family (through the death of his father), did so for
three years.
5. The eldest son, (at the mourning rites) for his
father or mother, (before bowing to a visitor who
had come to condole with him), first laid his fore-
head to the ground (as an expression of his sorrow).
When a Great officer came to condole (with an
ordinary officer), though it might be (only) in a case
of the three months’ mourning, (the latter first) laid
his forehead to the ground 8,
A wife, at the rites for her husband or eldest son,
bowed her head to the ground before she saluted
1 Anciently, it is said, there was no distinction between these
two cinctures, but in the name. There probably came to be some
difference between them; but what it was I cannot discover.
3 This is found also in the f Li, XXXII, 5; but the inter-
pretation there is as difficult as here. The translation of the first
character (, 118) by ‘dark-coloured’ is from Khung ΥἹηρ-ἰᾶ.
The paring away the end of the dryandria branch was to make
it square. The round bamboo was carried in mourning for a
father, and was supposed to symbolise heaven; the other was
carried in mourning for a mother, and its square end symbolised
earth. What heaven and earth were to nature that the father and
mother were to a child. I can make nothing more or better of the
passage.
® We do not see how this instance coheres with the former one;
nor why.the two are brought together.
42. THE Li xi. ἜΚ. XIII.
a visitor; but in mourning for others, she did not
do so}.
6. The man employed to preside (at the mourn-
ing rites) was required to be of the same surname
(as the deceased parent) ; the wife so employed, of
a different surname 3.
7. The son whg was_his father’s successos (as
now head of the. family) did not wear mourning
for his mother who had been divorced.
8. In counting kindred (and the mourning to be
worn of them), the three closest degrees become
expanded into five, and those five again into nine.
The mourning diminished as the degrees ascended
or descended, and the collateral branches also were
correspondingly less mourned for; and the mourn-
ing for kindred thus came to an end 8.
9. At the great royal sacrifice to all ancestors,
the first place was given to him from whom the
founder of the line sprang, and that founder had
the place of assessor to him. There came thus
to be established four ancestral shrines‘. In the
1 The ‘others,’ according to Kang, must be understood of her
own parents. She was now identified with a family of another sur-
name; and her husband’s relatives were more to her than her own.
3. The son and his wife who should have presided are supposed to
be dead. The wife elected for the office would be the wife of some
other member of the family, herself therefore of a different surname.
5 The three closest degrees are ‘father, son, and son’s son.’
’ Add the grandfather and grandson (counting from the son), and
we have five; great-grandfather and great-grandson (here omitted),
and we have seven. Then great-great-grandfather and great-great-
grandson, make nine ; and the circle of kindred, for whom mourn-
ing should be worn, is complete. See Appendix, Book II, vol. xxvii.
‘ This statement about the four shrines has given occasion to
much writing. -
SECT. I. sanG Εὖ HstAo xi. 43
case of a son by another than the queen coming to be
king, the same course was observed.
10. When a son other than (the eldest) became
the ancestor (of a branch of the same line), his
successor was its Honoured Head, and he who
followed him (in the line) was its smaller Honoured
Head. After five generations there was a change
again of the Honoured Head; but all in continu-
ation of the High Ancestor.
11. Hence the removal of the ancestor took
place high up (in the line), and the change of the
Honoured Head low down (in it). Because they
honoured the ancestor, they reverenced the Hon-
oured Head; their reverencing the Honoured Head
was the way in which they expressed the honour
which they paid to the ancestor and his immediate
successor 1,
12, That any other son but the eldest did not
sacrifice to his grandfather showed that (only he
was in the direct line from) the Honoured Head
(of their branch of the family), So, no son but he
wore the (three years) unhemmed sackcloth for
his eldest son, because the eldest son of no other
continued (the direct line) of the grandfather and
father 3.
13. None of the other sons sacrificed to a son
1 The subject imperfectly described in these two paragraphs,—
the manner in which a family, ever lengthening its line and
multiplying its numbers, was divided into collateral branches, will
come before the reader again in the next Book.
5 It is difficult to catch exactly the thought in the writer of
these, and several of the adjacent, sentences. Even the native
critics, down to the Ahien-lung editors, seem to experience the
difficulty.
44 THE Lf xf. BK. XIII.
(of his own) who had died prematurely, or one who
had left no posterity. (The tablet of) such an one
was placed along with that of his grandfather, and
shared in the offerings made to him. |
14. Nor could any of them sacrifice to their
father ; showing that (the eldest son was the repre-
sentative of) the Honoured Head.
r5. (In the distinctions of the mourning) for the
kindred who are the nearest, the honoured ones to
whom honour is paid, the elders who are venerated
for their age, and as the different tributes to males
and females ; there are seen the greatest manifest-
ations of the course which is right for men.
16. Where mourning would be worn from one’s
relation with another for parties simply on the
ground of that affinity, when that other was dead,
the mourning ceased. Where it would have been
worn for them on the ground of consanguinity, even
though that other were dead, it was still worn’. ~
When a concubine had followed a ruler’s wife to
the harem, and the wife came to be divorced, the
concubine, (following her out of the harem), did not
wear mourning for her son *.
17. According to the rules, no one but the king
offered the united sacrifice to all ancestors ὃ,
1 Khung Ying-t4 specifies six cases coming under the former
of these cases, and four under the second. It is not necessary
to set them forth, The Xhien-lung editors say that the para-
graph has reference only to the practice of the officer; for a
Great officer did not wear mourning either for his wife or
mother’s kin.
2 This concubine would be either of the near relatives of
the wife, who had gone with her on her marriage.
5 This paragraph is out of place. It should have formed part,
probably, of paragraph 9.
SECT. 1. saNnG FO usiAo xi. 45
18. The heir-son (of the king or a feudal lord)
did not diminish the mourning for the parents of
his wife. For his wife he wore the mourning which
the eldest and rightful son of a Great officer did
for his 1.
19. When the father was an officer, and the son
came to be king or a feudal prince, the father was
sacrificed to with the rites of a king or a lord; but
the personator wore the dress of an officer. When
the father had been the son of Heaven, or a feudal
lord, and the son was (only) an officer, the father
was sacrificed to with the rites of an officer, but his
personator wore only the dress of an officer 3.
20. If a wife were divorced while wearing the
mourning (for her father or mother-in-law), she put
it off. If the thing took place while she was wear-
ing the mourning for her own parents, and before
she had completed the first year’s mourning, she
continued to wear it for the three years; but if
that term had been completed, she did not resume
the mourning.
If she were called back before the completion of
the year, she wore it to the end of that term; but
if that term had been completed before she was
called back, she went on wearing it to the regular
term of mourning for parents.
21, The mourning which lasted for two complete
years was (held to be) for three years; and that
1 The sackcloth for one year, without carrying the staff.
* Both the cases in this paragraph can hardly be taken as any-
thing more than hypothetical. On the concluding statement, the
Khien-lung editors ask how the robes of a king could be exhibited
in the ancestral temple of an officer.
46 THE Lf xi. ΒΚ. XIII.
which lasted for one complete year for two years}.
The mourning for nine months and that for seven
months? was held to be for three seasons; that for
five months for two; and that for three months for
one. Hence the sacrifice at the end of the com-
pleted year was according to the prescribed rule ;
but the putting off the mourning (or a part of it)
then was the course (prompted by natural feeling).
The sacrifice was not on account of the putting off
of the mourning *.
22. When the interment (for some reason) did
not take place till after the three years, it was the
rule that the two sacrifices (proper at the end of
the first and second years) should then be offered.
Between them, but not all at the same time, the
mourning was put off 4.
23. If a relative who had himself to wear only
the nine months’ mourning for the deceased took the
direction of the mourning rites in the case of any
who must continue their mourning for three years,
it was the rule that he should offer for them the
two annual terminal sacrifices. If one who was
merely a friend took that direction, he only offered
1 See the introduction on Book XXXV, vol. xxvii, page 49.
8 We have not met before with this mourning term of seven
months. It occurs in the ἴ ‘Li, Book XXIV, 6, as to be worn for
those who had died in the second degree of prematurity between
the age of twelve and fifteen inclusive.
8. «This remark is made by the compiler,’ say the KAien-lung
editors, ‘to guard against the sudden abandonment of their grief
by the mourners, as if they had done with the deceased when the
mourning was concluded.’
* After the first, it is said, men put off the mourning headband,
and women that of the girdle. After the second they both put
off their sackcloth.
SECT. 1. sANG FO usrdo gi. 47
the sacrifice of Repose, and that at the placing of
the tablet in the shrine’.
24. When the concubine of an officer had a son,
he wore the three months’ mourning for her. If
she had no son, he did not do so 4.
25. When one had been born (in another state),
and had had no intercourse with his grand-uncles
and aunts, uncles and cousins, and his father, on
hearing of the death of any of them, proceeded to
wear mourning, he did not do so.
26. If one did not (through being abroad) hear
of the death of his ruler’s father or mother, wife or
eldest son, till the ruler had put off his mourning,
he did not proceed to wear any.
27. If it were a case, however, where the mourning
was reduced to that of three months, he wore it’.
28. (Small) servants in attendance on the ruler,
(who had followed him abroad), when he assumed
mourning (on his return, for relatives who had died
when he was away), also put it on. Other and
(higher officers in his train) also did so; but if the
proper term for the mourning in the case were past,
they did not do so. (Those who had remained at
home), though the ruler could not know of their
doing so, had worn the (regular) mourning.
1 Because of the youth of the son, or of some other reason
existing in the case. The director would himself be a cousin.
3 But Great officers wore the three months’ mourning for the
relatives who had accompanied their wives to the harem, though
they might have had no son. No such relatives accompanied the
wife of an officer.
* This, it is supposed, should follow paragraph 25. There are
doubts as to the interpretation of it.
48 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XIII.
Section II,
1. (The presiding mourner), after the sacrifice of
Repose, did not carry his staff in proceeding to his
apartment; after the placing of the tablet of the
deceased (in the shrine of the grandfather), he did
not carry it in going up to the hall?
2. The (son of another lady of the harem), who
had been adopted as the child of the (childless) wife
of the ruler, when that wife died, did not go into
mourning for her kindred 3,
3. The sash was shorter (than the headband), by
one-fifth of the length (of the latter). The staff
was of the same length as the sash ὃ,
4. For the ruler’s eldest son a concubine wore
1 See vol. xxvii, p. 170. Ihave met with ‘the Pacifying sacrifice,’
instead of ‘ the sacrifice of Repose,’ which I prefer for [:- Ὁ in this
application. The character is explained by #, the symbol of
‘being at rest.” The mourners had done all they could for the
body of the deceased. It had been laid in the grave; and this
sacrifice of Repose was equivalent to our wish for a departed friend,
‘“Requiescat in pace.’ It was offered in the principal apart-
ment of the house. It remained only to place with an appropriate
service the tablet of the deceased in its proper shrine in the an-
cestral temple next day. The staff was discarded by the mourner,
it is said, to show that his grief was beginning to be assuaged.
He and the others would pass from the principal apartment to
others more private; and on leaving the temple, would have to
mount the steps to the hall.
3 The Khien-lung editors argue, and, I think, correctly, that this
paragraph should say the opposite of what it does. They think it
has been mutilated.
* The purely native staff in China is very long. At temples in
the interior of the country I have often been asked to buy choice
specimens as long as a shepherd’s crook, or an alpenstock.
SECT. 11. sANG FO HsIAo xf. 49
mourning for the same time as his wife, (the son’s
mother).
5. In putting off the mourning attire, they com-
menced with what was considered most important.
In changing it, they commenced with what was
considered least important.
6. When there was not the (regular) occasion for
it, they did not open the door of the temple. All
wailed in the (mourning) shed (at other times).
7. In calling the dead back, and writing the in-
scription (to be exhibited over the coffin), the
language was the same for all, from the son of
Heaven to the ordinary officer. A man was called
by his name. Fora wife they wrote her surname,
and her place among her sisters. If they did not
know her surname, they wrote the branch-name of
her family.
8. The girdle of dolychos cloth assumed with the
unhemmed sackcloth (at the end of the wailing),
and the hempen girdle worn when one (first) put
on the hemmed sackcloth (of one year’s mourning),
were of the same size. The girdle of dolychos
cloth assumed (as a change) in the hemmed sack-
cloth mourning, and that of hempen cloth at the
(beginning of the) nine months’ mourning, were of
the same size. When the occasion for assuming
the girdle of the lighter mourning occurred, a man
wore both it and the other together ?.
1 This is not the ancestral temple; but the apartment where the
body was kept in the coffin, entered regularly for wailing in the
morning and evening.
? So far as I can understand this paragraph, it describes the
practice of a man (not of a woman), when, while he was wearing
[28] E
50 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XIII.
g. An early interment was followed by an early
sacrifice of repose. But they did not end their
wailing till the three months were completed.
10. When the mourning rites for both parents
occurred at the same time, the sacrifices of repose
and of the enshrining of the tablet, for the (mother)
who was buried first, did not take place till after the
burial of the father. The sackcloth worn at her
interment was the unhemmed and jagged.
11. A Great officer reduced the (period of)
mourning for a son by a concubine 5; but his grand-
son, (the son of that son), did not reduce his
mourning for his father.
12. A Great officer did not preside at the mourn-
ing rites for an (ordinary) officer.
13. For the parents of his nurse? a man did not
wear mourning.
14. When the husband had become the successor
and representative of some other man (than his
own father), his wife wore the nine months’ mourn-
ing for his parents-in-law 4.
15. When the tablet of an (ordinary) officer was
placed in the shrine of (his grandfather who had
been) a Great officer, the victim due to him (as an
officer) was changed (for that due to a Great officer).
16. A son who had not lived with his step-father
(did not wear mourning for him). (They) must
deep mourning, a fresh death in his circle required him to add
to it something of a lighter mourning.
1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 315, paragraph 6.
To nine months,
A concubine of his father’s.
Her husband's own parents. But the paragraph is a difficult
one; nor have the commentators elucidated it clearly.
2
8
4
SECT. I. sANG FO Hstdo xt. 51
have lived together and both be without sons to
preside at their mourning rites; and (the step-
father moreover) must have shared his resources
with the son, and enabled him to sacrifice to his
grandfather and father, (in order to his wearing
mourning for him) ;—under these conditions they
were said to live together. If they had sons to
preside at the mourning rites for them, they lived
apart.
17. When people wailed for a friend, they did so
outside the door (of the principal apartment), on
the left of it, with their faces towards the south 1,
18. When one was buried in a grave already
occupied, there was no divination about the site (in
the second case).
19. The tablet of an (ordinary) officer or of a
Great officer could not be placed in the shrine of
a grandfather who had been the lord of a state;
it was placed in that of a brother of the grandfather
who had been an (ordinary) officer or a Great
officer. The tablet of his wife was placed by the
tablet of that brother's wife, and that of his concu-
bine by the tablet of that brother’s concubine.
If there had been no such concubine, it was
placed by the tablet of that brother's grandfather ;
for in all such places respect was had to the rules
concerning the relative positions assigned to the
tablets of father and son*% The tablet of a feudal
lord could not be placed in the shrine of the son of
Heaven (from whom he was born or descended) ;
but that of the son of Heaven, of a feudal lord, or
1 See vol. xxvii, page 134, paragraph 10.
3. See vol. xxvii, page 223, paragraph 4, and note.
E 2
52 THE Lf xi. ΒΚ. XIII.
of a Great officer, could be placed in the shrine of
an (ordinary) officer (from whom he was descended)}.
20. For his mother’s mother, who had been the
wife proper of her father, if his mother were dead,
a son did not wear mourning *.
21. The son who was the lineal Head of his new
branch of the surname, even though his mother
were alive, (his father being dead), completed the
full period of mourning for his wife ὃ,
22. A concubine’s son who had been reared by
another, might act as son to that other; and she
might be any concubine of his father or of his
grandfather *.
23. The mourning went on to the than ceremony
for a parent, a wife, and the eldest son®.
24. To a nursing mother, or any concubine who
was a mother, sacrifice was not maintained for a
second generation.
25. When a grown-up youth had been capped,
(and died), though his death could not be considered
premature; and a young) wife, after having worn
1 A descendant in a low position could not presume on the
dignity of his ancestors; but those who had become distinguished
glorified their meaner ancestors.
2 It is difficult to say exactly what is the significance of the
#4 ff in the text here.
8 Meaning, say some, performed the than sacrifice at the
end of twenty-seven months for her. I cannot think this is the
meaning. Even for such a wife there could not be the ‘three
years’ mourning.’ According to Wang Yiian (VE Hi) the
mourning for one year terminated with a than sacrifice in the
fifteenth month. This must be what is here intended.
‘ This is the best I can do for this paragraph, over which there
is much conflict of opinion.
* Here is the same difficulty as in paragraph 21.
SECT. 11. SANG Εὖ ustAo xt. 53
the hair-pin, (died), though neither could her death
be said to be premature; yet, (if they died child-
less), those who would have presided at their rites,
if they had died prematurely, wore the mourning for
them which they would then have done 1.
26. If an interment were delayed (by circum-
stances) for a long time, he who was presiding over
the mourning rites was the only one who did not
put off his mourning. The others having worn the
hempen (band) for the number of months (proper in
their relation to the deceased), put off their mourn-
ing, and made an end of it *.
27. The hair-pin of the arrow-bamboo was worn
by (an unmarried daughter for her father) to the
end of the three years’ mourning ὃ.
28. That in which those who wore the sackcloth
with even edges for three months, and those who
wore (it) for all the nine months’ mourning agreed,
was the shoes made of strings (of hemp),
29. When the time was come for the sacrifice at
the end of the first year’s mourning, they consulted
the divining stalks about the day for it, and the
individual who was to act as personator of the
deceased. They looked that everything was clean,
and that all wore the proper girdle, carried their
staffs, and had on the shoes of hempen-string.
When the officers charged with this announced that
all was ready, (the son) laid aside his staff, and
assisted at the divinations for the day and for the
1 Another difficult paragraph, about the interpretation of which
there seem to be as many minds as there are commentators.
3 Yet they would keep it by them till the interment took place,
and then put it on again for the occasion.
5 Should form part of the first paragraph of Section i.
54 THE Lf xf. BK. XIII.
personator. The officers having announced that
these were over, he resumed his staff, bowed to the
guests (who had arrived in the meantime), and
escorted them away. At the sacrifice for the end
of the second year, (the son) wore his auspicious
(court) robes, and divined about the personator.
30. The son of a concubine, living in the same
house with his father, did not observe the sacrifice
at the end of the mourning for his mother.
Nor did such a son carry his staff in proceeding
to his place for wailing.
As the father did not preside at the mourning
rites for the son of a concubine, that son’s son
might carry his staff in going to his place for wail-
ing. Even while the father was present, the son of
a concubine, in mourning for his wife, might carry
his staff in going to that place.
31. When a feudal prince went to condole on the
death of a minister of another state ', (being himself
there on a visit), the ruler of that state received him
and acted as the presiding mourner. The rule was
that he should wear the skin cap and the starched
sackcloth. Though the deceased on account of
whom he paid his condolences had been interred, the
presiding mourner wore the mourning cincture. If
he had not yet assumed the full mourning dress, the
visitor also did not wear that starched sackcloth.
32. One who was ministering to another who was
ill did not do so in the mourning clothes (which he
might be wearing); and (if the patient died), he
might go on to preside at the mourning rites for
him. But if another relative, who had not ministered
1 That is, if the visit were made before the removal of the coffin.
SECT. 11. SANG FU HsIAo xf. 55
to the deceased in his illness, came in to preside at
the rites for him, he did not change the mourning
which he might be wearing. In ministering to one
more honourable than himself, the rule required a
person to change the mourning he might be wear-
ing, but not if the other were of lower position}.
33. If there had been no concubine of her hus-
band’s grandmother by whose tablet that of a
deceased concubine might be placed, it might be
placed by that. of the grandmother, the victim
offered on the occasion being changed.
34. In the mourning rites for a wife, at the
sacrifices of repose and on the ending of the wailing,
her husband or son presided; when her tablet was
put in its place, her father-in-law presided.
35. An (ordinary) officer did not take the place
of presiding (at the mourning rites) for a Great
officer. It was only when he was the direct de-
scendant of the Honoured Head of their branch of
the surname that he could do so.
36. If a cousin arrived from another state (to
take part in the rites), before the presiding mourner
had put off his mourning, the latter received him in
the part of host, but without the mourning cincture’.
37. The course pursued in displaying the articles,
(vessels to the eye of fancy, to be put into the
grave)*, was this :—If they were (too) many as dis-
1 If the other, it is said, in the former case were elder, an uncle
or elder cousin; in the latter, a younger cousin.
2 If the ruler came to condole after the interment, the presiding
mourner would resume his cincture to receive him, out of respect
to his rank; but this was not required on the late arrival of a
relative.
* These articles were the contributions of friends and those
56 THE Li xt. BK. XII,
played, a portion of them might be put into the
grave; if they were comparatively few as displayed,
they might all be put into it.
38. Parties hurrying to the mourning rites for a
brother or cousin (whose burial had taken place)
first went to the grave and afterwards to the house,
selecting places at which to perform their wailing.
If the deceased had (only) been an acquaintance, they
(first) wailed in the apartment (where the coffin had
been), and afterwards went to the grave.
39. A father (at the mourning rites) for any of
his other sons did not pass the night in the shed
outside (the middle door, as for his eldest son by
his wife).
40. The brothers and cousins of a feudal prince
wore the unhemmed sackcloth (in mourning for him)".
41. In the five months’ mourning for one who had
died in the lowest stage of immaturity, the sash was
of bleached hemp from which the roots were not cut
away. These were turned back and tucked in.
42. When the tablet of a wife was to be placed
by that of her husband’s grandmother, if there were
three (who could be so denominated), it was placed
by that of her who was the mother of her husband’s
father *.
43. In the case of a wife dying while her husband
prepared by the family. They were displayed inside the gate of
the temple on the east of it when the body was being moved, and
in front of the grave, on the east of the path leading to it.
1 Even though they might not be in the same state with him.
* We must suppose that the grandfather had had three wives ;
not at the same time, but married one after another’s death.
Some suppose the three to be a mistake for two. ‘The mother of
her husband’s father’ is simply ‘the nearest’ in the text.
SECT. 11. SANG FO ustAo xf. 57
was a Great officer, and his ceasing, after her death,
to be of that rank ; if his tablet were placed (on his
death) by that of his wife, the victim on the occasion
was not changed (from that due to an ordinary
officer). But if her husband (who had been an
officer) became a Great officer after her death, then
the victim at the placing of his tablet by hers was
that due to a Great officer 1.
44. A son who was or would be his father’s suc-
cessor did not wear mourning for his divorced mother.
He did not wear such mourning, because one engaged
in mourning rites could not offer sacrifice*.
45. When a wife did not preside at the mourning
rites and yet carried the staff, it was when her
mother-in-law was alive, and she did so for her hus-
band. A mother carried the eleococca staff with
its end cut square for the oldest son. A daughter,
who was still in her apartment unmarried, carried a
staff for her father or mother. If the relative super-
intending the rites did not carry the staff, then this
one child did so’.
* We must suppose that the appointment of the husband,
whether as officer or Great officer, had been so recent that there
had been no time for any tablets of an elder generation to get into
his ancestral temple. His wife’s had been the first to be placed
in it.
* That is, he might have to preside at the sacrifices in the ancestral
temple of his own family, and would be incapacitated for doing
so, if he were mourning for her. The reader should bear in mind
that there were seven justifiable causes for the divorce of a wife,
without her being guilty of infidelity, or any criminal act.
* It is supposed there was no brother in the family to preside at
the rites, and a relative of the same surname was called in to do
so. But it was not in rule for him to carry the staff, and this
daughter therefore did so, as if she had been a son.
58 THE tf xt. ΒΚ. XIII.
46. In the mourning for three months and five
months, at the sacrifice of repose and the ending of
the wailing, they wore the mourning cincture.
After the interment, if they did not immediately
go to perform the sacrifice of repose, they all, even
the presiding mourner, wore their caps; but when
they came to the sacrifice of repose, they all assumed
the cincture.
When they had put off the mourning for a relative,
on the arrival of his interment, they resumed it; and
when they came to the sacrifice of repose and the
ending of the wailing, they put on the cincture. If
they did not immediately perform the sacrifice, they
put it off.
When they had been burying at a distance, and
were returning to wail, they put on their caps. On
arriving at the suburbs, they put on the cincture,
and came back to wail.
47. If the ruler came to condole with mourners,
though it might not be the time for wearing the
cincture, even the president of the rites assumed it,
and did not allow the ends of his hempen girdle to
hang loose. Even in the case of a visit from the
ruler of another state, they assumed the cincture.
The relatives all did so.
48. When they put off the mourning for one who
had died prematurely, the rule was that at the
(accompanying) sacrifice, the dress should be dark-
coloured. When they put off the mourning for one
fully grown, they wore their court robes, with the
cap of white, plain, silk.
49. A son, who had hurried to the mourning
rites of his father (from a distance), bound up his
hair in the raised hall, bared his chest, descended to
SECT. 11. SANG FO Ηϑιάο xf. 59
the court, and there performed his leaping. (The
leaping over, he reascended), covered his chest, and
put on his sash in an apartment on the east.
If the rites were for his mother, he did not bind
up his hair. He bared his chest, however, in the
‘hall, descended to the court, and went through his
leaping. (Reascending then), he covered his chest,
and put on the cincture in the apartment on the east.
In the girdle (or the cincture), he proceeded to the
appointed place, and completed the leaping. He
then went out from the door (of the coffin-room),
and went to (the mourning shed). The wailing com-
mencing at death had by this time ceased. In three
days he wailed five times, and thrice bared his chest
for the leaping.
50. When an eldest son and his wife could not
take the place hereafter of his parents, then, (in the
event of her death), her mother-in-law wore for her
(only) the five months’ mourning?.
1 The scope of this paragraph is plain enough; but the con-
struing of it is difficult. I have translated after KAin Hao’s text,
which contains a character more than that of the X/ien-lung
edition. The son and his wife could not become the repre-
sentatives of the family. Various reasons are suggested by the
commentators for the fact. The text supposes the death of the
wife to take place before that of her mother-in-law.
BOOK XIV. TA XWAN
OR
THE GREAT TREATISE}.
1. According to the rules, only the king offered
the united sacrifice to all ancestors. The chief place
was then given to him from whom -the founder of
the line sprang, and that founder had the place of
assessor to him’.
The sacrifices of the princes of states reached to
their highest ancestor. Great officers and other
officers, who had performed great services, when
these were examined (and approved) by the ruler,
were able to carry their sacrifices up to their high
ancestor.
2. The field of Mfi-yeh was the great achieve-
ment of king Wa. When he withdrew after the
victory, he reared a burning pile to God; prayed at
the altar of the earth; and set forth his offerings in
the house of Μὰ, He then led all the princes of the
kingdom, bearing his offerings in their various stands,
and hurrying about, and carried the title of king back
to Thai who was Than-fd, A%-li, and king Wan who
was Khang ;—he would not approach his honourable
ancestors with their former humbler titles.
See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 30, 31.
? See the last Book, I, paragraphs 9, 17, et al.
5 I suppose that all which is, here described was done by king
W after his victory at MQ, under the advice of his brother, known
to us as the duke of Kau; see the Kung Yung, paragraphs 54, 55.
‘ The house of MQ’ would be a building converted for the occasion
into a temple. :
ΒΚ. XIV... TA KWAN. 61
3. Thus he regulated the services to be rendered
to his father and grandfather before him ;—giving
honour to the most honourable. He regulated the
places to be given to his sons and grandsons below
him ;—showing his affection to his kindred. He
regulated (also) the observances for the collateral
branches of his cousins ;—associating all their mem-
bers in the fe&sting. He defined their places
according to their order of descent; and his every
distinction was in harmony with what was proper
and right. In this way the procedure of human
duty was made complete.
4. When a sage sovereign stood with his face to
the south, and all the affairs of the kingdom came
before him, there were five things which for the time
claimed his first care, and the people were not
reckoned among them. The first was the regulating
what was due to his kindred (as above) ; the second,
the reward of merit; the third, the promotion of
worth ; the fourth, the employment of ability; and
the fifth, the maintenance of a loving vigilance.
When these five things were all fully realised, the
people had all their necessities satisfied, all that they
wanted supplied. If one of them were defective, the
people could not complete their lives in comfort.
It was necessary for a sage on the throne of
government to begin with the (above) procedure
of human duty.
5. The appointment of the measures of weight,
length, and capacity; the fixing the elegancies (of
ceremony); the changing the commencement of the
year and month; alterations in the colour of dress;
differences of flags and their blazonry; changes in
vessels and weapons, and distinctions in dress :—
62 THE Li xt, BK. XIV.
these were things, changes in which could be en-
joined on the people. But no changes could be
enjoined upon them in what concerned affection for
kin, the honour paid to the honourable, the respect
due to the aged, and the different positions and
functions of male and female.
6. Members of the same surname were united to-
gether in the various ramifications of their kinship,
under the Heads of their different branches'. Those
of a different surname? had their mutual relations
regulated principally by the names assigned to
them. Those names being clearly set forth, the
different positions of males and females were de-
termined.
When the husband belonged to the class of
fathers [or uncles]’, the wife was placed in that of
mothers [or aunts]; when he belonged to the class
of sons [or cousins], the wife was placed in that of
(junior) wives‘. Since the wife of a younger brother
was (thus) styled (junior) wife, could the wife of his
elder brother be at the same time styled mother [or
aunt]? The name or appellation is of the greatest
1 That is, the males all called by the surname of the family.
2 That is, the females, married into the family from other families
of different surnames, and receiving different names or appellations
from the places of their husbands in the family roll.
5. «Fathers’ and ‘mothers’ here are really uncles and aunts,
the ora for the former being equivalent to 48 a 4g ; and
the +f} for the latter to 44 rn FF. The uncles were of the
same category as the father in respect to age, and the aunts in the
same category as the mother.
4 FQ, the character here for wife, does not in itself contain the
idea of this inferiority in point of age. That idea was in the mind
of the writer, arising from the subject of which he was treating.
ΒΚ. XIV. TA EWAN. 63
importance in the regulation of the family ;—was
not anxious care required in the declaration of it ?
7. For parties four generations removed (from the
same common ancestor) the mourning was reduced
to that worn for three months, and this was the limit
of wearing the hempen cloth. If the generations
were five, the shoulders were bared and the cincture
assumed ; and in this way the mourning within the
circle of the same was gradually reduced. After the
sixth generation the bond of kinship was held to be
at an end.
8. As the branch-surnames which arose separated
the members of them from their relatives of a former
time, and the kinship disappeared as time went on,
(so far as wearing mourning was concerned), could
marriage be contracted between parties (so wide
apart)'? But there was that original surname tying
all the members together without distinction, and the
maintenance of the connexion by means of the com-
mon feast?;—while there were these conditions, there
could be no intermarriage, even after a hundred
generations. Such was the rule of KAéu®.
g. The considerations which regulated the mourn-
ing worn were six :—first, the nearness of the kinship‘;
1 Kh’n Ho says that under the Yin dynasty intermarriages
were allowed after the fifth generation in a family of the same
surname. The same statement is referred to by Khung Ying-t4,
from whom ἀλη, probably, took it; but the A‘Zien-lung editors
discard it, as being ‘ without proof.’
2 «The feast’ given to all the kindred after the seasonal sacrifices
in the ancestral temple.
* Khin Hao refers to this prohibition of intermarriages by KAu
as the grand distinction of the dynasty, marking clearly ‘for the first
time the distinction between man and beast.’
* As between parents and children.
64 THE Lif xt. ΒΚ. XIV.
second, the honour due to the honourable’; third,
the names (as expressing the position in the relative
circle)?; fourth, the cases of women still unmarried
in the paternal home, and of those who had married
and left it*®; fifth, age‘; and sixth, affinity, and ex-
ternal relationship ὅ.
10. Of the considerations of affinity and external
relationship there were six cases =—those arising
from inter-relationship ὁ; those in which there was
no inter-relationship?; those where mourning should
be worn, and yet was not; those where it should not
be worn, and yet was; those where it should be
deep, and yet was light ; and those where it should
be light, and yet was deep.
11. Where the starting-point was affection, it
began from the father. Going up from him by
degrees it reached to the (high) ancestor, and was
said to diminish, Where the starting-point was
the consideration of what is right, it began with the
ancestor. Coming down by natural degrees from
him, it reached to the father, and was said to
increase. In the diminution and the increase, the
considerations of affection and right acted thus.
12. It was the way for the ruler to assemble and
feast all the members of .his kindred. None of
1 As to the ruler, Great officers, and ministers.
3 See paragraph 6.
5. Spinsters and married aunts, cousins, sisters, &c.
* Relatives dying as minors, and after maturity.
® See next paragraph.
5 Mother’s kin; husband’s kin; wife’s kin.
7 As when a minister wore mourning for his ruler’s kindred; a
concubine for the kindred of the wife, &c. The reader must task
himself to imagine cases in which the other four conditions would
apply.
BK. XIV. TA KWAN, 65
them could, because of their mutual kinship, claim a
nearer kinship with him than what was expressed
by the places (assigned to them).
13. Any son but the eldest, (though all sons of the
wife proper), did not sacrifice to his grandfather,—
to show there was the Honoured Head (who
should do so). Nor could he wear mourning for
his eldest son for three years, because he was not
the continuator of his grandfather 1.
14. When any other son but the eldest became
an ancestor of a line, he who succeeded him became
the Honoured Head (of the branch); and his suc-
cessor again became the smaller Head '.
15. There was the (great) Honoured Head whose γ'
tablet was not removed for a hundred generations.
There were the (smaller) Honoured Heads whose
tablets were ‘removed after five generations. He
whose tablet was not removed for a hundred gener-
ations was the successor and representative of the
other than the eldest son (who became an ancestor
of a line); and he was so honoured (by the members
of his line) because he continued the (High) ancestor
from whom (both) he and they sprang; this was
why his tablet was not removed for a hundred
génerations. He who honoured the continuator
of the High ancestor was he whose tablet was re-
moved after five generations, They honoured the
Ancestor, and therefore they reverenced the Head.
The reverence showed the significance of that
honour.
16. There might be cases in which there was a
smaller Honoured Head, and no Greater Head (of
1 See the last Book, I, paragraphs ro-12.
[28] F
δ,
66 THE τῇ xt. ΒΚ. XIV.
a branch family); cases in which there was a
Greater Honoured Head, and no smaller Head ;
and cases in which there was an Honoured Head,
with none to honour him. All these might exist
in the instance of the son of the ruler of a state’.
The course to be adopted for the headship of
such a son was this; that the ruler, himself the
proper representative of former rulers, should for
all his half-brothers who were officers and Great
officers appoint a full brother, also an officer or a
Great officer, to be the Honoured Head. Such was
the regular course.
17. When the kinship was no longer counted,
there was no further wearing of mourning. The
kinship was the bond of connexion (expressed in
the degree of mourning).
18. Where the starting-point was in affection, it
began with the father, and ascended by steps to the
ancestor. Where it was in a consideration of what
was right, it began with the ancestor, and descended
in natural order to the deceased father. Thus the
course of humanity (in this matter of mourning) was
all comprehended in the love for kindred.
19. From the affection for parents came the
: ea of ancestors ; from the honouring of the
ΑἹ ΓΝ
μ᾿ ᾿
a 1 Suppose a ruler had no brother by his father’s wife, and
ΒΕ
appointed one of his brothers by another lady of the harem, to
take the headship of all the others, this would represent the first
case. Ifhe appointed a full brother to the position, but could not
appoint a half-brother to the inferior position, this would represent
the second; and if the younger brothers of the ruling house were
reduced to one man, he would represent the third case, having
merely the name and nothing more. Such is the explanation of
- the text, so far as I can apprehend it,
ΒΚ. XIV. TA xwAn. 67
ancestor came the respect and attention shown to
the Heads (of the family branches). By that respect
and attention to those Heads all the members of
the kindred were kept together. Through their
being kept together came the dignity of the an-
cestral temple. From that dignity arose the im-
portance attached to the altars of the land and
grain. From that importance there ensued the
love of all the (people with their) hundred surnames.
From that love came the right administration of
punishments and penalties. Through that adminis-
tration the people had the feeling of repose. Through
that restfulness all resources for expenditure became
sufficient Through the sufficiency of these, what
all desired was realised. The realisation led to all
courteous usages and good customs; and from these,
in fine, came all happiness and enjoyment :—afford-
ing an illustration of what is said in the ode :—
‘Glory and honour follow Wa&n’s great name,
And ne'er will men be weary of his fame'.’
1 See vol. iii, page 314, the last two lines of ode 1; Metrical
Version, page 351.
F2
BOOK XV. SHAO f
OR
SMALLER RULES OF DEMEANOUR|
1. I have heard (the following things):—
When one wished to see for the first time another
of character and position, his language was, ‘I, so
and so, earnestly wish my name to be reported to
the officer of communication*.’ He could not go up
the steps directly to the host. If the visitor were
of equal rank with the host, he said, ‘I, so and so,
earnestly wish to see him.’ If he were an infrequent
visitor, he asked his name to be reported. If he
were a frequent visitor, he added, ‘this morning or
evening. If he were blind’, he asked his name to
be reported.
2. If it were on an occasion of mourning, the
visitor said he had come as a servant and helper; if
he were a youth, that he had come to perform what-
ever might be required of him. If the visit were at
the mourning rites for a ruler or high minister, the
language was, ‘I am come to be employed by the
chief minister of the household‘’
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 31, 32.
3 The visitor did not dare to send even a message directly to the
master of the establishment where he was calling.
8 That is, an officer of music, high or low.
4 The name of the minister here is generally translated by
‘Minister of Instruction.’ But that can hardly be its meaning
here; and there were officers so called also in the establishments
of Great officers; see vol. xxvii, page 154, paragraph 20.
i
BK, XV. sHAo ἢ. | 69
3. When a ruler was about to go out of his own
state’, if a minister were presenting to him money
or pieces of jade, or any other article, the language
was, ‘I present this to the officer for the expenses
of his horses.’ To an equal in a similar case it was
said, ‘This is presented for the use of your followers.’
4. When a minister contributed a shroud to his
ruler, he said, ‘I send this laid-aside garment to
the valuers*,’) An equal, sending such a gift to
another equal, simply said, ‘a shroud.’ Relatives,
such as brothers, did not go in with the shrouds
which they presented.
5. When a minister was contributing articles or
their value to his ruler who had mourning rites on
hand for the previous ruler, he said, ‘I present
these products of my fields to the officers3,’
6. A carriage and horses presented for a funeral,
entered the gate of the ancestral temple. Contri-
butions of money and horses with the accompanying
presents of silk, the white flag (of a mourning
carriage) and war chariots, did not enter the gate of
the temple‘.
7. When the bearer of the contribution had
1 About to proceed to the royal court.
? In the K4u Li, Book I, 35, we find that among the function-
aries attached to the ‘ Treasury of Jade,’ there were eight men
thus denominated ‘valuers.’ There were officers, probably, per-
forming a similar duty in the department to which the charge of
the offering in this paragraph would be consigned.
5 The things presented here are called ‘articles (coarse), shells’
(& JA), the meaning being, I think, what I have given, The
things were not the produce of the donor’s land; but that land
being held by him from the ruler, he so expressed himself.
‘ It is difficult for us to appreciate the reasons given for the
distinction made between these contributions.
70 THE Li xt. BK. XV.
delivered his message, he knelt down and left the
things on the ground. The officer of communication
took them up. The presiding mourner did not him-
self receive them.
8. When the receiver stood, the giver stood;
neither knelt. Parties of a straightforward charac-
ter might, perhaps, do so.
9. When (the guest was) first entering, and it was
proper to give the precedence to him, the officer of
communication said (to the host), ‘Give precedence.’
When they proceeded to their mats, he said to them,
‘Yes; be seated.’
When the leaves of the door were opened, only
one man could take off his shoes inside the door.
If there were already an honourable and elderly
visitor, parties coming later could not do so.
10, When asking about the various dishes (of a
feast), they said, ‘Have you enjoyed such and such
a dish?’
When asking one another about their (various)
courses! and accomplishments’, they said, ‘Have you
practised such and such a course? Are you skilful
at such and such an accomplishment ?’
11. (A man sought to) give no occasion for doubt
about himself, nor to pass his judgment on the
articles of others. He did not desire the (posses-
sions of) great families, nor speak injuriously of the
things which they valued.
12. Sweeping in general was called sAo. Sweep-
1 There was the threefold course of aim, diligence, and filial
duty, in filialness, friendship, and obedience.
3 The accomplishments were six :—ceremonies, music, archery,
charioteering, writing, mathematics.
BK. Xv. sHAo i. 71
ing up in front of a mat was called phan. In
sweeping a mat they did not use a common
broom!. The sweeper held the dust-pan with its
tongue towards himself.
13. There was no divining (twice about the same
thing) with a double mind. In asking about what
had been referred to the tortoise-shell or the stalks,
two things were to be considered, whether the thing
asked about were right, and what was the diviner’s
own mind, On the matter of right he might be
questioned, but not on what was in his own mind.
14. When others more honourable and older than
one’s self took precedence of him, he did not pre-
sume to ask their age. When they came to feast
with him, he did not send to them any (formal)
message. When he met them on the road, if they
saw him, he went up to them, but did. not ask to
know where they were going. At funeral rites for
them, he waited to observe the movements (of the
presiding mourner), and did not offer his special con-
dolences. When seated by them, he did not, unless
ordered to do so, produce his lutes. He did not
draw lines on the ground; that would have been an
improper use of his hand. He did not use a fan.
If they were asleep, and he had any message to
communicate to them, he knelt in doing so.
15. At the game of archery, the inferior carried
his four arrows in his hand. At that of throwing
darts, he carried the four together in his breast. If
he conquered, he washed the cup and gave it to the
other, asking him to drink. If he were defeated, the
elder went through the same process with him. They
* It might be dirty, having been used to sweep the ground.
72 THE Lf xt. BK. XV.
did not use the (large) horn; they did not remove
the (figure of a) horse (for marking the numbers)".
16. When holding the reins of the ruler's horses,
the driver knelt. He wore his sword on his right
side with his back to the best strap (for the ruler).
When handing this to him, he faced him and then
drew the strap towards the cross-bar. He used
the second or inferior strap to help himself in
mounting. He then took the reins in hand, and
began to move on,
17. One asked permission to appear at court, but
not to withdraw.
One was said to withdraw from court; to return
home from a feast or a ramble; to close the toils of
a campaign.
18. When sitting by a person of rank, if he began
to yawn and stretch himself, to turn round his
tablet, to play with the head of his sword, to move
his shoes about, or to ask about the time of day,
one might ask leave to retire.
19. For one who (wished to) serve his ruler, (the
rule was) first to measure (his abilities and duties),
and then enter (on the responsibilities); he did not
enter on these, and then measure those. There
was the same rule for all who begged or borrowed
from others, or sought to engage in their service.
In this. way superiors had no ground for offence,
and inferiors avoided all risk of guilt.
20. They did not spy into privacies nor form inti-
macies on matters aside from their proper business.
They did not speak of old affairs, nor wear an
appearance of being in sport.
1 See in Book XXXVII.
BK. XV. sHAo ἢ, 73
21. One in the position of a minister and inferior
might remonstrate (with his ruler), but not speak ill
of him; might withdraw (from the state), but not
(remain and) hate (its Head); might praise him,
but not flatter; might remonstrate, but not give
himself haughty airs (when his advice was followed).
(If the ruler were) idle and indifferent, he might arouse
and assist him; if (the government) were going to
wreck, he might sweep it away, and institute a new
one. Such a minister would be pronounced as
doing service for the altars (of the state).
22. Do not commence or abandon anything
hastily. Do not take liberties with or weary
spiritual Beings. Do not try to defend or cover
over what was wrong in the past, or to fathom what
has not yet arrived. A scholar should constantly
pursue what is virtuous, and amuse himself with
the accomplishments.
A workman should follow the rules (of his art),
and amuse himself with the discussion (of their
application). One should not think about the clothes
and elegant articles (of others), nor try to make
good in himself what is doubtful in words (which
he has heard) 1,
23. The style prized in conversation required
that it should be grave and distinct. The demean-
our prized in the court required that it should be
* These cautions are expressed enigmatically in the text. The
expurgated edition gives only the third and fourth, which P. Callery
translates thus:—‘ L’homme de lettres s’applique ἃ la vertu par-
dessus tout, et ne s’adonne que d’une facon secondaire ἃ la culture
des arts libéraux, semblable en cela ἃ J’ouvrier qui suit d’abord les
procédés fondamentaux de son art, et ne discute qu ΡΠ les
changements ἃ introduire dans leur application.’
74 THE Lf gf. BK. Xv.
well regulated and urbane; that at sacrifices was to
be grave, with an appearance of anxiety. The horses
of the chariot were to be well-paced and matched.
The beauty of their bells was that they intimated
dignity and harmony 1,
24. To a question about the age of a ruler’s
son, if he were grown up, it was said, ‘ He is able to
attend to the business of the altars.’ If he were
still young, it was said, ‘He is able to drive,’ or
‘He is not yet able ἴο ἀγίνε. To the same question
about a Great officer's son, if he were grown
up, it was said, ‘He is able to take his part in
music ;’ if still young, it was said, ‘He is able to
take lessons from the music-master,’ or ‘ He is not
yet able to do so.” To the same question about the
son of an ordinary officer, if he were grown up, it
was said, ‘ He is able to guide the plough;’ if he
were still young, it was said, ‘He is able to carry
firewood,’ or ‘ He is not yet able to do so *.’
25. When carrying a symbol of jade, a tortoise-
shell, or the divining stalks, one did not walk
hastily. Nor did he do so in the raised hall, or
on a city wall, In a war chariot he did not bow
forward to the cross-bar. A man in his mail did
not try to bow ὃ.
26. A wife, on festive occasions, even though it
were on receiving a gift from the ruler, (only) made
1 This paragraph is in the expurgated edition, in the com-
mentary to which, however, the whole is understood with reference
to the heir-son of the kingdom or a state; and P. Callery translates
accordingly :—‘ (L’héritier présomptif du tr6ne) doit avoir,’ &c.
3 Compare vol. xxvii, page 115, paragraph 4.
* Compare vol. xxvii, page 72, paragraph 30; page 96, para-
graph 39; et al
BK. XV. sHAo ἢ. 75
a curtsy', When seated as a personatrix (of the
deceased grandmother of her husband), she did not
bow with her head to her hands, but made the
curtsy*. When presiding at the mourning rites,
she did not bow with her head to her hands lowered
to the ground.
27. (After the sacrifice of repose), her head-band
was of dolychos cloth, and her girdle of hempen.
28. When taking meat from a stand or putting
meat on it, they did not kneel.
29. An empty vessel was carried (with the same
care) as a full one, and an empty apartment entered
(with the same reverence) as if there were people
in it.
30. At all sacrifices, whether in the apartment or
in the hall, they did not have their feet bare. Ata
feast they might.
31. Till they had offered a portion in the temple,
they did not eat of a new crop.
32. In the case of a charioteer and the gentleman
whom he was driving, when the latter mounted or
descended, the other handed him the strap. When
the driver first mounted, he bowed towards the
cross-bar. When the gentleman descended to walk,
(he also descended), but (immediately) returned to
the carriage and stood.
33. The riders in an attendant carriage (to court
or temple), bowed forward to the bar, but not if it
were to battle or hunt. Of such attendant carriages,
the ruler of a state had seven; a Great officer of
1 In Chinese fashion, an inclination of the head towards the
hands.
* Some interpret this as saying that she did not even make the
curtsy.
76 THE Lf xt. BK. XV.
the highest grade, five; and one of the lowest
grade, three 1,
34. People did not speak of the age of the
horses or of the carriages of those who pos
sessed such attendant carriages; nor did they put
a value on the dress, or sword, or horses of a aoe
man whom they saw before them.
35. In giving (to an inferior) or offering to a
superior, four pots of spirits, a bundle of dried
meat, and a dog, (the messenger) put down the
liquor, and carried (only) the dried meat in his
hand, when discharging his commission, but he also
said that he was the bearer of four pots of spirits,
a bundle of dried meat, and a dog. In presenting
a tripod of flesh, he carried (one piece) in his hand.
In presenting birds, if there were more than a
couple, he carried a couple in his hand, leaving the
others outside.
36. The dog was held by a rope. A watch dog
or a hunting dog was given to the officer who was
the medium of communication ; and on receiving it,
he asked its name. An ox was held by the tether,
and a horse by the bridle. They were both kept
on the right of him who led them; but a prisoner
or captive, who was being presented, was kept on
the left.
37. In presenting a carriage, the strap was taken
off and carried in the hand of the messenger. In
presenting a coat of mail, if there were other things
to be carried before it, the messenger bore them.
If there were no such things, he took offits covering,
and bore the helmet in his hands. In the case of a
1 Compare vol. xxvii, page 125, paragraph 4.
ae τ-
ΒΚ. XV. 5ηΆ0 f. 77
vessel, he carried its cover. In the case of a
bow, with his left hand he stript off the case, and
took hold of the middle of the back. In the case
of a sword, he opened the cover of its case, and placed
it underneath. Then he put into the case a silken
cloth, on which he placed the sword.
38. Official tablets; writings; stalks of dried
flesh; parcels wrapped in reeds; bows ; cushions ;
mats ; pillows; stools; spikes; staffs; lutes, large
and small; sharp-edged lances in sheaths; divining
stalks ; and flutes :—these all were borne with the
left hand upwards, Of sharp-pointed weapons, the
point was kept behind, and the ring presented; of
sharp-edged weapons, the handle was presented. In
the case of all sharp-pointed andsharp-edged weapons,
the point was turned away in handing them to others.
39. When leaving the city, in mounting a war-
chariot, the weapon was carried with the point in
front ; when returning and entering it again, the
end. The left was the place for the general and
officers of an army; the right, for the soldiers.
40. For visitors and guests the principal thing
was a courteous humility; at sacrifices, reverence ;
at mourning rites, sorrow; at meetings and re-
unions, an active interest. In the operations of
war, the dangers had to be thought of. One con-
cealed his own feelings in order to judge the better
of those of others.
41. When feasting with a man of superior rank
and character, the guest first tasted the dishes and
then stopt. He should not bolt the food, nor
swill down the liquor. He should take small and
frequent mouthfuls. While chewing quickly, he
did not make faces with his mouth, When he
78 THE Lf Kf. BK, Xv.
proceeded to remove the dishes, and the host
declined that service from him, he stopt?.
42. The cup with which the guest was pledged
was placed on the left; those which had been
drunk (by the others) on the right. Those of the
guest's attendant, of the host himself, and of the
host's assistant;—these all were placed on the
right *.
43. In putting down a boiled fish to* be eaten,
the tail was laid in front. In winter it was placed
with the fat belly on the right; in summer with
the back. The slices offered in sacrifice (to the
father of the fish-diet were thus more easily cut ὃ.
44. All condiments were taken up with the right
(hand), and were therefore placed on the left.
45. He who received the presents offered (to the
ruler) was on his left; he who transmitted his
words, on the right.
46. A cup was poured out for the driver of a
personator of the dead as for the driver of the ruler.
In the carriage, and holding the reins in his left
hand, he received the cup with his right; offered
a little in sacrifice at the end of the axle and cross-
* Compare vol. xxvii, pages 80, 81, paragraphs 54, 57, et al
The writer passes in this paragraph from the indicative to the
imperative mood.
3 The guest sat facing the south, so that the east and west were
on his left and right respectively. The cups were set where they
could be taken up and put down most conveniently.
* The fish, as a sacrificial offering and on great occasions, was
placed lengthways on the stand. As placed in this paragraph, it
was more convenient for the guest. It may be correct that the
belly is the best part of a fish in winter, and the back in summer.
Let gastronomers and those who are fond of pisciculture decide
and explain the point.
ΒΚ. XV. sHAO f. 79
bar on the right and left (to the father of charioteer-
ing), and then drank off the cup.
47. Of all viands which were placed on the stands,
the offering was put down inside the stand.
A gentleman did not eat the entrails of grain-fed
animals 1,
A boy?® ran, but did not walk quickly with
measured steps. When he took up his cup,
he knelt in offering (some of the contents) ‘in
sacrifice, and then stood up and drank (the rest).
Before rinsing a cup, they washed their hands,
In separating the lungs of oxen and sheep, they
did not cut out the central portion of them*; when
viands were served up with sauce, they did not add
condiments to it.
In selecting an onion or scallion for a gentle-
man, they cut off both the root and top.
When the head was presented among the viands,
the snout was put forward, to be used as the
offering.
48. He who set forth the jugs considered the left
of the cup-bearer to be the place for the topmost
one. The jugs and jars were placed with their
spouts towards the arranger.
The drinkers at the ceremonies of washing the
head and cupping, in presence of the stand with
the divided victims on it, did not kneel. Before the
common cup had gone round, they did not taste the
viands.
? Dogs (bred to be eaten) and pigs, The reason for not eating
their entrails can hardly be stated.
* A waiting-boy.
3 That it might easily be taken in hand and put down as an
offering of thanksgiving.
8ο THE Li xf. BK. XV.
49. The flesh of oxen, sheep, and fish was cut
small, and made into mince. That of elks and
deer was pickled; that of the wild pig was hashed :—
these were all sliced, but not cut small. The flesh
of the muntjac was alone pickled, and that of fowls
and hares, being sliced and cut small. Onions and
shalots were sliced, and added to the brine to soften
the meat.
50. When the pieces of the divided body were on
the stand, in taking one of them to offer and in return-
ing it', they did not kneel. So it was when they
made an offering of roast meat. If the offerer,
however, were a personator of the dead, he knelt.
51. When a man had his robes on his person,
and did not know their names (or the meaning of
their names), he was ignorant indeed.
52. If one came late and yet arrived before the
torches were lighted, it was announced to him that
the guests were all there, and who they were. The
same things were intimated to a blind musician by
the one who bid him. At a drinking entertainment,
when the host carried a light, or bore a torch before
them, the guests rise and decline the honour done
to them. On this he gave the torch to a torch-
bearer, who did not move from his place, nor say a
word, nor sing 3.
53. When one was carrying in water or liquor
and food to a superior or elder, the rule was not to
1 The lungs.
*In the 80 Aw4n we have many accounts of these entertain-
ments. The singing was almost always of a few lines from one of
the pieces of the Shih King, expressing a sentiment appropriate
to the occasion. The custom was like our after-dinner speeches
and toasts,
BK. XV. sHAo f. 81
breathe on it; and if a question was asked, to turn
the mouth on one side.
54. When one conducted sacrifice for another,
(and was sending to others the flesh of the victim),
the message was, ‘ Herewith (the flesh of) blessing.’
When sending of the flesh of his own sacrifice
to a superior man, the party simply announced
what it was.
If it were flesh of the sacrifice on placing the
tablet of the deceased in the temple, or at the close
of the first year’s mourning, the fact was announced.
The principal mourner spread out the portions,
and gave them to his messenger on the south of
the eastern steps, bowing twice, and laying his head
to the ground as he sent him away; when he
returned and reported the execution of his com-
mission, the mourner again bowed twice and laid
his head to the ground.
If the sacrifice were a great one, consisting of the
three victims, then the portion sent was the left
quarter of the ox, divided into nine pieces from the
shoulder. If the sacrifice were the smaller, the
portion sent was the left quarter, divided into seven
pieces. If there were but a single pig, the portion
was the left quarter, divided into five portions.
55. When the revenues of a state were at a low
ebb, the carriages were not carved and painted;
the buff-coats were not adorned with ribbons and
cords; and the dishes were not carved; the su-
perior man did not wear shoes of silk; and horses
were not regularly supplied with grain.
[28] α
Ν
Noy .
oo Pane oN
a, ee
aS te
BOOK XVI. HSIO xt
OR
RECORD ON THE SUBJECT OF EDUCATION}.
1. When a ruler is concerned that his measures
should be in accordance with law, and seeks for the
(assistance of the) good and upright, this is suf-
ficient to secure him a considerable reputation, but
not to move the multitudes.
When he cultivates the society of the worthy, and
tries to embody the views of those who are remote
(from the court), this is sufficient to move the multi-
tudes, but not to transform the people.
If he wish to transform the people and to perfect
their manners and customs, must he not start from
the lessons of the school?
2. The jade uncut will not form a vessel for use;
and if men do not learn, they do not know the way
(in which they should go). On this account the
ancient kings, when establishing states and govern-
ing the people, made instruction and schools a
primary object ;—as it is said in the Charge to
Yiieh, ‘The thoughts from first to last should be
fixed on learning 2’
3. However fine the viands be, if one do not eat,
he does not know their taste; however perfect the
course may be, if one do not learn it, he does not
know its goodness. Therefore when he learns, one
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 32.
? Vol. iii, page 117.
ΒΚ. XVI. HSIO xf: 83
knows his own deficiencies; when he teaches, he
knows the difficulties of learning. After he knows
his deficiencies, one is able to turn round and
examine himself; after he knows the difficulties, he
is able to stimulate himself to effort. Hence it is
said, ‘Teaching and learning help each other ;’ as
it is said in the Charge to Yiieh, ‘Teaching is the
half of learning 1’
4. According to the system of ancient teaching,
for the families of (a hamlet) * there was the village
school; for a neighbourhood? there was the hsiang;
for the larger districts there was the hsii; and in
the capitals there was the college.
5. Every year some entered the college, and
every second year there was a comparative examina-
tion. In the first year it was seen whether they
could read the texts intelligently, and what was the
meaning of each; in the third year, whether they
were reverently attentive to their work, and what
companionship was most pleasant to them; in the
fifth year, how they extended their studies ἀπά"
sought the company of their teachers; in the seventh
year, how they could discuss the subjects of their
studies and select their friends. They were now
said to have made some small attainments. In the
ninth year, when they knew the different classes of
subjects and had gained a general intelligence, were
firmly established and would not fall back, they
1 Vol. iii, page 117.
? The hamlet was supposed to contain twenty-five families; the
neighbourhood 500; and the district 2,500. For the four insti-
tutions, P. Callery adopts the names of school, college, academy,
and university. It would be tedious to give the various explanations
of the names Hsiang and Hsia.
G2
84 THE Lf xt. BK. XVI.
were Said to have made grand attainments. After
this the training was sufficient to transform the
people, and to change (anything bad in) manners
and customs. Those who lived near at hand sub-
mitted with delight, and those who were far off
thought (of the teaching) with longing desire.
Such was the method of the Great learning; as is
said in the Record, ‘The little ant continually
exercises the art (of amassing)}.’ ᾿
6. At the commencement of the teaching in the
Great college, (the masters) in their skin caps pre-
sented the offerings of vegetables (to the ancient
sages), to show their pupils the principle of rever-
ence for them; and made them sing (at the same
time) the: (first) three pieces of the Minor Odes of -
the Kingdom, as their first lesson in the duties of
officers*. When they entered the college, the drum
was beaten and the satchels were produced, that
they might begin their work reverently. The cane
and the thorns*® were there to secure in them -
-a proper awe. It was not till the time for the
summer sacrifice * was divined for, that the testing
examination was held ;—to give composure to their
minds. They were continually under inspection, |
but not spoken to,—to keep their minds undisturbed.
They listened, but they did not ask questions ; and _
1 See the note of Callery in loc. The quotation is from some
old Record ; it is not known what.
* The three pieces were the Lfi Ming, the 3ze MA&u, and the
Hwang-hwang Ké hw, the first three pieces in the first decade
of the Shih, Part II; showing the harmony and earnestness of
officers.
8. Callery calls these ‘la latte et la baguette.’
4“ Khung Ying-t4 thought this was the quinquennial sacrifice.
See the Khien-lung editors on the point. Ὁ
BK. XVI. HSIO Kf. 85
they could not transgress the order of study (im-
posed on them). These seven things were the
chief regulations in the teaching. As it is expressed
in the Record, ‘In all learning, for him who would
be an officer the first thing is (the knowledge of)
business ; for scholars the first thing is the directing
of the mind.’
7. In the system of teaching at the Great college,
every season had its appropriate subject; and
when the pupils withdrew and gave up their lessons
(for the day), they were required to continue their
study at home.
8. If a student do not learn (at college) to play in
tune, he cannot quietly enjoy his lutes; if he do not
learn extensively the figures of poetry, he cannot
quietly enjoy the odes; if he do not learn the varieties
of dress, he cannot quietly take part in the different
ceremonies; if he do not acquire the various accom-
plishments, he cannot take delight in learning.
9. Therefore a student of talents and virtue
pursues his studies, withdrawn in college from all
besides, and devoted to their cultivation, or occu-
pied with them when retired from it, and enjoying
himself. Having attained to this, he rests quietly
in his studies and seeks the company of his teachers;
he finds pleasure in his friends, and has all con-
fidence in their course. Although he should be
separated from his teachers and helpers, he will not
act contrary to the course ;—as it is said in the
Charge to Yiieh, ‘ Maintain a reverent humility, and
strive to be constantly earnest. In such a case the
cultivation will surely come’.
1 Vol. iii, p. 117. But the quotation is a little different from
the text of the Shi.
86 THE Li xt. BK. XVI.
10. According to the system of teaching now-a-
days, (the masters) hum over the tablets which they
see before them, multiplying their questions. They
speak of the learners’ making rapid advances, and
pay no regard to their reposing (in what they
have acquired). In what they lay on their learners
they are not sincere, nor do they put forth all their
ability in teaching them. What they inculcate is
contrary to what is right, and the learners are dis-
appointed in what they seek for. In such a case,
the latter are distressed by their studies and hate
their masters; they are embittered by the diffi-
culties, and do not find any advantage from their
(labour). They may seem to finish their work, but
they quickly give up its lessons. That no results
are seen from their instructions :—is it not owing to
these defects ?
11. The rules aimed at in the Great college
were the prevention of evil before it was manifested;
the timeliness of instruction just when it was re-
quired; the suitability of the lessons in adaptation
to circumstances ; and the good influence of example
to parties observing one another. It was from
these four things that the teaching was so effectual
and flourishing.
12. Prohibition of evil after it has been mani-
fested meets with opposition, and is not successful.
Instruction given after the time for it is past is done
with toil, and carried out with difficulty. The com-
munication of lessons in an undiscriminating manner
and without suitability produces injury and disorder,
and fails in its object. Learning alone and without
friends makes one feel solitary and uncultivated,
with but little information. Friendships of festivity
~
BK. XVI. HSIO xt. 87
lead to opposition to one’s master. Friendships with
the dissolute lead to the neglect of one’s learning.
These six things all tend to make teaching vain.
13. When a superior man knows the causes
which make instruction successful, and those which
make it of no effect, he can become a teacher of
others. Thus in his teaching, he leads and does
not drag ; he strengthens and does not discourage ;
he opens the way but does not conduct to the end
(without the learner's own efforts). Leading and
not dragging produces harmony. Strengthening and
not discouraging makes attainment easy. Opening
the way and not conducting to the end makes (the
learner) thoughtful. He who produces such har-
mony, easy attainment, and thoughtfulness may be
pronounced a skilful teacher.
14. Among learners there are four defects with
which the teacher must make himself acquainted.
Some err in the multitude of their studies; some,
in their fewness ; some, in the feeling of ease (with
which they proceed); and some, in the readiness
with which they stop. These four defects arise
from the difference of their minds. When a teacher
knows the character of his mind, he can save the
learner from the defect to which he is liable. Teach-
ing should be directed to developé that in which
v \
the pupil excels, and correct the defects to which he |
is prone.
15. The good singer makes men (able) to continue
his notes, and (so) the good teacher makes them
able to carry out his ideas. His words are brief, but
far-reaching; unpretentious, but deep; with few
illustrations, but instructive. In this way he may
be said to perpetuate his ideas.
ΕΣ
88 THE Lf xt. BK, XVI.
16. When a man of talents and virtue knows the
difficulty (on the one hand) and the facility (on the
other) in the attainment of learning, and knows
(also) the good and the bad qualities (of his pupils),
he can vary his methods of teaching. When he can
vary his methods of teaching, he can be a master
indeed. When he can be a teacher indeed, he can
be the Head (of an official department). When
he can be such a Head, he can be the.Ruler (of
a state). Hence it is from the teacher indeed
that one learns to be a ruler, and the choice of a
teacher demands the greatest care; as it is said in
the Record, ‘ The three kings and the four dynasties
were what they were by their teachers!
17. In pursuing the course of learning, the diffi-
culty is in securing the proper reverence for the
master. When that is done, the course (which he
inculcates) is regarded with honour. When that is
done, the people know how to respect learning.
Thus it is that there are two among his subjects
whom the ruler does not treat as subjects. When
one is personating (his ancestor), he does not treat
him as such, nor does he treat his master as such.
According to the rules of the Great college, the
master, though communicating anything to the son of
Heaven, did not stand with his face to the north.
This was the way in which honour was done to him.
1 ©The three kings’ are of course the Great Yi, founder of the
Hsia dynasty; Thang the Successful, founder of the Shang; and
Wan and Wa, considered as one, founders of Kau. The four
dynasties is an unusual expression, though we shall meet with it
again, as we have met with it already. They are said to be those
of Yui (the dynasty of Shun), Hsia, Shang, and Kau. But how
then have we only ‘the three kings?’ I should rather take them
to be Hsia, Shang (considered as two, Shang and Yin), and Kau.
BK. XVI. HSIO Kf. 89
18. The skilful learner, while the master seems
indifferent, yet makes double the attainments of
another, and in the sequel ascribes the merit (to the
master). The unskilful learner, while the master is
diligent with him, yet makes (only) half the attain-
ments (of the former), and in the sequel is dissatis-
fied with the master. The skilful questioner is
like a workman addressing himself to deal with a
hard tree. First he attacks the easy parts, and
then the knotty. After a long time, the pupil and
master talk together, and the subject is explained.
The unskilful questioner takes the opposite course.
The master who skilfully waits to be questioned,
may be compared to a bell when it is struck.
Struck with a small hammer, it gives a small sound.
Struck with a great one, it gives a great sound.
But let it be struck leisurely and properly, and it
gives out all the sound of which it is capable’. He
who is not skilful in replying to questions is the
opposite of this. This all describes the method of
making progress in learning.
19. He who gives (only) the learning supplied ὃν
ΠΡ Callery makes this sentence refer to the master, and not to
the bell, and translates it:—‘ (Mais quelle que soit la nature des
questions qu’on lui adresse, le maftre) attend que |'éléve ait fait
ἃ loisir toutes ses demandes, pour y faire ensuite une réponse
compléte.’ He appends a note on the difficulty of the passage,
saying in conclusion that the translation which he has adopted was
suggested by a citation of the passage in the Pei-win Yun-f(
(fal ἃ ΝΆ Fy): where there is a different reading of (i),
‘instruction,’ for (iP). ‘sound.’ I have not been able to find the
citation in the great Thesaurus, to which he refers. Yen Yilan does
not mention "We different reading in his examination of the text
(Ξ ΕΞ ja Ἐξ αὶ , chapter 917); and I do not see any reason for
altering the translation which I first made.
go THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XVI.
his memory in conversations is not fit to be a
master. Is it not necessary that he should hear the
᾿ questions (of his pupils)? Yes, but if they are not
able to put questions, he should put subjects before
them. If he do so, and then they do not show any
knowledge of the subjects, he may let them alone.
20. The son of a good founder is sure to learn
how to make a fur-robe. The son of a good maker
of bows is sure to learn how to make a sieve.
Those who first yoke a (young) horse place it
behind, with the carriage going on in front of it.
The superior man who examines these cases can by
them instruct himself in (the method of) learning ".
21. The ancients in prosecuting their learning
compared different things and traced the analogies
between them. The drum has no special relation
to any of the musical notes; but without it they
cannot be harmonised. Water has no particular
relation to any of the five colours; but without it
they cannot be displayed?. Learning has no par-
ticular relation to any of the five senses ; but without
it they cannot be regulated. A teacher has no
' The Khien-lung editors say that this paragraph is intended to
show that the course of learning must proceed gradually. So far is
clear; but the illustrations employed and their application to the
subject in hand are not readily understood. In his fifth Book
(towards the end), Lieh-3ze gives the first two illustrations as from
an old poem, but rather differently from the text :—‘ The son of a
good maker of bows must first learn to make a sieve ; and the’son
of a good potter must first learn to make a fur-robe.’ In this form
they would more suitably have their place in paragraph 18.
* That is, in painting. The Chinese only paint in water colours.
‘ Water itself,’ says Khung Ying-ta, ‘has no colour, but the paint
requires to be laid on with water, in order to its display.’ I cannot
follow the text so easily in what it says on the other illustrations.
ΒΚ. XVI. HSIO Kt. gl
special relation to the five degrees of mourning;
but without his help they cannot be worn as they
ought to be.
22. A wise man has said, ‘The Great virtue need
not be confined to one office; Great power of
method need not be restricted to the production
of one article; Great truth need not be limited to
the confirmation of oaths; Great seasonableness
accomplishes all things, and each in its proper time.’
By examining these four cases, we are taught to
direct our aims to what is fundamental.
When the three sovereigns sacrificed to the
waters, they did so first to the rivers and then to
the seas; first to the source and then to its result.
This was what is called ‘Paying attention to the
root.’
‘BOOK XVII. YO αἱ
OR
RECORD OF MUSIC?
‘Section I,
1. All the modulations of the voice arise from the
mind, and the various affections of the mind are pro-
duced by things (external to it). .The affections thus
produced .are manifested in the sounds that are
uttered. Changes are produced by the way in which
those sounds respond to one another; and those
changes constitute what we call the modulations of
the voice. The combination of those modulated
sounds, so as to give pleasure, and the (direction in
harmony with them of the) shields and axes’, and of
the plumes and ox-tails?, constitutes what we call
music.
2. Music is (thus) the production of the modula-
tions of the voice, and its source is in the affections
of the mind as it is influenced by (external) things.
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 32-34.
3 There was a pantomimic exhibition of scenes of war, in which
the performers brandished shields and axes; and another of scenes
of peace, in which they waved plumes and ox-tails. What I have
rendered by ‘the modulations of the voice’ is in the text the one
Chinese character yin (2), for which Callery gives ‘air musical,’
and which Kang Hstan ὁ explains as meaning ‘the five full notes
of the scale.” See the long note of Callery prefixed to this record,
concluding :—‘ La musique Chinoise, telle que ]’ont entendue les
anciens, avait tous les caractéres d’une représentation théatrale
ayant pour but de parler tout ἃ a fois aux yeux, aux oreilles,
_ ἃ Pesprit, et au coeur.’
SECT. I. yo xt. 93
When the mind is moved to sorrow, the sound is
sharp and fading away; when it is moved to pleasure,
the sound is slow and gentle; when it is moved to
joy, the sound is exclamatory and soon disappears ;
when it is moved to anger, the sound is coarse and
fierce ; when it is moved to reverence, the sound is
straightforward, with an indication of humility ; when
it is moved to love, the sound is harmonious and
soft. These six peculiarities of sound are not natural’;
they indicate the impressions produced by (external)
things. On this account the ancient kings were”
watchful in regard to the things by which the mind
was affected.
3. And so (they instituted) ceremonies to direct
men’s aims aright; music to give harmony to their Ὁ
voices ; laws to unify their conduct; and punishments —
to guard against their tendencies to evil. The end
to which ceremonies, music, punishments, and laws ©
conduct is one; they are the instruments by which '
the minds of the people are assimilated, and good j
order in government is made to appear. πὸ
4. All modulations of the voice spring from the
minds of men. When the feelings are moved within,
they are manifested in the sounds of the voice ; and
when those sounds are combined so as to form com-
positions, we have what are called airs. Hence, the
airs of an age of good ς order indicate composure and
enjoyment; The airs of an age ‘of disorder indicate
dissatisfaction and anger, and its government is per-
1 Or, ‘are not the nature;’ that is, the voice does not naturally,
when the mind is not moved, from without itself, give such peculiar
expressions of feeling. What belongs to man by his nature is
simply the faculty of articulate speech, slumbering until he is
awakened by his sensations and perceptions.
94 THE Lf xf. BK. XVII.
versely bad. The airs of a state going to ruin are
expressive of sorrow and (troubled) thoughts, ’ There
is an interaction between the words and airs (of the
people) and the character of their government.
5. (The note) kung represents the ruler; shang,
the ministers; Zio, the people; &ih, affairs; and
yii, things. If there be no disorder or irregularity
in these five notes, there will be no want of harmony
in the state. If kung be irregular, (the air) is wild
and broken; the ruler of the state is haughty. If
shang be irregular, (the air) is jerky; the offices of
the state are decayed. If £io be irregular, (the air)
expresses anxiety; the people are dissatisfied. If
ih be irregular, (the air) expresses sorrow ; affairs
are strained. If yii be irregular, (the air) is ex-
pressive of impending ruin; the resources (of the
state) are exhausted. If the five notes are all irre-
gular, and injuriously interfere with one another,
they indicate a state of insolent disorder ; and the
state where this is the case will at no distant day
meet with extinction and ruin}.
6. The airs of Kang? and Wei were those of an
age of disorder, showing that those states were near
such an abandoned condition. The airs near the
river Pd, at the mulberry forest, were those of a
state going to ruin’. The government (of Wei) was
in a state of dissipation, and the people were unset-
tled, calumniating their superiors, and pursuing their
private aims beyond the possibility of restraint.
1 On those notes, see Chinese Classics, vol. iii, page 48.
2 See Confucian Analects, XV, 10, 6.
8 This place was in the state of Wei. See the ridiculous incident
which gave rise to this account of the airs in Sze-m& Ahien’s mono-
graph on music, pages 13, 14.
ΕΣ
SECT. I. yo xt. 95
7. All modulations of sound take their rise from
the mind of man; and music is the intercommunica-
tion of them in their relations and differences. Hence,
even beasts know sound, but not its modulations ;
and the masses of the common peoplé know the
modulations, but they do not know music. It is only
the superior man who can (really) know music.
8. On this account we must discriminate sounds in
order to know the airs; the airs in order to know the
music ; and the music in order to know (the character
of) the government. Having attained to this, we
are fully provided with the methods of good order.
Hence with him who does not know the sounds we
cannot speak about the airs, and with him who does
not know the airs we cannot speak about the music.
The knowledge of music leads to the subtle springs
that underlie the rules of ceremony. He who has
apprehended both ceremonies and music may be
pronounced to be a possessor of virtue. Virtue means |
realisation (in one’s self)". Ε
9. Hence the greatest achievements of music were
not in the perfection of the airs; the (efficacy) of the
ceremonies in the sacrificial offerings was not in the
exquisiteness of the flavours. In the lutes for the
Khing Mido the strings were of red (boiled) silk,
and the holes were wide apart; one lute began, and
1 Virtue (8) and getting or realising (43) have the same name
or pronunciation (teh) in Chinese. This concluding sentence, as
Callery points out, is only a sort of pun on that common name.
And yet ‘virtue’ is the ‘realisation’ in one’s self ‘of what is good.’
The next paragraph expands the writer’s thought. The greatest
achievement of music in its ancient perfection was the softening
and refining of the character, and that of the services of the temple
was the making men reverent, filial, and brotherly.
Γ
96 THE Lf xt. BK. XVII.
(only) three others joined it ; there was much melody
_ not brought out. In the ceremonies of the great
sacrifices, the dark-coloured liquor took precedence,
and on the stands were uncooked fish, while the
grand soup had no condiments: there was much
flavour left undeveloped.
10. Thus we see that the ancient kings, in their
institution of ceremonies and music, did not seek
how fully they could satisfy the desires of the appe-
tite and of the ears and eyes; but they intended to
teach the people to regulate their likings and
dislikings, and to bring them back to the normal
_course of humanity. τὶ
11. It belongs to the nature of man, as from
Heaven, to be still-at his birth. His activity shows °
' itself as he is acted on by external things, and
developes the desires incident to his nature. Things
come to him more and more, and his knowledge is
increased. Then arise the manifestations of liking
and disliking. When these are not regulated by
anything within, and growing knowledge leads more
astray without, he cannot come back to himself, and ©
his Heavenly principle is extinguished. |
12. Now there is no end of the things by which
man is affected; and when his likings and dislikings
are not subject to regulation (from within), he is
changed into the nature of things as they come before
him ; that is, he stifles the voice of Heavenly prin-
. ciple within, and gives the utmost indulgence to the ,
desires by which men may be possessed. /On this we
have the rebellious and deceitful heart, with licentious
and violent disorder. The strong press upon the
weak ; the many are cruel to the few; the knowing
impose upon the dull; the bold make it bitter for
SECT. 1. yo xf. 97
the timid; the diseased are not nursed; the old and
young, orphans and solitaries are neglected :—such
is the great disorder that ensues.
13. Therefore the ancient kings, when they insti-
tuted their ceremonies and music, regulated them by
consideration of the requirements of humanity. By
the sackcloth worn for parents, the wailings, and the
weepings, they defined the terms of the mourning
rites. By the bells, drums, shields, and axes, they
introduced harmony into their seasons of rest and
enjoyment. By marriage, capping, and the assump-
tion of the hair-pin, they maintained the separation
that should exist between male and female. By the
archery gatherings in the districts, and the feastings
at the meetings of princes, they provided for the
correct maintenance of friendly intercourse.
14. Ceremonies afforded the defined expression
for the (affections of the) people’s minds; music
secured the harmonious utterance of their voices ;
the laws of government were designed to promote
the performance (of the ceremonies and music);
and punishments, to guard against the violation of
them. When ceremonies, music, laws, and punish-
ments had everywhere full course, without irregu-
larity or collision, the method of kingly rule was
.complete?.
1 With this paragraph ends the first portion of the treatise on
music, called Yo Pan , or ‘Fundamental Principles in
Music.’ The Xhien-lung editors divide it into four chapters :—the
first setting forth that music takes its character as good or bad
‘from the mind of man, as affected by what is external to it; the
second, that the character of the external things affecting the mind
is determined by government as good or bad; the third, that the
ceremonies and music of the ancient kings were designed to
[23] If
So
98 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XVII.
15. Similarity and union are the aim of music;
difference and distinction, that of ceremony. From
union comes mutual affection; from difference, mutual
respect. , Where music prevails, we find a weak
coalescence ; where ceremony prevails, a tendency to
separation. | It is the business of the two to blend
people’s feelings and give elegance to their outward
manifestations.
16. Through the perception of right produced by
ceremony, came the degrees of the noble and the
mean; through the union of culture arising from
music, harmony between high and low. By the ex-
hibition of what was to be liked and what was to be
disliked, a distinction was made between the worthy
and unworthy. When violence was prevented by
punishments, and the worthy were raised to rank,
the operation of government was made impartial.
Then came benevolence in the love (of the people),
and righteousness in the correction (of their errors) ;
and in this way good government held its course.
_17. Music comes from within, and ceremonies from
without. Music, coming from within, produces the
stillness (of the mind); ceremonies, coming from
without, produce the elegancies (of manner). \: The
_ highest style of music is sure to be distinguished by
its ease; the highest style of elegance, by its un-
demonstrativeness. -
18. Let music attain its full results, and there
would be no dissatisfactions (in the mind); let cere-
mony do so, and there would be no quarrels. When
regulate the minds of men in their likings and dislikings; and the
fourth, that that regulation was in harmony with the will of Heaven,
as indicated in the nature of man,
SECT. I. yo xt. 99
bowings and courtesies marked the government of
the kingdom, there would be what might be described
as music and ceremony indeed. Violent oppression
of the people would not arise; the princes would
appear submissively at court as guests; there would
be no occasion for the weapons of war, and no em-
ployment of the five punishments!; the common
people would have no distresses, and the son of
Heaven no need to be angry :—such a state of things
would be an universal music. When the son of
Heaven could secure affection between father and
son, could illustrate the orderly relation between old
and young, and make mutual respect prevail all
within the four seas, then indeed would ceremony (be
seen) as power.
19. In music of the grandest style there is the
same harmony that prevails between heaven and
earth ; in ceremonies of the grandest form there is
the same graduation that exists between heaven and
earth. Through the harmony, things do not fail (to
fulfil their ends); through the graduation we have
the sacrifices to heaven and those to earth. In the
visible sphere there are ceremonies and music; in
the invisible, the spiritual agencies. These things
being so, in all within the four seas, there must be
mutual respect and love.
20. The occasions and forms of ceremonies are
different, but it is the same feeling of respect (which
they express), The styles of musical pieces are dif-
ferent, but it is the same feeling of love (which they
1 The ‘five punishments’ were branding on the forehead, cutting
off the nose, other various dismemberments, castration, and death ;
see Mayers’ ‘Chinese Readers’ Manual,’ page 313. But the one
word ‘ punishment’ would sufficiently express the writer’s meaning.
H 2
100 THE Lt xt. BK. XVII.
promote). The essential nature of ceremonies and
music being the same, the intelligent kings, one
after another, continued them as they found them.
The occasions and forms were according to the times
when they were made; the names agreed with the
ae which they commemorated.
. Hence the bell, the drum, the flute, and the
sae -stone; the plume, the fife, the shield, and
the axe are the instruments of music; the curvings
and stretchings (of the body), the bending down and
lifting up (of the head); and the evolutions and
numbers (of the performers), with the slowness or
rapidity {of their movements), are its elegant ac-
companiments. The dishes, round and square, the
stands, the standing dishes, the prescribed rules and
their elegant variations, are the instruments of cere-
‘monies ; the ascending and descending, the positions
high and low, the wheelings about, and the changing
of robes, are their elegant accompaniments.
22. Therefore they who knew the essential nature
of ceremonies and music could frame them; and
they who had learned their elegant accompaniments
could hand them down. The framers may be pro-
nounced sage; the transmitters, intelligent. Intelli-
gence and sagehood are other names for transmitting
and inventing.
. 23. Music is (an echo of) the harmony between
heaven and earth; ‘ceremonies reflect the orderly
distinctions (in the operations of) heaven and earth, \
From that harmony all things receive their being ;”
to those orderly distinctions they owe the differences
_ between them. . Music has its origin from heaven ;
‘ ceremonies take their form from the appearances of
earth. If the imitation of those appearances were
SECT. I. Yo xt. IOI
carried to excess, confusion (of ceremonies) would
appear; if the framing of music were carried to
excess, it would be too vehement. Let there be an
intelligent understanding of the nature and inter-
action of (heaven and earth), and there will be the
ability to practise well both ceremonies and music.
24. The blending together without any mutual
injuriousness (of the sentiments and the airs on the
different instruments) forms the essence of music;
and the exhilaration of joy and the glow of affection
are its business. fi Exactitude and correctness, without
any inflection or deviation, form the substance of
ceremonies, while gravity, respectfulness, and a
humble consideration are the rules for their dis- |
charge. ἢ
25. As to the employment of instruments of metal
and stone in connexion with these ceremonies and
this music, the manifestation of them by the voice
and its modulations, the use of them in the ancestral
temple, and at the altars to the spirits of the land
and grain, and in sacrificing to (the spirits of) the
hills and streams, and to the general spiritual agencies
(in nature) ;—these are (external demonstrations),
natural even to the people’.
26. When the (ancient) kings had accomplished
their undertakings, they made their music (to com-
memorate them); when they had established their
1 The eleven paragraphs ending with this ferm the second
chapter of the Book, called by Lift Hsiang Yo Lun ( ital)»
while the third chapter, extending to the end of the section, is called
Yo Li (3 Ἐ8), as if the two were an expansion of the statement
in the seventh paragraph, that music is ‘the intercommunication
of the modulated sounds and the mind in their relations and dif-
ferences.’
|
]
t
FO TES διυνδίο
102 THE Li xt. . ΒΚ, xvii.
government, they framed their ceremonies. The
excellence of their music was according to the great-
ness of their undertakings; and the completeness of
their ceremonies was according to the comprehen-
siveness of their government. The dances with
shields and axes did not belong to the most excellent
music}, nor did the sacrifices with cooked flesh mark
the highest ceremonies’.
27. The times of the five Tis were different, and
therefore they did not each adopt the music of his
predecessor. The three kings belonged to different
ages, and so they did not each follow the ceremonies
of his predecessor. Music carried to an extreme
degree leads to sorrow, and coarseness in cere-
monies indicates something one-sided. To make
the grandest music, which should bring with it no
element of sorrow, and frame the completest cere-
monies which yet should show no one-sidedness,
ould be the work only, of the great sage.
28. There are heaven above and earth below, and
between them are distributed all the (various) beings
with their different (natures and qualities) :—in ac-
cordance with this proceeded the framing of cere-
monies. (The influences of) heaven and earth flow
forth and never cease; and by their united action
(the phenomena of) production and change ensue :-—
in accordance with this music arose. The processes
of growth in spring, and of maturing in summer
(suggest the idea of) benevolence ; those of in-gather-
ing in autumn and of storing in winter, suggest
1 As being, I suppose, commemorative of the achievements of
war, and not the victories of peace ; and as marking a progress of
society, and a departure from the primitive era of innocent simpli-
city and reverence.
SECT. I. Yo xi, 103
SOS Ge RD eR ae ee pee a ee ποτοῦ
righteousness. [Benevolence is akin to music, and
righteousness to ceremonies. ;
29. Harmony is the thing principally sought in
music :—it therein follows heaven, and manifests the
spirit-like expansive influence characteristic of it.
Normal distinction is the thing aimed at in cere-
monies :—they therein follow earth, and exhibit the
spirit-like retractive influence characteristic of it.
Hence the sages made music in response to heaven,
and framed ceremonies in correspondence with earth.
In the wisdom and completeness of their ceremonies
‘and music we see the directing power of heaven and
earth},
30. (The relation) between ruler and minister was
determined from a consideration of heaven (conceived
of as) honourable, and earth (conceived of as) mean.
The positions of noble and mean were fixed with a
reference to the heights and depths displayed by the
surface (of the earth). The regularity with which
movement and repose follow each other (in the course
of nature) led to the consideration of affairs as small
1 On the first of these two paragraphs, P. Callery says :—‘The cele-
brated Encyclopzedist, Μὰ Twan-lin (Book 181), says that this passage
is one of the most marvellous that ever were written, and he draws
from it the proof that the work could not have been written later
than the Han, “because reckoning from that dynasty, there did
not appear any author capable of conceiving ideas so profound,
and expressing them in language so elevated.”’ P. Callery adds,
« As regards the origin of the Li Af, the reasoning of the Encyclo-
pedist appears to me passably (passablement) false; as to the
intrinsic worth of the passage, I leave it to the reader to form his
judgment from the translation, which I have endeavoured to render
as faithful as possible.’
In the passage of Ma Twan-lin, however, that author is simply
quoting the words of XQ Hsi (T4 Aw4n, Book 37), and expresses
no opinion of his own.
104 THE Lf xt, BE, XVII.
and great. The different quarters (of the heavens)
are grouped together, and the things (of the earth)
are distinguished by their separate characteristics ;
and this gave rise to (the conception of) natures and
their attributes and functions. In heaven there are
formed its visible signs, and earth produces its (end-
less variety of) things; and thus it was that cere-
monies were framed after the distinctions between
heaven and earth.
31. The breath (or influence) of earth ascends on
high, and that of heaven descends below. These in
their repressive and expansive powers come into
mutual contact, and heaven and earth act on each
other. (The susceptibilities of nature) are roused by
the thunder, excited by the wind and rain, moved by
the four seasons, and warmed by the sun and moon;
and all the processes of change and growth vigorously.
proceed. Thus it was that music was framed to
indicate the harmonious action of heaven and earth.
32. If these processes took place out of season,
there would be no (vigorous) life; and if no dis-
tinction were observed between males and females,
disorder would arise and grow :—such is the/nature ,
of the (different qualities of) heaven and earth>—-~~
23. When we think of ceremonies and music, how
they reach to the height of heaven and embrace the
earth ; how there are in them the phenomena of
retrogression and expansion, and a communication
with the spirit-like (operations of nature), we must
pronounce their height the highest, their reach the
farthest, their depth the most profound, and their
breadth the greatest.
~~ 34. Music appeared in the Grand Beginning (of all
things), and ceremonies had their place on the com-
SECT. 11. yo xt. 105
ee Se es ee ee Ὅτ, τὺ τς
/
f
\
pletion of them. | Their manifestation, being cease-
less, gives (the ‘idea of) heaven; and again, being
motionless, gives (the idea of) earth. Through the
movement and repose (of their interaction) come all
things between heaven and earth. Hence the sages
simply spoke of ceremonies and music.
Section II.
1. Anciently, Shun made the lute with five strings,
and used it in singing the Nan Fang. Khwei was
the first who composed (the pieces of) music to be
employed by the feudal lords as an expression of (the
royal) approbation of them’.
2. Thus the employment of music by the son of
Heaven was intended to reward the most virtuous
among the feudal lords. When their virtue was very
great, and their instructions were honoured, and all
the cereals ripened in their season, then they were
rewarded by (being permitted) the use of the music.
Hence, those of them whose toils in the government
of the people were conspicuous, had their rows of
pantomimes extended far; and those of them who
had been indifferent to the government of the people
1 Nan Fang, ‘the South wind,’ was the name of a poetical piece
made by Shun, and celebrating the beneficent influence of rulers
and parents as being like that of the south wind. Four lines of it
are found in the Narratives of the School (Article 35) :—
‘The south wind’s genial balm
Gives to my people’s sorrows ease;
Its breath amidst the season’s calm,
Brings to their wealth a large increase.’
The invention of the 44in or lute, here ascribed to Shun, is also
attributed to the more ancient Tis, Shan N&ng and Ff-hsf. Per-
haps Shun was the first to make it with five strings. Khwei was
his minister of music ; see vol. iii, pages 44, 45.
. 106 THE Li xf, ΒΚ. XVII.
had those rows made short. On seeing their panto-
mimes, one knew what was (the degree of) their
virtue, (just as) on hearing their posthumous designa-
tions, we know what had been (the character of) their
conduct.
3. The Ta Kang expressed the brilliance (of its
author’s virtue); the Hsien Xih, the completeness
(of its author’s); the Sh4o showed how (its author)
continued (the virtue of his predecessor); the H sia,
the greatness (of its author’s virtue) ; the music of
Yin and AAu embraced every admirable quality}.
4. In the interaction of heaven and earth, if cold
and heat do not come at the proper seasons, illnesses
arise (among the people); if wind and rain do not
come in their due proportions, famine ensues. The
instructions (of their superiors) are the people’s cold
and heat; if they are not what the time requires, an
injury is done to society. The affairs (of their supe-
riors) are the people’s wind and rain; if they are not
properly regulated, they have no success. In accord-
ance with this, the object of the ancient kings in their
practice of music was to bring their government into
harmony with those laws (of heaven and earth). If
it was good, then the conduct (of the people) was
like the virtue (of their superiors).
5. (The feast on) grain-fed animals, with the ad-
junct of drinking, was not intended to produce evil,
and yet cases of litigation are more numerous in
consequence of it :—it is the excessive drinking which
produces the evil. Therefore the former kings framed
1 Τὰ Kang was the name of Y4o’s music ; Hsien Xih, that of
Hwang Ti’s; Sh4o, that of Shun’s ; and Η 518, that of Yu’s. Pages
would be required to condense what is said about the pieces and
their names,
SECT. 11. yo xi. 107
the rules to regulate the drinking. Where there is
(but) one presentation of the cup (at one time), guest
and host may bow to each other a hundred times,
and drink together all the day without getting drunk.
This was the way in which those kings provided
against evil consequences.
Such feasts served for the enjoyment of the parties
at them. The music was intended to illustrate virtue ;
the ceremonies to restrain excess.
6. Hence the former kings, on occasions of great
sorrow, had their rules according to which they ex-
pressed their grief; and on occasions of great happi-
ness, they had their rules by which they expressed
their pleasure. The manifestations, whether of grief
or joy, were all bounded by the limits of these rules’.
7. In music the sages found pleasure, and (saw
that) it could be used to make the hearts of the
people good. Because of the deep influence which
it exerts on a man, and the change which it produces
in manners and customs, the ancient kings appointed
it as one of the subjects of instruction.
8. Now, in the nature of men there are both the
energy of their physical powers and the intelligence
of the mind; but for their (affections of) grief,
pleasure, joy, and anger there are no invariable rules.
They are moved according to the external objects
which excite them, and then there ensues the mani-
festation of the various faculties of the mind.
9. Hence, when a (ruler’s) aims are small, notes
1 With this paragraph ends the fourth division of the Book,
called Yo Shih ( 34 pit), meaning ‘ The grant of Music,’ or the
principles on which the ancient kings permitted their music to be
used by the feudal princes, to signify their approval of what was
good, and stimulate all to virtue.
108 THE Li gh BK. XVII.
that quickly die away characterise the music, and the
people’s thoughts are sad; when he is generous,
harmonious, and of a placid and easy temper, the
notes are varied and elegant, with frequent changes,
and the people are satisfied and pleased; when he
is coarse, violent, and excitable, the notes, vehement
at first and distinct in the end, are full and bold
throughout the piece, and the people are resolute
and daring; when he is pure and straightforward,
strong and correct, the notes are grave and expressive
of sincerity, and the people are self-controlled and
respectful; when he is magnanimous, placid, and
kind, the notes are natural, full, and harmonious, and
the people are affectionate and loving; when he is
careless, disorderly, perverse, and dissipated, the
notes are tedious and ill-regulated, and the people
proceed to excesses and disorder.
10. Therefore the ancient kings (in framing their
music), laid its foundations in the feelings and nature
of men; they examined (the notes) by the measures
(for the length and quality of each); and adapted it
to express the meaning of the ceremonies (in which
it was to be used). They (thus) brought it into
harmony with the energy that produces life, and to
give expression to the performance of the five regular
constituents of moral worth. They made it indicate
that energy in its Yang or phase of vigour, without
any dissipation of its power, and also in its Yin or
phase of remission, without the vanishing of its
power. The strong phase showed no excess like
that of anger, and the weak no shrinking like that of
pusillanimity. These four characteristics blended
harmoniously in the minds of men, and were similarly
manifested in their conduct. Each occupied quietly
SECT. 11. Yo kf. 109
in its proper place, and one did not interfere in-
juriously with another.
11. After this they established schools for (teach-
ing their music),and different grades (for the learners).
They marked most fully the divisions of the pieces,
and condensed into small compass the parts and
variations giving beauty and elegance, in order to
regulate and increase the inward virtue (of the
learners). They gave laws for the great and small
notes according to their names, and harmonised the
order of the beginning and the end, to represent the
doing of things. Thus they made the underlying
principles of the relations between the near and
distant relatives, the noble and mean, the old and
young, males and females, all to appear manifestly in
the music. Hence it is said that ‘in music we must
endeavour to see its depths.’
12. When the soil is worn out, the grass and trees
on it do not grow well. When water is often troubled,
the fish and tortoises in it do not become large.
When the energy (of nature) is decayed, its pro-
duction of things does not proceed freely. In an age
of disorder, ceremonies are forgotten and neglected,
and music becomes licentious.
13. In such a case the notes are melancholy but
without gravity, or joyous without repose. There is
remissness (in ceremonies), and the violation of them
is easy. One falls into such a state of dissoluteness
that he forgets the virtue properly belonging to his
nature. In great matters he is capable of treachery
and villainy; in small matters he becomes greedy
and covetous. There is a diminution in him of the
enduring, genial forces of nature, and an extinction
of the virtue of satisfaction and harmony. On this
110 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XVII.
account the superior man despises such (a style of
music and ceremonies)?.
14. Whenever notes that are evil and depraved
affect men, a corresponding evil spirit responds to
them (from within); and when this evil spirit accom-
plishes its manifestations, licentious music is the
result. Whenever notes that are correct affect men,
a corresponding correct spirit responds to them
(from within); and when this correct spirit accom-
plishes its manifestations, harmonious music is the
result. The initiating cause and the result correspond
to each other. The round and the deflected, the
crooked and the straight, have each its own category ;
and such is the character of all things, that they affect
one another severally according to their class.
15. Hence the superior man returns to the (good)
affections (proper to his nature) in order to bring his
will into harmony with them, and compares the dif-
ferent qualities (of actions) in order to perfect his
conduct. Notes that are evil and depraved, and sights
leading to disorder, and licentiousness, are not allowed
to affect his ears or eyes. Licentious music and cor-
rupted ceremonies are not admitted into the mind to
affect its powers. The spirit of idleness, indifference,
depravity, and perversity finds no exhibition in his
person. And thus he makes his ears, eyes, nose, and
mouth, the apprehensions of his mind, and the move-
ments of all the parts of his body, all follow the course
that is correct, and do that which is right.
1 This and the six previous paragraphs form the fifth division of
the Book, and are called Yo Yen (#4 =), ‘Words about
Music.’ The X-/ien-lung editors, however, propose changing
the Yen (=) into Hsing (Ff), so that the meaning would be
‘ Manifestations of Music.’
SECT, Il. yo xt. 111
16. After this there ensues the manifestation (of
the inward thoughts) by the modulations of note and
tone, the elegant accompaniments of the lutes, small
and large, the movements with the shield and battle-
axe, the ornaments of the plumes and ox-tails, and the
concluding with the pipes and flutes?, All this has
the effect of exhibiting the brilliance of complete
virtue, stirring up the harmonious action of the four
(seasonal) energies; and displaying the true natures
and qualities of all things.
17. Hence in the fine and distinct notes we have
an image of heaven; in the ample and grand, an
image of earth; in their beginning and ending, an
image of the four seasons; in the wheelings and
revolutions (of the pantomirnes), an image of the
wind and rain. (The five notes, like) the five colours,
form a complete and elegant whole, without any con-
fusion. (The eight instruments of different materials,
like) the eight winds, follow the musical accords,
without any irregular deviation. The lengths of all
the different notes have their definite measurements,
without any uncertainty. The small and the great
complete one another. The end leads on to the be-
ginning, and the beginning to the end. The key
notes and those harmonising with them, the sharp and
the bass, succeed one another in their regular order.
ΠΕ ἢ ΠῚ
2 Thus:—
112 THE Li xt. BK. XVII.
18. Therefore, when the music has full course, the
different relations are clearly defined by it; the per-
ceptions of the ears and eyes become sharp and
distinct ; the action of the blood and physical energies
is harmonious and calm; (bad) influences are removed,
and manners changed ; and all under heaven there is
entire repose.
19. Hence we have the saying, ‘Where there is
music there is joy.’ Superior men rejoice in attaining
to the course (which they wish to pursue); and
smaller men in obtaining the things which they desire.
When the objects of desire are regulated by a consider-
ation of the course to be pursued, there is joy without
any disorder. When those objects lead to the forget-
fulness of that course, there is delusion, and no joy.
20. It is for this purpose that the superior man
returns to the (good) affections (proper to his nature),
in order to bring his will into harmony with them,
and makes extensive use of music in order to perfect
his instructions. When the music has free course,
the people direct themselves to the quarter (to which
they should proceed), and we can see (the power of)
his virtue.
21. Virtue is the strong stem of (man’s) nature, and
music is the blossoming of virtue. Metal, stone, silk,
and bamboo are (the materials of which) the instru-
ments of music (are made). Poetry gives expression
to the thoughts; singing prolongs the notes (of the
voice) ; pantomimic movements put the body into
action (in harmony with the sentiments). These
three things originate in the mind, and the instru-
ments of the music accompany them.
22. In this way the affections (from which comes
the music) are deeply seated, and the elegant display
SECT. 11. Yo xt. 113
of them is brilliant. All the energies (of the nature)
are abundantly employed, and their transforming
power is mysterious and spirit-like. A harmonious
conformity (to virtue) is realised within, and the
blossoming display of it is conspicuous without, for
in music, more than other things, there should be
nothing that is pretentious or hypocritical.
23. Music springs from the movement of the mind;
the notes are the manifestation of the music; the
elegant colours and various parts are the ornaments
of the notes. The superior man puts its fundamental
cause in movement, makes its manifesting notes into
music, and regulates its ornaments.
24. Thus they first strike the drum to warn (the
performers) to be in readiness, and (the pantomimes)
take three steps to show the nature of the dance.
This is done a second time and they begin to move
forward ; and when they have completed their evolu-
tions, they return and dress their ranks. However
rapid their movements may be, there is nothing
violent in them; however mysterious they may be,
they are not beyond the power of being understood.
One, studying them alone, finds pleasure in the object
of them, and does not tire in his endeavours to under-
stand them. When he has fully understood them,
he does not keep what he desires to himself. Thus
the affections (of joy) are displayed; the (ideal) of
righteousness is established; and when the music is
ended, the (due) honour has been paid to virtue.
Superior men by it nourish their love of what is
good; small men in it hear the (correction of) their
errors. Hence it is said, that ‘ for the courses to be
pursued by men the influence of music is great.’
25. In music we have the outcome and bestowal
[28] Ι
114 : THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XVII.
(of what its framers felt); in ceremonies a return (for
what their performers had received). Music expresses
the delight in what produces it, and ceremonies lead
the mind back to (the favours) which originate them.
Music displays the virtue (of the framer); ceremonies
are a return of the feelings (which led to them), as
carrying the mind back to what originated them.
26. What is called ‘a Grand carriage’ is one which
is (the gift) of the son of Heaven; the flag with
dragons, and a nine-scolloped border, was the banner
(conferred by) the son of Heaven; that with the
azure and black edging exhibited the precious tor-
toises, and was (also the gift of) the son of Heaven;
and when these were followed by herds of oxen and
sheep, they were the gifts bestowed on the feudal
lords.
Section III.
1. In music we have the expression. of feelings
which do not admit of any change; in ceremonies
that of principles which do not admit of any altera-
tion. Music embraces what all equally share; cere-
mony distinguishes the things in which men differ.
Hence the theory of music and ceremonies embraces
the whole nature of man.
2. To go to the very root (of our feelings) and
know the changes (which they undergo) is the pro-
vince of music; to display sincerity and put away all
that is hypocritical is the grand law of ceremonies.
Ceremonies and music resemble the nature of Heaven
and Earth, penetrate to the virtues of the spiritual
Intelligences, bring down the spirits from above, and
' With this ends the sixth chapter of the Book, called Yo
Hsiang (4% $2), meaning the natural symbols of music.
SECT. III. yo xi. 115
raise up those whose seat is below. They give a sort
of substantial embodiment of what is most subtle as
well as material, and regulate the duties between
father and son, ruler and subject.
3. Therefore, when the Great man uses and ex-
hibits his ceremonies and music, Heaven and Earth
will in response to him display their brilliant influences.
‘They will act in happy union, and the energies (of
nature), now expanding, now contracting, will proceed
harmoniously. The genial airs from above and the
responsive action below will overspread and nourish
all things. Then plants and trees will grow luxuri-
antly; curling sprouts and buds will expand; the
feathered and winged tribes will be active; horns and
antlers will grow; insects will come to the light and
revive ; birds will breed and brood; the hairy tribes
will mate and bring forth; the mammalia will have
no abortions, and no eggs will be broken or addled,—
and all will have to be ascribed to the power of music’.
4. When we speak of music we do not mean the
notes emitted by the Hwang Aung, Τὰ Li, (and.
the other musical pipes), the stringed instruments and
the singing, or the (brandishing of the) shields and
axes. These are but the small accessories of the
music; and hence lads act as the pantomimes. (In
1 There is extravagance in this description. The Great man is
the sage upon the throne. The imagination ofthe eloquent writer
runs riot as he dwells on the article of his creed, that ‘Heaven,
Earth, and Man’ are the ‘Three Powers (= 77) intended by
their harmonious co-operation to make a happy and flourishing
world. That would indeed be wonderful music which should bring
about such a result. Compare the words of the Hebrew prophet
in Hosea ii. 21, 22. Callery’s translation of the concluding clause
is :—‘ Tout cela n’est autre chose que I’harmonie de la musique
rejaillissant (sous tous les étres de la nature).’
12
116 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XVII.
the same way), the spreading of the mats, the dispos-
ing of the vases, and the arranging of the stands and
dishes, with the movements in ascending and descend-
ing, are but the small accessories of ceremonies; and
hence there are the (smaller) officers who direct them.
The music-masters decide on the tunes and the pieces
of poetry; and hence they have their places with
their stringed instruments, and their faces directed
to the north. The prayer-officers of the ancestral
temple decide on the various ceremonies in it, and
hence they keep behind the representatives of the
deceased. Those who direct the mourning rites after
the manner of the Shang dynasty ', have their places
(for the same reason) behind the presiding mourner.
5. It is for this reason that the practice of virtue
is held to be of superior worth, and the practice of
any art of inferior; that complete virtue takes the
first place, and the doing of anything, (however in-
genious, only) the second. Therefore the ancient
kings had their distinctions of superior and inferior, of
first and last; and so they could frame their music and
ceremonies for the whole kingdom?.
6. The marquis Wan of Wei® asked 3ze-hsi4,
saying, ‘When in my square-cut dark robes and cap
I listen to the ancient music, I am only afraid that
I shall go to sleep. When I listen to the music of
1 Which was distinguished for the plain simplicity of its ob-
servances.
3. With this ends the seventh chapter, called Yo Khing (#4 ἢ".
‘The attributes of Music.’
5 The marquis Wn ruled in Wei from z.c. 425 to 387. He is
said to have received the classical books from 3ze-hsia, when that
disciple of Confucius must have been a hundred years old, and
was blind, in B.c. 407.
SECT. II. yo xt. 117
Kang and Wei, I do not feel tired; let me ask why
I should feel so differently under the old and the
new music.’
7. 3ze-hsia replied, ‘In the old music, (the per-
formers) advance and retire all together ; the music
is harmonious, correct, and in large volume; the
stringed instruments (above) and those made from
gourd shells with the organs and their metal tongues
(below), are all kept waiting for the striking of the
drum. The music first strikes up at the sound of
the drum; and when it ends, it is at the sound of the
cymbals. The close of each part of the performance
is regulated by the Hsiang’, and the rapidity of the
motions by the Y4}._ In (all) this the superior man
speaks of, and follows, the way of antiquity. The
character is cultivated; the family is regulated; and
peace and order are secured throughout the kingdom.
This is the manner of the ancient music.
8. ‘But now, in the new music, (the performers)
advance and retire without any regular order; the
music is corrupt to excess; there is no end to its
vileness. Among the players there are dwarfs like
monkeys, while boys and girls are mixed together,
and there is no distinction between father and son.
Such music can never be talked about, and cannot
be said to be after the manner of antiquity. This is
the fashion of the new music.
9. ‘What you ask about is music; and what you
like is sound. Now music and sound are akin, but
they are not the same.’
1 These are names of musical instruments, of which figures are
given in the plates to the K/ien-lung edition; but there is much
uncertainty about them.
118 THE LI! xi. BK. XVII.
10. The marquis asked him to explain, and 3ze-
hsid replied, ‘In antiquity, Heaven and Earth acted
according to their several natures, and the four sea-
sons were what they ought to be. The people were
virtuous, and all the cereals produced abundantly.
There were no fevers or other diseases, and no ap-
paritions or other prodigies. This was what we call
“the period of great order.” After this arose the
sages, and set forth the duties between father and
son, and between ruler and subject, for the guid-
ance of society. When these guiding rules were
thus correctly adjusted, all under heaven, there was
a great tranquillity; after which they framed with
exactness the six accords (upper and lower), and
gave harmony to the five notes (of the scale), and
the singing to the lutes of the odes and praise-songs ;
constituting what we call “the virtuous airs.” Such
virtuous airs constituted what we call ‘“ Music,” as is
declared in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 4),
“Silently grew the fame of his virtue,
His virtue was highly intelligent ;
Highly intelligent, and of rare discrimination ;
Able to lead, able to rule,—
To rule over this great country,
Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial
union.
When (the sway) came to king W4n,
His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with.
He received the blessing of God,
And it was extended to his descendants.”
11. ‘May I not say that what you love are the
vile airs?’ The marquis said, ‘Let me ask where
the vile airs come from?’ 3ze-hsia replied, ‘The
SECT. II. yo xt. 119
airs of Kang go to ἃ wild excess, and debauch the
mind ; those of Sung tell of slothful indulgence and
women, and drown the mind; those of Wei are
vehement and rapid, and perplex the mind; and
those of AAi are violent and depraved, and make
the mind arrogant. The airs of those four states
all stimulate libidinous desire, and are injurious to
virtue ;—they should therefore not be used at
sacrifices.
12. ‘It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i [Part ii],
ode 5),
“In solemn unison (the instruments) give forth their
notes ;
Our ancestors will hearken to them.”
That solemn unison denotes the grave reverence
and harmony of their notes :—with reverence,
blended with harmony, what is there that cannot
be done?
13. ‘A ruler has only to be careful of what he
likes and dislikes. What the ruler likes, his ministers
will practise ; and what superiors do, their inferiors
follow. This is the sentiment in the Book of
Poetry (III, ii, ode το, 6),
“To lead the people is very easy.”
14. ‘Seeing this, and after (the repose of the
people was secured), the sages made hand-drums
and drums, the stopper and the starter, the earthen
whistle and the bamboo flute,—the six instruments
which produced the soundsof their virtuous airs. After
these came the bell, the sounding-stone, the organ
with thirty-six pipes, and the large lute, to be played
in harmony with them; the shields, axes, ox-tails, and
plumes, brandished by the pantomimes in time and
120 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XVII.
tune. These they employed at the sacrifices in the
temple of the former kings, at festivals in offering
and receiving the pledge cup; in arranging the
services of officers (in the temple) according to the
rank due to each, as noble or mean, and in showing
to future ages how they observed the order due to
rank and to age.
15. ‘ The bells give out a clanging sound as a
signal. The signal is recognised by all, and that
recognition produces a martial enthusiasm. When
the ruler hears the sound of the bell, he thinks of
his officers of war.
‘ The sounding-stones give out a tinkling sound, as
a summons to the exercise of discrimination. That
discrimination may lead to the encountering of
death. When the ruler hears the sounding-stone,
he thinks of his officers who die in defence of his
frontiers.
‘The stringed instruments give out a melancholy
sound, which produces the thought of purity and
fidelity, and awakens the determination of the
mind. When the ruler hears the sound of the lute
and cithern, he thinks of his officers who are bent
on righteousness,
‘The instruments of bamboo give out a sound like
that of overflowing waters, which suggests the idea
of an assembly, the object of which is to collect the
multitudes together. When the ruler hears the
sound of his organs, pipes, and flutes, he thinks of
his officers who gather the people together.
‘The drums and tambours give out their loud
volume of sound, which excites the idea of move-
ment, and tends to the advancing of the host. When
the ruler hears the sounds of his drums and tam-
SECT. Π1. Yo xt. 121
bours, he thinks of his leaders and commanders.
When a superior man thus hears his musical instru-
ments, he does not hear only the sounds which they
emit. There are associated ideas which accompany
these!.’
16. Pin-mau ia? was sittting with Confucius.
Confucius talked with him about music, and said,
‘ At (the performance of) the W4, how is it that the
preliminary warning (of the drum) continues so
long?’ The answer was, ‘To show (the king’s)
anxiety that all his multitudes should be of one
mind with him.’
‘ How is it that (when the performance has com-
menced) the singers drawl their notes so long, and
the pantomimes move about till they perspire ?’
The answer was, ‘To show his apprehension that
some (princes) might not come up in time for the
engagement.’
‘How is it that the violent movement of the arms
and stamping fiercely with the feet begin so soon ?’
The answer was, ‘ To show that the time for the
engagement had arrived.’
‘ How is it that, (in the performance of the W4,)
the pantomimes kneel on the ground with the right
? With this fifteenth paragraph ends the eighth chapter of the
Book called simply ‘ Marquis Wan of Wei’s Chapter’ (ἢ
ἘΦΖῚ; and the K/ien-lung editors say nothing more about it.
2 Pin-m4u A ia must have been a scholar of Confucius’ time,
a master of music; but, so far as I have read, nothing is known
about him beyond what appears here. The Khang Hung at the
end of the paragraph was a historiographer of Xu, with whom
Confucius is said to have studied music. The Wf was the dance
and music which king WA is said to have made after his conquest
of Shang or Yin.
122 THE Li xf. BK. XVII.
knee, while the left is kept up?’ The answer was,
‘There should be no kneeling in the Wa.’
‘ How is it that the words of the singers go on to
speak eagerly of Shang?’ The answer was, ‘There
should be no such sounds in the Wa.’
‘But if there should be no such sound in the Wd,
where does it come from?’ The answer was, ‘The
officers (of the music) failed to hand it down cor-
rectly. If they did not do so, the aim of king Wa
would have been reckless and wrong.’
The Master said, ‘ Yes, what I heard from A/ang
Hung was to the same effect as what you now say.’
17. Pin-mau 14 rose up, left his mat,and addressed
Confucius, saying, ‘On the long-continued warning
(of the drum) in the Νὰ, 1 have heard your
instructions; but let me ask how it is that after that
first delay there is another, and that a long one ?’
The Master said, ‘Sit down, and I will tell you.
Music is a representation of accomplished facts. The
pantomimes stand with their shields, each erect and
firm as a hill, representing the attitude of king Wa.
The violent movements of the arms and fierce
stamping represent the enthusiasm of Thdéi-kung.
The kneeling of all at the conclusion of the perform-
ance represents the government (of peace, instituted)
by (the dukes of) KAu and Sho.
18. ‘Moreover, the pantomimes in the first move-
ment proceed towards the north (to imitate the march-
ing of king Wd against Shang); in the second, they
show the extinction of Shang ; in the third, they show
the return march to the south; in the fourth, they
show the laying out of the Southern states; in the
fifth, they show how (the dukes of) K4u and Shao
were severally put in charge of the states on the
RAS
Ee eS
SECT. Π1. yo xi. Πα ἀ 12 122. τῦτ
4 ra art
left and right; in the sixth, they again unit cat the * iS εἰ
point of starting to offer their homage to the son of
Heaven. Two men, one on each side of the per-
formers, excite them with bells, and four times they
stop and strike and thrust, showing the great awe
with which (king Wd) inspired the Middle states.
Their advancing with these men on each side shows
his eagerness to complete his helpful undertaking.
The performers standing long together show how he
waited for the arrival of the princes.
19. ‘And have you alone not heard the accounts
of Ma-yeh? King WA, after the victory over Yin,
proceeded to (the capital of) Shang; and before he
descended from his chariot he invested the descen-
dants of Hwang Tt with At; those of the Tt Y4o
with AQ; and those of the Tf Shun with A#&n.
When he had descended from it, he invested the
descendant of the sovereign of Hsia with At;
appointed the descendants of Yin to Sung; raised a
mound over the grave of the king’s son, Pi-kan ;
released the count of AAt from his imprisonment,
and employed him to restore to their places the
officers who were acquainted with the ceremonial
usages of Shang. Thecommon people were relieved
from (the pressure) of the (bad) government which
they had endured, and the emoluments of the multi-
tude of (smaller) officers were doubled.
‘(The king then) crossed the Ho, and proceeded
to the west. His horses were set free on the south
of mount Hw, not to be yoked again. His oxen
were dispersed in the wild of the Peach forest, not
to be put to the carriages again. His chariots and
coats of mail were smeared with blood, and des-
patched to his arsenals, not to be used again. The -
124 THE Li xt, BK, XVII.
shields and spears were turned upside down and con-
veyed away, wrapped in tiger skins, which were styled
“the appointed cases.” The leaders and commanders
were then constituted feudal lords; and it was known
throughout the kingdom that king Wd would have
recourse to weapons of war no more},
20. ‘The army having been disbanded (the king
commanded) a practice of archery at the colleges in
the suburbs. At the college on the left (or east)
they shot to the music of the Li-sh4u?; at that on
the right (or west) they shot to the music of the
3au-yii; and (from this time) the archery which
consisted in going through (so many) buffcoats
ceased, They wore (only) their civil robes and caps,
with their ivory tokens of rank stuck in their girdles;
and the officers of the guard put off their swords.
(The king) offered sacrifice in the Hall of Distinc-
tion, and the people learned to be filial. He gave
audiences at court, and the feudal lords knew how they
ought to demean themselves. He ploughed in the
field set apart for that purpose, and the lords learned
what should be the object of reverence to them (in
their states). These five things constituted great
lessons for the whole kingdom.’
21. In feasting the three (classes of the) old and
the five (classes of the) experienced in the Great
college, he himself (the son of Heaven) had his
1 See the account of all these proceedings after the victory of
M@ in the Shf, V, iii, 9, though it is difficult to reconcile the two
accounts in some of their details.
3 See the KAu Li, Book 22, 32. The ode Lf-sh&u was used
at the archery celebrations of the feudal lords, and is now lost. The
34u-yti is the last ode in the second Book of the Shih, Part I. It
was used at contests where the king presided.
SECT. III. Yo xf. 125
breast bared and cut up the animals. He (also)
presented to them the condiments and the cups,
He wore the royal cap, and stood with a shield
before him. In this way he taught the lords their
brotherly duties.
22. ‘In this manner the ways of Au penetrated
everywhere, and the interaction of ceremonies and
music was established ;—is it not right that in the
performance of the Wd there should be that gradual
and long-continuing action! ?’
23. A superior man says : ‘Ceremonies and music
should not for a moment be neglected by any one.
When one has mastered completely (the principles
of) music, and regulates his heart and mind accord-
ingly, the natural, correct, gentle, and honest heart
is easily developed, and with this development of the
heart comes joy. This joy goes on to a feeling of
repose. This repose is long-continued. The man
in this constant repose becomes (a sort of) Heaven.
Heaven-like, (his action) is spirit-like. Heaven-like,
he is believed without the use of words. Spirit-like,
he is regarded with awe, without any display of rage.
So it is, when one by his mastering of music regu-
lates his mind and heart.
24. ‘When one has mastered completely (the prin-
ciple of) ceremonies so as to regulate his person ac-
cordingly, he becomes grave and reverential. Grave
and reverential, he comes to be regarded with awe.
If the heart be for a moment without the feeling of
harmony and joy, meanness and deceitfulness enter
1 The preceding seven paragraphs form the ninth chapter, which,
like the former, simply bears the name of one of the parties in it,
and is called ‘ The chapter of Pin-mau Xia.’
126 THE Lf κἰ. BK. XVII.
it. If the outward demeanour be for a moment
without gravity and respectfulness, indifference and
rudeness show themselves.
25. ‘ Therefore the sphere in which music acts is
the interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his ex-
terior. The result of music is a perfect harmony,
and that of ceremonies a perfect observance (of pro-
priety). When one’s inner man is (thus) harmonious,
and his outer man thus docile, the people behold his
countenance and do not strive with him; they look
‘to his demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or
rudeness arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue
shines and acts within (a superior), the people are
sure to accept (his rule), and hearken to him; and
when the principles (of propriety) are displayed in
his conduct, the people are sure (in the same way) to
accept and obey him. Hence it is said, “Carry out
perfectly ceremonies and music, and give them their
outward manifestation and application, and under
heaven nothing difficult to manage will appear.”’
26. Music springs from the inward movements (of
the soul); ceremonies appear in the outward move-
ments. (of the body). Hence it is the rule to make
ceremonies as few and brief as possible, and to give
to music its fullest development. This rule for cere-
monies leads to the forward exhibition of them, and
therein their beauty resides ; that for music leads to
the introspective consideration of it, and therein its
beauty resides, If ceremonies demanding this con-
densation were not performed with this forward
exhibition of them, they would almost disappear
altogether ; if music, demanding this full develop-
ment, were not accompanied with this introspection,
it would produce a dissipation of the mind. Thus it
SECT. Ill, yo xi. 127
vay \
is that to every ceremony there j e js jts proper response,
and for music there is its introspection, When cere-
monies are responded to, there arises pleasure ; and
when music is accompanied with the | ‘right intro-
spection, there arises the (feeling of repose, ‘The
responses of ceremony and the introspection of music
spring from one and the same idea, and have one and
the same object. ae
27. Now music produces pleasure ;— what the
nature of man cannot be without. That pleasure
must arise from the modulation of the sounds, and
have its embodiment in the movements (of the body);
—such is the rule of humanity. These modulations
and movements are the changes required by the
nature, and they are found complete in music. Thus
men will not be without the ministration of pleasure,
and pleasure will not be without its embodiment, but
if that embodiment be not suitably conducted, it is
impossible that disorder should not arise. The
ancient kings, feeling that they would feel ashamed
(in the event of such disorder arising), appointed the
tunes and words of the Y4 and the Sung to guide
(in the music), so that its notes should give sufficient
pleasure, without any intermixture of what was bad,
while the words should afford sufficient material for
consideration without causing weariness; and the
bends and straight courses, the swell and diminu-
tion, the sharp angles, and soft melody throughout
all its parts, should be sufficient to stir up in the
minds of the hearers what was good in them, without
inducing any looseness of thought or depraved air
to be suggested. Such was the plan of the ancient
kings when they framed their music.
28. Therefore in the ancestral temple, rulers and
128 THE Lf xt. BK. XVII.
ministers, high and low, listen together to the music,
and all is harmony and reverence ; at the district and
village meetings of the heads of clans, old and young
listen together to it, and all is harmony and deference.
Within the gate of the family, fathers and sons,
brothers and cousins, listen together to it, and all is
harmony and affection. Thus in music there is a
careful discrimination (of the voices) to blend them
in unison so as to bring out their harmony ; there is
a union of the (various) instruments to give orna-
mental effect to its different parts; and these parts
are combined and performed so as to complete its
elegance. In this way fathers and sons, rulers and
subjects are united in harmony, and the people of the
myriad states are associated in love. Such was the
method of the ancient kings when they framed their
music.
29. In listening to the singing of the Y4 and the
Sung, the aims and thoughts receive an expansion.
From the manner in which the shields and axes are
held and brandished, and from the movements of the
body in the practice with them, now turned up, now
bent down, now retiring, now stretching forward, the
carriage of the person receives gravity. From the
way in which (the pantomimes) meve to their several
places, and adapt themselves to the several parts (of
the performance), the arrangement of their ranks is
made correct, and their order in advancing and re-
tiring is secured. In this way music becomes the
lesson of Heaven and Earth, the regulator of true
harmony, and what the nature of man cannot dis-
pense with.
30. It was by music that the ancient kings gave
elegant expression to their joy; by their armies and
SECT. II. yo xt. 129
axes that they gave the same to their anger. Hence
their joy and anger always received their appropriate
response. When they were joyful, all under heaven
were joyful with them; when they were angry, the
oppressive and disorderly feared them. In the ways
of the ancient kings, ceremonies and music may be
said to have attained perfection’.
31. (Once), when 3ze-kung had an interview with
the music-master Yi, he asked him, saying, ‘1 have
heard that in the music and words belonging to it
there is that which is specially appropriate to every
man; what songs are specially appropriate to me ?’
The other replied, ‘I am but a poor musician, and
am not worthy to be asked what songs are appro-
priate for particular individuals ;—allow me to repeat
to you what I have heard, and you can select for
yourself (what is appropriate to you). The generous
and calm, the mild and correct, should sing the
Sung; the magnanimous and calm, and those of wide
penetration and sincere, the Τὰ Y4 (Major Odes of
the Kingdom); the courteous and self-restraining,
the lovers of the rules of propriety, the Hsido YA
(Minor Odes of the Kingdom) ; the correct, upright,
and calm, the discriminating and humble, the Fang
(Airs of the States); the determinedly upright, but
yet gentle and loving, the Shang; and the mild and
honest, but yet capable of decision, the AZit. The
object of this singing is for one to make himself right,
and then to display his virtue. When he has thus put
1 From paragraph 23 to this forms the tenth chapter of the Book,
which has the name of Yo Hw& (β 4), ‘The Transforming
Operation of Music,’ supplementing and summarising all the
previous chapters.
[28] K
130 THE Lf xt. BK, XVII.
himself in a condition to act, Heaven and Earth
respond to him, the four seasons revolve in harmony
with him, the stars and constellations observe their
proper laws, and all things are nourished and thrive.
32. ‘What are called the Shang! were the airs and
words transmitted from the five Tis ; and having been
remembered by the people of Shang, we call them
the Shang. What are called the AZi were trans-
mitted from the three dynasties; and having been
remembered by the people of K4i, we call them the
Καὶ. He who is versed in the airs of the Shang
will generally be found to manifest decision in the
conduct of affairs. He who is versed in the airs of
the Ai, when he is attracted by the prospect of
profit, will yet give place to others. To manifest
decision in the conduct of affairs is bravery; to give
place to others in the prospect of gain is righteous-
ness. Who, without singing these songs, can assure
himself that he will always preserve such bravery and
righteousness ?
33. ‘In singing, the high notes rise as if they were
borne aloft; the low descend as if they were falling
to the ground; the turns resemble a thing broken
off; and the finale resembles (the breaking) of a
willow tree; emphatical notes seem made by the
1 All the other pieces of song mentioned in the preceding para-
graph are well known, as the divisions under which the odes of the
Shih King are arranged. What are called the Shang and Ki
are lost, but some account of them is given in this paragraph.
When it is said that the people of Shang remembered the airs and
poetry of the five Tis, we must understand by Shang the duchy of
Sung, which was ruled by the representation of the line of the
Shang kings. Why the state of KAT should have remembered
the airs and songs of ‘the three dynasties’ more than any other
state, I cannot tell.
SECT. III. Yo xt. 131
square; quavers are like the hook (of a spear); and
those prolonged on the same key are like pearls
strung together. Hence, singing means the prolonged
expression of the words; there is the utterance of the
words, and when the simple utterance is not sufficient,
the prolonged expression of them. When that pro-
longed expression is not sufficient, there come the
sigh and exclamation. When these are insufficient,
unconsciously there come the motions of the hands
and the stamping of the feet?’
(Such was the answer to) 3ze-kung’s question
about music?
1 On this passage, P. Callery says :—‘ Quoique, ἃ la rigueur, on
puisse comparer des airs ἃ des objets, ou ἃ des accidents matériels,
comme nous disons de tel motif musical qu’il est “Large,” “Sec,”
“Dur,” etc., il faut avouer que les comparaisons adoptées par
Yartiste Chinois sont, en général, fort mauvaises, c’est une ampli-
fication gatée de ce qu’il a dit plus haut.’
* This and the two preceding paragraphs form the eleventh
chapter of the Book, the last of those of which the text has been
preserved. It is called, ‘Questions of 3ze-kung about Music.’
BOOK XVIII. 3A Kl
OR
MISCELLANEOUS RECORDS".
Section 1. Part I.
1. When a feudal lord was on the march and died
in his lodging®, they called back his soul in the same
way as in his state. If he died on the road, (one)
got up on the nave of the left wheel of the chariot in
which he had been riding, and called it, waving the
pennon of his flag.
(For the carriage with the bier) there was a pall,
and attached to it a fringe made of black cloth, like
a lower garment, serving as a curtain (to the tem-
porary coffin), and the whole was made into a sort
of house by a covering of white brocade. With this
they travelled (back to his state), and on arriving
at the gate of the temple, without removing the
(curtain) wall, they entered and went straight to the
place where the coffining was to take place. The
pall was removed at the outside of the door.
2. When a Great officer or an ordinary officer
died on the road, (one) got up on the left end of the
nave of his carriage, and called back his soul, waving
his pennon. If he died in his lodging, they called
the soul back in the same manner as if he had died
in his house.
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 34.
* The public lodging assigned to him in the state where he was.
SECT. I. PT. I. BA xt. 133
In the case of a Great officer they made a pall of
cloth, and so proceeded homewards. On arriving at
the house, they removed the pall, took the (tem-
porary) coffin on a handbarrow, entered the gate, and
proceeding to the eastern steps, there halted and
removed the barrow, after which they took the body
up the steps, right to the place where it was to be
coffined.
3. The pall-house made over the body of an ordi-
nary officer was made of the phragmites rush; and
the fringe for a curtain below of the typha.
4. In every announcement of a death to the ruler
it was said, ‘ Your lordship’s minister, so and so, has
died.’ When the announcement was from a parent,
a wife, or an eldest son, it was said, ‘ Your lordship’s
minister, my , has died.’ In an announcement
of the death of a ruler to the ruler of another state,
it was said, ‘ My unworthy ruler has ceased to receive
his emoluments. I venture to announce it to your
officers'.’ If the announcement were about the death
of his wife, it was said, ‘ The inferior partner of my
poor ruler has ceased to receive her emoluments.’
On the death of a ruler’s eldest son, the announce-
ment ran, ‘The heir-son of my unworthy ruler, so
and so, has died.’
5. When an announcement of the death of a Great
officer was sent to another of the same grade, in the
same state, it was said, ‘So and so has ceased to
receive his emoluments. The same terms were
employed when the announcement was to an ordi-
nary officer. When it was sent to the ruler of an-
other state, it ran, ‘Your lordship’s outside minister,
* Not daring to communicate the evil tidings directly to the
tuler.
124 THE τὴ xt. ΒΚ. XVIII.
my poor Great officer, so and so, has died.’ If it
were to one of equal degree (in the other state), it
was said, ‘Sir, your outside servant, our poor Great
officer, has ceased to receive his emoluments, and
I am sent here to inform you.’ If it were to an
ordinary officer, the announcement was made in the
same terms,
6. In the announcement of thedeath of an ordinary
officer to the same parties, it was made in the same
style, only that ‘So and so has died,’ was employed
in all the cases.
7. A Great officer had his place in the lodgings
about the palace, till the end of the mourning rites
(for a ruler), while another officer returned to his
home on the completion of a year. An ordinary
officer had his place in the same lodgings. A Great
officer occupied the mourning shed; another officer,
the unplastered apartment’.
8. In the mourning for a cousin, either paternal or
maternal, who had not attained to the rank ofa Great
officer, a Great officer wore the mourning appropriate
1 Two places of lodging about the palace are mentioned here :-—
the mourning shed, and the unplastered apartment. Both these
appear to have been in the courtyard, outside the palace itself;
the former, a hut, formed by trees and branches of trees, placed
against the wall on the east, with the most slender provision for
accommodation and comfort ; the latter, an apartment in some other
place, made of unburnt bricks, and unplastered, more commodious,
but nearly as destitute of comfort. In the former, the chief mourners
‘afflicted themselves,’ while those whose mourning was not so
intense occupied the other.
The ordinary officer, who returned home at the end of a year, is
supposed to have had his charge in some town at a distance from
court, where his presence could no longer be dispensed with; and
the other, who occupies the unplastered apartment to the end of the
rites, to have been employed at the court.
SECT. 1. PT. Ie SA KI. 135
for an ordinary officer; and an ordinary officer, in
mourning similarly for a cousin on either side who
had been a Great officer, wore the same mourning.
9. The son of a Great officer by his wife proper
wore the mourning appropriate for a Great officer.
10. The son of a Great officer by any other
member of his harem, who was himself a Great
officer, wore for his father or mother the mourning
of a Great officer; but his place was only the same
as that of a son by the proper wife who was not a
Great officer.
11. When the son of an ordinary officer had be-
come a Great officer, his parents could not preside
at his mourning rites. They made his son do so;
and if he had no son, they appointed some one to
perform that part, and be the representative of the
deceased.
12. When they were divining by the tortoise-shell
about the grave and the day of interment of a Great
officer, the officer superintending (the operation) wore
an upper robe of sackcloth, with (strips of) coarser
cloth (across the chest), and a girdle of the same
and the usual mourning shoes. His cap was of
black material, without any fringe. The diviner
wore a skin cap.
13. If the stalks were employed, then the mani-
pulator wore a cap of plain silk, and the long robe.
The reader of the result wore his court robes.
14. At the mourning rites for a Great officer (pre-
paratory to the interment), the horses were brought
out. The man who brought them wailed, stamped,
and went out. After this (the son) folded up the
offerings, and read the list (of the gifts that had
been sent).
126 THE Lf xt. εἰς ΒΚ. XVII
15. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, one
from the department of the chief superintendent of
the ancestral temple assisted (the presiding mourner),
and one from that of the assistant superintendent put
the question to the tortoise-shell, which was then
manipulated in the proper form by the diviner.
16. In calling back (the soul of) a feudal lord,
they used the robe which had first been conferred on
him, with the cap and corresponding robes, varying
according to the order of his nobility.
17. (In calling back the soul of) a friend’s wife,
they used the black upper robe with a purple border,
or that with pheasants embroidered on it in various
colours ; both of them lined with white crape.
18, (In calling back that of) the wife of a high
noble, they used the upper robe of light green, worn
on her first appointment to that position, and lined
with white crape; (in calling back that of the wife of)
a Great officer of the lowest grade, the upper robe of
plain white. (The souls of other wives were called
back) by parties with the same robe as in the case of
an ordinary officer.
19. In the calling back, they stood (with their
faces to the north), inclining to the west.
20. (To the pall over the coffin of a Great officer)
there was not attached the (curtain of) yellow silk
with pheasants on it, descending below the (bamboo)
catch for water.
21. (The tablet of a grandson who had been) a
Great officer was placed (in the shrine of his grand-
father who had (only) been an officer ; but not if he
1 Paragraph 18 in the ordinary editions is before 16. The
tablets must have been confused, and were, perhaps, defective.
SECT. I. PT. 1. Ε SA xi. 137
had only been an officer, and the grandfather a Great
officer. In that case, the tablet was placed in the
shrine of a brother of the grandfather (who had
only been an officer). If there were no such brother,
(it was placed in the shrine of their high ancestor),
according to the regular order of relationship. Even
if his grand-parents were alive, it was so.
22. The (tablet of a) wife was placed after that
of the wife (of the principal of the shrine), in which
her husband's tablet was placed. If there had been
no such wife, it was placed in the shrine of the wife
of the high ancestor, according to the regular order
of relationship. The (tablet of a) concubine was
placed in the shrine of her husband’s grandmother
(concubine). If there had been no such concubine,
then (it was placed in that of the concubine of the
high ancestor) according to the regular order of
relationship.
23. (The tablet of) an unmarried son was placed
in the shrine of his grandfather, and was used at
sacrifices. That of an unmarried daughter was placed
in the shrine of her grandmother, but was not used
at sacrifices. The (tablet of) the son of a ruler was
placed in the shrine of (one of) the sons (of his grand-
father), that grandfather having also been a ruler.
24. When a ruler died, his eldest son was simply
styled son (for that year), but he was treated (by
other rulers) as the ruler.
25. If one, after wearing for a year the mourning
and cap proper to the three years for a parent, met
with the death of a relative for whom he had to wear
the mourning of nine months, he changed it for the
hempen-cloth proper to the nine months; but he
did not change the staff and shoes.
128 THE πὶ xt. ΒΚ. XVIII.
26. In mourning for a parent, (after a year) the
sackcloth of the nine months’ mourning is preferred;
put if there occurred the placing in its shrine of
the tablet of a brother who had died prematurely,
the cap and other mourning worn during that first
year was worn in doing so. The youth who had
died prematurely was called ‘The Bright Lad,
and (the mourner said), ‘My so and so,’ without
naming him. This was treating him with reference
to his being in the spirit-state.
27. In the case of brothers living in different
houses, when one first heard of the death of another,
he might reply to the messenger simply with a wail.
His first step then was to put on the sackcloth,
and the girdle with dishevelled edges. If, before
he had put on the sackcloth, he hurried off to the
mourning rites, and the presiding mourner had not
yet adjusted his head-band and girdle, in the case
of the deceased being one for whom he had to
mourn for five months, he completed that term
along with the presiding mourner. If nine months
were due to the deceased, he included the time
that had elapsed since he assumed the sackcloth
and girdle.
28. The master, presiding at the mourning rites
for a concubine, himself conducted the placing of her
tablet (in its proper shrine). At the sacrifices at the
end of the first and second years, he employed her son
to preside at them. The sacrifice at her offering did
not take place in the principal apartment.
29. A ruler did not stroke the corpse of a servant
or a concubine.
30. Even after the wife of a ruler was dead, the
concubines (of the harem) wore mourning for her
SECT. 1. PT. Il. BA xt. 139
relatives. If one of them took her place (and acted
as mistress of the establishment), she did not wear
mourning for the relatives’.
Part II.
1. If one heard of the mourning rites for a cousin
for whom he had to wear mourning for nine months
or more, when he looked in the direction of the
place where those rites were going on, he wailed.
If he were going to accompany the funeral to the
grave, but did not get to the house in time, though he
met the presiding mourner returning, he himself went
on to thegrave. The president at the mourning rites
for a cousin, though the relationship might not have
been near, also presented the sacrifice of Repose.
2. On all occasions of mourning, if, before the
mourning robes had all been completed, any one
arrived to offer condolences, (the president) took the
proper place, wailed, bowed to the visitor, and leaped.
3. At the wailing for a Great officer, another of
the same rank, wore the conical cap, with a sack-
cloth band round it. He wore the same also when
engaged with the coffining.
If he had on the cap of dolichos-cloth in mourn-
ing for his own wife or son, and were called away
to the lighter mourning for a distant relative, he put
on the conical cap and band.
4. (In wailing for) an eldest son, he carried a
staff, but not for that son’s son; he went without it
1 This lady took the deceased wife’s place, and performed many
of the duties; but she had not the position of wife. Anciently, a
feudal ruler could only, in all his life, have one wife, one lady, that
is, to be called by that name.
140 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XVIII.
to the place of wailing. (An eldest son), going to wail
for his wife, if his parents were alive, did not carry
a staff, nor bow so as to lay his forehead on the
ground. If (only) his mother were alive, he did
not lay his forehead to the ground. Where such
a prostration should have taken place, as in the case
of one who brought a gift with his condolence, 8 an
ordinary bow was made.
5. (An officer) who had left a feudal prince and
gone into the service of a Great officer did not on
the lord’s death return and wear mourning for him ;
- nor did one who had left a Great officer to serve a
prince, return to mourn on the death of the former.
6. The strings of the mourning cap served to
distinguish it from one used on a festive occasion.
The silk cap worn after a year’s mourning, and
_ belonging to that for three years, had such strings,
and the seam of it was on the right. That worn
in the mourning of five months, and a still shorter
time, was seamed on the left. The cap of the
shortest mourning had a tassel of reddish silk.
The ends of the girdle in the mourning of nine
months and upward hung loose.
7. Court robes were made with fifteen skeins (1200
threads) in the warp. Half that number made the
coarse cloth for the shortest mourning, which then
was glazed by being steeped with ashes.
8. In sending presents to one another for the
use of the dead, the princes of the states sent their
carriages of the second class with caps and robes.
They did not send their carriages of the first class,
nor the robes which they had themselves received
(from the king).
9. The number of (small) carriages sent (to the
SECT. I. PT. Il. ' g& xt. 141
grave) was according to that of the parcels of flesh
to be conveyed. Each one had a pall of coarse cloth.
All round were ornamental figures. These parcels
were placed at the four corners of the coffin.
10. (Sometimes) rice was sent, but Yf-jze said that
such an offering was contrary to rule. The food
put down (by the dead) in mourning was only dried
meat and pickled.
11. At the sacrifices (after the sacrifice of Repose),
the mourner styled himself ‘ The filial son,’ or ‘ The
filial grandson ;’ at the previous rites, ‘The grieving
son,’ or ‘ The grieving grandson.’
12. In the square upper garment of the mourner
and the sackcloth over it, and in the carriage in
which he rode to the grave, there was no difference
of degree.
13. The white cap of high (antiquity) and the cap
of black cloth were both without any ornamental
fringe. The azure-coloured and that of white silk
with turned-up rim had such a fringe. .
14. A Great officer wore the cap with the square
top when assisting at a sacrifice of his ruler; but
that of skin when sacrificing at his own shrines. An
ordinary officer used the latter in his ruler’s temple,
and the cap (of dark cloth) in his own. As an officer
wore the skin cap, when going in person to meet his
bride, he might also use it at his own shrines.
15. The mortar for the fragrant herbs, in making
sacrificial spirits, was made of cypress wood, and the
pestle of dryandria. The ladle (for lifting out the flesh)
was of mulberry wood, three, some say five, cubits
long. The scoop used in addition was of mulberry,
three cubits long, with its handle and end carved.
16. The girdle over the shroud used for a prince
142 THE Lf xf. BK. XVIII.
or a Great officer was of five colours; that used for
another officer, only of two.
17. The must (put into the grave) was made from
the malt of rice. There were the jars (for it and
other liquids), the baskets (for the millet), and the
boxes (in which these were placed). These were
placed outside the covering of the coffin; and then
the tray for the mats was put in.
18. The spirit-tablet (which had been set up over
the coffin) was buried after the sacrifice of Repose.
19. (The mourning rites for) all wives were ac-
cording to the rank of their husbands.
20. (Visitors who had arrived) during the slighter
dressing of the corpse, the more complete dressing,
or the opening (the enclosure where the coffin was),
were all saluted and bowed to (after these operations
were finished).
21. At the wailing morning and evening, (the cof-
fin) was not screened from view. When the bier had
been removed, the curtain was no more suspended.
22. When the ruler came to condole, after the
carriage with its coffin (had reached the gate of the
temple), the presiding mourner bowed towards him
with his face towards the east, and moving to the
right of the gate, leaped there, with his face towards
the north. Going outside, he waited till the ruler
took his departure and bade him go back, after
which he put down (by the bier the gifts which the
ruler had brought).
23. When 3ze-k4o was fully dressed after his
death, first, there were the upper and lower gar-
ments both wadded with floss silk, and over them a
suit of black with a purple border below; next, there
was a suit of white made square and straight, (the
SECT. I. PT. 11, SA xt. 143
suit belonging to) the skin cap; next, that belonging
to the skin cap like the colour of a sparrow’s head ;
and next, (that belonging to) the dark-coloured cap,
with the square top. 3ang-jze said, ‘In such a dress-
ing there should be nothing of woman’s dress.’ |
24. When an officer died on some commission,
upon which he had gone for his ruler, if the death
took place in a public hotel, they called his soul
back ; if in a private hotel, they did not do so. By
a public hotel was meant a ruler’s palace, or some
other building erected by him, and by a private hotel,
the house of a noble, a Great officer, or an officer
below that rank}.
25. (On the death of) a ruler, there is the leaping
for him for seven days in succession; and on that of a
Great officer, it lasts for five days. The women take
their share in this expression of grief at intervals,
between the presiding mourner and his visitors. On
the death of an ordinary officer, it lasts for three days;
the women taking their part in the same way.
26. In dressing the corpse of a ruler, there is first
put on it the upper robe with the dragon; next, a
dark-coloured square-cut suit ; next, his court-robes ;
next, the white lower garment with gathers; next, a
purple-coloured lower garment ; next, a sparrow-head
1 It is generally supposed that the 3ze-kao here was the disciple
of Confucius, so styled, and also known as Kao Xai; but the
dressing here is that of the corpse of a Great officer, and there is
no evidence that the disciple ever attained to that rank ; and I am
inclined to doubt, with Kiang K4o-hsi and others, whether the
party in the text may not have been another 3ze-k4o. The caps
of the last three suits are understood to be used for the suits them-
selves, with which they were generally worn. 3ang-3ze’s condemna-
tion of the dressing was grounded on the purple border of one of
the articles in the first suit. See Analects X, 4.
144 THE τῇ xt. BK, XVIII.
skin cap; next, the dark-coloured cap with the square
top; next, the robe given on his first investiture ;
next, a girdle of red and green; over which was laid
out the great girdle.
27. At the slight dressing of the corpse the son
(or the presiding mourner) wore the band of sack-
cloth about his head. Rulers, Great officers, and
ordinary officers agreed in this.
28. When the ruler came to see the great dress-
ing of the corpse, as he was ascending to the hall,
the Shang priest spread the mat (afresh), and pro-
ceeded to the dressing.
29. The gifts (for the dead, and to be placed in
the grave), contributed by the people of Ld, con-
sisted of three rolls of dark-coloured silk, and two of
light red, but they were (only) a cubit in width, and
completing the length of (one) roll’.
30. When one came (from another ruler) with a
message of condolence, he took his place outside, on
the west of the gate, with his face to the east. The
chief officer attending him was on the south-east of
him, with his face to the north, inclining to the west,
and west from the gate. The orphan mourner, with
his face to the west, gave his instructions to the
officer waiting on him, who then went to the visitor
and said, ‘My orphaned master has sent me to ask
why you have given yourself this trouble,’ to which
the visitor replies, ‘Our ruler has sent me to ask for
your master in his trouble.’ With this reply the
officer returned to the mourner and reported it,
1 This paragraph, which it is not easy to construe or interpret, is
understood to be condemnatory of a stinginess in the matter spoken
of, which had begun in the LQ. The rule had been that such pieces
of silk should be twenty-five cubits wide, and eighteen cubits long.
SECT. 1. PT. I. BA xt. 145
returning and saying, ‘ My orphaned master is waiting
for you.’ On this the visitor advanced. The mourn-
ing host then went up to the reception hall by the
steps on the east, and the visitor by those on the
west. The latter, with his face to the east, communi-
cated his message, saying, ‘Our ruler has heard of
the bereavement you have sustained, and has sent
me to ask for you in your sorrows.’ The mourning
son then bowed to him, kneeling with his forehead
to the ground. The messenger then descended the
steps, and returned to his place.
31. The attendant charged with the jade for the
mouth of the deceased, and holding it in his hand—
a flat round piece of jade—communicated his instruc-
tions, saying, ‘Our ruler has sent me with the gem
for the mouth.’ The officer in waiting went in and
reported the message, then returning and saying,
‘Our orphaned master is waiting for you. The
bearer of the gem then advanced, ascended the steps,
and communicated his message. The son bowed to
him, with his forehead to the ground. The bearer
then knelt, and placed the gem on the south-east of
the coffin, upon a phragmites mat; but if the in-
terment had taken place, on a typha mat. After
this, he descended the steps, and returned to his place.
The major-domo, in his court robes, but still wear-
ing his mourning shoes, then ascended the western
steps, and kneeling with his face to the west, took
up the piece of jade, and descending by the same
steps, went towards the east (to deposit it in the
proper place).
32. The officer charged with the grave-clothes
said, ‘ Our ruler has sent me with the grave-clothes.’
The officer in waiting, having gone in and reported,
[28] L
146 THE Lf gf. BK, XVIII.
returned and said, ‘Our orphaned master is waiting
for you.’ Then the other took up first the cap with the
square top and robes, with his left hand holding the
neck of the upper garment, and with his right the
waist. He advanced, went up to the hall, and com-
municated his message, saying, ‘Our ruler has sent
me with the grave-clothes.’ The son bowed to him,
with his forehead to the ground ; and when the bearer
laid down the things on the east of the coffin, he
then went down, and received the skin cap of the
sparrow’s-head colour, with the clothes belonging to
it inside the gate, under the eaves. These he pre-
sented with the same forms; then the skin cap and
clothes which he received in the middle of the court-
yard ; then the court robes ; then the dark-coloured,
square-cut garments, which he received at the foot
of the steps on the west. When all these presenta-
tions were made, five men from the department of
the major-domo took the things up, and going
down the steps on the west, went away with them
to the east. They all took them up with their faces
towards the west.
33- The chief of the attendants (of the messenger)
had charge of the carriage and horses, and with a
long symbol of jade in his hand communicated his
message, saying, ‘Our ruler has sent me to present
the carriage and horses. The officer in waiting
went in and informed the presiding mourner, and
returned with the message, ‘The orphan, so and so,
is waiting for you.’ The attendant then had the
team of yellow horses and the grand carriage ex-
hibited in the central courtyard, with the front to
the north ; and with the symbol in hand he commu-
nicated his message. His grooms were all below, on
SECT. I. PT. 11, 8A xt. 147
the west of the carriage. The son bowed to him,
with his forehead to the ground. He then knelt,
and placed his symbol in the corner, on the south-
east of the coffin. The major-domo then took the
symbol up, and proceeded with it to the east.
34. The message was always delivered with the
face turned towards the coffin, and the son always
bowed to the attendant charged with it, with his
forehead down to the ground. The attendant then
knelt with his face to the west, and deposited his
gift (or its representative). The major-domo and
his employés ascended by the steps on the west to
take these up, and did so with their faces towards
the west, descending (again) by the same steps.
The attendant charged with the carriage and
horses went out, and returned to his place outside
the gate.
235. The chief visitor then, (wishing) to perform
the ceremony of wailing, said, ‘ My ruler, being en-
gaged in the services of his own ancestral temple,
could not come and take part in your rites, and has
sent me, so and so, his old servant, to assist in hold-
ing the rope. The officer in waiting (reported his
request), and returned with the message, ‘The
orphan, so and so, is waiting for you.’ The mes-
senger then entered and took his place on the right
of the gate. His attendants all followed him, and
stood on his left, on the east. The superintendent
of ceremonies introduced the visitor, and went up
on the hall, and received his ruler’s instructions, then
descending and saying, ‘ The orphan ventures to de-
cline the honour which you propose, and begs you
to return to your place.’ The messenger, however,
replied, ‘My ruler charged me that I should not
Ι, 2
148 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XVIII.
demean myself as a visitor or guest, and I venture
to decline doing as you request.’ The other then
reported this reply, and returned, and told the mes-
senger that the orphan firmly declined the honour
which he proposed, and repeated the request that he
would return to his place. The messenger repeated
his reply, saying that he also firmly declined (to re-
turn to his place). The same message from the
mourner was repeated, and the same reply to it,
(after which) the mourner said, ‘ Since he thus firmly
declines what I request, I will venture respectfully
to comply with his wish.’
_ The messenger then stood on the west of the gate,
and his attendants on his left, facing the west. The
orphaned mourner descended by the steps on the east,
and bowed to him, after which they both ascended
and wailed, each of them leaping three times in re-
sponse to each other. The messenger then went
out, escorted by the mourner outside of the gate,
who then bowed to him, with his forehead down to
the ground.
36. When the ruler of a state had mourning rites
in hand for a parent, (any officer who was mourning
for a parent) did not dare to receive visits of con-
dolence (from another state).
37. The female relatives of the exterior kept in
their apartments; the servants spread the mats; the
officer of prayer, who used the Shang forms, spread
out the girdle, sash, and upper coverings; the officers
washed their hands, standing on the north of the
vessel; they then removed the corpse to the place
where it was to be dressed. When the dressing was
finished, the major-domo reported it. The son then
leant an the coffin and leaped. The wife with her
ΒΕΟΤ.Ι. PT. Il. BA xt. 149
face to the east, also leant on it, kneeling ; and then
she got up and leaped'.
38. There are three things in the mourning rites
for an officer which agree with those used on the
death of the son of Heaven :—the torches kept
burning all night (when the coffin is to be conveyed
to the grave); the employment of men to draw the
carriage ; and the keeping of the road free from alt
travellers on it.
1. See the twelfth paragraph in the second section of next Book.
It appears here, with some alteration, by mistake.
150 THE Lf xt. BK, XVIII.
Section II. Part I.
1, When a man was wearing mourning for his
father, if his mother died before the period was com-
pleted, he put off the mourning for his father (and
assumed that proper for his mother). He put on,
however, the proper dress when sacrificial services
required it; but when they were over’, he returned
to the mourning (for his mother).
2. When occasion occurred for wearing the
mourning for uncles or cousins, if it arrived during
the period of mourning for a parent, then the pre-
vious mourning was not laid aside, save when the
sacrificial services in these cases required it to be so;
and when they were finished, the mourning for a
parent was resumed.
3. If during the three years’ mourning (there oc-
curred also another three years’ mourning for the
eldest son), then after the coarser girdle of the
Kiung hemp had been assumed in the latter case,
the sacrifices at the end of the first or second year’s
mourning for a parent might be proceeded with.
4. When a grandfather had died, and his grand-
son also died before the sacrifices at the end of the
first or second year had been performed, (his spirit-
tablet) was still placed next to the grandfather's.
5. When a mourner, while the coffin was in the
house, heard of the death of another relative at a
1 That is, the sacrifices regularly presented at the end of the
first and second year from the death. The translation here and in
the next three paragraphs, if it were from an Aryan or Semitic lan-
guage, could not be said to be literal; but it correctly represents
the ideas of the author.
SECT. ΤΙ, PT. 1. 8A xt. [51
distance, he went to another apartment and wailed
for him. (Next day), he entered where the coffin
was, and put down the offerings (to the deceased),
after which he went out, changed his clothes, went
to the other apartment, and repeated the ceremony
of the day before.
6. When a Great officer or another officer was
about to take part in a sacrifice at his ruler’s, if,
after the inspection of the washing of the vessels to
be used, his father or mother died, he still went to
the sacrifice ; but took his place in a different apart-
ment. After the sacrifice he put off his (sacrificial)
dress, went outside the gate of the palace, wailed,
and returned to his own house. In other respects
he acted as he would have done in hurrying to the
mourning rites. If the parent’s death took place
before the inspection of the washing, he sent a
messenger to inform the ruler of his position; and
when he returned, proceeded to wail (for his deceased
parent).
When the death that occurred was that of an
uncle, aunt, or cousin, if he had received the pre-
vious notice to fast, he went to the sacrifice; and
when it was over, he went out at the ruler’s gate, put
off his (sacrificial) dress, and returned to his own
house. In other respects he acted as if he had been
hurrying to the mourning rites. If the deceased
relative lived under the same roof with him, he took
up his residence in other apartments !.
1 The Xéien-lung editors doubt the genuineness of this last
sentence. A commissioned officer, they say, and much more a
Great officer, occupied his own residence, and had left the family
at home; and they fail to see how the condition supposed could
have existed.
152 THE Lf xf. BK. XVIII.
7. 3ang-yze asked, ‘When a high minister or
Great officer is about to act the part of the personator
of the dead at a sacrifice by his ruler, and has
received instructions to pass the night previous in
solemn vigil, if there occur in his own family occa-
sion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth,
what is he todo?’ Confucius said, ‘ The rule is for
him to leave his own house, and lodge in the ruler’s
palace till the service (for the ruler) is accomplished.’
8. Confucius said, ‘When the personator of the
dead comes forth in his leathern cap, or that with
the square top, ministers, Great officers, and other
officers, all should descend from their carriages when
he passes. He should bow forward to them, and he
should (also) have people going before him (to
notify his approach, that people may get out of the
way').’
9. During the mourning rites for a parent, when
the occasion for one of the sacrifices was at hand, if
a death occurred in the family of a brother or
cousin, the sacrifice was postponed till the burial of
the dead had taken place. If the cousin or brother
were an inmate of the same palace with himself,
although the death were that of a servant or con-
cubine, the party postponed his sacrifice in this way.
At the sacrifice the mourner went up and descended
the steps with only one foot on each, all assisting
him, doing the same. They did so even for the
sacrifice of Repose, and to put the spirit-tablet in
its place.
10. From the feudal rulers down to all officers, at
the sacrifice at the end of the first year’s mourning
* See vol. xxvii, page 341, paragraph 26, which is here repeated.
SECT. Il. PT. 1. SA xt. 153
for a parent, when the chief mourner took the cup
offered to him by the chief among the visitors, he
raised it to his teeth, while the visitors, brothers,
and cousins all sipped the cups presented to them.
After the sacrifice at the end of the second year, the
chief mourner might sip his cup, while all the
visitors, brothers, and cousins might drink off their
cups.
11, The attendants at the sacrifices during the
funeral rites give notice to the visitors to present the
offerings, of which, however, they did not afterwards
partake.
12. 3ze-kung asked about the rites of mourning (for
parents), and the Master said, ‘Reverence is the most
important thing ; grief is next to it; and emaciation
is the last. The face should wear the appearance of
the inward feeling, and the demeanour and carriage
should be in accordance with the dress.’
He begged to ask about the mourning for a
brother, and the Master said, ‘The rites of mourning
for a brother are to be found in the tablets where
they are written.’
13. A superior man will not interfere with the
mourning of other men to diminish it, nor will he do
so with his own mourning’.
14. Confucius said, ‘Shdo-lien and T4-lien de-
meaned themselves skilfully during their mourning
(for their parents). During the (first) three days
they were alert; for the (first) three months they
manifested no weariness; for the (first) year they were
full of grief; for the (whole) three years they were
1 The Xh’ien-lung editors think paragraph 13 is out of place, and
would place it farther on, after paragraph 43.
154 THE Lf xi. BK. XVIII.
sorrowful. (And yet) they belonged to one of the
rude tribes on the East!’
15. During the three years of mourning (for his
father), (a son) might speak, but did not discourse ;
might reply, but did not ask questions. In the shed
or the unplastered apartment he sat (alone), nobody
with him. While occupying that apartment, unless
there were some occasion for him to appear before
his mother, he did not enter the door (of the house).
On all occasions of wearing the sackcloth with its
édges even, he occupied the unplastered apartment,
and not the shed. To occupy the shed was the
severest form in mourning.
16. (The grief) in mourning for a wife was like
that for an uncle or aunt; that for a father’s sister
or one’s own sister was like that for a cousin; that
for any of the three classes of minors dying prema-
turely was as if they had been full-grown.
17. The mourning for parents is taken away (at
the end of three years), (but only) its external sym-
bols ; the mourning for brothers (at the end of one
year), (and also) internally.
18. (The period of mourning) for a ruler’s mother
or wife is the same as that for brothers. But
(beyond) what appears in the countenance is this,
that (in the latter case) the mourners do not eat and
drink (as usual).
19. After a man has put off the mourning (for
his father), if, when walking along the road, he sees
one like (his father), his eyes look startled. If he
hear one with the same name, his heart is agitated.
1 Sh4o-lien; see Analects XVIII, 8, 3, and ‘ Narratives of the
School,’ Article 43.
SECT. I. PT. I. 81 xi. 155
In condoling with mourners on occasion of a death,
and inquiring for one who is ill, there will be some-
thing in his face and distressed manner different
from other men. He who is thus affected is fit to
wear the three years’ mourning. So far as other
mourning is concerned, he may walk right on (with-
out anything)-having such an effect on him.
20. The sacrifice at the end of the second! year
is signalized by the principal mourner putting off
his mourning dress. The evening (before), he
_ announces the time for it, and puts on his court
robes, which he then wears at the sacrifice.
21. 3ze-yQ said, ‘After the sacrifice at the end of
the second year, although the mourner should not
wear the cap of white silk, (occasions may occur
when) he must do so*% Afterwards he resumes the
proper dress.’
22. (At the mourning rites of an officer), if, when
he had bared his breast, a Great officer arrived (on a
visit of condolence), although he might be engaged
in the leaping, he put a stop to it, and went to
salute and bowtohim. Returning then, he resumed
his leaping and completed it, after which he re-
adjusted his dress and covered his breast.
In the case of a visit from another officer, he went
on with his leaping, completed it, readjusted his
upper dress, and then went to salute and bow to him,
without having occasion to resume and complete the
leaping.
23. At the sacrifice of Repose for a Great officer
of the highest grade, there were offered a boar anda
1 So, Khan K4o.
* Such ag receiving the condolences of visitors on account of
some other occasion of mourning.
156 THE 1 xf. ΒΚ. XVIII.
ram; at the conclusion of the wailing, and at the
placing of his spirit-tablet, there was, in addition, the
bull. On the similar occasions for a Great officer of
the lowest grade, there was in the first case a single
victim, and in the others the boar and the ram.
24. In consulting the tortoise-shell about the buriak
and sacrifice of Repose, the style of the petition was as
follows :—A son or grandson spoke of himself as ‘the
sorrowing,’ (when divining about his father or grand-
father); a husband (divining about his wife) said,
‘So and so for so and so;’ an elder brother about
a younger brother, simply said, ‘So and so;’ a
younger brother about an elder brother said, ‘ For
my elder brother, so and so.’
25. Anciently, noble and mean all carried staffs.
(On one occasion) Shf-sun Wf-shi}, when going to
court, saw a wheelwright put his staff through the
nave of a wheel, and turn it round. After this (it
was made a rule that) only men of rank should carry
a staff.
26. (The custom of) making a hole in the napkin
(covering the face of the dead) by which to introduce
what was put into the mouth, was begun by Kung-
yang Kia”.
27. What were the grave-clothes (contributed to
the dead)? The object of them was to cover the
body. From the enshrouding to the slighter dress-
ing, they were not put on, and the figure of the body
was seen. Therefore the corpse was first en-
shrouded, and afterwards came the grave-clothes.
28. Some one asked 3ang-jze, ‘After sending
1 A Great officer of Lf, about B.c. goo.
* We do not find anything about this man elsewhere.
SECT. Il. PT. I. BA i. 157
away to the grave the offerings to the dead, we wrap
up what remains ;—is this not like a man, after par-
taking of a meal, wrapping up what is left (to take
with him)? Does a gentleman do such a thing ?’
3ang-yze said, ‘Have you not seen what is done at a
great feast? At a great feast, given by a Great
officer, after all have partaken, he rolls up what is
left on the stands for the three animals, and sends it
to the lodgings of his guests. When a son treats his
parents in this way as his (honoured) guests, it is an
expression of his grief (for their loss). Have you,
Sir, not seen what is done at a great feast?’
29. ‘Excepting at men’s funeral rites, do they
make such inquiries and present such gifts as they
then do? At the three years’ mourning, the mourner
bows to his visitors in the manner appropriate to
the occasion; at the mourning of a shorter period,
he salutes them in the usual way!’
30. During the three years’ mourning, if any one
sent wine or flesh to the mourner, he received it after
declining it thrice; he received it in his sackcloth and
band. If it came from the ruler with a message
from him, he did not presume to decline it;—he
received it and presented it (in his ancestral temple).
One occupied with such mourning did not send any
gift, but when men sent gifts to him he received
them. When engaged in the mourning rites for an
uncle, cousin, or brother, and others of a shorter
period, after the wailing was concluded, he might
send gifts to others.
31. Hsien-gze said, ‘The pain occasioned by the
* See vol. xxvii, pp. 122-3, paragraph 5. There is probably
something wanting at the beginning of this paragraph.
158 THE Lf xi. ΒΚ. XVIII.
mourning for three years is like that of beheading ;
that arising from the one year’s mourning, is like the
stab from a sharp weapon.’
32. During the one year’s mourning, in the eleventh
month, they put on the dress of silk, which was
called lien; in the thirteenth month they offered the
hsiang sacrifice, and in the same month that called
than;—which concluded the mourning.
During the mourning for three years, even though
they had occasion to assume the dress proper for the
nine months’ mourning, they did not go to condole
(with the other mourners). From the feudal lords
down to all officers, if they had occasion to dress and
go to wail (for a relative newly deceased), they did
so in the dress proper to the mourning for him.
After putting on the lien silk, they paid visits of
condolence.
33. When one was occupied with the nine months’
mourning, if the burial had been performed, he
might go and condole with another mourner, retir-
ing after he had wailed without waiting for any other
part of the mourner’s proceedings.
During the mourning for one year, if before the
burial one went to condole with another in the same
district, he withdrew after he had wailed, without
waiting for the rest of the proceedings.
If condoling during the mourning for nine months,
he waited to see the other proceedings, but did not
take part in them.
During the mourning for five months or three
months, he waited to assist at the other proceedings,
but did not take part in the (principal) ceremony’.
1 That is, in putting down the offerings to the deceased.
SECT, 11. PT. 1. ΒΑ xt, 159
34. When one (was condoling with) another whom
he had been accustomed to pass with a hasty step',
(at the interment of his dead relative), he retired
when the bier had passed out from the gate of the
temple. If they had been on bowing terms, he re-
tired when they had reached the station for wailing.
If they had been in the habit of exchanging inquiries,
he retired after the coffin was let down into the grave.
If they had attended court together, he went back
to the house with the other, and wailed with him. If
they were intimate friends, he did not retire till after
the sacrifice of Repose, and the placing of the spirit-
tablet of the deceased in the shrine.
35. Condoling friends did not (merely) follow the
principal mourner. Those who were forty (or less)
held the ropes when the coffin was let down into the
grave. Those of the same district who were fifty
followed him back to the house and wailed ; and those
who were forty waited till the grave was filled up.
36. During mourning, though the food might be
bad, the mourner was required to satisfy his hunger
with it. If for hunger he had to neglect anything,
this was contrary to the rules. If he through satiety
forgot his sorrow, that also was contrary to the rules.
It was a distress to the wise men (who made the
rules) to think that a mourner should not see or hear
distinctly; should not walk correctly or be uncon-
scious of his occasion for sorrow ; and therefore (they
enjoined) that a mourner, when ill, should drink wine
and eat flesh; that people of fifty should do nothing
to bring on emaciation; that at sixty they should not
be emaciated; that at seventy they should drink
1 This was a mark of respect. Compare Analects IX, 9.
160 THE Li xt. BK. XVIII.
liquor and eat flesh:—all these rules were intended
as preventives against death. :
ν 37. If one, while in mourning, was invited by an-
other to eat with him, he did not go while wearing
the nine months’ mourning or that of a shorter period;
if the burial had taken place, he might go to another
party’s house. If that other party belonged to his
relative circle, and wished him to eat with him, he
might do so; if he did not belong to that circle, he did
not eat with him. ‘
y 38. While wearing the mourning of nine months,
one might eat vegetables and fruits, and drink water
and congee, using no salt or cream. If he could not eat
dry provisions, he might use salt or cream with them. .
_ 30. Confucius said, ‘If a man have a sore on his
V body, he should bathe. If he have a wound on
his head, he should wash it. If he be ill, he should
drink liquor and eat flesh. A superior man will not
emaciate himself so as to be ill. If one die from
such emaciation, a superior man will say of him that
he has failed in the duty of a son.’ -
ν 49. Excepting when following the carriage with
the bier to the grave, and returning from it, one was
not seen on the road with the mourning cap, which
was used instead of the ordinary one,
41. During the course of mourning, from that worn
for five months and more, the mourner did not wash
his head or bathe, excepting for the sacrifice of Re-
pose, the placing the spirit-tablet in the shrine, the
assuming the dress of lien silk, and the sacrifice at
the end of a year.
--r 42. During mourning rites,when the sackcloth with
the edges even was worn, after the burial, if one
asked an interview with the mourner, he saw him, but
SECT. II. PT. IL SA xt. 161
he himself did not ask to see any person. He might
do so when wearing the mourning of five months.
When wearing that for nine months, he did not carry
the introductory present in his hand (when seeking
an interview). It was only when wearing the mourn-
ing for a parent that the mourner did not avoid
seeing any one, (even) while the tears were running
from him.
43. A man while wearing the mourning for three
years might execute any orders of government after
the sacrifice at the end of a year. One mourning
for a year, might do so when the wailing was ended ;
one mourning for nine months, after the burial ; one
mourning for five months or three, after the en-
coffining and dressing.
44. 3ang Shan asked 3ang-sze, saying, ‘In wailing
for a parent, should one do so always in the same
voice?’ The answer was, ‘When a child has lost
its mother on the road, is it possible for it to think
about the regular and proper voice?’ ἢ
Part II.
1. After the wailing was ended, there commenced
the avoiding of certain names. (An officer) did not
use the name of his (paternal) grandfather or grand-
mother, of his father’s brothers or uncles; of his
father’s aunts or sisters. Father and son agreed
in avoiding all these names. The names avoided
by his mother the son avoided in the house.
Those avoided by his wife he did not use when at
her side. If among them there were names which
had been borne by his own paternal great-grand-
father or great-grand-uncles, he avoided them (in all
places).
[28] M
162 THE τ xt. BK. XVII.
2. When (the time for) capping (a young man)
came during the time of the mourning rites, though
they were those for a parent, the ceremony might be
performed. After being capped in the proper place,
the subject went in, wailed and leaped,—three times
each bout, and then came out again.
3. At the end of the nine months’ mourning, it
was allowable to cap a son or to marry a daughter.
A father at the end of the five months’ mourning,
might cap a son, or marry a daughter, or take a wife
(for a son). Although one himself were occupied
with the five months’ mourning, yet when he had
ended the wailing, he might be capped, or take a
wife. If it were the five months’ mourning for one
who had died in the lowest degree of immaturity, he
could not do so}.
4. Whenever one wore the cap of skin with a
sackcloth band (in paying a visit of condolence), his
upper garment of mourning had the large sleeves.
5. When the father was wearing mourning, a son,
who lived in the same house with him, kept away
from all music. When the mother was wearing it,
the son might listen to music, but not play himself.
When a wife was wearing it, the son, (her husband),
did not play music by her side. When an occasion
for the nine months’ mourning was about to occur,
the lute and cithern were laid aside. If it were only
an occasion for the five months’ mourning, music
was not stopped.
6. When an aunt or sister died (leaving no son),
if her husband (also) were dead, and there were no
1 This paragraph seems to me, as to many of the Chinese critics,
irretrievably corrupt or defective.
SECT. 11. PT. 11. ΒΑ xt. 163
brother or cousin in his relative circle, some other of
her husband’s more distant relatives was employed
to preside at her mourning rites. None of a wife’s
relatives, however near, could preside at them. If
no distant relative even of her husband could be
found, then a neighbour, on the east or the west, was
employed. If no such person (suitable) could be
found, then the head man of the neighbourhood pre-
sided. Some say, ‘One (of her relatives) might
preside, but her tablet was placed by that of the
(proper) relative of her husband.’
7. The girdle was not used along with the sack-
cloth band. That band could not be used by one
who carried in his hand his jade-token; nor could it
be used along with a dress of various colours.
8. On occasions of prohibitions issued by the
state (in connexion with the great sacrifices), the
wailing ceased; as to the offerings deposited by
the coffin, morning and evening, and the repairing
to their proper positions, mourners proceeded as
usual}.
g. A lad, when wailing, did not sob or quaver; did
not leap ; did not carry a staff; did not wear the straw
sandals; and did not occupy the mourning shed.
το. Confucius said, ‘For grand-aunts the mourning |
with the edges even is worn, but the feet in leaping
are not lifted from the ground. For aunts and sisters
the mourning for nine months is worn, but the feet
in leaping are lifted from the ground. If a man
understands these things, will he not (always) follow
the right forms of ceremonies? Will he not do so?’
1 The punctuation and place of this short paragraph vary. [15
integrity is also doubted.
M 2
164 . THE Li xt. ΒΚ. XVIII.
11. When the mother of f Lia died, his assistants
in the rites stood on his left; when { Lid died, they
stood on his right. The. practice of the assistants
(at funeral rites) giving their aid on the right, origin-
ated from the case of f Lid},
12. The mouth of the son of Heaven was stuffed
after death with nine shells; that of a feudal lord,
with seven; that of a Great officer, with five; and
that of an ordinary officer, with three 2,
13. An officer was interred after three months,
and the same month the wailing was ended. A
Great officer was interred (also) after three months,
and after five months the wailing was ended. A
prince was interred after five months, and after seven
the wailing was ended.
For an officer the sacrifice of Repose was offered
three times ; for a Great officer, five times; and for
a feudal prince, seven times.
14. A feudal lord sent a messenger to offer his
condolences; and after that, his contributions for the
mouth, the grave-clothes, and the carriage. All these
things were transacted on the same day, and in the
order thus indicated.
15. When a high minister or Great officer was ill,
the ruler inquired about him many times. When an
ordinary officer was ill, he inquired about him once.
When a Great officer or high minister was buried,
the ruler did not eat flesh; when the wailing was
finished, he did not have music. When an officer
was encoffined, he did not have music.
16. After they had gone up, and made the bier
1 A minister of duke MQ of LA, B.c. 409-377.
* This was not the practice in the Aau dynasty.
SECT. Il, PT. 11. 8A xi. 165
ready, in the case of the burial of a feudal lord,
there were 500 men to draw the ropes. At each of
the four ropes they were all gagged. The minister
of War superintended the clappers; eight men with
these walking on each side of the bier. The chief
artizan, carrying a shade of feathers, guided the pro-
gress (of the procession). At the burial of a Great
officer, after they had gone up and made the bier
ready, 300 men drew the ropes ; four men with their
clappers walked on each side of the bier; and its
progress was guided (by the chief artizan) with a
reed of white grass in his hand.
17. Confucius said, ‘Kwan Kung had carving on
the square vessels for holding the grain of his
offerings, and red ornaments for his cap; he set up
a screen where he lodged on the way, and had a
stand of earth on which the cups he had used, in
giving a feast, were replaced ; he had hills carved on
the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the
lower pillars supporting the rafters. He was a
worthy Great officer, but made it difficult for his
superiors (to distinguish themselves from him).
‘An Phing-£ung?, in sacrificing to his father and
other progenitors, used only the shoulders of a
pig, not large enough to cover the dish. He was
a worthy Great officer, but made it difficult
for his inferiors (to distinguish themselves from
him).
‘A superior man will not encroach on (the observ-
ances of) those above him, nor put difficulties in the
way of those below him,’
1 See Confucian Analects III, 22, and V, 17.
* A minister of XAt, contemporary with Confucius, distinguished
for his simple, and perhaps parsimonious, ways.
166 THE Lf Kt. BK, XVIII.
18. Excepting on the death of her father or
mother, the wife (of a feudal lord) did not cross the
boundaries of the state to pay a visit of condolence.
On that occasion she did so, and went back to her
original home, where she used the ceremonies of
condolence proper to a feudal lord, and she was
treated as one. When she arrived, she entered by
the women’s gate, and went up (to the reception hall)
by steps at the side (of the principal steps), the ruler
receiving her at the top of the steps on the east.
The other ceremonies were the same as those of a
guest who hastened to attend the funeral rites.
19. A sister-in-law did not lay the soothing hand
on the corpse of her brother-in-law; and vice vers4.
20. There are three things that occasion sorrow
to a superior man (who is devoted to learning):—If
there be any subject of which he has not heard, and
he cannot get to hear of it; if he hear of it, and
cannot get to learn it; if he have learned it, and
cannot get to carry it out in practice. There are
five things that occasion shame to a superior man
(who is engaged in governmental duties) :—If he
occupy an office, and have not well described its
duties; if he describe its duties well, but do not
carry them into practice ; if he have got his office,
and lost it again ; if he be charged with the care of
a large territory, and the people be not correspond-
ingly numerous; if another, in a charge like his own,
have more merit than he.
21. Confucius said, ‘In bad years they used in
their carriages their poorest horses, and in their
sacrifices the victims lowest (in the classes belonging
to them).’
22. At the mourning rites for Hsi Ya, duke Ai
SECT. I. PT. II. BA xi. 167
sent ZQ Pi to Confucius to learn the rites proper at
the mourning for the officer. Those rites were thus
committed at that time to writing.
23. 3ze-kung having gone to see the agricultural
sacrifice at the end of the year, Confucius said to
him, ‘ 3hze, did it give you pleasure ?’ The answer
was, ‘ The people of the whole state appeared to be
mad; I do not know in what I could find pleasure.’
The Master said, ‘ For their hundred days’ labour in
the field, (the husbandmen) receive this one day's
enjoyment (from the state) ;—this is what you do
not understand. (Even) Wan and Wd could not
keep a bow (in good condition), if it were always
drawn and never relaxed; nor did they leave it
always relaxed and never drawn. To keep it now
strung and now unstrung was the way of Wan
and Wa.’
24. Mang Hsien-yze said, ‘If in the first month
at the (winter) solstice it be allowable to offer the
(border) sacrifice to God, in the seventh month, at
the summer solstice, we may offer the sacrifice in
the temple of the ancestor (of our ruling House).’
Accordingly Hsien-3ze offered that sacrifice to all the
progenitors (of the line of LQ) in the seventh month!
25. The practice of not obtaining from the son
of Heaven the confirmation of her dignity for the
‘wife (of the ruler of LQ) began with duke 40%.
1 Hsien-3ze was the honorary title of Aung-sun Mieh, a good
officer of Lf, under dukes Wan, Hstian, KAang, and Hsiang. He
must understand him as speaking of the sacrifices of the state, and
not of his own.
3 See Confucian Analects VII, 30. Duke Xao married a lady
of WA, of the same surname with himself, and therefore had not
announced the marriage to the king.
168 THE Li xf. BK, XVIII.
26. The mourning of a ruler and his wife were
regulated by the same rules for the ladies of his
family married in other states and for those married
in his own},
27. When the stables of Confucius were burned,
and the friends of his district came (to offer their
condolences) on account of the fire, he bowed once
to the ordinary officers, and twice to the Greater
officers ;—according to the rule on occasions of
mutual condolence.
28. Confucius said, ‘Kwan Aung selected two
men from among (certain) thieves with whom he
was dealing, and appointed them to offices in the
state, saying, “ They were led astray by bad men
with whom they had associated, but they are proper
men themselves.” When he died, duke Hwan made
these two wear mourning for him. The practice of
old servants of a Great officer wearing mourning
for him, thus arose from Kwan Aung. But these two
men only mourned for him by the duke’s orders.’
29. When an officer, in a mistake, used a name
to his ruler which should be avoided, he rose to his
feet. If he were speaking to any one who had
the name that should be avoided with the ruler, he
called him by the name given to him on his maturity.
30. (A Great officer) took no part in any seditious
movements within his state, and did not try to avoid
calamities coming from without.
31. The treatise on the duties of the Chief Inter-
nuncius says, ‘The length of the long symbol of
rank was for a duke, nine inches; for a marquis or
1 There are differences of opinion as to the meaning of this
paragraph, between which it is not easy to decide. It would be
tedious to go into an exhibition and discussion of them.
A
SECT. 11. PT. 11. SA xt. 169
earl, seven; for a count or baron, five. The width in
each case was three inches; and the thickness, half
aninch. They tapered to the point for one inch and
a half. They were all of jade. The mats for them
were made with three different colours, (two rows of
each,) six in all.’
32. Duke Ai asked 3ze-kAo, ‘When did members
of your family first begin to be in office?’ The
answer was, ‘My ancestor held a small office under
duke WAan1.’
33. When a temple was completed, they pro-
ceeded to consecrate it with the following cere-
mony :—The officer of prayer, the cook, and the
butcher, all wore the cap of leather of the colour
of a sparrow’s head, and the dark-coloured dress
with the purple border. The butcher rubbed the
sheep clean, the officer of prayer blessed it, and the
cook with his face to the north took it to the pillar
and placed it on the south-east of it. Then the
butcher took it in his arms, went up on the roof at
the middle point between the east and west, and
with his face to the south stabbed it, so that the
blood ran down in front; and then he descended. At
the gate of the temple, and of each of the two side
apartments, they used a fowl, one at the gate of
each (going up as before and stabbing them). The
hair and feathers about the ears were first pulled
out under the roof (before the victims were killed).
When the fowls were cut at the gates of the temple,
and the apartments on each side of it, officers stood,
opposite to each gate on the north. When the thing
was over, the officer of prayer announced that it
1 This paragraph is supposed to be defective. Duke W4n was
marquis of LQ from B.c. 626 to 609.
170 THE πὶ xf. BK. XVIII.
was so, and they all retired, after which he an-
nounced it to the ruler, saying, ‘The blood-conse-
cration has been performed.’ This announcement
was made at the door of the back apartment of the
temple, inside which the ruler stood in his court-
robes, looking towards the south. This concluded
the ceremony, and all withdrew’.
When the great apartment (of the palace) was
completed, it was inaugurated (by a feast), but there
was no shedding of blood. The consecration by
blood of the temple building was the method taken
to show how intercourse with the spirits was sought.
All the more distinguished vessels of the ancestral
temple were consecrated, when completed, by the
blood of a young boar.
34. When a feudal lord sent his wife away, she
proceeded on her journey to her own state, and was
received there with the observances due to a lord’s
wife. The messenger, accompanying her, then dis-
charged his commission, saying, ‘My poor ruler, from
his want of ability, was not able to follow ker, and
take part in the services at your altars and in your
ancestral temple. He has, therefore, sent me, so
and so, and I venture to inform your officer ap-
pointed for the purpose of what he has done.’ The
officer presiding (on the occasion) replied, ‘ My poor
ruler in his former communication did not lay (her
defects) before you, and he does not presume to do
anything but respectfully receive your lord’s mes-
sage. The officers in attendance on the commis-
1 This ceremony is also described in the ‘ Rites of the greater
T4i,’ Book X, with some difference in the details, It is difficult,
even from the two accounts, to bring the ceremony fully before the
mind’s eye.
SECT. 11. PT. I. 3A xt. 171
sioner then set forth the various articles sent with
the lady on her marriage, and those on the other
side received them.
35. When the wife went away from her husband,
she sent a messenger and took leave of him, say-
ing, ‘So and so, through her want of ability, is not
able to keep on supplying the vessels of grain for
your sacrifices, and has sent me, so and so, to pre-
sume to announce this to your attendants.’ The
principal party (on the other side) replied, ‘ My son,
in his inferiority, does not presume to avoid your
punishing him, and dares not but respectfully receive
your orders. The messenger then retired, the
principal party bowing to him, and escorting him.
If the father-in-law were alive, then he named him-
self; if he were dead, an elder brother of the hus-
band acted for him, and the message was given as
from him; if there were no elder brother, then it
ran as from the husband himself. The message, as
given above, was, ‘The son of me, so and so, in his
inferiority.’ (At the other end of the transaction), if
the lady were an aunt, an elder sister, or a younger,
she was mentioned as such.
36. Confucius said, ‘When I was at a meal at
Shdo-shih’s, I ate to the full. He entertained me
courteously, according to the rules. When I was
about to offer some in sacrifice, he got up and wished
to stop me, saying, “My poor food is not worth being
offered in sacrifice.” When I was about to take the
concluding portions, he got up and wished to stop
me, saying, “I would not injure you with my poor
provisions 1, Ὁ
1 See pages 20, 21, paragraph 13.
172 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XVIII.
37. A bundle of silk (in a marriage treaty) con-
tained five double rolls, each double roll being forty
cubits in length.
38. At the (first) interview of a wife with her
father and mother-in-law, (her husband’s) unmarried
aunts and sisters all stood below the reception hall,
with their faces towards the west, the north being
the place of honour. After this interview, she visited
all the married uncles of her husband, each in his
own apartment. .
Although not engaged to be married, the rule
was for a young lady to wear the hair-pin ;—she was
thus treated with the honours of maturity. The
(principal) wife managed the ceremony. When she
was unoccupied and at ease, she wore her hair with-
out the pin, on each side of her head.
39. The apron (of the full robes) was three cubits
long, two cubits wide at bottom, and one at the top.
The border at the top extended five inches; and
that at the sides was of leather the colour of a
sparrow’s head, six inches wide, terminating five
inches from the bottom. The borders at top and
bottom were of white silk, embroidered with the five
colours.
BOOK XIX. SANG TA Αἴ
OR
THE GREATER RECORD OF MOURNING RITES".
Section I.
1. When the illness was extreme, all about the
establishment was swept clean, inside and out. In
the case of a ruler or Great officer, the stands, with
the martial instruments suspended from them, were
removed; in that of an officer, his lute and cithern.
The sufferer lay with his head to the east, under the
window on the north. His couch was removed (and
he was laid on the ground). ‘The clothes ordinarily
worn at home were removed, and new clothes sub-
stituted for them. (In moving the body) one person
took hold of each limb. Males and females changed
their dress. Some fine floss was put (on the mouth
and nostrils), to make sure that the breath was gone.
A man was not permitted to die in the hands of the
women, or a woman in the hands of the men.
2. A ruler and his wife both died in the Great
chamber, a Great officer and his acknowledged wife
in the Proper chamber’; the not yet acknowledged
See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 34, 35-
* The clothes of the dying master and friend were changed; it
was right that all about them should also change their dress. The
court or best robes were put on, moreover, that inquiring visitors
might be properly received.
’ This proper, or ‘legitimate’ chamber corresponded in the
mansion of a Great officer to the Grand chamber in the palace.
174 THE Li xf. BK. XIX.
wife of a high minister, in an inferior chamber, but -
the corpse was then removed to the higher chamber.
The wives of officers died in their chambers.
3. At (the ceremony of) calling back the soul, if (the
deceased were a lord on whose territory) there were
forests and copses, the forester arranged the steps
(by which to go up on the roof); and if there were
no forests, one of the salvage men (employed about
the court in menial offices) did so. An officer of low
rank performed the ceremony. All who did so em-
ployed some of the court robes (of the deceased) :—for .
a ruler, the robe with the descending dragon; for the
wife, that with the descending pheasant; for a Great
officer, the dark robe and red skirt; for his recognised
wife, the robe of fresh yellow; for an officer, that
worn with the cap of deep purple leather; and for
his wife, the dark dress with the red border. In all
cases they ascended from the east wing to the middle
of the roof, where the footing was perilous. Facing
the north, they gave three loud calls for the deceased,
after which they rolled up the garment they had em-
ployed, and cast it down in front, where the curator
of the robes received it, and then they themselves
descended by the wing on the north-west.
If the deceased were a visitor, and in a public
lodging, his soul was called back; if the lodging
were private, it was not called back. If he were in
the open country, one got up on the left end of the
nave of the carriage in which he had been riding, and
~ called it back.
Connected with the Grand chamber were two smaller apartments.
It is mentioned in the 80 Awan, under B.c. 627, that duke Hsf of
Lf died ‘in the small apartment ;’ which has always been under-
stood as discreditable to him.
SECT. I. SANG TA xf. 175
4. The garment which had been used in calling
the soul back was not employed to cover the corpse,
nor in dressing it. In calling back the soul of a wife,
the upper robe with the purple border in which she
had been married was not employed. In all cases of
calling back the soul, a man was called by his name,
and a woman by her designation. Nothing but the
wailing preceded the calling the soul back. After
that calling they did what was requisite on an occa-
sion of death.
5. Immediately after death, the principal mourners —
sobbed!; brothers and cousins (of the deceased)
wailed; his female relatives wailed and leaped.
6. When the dead body (of a ruler) had been
placed properly (beneath the window with the head
to the south), his son sat (or knelt) on the east; his
ministers, Great - officers, uncles, cousins, their sons
and grandsons, stood (also) on the east; the multitude
of ordinary officers, who had the charge of the
different departments, wailed below the hall, facing the
north. His wife knelt on the west; the wives, aunts,
sisters, their daughters and grand-daughters, whose
husbands were of the same surname as he, stood
(behind her) on the west; and the wives, his relatives
of the same surname, whose position had been con-
firmed in their relation to their husbands, at the head
of all the others married similarly to husbands of
other surnames, wailed above in the hall, facing the
north.
7. At the mourning rites (immediately after death)
of a Great officer, the (son), presiding, knelt on the
east, and the wife, presiding, on the west. The
1 They were too much affected, it is said, to give loud
expression to their grief.
176 THE Lf xf. BK. XIX.
husbands and wives (among the relations) whose
positions had been officially confirmed, sat (or knelt);
others who had not that confirmation, stood.
At the rites for a deceased officer, the son pre-
siding, uncles, brothers, and cousins, with their sons
and grandsons, all sat (or knelt) on the east; the
wife presiding, aunts, sisters, and cousins, with their
female children and grandchildren, all sat (or knelt)
on the west.
Whenever they wailed by the corpse in the apart-
ment, the presiding mourner did so, holding up the
shroud with his two hands at the same time.
8. At the mourning rites of a ruler, before the
slighter dressing was completed, the principal mourner
came out to receive the visit of a refugee ruler, or a
visitor from another state.
At those for a Great officer, at the same period,
he came out to receive a message from his ruler. At
those for an ordinary officer, also at the same period,
he came out to receive a Great officer, if he were not
engaged in the dressing.
9. Whenever the presiding mourner went forth (to
meet visitors), he had his feet bare, his skirt tucked
under his girdle, and his hands across his chest over
his heart. Having gone down by the steps on the
west, if a ruler, he bowed to a refugee ruler, or a
minister commissioned from another state, each in
his proper place. When a message from his ruler
came to a Great officer, he came to the outside of
the door of the apartment (where the dead was), to
receive the messenger who had ascended to the hall
and communicated his instructions. (They then
went down together), and the mourner bowed to the
messenger below.
SECT. I. SANG TA xt. 177
When a Great officer came himself to condole with
an ordinary officer, the latter wailed along with him,
but did not meet him outside the gate.
10, The wife of a ruler went out (of her apartment)
on a visit from the wife of a refugee ruler.
The confirmed wife (of a Great officer) went out
(in the same way) on the arrival of a message from
the ruler’s wife.
The wife of an officer, if not engaged in the dress-
ing, (also) went out to receive the confirmed wife (of
a Great officer).
11. At the slighter dressing, the presiding mourner
took his place inside the door (on the east of it), and
the presiding wife had her face to the east. When
the dressing was ended, both of them made as if
they leant on the body, and leaped. The mourner
unbared his breast, took off the tufts of juvenility,
and bound up his hair with sackcloth. The wife
knotted up her hair, and put on her sackcloth girdle
in her room.
12. When the curtain (which screened the body)
was removed, the men and women carried it and
put it down in the hall, (the eldest son) going down
the steps and bowing (to the visitors).
13. The (young) ruler (who was mourning) bowed
to refugee lords, and to ministers, commissioners from
other states. Great officers and other officers bowed
to ministers and Great officers in their respective
places. In the case of (the three grades of) officers,
they received three side-bows', one for each grade.
The ruler’s wife also bowed to the wife of a refugee
1 The side-bows were somehow made, without the ruler’s turning
directly towards the officers,
[28] Ν
178 THE Lf xt. BK, XIX.
lord, above in the hall. With regard to the wives of
Great officers and of other officers, she bowed speci-
ally to each whose position had received the official
appointment; to the others she gave a general
_bow;—all above in the hall.
14. When the mourner had gone to his own place
(after bowing to his visitors), he closed the robe which
was drawn on one side, covering his breast, put on his
girdle and head-band, and leapt. When the mourn-
ing was for his mother, he went to his place, and tied
up his hair, after which he put down the offerings by
the body. The visitors who had come to condole,
covered their fur robes, put the roll at the back of
their caps, assumed their girdles and head-bands, and
leapt in correspondence with the mourner.
15. Atthe funeral rites for a ruler, the chief forester
supplied wood and horns; the chief of the salvage-
men supplied the vases for water; the chief of the
slaughtering department supplied boilers; and (an
officer from the department of) the minister of War
(saw to the) hanging of these. Thus they secured
the succession of wailers. Some of those in the
department took their part in the wailing. If they
did not hang up the vases, and the Great officers
were sufficient to take the wailing in turns, then they
did not use those others.
In the hall of the ruler there were two lights above
and two below; for that of a Great officer, one above
1 The object of the arrangements in this obscure paragraph was
evidently to maintain the wailing uninterrupted, and to provide,
by means of the clepsydra, a regular marking of the time for that
purpose. See, in the K4u Kwan XXX, 51-52, the duties of the
officer of the department of the minister of War who had charge of
the vase.
SECT. 1. SANG TA ki. 179
and two below; for that of an ordinary officer, one
above and one below’.
16. When the guests went out, the curtain was
removed 5.
17. When they were wailing the corpse above in
the hall, the principal mourner was at the east;
visitors coming from without, took their place at the
west, and the women stood facing the south.
18. The wife (presiding), in receiving guests and
escorting them, did not go down from the hall with
them. If she did go down (as with the wife of the
ruler), she bowed to her, but did not wail.
If the son (presiding), had occasion to go outside
the door of the apartment, and saw the guest (whom
he so went to meet), he did not wail.
When there was no female to preside, a son did
so, and bowed to the female visitors inside the door
ofthe apartment. If there were no son to preside,
a daughter did so, and bowed to the male visitors at
the foot of the steps on the east.
If the son were a child, then he was carried in his
sackcloth in the arms, and his bearer bowed for him.
If the successor of the deceased were not present,
and was a man of rank, an apology was made to the
guests; if he were not a man of rank, some other one
bowed to them for him.
If he were anywhere in the state, they waited for
him; if he had gone beyond it, the encoffining and
burial might goon. The funeral rites might proceed
without the presence of the successor of the deceased,
but not without one to preside over them.
1 This must have been towards morning. During the night
torches were kept burning.
* This should be at the end of paragraph 14.
N 2
180 THE Li xt. BK. XIX.
19. At the mourning rites for a ruler, on the third
day his sons and his wife assumed the staff. On the
fifth day, when the corpse was put into the coffin,
his daughters who had become the wives of Great
officers were allowed to use it. His (eldest) son and
Great officers used it outside the door of the apart-
ment (where the coffin was); inside the door they
carried it in their hands (but did not use it). The
wife and his daughters, the wives of Great officers,
used the staff in their rooms; when they went to
their places (in the apartment where the coffin was),
people were employed to hold it for them.
When a message came from the king, (the son
presiding) put away his staff; when one came from
the ruler of another state, he only held it in his
hand. When attending to any consultation of the
tortoise-shell about the corpse, he put away his staff.
A Great officer, in the place of the ruler, carried
his staff in his hand; at another Great officer's, he
used it.
20. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, on
the morning of the third day, when the body was
put into the coffin, his son presiding, his wife
presiding, and the steward of the House, all assumed
the staff. Ona message from the ruler, the (new)
Great officer put away his staff; on a message from
another Great officer, he carried it in hishand. His
wife, on a message from the wife of the ruler, put her
staff away ; on a message from the confirmed wife (of
another Great officer), she gave it to some one to
hold for her.
21. At the mourning rites for an officer, the body
on the second day was put into the coffin. On the
morning of the third day, the presiding mourner
SECT. I. SANG TA xf. 181
assumed the staff, and his wife also. The same
observances as in the rites for a Great officer were
observed on messages arriving from the ruler or his
wife, or from a Great officer and his confirmed wife.
22. All the sons assumed the staff, but only the
eldest son used it when they were going to their
places (in the apartment where the coffin was).
Great officers and other officers, when wailing by the
coffin, used the staff; when wailing by the bier,
they carried it in their hands. When the staff (used
in mourning) was thrown away, it was broken and
thrown away in secret.
23. As soon as death took place, the corpse was
transferred to the couch’, and covered with a large
sheet. The clothes in which the deceased had died
were removed. A servant plugged the mouth open
with the spoon of horn; and to keep the feet from/
contracting, an easy stool was employed*. These
observances were the same for a ruler, a Great officer,
and an ordinary officer ὃ.
24. The servant in charge of the apartments drew
the water, and without removing the well-rope from
the bucket gathered it up, and carried the whole up to
the top of the steps. There, without going on the
hall, he gave it to the attendants in waiting on the
body. These then went in to wash the corpse, four
1 When death seemed to be imminent, the body was removed
from the couch and laid on the ground ;—if, perhaps, contact with
‘mother’ earth might revive it. When death had taken place, it
was replaced on the couch.
31 do not quite understand how this stool was applied so as to
accomplish its purpose.
8. This paragraph is the 24th in the Xhien-lung edition. See
below, paragraph 26.
182 THE Lf kt. BK. XIX.
lower servants holding up the sheet, and two per-
forming the washing ; having put the water in basins,
to which they took it with ladles. In washing they
used napkins of fine linen, and in drying the body
the ordinary bathing clothes. Another servant
then pared the nails of the feet, after which they
threw away the rest of the water into the pit. At
the funeral rites for a mother (or other female), the
female attendants in waiting in the inner room held
up the sheet and washed the body.
25. The servant in charge of the apartments,
having drawn water and given it to the attendants
in waiting on the body, these prepared the wash for
the head, above in the hall :—for a ruler, made from
maize-water; for a Great officer, from that of the
glutinous millet; and for an ordinary officer, that
from maize-water. After this, some of the forester’s
department made a sort of furnace at the foot of the
wall on the west ; and the potter brought out a large
boiler, in which the servant in charge of the apart-
ments should boil the water. The servants of the
forester’s department brought the fuel which he had
removed from the crypt in the north-west of the
apartment, now converted into a shrine, to use for
that purpose. When the water was heated, he gave
it to the attendants, who proceeded to wash the
head, and poured the water into an earthenware
basin, using the napkin as on ordinary occasions
to. dry the head. Another servant then clipped
the nails of the fingers, and wiped the beard. The
water was then thrown into the pit.
26. For a ruler they put down a large vessel, full
of ice; for a Great officer, a middle-sized one, full of
ice ; and for an ordinary officer, only one of earthen-
SECT. I. SANG TA Rf. 183
ware, without any ice in it. Over these they placed
the couch with a single sheet and pillow on it;
another couch on which the jade should be put into
the mouth; and another still, where the fuller dressing
should be done. Then the corpse was removed to
a couch in the hall, on which was a pillow and mat.
The same forms were observed for a ruler, a Great
officer, and an ordinary officer }.
27. At the mourning rites for a ruler, his (eldest)
son, Great officers, his other sons, and all the (other)
officers (employed about the court), ate nothing for
three days, but confined themselves to gruel.
(Afterwards) for their consumption they received in
the morning a handful of rice, and another in the
evening; which they ate without any observance
of stated times. Officers (at a distance) were
restricted to coarse rice and water for their drink,
without regard to any stated times. The wife (of
the new ruler), the confirmed wives (of the Great
officers), and all the members of their harems, had
coarse rice and drank water, having no regard in
their eating to stated times.
28. At the mourning rites for a Great officer, the
presiding mourner, the steward, and grandsons, all
were confined to gruel. All the inferior officers
were restricted to coarse rice, and water to drink.
Wives and concubines took coarse rice, and water to
drink. At the rites for an ordinary officer the same
rules were observed. :
29. After the burial, the presiding mourner had
(only) coarse rice and water to drink ;—he did not
1 This paragraph is the 23rd in the KAien-lung edition, con-
fessedly out of place.
184 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XIX.
eat vegetables or fruits.. His wife observed the
same rule. So it was in the case of rulers, Great
officers, and other officers.
After the change of mourning, towards the end
of the year, they ate vegetables and fruit; and after
the subsequent sacrifice, they ate flesh.
30. They took their gruel in bowls, and did not
wash their hands (before doing so). When they
took their rice from the basket, they washed their
hands. They ate their vegetables along with pickles
and sauces. When they first ate flesh, it was dry
flesh; when they first drank liquor, it was that
newly made.
31. During the mourning of a year, on three
occasions they abstained from eating. When eating
coarse rice, with water to drink, they did not eat
vegetables or fruits. After the burial, at the end of
three months, they ate flesh and drank liquor. When
the year’s mourning was ended, they did not eat
flesh nor drink liquor. When the father was alive,
in the mourning of nine months, the rules were the
same as in that for a year, on account of the mother
or of the wife. Though they ate flesh and drank
liquor, they could not take the enjoyment of these
things in company with others?.
32. During the mourning for five months, and
that for three months, it was allowable to abstain
from eating once or twice. Between the coffining
and burial*, when eating flesh and drinking liquor,
1 The statements in this paragraph, and those in the next, might
certainly be stated more distinctly.
* Such is the meaning of the text here, as fully defined by a Fang
Pao (fy #8) :— Ηὲ 38 HG PATE bh EF HR th.
SECT. 11. SANG TA xi. 185
they did not take the enjoyment of these things in
company with others. While mourning for an
aunt, the confirmed wife of an uncle, one’s old ruler,
or the head of a clan, they ate flesh and drank liquor.
If a mourner could not eat the gruel, he might
eat soup of vegetables. If he were ill, he might
eat flesh and drink liquor. At fifty, one did not
go through all the observances of mourning. At
seventy, he simply wore the sackcloth on his person.
33. After the burial, if his ruler feasted a mourner,
he partook of the viands; if a Great officer or a
friend of his father did so, he partook in the same
way. He did not even decline the grain and flesh
that might be set before him, but wine and new
wine he declined.
Section II.
1. The slighter dressing was performed inside
the door (of the apartment where the body was);
the fuller dressing (at the top of) the steps (leading
up to the reception hall) on the east. The body
of a ruler was laid on a mat of fine bamboo; of a
Great officer, on one of typha grass; and of an
ordinary officer, on one of phragmites grass.
2. At the slighter dressing one band of cloth was
laid straight, and there were three bands laid
cross-wise. The sheet for a ruler’s body was em-
broidered; for a Great officer's, white; for an
ordinary officer's, black :—each had one sheet.
There were nineteen suits of clothes!; those for
1 So in all our dictionaries ; as in Medhurst, K -- Ri, ‘a suit
of clothes.’ But why nineteen suits? Aang and Ying-ta say, ‘To
make up ten, the concluding number of heaven; and nine, that of
186 THE Lf xt. BK. XIX.
the ruler, displayed in the corridor on the east ; and
those for a Great officer, or a common officer, inside
the apartments :—all with their collars towards the
west, those in the north being the best. The sash
and sheet were not reckoned among them.
3. At the fuller dressing there were three bands
of cloth laid straight, and five laid cross-wise.
There were (also) strings of cloth, and two sheets :—
equally for a ruler, a Great officer, and a common
officer. The clothes for a ruler consisted of one
hundred suits, displayed in the courtyard, having their
collars towards the north, those on the west being
the best; those of a Great officer were fifty suits,
displayed in the corridor on the east, having the
collars towards the west, those on the south being
the best; those of a common officer were thirty
suits, displayed also in the corridor on the east, with
their collars towards the west, the best on the south.
The bands and strings were of the same quality as
the court robes. One strip of the band-cloth was
divided into three, but at the ends was not further
divided. The sheets were made of five pieces,
without strings or buttons.
4. Among the clothes at the slighter dressing,
the sacrificial robes were not placed below the
others. For the ruler no clothes were used that
were presented. For a Great officer and a common
officer, the sacrificial (and other) robes belonging to
the principal mourner were all used, and then they
used those ‘contributed by their relatives; but these
were not displayed along with the others.
earth.’ But how shall we account for the hundred, fifty, and thirty
suits at the greater dressing, in next paragraph? These suits were
set forth, I suppose, for display ; they could hardly be for use.
SECT. II. SANG TA Rf. 187
At the slighter dressing, for a ruler, a Great
officer, and a common officer, they used wadded
upper robes and sheets.
At the greater dressing, the number of sacrificial
(and other) robes put on a ruler, a Great officer, or
another officer, was not definitely fixed; but the
upper robes and sheets for a ruler had only a thin
lining, (instead of being wadded); for a Great
officer and a common officer, they were as at the
slighter dressing.
5. The long robe (worn in private) had a shorter
one placed over it ;—it was not displayed alone. It
was the rule that with the upper garment the lower
one should also be shown. So only could they be
called a suit.
6. All who set forth the clothes took them from
the chests in which they had been deposited ; and
those who received the clothes brought (as con-
tributions) placed them in (similar) chests. In
going up to the hall and descending from it, they
did so by the steps on the west. They displayed
the clothes without rumpling them. They did not
admit any that were not correct; nor any of fine or
coarse dolychos fibre, or of coarse flax.
7. All engaged in dressing the corpse had their
arms bared ; those who moved it into the coffin, had
their breasts covered. At the funeral rites for a
ruler, the Great officer of prayer performed the
dressing, assisted by all the members of his depart-
ment; at those for a Great officer, the same officer
stood by, and saw all the others dress the body;
at those of a common officer, the members of that
department stood by, while other officers (his
friends) performed the dressing.
188 THE Lf xf. BK. XIX.
8. At both the dressings the sacrificial robes
were not placed below the others. They were all
placed with the lappel to lie on the left side. The
bands were tied firmly, and not in a bow-knot.
9. The rule was that the dressers should wail,
when they had completed their work. But in the
case of an officer, as the dressing was performed by
those who had served in office along with him, they,
after the work was done, omitted a meal. In all
cases the dressers were six.
10. The body cases (used before the dressing)
were made :—for a ruler, the upper one embroidered,
and the lower one striped black and white, with
seven strings on the open side; for a Great officer,
the upper one dark blue, and the lower one striped
black and white, with five tie-strings on the side;
for a common officer, the upper one black, and the
lower one red, with three tie-strings at the side.
The upper case came down to the end of the hands,
and the lower case was three feet long. At the
smaller dressing and afterwards, they used coverlets
laid on the body (instead of these cases), their size
being the same as that of the cases.
11. When the great dressing of a ruler’s body
was about to commence, his son, with the sackcloth
band about his cap, went to his place at the (south)
end of the (eastern) corridor, while the ministers
and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the
hall, with the pillar on their west, their faces to the
north, and their row ascending to the east. The
uncles, brothers, and cousins were below the hall,
with their faces to the north. The (son’s) wife, and
other wives whose position had been confirmed
were on the west of the body, with their faces to
SECT. 11. SANG TA gf. 189
the east. The female relations from other states
were in their apartments with their faces to the
south. Inferior officers spread the mats. The Shang
officers of prayer spread the strings, the coverlet,
and clothes. The officers had their hands over the
vessels, They then lifted the corpse and removed
it to the place for the dressing. When the dress-
ing was finished, the superintendent announced the
fact. The son then (seemed to) lean on it, and
leaped while his wife did the same, with her face
to the east.
12. At the mourning rites of a Great officer, when
they were about to proceed to the great dressing,
and the tie-strings, coverlets, and clothes had all
been spread out, the ruler arrived, and was met by
(the son), the principal mourner. The son entered
before him, (and stood) at the right of the gate, out-
side which the exorcist stopped. The ruler having
put down the vegetables (as an offering to the spirit
of the gate), and the blesser preceding him, entered
and went up to the hall. He then repaired to his
place at the end of the corridor, while the ministers
and Great officers took theirs at the corner of the hall
on the west of the pillar, looking to the north, their
row ascending to the east. The presiding mourner
was outside the apartment (where the corpse was),
facing the south. His wife presiding was on the west
of the body, facing the east. When they had moved
the corpse, and finished the dressing, the steward re-
ported that they had done so, and the presiding
mourner went down below the hall, with his face to
the north. There the ruler laid on him the soothing
hand, and he bowed with his forehead to the ground.
The ruler signified to him to go up, and lean on the
190 | THE τὴ xf. BK. XIX.
body, and also requested his wife, presiding, to lean
on it.
13. At the mourning rites for a common officer,
when they were about to proceed to the great dress-
ing, the ruler was not present. In other respects
the observances were the same as in the case of a
Great officer.
14. They also leaped at the spreading out of the
ties and strings; of the sheet; of the clothes; at
. the moving of the corpse; at the putting on of the
clothes; of the coverlet; and of the adjusting of
the ties and bands.
15. The ruler laid his hand on the body of a Great
officer, and on that of the most honourable ladies of
his own harem. A Great officer laid his hand on the
body of the steward of his house, and on that of his
niece and the sister of his wife, who had accompanied
her to the harem.
The ruler and a Great officer leant closely with
their breasts over the bodies of their parents, wives,
and eldest sons, but not over those of their other
sons.
A common officer, however, did so also to all his
other sons.
If a son by a concubine had a son, the parents did
not perform this ceremony over him. When it was
performed, the parents did it first, and then the wife
and son.
A ruler laid his hand on the body of a minister ;
parents, while bending over that of a son, also took
hold of his hand. A son bent over his parents,
bringing his breast near to theirs. A wife seemed
as if she would place her two arms beneath the
bodies of her parents-in-law; while they (simply)
τ (SEY ALS
AD” oR Tite Te ἘΝ
SRSIT
SECT. I. SANG TA xi. (UN ms τον δ: Υ.
laid their hands on her. A wife made SEIF OR. al
would cling to her husband’s body; while the hus-
band held her hand as he did that of a brother or
cousin. When others brought the breast near the
body of a corpse, they avoided the point at which
the ruler had touched it. After every such mark of
sorrow, the mourner rose up and leaped.
16. At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son)
occupied the slanting shed, unplastered; slept on
straw, with a clod of earth for his pillow. He spoke
of nothing but what related to the rites. A ruler
enclosed this hut; but Great and common officers
left it exposed.
After the burial, the inclined posts were set up on
lintels, and the hut was plastered, but not on the
outside which could be seen. Rulers, Great and
common officers, all had it enclosed.
All the other sons, but the eldest by the proper
wife, even before the burial had huts made for them-
selves in out-of-the-way places.
17, After the burial, the son would stand with
others. If a ruler, he would speak of the king’s
affairs, but not of those of his own state. If a Great
officer, or a common officer, he would speak of the
ruler’s affairs, but not of those of his own clan or
family.
18. When the ruler was buried, the royal ordi-
nances came into the state. After the wailing was
finished, the new ruler engaged in the king’s affairs.
When a Great officer or a common officer was
buried, the ordinances of the state came to his family.
After the wailing was finished, while continuing the
sackcloth band round his cap, and the girdle, he
might don his armour and go into the field. ΄
192 THE Lf xf. BK. XIX.
19. After the mourning was changed at the end of
a year, (the sons) occupied the unplastered apartment,
and did not occupy one along with others. Then
the ruler consulted about the government of the
state; and Great officers and common officers about
the affairs of their clan and families. After the
sacrifice at the end of two years, the ground of the
apartment was made of a dark green, and the walls
were whitened. After this, they no longer wailed
outside ; and after the sacrifice at the end of twenty-
seven months, they did not do so inside; for, after
it, music began to be heard.
20. After that sacrifice, at the end of twenty-seven
months, (the son) attended to all his duties; and
after the felicitous sacrifice (of re-arranging the
tablets in his ancestral temple), he returned to his
(usual) chamber.
At the one year’s mourning, he occupied the hut;
and when it was completed, the occasions on which
he did not seek the nuptial chamber were :—when
his father was alive, and he had been wearing the
hemmed sackcloth of a year for his mother or his
wife, and when he had been wearing the cloth
mourning of nine months; on these occasions, for
three months he did not seek the intercourse of the
inner chamber.
A wife did not occupy the hut, nor sleep on the
straw. At the mourning for her father or mother,
when she had changed the mourning at the end of a
year, she returned to her husband ; when the mourn-
ing was that of nine months, she returned after the
burial.
21. At the mourning rites for a duke (of the
royal domain), his Great officers continued till the
SECT. 11. SANG TA kt. 193
change of mourning at the end of a year, and then
returned to their own residences. A common officer
returned at the conclusion of the wailing.
22. At the mourning rites for their parents, (the
other sons who were) Great officers or common
officers, returned to their own residences after the
change of the mourning at the end of the year; but
on the first day of the month and at full moon, and
on the return of the death-day, they came back and
wailed in the house of him who was now the Head
of their family.
At the mourning for uncles and cousins, they
returned to their own residences at the conclusion
of the wailing.
23. A father did not take up his quarters (during
the mourning) at a son’s, nor an elder brother at a
younger’s,
24. At the mourning rites for a Great officer or
his acknowledged wife, a ruler (went to see) the
greater dressing ; but if he wished to show special
favour, he attended the slighter dressing.
The ruler, in the case of an acknowledged wife,
married to a Great officer of a different surname
from his own, arrived after the lid was put on the
coffin.
He went to an officer's, when the body was put
into the coffin; but if he wanted to show special
favour, he attended at the greater dressing.
The ruler’s wife, at the mourning for a (Great
officer’s) acknowledged wife, attended at the greater
dressing ; but if she wished to show special favour,
at the slighter. In the case of his other wives, if
she wished to show special favour, she attended at
the greater dressing. In the case of a Great officer’s
[28] Oo
194. THE τῇ xf. BK. XIX.
acknowledged wife, who was of a different surname
from her own, she appeared after the coffining had
taken place.
25. When the ruler went to a Great officer's or a
common officer's, after the coffining had taken place,
he sent word beforehand of his coming. The chief
mourner provided all the offerings to be set down
for the dead in the fullest measure, and waited out-
side the gate, till he saw the heads of the horses.
He then led the way in by the right side of the gate.
The exorcist stopped outside, and the blesser took his
place, and preceded the ruler, who put down the offer-
ings of vegetables (for the spirit of the gate) inside
it. The blesser then preceded him up the eastern
steps, and took his place with his back to the wall,
facing the south. The ruler took his place at (the
top of) the steps; two men with spears standing
before him, and two behind. The officer of recep-
tion then advanced. The chief mourner bowed,
laying his forehead to the ground. The ruler then
said what he had to say; looked towards the blesser
and leaped. The chief mourner then (also) leaped.
26. If the visit were paid to a Great officer, the
offerings might at this point be put down by the
coffin. If it were to a common officer, he went out
to wait outside the gate. Being requested to return
and put down the offerings, he did so. When this
was done, he preceded the ruler, and waited for him
outside the gate. When the ruler retired, the chief
mourner escorted him outside the gate, and bowed
to him, with his forehead to the ground.
27. When a Great officer was ill, the ruler thrice
inquired for him; and when his body was coffined,
visited (his son) thrice. When a common officer
SECT. II. SANG TA ki. 195
was ill, he inquired for him once; and when his body
was coffined, visited (his son) once.
When the ruler came to condole (after the coffin-
ing), the (son) put on again the clothes he had worn
at the coffining.
28. When the ruler’s wife went to condole at a
Great officer's or a common officer’s, the chief
mourner went out to meet her outside the gate, and,
when he saw her horses’ heads, went in before her
by the right side of the gate. She then entered,
went up to the hall, and took her place. The wife
presiding went down by the steps on the west, and
bowed with her head to the ground below (the hall).
The ruler’s wife looked towards her eldest son (who
had accompanied her), and leaped.
The offerings were put down according to the
rules for them on the visit of the ruler. When she
retired, the wife presiding went with her to the in-
side of the door of the apartment, and bowed to her
with her head to the ground. The chief mourner
escorted her to the outside of the great gate, but did
not bow.
29. When a Great officer came to the mourning
rites of one of his officers to whom he stood in the
relation of ruler, the officer did not meet him out-
side the gate. He entered and took his place below
the hall. The chief mourner (stood on the south of
his place), with his face to the north, though the
general rule for chief mourners was to face the south.
The wife took her place in the room.
If, at this juncture, there came a message from the
ruler of the state, or one from a confirmed (Great)
officer or his confirmed wife, or visitors from the
neighbouring states, the Great officer-ruler, having
02
196 THE Lf xi. BK, XIX.
the chief mourner behind him, performed the bow of
ceremony to each visitor.
30. When a ruler, on a visit of condolence, saw
the bier for the corpse, he leaped.
If a ruler had not given notice beforehand of his
coming to a Great officer or a common officer, and
he had not prepared the various offerings to be put
down by the coffin on the occasion, when the ruler
withdrew, the rule was that they should then be put
down.
31. The largest (or outermost) coffin of the ruler
of a state was eight inches thick ; the next, six inches ;
and the innermost, four inches. The larger coffin
of a Great officer of the highest grade was eight
inches thick; and the inner, six inches; for one of
the lowest grade, the dimensions were six inches
and four. The coffin of a common officer was six
inches thick.
32. The (inner) coffin of a ruler was lined with
red (silk), fixed in its place with nails of various
metals; that of a Great officer with (silk of a) dark
blue, fixed with nails of ox-bone; that of a common
officer was lined, but had no nails.
33. The lid of a ruler’s coffin was varnished, with
three double wedges (at the edges) over which were
three bands; that of a Great officer’s was (also) var-
nished, with two double wedges and two bands; that
of a common officer was not varnished, but it had two
double wedges and two bands.
34. The (accumulated) hair and nails of a ruler
and Great officer were placed (in bags) at the four
corners of the coffin; those of an officer were
buried (without being put in the coffin).
35. The coffin of a ruler was placed upon a bier,
SECT. I. SANG TA ki. 197
which was surrounded with high stakes, inclined over
it till, when all was finished and plastered, there was
the appearance of a house. That of a Great officer,
having been covered with a pall, was placed in the
western corridor and staked, but the plastering did not
reach all over the coffin. That of a common officer
was placed so that the double wedges could be seen ;
above that it was plastered. All were screened.
36. Of scorched grain there were put by the coffin
of a ruler eight baskets, containing four different
kinds; by that of a Great officer, six baskets, con-
taining three kinds; by that of a common officer,
four baskets, containing two kinds. Besides these,
there were (dried) fish and flesh.
37. Ornamenting the coffin (on its way to the
grave), there were for a ruler:—the curtains with
dragons (figured on them), and over them three
gutter-spouts ; the fluttering ornaments (with phea-
sants figured on them and the ends of the curtains);
above (on the sloping roof of the catafalque) were
figures of axe-heads, of the symbol of discrimination,
thrice repeated, and of flames, thrice repeated. These
occupied the pall-like roof of white silk, as embroi-
dery, and above it was the false covering attached
to it by six purple ties, and rising up with ornaments
in five colours and five rows of shells. There were
(at the corners) two streamers of feathers, suspended
from a frame with the axes on it; two from another,
bearing the symbol of discrimination; two from
another, variously figured ; all the frames on staffs,
showing jade-symbols at the top. Fishes were made
as if leaping at the ends of the gutters. The whole
of the catafalque was kept together by six supports
rising from the coffin, and wound round with purple
198 THE Lf xf. BK, XIX.
silk, and six sustaining ropes, also purple, (drawn
through the curtains).
For the catafalque of a Great officer there were
painted curtains, with two gutter-spouts (above
them); there were not the fluttering ornaments ;
above (on the sloping roof) there were flames painted,
thrice repeated ; and three symbols of discrimination.
These formed the pall-like roof, and there were two
purple ties, and two of deep blue. At the very top
there were ornaments in three colours, and three rows
of shells. There were two feather-streamers from a
frame with axes, and two from a painted frame; all
the frames on staffs with plumage at the tops.
Figures of fishes were made at the ends of the
gutters. The front supports of a Great officer’s
catafalque were purple, and those behind deep blue.
So also were the sustaining ropes.
For the catafalque of a common officer, the cur-
tains were of (plain) linen, and there was the sloping
roof. There was (but) one gutter-spout. There
were the fluttering pheasants on the bands. The
purple ties were two, and the black also two. At
the very top the ornaments were of three colours, and
there was only one row of shells. The streamers of
feathers from a painted frame were two, the staffs of
which had plumage at their tops. The front sup-
ports of the catafalque were purple, and those behind
black. The sustaining ropes were purple.
38. In burying the coffin of a ruler, they used a bier,
four ropes, and two pillars. Those guiding the course
of the coffin carried the shade with pendent feathers.
In burying a Great officer, they used two ropes
and two pillars. Those who guided the coffin used
a reed of white grass,
SECT. Il. SANG TA xt. 199
In burying a common officer, they used a carriage
of the state. They employed two ropes and no post.
As soon as they left the residence, those who directed
the coffin used the shade of merit.
39. In letting down the coffin into the grave, they
removed the ropes from the posts, and pulled at
them with their backs to the posts. For a ruler’s
coffin, they also used levers, and for a Great officer's
or a common officer's, ropes attached to the sides of
the coffin. Orders were given that they should not
cry out in letting down that of the ruler. They let
it down as guided by the sound of a drum. In let-
ting down a Great officer’s, they were commanded
not to wail. In letting down a common officer's,
those who began to wail stopped one another.
40. The outer shell of the coffin of a ruler was
of pine; of a Great officer, of cypress; of another
officer, of various kinds of wood.
41. The surface between the coffin and shell of a
ruler was sufficient to contain a music stopper ; in
the case of the coffin and shell of a Great officer, a
vase for water; in that of the coffin and shell of a
common officer, a jar of liquor.
42. In the rites of a ruler, the shell was lined, and
there were baskets of yii; in those of a Great officer,
the shell was not lined; in those of a common officer,
there were no baskets of γα",
1 We cannot tell what these baskets were. ang says he did
not know, and the K/ien-lung editors think they may have con-
tained the grain mentioned in paragraph 36. Otherwise, the
paragraph is obscure.
On the next page there is given a figure of the catafalque over
the coffin as borne to the grave, copied from the second volume of
200 THE tf xf. ΒΚ. XIX.
P. Zottoli’s work. A larger one, more fully illustrating the details
of the text, forms the last plate in the Khien-lung edition of the
Classic ; but it is so rough and complicated that the friend who has
assisted me with most of the figures that I have ventured to intro-
duce shrank from attempting to reproduce it on a smaller scale. τ"
BOOK XX. Αἴ FA
OR
THE LAW OF SACRIFICES’.
1. According to the law of sacrifices, (Shun), the
sovereign of the line of Yii, at the great associate
sacrifice, gave the place of honour to Hwang Ti,
and at the border sacrifice made KAQ the correlate
of Heaven; he sacrificed (also) to Awan-hsii as his
ancestor (on the throne), and to Y4o as his honoured
predecessor.
1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 35,36. Itis there said that
in the idea of sacrifices (4), which is here given, there is no indication
of deprecation by means of them, and much less of atonement, but
that they were merely expressions of gratitude. The character Af
(28) is one of those formed by combination of the ideas im its several
parts. The Shwo-win, the earliest Chinese dictionary, says that
it is made up of two ideagrams : i the symbol for spiritual beings ;
and another, composed of Ry and Xl, representing a right hand
and a piece of flesh. Offerings of flesh must have been common
when the character was formed, which then itself entered, as the
phonetic element, into the formation of between twenty and thirty
other characters. The explanations of it given by Morrison (Dict.,
part i), taken mostly from the Khang-hsf dictionary, are :—‘ To
carry human affairs before the gods [i.e. spirits]. That which is
the medium between, or brings together men and gods [spirits].
To offer flesh in the rites of worship; to sacrifice with worship.’
There is nothing, however, in the Khang-hsf corresponding to this
last sentence; and I suppose that Morrison gave it from the
analysis of the character in the Shwo-win. The general idea
symbolised by it is—an offering whereby communication and
communion with spiritual beings is effected.
202 THE Li xt. BK. XX.
The sovereigns of Hsia, at the corresponding
sacrifice, gave the place of honour also to Hwang
Ti, and made Κῆνδη the correlate at the border
sacrifice; they sacrificed to Awan-hsii as their
ancestor, and to Yii as their honoured predecessor.
Under Yin, they gave the place of honour to X20,
and made Ming the correlate at the border sacrifice;
they sacrificed to Hsieh as their ancestor, and to
Thang as their honoured predecessor.
Under λυ they gave the place of honour to Δα,
and made A‘ the correlate at the border sacrifice;
they sacrificed to king W4n as their ancestor, and
to king W0 as their honoured predecessor 1.
2. With a blazing pile of wood on the Grand altar
they sacrificed to Heaven?; by burying (the victim)
1 This and other portions of the Book are taken mainly from
the seventh article in the second section of the ‘ Narratives of the
States,’ part i. The statements have much perplexed the commen-
tators, and are held to be of doubtful authority. Some of them,
indeed, are said by Kn Hfo to be inexplicable. Khwé&n, ‘the
correlate in the sacrifices of Hsi&, was the father of Yi, of whom
we receive a bad impression from the references to him in the Shi
King; and Ming, who occupied the same position in those of Yin,
was the fifth in descent from Hsieh, the ancestor of that dynasty,
a minister of Works, who died somehow in his labours on a flood.
P. Zottoli thinks that of the four sacrifices here mentioned, the first
) was to the Supreme Deity (Supremo Numini), and the
second, to the Highest Heaven (Summo Coelo). My own view
is different, and agrees with that of the K/ien-lung editors. They
discuss the different questions that have been agitated on the
subject, and their conclusions may be taken as the orthodoxy of
Chinese scholars on the subject ; into the exhibition of which it is
not necessary to go at greater length.
3 On the blazing pile were placed the victim and pieces of jade ;
in the square mound were buried the victim and pieces of silk. For
ΒΚ. XX. xi FA. 203
in the Grand mound, they sacrificed to the Earth.
(In both cases) they used a red victim '.
3. By burying a sheep and a pig at the (altar of)
Great brightness, they sacrificed to the seasons.
(With similar) victims they sacrificed to (the spirits
of) cold and heat, at the pit and the altar, using
prayers of deprecation and petition?; to the sun, at
the (altar called the) royal palace; to the moon, at
the (pit called the) light of the night; to the stars
at the honoured place of gloom; to (the spirits of)
flood and drought at the honoured altar of rain; to
the (spirits of the) four quarters at the place of the
four pits and altars; mountains, forests, streams,
valleys, hills, and mounds, which are able to produce
clouds, and occasion winds and rain, were all regarded
as (dominated by) spirits.
He by whom all under the sky was held sacrificed
to all spirits. The princes of states sacrificed to those
which were in their own territories; to those which
were not in their territories, they did not sacrifice.
4. Generally speaking, all born between heaven
and earth are said to have their allotted times; the
death of all creatures is spoken of as their dissolu-
tion ; but man when dead is said to be in the ghostly
ΓΞ Hr. which follow, Zottoli gives solenni angulari, and I have
met with ‘the great pit’ as a translation of them. Of course a ‘pit’
was formed in the mound to receive the offerings ; but in the Khang-
hs? dictionary ΕΠ is specially defined with reference to this passage
as ‘a mound of earth as ἃ place of sacrifice ;’ though we do not find
this account of the character in Morrison, Medhurst, or Williams.
1 This was specially the colour of the victims under the Au
dynasty.
* Such is the meaning given by Ying-t& and others to ΧΗ jr,
which they think should be iz it:
ee eS Δ
204. THE uf xf. BK. XX.
state. There was no change in regard to these
points in the five? dynasties. What the seven?
dynasties made changes in, were the assessors at the
Great associate and the border sacrifices, and the
parties sacrificed to in the ancestral temple ;—they
made no other changes.
5. The sovereigns, coming to the possession of
the kingdom, divided the land and established the
feudal principalities; they assigned (great) cities (to
their nobles), and smaller towns (to their chiefs);
they made ancestral temples, and the arrangements
for altering the order af the spirit-tablets; they
raised altars, and they cleared the ground around
them for the performance of their sacrifices. In all
these arrangements they made provision for the
sacrifices according to the nearer or more remote
kinship, and for the assignment of lands of greater
or less amount.
Thus the king made for himself seven ancestral
temples, with a raised altar and the surrounding
area for each. The temples were—his father's;
his grandfather's ; his great-grandfather's ; his great-
great-grandfather’s; and the temple of his (high)
ancestor. At all of these a sacrifice was offered
every month. The temples of the more remote
‘ancestors formed the receptacles for the tablets as
they were displaced; they were two, and at these
only the seasonal sacrifices were offered. For the
removed tablet of one more remote, an altar was
1 Those of Yao, Shun, Hsia, Shang or Yin, and Κα.
3 What these ‘seven’ dynasties were is doubtful. Add to the
preceding five, the names of Awan-hsti and KAQ, and we get the
number, all descended from Hwang Ti. The writer must have
regarded him as the founder of the Chinese kingdom.
ΒΚ. ΧΧ, rf FA. 205
raised and its corresponding area; and on occa-
sions of prayer at this altar and area, a sacrifice was
offered, but if there were no prayer, there was no
sacrifice, In the case of one still more remote, (there
was no sacrifice) ;—he was left in his ghostly state.
A feudal prince made for himself five ancestral
temples, with an altar and a cleared area about it for
each. The temples were—his father’s ; his grand-
father’s; and his great-grandfather’s ; in all of which
a sacrifice was offered every month. In the temples
of the great-great-grandfather, and that of the (high)
ancestor only, the seasonal sacrifices were offered.
For one beyond the high ancestor a special altar
was raised, and for one still more remote, an area
was prepared. If there were prayer at these, a
sacrifice was offered; but if there were no prayer,
there was no sacrifice. In the case of one still more
remote, (there was no service) ;—he was left in his
ghostly state.
A Great officer made for himself three ancestral
temples and two altars. The temples were—his
father’s; his grandfather's; and his great-grand-
father’s. In this only the seasonal sacrifices were
offered. To the great-great-grandfather and the
(high) ancestor there were no temples. If there
were occasion for prayer to them, altars were raised,
and sacrifices offered on them. An ancestor still
more remote was left in his ghostly state.
An officer of the highest grade had two ancestral
temples and one altar ;—the temples of his father
and grandfather, at which only the seasonal sacrifices
were presented, There was no temple for his great-
grandfather. If there were occasion to pray to him,
an altar was raised, and a sacrifice offered to him.
206 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. Xx.
Ancestors more remote were left in their ghostly
state.
An officer in charge merely of one department
had one ancestral temple ; that, namely, of his father.
There was no temple for his grandfather, but he was
sacrificed to (in the father’s temple.) Ancestors
beyond the grandfather were left in their ghostly
state,
The mass of ordinary officers and the common
people had no ancestral temple. Their dead were
left in their ghostly state, (to have offerings presented
to them in the back apartment, as occasion required).
6. The king, for all the people, erected an altar to
| (the spirit of) the ground, called the Grand altar, and
' one for himself, called the Royal altar.
A feudal prince, for all his people, erected one
called the altar of the state, and one for himself
called the altar of the prince.
Great officers and all below them in association
erected such an altar, called the Appointed altar.
7. The king, for all the people, appointed (seven
altars for) the seven sacrifices :—one to the super-
intendent of the lot; one in the central court, for the
admission of light and the rain from the roofs; one
at the gates of the city wall; one in the roads leading
from the city; one for the discontented ghosts of
kings who had died without posterity ; one for the
guardian of the door; and one for the guardian of
the furnace. He also had seven corresponding
altars for himself.
A feudal prince, for his state, appointed (five altars
for) the five sacrifices:—one for the superintendent
of the lot; one in the central court, for the admission
of light and rain; one at the gates of the city wall ;
ΒΚ. XX. xi FA, 207
one in the roads leading from the city; one for the
discontented ghosts of princes who had died without
posterity. He also had five corresponding altars for
himself.
A Great officer appointed (three altars for) the
three sacrifices :—one for the discontented ghosts
of his predecessors who had died without posterity; .
one at the gates of his city; and one on the roads
leading from it.
An officer of the first grade appointed (two altars
for) the two sacrifices :—one at the gates, and one
on the roads (outside the gates).
Other officers and the common people had one
(altar and one) sacrifice. Some raised one altar for
the guardian of the door; and others, one for the
guardian of the furnace.
8. The king, carrying down (his favour), sacri-
ficed to five classes of those who had died pre-
maturely :—namely, to the rightful eldest sons (of
former kings); to rightful grandsons; to rightful
great-grandsons ; to rightful great-great-grandsons ;
᾿ and to the rightful sons of these last.
A feudal prince, carrying down (his favour), sacri-
ficed to three classes; a Great officer similarly to
two; another officer of the first grade and the
common people sacrificed only to the son who had
died prematurely'.
9. According to the institutes of the sage kings
about sacrifices, sacrifice should be offered to him
who had given (good) laws to the people; to him
1 From paragraph 1 down to this is absent from the expurgated
edition of Fan 3ze-ting, which P. Callery translated, so that the
book contains in it only the one long paragraph that follows.
208 THE Li xf. BK. XX.
who had laboured to the death in the discharge of
his duties; to him who had strengthened the state
by his laborious toil; to him who had boldly and
successfully met great calamities; and to him who
had warded off great evils.
Such were the following :—Nang, the son of the
. lord of Lt-shan!, who possessed the kingdom, and
showed how to cultivate all the cereals; and At
(the progenitor) of δι, who continued his work
after the decay of Hsia, and was sacrificed to under
the name of ΑἸ"; H4u-thd, a son of the line of
Kung-kung ὃ, that swayed the nine provinces, who
was able to reduce them all to order, and was sacri-
ficed to as the spirit of the ground; the Ti Ad,
who could define all the zodiacal stars, and exhibit
their times to the people ; Y4o0, who rewarded (the
worthy), made the penal laws impartial, and the end
of whose course was distinguished by his righteous-
ness; Shun, who, toiling amid all his affairs, died in
the country (far from his capital); Yi, (the son of)
Khwéin, who was kept a prisoner till death for trying
to dam up the waters of the flood, while Yii com-
pleted the work, and atoned for his father’s failure ;
Hwang Τί, who gave everything its right name,
thereby showing the people how to avail themselves
of its qualities; Awan-hsii, who completed this work
1 Li-shan is generally mentioned as Lieh-shan, and sometimes
Lien-shan. Where the country so-called was, we do not know.
Nang, or Shin Nang, is generally accepted as the first of the line,
about B.c. 3072.
* This account of ΑἿ is given confusedly.
5 It is difficult to find a place in chronology for this Kung-kung.
An article in the 80 Kwan (under duke Kao’s seventeenth year,
paragraph 3) places him between Fd-hst and Shin Nang.
BK. XX, ri FA, 209
of Hwang Τί; Hsieh, who was minister of Instruc-
tion, and perfected the (condition and manners of
the) people; Ming, who, through his attention to
the duties of his office, died in the waters; Thang,
who ruled the people with a benignant sway and cut
off their oppressor; and king Wan, who by his
peaceful rule, and king Wd, who by his martial
achievements, delivered the people from their afflic-
tions. All these rendered distinguished services to
the people.
As to the sun and moon, the stars and constella-
tions, the people look up to them, while mountains,
forests, streams, valleys, hills, and mountains supply
them with the materials for use which they require.
Only men and things of this character were admitted
into the sacrificial canon.
[2:8] Ῥ
BOOK ΧΧΙ. αἰ
OR
THE MEANING OF SACRIFICES’.
Section I.
1. Sacrifices should not be frequently repeated.
Such frequency is indicative of importunateness ;
and importunateness is inconsistent with reverence.
Nor should they be at distant intervals. Such in-
frequency is indicative of indifference ; and indiffer-
ence leads to forgetting them altogether. Therefore
the superior man, in harmony with the course of
Heaven, offers the sacrifices of spring? and autumn.
When he treads on the dew which has descended
as hoar-frost he cannot help a feeling of sadness,
which arises in his mind, and cannot be ascribed to
the cold. In spring, when he treads on the ground,
wet with the rains and dews that have fallen heavily,
he cannot avoid being moved by a feeling as if he
were seeing his departed friends. We meet the
approach of our friends with music, and escort
them away with sadness, and hence at the sacrifice
in spring we use music, but not at the sacrifice
in autumn.
2. The severest vigil and purification is main-
tained and carried on inwardly; while a looser vigil
1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pages 36, 37.
* The spring sacrifice is here called ti (ἢ), probably by mis-
take for yo 68), the proper name for it.
SECT. I. xi f. 211
is maintained externally. During the days of such
vigil, the mourner thinks of his departed, how and
where they sat, how they smiled and spoke, what
were their aims and views, what they delighted in,
and what things they desired and enjoyed. On the
third day of such exercise he will see those for
whom it is employed.
3. On the day of sacrifice, when he enters the
apartment (of the temple), he will seem to see (the
deceased) in the place (where his spirit-tablet is).
After he has moved about (and performed his
operations), and is leaving at the door, he will seem
to be arrested’ by hearing the sound of his move-
ments, and will sigh as he seems to hear the sound
of, his sighing.
4. Thus the filial piety taught by the ancient
kings required that the eyes of the son should not
forget the looks (of his parents), nor his ears their
voices; and that he should retain the memory of
their aims, likings, and wishes. As he gave full play
to his love, they seemed to live again; and to his
reverence, they seemed to stand out before him.
So seeming to live and stand out, so unforgotten
by him, how could his sacrifices be without the
accompaniment of reverence ?
5. The superior man, while (his parents) are alive,
reverently nourishes them; and, when they are
dead, he reverently sacrifices to them ;—his (chief)
thought is how to the end of life not to disgrace
them. The saying that the superior man mourns
all his life for his parents has reference to the
recurrence of the day of their death. That he does
not do his ordinary work on that day does not
mean that it would be unpropitious to do so; it ..
P2
212 THE Lf xf. BK. XXI.
means that on that day his thoughts are occupied
with them, and he does not dare to occupy him-
self as on other days with his private and personal
affairs.
6. It is only the sage! who can sacrifice to God,
and (only) the filial son who can sacrifice to his
parents. Sacrificing means directing one’s self to.
The son directs his thoughts (to his parents), and
then he can offer his sacrifice (so that they shall
enjoy it). Hence the filial son approaches the
personator of the departed without having occasion
to blush; the ruler leads the victim forward, while
his wife puts down the bowls; the ruler presents
the offerings to the personator, while his wife sets
forth the various dishes; his ministers and Great
officers assist the ruler, while their acknowledged
wives assist his wife. How well sustained was
their reverence! How complete was the expression
of their loyal devotion! How earnest was their
wish that the departed should enjoy the service !
7. King Wan, in sacrificing, served the dead as
if he were serving the living. He thought of them
dead as if he did not wish to live (any longer him-
5610 3, On the recurrence of their death-day, he
was sad; in calling his father by the name else-
where forbidden, he looked as ifhe saw him. So
sincere was he in sacrificing that he looked as if
he saw the things which his father loved, and the
ee ee
1 According to i tule, and in fact, only the sovereign sacrifices
to God. He may be ‘a sage,’ but more frequently is not. But the
ritual of China should impress on him, as on no other person, the
truth in the words ‘noblesse oblige.’
* Khan Hfo says here:—‘As if he wished to die himself and
follow them.’
SECT. 1. ri f. 213
pleased expression of his face :—such was king Wan!
The lines of the ode (II, v, ode 2),
‘When early dawn unseals my eyes,
Before my mind my parents rise,’
might be applied to king Wan. On the day after
the sacrifice, when the day broke, he did not sleep,
but hastened to repeat it; and after it was finished,
he still thought of his parents. On the day of
sacrifice his joy and sorrow were blended together.
He could not but rejoice in the opportunity of offer-
ing the sacrifice; and when it was over, he could
not but be sad.
8. At the autumnal sacrifice, when Kung-nt ad-
vanced, bearing the offerings, his general appear-
ance was indicative of simple sincerity, but his steps
were short and oft repeated. When the sacrifice
was over, 3ze-kung questioned him, saying, ‘ Your
account of sacrificing was that it should be marked
by the dignity and intense absorption of all engaged
in it; and now how is it that in your sacrificing
there has been no such dignity and absorption?’
The Master said, ‘That dignity of demeanour
should belong to those who are only distantly con-
nected (with him who is sacrificed to), and that
absorbed demeanour to one whose thoughts are
turned in on himself (lest he should make any mis-
take). But how should such demeanour consist with
communion with the spirits (sacrificed to)? How
should such dignity and absorption be seen in my
sacrifice? (At the sacrifices of the king and rulers)
there is the return of the personator to his apart-
ment, and the offering of food to him there ; there
are the performances of the music, and the setting
forth of the stands with the victims on them; there
214 THE Lf gi. ΒΚ. ΧΧΙ.
are the ordering of the various ceremonies and the
music; and there is the complete array of the
officers for all the services. When they are engaged
in the maintenance of that dignity and absorption
in their duties, how can they be lost in their aban-
donment to intercourse with the spiritual presences?
Should words be understood only in one way?
Each saying has its own appropriate application.’
g. When a filial son is about to sacrifice, he is
anxious that all preparations should be made before-
hand ; and when the time arrives, that everything
necessary should be found complete; and then, with
a mind free from all pre-occupation, he should address
himself to the performance of his sacrifice.
The temple and its apartments having been re-
paired, the walls and roofs having been put in order,
and all the assisting officers having been provided,
husband and wife, after vigil and footing, bathe
their heads and persons, and array themselves in
full dress. In coming in with the things which
they carry, how grave and still are they! how ab-
sorbed in what they do! as if they were not able to
sustain their weight, as if they would let them fall :—
Is not theirs the highest filial reverence? He sets
forth the stands with the victims on them; arranges
all the ceremonies and music; provides the officers
for the various ministries. These aid in sustaining
and bringing in the things, and thus he declares his
mind and wish, and in his lost abstraction of mind
seeks to have communion with the dead in their
spiritual state, if peradventure they will enjoy his
. Offerings, if peradventure they will do so. Such
is the aim of the filial son (in his sacrifices) !
10. The filial son, in sacrificing, seems never able
SECT. I. xi f. 215
to exhaust his earnest purpose, his sincerity, and
reverence. He observes every rule, without trans-
gression or short-coming. His reverence appears
in his movements of advancing and retiring, as if he
were hearing the orders (of his parents), or as if
they were perhaps directing him.
11. What the sacrifice of a filial son should be
can be known. While he is standing (waiting for
the service to commence), he should be reverent,
with his body somewhat bent ; while he is engaged
in carrying forward the service, he should be
reverent, with an expression of pleasure; when he
is presenting the offerings, he should be reverent,
with an expression of desire. He should then
retire and stand, as if he were about to receive
orders; when he has removed the offerings and
(finally) retires, the expression of reverent gravity
should continue to be worn on his face. Such is the
sacrifice of a filial son.
To stand without any inclination of the body
would show insensibility ; to carry the service for-
ward without an expression of pleasure would show
indifference; to present the offerings without an
expression of desire (that they may be enjoyed)
would show a want of love; to retire and stand
without seeming to expect to receive orders would
show pride; to retire and stand, after the removal
of the offerings, without an expression of reverent
gravity would show a forgetfulness of the parent to
whom he owes his being. A sacrifice so conducted
would be wanting in its proper characteristics.
‘12. A filial son, cherishing a deep love (for his
parents), is sure to have a bland air; having a bland
air, he will have a look of pleasure; having a look
216 THE Lf xf. BK. ΧΧΙ.
of pleasure, his demeanour will be mild and com-
pliant. A filial son will move as if he were carrying
a jade symbol, or bearing a full vessel. Still and
grave, absorbed in what he is doing, he will seem as
if he were unable to sustain the burden, and in
danger of letting it fall. A severe gravity and
austere manner are not proper to the service of
parents ;—such is the manner of a full-grown man.
13. There were five things by means of which
the ancient kings secured the good government of
the whole kingdom :—the honour which they paid
to the virtuous ; to the noble; and to the old; the
reverence which they showed to the aged; and their
kindness to the young. It was by these five things
that they maintained the stability of the kingdom.
Why did they give honour to the virtuous?
Because of their approximation to the course of
duty}. They did so to the noble because of their
approximation to the position of the ruler; and to
the old because of their approximation to that of
parents. They showed reverence to the aged, be-
cause of their approximation to the position of elder
brothers; and kindness to the young, because of
their approximation to the position of sons.
1 Pp, Callery translates this by—‘ Parce qu’ils sont proche de
la vérité,’ saying in a note :—‘ According to the Chinese philo-
sophers, they understand by teh (fila) that which man has
obtained by his own efforts or the virtue he has acquired, and by
tdo (4) that which all men should be striving to reach, what is
suitable, what is in order, or virtue in the abstract. Now, as I
think, there is nothing but truth which satisfies these conditions, for,
according to the Christian philosophy, God Himself is the truth,’
ἄς. Zottoli’s translation is, ‘Quia hi appropinquant ad per-
fectionem,’
SECT. I. κὶ f. 217
14. Therefore he who is perfectly filial approxi-
mates to be king, and he who is perfectly fraternal
approximates to being presiding chieftain. He who
is perfectly filial approximates to being king, for
even the son of Heaven had the father (whom he
must revere); and he who is perfectly fraternal
approximates to being presiding chieftain, for even
a feudal lord had his elder brothers (or cousins),
(whom he must obey). The observance of the
lessons of the ancient kings, without admitting any
change in them, was the way by which they united
and kept together the kingdom with its states and
families 3.
15. The Master said, ‘The laying the foundation
of (all) love in the love of parents teaches people
concord. The laying the foundation of (all) rever-
ence in the reverence of elders teaches the people
obedience. When taught loving harmony, the people
set the (proper) value on their parents; when taught
to reverence their superiors, the people set the
(proper) value in obeying the orders given to them.
Filial piety in the service of parents, and obedience in
the discharge of orders can be displayed throughout
the kingdom, and they will everywhere take effect.
16. At (the time of) the border sacrifice (to
Heaven), those who are engaged in funeral rites do
not dare to wail, and those who are wearing mourn-
ing do not dare to enter the gate of the capital ;—
this is the highest expression of reverence.
17. On the day of sacrifice, the ruler led the
victim forward, along with and assisted by his son on
1 The sequence in the writer's mind in this paragraph almost
eludes my discovery ; it does so still more in the translation of it
by Callery and Zottoli.
218 THE Lf xt, BK. XXI.
the opposite side; while the Great officers followed
in order. When they had entered the gate of the
temple, they fastened the victim to the stone pillar.
The ministers and Great officers then bared their
arms, and proceeded to inspect the hair, paying par-
ticular attention to that of the ears. They then with
the knife with the bells attached to it, cut it open,
took out the fat about the inwards, and withdrew
(for a time’), Afterwards they offered some of the
flesh boiled, and some raw, then (finally) withdrawing.
There was the highest reverence about everything.
18. The sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was the
great expression of gratitude to Heaven, and it was
specially addressed to the sun, with which the moon
was associated*, The sovereigns of Hsia presented
it in the dark. - Under the Yin dynasty they did so
1 They withdrew for a time, ‘to offer the hair and blood.’
3 This sentence is translated by Zottoli:—‘Coeli sacrificio summe
rependitur coelum sed potissimum intenditur sol, consociatus cum
luna.’ Callery says :—‘Le sacrifice qu’on offre dans la campagne
est un acte de grande reconnaissance envers le ciel, et principale-
ment envers le soleil, auquel on associe la lune.’
Here, again, nature-worship seems to crop up. Kan Héo
says on the passage :—‘Heaven is the great source of ἰᾶο (the
course of nature and duty), and of all the visible bodies which it
hangs out, there are none greater than the sun and moon. There-
fore, while the object of the suburban sacrifice was a grateful
acknowledgment of Heaven, the sun was chosen as the resting-
place for its spirit (or spirits). The idea in the institution of the
rite was deep and far-reaching.’ It must be borne in mind that
the rites described in the text are those of former dynasties,
especially of that of K4u. I cannot bring to mind any passages
in which there is mention made of any sacrifice to the sun or sun-
spirit in connexion with the great sacrifice to Heaven, or Shang
Ti, at the service on the day of the winter solstice in the southern
suburb,
SECT. 1. rt ἃ. 219
at noon. Under the δι they sacrificed all the
day, especially at daybreak, and towards evening.
19. They sacrificed to the sun on the altar, and to
the moon in the hollow;—to mark the distinction be-
tween (the) gloom (of the one) and (the) brightness
(of the other), and to show the difference between the
high and the low. They sacrificed to the sun in the
east, and to the moon in the west;—to mark the dis-
tinction between (the) forthcoming (of the former)
and (the) withdrawing (of the latter), and to show the
correctness of their (relative) position. The sun
comes forth from the east, and the moon appears in
the west ; the darkness and the light are now long,
now short; when the one ends, the other begins, in
regular succession:—thus producing the harmony of
all under the sky.
20. The rites to be observed by all under heaven
were intended to promote the return (of the mind) to
the beginning (=Creator of all); to promote (the
honouring of) spiritual Beings; to promote the har-
monious use (of all resources and appliances) of
government; to promote righteousness; and to
promote humility. They promote the return to
the beginning, securing the due consideration of
their originator. They promote (the honouring)
of spiritual Beings, securing the giving honour
to superiors. They promote the (proper) use of
all resources, thereby establishing the regulations
(for the well-being of) the people. They promote
1 The sacrifices in this paragraph are those at the equinoxes ;
that to the sun at the vernal in the eastern suburb, and that to the
moon at the autumnal in the western suburb. They are still main-
tained. See the ritual of the present dynasty (*K Yi 38 ye),
Book VIII, where the former is called ΕΠ ΗΠ, ἀπά the latter 47 FA .
220 THE Lf xt. . ΒΚ. XXI.
righteousness, and thus there are no oppositions and
conflictings between high and low. They promote
humility, in order to prevent occasions of strife. Let
these five things be united through the rites for the
regulation of all under heaven, and though there may
be some extravagant and perverse who are not kept
in order, they will be few.
Sectron II.
“1, 341 Wo said, ‘I have heard the names Kwei
- and Sh&n, but I do not know what they mean.’
΄
The Master said, ‘The (intelligent) spirit? is of the
shan nature, and shows that in fullest measure; the
animal soul is of the kwei nature, and shows that in
fullest measure. It is the union of kwei and shan
that forms the highest exhibition of doctrine.
‘All the living must die, and dying, return to the ,
ground; this is what is called kwei. The bones
and flesh moulder below, and, hidden away, become
the earth of the fields. But the spirit issues forth,
and is displayed on high in a condition of glorious
brightness. The vapours and odours which produce
a feeling of sadness, (and arise from the decay of
their substance), are the subtle essences of all things,
and (also) a manifestation of the shan nature.
1 I am unable to give a translation of the characters kwei (9)
and shin, so as to make the meaning readily intelligible to the
English reader. Callery gives for them ‘L’Ame et l’esprit.’
Zottoli, ‘Manes Spiritusque.’ Evidently the question is about
the application of them to the dead and gone, and the component
elements of the human constitution.
* The character in the text here is ἀλϊ (Sat), ‘the breath.’
Zottoli translates it by ‘rationalis vis,’ and Callery by ‘la respi-
ration de l’homme.’
'
i
ἢ
SECT. 11. κὶ f. 221
/ ‘On the ground of these subtle essences of things, |
with an extreme decision and inventiveness, (the .
sages) framed distinctly (the names of) kwei and
shan, to constitute a pattern for the black-haired ,
race!; and all the multitudes were filled with |
awe, and the myriads of the people constrained to, ;
submission.’
2, ‘The sages did not consider these (names) to be
sufficient, and therefore they built temples with their
(different) apartments, and framed their rules for an-
cestors who were always to be honoured, and those
whose tablets should be removed;—thus making a
distinction for nearer and more distant kinship, and
for ancestors the remote and the recent, and teaching
the people to go back to their oldest fathers, and re-
trace their beginnings, not forgetting those to whom
they owed their being. In consequence of this the
multitude submitted to their lessons, and listened to
them with a quicker readiness.
3. ‘These two elements (of the human constitu-
tion) having been established (with the two names),
two ceremonies were framed in accordance with
them. They appointed the service of the morning,
when the fat of the inwards was burned so as to bring
out its fragrance, and this was mixed with the blaze
of dried southern-wood. This served as a tribute to
the (intelligent) spirit, and taught all to go back to
their originating ancestors. They (also) presented
millet and rice, and offered the delicacies of the liver,
lungs, head, and heart, along with two bowls (of
Ὁ It is observed by many of the commentators that the characters
here employed for ‘ black-haired race’ were unused in the time of
Confucius, and became current under the KAin dynasty.
222 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. ΧΧΙ.
liquor) and odoriferous spirits. This served as a
tribute to the animal soul, and taught the people to
love one another, and high and low to cultivate good
feeling between them ;—such was the effect of those
ceremonies.
4. ‘The superior man, going back to his ancient
fathers, and returning to the authors of his being,
does not forget those to whom he owes his life, and
therefore he calls forth all his reverence, gives free
vent to his feelings, and exhausts his strength in dis-
charging the above service;—as a tribute of gratitude
to his parents he dares not but do his utmost’
5. Thus it was that anciently the son of Heaven
had his field of a thousand acres, in which he himself
held the plough, wearing the square-topped cap with
red ties. The feudal princes also had their field of a
hundred acres, in which they did the same, wearing
_ the same cap with green ties. They did this in the
service of Heaven, Earth, the Spirits of the land and
grain, and their ancient fathers, to supply the new
wine, cream, and vessels of grain. In this way did
they procure these things;—it was a great expression
of their reverence.
6. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal
lords had their officers who attended to their animals;
and at the proper seasons, after vigil and fasting, they
washed their heads, bathed, and visited them in
person’, taking from them for victims those which
1 The above conversation with 34i Wo is found in the ‘ Narra-
tives of the School,’ Article 17, headed ‘Duke Ai’s Questions about
Government ;’ and the reply of Confucius ends here. I hesitate,
therefore, to continue the points of quotation in what follows.
3 The first day, probably, of the last month of spring. If it were
not bright, perhaps another was chosen.
SECT. II. ri f. 223
were spotless and perfect ;—it was a great expression
of their reverence.
The ruler ordered the oxen to be brought before
him, and inspected them; he chose them by their
hair, divined whether it would be fortunate to use
them, and if the response were favourable, he had
them cared for. In his skin cap, and the white skirt
gathered up at the waist, on the first day and at the
middle of the month, he inspected them. Thus did
he do his utmost;—it was the height of filial piety.
7. Anciently, the son of Heaven and the feudal
lords had their own mulberry trees and silkworms’
house; the latter built near a river, ten cubits in
height, the surrounding walls being topped with
thorns, and the gates closed on the outside. In the
early morning of a very bright day, the ruler, in his
skin cap and the white skirt, divined for the most
auspicious of the honourable ladies in the three
palaces of his wife’, who were then employed to take
the silkworms into the house. They washed the
seeds in the stream, gathered the leaves from the
mulberry trees, and dried them in the wind to feed
the worms.
When the (silkworm) year was ended, the honour-
able ladies had finished their work with the insects,
and carried the cocoons to show them to the ruler.
They then presented them to his wife, who said,
‘Will not these supply the materials for the ruler’s
robes?’ She forthwith received them, wearing her
head-dress and the robe with pheasants on it, and
afterwards caused a sheep and a pig to bekilled and
1 The queen had six palaces; the wife of a prince, three. The
writer confines his account here to the latter.
224 THE Lf xt. BK. XXI.
cooked to treat (the ladies). This probably was the
ancient custom at the presentation of the cocoons.
Afterwards, on a good day, the wife rinsed some
of them thrice in a vessel, beginning to unwind them,
and then distributed them to the auspicious and
honourable ladies of her three palaces to (complete)
the unwinding. They then dyed the thread red and
green, azure and yellow, to make the variously-
coloured figures on robes. When the robes were
finished, the ruler wore them in sacrificing to the
former kings and dukes ;—all displayed the greatest
reverence.
8. The superior man says, ‘Ceremonies and music
should not for a moment be neglected by any one.
When one has mastered (the principles of) music, and
regulates his heart and mind accordingly, the natural,
correct, gentle, and honest heart is easily developed,
and with this development of the heart comes joy.
This joy goes on to a feeling of repose. This repose
is long continued. The man in this constant repose
becomes (a sort of) heaven. Heaven-like, his action
is spirit-like. Heaven-like, he is believed, though he
do not speak. Spirit-like, he is regarded with awe,
though he display no rage. So it is when one by his
mastering of music regulates his mind and heart.
‘When one has mastered (the principle of) cere-
monies, and regulates his person accordingly, he be-
comes grave and reverential. Grave and reverential,
he is regarded with awe. If the heart be for a
moment without the feeling of harmony and joy,
meanness and deceitfulness enter it. If the out-
ward demeanour be for a moment without gravity
and reverentialness, indifference and rudeness ‘show
themselves.
SECT. 11. rf f. 225
‘Therefore the sphere in which music acts is the
interior of man, and that of ceremonies is his exterior.
The result of music is .a perfect harmony, and that
of ceremonies is a perfect observance (of propriety).
When one’s inner man is thus harmonious, and his
outer man thus docile, the people behold his coun-
tenance and do not strive with him; they look to his
demeanour, and no feeling of indifference or rudeness
arises in them. Thus it is that when virtue shines
and moves within (a superior), the people are sure to
accept (his rule) and hearken to him; and when the
principles (of propriety) are displayed in his conduct,
the people are all sure to accept (his rule) and obey
him. Therefore it is said, ‘Let ceremonies and
music have their course till all under heaven is
filled with them; then give them their manifestation
and application, and nothing difficult to manage will
appear.’
Music affects the inward movements (of the soul);
ceremonies appear in the outward movements (of
the body). Hence it is the rule to make cere-
monies as few and brief as possible, and to give to
music its fullest development. This leads to the
forward exhibition of ceremonies, and therein their
beauty resides; and to the introspective consideration
of music, and therein ‘its beauty resides. If cere-
monies, demanding this condensation, did not receive
this forward exhibition of them, they would almost
disappear altogether; if music, demanding this full
development, were not accompanied with the intro-
spection, it would produce a dissipation of the mind.
Thus it is that to every ceremony there is its proper
response, and for music there is this introspection.
When ceremonies are responded to, there arises
[28] Q
~
226 THE Lf xt. BK. XXI.
pleasure, and when music is accompanied with
the right introspection, there arises repose. The
response of ceremony and the introspection of music
spring from one and the same idea, and have one
and the same object.
9. 3ang-sze said, ‘There are three degrees of filial
piety. The highest is the honouring of our parents;
the second is the not disgracing them; and the lowest
is the being able to support them.’
10. (His disciple), Kung-ming f, said, ‘Can you,
master, be considered (an example of a) filial son ?’
3%ng-yze replied, ‘What words are these? What
words are these? What the superior man calls filial
piety requires the anticipation of our parents’ wishes,
the carrying out of their aims and their instruction
in the path (of duty). I am simply one who supports
his parents ;—how can I be considered filial ?’
11. 3ang-yze said, ‘The body is that which has been
transmitted to us by our parents; dare any one allow
himself to be irreverent in the employment of their
legacy? Ifa man in his own house and privacy be
not grave, he is not filial; if in serving his ruler, he
be not loyal, he is not filial; if in discharging the
duties of office, he be not reverent, he is not filial ;
if with friends he be not sincere, he is not filial; if on
the field of battle he be not brave, he is not filial. If
he fail in these five, things, the evil (of the disgrace)
will reach his parents;—dare he but reverently
attend to them?’
To prepare the fragrant flesh and grain which he
has cooked, tasting and then presenting them before
his parents, is not filial piety; it is only nourishing
them. He whom the superior man pronounces filial
is he whom (all) the people of (his) state praise,
SECT. Il. κἰ 1. 227
saying with admiration, ‘ Happy are the parents who
have such a son as this!’—that indeed is what can
be called being filial. The fundamental lesson for
all is filial piety. The practice of it is seen in the
support (of parents). One may be able to support
them; the difficulty is in doing so with the proper
reverence. One may attain to that reverence ;—
the difficulty is to do so without self-constraint. That
freedom from constraint may be realised ;—the diffi-
culty is to maintain it to the end. When his parents
are dead, and the son carefully watches over his
actions, so that a bad name, (involving) his parents,
shall not be handed down, he may be said to be able
to maintain his piety to the end. True love is the
love of this; true propriety is the doing of this; true
righteousness is the rightness of this; true sincerity
is being sincere in this; true strength is being strong
in this. Joy springs from conformity to this; punish-
ments spring from the violation of this.
12. 3ang-3ze said, ‘Set up filial piety, and it will
fill the space from earth to heaven ; spread it out, and
it will extend over all the ground to the four seas;
hand it down to future ages, and from morning to
evening it will be observed; push it on to the eastern
sea, the western sea, the southern sea,and the northern
sea, and it will be (everywhere) the law for men, and
their obedience to it will be uniform. There will be
a fulfilment of the words of the ode (III, i, ode το, 6),
“ From west to east, from south to north,
There was no unsubmissive thought.” ’
13. 3&ng-3ze said, ‘Trees are felled and animals
killed, (only) at the proper seasons. The Master said},
1 The master here is Confucius. The record of his saying is
found only here.
Q2
228 THE Li xt. ΒΚ. XXI-
“ To fell a single tree, or kill a single animal, not at
the proper season, is contrary to filial piety.”’
There are three degrees of filial piety :—the least,
seen in the employment of one’s strength (in the
service of parents); the second, seen in the en-
durance of toil (for them) ; and the greatest, seen in
its never failing. Thinking of the gentleness and
love (of parents) and forgetting our toils (for them)
may be called the employment of strength. Honour-
ing benevolences and resting with the feeling of
repose in righteousness may be called the endurance
of toil; the wide dispensation of benefits and the
providing of all things (necessary for the people)
may be called the piety that does not fail.
When his parents love him, to rejoice, and not
allow himself to forget them ; when they hate him, to
fear and yet feel no resentment; when they have
faults, to remonstrate with them, and yet not with-
stand them; when they are dead, to ask (the help
only of) the good to obtain the grain with which to
sacrifice to them :—this is what is called the com-
pletion (by a son) of his proper services.
14. The disciple Yo-4ang Kun! injured his foot
in descending from his hall, and for some months
was not able togo out. Even after this he still wore
a look of sorrow, and (one of the) disciples of the
school said to him, ‘Your foot, master, is better;
and though for some months you could not go out,
why should you still wear a look of sorrow?’ Yo-
kang Khun replied, ‘It is a good question which
1 Yo-kang Khun evidently was a disciple of 3ing-jze. Men-
cius had a disciple of the same surname, Yo-4ing Kho (I, ii, 16).
Another is mentioned by him (V, ii, 3). Lieh-3ze mentions a fourth.
The Yo-A&ngs are said to have sprung from the ducal stock of Sung.
SECT. It. rt ἃ, 229
you ask! It is a good question which you ask! I
heard from 3&4ng-sze what he had heard the Master
say, that of all that Heaven produces and Earth ©
nourishes, there is none so great as man. His parents
give birth to his person all complete, and to return it
to them all complete may be called filial duty. When
no member has been mutilated and no disgrace done
to any part of the person, it may be called complete ;
and hence a superior man does not dare to take the
slightest step in forgetfulness of his filial duty. But
now I forgot the way of that, and therefore I wear
the look of sorrow. (A son) should not forget his
parents in a single lifting up of his feet, nor in the
utterance of a single word. He should not forget
his parents in a single lifting up of his feet, and
therefore he will walk in the highway and not take
a by-path, he will use a boat and not attempt to
wade through a stream ;—not daring, with the body
left him by his parents, to go in the way of peril.
He should not forget his parents in the utterance of
a single word, and therefore an evil word will not
issue from his mouth, and an angry word will not
come back to his person. Not to disgrace his per-
son and not to cause shame to his parents may be
called filial duty.’
15. Anciently, the sovereigns of the line of Yi
honoured virtue, and highly esteemed age; the
sovereigns of Hsié honoured rank, and highly
esteemed age; under Yin they honoured riches, and
highly esteemed age; under Au, they honoured
kinship, and highly esteemed age. Yi, Hsia, Yin,
and X4u produced the greatest kings that have ap-
peared under Heaven, and there was not one of them
who neglected age. For long has honour been paid
230 THE τῇ xf. BK. ΧΧΙ.
to years under the sky; to pay it is next to the
service of parents.
16. Therefore, at court among parties of the same
rank, the highest place was given to the oldest.
Men of seventy years carried their staffs at the court.
When the ruler questioned one of them, he made
him sit on a mat. One of eighty years did not wait
out the audience, and when the ruler would question
him he went to his house. Thus the submission of
a younger brother (and juniors generally) was recog-
nised at the court.
17. A junior walking with one older (than himself),
if they were walking shoulder to shoulder, yet it was
not on the same line. If he did not keep trans-
versely (a little behind), he followed the other’.
When they saw an old man, people in carriages or
walking got out of his way. Men, where the white
were mingling with their black hairs, did not carry
burdens on the roads. Thus the submission of
juniors was recognised on the public ways.
Residents in the country took their places according
_to their age, and the old and poor were not neglected,
nor did the strong come into collision with the weak,
or members of a numerous clan do violence to those
of a smaller. Thus the submission of juniors was
recognised in the country districts and hamlets’.
18. According to the ancient rule, men of fifty
years were not required to serve in hunting expedi-
tions; and in the distribution of the game, a larger
1 If the elder were a brother or cousin, the junior kept a little
behind, and apart. If he were an uncle, the other followed in a line.
3 Five X4u, translated ‘districts,’ made a ‘hsiang,’ here translated
‘the country districts.’
δ Literally, ‘men of the tien’ (fa). The tien was a tract of
SECT. IL ri f. 231
share was given to the more aged. Thus the sub-
mission of juniors was recognised in the arrange-
ments for the hunts. In the tens and fives of the
army and its detachments, where the rank was the
same, places were given according to age. Thus the
submission of juniors was recognised in the army.
19. The display of filial and fraternal duty in the
court; the practice of them on the road; their
reaching to the districts and hamlets; their extension
to the huntings ; and the cultivation of them in the
army, (have thus been described). All would have
died for them under the constraint of righteousness,
and not dared to violate them.
20. The sacrifice in the Hall of Distinction served
to inculcate filial duty on the feudal lords; the feast-
ing of the three classes of the old and five classes
of the experienced in the Great college served to
inculcate brotherly submission on those princes; the
sacrifices to the worthies of former times in the
western school served to inculcate virtue on them;
the (king’s) ploughing in the field set apart for him,
served to teach them the duty of nourishing (the
people); their appearances at court in spring and
autumn served to inculcate on them their duty as
subjects or ministers. Those five institutions were
the great lessons for the kingdom.
21. When feasting the three classes of the old and
five classes of the experienced, the son of Heaven
bared his arm, cut up the bodies of the victims, and
handed round the condiments; he also presented
considerable size ; contributing to the army a chariot, three mailed
men, and seventy-two foot-men. There was a levy on it also of
men to serve in the hunting expeditions.
232 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XXxI.
the cup with which they rinsed their mouths, wearing
the square-topped cap, and carrying a shield. It
was thus he inculcated brotherly submission on the
princes. It was thus that in the country and villages
regard was paid to age, that the old and poor were
not neglected, and that the members of a numerous
clan did not oppress those of a smaller ;—these
things came from the Great college.
The son of Heaven appointed the four schools ;
and when his eldest son entered one of them, he
took his place according to his age.
22. When the son of Heaven was on a tour of
inspection, the princes (of each quarter) met him on
their borders. The son of Heaven first visited those
who were a hundred years old. If there were those
of eighty or ninety, on the way to the east, he, though
going to the west, did not dare to pass by (with-
out seeing them) ; and so, if their route was to the
west, and his to the west. If he wished to speak of
matters of government, he, though ruler, might go
to them.
23. Those who had received the first degree of
office took places according to age (at meetings) in
the country and villages; those who had received
the second, took places in the same way (at meetings)
of all the members of their relatives. Those who
had received the third degree did not pay the same
regard to age. But at meetings of all the members
of aclan no one dared to take precedence of one
who was seventy years old.
Those who were seventy, did not go to court un-
less for some great cause. When they did so for such
a cause, the ruler would bow and give place to them,
afterwards going on to the parties possessed of rank.
SECT, I. kif. 233.
24. Whatever good was possessed by the son of
Heaven, he humbly ascribed the merit of it to
Heaven; whatever good was possessed by a feudal
lord, he ascribed it to the son of Heaven; whatever
good was possessed by a minister or Great officer,
he attributed it to the prince of his state; whatever
good was possessed by an officer or a common man,
he assigned the ground of it to his parents, and the
preservation of it to his elders. Emolument, rank,
felicitations, and reward’ were (all) transacted in the
ancestral temple ; and it was thus that they showed
(the spirit of) submissive deference.
f 25. Anciently, the sages, having determined the
i phenomena of heaven and earth in their states of
i rest and activity, made them the basis of the Yi (and
‘ divining by it). The diviner held the tortoise-shell
in his arms, with his face towards the south, while
ἴδε son of Heaven, in his dragon-robe and square-
’ topped cap, stood with his face to the north. The
: latter, however intelligent might be his mind, felt it
1 Necessary to set forth and obtain a decision on what
' his object was ;—showing that he did not dare to
; take his own way, and giving honour to Heaven (as
i_the supreme Decider)!. What was good in him (or
in his views) he ascribed to others; what was wrong,
to himself; thus teaching not to boast, and giving
honour to men of talents and virtue.
26. When a filial son was about to sacrifice, the
1 Who does not see that, from the writer’s point of view, divina-
tion was originally had recourse to in the search for an ‘infallible’
director in matters to be done? The Decider was held to be
‘Heaven ;’ the error was in thinking that the will of Heaven
could be known through any manipulation of the tortoise-shell, or
the stalks.
234 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. ΧΧΙ.
rule was that he should have his mind well adjusted
and grave, to fit him for giving to all matters their
full consideration, for providing the robes and other
things, for repairing the temple and its fanes, and
for regulating everything. When the day of sacri-
fice arrived, the rule was that his countenance should
be mild, and his movements show an anxious dread,
as if he feared his love were not sufficient. When
he put down his offerings, it was required that his
demeanour should be mild, and his body bent, as if
(his parents) would speak (to him) and had not yet
done so; when the officers assisting had all gone
out!, he stood lowly and still, though correct and
straight, as if he were about to lose the sight (of his
parents).
' After the sacrifice, he looked pleased and expect-
ant, as if they would again enter?
In this way his ingenuousness and goodness were
never absent from his person; his ears and eyes
were never withdrawn from what was in his heart ;
the exercises of his thoughts never left his parents.
What was bound up in his heart was manifested in
his countenance; and he was continually examining
himself ;—such was the mind of the filial son.
1 The text here is difficult. I have followed Kang, as has
Zottoli;—the interpretation of 1B ΞΚ as ‘assisting officers,’ can
otherwise be defended. Callery gives for the clause :—‘ Toutes
les pensées étrangéres (au sacrifice) il les chasse au dehors,’
which it would be difficult to justify.
3 Here again translation is difficult. Zottoli gives :—‘ Cumque
sacrificium transiverit, intendet animo, prosequetur ore, quasi mox
iterum ingressuri essent.’ Callery:—‘Aprés le sacrifice il s’en
va lentement, comme (s'il suivait quelqu’un pas ἃ pas, et avait
ἢ envie) de rentrer (avec lui dans le temple).’
SECT. 11. Ri tf. 235
27. The sites for the altars to the spirits of the
| land and grain were on the right; that for the
| ancestral temple on the left’.
1 That is, with reference to the palace. As you looked out from
it to the south, the altars were on the right hand and the temple
on the left.
BOOK XXII. Αἱ THUNG
OR
A SUMMARY ACCOUNT OF SACRIFICES‘,
1. Of all the methods for the good ordering of
men, there is none more urgent than the use of cere-
monies. Ceremonies are of five kinds?, and there is
none of them more important than sacrifices.
Sacrifice is not a thing coming to a man from
without ; it issues from within him, and has its birth
in his heart. When the heart is deeply moved,
expression is given to it by ceremonies; and hence,
only men of ability and virtue can give complete
_ exhibition to the idea of sacrifice.
2. The sacrifices of such men have their own
blessing ;—not indeed what the world calls blessing’.
Blessing here means perfection ;—it is the name
given to the complete and natural discharge of all
duties. When nothing is left incomplete or im-
properly discharged ;—this is what we call perfection,
implying the doing everything that should be done
in one’s internal self, and externally the performance
of everything according to the proper method.
There is a fundamental agreement between a loyal
subject in his service of his ruler and a filial son in
1 See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 37, 38.
* The five kinds of ceremonies are the Auspicious εξ including
all acts of religious worship) ; the Mourning ([X]) ; those of Hospi-
tality (3); the Military (i); and the Festive (54).
* Success, longevity, the protection of spiritual Beings,
ΒΚ. XXII, κὶ THUNG. 237
his service of his parents. In the supernal sphere
there is a compliance with (what is due to) the repose
and expansion of the energies of nature’; in the
external sphere, a compliance with (what is due) to
rulers and elders; in the internal sphere, the filial
service of parents ;—all this constitutes what is called
perfection.
It is only the able and virtuous man who can
attain to this perfection; and can sacrifice when he
has attained to it. Hence in the sacrifices of such a
man he brings into exercise all sincerity and good
faith, with all right-heartedness and reverence; he
offers the (proper) things; accompanies them with
the (proper) rites; employs the soothing of music;
does everything suitably to the season. Thus
intelligently does he offer his sacrifices, without
seeking for anything to be gained by them :—such
is the heart and mind of a filial son.
3. It is by sacrifice that the nourishment of parents
is followed up and filial duty to them perpetuated.
The filial heart is a storehouse (of all filial duties).
Compliance with everything that can mark _ his
course, and be no violation of the-relation (between
parent and child) :—the keeping of this is why we call
it a storehouse. Therefore in three ways is a filial
son’s service of his parents shown :—while they are
alive, by nourishing them ; when they are dead, by
2 Callery gives for these:—‘Conformité avec les Esprits et
les Dieux.’ Zottoli :—‘ Ordo erga Genios Spiritusque.’ Med-
hurst :—‘ Being obedient to the Kwei Shins.’ If they had
observed the ‘three spheres’ of the writer, I think they would have
translated differently. I believe the idea is—‘Compliance with
the will of Heaven or God, as seen in the course of Nature and
Providence.’
238 THE Lf xt. BK. XXII.
all the rites of mourning ; and when the mourning is
over by sacrificing to them. In his nourishing them
we see his natural obedience ; in his funeral rites we
see his sorrow ; in his sacrifices we see his reverence
and observance of the (proper) seasons. In these
three ways we see the practice of a filial son.
4. When a son had done everything (for his
sacrifices) that he could do himself, he proceeded to
seek assistance from abroad ; and this came through
the rites of marriage. Hence the language of a ruler,
when about to marry a wife, was:—‘I beg you, O
ruler, to give me your elegant daughter, to share this
small state with my poor self, to do service in the
ancestral temple, and at the altars to (the spirits of)
the land and grain.’ This underlay his seeking for
that assistance (from abroad).
In sacrificing, husband and wife had their several
duties which they personally attended to; and on
this account there was the array of officials belong-
ing to the exterior and interior departments (of the
palace). When these officers were complete, all
things necessary (for the service) were made ready :—
small things, such as the sourcrout of water plants
and pickles from the produce of dry grounds; and
fine things, such as the stands for the bodies ofthe
three victims, and the supplies for the eight dishes.
Strange insects and the fruits of plants and trees,
produced under the best influences of light and shade,
were all made ready. Whatever heaven produces,
whatever earth developes in its growth ;—all were
then exhibited in the greatest abundance. Every-
thing was there from without, and internally there
was the utmost effort of the will :—such was the spirit
in sacrificing.
ΒΚ. XXII. κὶ τηῦνα. 239
5. For this reason, also, the son of Heaven him-
self guided the plough in the southern suburb, to
provide the grain for the sacrificial vessels ; and the
queen looked after her silkworms in the northern
suburb, to provide the cap and robes of silk. The
princes of the states guided the plough in their east-
ern suburb, also to provide the grain for the sacrificial
vessels, and their wives looked after their silkworms
in the northern suburb, to provide the cap and robes
of silk. This was not because the son of Heaven
and the princes had not men to plough for them, or
because the queen and the princes’ wives had not
women to tend the silkworms for them; it was to
give the exhibition of their personal sincerity. Such
sincerity was what is called doing their utmost ; and
such doing of their utmost was what is called reve-
rence. When they had reverently done their ut-
most, they could serve the spiritual Intelligences—
such was the way of sacrificing.
6. When the time came for offering a sacrifice, the
man wisely gave himself to the work of purification.
That purification meant the production of uniformity
(in all the thoughts) ;—it was the giving uniformity to
all that was not uniform, till a uniform direction of the
thoughts was realised. Hence a superior man, un-
less for a great occasion, and unless he were animated
by a great reverence, did not attempt this purifica-
tion. While it was not attained, he did not take
precautions against the influence of (outward) things,
nor did he cease from all (internal) desires. But
when he was about to attempt it, he guarded against
all things of an evil nature, and suppressed all his
desires. His ears did not listen to music ;—as it is
said in the Record, ‘ People occupied with purification
240 THE Li xt. BK. XXII.
have no music,’ meaning that they did not venture to
allow its dissipation of their minds. He allowed no
vain thoughts in his heart, but kept them in a strict
adherence to what was right. He allowed no reck-
less movement of his hands or feet, but kept them
firmly in the way of propriety. Thus the superior
man, in his purification, devotes himself to carrying
to its utmost extent his refined and intelligent
virtue.
Therefore there was the looser ordering of the
mind for seven days, to bring it to a state of fixed
determination; and the complete ordering of it for
three days, to effect the uniformity of all the
thoughts. That determination is what is called
purification; the final attainment is when the highest
degree of refined intelligence is reached. After this
it was possible to enter into communion with the
spiritual Intelligences.
7. Moreover, on the eleventh day, before that
appointed for the sacrifice, the governor of the palace
gave warning notice to the wife of the ruler, and she
also conducted that looser ordering of her thoughts
for seven days, and that more complete ordering of
them for three. The ruler accomplished his puri-
fication in the outer apartment, and the wife her
purification in the inner. After this they met in the
grand temple.
The ruler, in the dark-coloured square-topped cap,
stood at the top of the steps on the east ; his wife in
her head-dress and pheasant-embroidered robe stood
in the eastern chamber. The ruler from his mace-
handled libation-cup poured out the fragrant spirit
before the personator of the dead; and the great
minister in charge of the temple with his halfmace-
ΒΚ. XXII. κὶ THUNG. 241
handled cup poured the second libation (for the wife).
When the victim was introduced, the ruler held it by
the rope; the ministers and Great officers followed ;
other officers carried the dried grass (to lay on the
ground when it should be killed); the wives of the
ruler’s surname followed the wife with the basins ;
she presented the purified liquid; the ruler held in
his hand the knife with bells ; he prepared the lungs
(to be offered to the personator); and his wife put
them on the dishes and presented them. All this
shows what is meant in saying that husband
and wife had their parts which they personally
performed.
8. When they went in for the dance, the ruler,
holding his shield and axe, went to the place for the
performance. He took his station at the head of
those on the east, and in his square-topped cap,
carrying his shield, he led on all his officers, to give
pleasure to the august personator of the dead.
Hence the son of Heaven in his sacrifices (gave
expression to) the joy of all in the kingdom. (In the
same way) the feudal princes at their sacrifices (gave
expression to) the joy of all within their territories.
In their square-topped caps, and carrying their
shields, they led on all their officers, to give joy to
the august personators :—with the idea of showing
the joy of all within their territories.
9. Ata sacrifice there were three things specially ,
important. : Of the offerings there was none more
important than the libation ; lof the music there was
none more important than’ the singing in the hall
above ; of the pantomimic evolutions there was none
more important than that representing (king) W1’s
(army) on the night (before his battle). Such was
[28] R
242 THE Lf xi. ΒΚ. XXII.
the practice of the Au dynasty. All the three things
were designed to increase the aim of the superior
man by the use of these external representations,
Hence their movements in advancing and retreating
were regulated by (the degree of) that aim. If it
were less intense, they were lighter; if it were
more intense, they were more vehement. If the
aim were less intense, and they sought to make the
outward representation more vehement, even a sage
could not have accomplished this.
Therefore the superior man, in sacrificing, exerted
himself to the utmost in order to give clear ex-
pression to these more important things. He con-
ducted everything according to the rules of ceremony,
thereby giving prominent exhibition to them, and
displaying them to the august personator :—such
was the method of the sages.
1o. At sacrifices there are the provisions that
are left. The dealing with these is the least im-
portant thing in sacrifices, but it is necessary to
take knowledge of it. Hence there is the saying
of antiquity, ‘The end must be attended to even
as the beginning:’—there is an illustration of it
in these leavings. Hence it was the remark of
a superior man of antiquity, that ‘The personator
also eats what the spirits have left ;—it is a device
of kindness, in which may be seen (the method
of) government. .
Hence, when the personator rose, the ruler and
his three ministers partook of what he had left.
When the ruler had risen, the six Great officers par-
took ;—the officers partook of what the ruler had
left. When the Great officers rose, the eight officers
partook :—the lower in rank ate what the higher had
ΒΚ. XXII. rf THUNG. 243
left. When these officers rose, each one took what
was before him and went out, and placed it (in the
court) below the hall, when all the inferior attendants
entered and removed it :—the inferior class ate what
the superior had left.
11. Every change in the disposal of these relics
was marked by an increase in the number (of those
who partook of them); and thus there was marked
the distinction between the degrees of the noble and
the mean, and a representation given of the dis-
pensation of benefits (by the sovereign). Hence by
means of the four vessels of millet there is shown
the cultivation of this in the ancestral temple, which
becomes thereby a representation of all comprised
within the confines (of the state).
What is done at sacrifices afforded the greatest
example of the dispensation of favours'. Hence
when the superior possessed the greatest blessing,
acts of favour were sure to descend from him to
those below him, the only difference being that he
enjoyed the blessing first, and those below him after-
wards ;—there was no such thing as the superior’s
accumulating a great amount for himself, while the
people below him might be suffering from cold and
want. Therefore when the superior enjoyed his
great blessing, even private individuals waited till
the stream should flow down, knowing that his
favours would surely come to them. This was shown
by what was done with the relics at sacrifices, and
hence came the saying that ‘By the dealing with
these was seen (the method of) government.’
* It is difficult to detect the mind of the writer here, and make
out the train of his reasoning. Zottoli:—‘Sacrificium, bene-
ficiorum maximum est.’ Callery:—‘ Dans les sacrifices, les bien-
R2
244 THE Lf xi. BK. XXII.
12. Sacrifice is the greatest of all things. Its
apparatus of things employed in it is complete, but
that completeness springs from all being in accord-
ance with the requirements (of nature and reason) :—
is it not this which enables us to find in it the basis
of all the lessons of the sages? Therefore’ those
lessons, in the external sphere, inculcated the honour-
ing of the ruler and of elders, and, in the internal
sphere, filial piety towards parents., Hence, when
there was an intelligent ruler above, all his ministers
submitted to and followed him. When he reverently
sacrificed in his ancestral temple, and at the altars
to the (spirits of the) land and grain, his sons and
grandsons were filially obedient. He did all his duty
in his own walk, and was correct in his righteous-
ness ;*and thence grew up the lessons (of all duty).)
Therefore a superior man, in the service of his
ruler, should find (guidance for) all his personal con-
duct. What does not satisfy him in (the behaviour
of) his superiors, he will not show in his employment
of those below himself; and what he dislikes in the
behaviour of those below him, he will not show in
the service of his superiors. To disapprove of any-
thing in another, and do the same himself, is contrary
to the rule of instruction. Therefore the superior in
the inculcation of his lessons, ought to proceed from
the foundation (of all duty). This will show him
pursuing the greatest method of what is natural and
right in the highest degree; and is not this what is
seen in sacrifice? Hence we have the saying that
faits sont la plus grande chose.’ Wylie :—*‘ Sacrifice is the greatest
of the virtuous influences.’ But is not the writer simply referring to
what he has said about the admission of all classes to participate
in the relics of a sacrifice?
ΒΚ. XXII. xi THUNG. 245
‘The first and greatest teaching is to be found in
sacrifice.’
13. In sacrifice there is a recognition of what
belongs to ten relationships'. There are seen in it
the method of serving spiritual Beings; the right-
eousness between ruler and subject; the relation
between father and son; the degrees of the noble
and mean; the distance gradually increasing be-
tween relatives; the bestowment of rank and reward;
the separate duties of husband and wife; impartiality
in government affairs; the order to be observed
between old and young; and the boundaries of high
and low. These are what are called the (different
duties in the) ten relationships.
14. The spreading of the mat and placing on it
a stool to serve for two, was intended as a resting-
place for the united spirits (of husband and wife)?.
The instruction to the blesser in the apartment and
the going out to the inside of the gate*, was the
method pursued in (seeking) communion with the
spirits.
15. The ruler went to meet the victim, but not to
meet the representative of the dead ;—to avoid mis-
construction 4. While the representative was outside
1 Zottoli :—‘ Sacrificium habet decem sensus.’ Callery :—‘ Les
sacrifices renferment dix ordres d’idées.’
3 The reason given for this practice is peculiar. ‘ While alive,’ says
Khan HAo, ‘ every individual has his or her own body, and hence
in the relation of husband and wife, there are the separate duties to be
discharged by each; but when they are dead, there is no difference
or separation between their spiritual essences (Hey Sq fHE [{7}}}
and one common stool for support is put down for them both.’ Is
there any truth that these Chinese speculators are groping after ?
5 See vol. xxvii, page 444, paragraph 18.
4 It was not for the ruler to go to meet one who was still a
246 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XXII.
the gate of the temple, he was to be regarded only
as a subject; inside the temple, he had the full
character of a ruler. While the ruler was outside
the gate of the temple, he was there the ruler;
when he entered that gate (on the occasion of the
sacrifice), he had the full character of a subject, or
a son. Hence his not going forth (to meet the
representative) made clear the right distinction be-
tween the ruler and subject.
16. According to the rule in sacrifices, a grand-
son acted as the representative of his grandfather.
Though employed to act the part of representative,
yet he was only the son of the sacrificer. When
his father, with his face to the north, served him,
he made clear how it is the way of a son to serve
his father. Thus (sacrifice) illustrated the relation
of father and son.
17. When the representative had drunk the fifth
cup, the ruler washed the cup of jade, and presented
it to the ministers. When he had drunk the seventh
cup, that of green jasper was presented to the Great
officers. When he had drunk the ninth cup, the
plain one varnished was presented to the ordinary
officers, and all who were taking part in the service.
In all the classes the cup passed from one to
another, according to age; and thus were shown the
degrees of rank as more honourable and lower.
18. At the sacrifice the parties taking part in
it were arranged on the left and right, according to
their order of descent from the common ancestor,
and thus the distinction was maintained between
the order of fathers and sons, the near and the
subject, and had not yet entered on the function, which placed him
in a position of superiority for the time and occasion.
ΒΚ. XXII. ες Χἢ THUNG. 247
distant, the older and the younger, the more nearly
related and the more distantly, and there was no
confusion. Therefore at the services in the grand
ancestral temple, all in the two lines of descent were
present, and no one failed to receive his proper
place in their common relationship. This was what
was called (showing) the distance gradually increas-
ing between relatives.
19. Anciently the intelligent rulers conferred rank
on the virtuous, and emoluments on the meritorious;
and the rule was that this should take place in the
Grand temple, to show that they did not dare to do
it on their own private motion. Therefore, on the
day of sacrifice, after the first presenting (of the cup
to the representative), the ruler descended and stood
on the south of the steps on the east, with his face
to the south, while those who were to receive their
appointments stood facing the north. The recorder
was on the right of the ruler, holding the tablets
on which the appointments were written. He read
these, and (each man) bowed twice, with his head
to the ground, received the writing, returned (home),
and presented ft in his (own) ancestral temple :—such
was the way in which rank and reward were given.
20. The ruler, in the dragon robe and square-
topped cap, stood at the top of the steps on the
east, while his wife in her head-dress and pheasant-
embroidered robe, stood in the chamber on the east.
When the wife presented and put down the dishes
on stands, she held them by the foot; (the officer)
who held the vessels with new wine, presented them
to her, holding them by the bottom ; when the repre-
sentative of the dead was handing the cup to the wife,
he held it by the handle, and she gave it to him by
248 THE Lf xi. BK. XXII.
the foot; when husband and wife were giving and
receiving, the one did not touch the place where the
other had held the article ; in passing the pledge cup,
they changed the cups:—so was the distinction to
be maintained between husband and wife shown.
21. In all arrangements with the stands, the chief
attention was given to the bones. Some bones
were considered nobler, and some meaner. Under
the Yin they preferred the thigh bone; and under
the Αι, the shoulder bone. Generally, the bones
in front were thought nobler than those behind.
The stands served to illustrate the rule in sacrifices
of showing favours. Hence the nobler guests
received the nobler bones, and the lower, the less
noble ; the nobler did not receive very much, and
the lower were not left without any :—impartiality
was thus shown. With impartiality of favours,
government proceeded freely; with the free pro-
ceeding of government, undertakings were accom-
plished ; with the accomplishment of undertakings,
merit was established. It is necessary that the way
in which merit is established should be known.
The stands served to show the rule for the im-
partial bestowment of favours. So did the skilful
administrators of government proceed, and hence it
is said that (sacrifices showed the principle of)
impartiality in the business of government.
22. Whenever they came to the (general) circula-
tion of the cup, those whose place was on the left stood
in one row, and also those whose place was on the
right. The members of each row had places accord-
ing to their age; and in the same way were arranged
all the assistants at the service. This was what was
called (exhibiting) the order of the old and young.
ΒΚ. XXII. κὶ THUNG. 249
23. At sacrifices there were portions given to the
skinners, cooks, assistants, feather-wavers, and door-
keepers,—showing how favours should descend to
the lowest. Only a virtuous ruler, however, could
do this; having intelligence sufficient to perceive
(the wisdom of) it, and benevolence equal to the
bestowment of it. Apportioning means bestowing ;
they were able to bestow what was left on those
below them.
Skinners were the meanest of those who looked
after the buff-coats ; cooks’ assistants, the meanest
of those who looked after the flesh ; feather-wavers,
the meanest of those who had to do with the music ;
door-keepers, those who looked after the doors ; for
anciently they did not employ men who had suffered
dismemberment to keep the doors. These four
classes of keepers were the meanest of the servants ;
and the representative of the dead was the most
honoured of all. When the most honoured, at the
close of the sacrifice, did not forget those who were
the most mean, but took what was left and bestowed
it on them, (it may be seen how) with an intelligent
ruler above, there would not be any of the people
within his territory who suffered from cold and want.
This is what was meant by saying that sacrifices
show the relation between high and low.
24. Tor the sacrifices (in the ancestral temple)
there were the four seasons. That in spring was
called yo’; that in summer, tt; that in autumn,
khang; and that in winter, £4ang. The yo and
tt expressed the idea in the bright and expanding
(course of nature); the £Aang and £/4ng, that in
* Meaning, it is said, ‘meagre;’ the things offered being few in
the spring season; but such explanations are far-fetched.
250 THE Lf xf. BK. XXII.
the sombre and contracting (course). The tt
showed the former in its fullest development, and
the £4ang showed the latter in the same. Hence
it is said, ‘There is nothing more important than
the tt and £#ang.’ Anciently, at the τὶ sacrifice,
they conferred rank, and bestowed robes ;—acting
according to the idea in the bright and expanding
(course); and at the £#ang they gave out fields
and homesteads, and issued the rules of autumn-
work ;—acting according to the idea in the sombre
and contracting (course). Hence it is said in the
Record, ‘On the day of the £#ang sacrifice they
gave forth (the stores of) the ruler’s house;’ showing
how rewards (were then given). When the plants
were cut down, the punishment of branding might
be inflicted. Before the rules of autumn-work were
issued, the people did not dare to cut down the grass.
25. Hence it is said that ‘the ideas in the tt and
khang are great, and lie at the foundation of the
government of a state; and should by all means
be known.’ It is for the ruler to know clearly those
ideas, and for the minister to be able to execute (what
they require). The ruler who does not know the
_ ideas is not complete, and the minister who cannot
' carry them into execution is not complete.
Now the idea serves to direct and help the aim,
and leads to the manifestation of all virtue. Hence
he whose virtue is the completest, has the largest
aims; and he whose aims are the largest, has the
clearest idea. He whose idea is the clearest, will be
most reverent in his sacrifices. When the sacrifices
(of a state) are reverent, none of the sons and grand-
sons within its borders will dare to be irreverent.
Then the superior man, when he has a sacrifice, will
ΒΚ. XXII. xt THUNG. 251
feel it necessary to preside at it in person. If there
be a (sufficient) reason for it, he may commit the
performance of it to another. But when com-
mitting the performance to another, the ruler will
not fail (to think) of its meaning, because he under-
stands the ideas in it. He whose virtue is slight,
has but a small aim. He who is in doubts as to the
idea in it, and will yet seek to be reverent in his
sacrifice, will find it impossible to be so; and how
can he, who sacrifices without reverence, be the
parent of his people ?
26. The tripods (at the sacrifices) had inscriptions
onthem. The maker of an inscription named him-
self, and took occasion to praise and set forth the
excellent qualities of his ancestors, and clearly
exhibit them to future generations. Those ancestors
must have had good qualities and also bad. But the
idea of an inscription is to make mention of the good
qualities and not of the bad :—such is the heart of a
filial descendant; and it is only the man of ability
and virtue who can attain to it.
The inscriber discourses about and panegyrises
the virtues and goodness of his ancestors, their merits
and zeal, their services and toils, the congratulations
and rewards (given to them), their fame recognised
by all under heaven; and in the discussion of these
things on his spiritual vessels, he makes himself
famous; and thus he sacrifices to his ancestors. In
the celebration of his ancestors he exalts his filial
piety. That he himself appears after them is natural.
And in the clear showing (of all this) to future
generations, he is giving instruction.
27. By the one panegyric of an inscription benefit
accrues to the ancestors, to their descendant and to
252 THE τὶ xi. BK. XXII.
others after them. Hence when a superior man looks
at an inscription, while he admires those whom it
praises, he also admires him who made it. That
maker had intelligence to see (the excellences of his
ancestors), virtue to associate himself with them, and
wisdom to take advantage (of his position) ;—he
may be pronounced a man of ability and virtue.
Such worth without boasting may be pronounced
courteous respect.
28. Thus the inscription on the tripod of Khung
Khwei of Wei was:—‘In the sixth month, on the
day ting-h4i, the duke went to the Grand Temple,
and said, “My young uncle, your ancestor Awang
Shd assisted duke Aang, who ordered him to follow
him in his difficulties on the south of the Han, and
afterwards to come to him in his palace (of imprison-
ment) in the honoured capital of Au; and all these
hurried journeyings he endured without wearying of
them. From him came the helper of duke Hsien,
who charged your (later) ancestor Aang Shuh to
continue the service of his ancestor. Your deceased
father Wan Sha cherished and stimulated in himself
the old desires and aims, roused and led on the
admirable officers, and showed his own great personal
interest in the state of Wei. His labours for our
ducal house never wearied early or late, so that the
people all testified how good he was.” The duke
further said, “ My young uncle, I give you (this tripod
with) its inscription. Carry on and out the services
of your father.” Khwei bowed with his head to the
ground, and said, “In response to the distinction
(you have conferred upon me) I will take your
great and important charge, and I will put it on
the vases and tripods of my winter sacrifice.”’ Such
ΒΚ. XXII. κὶ THUNG. 253
was the inscription on the tripod of Khung Khwei
of Weil.
In this way the superior men of antiquity pane-
gyrised the excellent qualities of their ancestors, and
clearly exhibited them to future generations, thereby
having the opportunity to introduce their own per-
sonality and magnify their states. If descendants
who maintain their ancestral temples and the altars
to the spirits of the land and grain, praised their
ancestors for good qualities which they did not
possess, that was falsehood; if they did not take
knowledge of the good qualities which they did
possess, that showed their want of intelligence; if
they knew them and did not transmit them (by their
inscriptions), that showed a want of virtue :—these
are three things of which a superior man should have
been ashamed.
29. Anciently, Tan, duke of A4u, did most
meritorious service for the kingdom. After his
death the kings A/#ang and Khang, bearing in mind
all his admirable work, and wishing to honour La,
granted to its lords the right of offering the greatest
sacrifices ;—those in the borders of their capital to
Heaven and Earth, in the wider sphere of sacrifice ;
and the great summer and autumnal sacrifices in
the ancestral temple of the state. At those great
summer and autumnal sacrifices, on the hall above,
they sang the A Zing Mido, and in the courtyard
below it they danced the Hsiang to the flute; they
1 In the year that Confucius died, B.c. 479, this Khung Khwei
was obliged to flee from Wei to Sung. The duke Aang, who is
mentioned in connexion with his ancestor known as Kwang Shf,
was marquis of Wei from B.c. 635 to 600. Duke Hsien ruled from
B.C. 577 to 559.
254 THE Lt xf. ΒΚ. XXII.
carried red shields and axes adorned with jade in
performing the Τὰ Wa dance; and this was the music
employed by the son of Heaven. (Those kings) in
acknowledgment of the great merit of the duke of
KAu, allowed (the use of those sacrifices and this
music) to the (marquis of) La. His descendants have
continued it, and down to the present day it is not
abolished, thereby showing clearly the virtue of the
lords of λυ and magnifying their state’.
1 This distinction, said to have been thus conferred on the
princes of LA, is contrary to the views of the ablest commentators
on the subject.
BOOK XXIII. AXING AIEH
OR
THE DIFFERENT TEACHING OF THE DIFFERENT
KINGS?
1. Confucius said, ‘When you enter any state
ΐ you can know what subjects (its people) have been
\. taught. If they show themselves men who are
mild and gentle, sincere and good, they have been
taught from the Book of Poetry. If they have a
wide comprehension (of things), and know what is
remote and old, they have been taught from the Book
of History. If they be large-hearted and generous,
_ bland and honest, they have been taught from the
Book of Music. | If they be pure and still, refined
. and subtile, they have been taught from the Yi.‘ If
they be courteous and modest, grave and respectful,
they have been taught from the Book of Rites and
Ceremonies. If they suitably adapt their language
to the things of which they speak, they have been
taught from the Kfun KAid. ᾿ :
‘Hence the failing that may arise in connexion
with the study of the Poems is a stupid simplicity;
that in connexion with the History is duplicity ; that
᾿ in connexion with Music is extravagance; that. in
{ connexion with the Yt is the violation (of reason)!;
_that in connexion with the practice of Rites and
Ceremonies is fussiness ; and that in connexion with
the Khun K/it is insubordination *. ;
ay
1. See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 38.
* Callery translates the character in the text by ‘I’hérésie.’ I have
met with ‘robbery ’ for it.
256 THE Lf xt. BK. XXIII.
2.\¢ If they show themselves men who are mild
and gentle, sincere and good, and yet free from that
simple stupidity, their comprehension of the Book of
Poetry is deep. If they have a wide comprehension
(of things), and know what is remote and old, and
yet are free from duplicity, their understanding of
the Book of History is deep. If they are large-
hearted and generous, bland and honest, and yet
have no tendency to extravagance, their knowledge
of Music is deep.) If they are pure and still, refined
and subtle, and yet do not violate (reason), they have
made great attainments in the Yi. { they are
courteous and modest, grave and reverent, and yet
not fussy, their acquaintance with the Book of Rites
and Ceremonies is deep. If they suitably adapt their
language to the things of which they speak, and yet
have no disposition to be insubordinate, their know-
ledge of the KAun Αι Διὰ is deep.’
3. The son of Heaven forms a ternion with
heaven and earth. Hence, in power of his good-
ness he is their correlate, and his benefits extend δ
once toall things'. His brilliancy is equal to that of
the sun and moon, and enlightens all within the four
seas, not excepting anything, however minute and
small. In the audiences at his court everything is
done according to the orderly procedure of benevo-
lence, wisdom, propriety, and righteousness. At his
entertainments he listens to the singing of the Odes
of the Kingdom and the Odes of the Temple and
Altar. When he walks, there are the notes from his
girdle pendant. When he rides in his chariot, there
are the harmonious sounds of the bells attached to
* Compare vol. xxvii, pp. 377, 378.
ΒΚ. XXIII. RING KIEH. 257
his horses. When he is in private at ease, there is
the observance of the rules of propriety. When he
advances or retires, he does so according to rule and
measure. ΑἹ] the officers fulfil their duties rightly,
and all affairs are carried on with order. It is as
described in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, 3),
‘ That virtuous man, the princely one,
Has nothing wrong in his deportment ;
He has nothing wrong in his deportment,
And thus he rectifies the four quarters of the state.’
4. When (a ruler) issues his notices and gives
forth his orders, and the people are pleased, we have
what may be called the condition of harmony. When
superiors and inferiors love one another, we have the
condition of benevolence. When the people get
what they desire without seeking for it, we have
the condition of confidence. When all things in the
operations of heaven and earth that might be injurious
are taken out of the way, we have the condition of
rightness. Rightness and confidence, harmony and
benevolence are the instruments of the presiding
chieftain and the king. If any one wishes to govern
the people, and does not employ these instruments,
he will not be successful.
5. In the right government of a state, the Rules
of Propriety serve the same purpose as the steel-
yard in determining what is light and what is heavy;
or as the carpenter's line in determining what is
crooked and what is straight; or as the circle and
square in determining what is square and what is
round. Hence, if the weights of the steel-yard be
true, there can be no imposition in the matter of
weight ; if the line be truly applied, there can be no
[28] 8
258 THE Lf ef. BK, XXIII.
imposition in the evenness of a surface; if the square
and compass be truly employed, there can be no
imposition in the shape of a figure. When a superior
man (conducts the government of his state) with a
discriminating attention to these rules, he cannot be
imposed on by traitors and impostors.
6. Hence he who has an exalted idea of the rules,
and guides his conduct by them, is called by us a
mannerly gentleman, and he who has no such
exalted idea and does not guide his conduct by the
rules, is called by us one of the unmannerly people.
These rules (set forth) the way of reverence and
courtesy; and therefore when the services in the
ancestral temple are performed according to them,
there is reverence ; when they are observed in the
court, the noble and the mean have their proper
positions; when the family is regulated by them,
there is affection between father and son, and har-
mony among brothers; and when they are honoured
in the country districts and villages, there is the
proper order between old and young. There is the
verification of what was said by Confucius, ‘ For
giving security to superiors and good government of
the people, there is nothing more excellent than the
Rules of Propriety.’
7. The ceremonies at the court audiences of the
different seasons were intended to illustrate the
righteous relations between ruler and subject ; those
of friendly messages and inquiries, to secure mutual
honour and respect between the feudal princes ;
those of mourning and sacrifice, to illustrate the
kindly feelings of ministers and sons; those of social
1 See vol. iii, page 482 (The Hsi&o Xing).
ΒΚ. XXIII. KING KIEH. 259
meetings in the country districts, to show the order
that should prevail between young and old; and
those of marriage, to exhibit the separation that
should be maintained between males and females.
Those ceremonies prevent the rise of disorder and
confusion, and are like the embankments which
prevent the overflow of water. He who thinks the
old embankments useless and destroys them is sure
to suffer from the desolation caused by overflowing
water; and he who should consider the old rules of
propriety useless and abolish them would be sure to
suffer from the calamities of disorder.
8. Thus if the ceremonies of marriage were dis-
continued, the path of husband and wife would be
embittered, and there would be many offences of
licentiousness and depravity. If the drinking cere-
monies at country feasts were discontinued, the
order between old and young would be neglected,
and quarrelsome litigations would be numerous. If
the ceremonies of mourning and sacrifice were dis-
continued, the kindly feeling of officers and sons
would become small; there would be numerous cases
in which there was a revolt from the observances due
to the dead, and an oblivion of (those due) to the
living. If the ceremonies of friendly messages and
court attendances were discontinued, the positions of
ruler and subject would fall into disuse, the conduct
of the feudal princes would be evil, and the ruin
wrought by rebellion, encroachment, and oppression
would ensue.
9. Therefore the instructive and transforming
power of ceremonies is subtile; they stop depravity
before it has taken form, causing men daily to move
towards what is good, and keep themselves farther
S 2
260 THE Lf xt. BK. XXIII.
apart from guilt, without being themselves conscious
of it. It was on this account that the ancient kings
set so high a value upon them. This sentiment is
found in the words of the Yi, ‘The superior man
is careful at the commencement; a mistake, then,
of a hair’s breadth, will lead to an error of a thou-
sand If!’
1 But these words, common enough in later Chinese writings,
are not found in the Yi King. Khung Ying-t& says they are from
the ‘ Great Appendix.’ It is more likely that he was in error, than
that they existed there in his time.
BOOK XXIV. AI KUNG WAN
OR
QUESTIONS OF DUKE AI’.
1. Duke Ai? asked Confucius, saying, ‘What do
you say about the great rites? How is it that
superior men, in speaking about them, ascribe so
much honour to them?’ Confucius said, ‘I, AAid,
am a small man, and unequal to a knowledge of the
rites. ‘By no means,’ said the ruler. ‘Tell me
what you think, my Master. Then Confucius re-
plied, ‘ According to what I have heard, of all things
by which the people live the rites are the greatest.
Without them they would have no means of regulating
the services paid to the spirits of heaven and earth ;
without them they would have no means of dis-
tinguishing the positions proper to father and son, to
high and low, to old and young; without them they
would have no means of maintaining the separate
character of the intimate relations between male and
female, father and son, elder brother and younger,
and conducting the intercourse between the contract-
ing families in a marriage, and the frequency or infre-
quency (of the reciprocities between friends). These
? See the introduction, vol. xxvii, pp. 39, 40.
* Ai (‘The Courteous, Benevolent, and Short-lived’) was the
posthumous title of the marquis Siang (48) of Lf (B.c. 494-468),
in whose sixteenth year Confucius died. He seems to have often
consulted the sage on important questions, but was too weak to
follow his counsels.
262 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXIV.
are the grounds on which superior men have honoured
andr everenced (the rites) as they did.
2. ‘ Thereafter, (having this view of the rites), they
taught them to the people, on the ground of their
ability (to practise them), not disregarding their
general principles or the limitations (that circum-
stances impose in particular cases).
3. ‘When their object had been accomplished (so
far), they proceeded to give rules for the engraving
(of the ceremonial vessels), and the embroider-
ing in various colours (of the robes), in order to
secure the transmission (of the rites).
4. ‘Having obtained the concurrence (of the
people in these things), they proceeded to tell them
the different periods of mourning; to provide the
full amount of tripods and stands; to lay down the
(offerings of) pork and dried meats; to maintain in
good order their ancestral temples; and then at the
different seasons of the year reverently to present
their sacrifices ; and to arrange thereat, in order, the
different branches and members of their kindred.
Meanwhile (they themselves) were content to live
economically, to have nothing fine about their dress ;
to have their houses low and poor; to eschew much
carving about their carriages; to use their vessels
without carving or graving; and to have the
plainest diet, in order to share all their advantages
in common with the people. In this manner did
the superior men of antiquity practise the rites.’
5. The duke said, ‘ How is it that the superior
men of the present day do not practise them (in this
way). Confucius said, ‘The superior men of the
present day are never satisfied in their fondness for
wealth, and never wearied in the extravagance of
ΒΚ. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 263
. their conduct. They are wild, idle, arrogant, and
insolent. They determinedly exhaust the (resources
of the) people, put themselves in opposition to the
multitude, and seek to overthrow those who are
pursuing the right way. They seek to get whatever
they desire, without reference to right or reason.
The former using of the people was according to the
ancient rules; the using of them now-a-days is ac-
cording to later rules. The superior men of the
present day do not practise the rites (as they ought
to be practised).’
6. Confucius was sitting beside duke Ai, when
the latter said, ‘I venture to ask, according to the
nature of men, which is the greatest thing (to
be attended to in dealing with them).’ Confu-
cius looked startled, changed countenance, and re-
plied, ‘ That your lordship should put this question
is a good thing for the people. How should your
servant dare but express his opinion on it?’ Ac-
cordingly he proceeded, and said, ‘ According to the
nature of men, government is the greatest thing for
them.’
7. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask what is meant
by the practice of government.’ Confucius replied,
‘Government is rectification. When the ruler is cor-
rect himself, all the people will follow his government.
What the ruler does is what the people follow. How
should they follow what he does not do ?’
8. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask how this
practice of government is to be effected?’ Confu-
cius replied, ‘ Husband and wife have their separate
functions ; between father and son there should be
affection; between ruler and minister there should
be a strict adherence to their several parts. If
264 THE Lif xf. BK. XXIV.
these three relations be correctly discharged, all
other things will follow.’
9. The duke said, ‘ Although I cannot, in my un-
| worthiness, count myself as having attained, I should
like to hear how these three things which you have
mentioned can be rightly secured. May I hear it
from you?’ Confucius replied, ‘ With the ancients
in their practice of government the love of men
was the great point; in their regulation of this
love of men, the rules of ceremony was the great
point; in their regulation of those rules, re-
- verence was the great point. For of the extreme
manifestation of reverence we find the greatest
illustration in the great (rite of) marriage. Yes, in
the great (rite of) marriage there is the extreme
manifestation of respect; and when one took place,
the bridegroom in his square-topped cap went in
person to meet the bride ;—thus showing his affec-
tion for her. It was his doing this himself that
was the demonstration of his affection. Thus it is
that the superior man commences with respect as the
basis of love. To neglect respect is to leave affec-
tion unprovided for. Without loving there can be
no (real) union; and without respect the love will
not be correct. Yes, love and respect lie at the
foundation of government.’ '
10. The duke said, ‘I wish that I could say I
agree with you, but for the bridegroom in his square-
topped cap to go in person to meet the bride,—is it
not making too much (of the ceremony) δ᾽ Con-
fucius looked startled, changed countenance, and
said, ‘(Such a marriage) is the union of (the repre-
sentatives of) two different surnames in friendship
and love, in order to continue the posterity of the
ΒΚ. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 265
former sages}, and to furnish those who shall pre-
side at the sacrifices to heaven and earth, at
those in the ancestral temple, and at those at the
altars to the spirits of the land and grain ;—how
can your lordship say that the ceremony is made
too great ?’
11, The duke said, ‘Iam stupid. But if I were
not stupid, how should I have heard what you have
just said? I wish to question you, but cannot find
the proper words (to do so); I beg you to go ona
little further.’ Confucius said, ‘If there were not
the united action of heaven and earth, the world
of things would not grow. By means of the grand
rite of marriage, the generations of men are con-
tinued through myriads of ages. How can your
lordship say that the ceremony in question is too
great?’ He immediately added, ‘In their own
peculiar sphere, (this marriage) serves for the regula-
tion of the ceremonies of the ancestral temple, and
is sufficient to supply the correlates to the spiritual
Intelligences of heaven and earth; in the (wider)
sphere abroad, it serves for the regulation of the
ceremonies of the court?, and is sufficient to establish
the respect of those below him to him who is
1 King takes this in the singular, ‘the former sage,’ meaning the
duke of Ku, so that Confucius should say that the ceremony in
question was a continuation of that instituted by the duke of
Xé4u. I cannot construe or interpret the text so.
3 The text here seems to be corrupt. Translating it as it stands—
es iA ΞΞ =<. fi—we should have to say, ‘the regulation
of straightforward speech.’ Kn Hao says that he does not
understand the ii =, and mentions the conjecture of ‘some
one’ that they should be =I HE. I have followed this conjecture,
which also is followed in Callery’s expurgated edition.
266 THE τ xt. BK, XXIV.
above them all. If there be ground for shame on
account of (a deficiency of) resources, this is sufficient
to stimulate and secure them ; if there be ground for
shame on account of the condition of the states, this
is sufficient to revive and renew them. Ceremonies
are the first thing to be attended to in the practice
of government. Yes, (this) ceremony (of marriage)
lies at the foundation of government!’
12. Confucius continued, ‘Anciently, under the
government of the intelligent kings of the three
dynasties, it was required of a man to show respect
to his wife and son. When the path (of right govern-
ment) was pursued, the wife was the hostess of the
(deceased) parents ;—could any husband dare not to
show her respect ? And the son was the descendant
of those parents ;—could any father dare not to show
him respect? The superior man’s respect is
universal. Wherein it appears the greatest is in his
respect for himself. He is in his person a branch
from his parents;—can any son but have this self-
respect ? If he is not able to respect his own person,
he is wounding his parents. If he wound his parents,
he is wounding his own root; and when the root
is wounded, the branches will follow it in its dying.
These three things are an image of what is true
with the whole people (in the body politic). One’s
own person reaches to the persons of others; one’s
own son to the sons of others; one’s own wife to
the wives of others. Ifa ruler do these things, the
spirit of his conduct will reach to all under the sky.
If the course of the great king be thus, all the states
and families will be docilely obedient.’
13. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask what is
meant by “respecting one’s self.”’ Confucius replied,
BK. XXIV. Αι KUNG WAN. 267
‘When a man who is over others? transgresses in
his words, the people will fashion their speech
accordingly ; when he transgresses in his actions, the
people will make him their model. If in his words
he do not go beyond what should be said, nor in his
actions what should be a model, then the people,
without being commanded, will reverence and honour
him. When this obtains, he can be said to have
respected his person. Having succeeded in respect-
ing his person, he will (at the same time) be able to
do all that can be done for his parents.’
14. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask what is
meant by doing all that can be done for one’s
parents?’ Confucius replied, ‘ Kiin-sze is the com-
pletest name for a man; when the people apply the
name to him, they say (in effect) that he is the
son of a 4tin-yze; and thus he makes his parents
(? father) to be a Atin-yze. This is what I intend
by saying that he does all that can be done for
his parents?,’
Confucius forthwith added, ‘In the practice of
1 The phrase in the text for ‘a man who is high in rank’
is Ktin-3ze (A F. Keun-jze, in Southern mandarin, and as
it is transliterated by Morrison and our older scholars), meaning
‘ruler’s son,’ ‘a princely man,’ ‘a superior man,’ ‘a wise man,’
‘a sage.’ In all these ways it has been translated by Chinese
scholars, and I have heard it proposed to render it by ‘a gentle-
man.’ Here all the commentators say it is to be understood of a
man of rank and position (A F VY PE =) which is a
not unfrequent application of it.
3 What I translate by ‘doing all that can be done for his
parents ’ is in the text ‘completing his parents.’ Callery renders
it :—‘ Assurant (un nom honorable) ἃ ses pére et mére.’ Wylie :—
‘Completing his duty to his parents.’ It certainly is not easy to
catch the mind of Confucius here and in the context.
268 THE Lf xt. BK, XXIV.
government in antiquity, the love of men was the
great point. If (a ruler) be not able to love men
he cannot possess! his own person ; unable to possess
his own person, he cannot enjoy in quiet his land;
unable to enjoy in quiet his land, he cannot rejoice
in Heaven; unable to rejoice in Heaven, he cannot
do all that can be done for his person.’
15. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask what is
meant by “ doing all that could be done for one’s per-
son.”’ Confucius replied, ‘It is keeping from all
transgression of what is duedin all the sphere beyond
τ one’s self?’ Te tay bain or Ong motor’
16. The duke said, ‘I venture to ask what it is
that the superior man values in the way of Heaven.’
Confucius replied, ‘He values its unceasingness.
There is, for instance, the succession and sequence
of the sun and moon from the east and west :—that
is the way of Heaven. There is the long continu-
ance of its progress without interruption :—that is the
way of Heaven. There is its making (all) things
complete without doing anything :—that is the way of
Heaven. There is their brilliancy when they have
been completed :—that is the way of Heaven.’
17. The duke said, ‘I am very stupid, unintelli-
gent also, and occupied with many things; do you,
Sir, help me that I may keep this lesson in my mind.’
18. Confucius looked grave, moved a little from
his mat, and replied, ‘A man of all-comprehensive
1 Kang says that ‘to possess’ is equivalent to ‘to preserve’
(Β ἢ GR thy), adding ‘men will injure him.’ So all the other
commentators.
* Callery gives for this:—‘Ce n’est autre chose que de se
maintenir dans le devoir.’ Wylie:—‘It is not to transgress
the natural order of things.’ The reply of Confucius appears more
fully in the ‘ Narratives of the School.’
ΒΚ. XXIV. AI KUNG WAN. 269
virtue? does not transgress what is due from him in
all the sphere beyond himself, and it is the same with
a filial son. Therefore a son of all-comprehensive
virtue serves his parents as he serves Heaven, and
serves Heaven as he serves his parents. Hence ἃ
filial son does all that can be done for his person®,’
19. The duke said, ‘I have heard your (excellent)
words ;—how is it that I shall hereafter not be able
to keep from the guilt (of transgressing)?’ Confucius
answered, ‘ That your lordship gives expression to
such words is a happiness to me.’
1 ©A man of all-comprehensive virtue’ is in the text simply ‘ the
benevolent man ({— A): But that name must be to be taken in
the sense of Mencius, who says that ‘ Benevolence is man (Ε th,
BA 4h,)’ (vii, 11, 16); as Julien translates it, ‘Humanitas
homo est. There , ‘benevolence,’ is a name denoting the
complex of human virtues, with the implication that it is itself
man’s distinguishing characteristic. So ‘humanity’ may be used
in English to denote ‘the peculiar nature of man as distinguished
from other beings.’
3 Callery has a note on this paragraph :—‘Ces axiémes de
Confucius ne sont pas d’une grande clarté ; on y entrevoit, cepend-
ant, que le philosophe veut établir l'identité entre le devoir chez
Yhomme et la vérité éternelle, ou la vertu dans le sens abstrait.’
But perhaps the sayings of the Master seem to be wanting in
‘clearness’ becausé it is difficult to catch his mind and spirit in
them. Nor do I think that the latter part of what the French
sinologue says is abundantly clear or appropriate. I have often
said that Confucius and his school try to make a religion out of
filial virtue. That appears here with a qualification; for the text
makes out ‘the service of Heaven,’ which would be religion, to
be identical with the full discharge of all filial duty, equivalent, in
the Chinese system, to all morality.
BOOK XXV. KUNG-Ni YEN XU
OR
KUNG-Ni AT HOME AT EASE’.
1, Kung-ni ‘being at home at ease’, with 3ze-
kang, 3ze-kung, and Yen Yd by him, their conversa-
tion went on from general matters to the subject of
ceremonies.
2. The Master said, ‘ Sit down’, you three, and I
will discourse to you about ceremonies, so that you
may rightly employ them everywhere and in all
circumstances.’
3. 3ze-kung crossed over (3ze-#ang’s) mat’, and
replied, ‘ Allow me to ask what you mean.’ The
Master said, ‘ Respect shown without observing the
rules of propriety is called vulgarity ; courtesy with-
out observing those rules is called forwardness ; and
boldness without ebsenving them is called violence.’
The Master added, ‘ Forwardness takes away from
gentleness and benevolence.’
4. The Master said, ‘Sze, you err by excess, and
Shang by defect.’ 3ze-£44n might be regarded as a
1 See the introductory notice of this Book, vol. xxvii, page 40.
The Yen (ae) in Yen Kit is said by Kang to denote that the
party had been to court, and was now at his ease in his own
residence.
3 The three disciples must have risen from their mats on the
introduction of a new topic, according to vol. xxvii, page 76,
paragraph 21.
5. Substantially a violation of vol. xxvii, page 71, paragraph 26.
ΒΚ. Χχν. κυνο-Νὶ YEN KU. 271
mother of the people. He could feed them, but he
could not teach them?.
5. 3ze-kung (again) crossed the mat, and replied,
‘Allow me to ask by what means it is possible to
secure this due mean.’ The Master said, ‘By means
of the ceremonial rules; by the rules. Yes, it is those
rules which define and determine the due mean,’
6. 3ze-kung having retired, Yen YQ advanced, and
said, ‘ May I be allowed to ask whether the rules of
ceremony do not serve to control what is bad, and to
complete what is good?’ The Master said, ‘ They
do.’ ‘Very well, and how do they do it?’ The
Master said, ‘ The idea in the border sacrifices to
Heaven and Earth is that they should give expres-
sion to the loving feeling towards the spirits; the
ceremonies of the autumnal and summer services in
the ancestral temple give expression to the loving
feeling towards all in the circle of the kindred ;
the ceremony of putting down food (by the deceased)
serves to express the loving feeling towards those
who are dead and for whom they are mourning ; the
ceremonies of the archery fétes and the drinking at
them express the loving feeling towards all in the
district and neighbourhood ; the ceremonies of festal
entertainments express the loving feeling towards
visitors and guests.’
1 The Khien-lung editors say that in this paragraph, the part
from ‘3ze-4h4n’ has been introduced by an error in mani-
pulating the tablets. It is found, and more fully, also in the
Narratives of the School, article 41 (VF 34g f9#). The previous
sentence of it also appears to me to be out of place. Why should
Confucius address himself to Sze?—that was not the name of
3ze-kung. What is said to him is found in the Analects, VI, 15,
and also more fully.
272 THE Li xt. BK, XXV.
7. The Master said, ‘ An intelligent understand-
ing of the idea in the border sacrifices to Heaven and
Earth, and of the ceremonies of the autumnal and
summer services, would make the government of a
state as easy as to point to one’s palm. Therefore
let the ceremonial rules be observed:—in the ordin-
ary life at home, and there will be the (right) distinc-
tion between young and old; inside the door of the
female apartments, and there will be harmony among
the three branches of kin; at court, and there will
be the right ordering of office and rank; in the
different hunting expeditions, and skill in war will be
acquired ; in the army and its battalions, and military
operations will be successful.
‘In this way, houses and their apartments will be
made of the proper dimensions; measures and
tripods will have their proper figure; food will have
the flavour proper to its season; music will be
according to the rules for it; carriages will have their
proper form; spirits will receive their proper offer-
ings; the different periods of mourning will have
their proper expression of sorrow; discussions will
be conducted by those who from their position should
take part in them; officers will have their proper
business and functions; the business of government
will be properly distributed and applied. (The
duty) laid on (each) person being discharged in the
matter before him (according to these rules), all his
movements, and every movement will be what they
ought to be.’
8. The Master said, ‘ What is (the object of) the
ceremonial rules? It is just the ordering of affairs.
The wise man who has affairs to attend to must
have the right method of ordering them. (He who
ΒΚ. XXV. χυνο-Νὶ YEN KU. 273
should attempt) to regulate a state without those
rules would be like a blind man with no one to lead
him ;—groping about, how could he find his way?
Or he would be like one searching all night in a
dark room without a light ;—how could he see any-
thing ?
‘If one have not the ceremonial rules, he would
not (know how to) dispose of his hands and feet, or
how to apply his ears and eyes; and his advancing
and retiring, his bowings and giving place would be
without any definite rules. Hence, when the rules
are thus neglected :—in the ordinary life at home,
then the right distinction between old and young
will be lost; in the female apartments, then the
harmony among the three branches of kin will be
lost ; in the court, then the order of office and rank
will be lost; in the different hunting expeditions,
then the prescribed methods of military tactics will be
lost ; in the army and its battalions, then the arrange-
ments that secure success in war will be lost. (Also),
houses and apartments will want their proper dimen-
sions ; measures and tripods will want their proper
. figure; food will want its seasonal flavour; music
will want its proper parts; Spirits will want their
proper offerings; the different periods of mourning
will want their proper expression of sorrow; discus-
sions will not be conducted by the pro; er men for
them ; officers will not have their proper business ;
the affairs of government will fail to be properly
distributed and applied; and (in the duties) laid on
(each) person to be discharged in the matters before
him, all his movements, every movement, will fail
to be what they ought to be. In this condition of
things it will be impossible to put one’s self at the
[28] τ
274 THE Lf xt. "BK. XXV.
head of the multitudes, and secure harmony among
them.’
9. The Master said, ‘Listen attentively, you three,
while I discourse to you about the ceremonial rules.
There are still nine things (to be described), and
four of them belong to the Grand festive entertain-
ments. When you know these, though your lot may
lie among the channeled fields, if you carry them
into practice, you will become wise as sages.
‘When one ruler is visiting another, they bow to
each other, each courteously declining to take the pre-
cedence, and then enter the gate. As soon as they
have done so, the instruments of music, suspended
from their frames, strike up. They then bow and
give place to each other again, and ascend to the
hall; and when they have gone up, the music stops.
In the court below, the dances Hsiang and Wd are
performed to the music of the flute, and that of Hsia
proceeds in due order with (the brandishing of
feathers and) fifes. (After this), the stands with
their offerings are set out, the various ceremonies
and musical performances go on in regular order,
and the array of officers provided discharge their
functions. In this way the superior man perceives
the loving regard (which directs the entertainment).
They move forward in perfect circles; they return
and form again the squares. The bells of the
equipages are tuned to the AAai-k4i; when the
guest goes out they sing the Yung; when the
things are being taken away, they sing the AA#an-
yii; and thus the superior man (sees that) there is
not a single thing for which there is not its proper
ceremonial usage. The striking up of the instru-
ments of metal, when they enter the gate, serves to
ΒΚ. XXV. KUNG-Ni YEN KU. 275
indicate their good feeling; the singing of the
Khing Mido, when they have gone up to the hall,
shows the virtue (they should cultivate); the per-
formance of the Hsiang to the flute in the court
below, reminds them of the events (of history). Thus
the superior men of antiquity did not need to set
forth their views to one another in words; it was
enough for them to show them in their music and
ceremonies.’
10. The Master said, ‘Ceremonial usages are (the
prescriptions of) reason; music is thedefinite limitation
(of harmony). The superior man makes no move-
ment without (a ground of) reason, and does nothing
without its definite limitation. He who is not versed
in the odes will err in his employment of the usages,
and he who is not versed in music will be but an
indifferent employer of them. He whose virtue is
slender will vainly perform the usages.’
11. The Master said, ‘The determinate measures
are according to the rules ; and the embellishments
of them are also so; but the carrying them into
practice depends on the men.’
12, 3ze-kung crossed over the mat and replied,
‘Allow me to ask whether even Khwei was ignorant
(of the ceremonial usages)! ?’
13. The Master said, ‘Was he not one of the
ancients? Yes, he was one of them. To be versed
in the ceremonial usages, and not versed in music,
we call being poorly furnished. To be versed in the
usages and not versed in music, we call being one-
sided. Now Khwei was noted for his acquaintance
with music, and not for his acquaintance with cere-
1 Khwei was Shun’s Director of Music. See the Shd, II, i, 24.
T2
276 THE Lf xt. BK. XXV.
monies, and therefore his name has been transmitted
with that account of him (which your question
implies). But he was one of the men of antiquity,’
14. 3ze-kang asked about government. The
Master said, ‘Sze, did I not instruct you on that
subject before? The superior man who is well ac-
quainted with ceremonial usages and music has
only to take and apply them (in order to practise
government).’
15. 3ze-kang again put the question, and the
Master said, ‘Sze, do you think that the stools and
mats must be set forth, the hall ascended and de-
scended, the cups filled and offered, the pledge-cup
presented and returned, before we can speak of
ceremonial usages? Do you think that there must
be the movements of the performers in taking up
their positions, the brandishing of the plumes and
fifes, the sounding of the bells and drums before we
can speak of music? To speak and to carry into
execution what you have spoken is ceremony;
to act and to give and receive pleasure from what
you do is music. The ruler who vigorously pursues
these two things may well stand with his face to the
south, for thus will great peace and order be secured
all under heaven; the feudal lords will come to his
court; all things will obtain their proper develop-
ment and character ; and no single officer will dare to
shrink from the discharge of his functions. Where such
ceremony prevails, all government is well ordered ;
where it is neglected, all falls into disorder and con-
fusion. A house made by a good (though unassisted)
eye will yet have the corner of honour, and the
steps on the east for the host to ascend by; every
mat have its upper and lower end ; every chariot have
ΒΚ. Χχν. κυνα-νὶ YEN KU. 277
its right side and left; walkers follow one another,
and those who stand observe a certain order:—such
were the right rules of antiquity. If an apartment
were made without the corner of honour and the
steps on the east, there would be confusion in the
hall and apartment. If mats had not their upper
and lower ends, there would be confusion among the
occupants of them ; if carriages were made without
their left side and right, there would be confusion in
their seats ; if people did not follow one another in
walking, there would be confusion on the roads; if
people observed no order in standing, there would
be disorder in the places they occupy. Anciently the
sage Tts and intelligent kings and the feudal lords,
in making a distinction between noble and mean, old
and young, remote and near, male and female, out-
side and inside, did not presume to allow any to
transgress the regular rule they had to observe,
but all proceeded in the path which has been indi-
cated.’
16. When the three disciples had heard these
words from the Master, they saw clearly as if a film
had been removed from their eyes.
BOOK XXVI. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN KU
OR
CONFUCIUS AT HOME AT LEISURE’.
1. Confucius being at home at leisure, with 3ze-
hsid by his side, the latter said, ‘With reference to
the lines in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 8, 1),
“The happy and courteous sovereign
Is the father and mother of the people ;”
I beg to ask what the sovereign must be, who can
be called “the parent of the people.”’ Confucius
said, ‘Ah! the parent of the people! He must have
penetrated to the fundamental principles of cere-
monies and music, till he has reached the five
extreme points to which they conduct, and the
three that have no positive existence, and be able
to exhibit these all under heaven; and when evil is
impending in any part of the kingdom, he must
have a foreknowledge of it:—such an one is he
whom we denominate ‘the parent of the people.’
2. 3ze-hsia said, ‘I have thus heard (your expla-
nation) of the name “ parent of the people ;” allow
me to ask what “the five extreme points” (that you
mention) mean.’ Confucius said, ‘The furthest aim
of the mind has also its furthest expression in the
Book of Poetry. The furthest expression of the
Book of Poetry has also its furthest embodiment in
the ceremonial usages. The furthest embodiment
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 41.
ΒΚ. XXVI. KHUNG-83ZE HSIEN KU. 279
in the ceremonial usages has also its furthest indica-
tion in music. The furthest indication of music has
also its furthest indication in the voice of sorrow.
Sorrow and joy produce, each the other; and thus it
is that when we look with the directest vision of the
eyes at (these extreme points) we cannot see them,
and when we have bent our ears with the utmost
tension we cannot hear them. The mind and spirit
must embrace all within heaven and earth :—these
are what we denominate “ the five extreme points.”’
3. 3ze-hsid said, ‘I have heard your explanation
of “the five extreme points;” allow me to ask
what “the three points that have no positive ex-
istence” mean. Confucius said, ‘The music that
has no sound; ceremonial usages that have no
embodiment; the mourning that has no garb :—
these are what we denominate “the three points
that have no positive existence.” 32ze-hsia said, ‘1
have heard what you have said on those three
‘negations ; allow me to ask in which of the odes
we find the nearest expression of them.’ Confu-
cius said, ‘ There is that (IV, ii, ode 1, 6),
“Night and day he enlarged its foundations by
his deep and silent virtue :”— .
there is music without sound. And that (I, ili, ode
1, 3);
“ My deportment has been dignified and good,
Without anything wrong that can be pointed out:”—
there is the ceremony that has noembodiment. And
that (I, iii, ode το, 4),
“When among any of the people there was a death,
I crawled on my knees to help them:”—
there is the mourning that has no garb.’
280 THE Li Kt. BK. XXVI.
4. 3ze-hsia said, ‘Your words are great, admirable,
and complete. Do they exhaust all that can be said
on the subject? Is there nothing more?’ Confucius
said, ‘ How should it be so? When a superior man
practises these things, there still arise five other
points.’
5. 3ze-hsia said, ‘How is that?’ Confucius said,
‘When there is that music without sound, there is
no movement of the spirit or will in opposition to it.
When there is that ceremony without embodiment,
all the demeanour is calm and gentle. When there
is that mourning without garb, there is an inward
reciprocity, and great pitifulness.
‘When there is that music without sound, the
spirit and will are mastered. When there is that
ceremony without embodiment, all the demeanour is
marked by courtesy. When there is that mourning
without garb, it reaches to all in all quarters.
‘When there is that music without sound, the
spirit and will are followed. When there is that
ceremony without embodiment, high and low are har-
monious and united. When there is that mourning
without garb, it goes on to nourish all regions.
‘When there is that music without sound, it is
daily heard in all the four quarters of the kingdom.
When there is that ceremony without embodiment,
there is a daily progress and a monthly advance.
When there is that mourning without garb, the
virtue (of him who shows it) becomes pure and very
bright.
‘When there is that music without sound, all
spirits and wills are roused by it. When there is
that ceremony without embodiment, its influence
extends to all within the four seas. When there is
ΒΚ. ΧΧΥ͂Ὶ. KHUNG-3ZE HSIEN KU. 281
that mourning without garb, it extends to future
generations.’
6. 3ze-hsia said, ‘(It is said that) the virtue of the
kings (who founded the) three dynasties was equal
‘to that of heaven and earth; allow me to ask of
what nature that virtue was which could be said to
put its possessors on an equality with heaven and
earth.’ Confucius said, ‘They reverently displayed
the Three Impartialities, while they comforted all
beneath the sky under the toils which they imposed.’
3ze-hsia said, ‘ Allow me to ask what you call the
“Three Impartialities.”’ Confucius said, ‘Heaven
overspreads all without partiality; Earth sustains
and contains all without partiality; the Sun and
Moon shine on all without partiality. Reverently
displaying these three characteristics and thereby
comforting all under heaven under the toils which
they imposed, is what is called “the Three Impar-
tialities.” It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii,
ode 4, 3),
“God in His favour Thang’s House would not leave,
And then Thang rose that favour to receive.
Thang’s birth was not from Hsieh too far re-
moved,
His sagely reverence daily greater proved;
For long to Heaven his brilliant influence rose,
And while his acts the fear of God disclose,
God Thang as model fit for the nine regions
chose :”—
such was the virtue of Thang.
7. ‘To Heaven belong the four seasons, spring,
autumn, winter, summer, with wind, rain, hoar-frost,
and dew ;—(in the action) of all and each of these
there is a lesson.
282 THE Lf xf. BK. XXVI.
‘Earth contains the mysterious energy (of nature).
That mysterious energy (produces) the wind and
thunder-clap. By the wind and thunder-clap the
(seeds of) forms are carried abroad, and the various
things show the appearance of life :—in all and each
of these things there is a lesson.
8. ‘When the personal character is pure and
bright, the spirit and mind are like those of a
spiritual being. When what such an one desires is
about to come, there are sure to be premonitions
of it in advance, (as when) Heaven sends down
the seasonable rains, and the hills produce the
clouds. As it is said in the Book of Poetry (III,
iii, ode 5, 1),
“ How grand and high, with hugest bulk, arise
Those southern hills whose summits touch the
skies!
Down from them came a Spirit to the earth,
And to the sires of Fi and Shan gave birth.
In those two states our AAu a bulwark has,
O’er which the southern foemen dare not pass,
And all its states they screen, and through them
spread
Lessons of virtue, by themselves displayed :"---
such was the virtue of (kings) Wan and Wa.
9. ‘As to the kings (who founded) the three
dynasties, it was necessary that they should be pre-
ceded by the fame of their forefathers. As it is said
in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 8, 6),
“Very intelligent were the sons of Heaven,
Their good fame was without end :”—
such was the virtue of (the founders) of the three
dynasties,
ΒΚ. XXVI. KHUNG-8ZE HSIEN XU. 283
‘(And again),
“ He displayed his civil virtues,
And they permeated all parts of the kingdom :"---
such was the virtue of king Thai.’
10. 3ze-hsia rose up with a sudden joy, and, stand-
ing with his back to the wall, said, ‘Your disciple
dares not but receive (your instructions) with rever-
᾽
ence.
BOOK XXVII. FANG ΑἹ
OR
RECORD OF THE DYKES’.
1. According to what the Masters said, the ways
laid down by the superior men may be compared to
dykes, the object of which is to conserve that in
which the people may be deficient ; and though they
may be on a great scale, the people will yet pass
over them. Therefore the superior men framed
rules of ceremony for the conservation of virtue;
punishments to serve as a barrier against licentious-
ness; and declared the allotments (of Heaven), as
a barrier against evil desires*. .
2. The Master said, ‘ The small man, when poor,
feels the pinch of his straitened circumstances ; and
when rich, is liable to become proud. Under the
pinch of that poverty he may proceed to steal; and
when proud, he may proceed to deeds of disorder.
The rules of propriety recognise these feelings of
men, and lay down definite regulations for them, to
serve as dykes for the people. Hence the sages
dealt with riches and honours, so that riches should
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 41, 42.
* Any reader acquainted with Chinese will see that the character
fang (Hf) is used substantively and meaning ‘a dyke,’ and as a
verb, ‘ to serve as a dyke.’ But a dyke has two uses :—to conserve
what is inside it, preventing its flowing away; and to ward off
what is without, barring its entrance and encroachment. So the
character is here used in both ways. The K’ien-lung editors
insist on this twofold application of it, tersely and convincingly.
ΒΚ. XXVII. FANG Xi. 285
not have power to make men proud; that poverty
should not induce that feeling of being pinched; and
that men in positions of honour should not be intract-
able to those above them. In this way the causes of
disorder would more and more disappear.’ .
3. The Master said, ‘ Under heaven the cases are
few in which the poor yet find enjoyment’, the rich
yet love the rules of propriety, and a family that is
numerous (and strong) yet remains quiet and at
peace. AAs it is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii,
ode 3, 11) i
“ The people desire disorder,
And find enjoyment in bitter, poisonous ways.”
Hence it was made the rule that no state should have
more than 1000 chariots, no chief city’s wall more
than 100 embrasures, no family, however rich, more
than: 100 chariots. These regulations were intended
for the protection of the people, and yet some of the
lords of states rebelled against them.’
4. The Master said, ‘It is by the rules of cere-
mony that what is doubtful is displayed, and what is
minute is distinguished, that they may serve as
dykes for the people. Thus it is that there are the
grades of the noble and the mean, the distinctions
of dress, the different places at court; and so the
people (are taught to) give place to one another.’
5. The Master said, ‘ There are not two suns in
the sky, nor two kings in a territory, nor two
masters in a family, nor two superiors of equal
honour ; and the people are shown how the distinc-
tion between ruler and subject should be maintained.
1 Literally, ‘ the poor are fond of (enjoyment) ;’ but the ‘ fond of’
is acknowledged to be an addition to the text.
286 THE Li xt. BK. XXVIT.
The Khun Kid does not mention the funeral rites
for the kings of X40 and Yiieh. According to the
rules, the ruler of a state is not spoken of as
“Heaven's,” and a Great officer is not spoken of as
“a ruler;”—lest the people should be led astray. It
is said in the ode,
“ Look at (that bird) which in the night calls out for
the morning?.”
Even this is still occasion for being dissatisfied with it.’
6. The Master said, ‘A ruler does not ride in the
same carriage with those of the same surname with
himself ; and when riding with those of a different
surname, he wears a different dress ;—to show the
people that they should avoid what may give rise
to suspicion. This was intended to guard the
people (from incurring suspicion), and yet they
found that there were those of the same surname
who murdered their ruler?’ ;
7. The Master said, ‘The superior man will
decline a position of high honour, but not one that is
mean; and riches, but not poverty. In this way con-
fusion and disorder will more and more disappear.
Hence the superior man, rather than have his emolu-
ments superior to his worth, will have his worth
superior to his emoluments.’
8. The Master said, ‘In the matter of a cup of
liquor and a dish of meat, one may forego his
claim and receive that which is less than his due;
1 This is from one of the old pieces, which have been forgotten
and lost. Is the bird alluded to the cock? and where is the point
of the reference?
The Xhien-lung editors labour in vain to make this para-
graph clear, and say that it is ‘an error of errors’ to ascribe it to
Confucius.
ΒΚ. XXVII. FANG κὶ. 287
and yet the people will try to obtain more than is
due to their years. When one’s mat has been
spread for him in a high place, he may move
and take his seat on a lower; and yet the people
will try to occupy the place due to rank. From the
high place due to him at court one may in his
humility move to a meaner place; and yet the people
shall be intrusive even in the presence of the ruler.
As it is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii, ode
9, 4),
“When men in disputations fine
To hear their consciences refuse,
Then ’gainst each other they repine,
And each maintains his special views.
If one a place of rank obtain,
And scorn humility to show,
The others view him with disdain,
And, wrangling, all to ruin go.”’
9. The Master said, ‘The superior man exalts
others and abases himself; he gives the first place
to others and takes the last himself ;—and thus the
people are taught to be humble and yielding. Thus
when he is speaking of the ruler of another state, he
calls him “The Ruler;” but when mentioning his
own ruler, he calls him “ Our ruler of little virtue.”’
10. The Master said, ‘When advantages and re-
wards are given to the dead first}, and to the living
afterwards, the people will not act contrarily to the
(character of) the dead. When (the ruler) places
those who are exiles (from and for their state) first,
and those who remain in it last, the people may be
1 The memory of the dead would be honoured, and titles given
to them, while those they left behind would be supported.
288 THE Lf xf. BK. XXVII.
trusted with (the most arduous duties). It is said in
the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 3, 4),
“In thinking of our deceased lord,
She stimulated worthless me.”
When this dyke is set up for the people, will they
still act contrarily to the dead and have to bewail
their lot, with none to whom to appeal ?’
11. The Master said, ‘When the ruler of a state,
with its clans, thinks much of the men and little of
the emoluments (which he bestows on them), the
people give place readily (to those men). When he
thinks much of their ability, and little of the chariots
(with which he rewards them), the people address
themselves to elegant arts. Hence a superior man
keeps his speech under control, while the small man
is forward to speak.’
12. The Master said, ‘If superiors consider and
are guided by the words of the people, the people.
receive their gifts or commands as if they were
from Heaven. If superiors pay no regard to the
words of the people, the people put themselves in
opposition to them. When inferiors do not receive
the gifts of their superiors as if they were from
Heaven, there ensues violent disorder. Hence,
when the superior exhibits his confidence and
courtesy in the government of the people, then the
usages of the people in response to him are very
great. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii,
ode 10, 3),
“Remember what in days of old they spake,
With grass and fuel-gatherers counsel take.
13. The Master said, ‘If (the ruler) ascribe what
is good to others, and what is wrong to himself, the
3)
BK. XXVII. FANG kf. 289
people will not contend (among themselves). If he
ascribe what is good to others, and what is wrong to
himself, dissatisfactions will more and more dis-
appear. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v,
ode 4, 2),
“You had consulted the tortoise-shell; you had
consulted the stalks;
In their responses there was nothing unfavour-
able.”’
14. The Master said, ‘If (the ruler) ascribe what
is good to others and what is wrong to himself, the
people will yield to others (the credit of) what is
good in them. It is said in the Book of Poetry
(III, i, ode 10, 7),
“He examined and divined, did the king,
About settling in the capital of Hao.
The tortoise-shell decided the site,
And king Νὰ completed the city.”’
15. The Master said, ‘If (ministers) ascribe what
is good to their ruler and what is wrong to them-
selves, the people will become loyal. It is said in
the Book of History (V, xxi, 6),
‘When you have any good plans or counsels,
enter and lay them before your ruler in the court;
and thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accord-
ance with them, say, ‘ This plan, or this view, is all
due to the virtue of our ruler!’ Oh! in this way
how good and distinguished will you be!”’
16. The Master said, ‘If (a ruler, being a son,)
ascribe what is good to his father, and what is wrong
to himself, the people will become filial. It is said
in “ The Great Declaration,” “If I subdue Au, it
will not be my prowess, but the faultless virtue of
[28] U
290 ᾿ THE τῇ xt. BK. XXVII.
my deceased father Wan. If K4u subdues me, it
will not be from any fault of my deceased father
Wan, but because I, who am as a little child, am not
good”’ (Shi, V, i, sect. 3, 6).
17. The Master said, ‘A superior man will forget
and not make much of the errors of his father,
and will show his reverence for his excellence. It is
said in the Lun Yii (I, xi), “ He who for three years
does not change from the way of his father, may be
pronounced filial ;” and in the Kao 3ung (Shd, ΠῚ,
viii, 1) it is said, “ For three years he kept without
speaking ; when he did speak, they were delighted.”
18. The Master said, ‘To obey (his parents’)
commands without angry (complaint); to remon-
strate with them gently without being weary; and
not to murmur against them, though they punish
him, may be pronounced filial piety. It is said in
the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 5),
“Your filial son was unceasing in his service.”’
19. The Master said, ‘ To cultivate harmony with
all the kindred of parents may be pronounced
filial! It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, vii,
ode 9, 3),
“ Brethren whose virtue stands the test,
By bad example still unchanged,
Their generous feelings manifest,
Nor grow among themselves estranged.
But if their virtue weakly fails
The evil influence to withstand,
Then selfishness o'er love prevails,
And troubles rise on every hand.”’
20. The Master said, ‘(A son) may ride in the
chariot of an intimate friend of his father, but he
ΒΚ. XXVII. FANG Ki. x 20Ι
should not wear his robes. By this (rule) the
superior man widens (the sphere of) his filial duty.’
21. The Master said, ‘Small men are all able to
support their parents. If the superior man do not
also reverence them, how is his supporting to be
distinguished (from theirs) ῥ᾽
22. The Master said, ‘Father and son should not
be in the same (official) position ;—to magnify the
reverence (due to the father). It is said in the Book
of History (Sha, ITT, v, sect. 1, 3), “ If the sovereign
do not show himself the sovereign, he disgraces his
ancestors.” ’
23. The Master said, ‘Before his parents (a son)
should not speak of himself as old; he may speak
of the duty due to parents, but not of the gentle
kindness due from them; inside the female apart-
ments he may sport, but should not sigh. By these
(rules) the superior man would protect the people
(from evil), and still they are found slight in their
acknowledgment of filial duty, and prompt in their
appreciation of gentle kindness.’
24. The Master said, ‘When they who are over
the people show at their courts their respect for the
old, the people become filial.’
25. The Master said, ‘The (use of) the represen-
tatives of the deceased at sacrifices, and of one who
presides (at the services) in the ancestral temple, was
intended to show the people that they had still those
whom they should serve. The repairing of the
ancestral temple and the reverential performance of
the sacrifices were intended to teach the people
to follow their dead with their filial duty. These
things should guard the people (from evil), and still
they are prone to forget their parents.’
υ 2
ἰ
1
i
᾿
!
t
6 ‘
292 THE Lf Kf. ΒΚ. XXVIt.
26. The Master said, ‘When (it is wished to)
show respect (to guests), the vessels of sacrifice are
used}, Thus it is that the superior man will not in
the poverty of his viands neglect the rules of cere-
mony, nor in their abundance and excellence make
those rules disappear. Hence, according to the rules
of feasting, when the host gives in person anything
to a guest, the guest offers a portion in sacrifice,
but he does not do so with what the host does not
himself give him. Therefore, when there is no
ceremony in the gift, however admirable it may be,
.___ the superior man does not partake of it. | It is said
in the Yi, “The ox slain in sacrifice by the neighbour
on the east is not equal to the spare spring sacrifice
of the neighbour on the west, (whose sincerity)
.. .Feceives the blessing*.” It is said in the Book of
Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 1),
“You have made us drink to the full of your
spirits,
You have satiated us with your virtue.”
But though in this way the people are admonished,
they will still keep striving after profit, and forget
righteousness.’
27. The Master said, ‘There are the seven days
of fasting, and the three days of vigil and adjustment
of the thoughts; there is the appointment of the one
man to act as the personator of the dead, in passing
whom it is required to adopt a hurried pace :—all to
teach reverence (for the departed).’
1 This would be in the entertainment, at the close of the sacri-
fices, given to the relatives and others who had taken part in them.
3. This is the symbolism of the fifth line of the 63rd Hexagram
(Κὶ 31). See vol. xvi, pp. 206-208.
BK. ΧΧΥ͂ΤΙ, FANG xt. 293
The sweet liquor is in the apartment (where the
personator is); the reddish in the hall; and the clear
in the court below :—all to teach the people not to
go to excess in being greedy?.
The personator drinks three cups, and all the
guests drink one :—teaching the people that there
must be the distinction of high and low.
The ruler takes the opportunity of the spirits and
flesh of his sacrifice to assemble all the members of his
kindred :—teaching the people to cultivate harmony.
Thus it is that on the hall above they look at
what is done in the apartment, and in the court
below at what is done by those in the hall (for their
pattern) ; as it is said in the Book of Poetry (II,
vi, ode 5» 3),
‘Every form is according to rule ;
Every smile and word is as it should be.’
28. The Master said, ‘The giving place to a
visitor at every stage of his advancing (from the en-
trance gate), according to the rules for visitors; and
the repetition of the ceremonies, according to the
mourning rites, in an ever-increasing distance from
the apartment of the corpse; the washing of the
corpse over the pit in the centre of the open court ;
the putting the rice into the mouth under the win-
dow; the slighter dressing of the corpse inside the
door of the apartment; the greater dressing at the
top of the steps on the east; the coffining in the
place for guests; the sacrifice on taking the road
(with the coffin) in the courtyard ; and the interment
in the grave :—these were intended to teach the
people how the element of distance enters into the
2 The best liquor was in the lowest place.
294 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XXVIT.
usages. Under the Yin dynasty they condoled with
the mourners at the grave; they do so under δὰ
in the house :—showing the people that they should
not neglect the custom.’
The Master said, ‘(These services in connexion
with) death are the last duties which the people have
to pay (to their departed). I follow Au in them.
They were intended to serve as guards to the people
(to keep them from error). Among the princes,
however, there still were those who did not attend
the burials of other princes, and take part in them!’
29. The Master said, ‘The going up to the hall
by the steps for the guests, and receiving the con-
dolences sent to him in the guests’ place, are designed
to teach the filial to continue their filial duty even
to the dead.
‘Until the mourning rites are finished, a son is not
styled “ Ruler :”—showing the people that there ought
to be no contention (between father and son). Hence
in the X4un Καὶ ἀϊὰ of LA, recording deaths in Bin, it
is said, “(Lt Kho) killed Hst-£4t, the son of his ruler,
and his ruler AZo*:”—a barrier was thus raised to
prevent the people (from doing such deeds), And
yet there were sons who still murdered their fathers.’
30. The Master said, ‘ Filial duty may be trans-
ferred to the service of the ruler, and brotherly sub-
1 It is not easy to determine the meaning of the text in this
sentence. Chinese writers differ about it among themselves, The
whole paragraph, indeed, is confused; and the second ‘ The
Master said’ should probably form a paragraph by itself.
3. This forms two entries in the Aun A/id, under the ninth and
tenth years of duke Hsf. The first notice is according to the rule
about a son of a-feudal prince being still only called ‘Son’ till the
mourning for his father was completed, and the second is contrary
to it. The concluding remark is also away from the point.
ΒΚ. XXVII. FANG Χὶ, 295
mission to the service of elders :—showing the people
that they ought not to be double-minded. Hence a
superior man, while his ruler is alive, should not take
counsel about taking office (in another state). It is
only on the day of his consulting the tortoise-shell
(about such a thing) that he will mention two rulers!)
‘The mourning for a father lasts for three years,
and that for a ruler the same time :—showing the
people that they must not doubt (about the duty
which they owe to their ruler).
‘While his parents are alive, a son should not
dare to consider his wealth as his own, nor to hold
any of it as for his own private use :—showing the
people how they should look on the relation between
high and low. Hence the son of Heaven cannot be
received with the ceremonies of a guest anywhere
within the four seas, and no one can presume to be
his host. Hence, also, when a ruler goes to a minis-
ter’s (mansion) he goes up to the hall by the (host’s)
steps on the east and proceeds to the place (of honour)
in the hall: showing the people that they should not
dare to consider their houses their own.
‘While his parents are alive, the gifts presented to
a son should not extend to a carriage and its team :—
showing the people that they should not dare to
monopolise (any honours).
‘ All these usages were intended to keep the people
from transgressing their proper bounds ; and yet there
are those who forget their parents, and are double-
minded to their ruler.’
31. The Master said, ‘The ceremony takes place
before the silks (offered in connexion with it) are
1 The translation here is according to a view appended by the
Xhien-lung editors to the usual notes on the sentence,
296 THE Lf xf. BK. XXYiI.
presented :—this is intended to teach the people to
make the doing of their duties the first thing, and
their salaries an after consideration. If money be
sought first and the usages of propriety last, then the
people will be set on gain: if the mere feeling be
acted on, without any expressions (of courtesy and
deference), there will be contentions among the
people. Hence the superior man, when presents are
brought to him, if he cannot see him who offers
them, does not look at the presents, It is said in
the Yi, “ He reaps without having ploughed that he
may reap; he gathers the produce of the third year’s
field without having cultivated them the first year ;—
there will be evil.” In this way it is sought to guard
the people, and yet there are of them who value their
emoluments and set little store by their practice.’
32. The Master said, ‘The superior man does not
take all the profit that he might do, but leaves some
for the people. It is said in the Book of Poetry
(II, vi, ode 8, 3),
“ There shall be handfuls left on the ground,
And ears here and there left untouched ;—
For the benefit of the widow.”
‘Hence, when a superior man is in office (and
enjoys its emoluments), he does not go in for farm-
ing; if he hunts, he does not (also) fish; he eats the
(fruits of the) season, and is not eager for delicacies ;
if a Great officer, he does not sit on sheepskins ; if
a lower officer, he does not sit on dogskins. It is
said in the Book of Poetry (I, iii, ode 10, 1),
1 See the symbolism of line 2, of the 25th Hexagram, vol. xvi,
pp. 110, 111. The last character here is not in the Yi, and a
different moral seems to be drawn from the whole.
BK, KXVII, FANG Kf. Se. 297
“When we gather the mustard-plant and earth-
melons,
We do not reject them because of their roots.
While I do nothing contrary to my good name,
I should live with you till our death.”
In this way it was intended to guard the people
against loving wrong ; and still some forget righteous-
ness and struggle for gain, even to their own ruin.’
33. The Master said, ‘The ceremonial usages °
serve as dykes to the people a;jainst bad excesses —
(to which they are prone). They display the separa-
tion which should be maintained (between the sexes),
that there may be no occasion for suspicion, and the
relations of the people be well defined. It is said in
the Book of Poetry (I, viii, ode vi, 3, 4),
ἊΝ
“ How do we proceed in hewing an axe-handle ?
Without another axe it cannot be done. _
How do we proceed in taking a wife ?
Without a go-between it cannot be done.
How do we proceed in planting hemp ?
The acres must be dressed length-wise and cross-
wise.
How do we proceed in taking a wife ?
Announcement must first be made to our parents.”
In this way it was intended to guard the people
(against doing wrong), and still there are some
(women) among them, who offer themselves (to
the male),’
34. The Master said, ‘A man in taking a wife
does not take one of the same surname with him-
self :—to show broadly the distinction (to be main-
tained between man and wife). Hence, when a man
is buying a concubine, if he do not know her surname,
298 THE τὴ xt. BK, XXVII,
he consults the tortoise-shell about it. In this way
it was intended to preserve the people (from going
wrong in the matter); and yet the Adun KAid of
Lf still suppresses the surname of duke K4o’s wife,
simply saying “Wd,” and the record of her death is
“Mang (the elder) 3ze died’.”’
35. The Master said, ‘According to the rules, male
and female do not give the cup to one another, ex-
cepting at sacrifice. This was intended to guard the
people against (undue freedom of intercourse) ; and
yet the marquis of Yang killed the marquis of M4,
and stole away his wife. Therefore the presence
of the wife at the grand entertainments was dis-
allowed.’
36. The Master said, ‘With the son of a widow
one does not have interviews :—this would seem to
be an obstacle to friendship, but a superior man will
keep apart from intercourse in such a case, in order
to avoid (suspicion). Hence, in the intercourse of
friends, if the master of the house be not in, a visitor,
unless there is some great cause, does not enter the
door. This was intended to preserve the people
(from all appearance of evil); and yet there are of
them who pay more regard to beauty than to virtue.’
37. The Master said, ‘ The love of virtue should
be like the love of beauty (from an inward constraint).
Princes of states should not be like fishers for beauty
1 The latter entry is found in the Kun Khid, under the twelfth
year of duke Ai. The lady’s surname is not found in that Xing
at all; and Confucius himself probably suppressed it. Compare
what is said in the Analects, VII, 30, where the sage, on the same
subject, does not appear to more advantage than he does here.
3 Who these princes were, or what were the circumstances of
the case, is not known.
ΒΚ. XXVII. FANG ki. 299
(in the families) below them. Hence the superior
man keeps aloof from beauty, in order to constitute
a rule for the people. Thus male and female, in
giving and receiving, do not allow their hands to
touch; in driving his wife in a carriage, a husband
advances his left hand; when a young aunt, a sister,
or a daughter has been married, and returns (to her
father’s house), no male can sit on the same mat
with her ; a widow should not wail at night; when a
wife is ill, in asking for her, the nature of her illness
should not be mentioned :—in this way it was sought
to keep the people (from irregular connexions) ; and
yet there are those who become licentious, and intro-
duce disorder and confusion among their kindred.’
38. The Master said, ‘According to the rules of
marriage, the son-in-law should go in person to meet
the bride. When he is introduced to her father and
mother, they bring her forward, and give her to
him! :—being afraid things should go contrary to
what is right. In this way a dyke is raised in the
interest of the people; and yet there are cases in
which the wife will not go (to her husband's)?’
1 “Warning her, at the same time, to see that she reverenced her -
husband.’
3 We should rather say here—‘in which the bride will not go
to the bridegroom’s.’ The commentators do not give instances in
point from the records of Chinese history. Perhaps the Master
merely meant to say that there were cases in which the bride did
not go to her new home in the spirit of reverence and obedience
enjoined upon her.
BOOK XXVIII. KUNG YUNG
OR
THE STATE OF EQUILIBRIUM AND HARMONY’.
Section I.
1. What Heaven has conferred is called the
Nature. An accordance with this nature is called
the Path of Duty; the regulation of this path is
called the System of Instruction.
2. The path should not be left for an instant ; if
it could be left, it would not be the path.
3. On this account the superior man does not wait
till he sees things to be cautious, nor till he hears
things to be apprehensive.
4. There is nothing more visible than what is
secret, and nothing more manifest than what is
minute. Therefore the superior man is watchful
over himself when he is alone.
5. When there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger,
sorrow, or joy, we call it the State of Equi-
librium. When those feelings have been stirred,
and all in their due measure and degree, we call it
the State of Harmony. This Equilibrium is
the great root (from which grow all the human
actings) in the world; and this Harmony is the
universal path (in which they should all proceed).
6. Let the State of Equilibrium and Har-
mony exist in perfection, and heaven and earth
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 42, 43.
SECT. I. KUNG YUNG. 301
would have their (right) places, (and do their
proper work), and all things would be nourished
(and flourish)'.
7. Kung-nt® said, ‘The superior man (exhibits)
the state of equilibrium and harmony?*; the small
1 These six short paragraphs may be considered a summary of
the Confucian doctrine, and a sort of text to the sermon which
follows in the rest of the Treatise ;—the first chapter of it. The
commencing term, Heaven, gives us, vaguely, the idea of a
supreme, righteous, and benevolent Power; while ‘heaven and
earth,’ in paragraph 6, bring before us the material heaven and
earth with inherent powers and capabilities, by the interaction of
which all the phenomena of production, growth, and decay are
produced. Midway between these is Man; and nothing is wanting
to make a perfectly happy world but his moral perfection, evidenced
by his perfect conformity to the right path, the path of duty. ‘The
superior man,’ in paragraph 3, has evidently the moral signification
of the name in its highest degree. He is the man ‘who embodies
the path (ae 2] x. A) The description of him in para-
gtaph 4, that ‘he is watchful over himself when alone,’ is, literally,
that ‘he is watchful over his solitariness,—his aloneness,’ that ‘ soli-
tariness’ being, I conceive, the ideal of his own nature to which every
man in his best and highest moments is capable of attaining.
5. See the introductory notice of Book XXV.
5 Formerly I translated this by ‘The superior man (embo-
dies) the course of the mean.’ Zottoli gives for it, ‘Sapiens
vir tenet medium;’ Rémusat, ‘Le sage tient invariablement
le milieu,’ and ‘Sapiens medio constat.’ The two characters
Kung yung (FA Jf), however, are evidently brought on from
the preceding chapter, yung (FB) being used instead of the ho
(Fal) in paragraphs 5. and 6. In the Khang-hst dictionary, we
find that yung is defined by ho, among other terms, with a
reference to a remark of Kang Hstian, preserved by LQ Teh-ming,
that ‘the Book is named the Kung Yung, because it records the
practice of the Kung Ho.’ ang was obliged to express himself
so, having defined the yung of the title by another yung (ἢ),
meaning ‘use’ or ‘practice. But both Aung and yung are
adjectival terms used substantively.
202 THE Lf κὶ. ΒΚ. XXVIIL
man presents the opposite of those states. The
superior man exhibits them, because he is the superior
man, and maintains himself in them; the small man
presents the opposite of them, because he is the small
man, and exercises no apprehensive caution,’
8. The Master said, ‘ Perfect is the state of equi-
librium and harmony! Rare have they long been
among the people who could attain to it!’
g. The Master said, ‘I know how it is that the
Path is not walked in. The knowing go beyond it,
and the stupid do not come up to it. The worthy
go beyond it, and the unworthy do not come up to it.
There is nobody but eats and drinks ; but they are
few who can distinguish the flavours (of what they
eat and drink)?’
10. The Master said, ‘Ah! how is the path un-
trodden!’
11. The Master said, ‘Was not Shun grandly
wise ? Shun loved to question others, and to study
their words though they might be shallow. He
concealed what was bad (in them), and displayed
what was good. He laid hold of their two extremes,
determined the mean® between them, and used it in
(his government of) the people. It was this that
made him Shun!’
12. The Master said, ‘Men all say, “We are wise;”
but being driven forward and taken in a net, a trap,
or a pitfall, not one of them knows how to escape.
Men all say, “We are wise;” but when they have
chosen the state of equilibrium and harmony, they
are not able to keep in it for a round month,’
1 Men eat and drink without knowing why or what.
3 Here Kung has the signification of ‘the mean, the just
medium between two extremes,
SECT, 1. KUNG YUNG. 303
13. The Master said, ‘This was the character of
Hui :—Having chosen the state of equilibrium and
harmony, when he found any one thing that was good,
he grasped it firmly, wore it on his breast, and did not
let it go'.
14. The Master said, ‘The kingdom, its states,
and clans may be perfectly ruled; dignities and
emoluments may be declined; but the state of equi-
librium and harmony cannot be attained to.’
15. 3ze-li? asked about fortitude. 16. The Master
said, ‘Do you mean the fortitude of the South, the
fortitude of the North, or your fortitude?’ 17. To
show forbearance and gentleness in teaching others {
and not to return conduct towards one’s self which
is contrary to the right path:—this is the forti-
tude of the South, and the good man makes it his
study. 18. To lie under arms, and to die without
regret :—this is the bravery of the North, and the bold
make it their study. 19. Therefore, the superior man
cultivates a (friendly) harmony, and is not weak ;—
how firm is he in his fortitude! He stands erect in
the middle, and does not incline to either side ;—
how firm is he in his fortitude! If right ways pre-
vail in (the government of his state), he does not
change from what he was in retirement ;—how firm
is he in his fortitude! If bad ways prevail, he will
die sooner than change ;—how firm is he in his
fortitude !’
20. The Master said, ‘To search for what is
1 3ze-hui was Yen Yilan, Confucius’ favourite disciple.
3. 32e-1 was Aung Y4, another celebrated disciple, famous for
his bravery. ‘ Your fortitude, in paragraph 16, is probably the
fortitude which you ought to cultivate, that described in para-
graph 19.
304 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXVIN.
mysterious’, and practise marvellous (arts), in order
to be mentioned with honour in future ages :—this
is what I do not do. 21. The good man tries to
proceed according to the (right) path, but when he
has gone half-way, he abandons it ;—I am not able
(so) to stop, 22. The superior man, acting in accord-
ance with the state of equilibrium and harmony,
may be all unknown and unregarded by the world,
but he feels no regret :—it is only the sage who is
able for this*
23. ‘ The way of the superior man reaches far and
wide, and yet is secret. 24. Common men and women,
however ignorant, may intermeddle with the know-
ledge of it; but in its utmost reaches there is that
which even the sage does not know. Common men
and women, however much below the ordinary
standard of character,can carry it into practice; but in
its utmost reaches, there is that which even the sage
cannot attain to. 25. Great as heaven and earth are,
men still find things in their action with which to be
dissatisfied’.
26. ‘ Therefore, if the superior man were to speak
(of this way) in its greatness, nothing in the world
would be able to contain it; and if he were to speak
of it in its smallness, nothing in the world would be
1 This is translated from a reading of the text, as old as the
second Han dynasty.
3. With this ends the second chapter of the Treatise, in which
the words of Confucius are so often quoted; specially it would
appear, to illustrate what is meant by ‘the state of equilibrium
and harmony.’ Yet there is a great want of definiteness and
practical guidance about the utterances.
* Who does not grumble occasionally at the weather, and dis-
turbances apparently of regular order in the seasons?
SECT. I. KEUNG YUNG. 305
found able to divide it. 27. It is said in the Book
of Poetry (III, i, ode 5),
“Up to heaven flies the hawk;
Fishes spring in the deep,”
telling how (the way) is seen above and below.
28. The way of the superior man may be found
in its simple elements among common men and
women, but in its utmost reaches it is displayed in
(the operations of) heaven and earth 4’
29. The Master said, ‘The path is not far from
man. When men try to pursue a path which is
far from what their nature suggests, it should not
be considered the Path. 30. It is said in the Book
of Poetry (I, xv, ode 5),
“In hewing an axe-shaft, in hewing an axe-shaft,
The pattern is not far off.”
We grasp one axe-handle to hew the other; but if
we look askance at it, we still consider it far off.
31. Therefore the superior man governs men ac-
cording to their humanity; and when they change
(what is wrong), he stops. 32. Fidelity to one’s self
and the corresponding reciprocity are not far from
the path. What you do not like when done to
yourself, do not do to others. 33. In the way
of the superior man there are four things, to not
one of which have I, Αι", as yet attained —To
' With this chapter commences, it is commonly and correctly
held, the third part of the Treatise, intended to illustrate what is
said in the second paragraph of it, that ‘the path cannot be left
for an instant.’ The author proceeds to quote sayings of Confucius
to make his meaning clear, but he does so ‘in a miscellaneous
way,’ and so as to embrace some of the widest and most difficult
exercises of Chinese thought.
3 The name first given to Confucius by his parents.
[28] Χ
306 THE Lf xf. BK, XXVIIIs
serve my father as I would require my son to serve
me, I am not yet able; to serve my ruler as I would
require my minister to serve me, I am not yet able;
to serve my elder brother as I would require a younger
brother to serve me, I am not yet able; to set the
example in behaving to a friend as I would require
him to behave to me, I am not yet able. 34. In
the practice of the ordinary virtues, and attention to
his ordinary words, if (the practice) be in anything
defective, (the superior man) dares not but exert
himself; if (his words) be in any way excessive, he
dares not allow himself in such license. His words
have respect to his practice, and his practice has
respect to his words. 35. Is not the superior man
characterised by a perfect sincerity ?
36. ‘ The superior man does what is proper to the
position in which he is; he does not wish to go be-
yond it. In a position of wealth and honour, he does
what is proper to a position of wealth and honour.
In a position of poverty and meanness, he does what
is proper to a position of poverty and meanness.
Situated among barbarous tribes, he does what is
proper in such a situation. In a position of sorrow
and difficulty, he does what is proper in such a
position. The superior man can find himself in no
position in which he is not himself. 37. In a high
situation, he does not insult or oppress those who
are below him; in a low situation, he does not cling
to or depend on those who are above him.
38. ‘He rectifies himself, and seeks for nothing
from others; and thus none feel dissatisfied with him.
Above, he does not murmur against Heaven ; below,
he does not find fault with men. 39. Therefore the
superior man lives quietly and calmly, waiting for the
SECT. I. KUNG YUNG. 307
appointments (of Heaven); while the mean man
does what is full of risk, looking out for the turns of
luck.’ 40. The Master said, ‘In archery we have
something like (the way of) the superior man. When
the archer misses the centre of the target, he turns
round and seeks for the cause of his failure in
himself.
41. ‘The way of the superior man may be com-
pared to what takes place in travelling, when to go
far we must traverse the space that is near, and in
ascending a height we must begin from the lower
ground, 42. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, i,
ode 4, 7, 8),
“Children and wife we love;
Union with them is sweet,
As lute’s soft strain, that soothes our pain.
How joyous do we meet!
But brothers more than they
Can satisfy the heart.
’Tis their accord does peace afford,
And lasting joy impart.
For ordering of your homes,
For joy with child and wife,
Consider well the truth I tell;—
This is the charm of life!”’
43. The Master said, ‘How complacent are
parents (in such a state of things)!’
44. The Master said, ‘How abundant and rich
are the powers possessed and exercised by Spiritual
Beings! We look for them, but do not see them;
we listen for, but do not hear them; they enter into
all things, and nothing is without them’. 45. They
1 ‘We hardly see the relevancy of pars. 44-47 as illustrating the
X 2
408 THE tf xi. ΒΚ. XXVIII.
cause all under Heaven to fast and purify themselves,
and to array themselves in their richest dresses in
order to attend at their sacrifices. Then, like over-
flowing water, they seem to be over the heads, and
on the left and right (of their worshippers). 46. It
is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 7),
“The Spirits come, but when and where,
No one beforehand can declare.
The more should we not Spirits slight,
But ever feel as in their sight.”
47. ‘Such is the manifestness of what is minute.
Such is the impossibility of repressing the outgoings
of sincerity !’
48. The Master said, ‘ How greatly filial was
Shun! His virtue was that of a sage; his dignity
was that of the son of Heaven; his riches were all
within the four seas; his ancestral temple enjoyed
his offerings; his descendants preserved (those to)
himself. 49. Thus it was that with his great virtue
he could not but obtain his position, his riches, his
fame, and his long life. 50. Therefore Heaven, in
statement that ‘the path cannot be left.’ They bear rather on the
next statement of the first chapter, the manifestness of that which is
most minute, and serve to introduce the subject of ‘sincerity,’
which is dwelt upon so much in the last part of the Treatise. But
what are the Spirits or Spiritual Beings that are spoken of? In
paragraphs 45, 46, they are evidently the spirits sacrificed to in
the ancestral temple and spirits generally, according to our meaning
of the term. The difficulty is with the name in paragraph 44, the
Kwei Shin there. Rémusat renders the phrase simply by ‘les
esprits, and in his Latin version by ‘spiritus geniique,’ as also
does Zottoli. Wylie gives for it ‘the Spiritual Powers.’ Of course A’4u
Hef and all the Sung scholars take it, according to their philosophy,
as meaning the phenomena of expansion and contraction, the dis-~
plays of the Power or Powers, working under Heaven, in nature.
SECT. I. KUNG YUNG. 309
producing things, is sure to be bountiful to them
according to their qualities. 51. Thus it nourishes
the tree that stands flourishing, and that which is
ready to fall it overthrows. 52. It is said in the
Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 5, 1),
“What brilliant virtue does our king,
Whom all admire and love, display!
People and officers all sing
The praise of his impartial sway.
Heaven to his sires the kingdom gave,
And him with equal favour views,
Heaven's strength and aid will ever save
The throne whose grant it oft renews.”
Hence (we may say that) he who is greatly virtuous
is sure to receive the appointment (of Heaven),’
53. The Master said, ‘It is only king Wan of
whom it can be said that he had no cause for grief !
His father was king At, and his son was king Wa.
His father laid the foundations of his dignity, and
his son transmitted it. 54. King Wd continued the
line and enterprise of kings Thai, At, and Wan. Once
for all he buckled on his armour, and got possession
of all under heaven; and all his life he did not lose
the illustrious name of being that possessor. His
dignity was that of the son of Heaven; his riches
were all within the four seas; his ancestral temple
enjoyed his offerings ; and his descendants preserved
those to himself. 55. It was in his old age that
king Wa received the appointment (to the throne),
and the duke of X4u completed the virtuous achieve-
ments of Wan and Wa. He carried back the title
of king to Thai and A‘, sacrificing also to all the
dukes before them with the ceremonies of the son
310 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XXVIII.
of Heaven. And the practice was extended as a
rule to all the feudal princes, the Great officers,
all other officers, and the common people. If the
father were a Great officer, and the son an inferior
officer, the former was buried with the ceremonies
due to a Great officer, and sacrificed to with those
due by an inferior officer. If the father were an
ordinary officer, and the son a Great officer, the
burial was that of an ordinary officer, and the sacri-
fices those of a Great officer. The one year’s
mourning extended up to Great officers; the three
years’ mourning extended to the son of Heaven
(himself). In the mourning for a father or mother
no difference was made between the noble and the
mean ;—it was one and the same for all.’
56. The Master said, ‘ How far-extending was the
filial piety of king Wd and the duke of Kau! Now
filial piety is the skilful carrying out of the wishes of
our forefathers, and the skilful carrying on of their
undertakings. In spring and autumn’ they repaired
and beautified the temple-halls of their ancestors,
set forth their ancestral vessels, displayed their
dresses, and presented the offerings of the several
seasons. 57. By means of the ceremonies of the
ancestral temple, they maintained the order of their
ancestors sacrificed to, here on the left, there on the
right, according as they were father or son; by
arranging the parties present according to their rank,
they distinguished between the more noble and the
less; by the arrangement of the various services,
they made a distinction of the talents and virtue of
1 Two seasons, instead of the four, as in the title of the Kun
Khit.
SECT. I. KUNG YUNG. 411
those discharging them; in the ceremony of general
pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to the
superiors, and thus something was given to the
lowest to do; at the (concluding) feast, places were
given according to the hair, and thus was made the
distinction of years. 58. They occupied the places
(of their forefathers); practised their ceremonies ;
performed their music; showed their respect for
those whom they honoured ; and loved those whom
they regarded with affection. Thus they served
the dead as they served them when alive, and served
the departed as they would have served them if they
had been continued among them :—all this was the
perfection of filial duty.
59. ‘By the ceremonies of the border sacrifices (to
Heaven and Earth) they served God, and by those
of the ancestral temple they sacrificed to their fore-
fathers'. 60. If one understood the ceremonies of
the border sacrifices and the meaning of the sacrifices
of the ancestral temple, it would be as easy for him
to rule a state as to look into his palm®.’
1 The phraseology of this paragraph and the next is to be taken
in accordance with the usage of terms in the chapters on Sacrifices.
3 With this ends, according to the old division of the Treatise,
followed by the K/ien-lung editors, the first section of it; and with
it, we may say, ends also the special quotation by the author of the
words of Confucius to illustrate what is said in the first chapter
about the path being never to be left. The relevancy of much of
what we read from paragraph 24 downwards to the purpose which
it is said to serve, it is not easy for us to appreciate. All that the
Master says from paragraph 48 seems rather to belong to a
Treatise on Filial Piety than to one on the States of Equilibrium
and Harmony.
412 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXVIII.
Section II.
1. Duke Ai asked about government’, The
Master said, ‘The government of Wan and Wd is
exhibited in (the Records),—the tablets of wood and
bamboo. Let there be the men, and their govern-
ment would (again) flourish ; but without the men,
their government must cease. 2. With the (right)
men the growth of government is rapid, (just as)
in the earth the growth of vegetation is rapid.
3. Government is (like) an easily-growing rush*. 4.
Therefore the exercise of government depends on
(getting) the proper men. 5. (Such) men are to be
got by (the ruler’s) own character. That character
is to be cultivated by his pursuing the right course.
That course is to be cultivated by benevolence.
6. Benevolence is (the chief element in) humanity ὃ,
and the greatest exercise of it is in the love of rela-
tives. Righteousness is (the accordance of actions
with) what is right, and the greatest exercise of it is
in the honour paid to the worthy. The decreasing
* A considerable portion of this chapter, with variations and
additions, is found in the Narratives of the School, forming the
17th article of that compilation. It may very well stand by itself;
but the author of the Kung Yung adopted it, and made it fit into
his own way of thinking.
* Literally, ‘a typha or a phragmites.’ Such is Xd Hst’s view
of the text. The old commentators took a different view, which
appears to me, and would appear to my readers, very absurd.
* Literally, ‘Benevolence is Man ({- § A, 4f);’ a remark-
able saying, found elsewhere in the Li ΑΓ, and also in Mencius.
The value of it is somewhat marred by what follows about ‘ righteous-
ness’ and ‘ propriety.’
SECT. Il. KUNG YUNG. ᾿ 213
measures in the love of relatives, and the steps in
the honour paid to the worthy, are produced by (the
principle of) propriety. 7. When those in inferior
situations do not obtain (the confidence of) their
superiors, the people cannot be governed success-
fully. 8. Therefore the wise ruler should not
neglect the cultivation of his character. Desiring
to cultivate his character, he should not neglect to
serve his parents. Desiring to serve his parents,
he should not neglect to know men. Desiring to
know men, he should not neglect to know Heaven.
9. The universal path for all under heaven is five-
fold, and the (virtues) by means of which it is
trodden are three. There are ruler and minister;
father and son; husband and wife; elder brother
and younger; and the intercourse of friend and
friend:—(the duties belonging to) these five (relation-
ships) constitute the universal path for all. Wisdom,
benevolence, and fortitude:—these three are the
universal virtues of all. That whereby these are
carried into exercise is one thing*. 10. Some are
born with the knowledge of these (duties); some
know them by study; and some know them as the
result of painful experience. But the knowledge
being possessed, it comes to one and the same thing.
11. Some practise them with the ease of nature;
some for the sake of their advantage; and some by
1 This short sentence is evidently out of place. It is found
again farther on in its proper place. It has slipped in here by
mistake. There is a consent of opinion, ancient and modern, on
this point.
* ‘One thing;’ literally ‘one,’ which might be translated ‘ sin-
gleness,’ meaning, probably, the ‘solitariness’ of chapter i, or the
‘sincerity’ of which we read so often in the sequel.
314 THE τῇ xi. BK, XXVIII.
dint of strong effort. But when the work of them
is done, it comes to one and the same thing?’
12. The Master said, ‘To be fond of learning is
near to wisdom; to practise with vigour is near to
benevolence; to know to be ashamed is near to
fortitude. He who knows these three things, knows
how to cultivate his own character. Knowing how
to cultivate his own character, he knows how to
govern other men. Knowing how to govern other |
men, he knows how to govern the kingdom with its
states and families.
13. ‘All who have the government of the kingdom
with its states and families have nine standard rules
to follow :—the cultivation of themselves; the honour-
ing of the worthy ; affection towards their relatives ;
respect towards their great ministers; kind and
sympathetic treatment of the whole body of officers ;
dealing with the mass of the people as their children ;
encouraging the resort of all classes of artisans ;
indulgent treatment of men from a distance; and
the kindly cherishing of the princes of the states.
14. ‘ By (the ruler’s) cultivation of himself there is
set up (the example of) the course (which all should
pursue) ; by his honouring of the worthy, he will be
preserved from errors of judgment; by his showing
affection towards his relatives, there will be no dis-
satisfaction among his uncles and brethren; by
respecting the great ministers he will be kept
from mistakes; by kindly treatment of the whole
body of officers, they will be led to make the most
1 After this, it follows in the ‘Narratives:':—The duke said,
‘Your words are admirable, are perfect ; but I am really stupid
and unable to fulfil them.’
SECT. 11. KUNG YUNG. 315
grateful return for his courtesies; by dealing with
the mass of the people as his children, they will be
drawn to exhort one another (to what is good); by
encouraging the resort of artisans, his wealth for ex-
penditure will be rendered sufficient ; by indulgent
treatment of men from a distance, they will come to
him from all quarters; by his kindly cherishing of the
princes of the states, all under heaven will revere him.
15. ‘The adjustment of all his thoughts, purifica-
tion, arraying himself in his richest dresses, and the
avoiding of every movement contrary to the rules of
propriety ;—this is the way in which (the ruler) must
cultivate his own character. Discarding slanderers,
keeping himself from (the seductions of) beauty,
making light of riches and honouring virtue :—this
is the way by which he will encourage the worthy.
Giving his relatives places of honour, and large
emolument, and entering into sympathy with them
in their likes and dislikes :—this is the way by which
he can stimulate affection towards relatives. Giving
them numerous officers to discharge their functions
and execute their orders :—this is the way by which
he will stimulate his Great ministers. According
to them a generous confidence, and making their
emoluments large :—this is the way by which he will
stimulate (the body of) his officers. Employing them
(only) at the regular times and making the imposts
light :—this is the way by which he will stimulate the
people. Daily examinations and monthly trials, and
rations and allowances in proportion to the work
done :—this is the way in which he will stimulate the
artisans. Escorting them on their departure, and
meeting them on their coming, commending the
good among them and showing pity to the incom-
416 THE Li xt. BK, XXVIII.
petent:—this is the way in which he will manifest his
indulgent treatment of men from a distance. Con-
tinuing families whose line of succession has been
broken, reviving states that have ceased to exist,
reducing confusion to order, supporting where there
is peril; having fixed times for receiving the princes
themselves and their envoys; sending them away
after liberal treatment and with liberal gifts, and re-
quiring from them small offerings on their coming :—
this is the way in which he will cherish with kindness
the princes of the states.
16. ‘All who have the government of the king-
dom with its states and families have these nine
standard rules to attend to. That whereby they are
carried into exercise is one thing. In all things
success depends on previous preparation ; without
such preparation there is failure. If what is to be
spoken be determined beforehand, there will be no
stumbling in the utterance. If the things to be done
be determined beforehand, there will be no difficulty
with them. If actions to be performed be deter-
mined beforehand, there will be no difficulty with
them. If actions to be performed be determined
beforehand, there will be no sorrow or distress in
connexion with them. If the courses to be pursued
be determined beforehand, the pursuit of them will
be inexhaustible 1.
17. ‘When those in inferior situations do not
1 The ‘one thing’ in this paragraph carries us back to the same
phrase in paragraph 9. If we confine our attention to this para-
graph alone, we shall say, with Kang and Ying-t4, ‘the one thing’
is the ‘ preparation beforehand,’ of which it goes on to speak; and
it seems to be better not to grope here for a more mysterious
meaning.
SECT. Il. KUNG YUNG. 317
obtain (the confidence of) their superiors, the people
cannot be governed successfully.
18, ‘There is a way to obtain (the confidence of)
the superior ;—if one is not believed in by his friends,
he will not obtain the confidence of his superior.
There is a way to secure being believed in by his
friends ;—if he be not in submissive accord with his
parents, he will not be believed in by his friends.
There is a way to secure submissive accord with
parents ;—if one, on turning his thoughts in on himself,
finds that he has not attained to the perfection of his
nature 1, he will not be in submissive accord with his
parents. There is a way to secure the perfection of
the nature ;—if a man have nota clear understanding
of what is good, he will not attain to that perfection.
19. ‘Perfection of nature is characteristic of
Heaven. To attain to that perfection belongs to
man. He who possesses that perfection hits what
is right without any effort, and apprehends without
any exercise of thought ;—he is the sage* who
1 Literally, ‘that he is not sincere,’ which is Mr. Wylie’s render-
ing; or, as I rendered it in 1861, ‘finds a want of sincerity.’ But
in the frequent occurrence of an in the ‘Sequel of the Treatise,’
‘sincerity’ is felt to be an inadequate rendering of it. Zottoli
renders the clause by ‘ Si careat veritate, integritate, and says in a
note, ‘ ak est naturalis entis perfectio, quae rei convenit juxta
genuinum Creatoris protypon, quaeque a creatore infunditur ; pro-
indeque est rei veritas, seu rei juxta veritatem perfectio.’ It seems
to me that this ideal perfection, as belonging to all things, which
God made ‘ good,’ is expressed by ΞΕ in the last clause; and that
the realisation of that perfection by man, as belonging to his own
nature, is the work of aE, and may be spoken of as actually and
fully accomplished, or in the process of being accomplished. It is
difficult with our antecedent knowledge and opinions to place
ourselves exactly in the author’s point of view.
3 ΞΕ Λ- Rémusat, Zottoli, and many give for this name
318 THE τὶ xf. ΒΚ. XXVIII.
naturally and easily embodies the right way. He
who attains to perfection is he who chooses what is
good, and firmly holds it fast.
20. ‘He extensively studies what is good ; inquires
accurately about it; thinks carefully over it; clearly
discriminates it ; and vigorously practises it. While
there is anything he has not studied, or in what he
has studied there is anything he cannot (understand),
he will not intermit his labour. While there is any-
thing he has not asked about, or anything in what he
has asked about that he does not know, he will not
intermit his labour. While there is anything he has
not thought over, or anything in what he has
thought about that he does not know, he will not
intermit his labour. While there is anything which
he has not tried to discriminate, or anything in his
discrimination that is not clear, he will not intermit
his labour. While there is anything which he has
not practised, or any want of vigour so far as he has
practised, he will not intermit his labour.
‘If another man succeed by one effort, he will use
a hundred efforts ; if another succeed by ten, he will
use a thousand. Let a man proceed in this way,
and though stupid, he is sure to become intelligent ;
though weak, he is sure to become strong.’
21. The understanding (of what is good), spring-
ing from moral perfection, is to be ascribed to the
nature ; moral perfection springing from the under-
‘sanctus vir,’ ‘un saint,’ ‘the holy man.’ I prefer, after all, to adhere to
the rendering, ‘le sage,’ ‘ the sage.’ The sage is the ideal man; the
saint is the man sanctified by the Spirit of God. Humanity pre-
dominates in the former concept; Divinity in the latter, The ideas
of morality and goodness belong to both names, See Mencius;
VII, ix, 25, for his graduation of the appellations of good men.
SECT. 11. KUNG YUNG. 319
standing (of what is good) is to be ascribed to
instruction. But given the perfection, and there
shall be the understanding; given the understanding,
and there shall be the perfection 1.
_22. It is only he of all under heaven who is
entirely perfect that can give its full development to
his nature. Able to give its full development to his
own nature, he can also give the same to the nature
of other men. Able to give its full development to
the nature of other men, he can also give the same
to the natures of animals and things?. Able to give
their full development to these, he can assist the
transforming and nourishing operations of heaven
and earth. Capable of assisting those transforming
and nourishing operations, he can form a ternion
with heaven and earth.
23. Next to the above is he who cultivates to the
utmost the shoots (of goodness in his nature)’, till
he becomes morally perfect. This perfection will
then obtain embodiment ; embodied, it will be mani-
fested; manifested, it will become brilliant; brilliant,
1 With this paragraph there commences the last chapter of the
Treatise. 9ze-sze, it is said, takes up in it the commencing utter-
ances in paragraph 19, and variously illustrates and prosecutes them.
From the words ‘ nature and instruction’ it is evident how he had
the commencing chapter of the Treatise in his mind.
3 The text is simply ‘the nature of things ;’ but the word ‘ things
(y)’ comprehends all beings besides man. Zaottoli’s ‘rerum
natura’ seems quite inadequate. Rémusat’s Latin version is the same;
his French is ‘la nature des choses.’ Wylie says, ‘the nature of
other objects.’ This chapter has profoundly affected all subsequent
philosophical speculation in China. The ternion of ‘ Heaven, Earth,
and Man’ is commonly called San 3h4i (= 777), ‘the Three
Powers.”
* The character in the text here is a difficult one :—AA0 (HH),
220 THE τὴ xf. BK. XXVIII.
it will go forth in action; going forth in action, it
will produce changes; producing changes, it will
effect transformations. It is only he of all under
heaven who is entirely perfect that can transform.
24. It is characteristic of him who is entirely
perfect that he can foreknow. When a state or
family is about to flourish, there are sure to be lucky
omens, and when it is about to perish, there are
sure to be unlucky omens. They will be seen in
the tortoise-shell and stalks!; they will affect the
movements of the four limbs. When calamity or
happiness is about to come, the good is sure to be
foreknown by him, and the evil also. Hence, he
who is entirely perfect is like a Spirit *.
meaning ‘ crooked,’ often used as the antithesis of ‘straight ;’ but
the title of the first Book in this collection shows that it need
not be used only of what is bad. In that case, the phrase Fh Hh
would mean—‘ carries to the utmost what is bad.’ Zottoli’s render-
ing of it by ‘promovere declinatam naturam’ is inadmissible. Nor
can we accept Rémusat’s ‘diriger efforts vers une seule vertu,’
which Wylie follows, merely substituting ‘object’ for ‘vertu.’ See
the introduction on the title of the first Book. Very much to the
point is an illustration by the scholar Pai Lii:—‘ Put on stone
on a bamboo shoot, or where it would show itself, and it will
travel round the stone and come out crookedly at its side.’ So
it is with the good nature, whose free and full development is
repressed.
1 These were the two principal methods of divination practised
from very ancient times. The stalks were those of the Ptarmica
Sibirica; of which I possess a bundle brought from the tomb of
Confucius in 1873. It is difficult to say anything about ‘the four
limbs,’ which were to Kang ‘ the four feet of the tortoise.’
3 ‘The Spirit-man’ is, according to Mencius’ graduation, an ad-
vance on the Sage or Holy man, one whose action is mysterious
and invisible, like the power of Heaven and Earth working in nature.
Chinese predicates about him could not go farther.
SECT, Il. KUNG YUNG. 321
25. Perfection is seen in (its possessor’s) self-
completion ; and the path (which is its embodiment),
in its self-direction.
26. Perfection is (seen in) the beginning and end
of (all) creatures and things. Without this perfec-
tion there would be no creature or thing.
27. Therefore the superior man considers per-
fection as the noblest of all attainments.
28. He who is perfect does not only complete
himself; his perfection enables him to complete
all other beings also. The completion of himself
shows the complete virtue of his nature; the
completion of other beings shows his wisdom.
(The two) show his nature in good operation, and
the way in which the union of the eescina and
internal is effected.
29. Hence, whenever he exercises it, (the opera-
tion) is right.
30. Thus it is that entire perfection is unresting ;
unresting, it continues long; continuing long, it
evidences itself; evidencing itself, it reaches far;
reaching far, it becomes large and substantial ; large
and substantial, it becomes high and brilliant.
31. By being large and substantial it contains
(all) things. By being high and brilliant, it over-
spreads (all) things. By reaching far and continuing
long, it completes (all) things. By its being so large
and substantial, it makes (its possessor) the co-
equal of earth; by its height and brilliancy, it
makes him the co-equal of heaven ; by its reaching
far and continuing long, it makes him infinite.
32. Such being his characteristics, without any
manifestation he becomes displayed; without any
movement he effects changes; without any exertion
[28] Y
322 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XXVIII.
he completes. The way of heaven and earth may
be completely described in one sentence :—
33. They are without any second thought, and so
their production of things is inexhaustible.
34. The characteristics of heaven and earth are
to be large; to be substantial; to be high; to be
brilliant ; to be far-reaching ; to be long-continuing.
35. There now is this heaven; it is only this
bright shining spot, but when viewed in its inex-
haustible extent, the sun, moon, stars, and constella-
tions of the zodiac are suspended in it, and all things
are overspread by it. There is this earth ; it isonly
a handful of soil, but when regarded in its breadth
and thickness, it sustains mountains like the Hwd
and the Yo, without feeling the weight, and contains
the rivers and seas without their leaking away.
There is this mountain; it looks only the size of a
stone, but when contemplated in all its altitude
the grass and trees are produced on it, birds and
beasts dwell on it, and the precious things which
men treasure up are found in it. There is this
water ; it appears only a ladleful, but, when we think
of its unfathomable depths, the largest tortoises,
iguanas, iguanadons, dragons, fishes, and turtles are
produced in them, and articles of value and sources
of wealth abound in them.
36. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1,
ode 2),
‘The ordinances of Heaven,
How profound are they and unceasing!’
intimating that it is thus that Heaven is Heaven,
(And again) :—
‘Oh! how illustrious
Was the singleness of the virtue of king Wan!’
SECT. 11. κύνα YUNG. 223
intimating that it was thus that king Wan was the
accomplished (king), by his singleness unceasing.
37. How great is the course of the sage! Likean
overflowing flood it sends forth and nourishes all
things! It rises up to the height of heaven.
38. How complete is its greatness! It embraces
the three hundred usages of ceremony, and the
three thousand modes of demeanour. It waits for
the right man, and then it is trodden. Hence it is
said, ‘If there be not perfect virtue, the perfect
path cannot be exemplified.’
39. Therefore the superior man honours the vir-
tuous nature, and pursues the path of inquiry and
study (regarding it); seeking to carry it out in its
breadth and greatness, so as to omit none of the
exquisite and minute points (which it embraces);
raising it to its greatest height and brilliancy, so as
to be found in the way of equilibrium and harmony.
He cherishes his old knowledge so as (continually)
to be acquiring new, and thus manifests an honest,
generous, earnestness in the esteem and practice of
all propriety
40. Therefore, when occupying a high situation
he is not proud, and in a low situation he is not in-
subordinate. If the state is well-governed, his words
are able to promote its prosperity ; and if it be ill-
governed, his silence is sufficient to secure forbear-
ance (for himself).
41. Is not this what is said in the Book of Poetry
(III, iii, ode 6, 4),
‘Intelligent is he and wise,
Protecting his own person ?’
42. The Master said, ‘ Let a man who is ignorant
be fond of using his own judgment ; let one who is
Υ2
324 THE Lf xf. BK, XXVIII.
in a low situation be fond of arrogating a directing
power ; let one who is living in the present age go
back to the ways of antiquity ;—on all who act thus
calamity is sure to come.’
43. To no one but the son of Heaven does it
belong to discuss the subject of ceremonial usages ;
to fix the measures; and to determine (the names
of) the written characters.
44. Now, throughout the whole kingdom, car-
riages have all wheels of the same breadth of rim;
all writing is with the same characters; and for
conduct there are the same rules.
45. One may occupy the throne, but if he have
not the proper virtue, he should not presume to
make ceremonies or music. One may have the virtue,
but if he have not the throne, he in the same way
should not presume to make ceremonies or music.
46. The Master said, ‘I might speak of the cere-
monies of Hsia, but AAt could not sufficiently attest
(my words). I have learned the ceremonies of Yin,
and they are preserved in Sung. I have learned
the ceremonies of A4u, and they are now used.
I follow Kaéu.’
47. If he who attains to the sovereignty of all the
kingdom attach the due importance to (those) three
points 1, there are likely to be few errors (among the
people).
48. However excellent may have been (the regu-
lations of) those of former times, they cannot be
attested. Not being attested, they cannot command
credence. Not commanding credence, the people
1 What are those three points? The old interpretations said,—
‘The ceremonies of the three kings ;’ AQ Hsf thought they were the
three things in paragraph 43 ;—which is more likely.
SECT. Il, KUNG YUNG. 325
would not followthem. However excellent might be
those of one in an inferior station, they would not be
honoured. Not honoured, they would not command
credence. Not commanding credence, the people
would not follow them.
49. Therefore the course of the superior man is
rooted in his own character and conduct, and attested
by the multitudes of the people. He examines
(his institutions) by comparison with those of the
founders of the three dynasties, and finds them with-
out mistake. He sets them up before heaven and
earth, and there is nothing in them contrary to
(their mode of operation). He presents himself
with them before Spiritual Beings, and no doubts
about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the
rise of a sage a hundred ages hence, and has no mis-
givings. That he can present himself with them
before Spiritual Beings, without any doubts about
them arising, shows that he knows Heaven; that he
is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred
ages hence, without any misgivings, shows that he
knows men.
50. Therefore the movements of the superior man
mark out for ages the path for all under heaven ;
his actions are the law for ages for all under heaven;
and his words are for ages the pattern for all under
heaven. Those whoare far from him look longingly
for him,and those who are near are never weary of him.
51. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 2,
ode 3), ;
‘There in their own states are they loved,
Nor tired of are they here;
Their fame through lapse of time shall grow,
Both day and night, more clear.’
426 THE τῇ xi. BK. “XXVIIL
Never has a superior man obtained an early
renown throughout the kingdom who did not cor-
respond to this description.
52. Kung-nt handed down (the views of) Y4o and
Shun as if they had been his ancestors, and elegantly
displayed (the ways) of Wan and WA, taking them
as his model. Above, he adopted as his law the
seasons of heaven; and below, he conformed to the
water and land.
53. He may be compared to heaven and earth in
their supporting and containing, their overshadowing
and curtaining all things. He may be compared to
the four seasons in their alternating progress, and
to the sun and moon in their successive shining.
All things are nourished together without their injur-
ing one another; the courses (of the seasons and of the
sun and moon) proceed without any collision among
them. The smaller energies are like river-currents ;
the greater energies are seen in mighty transforma-
tions. It is this which makes heaven and earth so great.
54. It is only he possessed of all sagely qualities
that can exist under heaven, who shows himself
quick in apprehension, clear in discernment, of far-
reaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge,
fitted to exercise rule; magnanimous, generous,
benign, and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance; impul-
sive, energetic, firm, and enduring, fitted to maintain a
strong hold; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving
from the mean, and correct, fitted to command re-
spect ; accomplished, distinctive, concentrative, and
searching, fitted to exercise discrimination.
55. All-embracing is he and vast, deep and active
as a fountain, sending forth in their due seasons
these (qualities).
SECT. 1. KUNG YUNG. 327
56. All-embracing is he and vast, like heaven.
Deep and active as a fountain, he is like an abyss.
He shows himself, and the people all revere him ;
he speaks, and the people all believe him; he acts,
and the people all are pleased with him. In this
way his fame overspreads the Middle kingdom, and
extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships
and carriages reach; wherever the strength of man
penetrates ; wherever the heavens overshadow and
the earth sustains; wherever the sun and moon
shine ; wherever frosts and dews fall; all who have
blood and breath unfeignedly honour and love him.
Hence it is said, ‘He is the equal of Heaven,’
57. It is only he among all under heaven who is
entirely perfect that can adjust and blend together
the great standard duties of all under heaven,
establish the great fundamental principles of all, and
know the transforming and nourishing operations of
heaven and earth.
58. How shall this individual have any one beyond
himself on whom he depends? Call him man in his
ideal, how earnest is he! Call him an abyss, how
deep is he! Call him Heaven, how vast is he!
59. Who can know him but he who is indeed
quick in apprehension and clear in discernment,
of sagely wisdom, and all-embracing knowledge,
possessing heavenly virtue ?
60. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v,
ode 3, 1),
1 It was the old opinion that in this part of the Treatise we have
his grandson’s eloquent eulogium of Confucius, and I agree with
that opinion. Yet I have not ventured to translate the different
parts of it in the past tense. Let it be read as the description of
the ideal sage who found his realisation in the Master.
428 THE τὴ xt. BK. XXVIII.
‘Over her embroidered robe she wears a (plain)
garment ;’
expressing how the wearer disliked the display of
the beauty (of the robe). Just so, it is the way of
the superior man to prefer the concealment (of his
virtue), while it daily becomes more illustrious, and
it is the way of the small man to seek notoriety,
while he daily goes more and more to ruin.
61. It is characteristic of the superior man,
appearing insipid, yet not to produce satiety ; pre-
ferring a simple negligence, yet to have his accom-
plishments recognised ; seeming mild and simple, yet
to be discriminating. He knows how what is dis-
tant lies in what is near. He knows where the wind
proceeds from. He knows how what is minute
becomes manifested'. He, we may be assured, will
enter (the innermost recesses of) virtue.
62. It is said in the Book of Poetry (II, iv,
ode 8, 11),
‘ Though they dive to the bottom, and lie there,
They are very clearly seen.’
Therefore the superior man internally examines his
heart, that there may be nothing wrong there, and
no occasion for dissatisfaction with himself.
63. That wherein the superior man cannot be
equalled is simply this,—his (work) which other men
do not see. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III,
iii, ode 2, 7),
‘When in your chamber, ’neath its light,
Maintain your conscience pure and bright.’
* That is how the ruler’s character acts on the people as the
wind on grass and plants.
SECT. 11. KUNG YUNG. 329
64. Therefore the superior man, even when he is
not acting, has the feeling of reverence ; and when
he does not speak, he has the feeling of truthfulness.
It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, ode 2),
‘ These offerings we set forth without a word,
Without contention, and with one accord,
To beg the presence of the honoured lord.’
65. Therefore the superior man does not use re-
wards, and the people are stimulated (to virtue); he
does not show anger, and the people are awed more
than by hatchets and battle-axes. It is said in the
Book of Poetry (IV, i, sect. 1, ode 4),
‘What is most distinguished is the being virtuous;
It will secure the imitation of all the princes.’
66. Therefore the superior man being sincerely
reverential, the whole kingdom is made tranquil.
It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 7, 7),
‘I am pleased with your intelligent virtue,
Not loudly proclaimed, nor pourtrayed.’
67. The Master said, ‘Among the appliances to
transform the people, sounds and appearances (may
seem to) have a trivial effect. But it is said in
another ode (III, iii, ode 6, 6),
“Virtue is light as a hair.”
68. ‘But a hair will still admit of comparison (as
to its size). In what is said in another ode (III, i,
ode 1, 7),
“The doings of high Heaven
Have neither sound nor odour,”
we have the highest description (of transforming
virtue),’
BOOK ΧΧΙΧ. PIAO αἵ
OR
THE RECORD ON EXAMPLE}.
1. These were the words of the Master :—‘ Let us
return*,” The superior man, in obscurity, yet makes
himself manifest; without giving himself any airs,
his gravity is acknowledged ; without the exercise
of severity, he inspires awe; without using words,
he is believed.
2. The Master said, ‘The superior man takes no
erroneous step before men, nor errs in the expres-
sion of his countenance, nor in the language of his
speech. Therefore his demeanour induces awe, his
countenance induces fear, and his words produce
confidence. It is said in The Punishments of Fa
(The δὰ, V, xxvii, 11): “ They were all reverence
and caution. They had no occasion to make choice
of words in reference to their conduct.”’
3. The Master said, ‘The dress and the one worn
over it do not take the place, the one of the other,
it being intimated to the people thereby that they
should not trouble or interfere with one another.’
4. The Master said, ‘When a sacrifice has come
to the point of greatest reverence, it should not be
immediately followed by music. When the dis-
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 44, 45.
3 Compare Analects, V, 22. When Confucius thus spoke, he
was accepting his failure in the different states, and saying in effect
that his principles and example would ultimately win their way,
without his being immediately successful.
ΒΚ. XXIX, PIAO Kf. 331
cussion of affairs at court has reached its utmost
nicety, it should not be immediately followed by an
idle indifference.’
5. The Master said, ‘ The superior man is careful
(in small things), and thereby escapes calamity. His
generous largeness cannot be kept in obscurity. His
courtesy keeps shame at a distance.’
6. The Master said, ‘The superior man, by his_
gravity and reverence, becomes every day stronger
(for good) ; while indifference and want of restraint
lead to a daily deterioration. The superior man does
not allow any irregularity in his person, even for a
single day ;—how should he be like (a small man)
who will not end his days (in honour) ?’
7. The Master said, ‘Vigil and fasting are required
(as a preparation) for serving the spirits (in sacri-
fice); the day and month in which to appear before
the ruler are chosen beforehand :—these observances
were appointed lest the people should look on these
things without reverence.’
8. The Master said, ‘(The small man) is familiar
and insolent. He may bring death on himself (by
being so), and yet he stands in no fear?.’
9. The Master said, ‘ Without the interchange of
the formal messages, there can be no reception of
one party by another; without the presenting of the
ceremonial (gifts), there can be no interview (with
a superior) :—these rules were made that the people
might not take troublesome liberties with one
another! It is said in the Yt, “When he shows (the
sincerity that marks) the first recourse to divination,
I instruct him. If he apply a second and third time,
1 The text of this short paragraph is supposed to be defective.
332 THE Lf Kt. ΒΚ. XXIX.
that is troublesome, and I do not instruct the
troublesome’.”’
10. These were the words of the Master :—
‘(Humanity, of which the characteristic is) Benevo-
lence, is the Pattern for all under Heaven; Righteous-
ness is the Law for all under Heaven; and the
Reciprocations (of ceremony) are for the Profit of
all under Heaven.’
11. The Master said, ‘When kindness is returned
for kindness, the people are stimulated (to be kind).
When injury is returned for injury, the people are
warned (to refrain from wrong-doing). It is said in
the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 26) :—
“ Answers to every word will leap,
Good deeds their recompense shall reap.”
‘It is said in the Thai ΑἸὰ (Sha, IV, v, sect. 2, 2),
“Without the sovereign, the people cannot enjoy
repose with one another; without the people, the
sovereign would have none to rule over in the
four quarters (of the kingdom).”’
12. The Master said, ‘They who return kindness
for injury are such as have a regard for their own
persons. They who return injury for kindness are
men to be punished and put to death 3,
13. The Master said, ‘Under heaven there is only
a man (here and there) who loves what is proper
to humanity without some personal object in the
1 See the explanation of the 4th Hexagram, Mang, vol. xvi, pp.
64, 65,—with this paragraph ends the first section of the Treatise.
It seems to be extended to exhibit the necessity of reverence in the
superior man, who is to be an example to others.
* Comparing this utterance with the decision of Confucius in the
Analects, XIV, 36, ἄλλη H4o thinks it doubtful that we have here
the sentiment or words of the sage.
ΒΚ. XXIX, PrAo xt, 333
matter, or who hates what is contrary to humanity
without being apprehensive (of some evil). There-
fore the superior man reasons about the path to be
trodden from the standpoint of himself, and lays
down his laws from the (capabilities of the) people.’
14. The Master said, ‘(The virtues of) humanity
appear in three ways. (In some cases) the work of
humanity is done, but under the influence of dif-
ferent feelings. In these, the (true character of
the) humanity cannot be known; but where there is
some abnormal manifestation of it, in those the true
character can be known!. Those to whom it really
belongs practise it easily and naturally; the wise
practise it for the sake of the advantage which it
brings ; and those who fear the guilt of transgression
practise it by constraint.
15. Humanity is the right hand; pursuing the
right path is the left?» Humanity comprehends the
(whole) man; the path pursued is the exhibition of
righteousness. Those whose humanity is large,
while their exhibition of righteousness is slight, are
loved and not honoured. Those whose righteousness
is large and their humanity slight are honoured and
not loved.
16. There is the perfect path, the righteous path,
and the calculated path. The perfect path conducts
to sovereignty; the righteous path, to chieftaincy; and
the calculated path, to freedom from error and failure’,
1 Tn illustration of this point there is always adduced the case of
the duke of Kau, who erred, under the influence of his brotherly
love, in the promotion of his brothers that afterwards joined in
rebellion.
5 The right hand is used most readily and with greatest effect.
5. With this paragraph ends the second section of the Treatise. It
434 THE τὴ xf. BK. ΧΧΙΧ.
17. These were the words of the Master :—‘ Of
humanity there are various degrees ; righteousness
is now long, now short, now great, now small. Where
there is a deep and compassionate sympathy in the
heart, we have humanity evidenced in the love of
others; where there is the following of (old) exam-
ples, and vigorous endeavour, we have the employ-
ment of humanity for the occasion. It is said in
the Book of Poetry (III, i, ode το, 6),
“Where the Fang-water flows,
Is the white millet grown.
So his men Wd employed,
And his merit was shown!
To his sons he would leave
His wise plans and his throne
And our Wad was a sovereign true.”
‘ That was a humanity extending to many gener-
ations. In the Lessons from the States it is said
(I, iii, ode το, 3),
“Person slighted, life all blighted,
What can the future prove ?”
‘That was a humanity extending (only) to the
end of the speaker’s life.’
18. The Master said, ‘Humanity is like a heavy
vessel, and like a long road. He who tries to lift
the vessel cannot sustain its weight ; he who travels
the road cannot accomplish all its distance. There
is nothing that has so many different degrees as (the
course of) humanity; and thus he who tries to nerve
himself to it finds it a difficult task. Therefore when
is occupied with the subject of humanity, or the whole nature of
man, of which benevolence is the chief element and characteristic,
as the most powerful form of example.
ΒΚ. XXIX. Ριᾶο xt. 335
the superior man measures men with the scale of
righteousness, he finds it difficult to discover the
men (whom he seeks); when he looks at men and
compares them with one another, he knows who
among them are the more worthy.’
19. The Master said, ‘It is only one man (here
and there) under heaven, who with his heart of
hearts naturally rests in humanity. It is said in the
Τὰ YA, or Major Odes of the Kingdom (III, iii,
ode 6, 6), ᾿
“Virtue is very light,
Light as a hair, yet few can bear
The burden of its weight.
’Tis so; but Kung Shan, as I think,
Needs not from virtue’s weight to shrink
That other men defies.
Aid from my love his strength rejects.
(If the king’s measures have defects,
What's needed he supplies).”
‘In the Hsido Y4, or Minor Odes of the Kingdom,
it is said (II, vii, ode 4, 5),
“To the high hills I looked;
The great way I pursued.”’
The Master said, ‘So did the poets love (the ex-
hibition of) humanity. (They teach us how) one
should pursue the path of it, not giving over in the
way, forgetting his age, taking no thought that the
years before him will not be sufficient (for his task),
urging on his course with earnestness from day to
day, and only giving up when he sinks in death.’
20, The Master said, ‘Long has the attainment
of a perfect humanity been difficult among men! all
men err in what they love ;—and hence it is easy to
436 THE τὴ xt. BK. XXIX,
apologise for the errors of those who are seeking
this humanity?.’
21, The Master said, ‘Courtesy is near to pro-
priety ; economy is near to humanity ; good faith is
near to the truth of things. When one with respect
and humility practises these (virtues), though he may
fall into errors, they will not be very great. Where
there is courtesy, the errors are few; where there is
truth, there can be good faith; where there is
economy, the exercise of forbearance is easy :—will
not failure be rare in the case of those who practise
these things? It is said in the Book of Poetry (III,
iii, ode 2, 9),
“Mildness and reverence base supply
For virtue’s structure, broad and high.
22. The Master said, ‘Long has the attainment
of perfect humanity been difficult among men; it is
only the superior man who is able to reach it. There-
fore the superior man does not distress men by
requiring from them that which (only) he himself
can do, nor put them to shame because of what they
cannot do. Hence the sage, in laying down rules
for conduct, does not make himself the rule, but
gives them his instructions so that they shall be able
to stimulate themselves to endeavour, and have the
feeling of shame if they do not put them in practice.
(He enjoins) the rules of ceremony to regulate the
conduct; good faith to bind it on them; right de-
meanonr to set it off; costume to distinguish it; and
friendship to perfect it :—he desires in this way to
produce a uniformity of the people. It is said in
the Hsiao χὰ (V, ode 5, 3),
1 This seems to be the meaning, about which there are various
opinions,
»»}
BK, ΧΧΙΧ, prAo xt. 337
“Shall they unblushing break man’s law ?
Shall they not stand of Heaven in awe?”
23. ‘Therefore, when a superior man puts on the
dress (of his rank), he sets it off by the demeanour
of a superior man. That demeanour he sets off with
the language of a superior man; and that language
he makes good by the virtues of a superior man.
Hence the superior man is ashamed to wear the
robes, and not have the demeanour; ashamed to
have the demeanour, and not the style of speech;
ashamed to have the style of speech, and not the
virtues ; ashamed to have the virtues, and not the
conduct proper to them. Thus it is that when the
superior man has on his sackcloth and other mourn-
ing, his countenance wears an air of sorrow; when he
wears the square-cut dress and square-topped cap,
his countenance wears an air of respect; and when
he wears his mail-coat and helmet, his countenance
says that he is not to be meddled with. It is said
in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 2, 2),
“Like pelicans, upon the dam
Which stand, and there their pouches cram,
Unwet the while their wings,
Are those who their rich dress display,
But no befitting service pay,
Intent on meanest things!.”’
1 With this paragraph ends the 3rd section of the Book. ‘It
speaks,’ say the Khien-lung editors, ‘of the perfect humanity,
showing that to rest naturally in this is very difficult, yet it is
possible by self-government to advance from the practice of it, with
a view to one’s advantage, to that natural resting in it; and by
means of instruction to advance from the practice of it by con-
straint to the doing so for its advantages.’
[28] Ζ
3238. THE Li xt. ΒΚ. XXIX.
24. These were the words of the Master :—‘ What
the superior man calls righteousness is, that noble
and mean all have the services which they discharge
throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven him-
self ploughs the ground for the rice with which to
fill the vessels, and the black millet from which to
distil the spirit to be mixed with fragrant herbs, for
the services of God, and in the same way the feudal
lords are diligent in discharging their services to the
son of Heaven.’
25. The Master said, ‘In serving (the ruler) his
superior, (an officer) from his position has great
opportunity to protect the people; but when he does
not allow himself to have any thought of acting
as the ruler of them, this shows a high degree of
humanity. Therefore, the superior man is courteous
and economical, seeking to exercise his benevolence,
and sincere and humble in order to practise his sense
of propriety. He does not himself set a high value on
his services; he-does not himself assert the honour
due to his person. He is not ambitious of (high)
position, and is very moderate in his desires. He
gives place willingly to men of ability and virtue.
He abases himself and gives honour to others.
He is careful and in fear of doing what is not
right. His desire in all this is to serve his ruler.
If he succeed in doing so (and obtaining his ruler’s
approbation), he feels that he has done right; if
he do not so succeed, he still feels that he has
done right :—prepared to accept the will of Heaven
concerning himself. It is said in the Book of
Poetry (III, i, ode 5, 6),
“How the creepers close twine
Round the branches and stems!
ΒΚ. ΧΧΙΧ. pIAo xf. 339
Self-possession and ease
Robed our prince as with gems.
' Happiness increased unsought,
Nor by crooked ways was bought.”
Might not this have been said of Shun, Yi, king
Wan, or the duke of Au, who had the great virtues
(necessary) to govern the people, and yet were (only)
careful to serve their rulers? It is said again in the
same Book of Poetry (III, i, ode 2, 3),
“This our king W4n in all his way
Did watchful reverence display,
With clearest wisdom serving God,
Who, pleased to see the course he trod,
Him with great favour crowned.
His virtue no deflection knew,
But always to the right was true.
The states beheld, and all approved.
With loyal ardour stirred and moved,
Wan as their head they owned.”’
26. The Master said,‘ The practice of the ancient
kings in conferring honorary posthumous names was
to do honour to the fame (of the individuals); but
they limited themselves to one excellence (in the
character) ;—they would have been ashamed if the
name had been beyond the actions (of the life). In
accordance with this the superior man does not him-
self magnify his doings, nor himself exalt his merit,
seeking to be within the truth; actions of an extra-
ordinary character he does not aim at, but seeks to
occupy himself only with what is substantial and
good. He displays prominently the good qualities
of others, and celebrates their merits, seeking to place
himself below them in the scale of worth. There-
22
340 THE Lf xf, BK. XXIX.
fore, although the superior man abases himself, yet
the people respect and honour him.’
27. The Master said, ‘The meritorious services
of Hau ΑἹ were the greatest of all under Heaven ;
could his hands and feet be described as those of an
ordinary man? But all which he desired was that
his doings should be superior to his name, and
therefore he said of himself that he was simply “a
man useful to others 1.
28. These were the words of the Master:—
‘ Difficult is it to attain to what is called the perfect
humanity of the superior man! It is said in the
Book of Poetry 3,
“The happy and courteous prince
Is the father and mother of his people.”
Happy, he (yet) vigorously teaches them; courteous,
he makes them pleased and restful. With all their
happiness, there is no wild extravagance; with all
their observance of ceremonial usages, there is the
feeling of affection. Notwithstanding his awing
gravity, they are restful; notwithstanding his son-
like gentleness, they are respectful. Thus he causes
1 With this ends the 4th section of the Book, ‘ On the service of
his ruler by an inferior, showing the righteousness between them,
and how that righteousness completes the humanity.’
3 The ode here quoted from can hardly be any other than III,
ii, 7. The first character in the former of the two lines in that
ode, however, is only the phonetic part of that in the text here, and
the meaning of ‘force or vigour’ which the writer employs seems
incongruous with that belonging to it in the Shih, where it occurs
several times, in combination with the character that follows it, used
as a binomial adjective. I need not say more on the difficulty. The
meaning of the paragraph as a whole is plain: —‘ The superior man,’
the competent ruler, must possess, blended together, the strength of
the father and the gentleness of the mother,
BK, ΧΧΙΧ. pPrAo xt. 341
them to honour him as their father, and love him as
their mother. There must be all this before he is
the father and mother of his people. Could any one
who was not possessed of perfect virtue be able to
accomplish this ?
29. ‘Here now is the affection of a father for his
sons ;—he loves the worthy among them, and places
on a lower level those who do not show ability; but
that of a mother for them is such, that while she
loves the worthy, she pities those who do not show
ability:—the mother deals with them on the ground
of affection and not of showing them honour; the
father, on the ground of showing them honour and
not of affection. (So we may say of) water and the
people, that it manifests affection to them, but does
not give them honour; of fire, that it gives them
honour, but does not manifest affection; of the
ground, that it manifests affection, but does not give
honour ; of Heaven, that it gives them honour, but
does not manifest affection; of the nature conferred
on them, that it manifests affection, but does not give
them honour; and of the manes of their departed,
that they give honour, but do not manifest affection?’
30. ‘Under the Hsi4 dynasty it was the way to
give honour to the nature conferred on men; they
served the manes of the departed, and respected
Spiritual Beings, keeping them at a distance, while
they brought the people near, and made them loyal ;
they put first the (attraction) of emolument, and last
the terrors of power; first rewards, and then punish-
ments; showing their affection (for the people), but
1 The ruler-father of the previous paragraph is here contrasted
with the ordinary parent; but the second half of the text is not
easily translated, and is difficult to comprehend, ;
242 THE Lf xi. ΒΚ. XX1X.
not giving them honour. The bad effect on the
people was, that they became stupid and ignorant,
proud and clownish, and uncultivated, without any
accomplishments.
‘Under the Yin dynasty, they honoured Spiritual
Beings, and led the people on to serve them; they
put first the service of their manes, and last the
usages of ceremony ; first punishments, and then re-
wards; giving honour (to the people), but not showing
affection for them. The bad effect on the people was,
that they became turbulent and were restless, striving
to surpass one another without any sense of shame.
‘Under the K4u dynasty, they honoured the cere-
monial usages, and set a high value on bestowing
(favours); they served the manes and respected
Spiritual Beings, yet keeping them at a distance ;
they brought the people near, and made them loyal;
in rewarding and punishing they used the various
distinctions and arrangements of rank; showing
affection (for the people), but not giving them
honour. The bad effects on the people were, that
they became fond of gain and crafty; were all
for accomplishments, and shameless; injured one
another, and had their moral sense obscured.’
31. The Master said, ‘It was the method of the
Hsia dynasty not to trouble (the people) with many
notices; it did not require everything from the
people, nor (indeed) look to them for great things ;
and they did not weary of the affection (between
them and their rulers).
‘Under the Yin dynasty, they did not trouble (the
people) with ceremonies, and yet they required
everything from them.
“Under the λυ dynasty, they were rigorous with
ΒΚ. ΧΧΙΣ, PIAO xf. 343
the people, and not troublesome in the services to
the spirits; but they did all that could be done
in the way of awards, conferring rank, punishments,
and penalties.’
32. The Master said, ‘ Under the methods of (the
dynasties of the line of) Yi! and Hsia, there were
few dissatisfactions among the people. The methods
of Yin and Kau were not equal to the correction of
their errors.’
33. The Master said, ‘The plain and simple ways
of (the dynasties of the line of) Yi and Hsia, and
the multiplied forms of Yin and A‘4u were both
extreme. The forms of Yii and Hsia did not
neutralise their simplicity, nor was there sufficient
simplicity under Yin and 4u to neutralise their
forms,’
34. These were the words of the Master :—
‘Although in subsequent ages there arose (distin-
guished sovereigns), yet none of them succeeded in
equalling the ΤΊ of (the line of) Yi. He ruled over
all under heaven, but, while he lived, he had not a
selfish thought, and when he died, he did not make
his son great (with the inheritance). He treated the
people as his sons, as if he had been their father and
mother. He had a deep and compassionate sym-
pathy for them (like their mother); he instructed
them in loyalty and what was profitable (like their
father). While he showed his affection for them, he
also gave them honour; in his natural restfulness,
he was reverent; in the terrors of his majesty, he yet
was loving ; with all his riches, he was yet observant
4 <The line of Y#’ was Shun, who succeeded to Y4o. He did
not found a dynasty; but he is often spoken of as if he had
done so.
444 THE Lf xt. BK. XXIX.
of the rules of propriety ; and his kindness was yet
(rightly) distributed. The superior men who stood
in connexion with him gave honour to benevolence,
and stood in awe of righteousness; were ashamed of
lavish expenditure, and set little store by their
accumulation of substance ; loyal, but not coming
into collision with their sovereign ; righteous, and
yet deferential to him; accomplished, and yet rest-
ful; generous, and yet discriminating. It is said in
Fa on Punishments, “ He sought to awe the people
by his virtue, and all were filled with dread; he pro-
ceeded to enlighten them by his virtue, and all were
enlightened.” Who but the Ti of (the line of) Yi
could have been able to do this??’ (Sha, V, xxvii, 7.)
35. These were the words of the Master :—‘(A
minister) in the service of his ruler will first offer his
words of counsel, and (when they are accepted), he
will bow and voluntarily offer his person to make
good his sincerity. Hence, whatever service a ruler
requires from his minister, the minister will die in
support of his words. Inthis way the salary which he
receives is not obtained on false pretences, and the
: With this paragraph it is understood that the sth section of
the Book ends, ‘illustrating the perfect humanity of the superior
man in the government of the people.’ Every fresh section thus
far, however, has commenced with a—' These were the words of
the Master,’ and in no case ended with that phraseology. Paragraph
35 rightly begins with it. It is out of place, or rather misplaced,
in this; and belongs, I believe, to another place, as we shall see.
We should read here, instead of it, ‘The Master said.’ With regard
to the greater part of the section, its genuineness is liable to sus-
picion, and is indeed denied by the majority of commentators,
including the Xzien-lung editors. The sentiments are more
Toistic than Confucian. See the introductory notice of the
Book.
BK. XXIX. PIAO Ki. 345
things for which he can be blamed will be more and
more few.’
36. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
when great words are spoken to (and accepted by)
him, great advantages (to the state) may be ex-
pected from them ; and when words of small import-
ance are presented to him, only small advantages
are to be looked for. Therefore a superior man
will not for words of small importance receive great
emolument, nor for words of great importance small
emolument. It is said in the Yi, “ He does not
enjoy his revenues in his own family, (but at court) ;
there will be good fortune’.”’
37. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
(a minister) should not descend to subjects beneath
him, nor set a high value on speeches, nor accept
an introduction from improper individuals. It is
said in the Hsiao Y4 (II, vi, ode 3, 4),
“Your duties quietly fulfil,
And hold the upright in esteem,
With friendship fast ;
So shall the Spirits hear your cry,
You virtuous make, and good supply
In measure vast.”’
38. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
for (a minister) whose place is remote from (the
court), to remonstrate is an act of sycophancy; for
one whose place is near the ruler, not to remonstrate
is to hold his office idly for the sake of gain.’
39. The Master said, ‘ Ministers near (the ruler)
should (seek to) preserve the harmony (of his
1 See the Thwan, or first of the appendixes of the Yi, on
Hexagram 26, vol. xvi, page 234.
446 THE τὶ xf. ΒΚ. XXIX.
virtues). The chief minister should maintain correct-
ness in all the departments. Great ministers should
be concerned about all parts (of the kingdom).’
40. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler
there should be the wish to remonstrate, but no wish
to set forth (his faults). It is said in the Book of
Poetry (II, viii, ode 4, 4),
“T cherish those men in my heart ;—
Might not my words my love impart ?
No ;—if the words were once but spoken,
The charm of love might then be broken.
The men shall dwell within my heart,
Nor thence with lapse of time depart.
41. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
when it is difficult to advance and easy to retire,
there is a proper order maintained in the occupancy
of places (according to the character of their holders).
If it were easy to advance and difficult to retire,
there would be confusion. Hence a superior (visitor)
advances (only) after he has been thrice bowed to,
while he retires after one salutation on taking leave;
and thus confusion is prevented.’
42. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
if (an officer), after thrice leaving the court (on his
advice being rejected), do not cross the borders (of
the state), he is remaining for the sake of the profit
and emolument. Although men say that he is not
trying to force (his ruler), I will not believe them.’
43. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
(an officer) should be careful at the beginning, and
respectful to the end.’
44. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
one may be in a high position or a low, rich or poor,
to live or to die (according to the will of the ruler),
33.)
BK. XXIX. prAo Kf. 347
but he should not allow himself to be led to do any-
thing contrary to order or right.’
45. The Master said, ‘In the service of a ruler,
if it be in the army, (an officer) should not (try to)
avoid labour and danger ; if it be at court, he should
not refuse a mean office. To occupy a post and not
perform its business is contrary to order and right.
Hence, when a ruler employs him on any duty, if it
suit his own mind, he thinks carefully of what it
requires, and does it; if it do not suit his own mind,
he thinks the more carefully of what it requires, and
does it. When his work is done, he retires from
office :—such is an officer who well discharges his
duty. It is said in the Yt (vol. xvi, p. 96), “He does
not serve either king or feudal lord, but in a lofty
spirit prefers (to attend to) his own affairs.”’
46. The Master said, ‘It is only the son of Heaven
who receives his appointment from Heaven; officers
receive their appointments from the ruler. There-
fore if the ruler’s orders be conformed (to the mind
of Heaven), his orders to his ministers are also con-
formed to it; but if his orders be contrary (to that
mind), his orders to them are also contrary to it.
It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, iv, ode 5, 2),
“How strong the magpies, battling fierce,
Each one to keep his mate!
How bold the quails together rush,
Upon the same debate!
This woman, with no trait that’s good,
Is stained by vicious crime,
Yet her I hail as marchioness ;—
Alas! woe worth the time!”’
47. The Master said, ‘The superior man does not
consider that his words (alone) show fully what a
348 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XXIX.
man is. Hence when right ways prevail in the
kingdom, the branches and leaves (from the stem)
of right conduct appear; but when there are not
right ways in the kingdom, the branches and leaves
of (mere) words appear.
‘In accordance with this, when a superior man is
by the side of one occupied with the mourning rites,
and cannot contribute to assist him in his expendi-
ture, he does not ask him what it is; when he is
by the side of one who is ill, and cannot supply him
with food, he does not ask what he would like;
when he has a visitor for whom he cannot provide
a lodging, he does not ask where he is staying.
Hence the intercourse of a superior man may be
compared to water, and that of a small man, to
sweet wine. The superior man seems insipid, but
he helps to perfection; the small man seems sweet,
but he leads to ruin. It is said in the Hsiéo YA
(II, v, ode 4, 3),
“He trusts the rogues that lie and sneak,
And make things worse ;
Their duties shirked, their words so meek
Prove but a curse.”’
48. The Master said', ‘The superior man does
not confine himself to praising men with his words ;
and so the people prove loyal to him. Thus, when
he asks about men who are suffering from cold, he
clothes them ; or men who are suffering from want,
he feeds them; and when he praises a man’s good
qualities, he (goes on to) confer rank on him. It
1 With this commences the 7th section of the Book, but it com-
mences irregularly with ‘the Master said,’ instead of ‘The words
of the Master were;’ see note above, on page 344.
ΒΚ. XXIX. PrAo xi. 349
is said in the Lessons from the States (I, xiv,
ode 1, 3),
“I grieve; would they but lodge with me!”’
49. The Master said, ‘Dissatisfaction and calamity
will come to him whose lip-kindness is not followed
by the corresponding deeds. Therefore the superior
man will rather incur the resentment arising from
his refusal than the charge of promising (and then
not fulfilling). It is said in the Lessons from the
States (V, ode 4, 6),
“T wildly go; Pll never know
Its smiles and chat again,
To me you clearly swore the faith,
Which now to break you're fain.
Could I foresee so false you'd be ?
And now regrets are vain.’””’
50. The Master said, ‘The superior man is not
affectionate to others with his countenance (merely)
as if, while cold in feeling, he could assume the
appearance of affection. That belongs to the small
man, and stamps him as no better than the thief
who makes a hole in the wall.’
51. The Master said, ‘ What is required in feeling
is sincerity ; in words, that they be susceptible of
proof,’
52. These were the words of the Master :—‘ The
ancient and intelligent kings of the three dynasties
all served the Spiritual Intelligences of heaven and
earth, but invariably used the tortoise-shell and
divining stalks, They did not presume to employ
their own private judgment in the service of God.
1 Here ends the 7th section, showing how the superior man
strives to be sincere in his words and looks,
350 THE Li xt. BK. -KXIX.
In this way they did not transgress in the matter
of the day or month, for they did not act contrary to
the result of the divination. The tortoise and the
shell were not consulted in succession on the same
point.
53. ‘For the great (sacrificial) services there were
(fixed) seasons and days; for the smaller services
these were not fixed. They fixed them by divi-
nation (near the time). (In divining) about external
affairs they used the odd days; and for internal
affairs, the even. They did not go against the
(intimations of the) tortoise-shell and stalks.’
54. The Master said, ‘With the victims perfect,
the proper ceremonies and music, and the vessels of
grain, (they sacrificed); and thus no injury was
received from the Spiritual Powers, and the people
had no occasion for dissatisfaction.’
55. The Master said, ‘ The sacrifices of Hau Xt
were easily provided. His language was reverential;
his desires were restricted; and the blessings re-
ceived extended down to his descendants. It is said
in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode 1, 8),
“Hau At founded the sacrifice ;
No one has failed in it,
Down to the present day.”’
56. The Master said, ‘The shell and stalks em-
ployed by the great men! must be held in awe and
reverence. But the son of Heaven does not divine
by the stalks. While the princes are keeping guard
in their states, they divine by the stalks. When the
son of Heaven is on the road (travelling), he (also)
divines by the stalks. In any other state but their
1 The king and feudal lords.
BK, XXIX. PrAo Ki. 351
own they do not divine by the stalks. They consult
the tortoise-shell about the chambers and apart-
ments of the houses (where they lodge). The son
of Heaven does not so consult the tortoise-shell ;
he stays always in the grand ancestral temples.’
57. The Master said, ‘The men of rank, on
occasions of special respect, use their sacrificial
vessels. On this account they do not fail to observe
the set seasons and days, and do not act contrary
to the intimations of the shell and stalks; thus
seeking to serve with reverence the ruler and their
superiors. In this way superiors are not trouble-
some to the people, and the people do not take
liberties with their superiors 1.’
1 Paragraphs 52 to 57 from the last section of the Book. They
are not so interesting as the previous sections, nor do they hang
closely together. ‘ The section,’ say the K/ien-lung editors, ‘ treats
of the two methods of divination, and also of reverence.
Reverence is the subject of the first section, and here again it
occurs in the end of the Treatise. Reverence is the beginning and
end of the learning of the superior man.’
ΒΟΟΚ ΧΧΧ. 3ΖΕ 1
OR
THE BLACK ROBES'.
1. These were the words of the Master*:—
‘When the superior is easily served, his inferiors are
easily known ὃ, and in this case punishments are not
numerous (in the state).’
2. The Master said, ‘When (the superior) loves
the worthy as (the people of old loved him of) the
black robes (Shih, I, vii, ode 1), and hates the bad
as Hsiang-po (hated them;—II, v, ode 6), then
without the frequent conferring of rank the people
are stimulated to be good, and without the use of
punishments they are all obedient to his orders.
It is said in the Τὰ Y4 (III, i, ode 1, 7),
“From Wan your pattern you must draw,
And all the states will own your law.”’
3. The Master said, ‘If the people be taught by
lessons of virtue, and uniformity sought to be given
to them by the rules of ceremony, their minds will
go on to be good. If they be taught by the laws,
and uniformity be sought to be given to them by
punishments, their minds will be thinking of how
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 45, 46.
3 Thus the Book begins as if it were another section of the pre-
ceding Treatise.
® They are ‘easily known,’ there being nothing in the ruler’s
method to make them deceitful.
ΒΚ. XXX. 3ΖΕ f. 353
they can escape (the punishment ;—Analects, I], iii).
Hence, when the ruler of the people loves them as his
sons, they feel to him as a parent; when he binds them
to himself by his good faith, they do not turn away
from him; when he presides over them with courtesy,
their hearts are docile to him. It is said in the |
Punishments of Fd (Shd, V, xxvii, 3), “Among the
people of Miao they did not use orders simply, but
the restraints of punishment. They made the five
punishments engines of oppression, calling them the
laws.” In this way their people became bad, and
(their rulers) were cut off for ever (from the land).’
4. The Master said, ‘Inferiors, in serving their
superiors, do not follow what they command, but
what they do. When a ruler loves anything, those
below him are sure to do so much more. There-
fore the superior should by all means be careful in
what he likes and dislikes. This will make him an
example to the people!
5. The Master said, ‘When Yii had been on the
throne three years, the humanity of the common
people was in accordance with his ;—was it necessary
that all (at court) should be perfectly virtuous ? It is
said in the Book of Poetry (II, v, ode 7, 1),
“ Awe-inspiring are you, O (Grand-)Master Yin,
And the people all look up to you.”
It is said in the Punishments of Fa (V, xxvii, 13),
“1, the One man, will have felicity, and the millions
of the people will look to you as their sure
dependence.” It is said in the Τὰ Y4 (III, i,
ode 9, 3),
1 This again looks very much as if this Treatise were a continu-
ation of the last.
(28) Aa
354 THE Li xt. BK. XXX.
“King Wa secured the people’s faith,
And gave to all the law.”’
6. The Master said, ‘When superiors are fond of
showing theirhumanity, inferiors strive to outstrip one
another in their practice of it. Therefore those who
preside over the people should cherish the clearest
aims and give the most correct lessons, honouring
the requirement of their humanity byloving the people
as their sons; then the people will use their utmost
efforts with themselves to please their superiors. It
is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 2),
“Where from true virtue actions spring,
All their obedient homage bring.”’
7. The Master said, ‘The king’s words are (at
first) as threads of silk; but when given forth, they
become as cords. Or they are (at first) as cords ;
but when given forth, they become as ropes. There-
fore the great man does not take the lead in idle
speaking. The superior does not speak words
which may be spoken indeed but should not be
embodied in deeds; nor does he do actions which
may be done in deed but should not be expressed
in words. When this is the case, the words of the
people can be carried into action without risk, and
their actions can be spoken of without risk. It is
said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 8),
“Keep on your acts a watchful eye,
That you may scrutiny defy.”’
8. The Master said, ‘The superior man leads
men on (to good) by his words, and keeps them
(from evil) by (the example of) his conduct. Hence,
in speaking, he must reflect on what may be the end
of his words, and examine whether there may not be
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧ, 8ΖΕ ἢ. 355
some error in his conduct; and then the people will
be attentive to their words, and circumspect in their
conduct. It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, iii,
ode 2, 5),
“Be circumspect in all you say,
And reverent bearing still display.”
It is said in the TA Y4 (III, i, ode 1, 4),
“Deep were WAan’s thoughts, unstained his ways ;
His reverence lit its trembling rays.”’
9. The Master said,‘When the heads of the people
use no (improper) variations in their dress, and their
manners are always easy and unconstrained, and
they seek thus to give uniformity to the people, the
virtue of the people does become uniform. It is
said in the Book of Poetry (11, viii, ode 1, 1),
“In the old capital they stood,
With yellow fox-furs plain ;
Their manners all correct and good,
Speech free from vulgar stain.
Could we go back to X4u’s old days,
All would look up to them with praise.”’
10. The Master said, ‘When (the ruler) above
can be known by men looking at him, and (his
ministers) below can have their doings related and
remembered, then the ruler has no occasion to doubt
his ministers, and the ministers are not led astray by
‘their ruler. The Announcement of Yin says (Sh,
IV, vi, 3), “There were I, Yin, and Thang; both pos-
sessed the same pure virtue.” It is said in the
Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 3),
“In soul so steadfast is that princely man,
Whose course for fault or flaw we vainly scan.”’
11. The Master said, ‘When the holders of states
Aa2
256 THE τὰ xi, BK. XXX.
and clans give distinction to the righteous and make
it painful for the bad, thus showing the people the
excellence (they should cultivate), then the feelings
of the people do not swerve (to what is evil). It is
said in the Book of Poetry (II, vi, ode 3, 5),
“Your duties quietly fulfil,
And hold the upright in esteem,
With earnest love.”’
12. The Master said, ‘When the highest among
men has doubts and perplexities, the common people
go astray. When (the ministers) below him are
difficult to be understood, the toil of the ruler is
prolonged. Therefore when the ruler exhibits clearly
what he loves, and thus shows the people the style
of manners (they should aim at), and is watchful
against what he dislikes, and thereby guards the
people against the excesses (of which they are in
danger), then they do not go astray.
‘When the ministers are exemplary in their
conduct, and do not set a value on (fine) speeches ;
when they do not try to lead (the ruler) to what
is unattainable, and do not trouble him with what
cannot be (fully) known, then he is not toiled. It is
said in the Book of Poetry (III, ii, ode ro, 1),
“Reversed is now the providence of God;
The lower people groan beneath their load.”
It is said in the Hsiao Y4 (II, v, ode 4, 4),
“They do not discharge their duties,
But only cause distress to the king.”’
13. The Master said, ‘When (the measures of)
government do not take effect, and the lessons of
the ruler do not accomplish their object, (it is
because) the giving of rank and emoluments is
BK. XXX. 82E ἢ. 357
unfit to stimulate the people to good, and (the inflic-
tion of) punishments and penalties is unfit to make
them ashamed (of evil). Therefore (the ruler) above
must not be careless in punishing, nor lightly confer
rank. Itis said in the Announcement to the Prince
of Khang (Sha, V, ix, 8), “Deal reverently and un-
derstandingly in your infliction of punishments ;”
and in the Punishments of Fa (Sha, V, xxvii, 12),
“He spreads abroad his lessons to avert punish-
ments.”’
14. The Master said, ‘When the great ministers
are not on terms of friendly intimacy (with the
ruler), and the common people consequently are not
restful, this is because the loyalty (of the ministers)
and the respect (of the ruler) are not sufficient, and
the riches and rank conferred (on the former) are
excessive. (The consequence is, that) the great
ministers do not discharge their functions of govern-
ment, and the ministers closer (to the ruler) form
parties against them. Therefore the great ministers
should by all means be treated with respect; they
are examples to the people; and ministers nearer
(to the ruler) should by all means be careful ;—they
direct the way of the people. Let not the ruler
consult with inferior officers about greater, nor with
those who are from a distance about those who are
near to him, nor with those who are beyond the
court about those who belong to it. If he act thus,
the great ministers will not be dissatisfied; the
ministers closer to him will not be indignant; and
those who are more remote will not be kept in
obscurity. The duke of Sheh in his dying charge
said, “Do not by little counsels ruin great enter-
prises; do not for the sake of a favourite concubine
258 THE τῇ xf. BK, XXX.
provoke queen Awang; do not for the sake of a
favourite officer provoke your grave officers,—the
Great officers or high ministers?.”’
15. The Master said, ‘If the great man be not in
affectionate sympathy with (his officers) whom he
considers worthy, but give his confidence to others
whom he despises, the people in consequence will
not feel attached to him, and the lessons which he
gives them will be troublesome (and ineffective). It
is said in the Book of Poetry (II, ii, ode 8),
“As if I were hidden they sought me at first,
At court for a pattern to shine;
’Tis with hatred intense they now bend their
scowls,
And my services curtly decline.”
It is said in the Xiin-2£44n (Sha, V, xxiv, 4),
“While they have not seen a sage, (they are full of
desire) as if they could not get a sight of him; but
after they have seen him, they are still unable to
follow him.”’
16. The Master said, ‘A small man is drowned
in the water ; a superior man is drowned or ruined
by his mouth; the great man suffers his ruin from
the people ;—all suffer from what they have played
and taken liberties with, Water is near to men,
and yet it drowns them. Its nature makes it easy
to play with, but dangerous to approach ;—men are
easily drowned in it. The mouth is loquacious and
1 This is an error. The dying counsels referred to were not
given by any duke of Sheh (a dependency of KAQ), but by W4n-fa,
duke of 34i, to king Μ of Kau. They are found with some slight
alterations in the Apocryphal Books of K4u (36, ΒΕ] ΞΕ), Book
VIII, article 1. Confucius would not have fallen into such a
mistake.
ΒΚ. XXX, 8ZE f. 359
troublesome ; for words once uttered there is hardly
a place of repentance ;—men are easily ruined by it.
The people, restricted in their humanity, have vulgar
and rude minds ; they should be respected, and should
not be treated with contempt;—men are easily
ruined by them. Therefore the superior man
should by all means be careful in his dealings with
them. It is said in the Thai Ai4 (Shad, III, v, sect.
1, 5, 7), “Do not frustrate the charge to me, and
bring on yourself your own overthrow. Be like the
forester, who, when he has adjusted the string, goes
to examine the end of the arrow, whether it be placed
according to rule, and then lets go.” It is said in the
Charge to Yiieh (III, viii, sect. 2, 4), “It is the mouth
which gives occasion to shame; they are the coat of
mail and helmet which give occasion to war. The
upper robes and lower garments (for reward) should
not be taken (lightly from) their chests; before spear
and shield are used, one should examine himself.”
It is said in the Thai Aia (Shu, ITI, v, sect. 2, 3),
“Calamities sent by Heaven may be avoided; but
from those brought on by one’s self there is no
escape.” It is said in the Announcement of Yin
(Sha, IIT, v, sect. 1, 3), “I have seen it myself in
Hsia with its western capital, thatwhen its sovereigns
went through a prosperous course to the end, their
ministers also did the same.”’
17. The Master said, ‘To the people the ruler is
as their heart; to the ruler the people are as his
body. When the heart is composed, the body is at
ease ; when the heart is reverent, the body is re-
spectful; when the heart loves anything, the body
is sure to rest in it. (So), when the ruler loves _
anything, the people are sure to desire it. The |
260 THE τῇ xf. BK. XXX.
body is the complement of the heart, and a wound
in it makes the heart also suffer. So the ruler is
preserved by the people, and perishes also through
|_the people. It is said in an ode,
“Once we had that former premier,
His words were wise and pure;
The states and clans by him were at rest,
The chief cities and towns by him were well
regulated,
All the people by him enjoyed their life.
Who (now) holds the ordering of the kingdom?
Not himself attending to the government,
The issue is toil and pain to the people?.”
It is said in the Kiin-y4 (Sha, V, xxv, 5), “In the
heat and rain of summer days the inferior people
may be described as murmuring and sighing. And
so it may be said of them in the great cold of winter.”’
18. The Master said, ‘In the service by an inferior
of his superior, if his personal character be not
correct, his words will not be believed; and in this
case their views will not be the same, and the
conduct (of the superior) will not correspond (to the
advice given to him) 2’
19. The Master said, ‘Words should be capable of
proof by instances, and conduct should be conformed
to rule; when the case is so, a man’s aim cannot be
taken from him while he is alive, nor can his good
name be taken away when he is dead. Therefore
the superior man, having heard much, verifies it by
1 This is from an ode not in the Shih, and only preserved, so far,
here. The three concluding lines, however, are also found in the
Shih, IT, iv, ode 7, 6.
* The meaning of this latter part is matter of dispute.
BK. XXX. 3ΖΕ ἢ. 461
inquiry, and firmly holds fast (what is proved); he
remembers much, verifies it by inquiry, and makes
it his own ; when he knows it exactly, he carries the
substance of it into practice. It is said in the Kiin-
khin (Sho, V, xxi, 5), “Going out and coming in,
seek the judgment of the people about things, till
you find a general agreement upon them.” It is
said in the Book of Poetry (I, xiv, ode 3, 1),
“The virtuous man, the princely one,
Is uniformly correct in his deportment.
99
20. The Master said, ‘It is only the superior man
who can love what is correct, while to the small
man what is correct is as poison. Therefore the
friends of the superior man have the definite aims
which they pursue, and the definite courses which
they hate. In consequence, those who are near
at hand have no perplexities of thought about him,
and those who are far off, no doubts. It is said in
the Book of Poetry (I, i, ode 1, 1),
“For our prince a good mate.
33}
21. The Master said, ‘When a man on light
grounds breaks off his friendship with the poor and
mean, and only on great grounds with the rich and
noble, his love of worth cannot be great, nor does
his hatred of evil clearly appear. Though men may
say that he is not influenced by (the love of) gain,
I do not believe them. It is said in the Book of
Poetry (III, ii, ode 3, 4),
“And all the friends assisting you
Behave with reverent mien.”’
22. The Master said, ‘The superior man will not
voluntarily remain to share in private acts of kind-
262 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXX.
ness not offered on grounds of virtue. In the Book
of Poetry it is said (II, i, ode 1, 1),
“They love me, and my mind will teach
How duty’s highest aim to reach.”’
23. The Master said, ‘If there be a carriage
(before you), you are sure (by-and-by) to see the
cross-board (in front); if there be a garment, you
are sure (in the same way) to see (the traces of) its
being worn; if one speaks, you are sure to hear
his voice; if one does anything, you are sure to
see the result. It is said in the Book of Poetry
(I, i, ode 2, 2),
“T will wear them without being weary of them.”’
24. The Master said, ‘When one says anything,
and immediately proceeds to act it out, his words
cannot embellish it; and when one does anything,
and immediately proceeds to describe it, the action
cannot be embellished. Hence the superior man
saying little, and acting to prove the sincerity of his
words, the people cannot make the excellence of
their deeds greater than it is, nor diminish the
amount of their badness'. It is said in the Book
of Poetry (III, iii, ode 2, 5),
“A flaw in mace of white jade may
By patient toil be ground away;
But for a flaw we make in speech,
What can be done? ’Tis past our reach.”
1 The excellence and the badness would seem, in the text, to
belong to the conduct of the superior man ; but to predicate badness
of him would be too daring. To justify the view which appears in
my translation, the K/ien-lung editors, in their expansion of the
meaning, after ‘the people,’ interpolate ‘who come under the trans-
forming influence of his example.’
ΒΚ. XXX. 8zE f. 363
It is said in the Hsido Y4 (II, iii, ode 5, 8),
“Well does our lord become his place,
And high the deeds his reign have crowned.”
It is said to the Prince Shih (Shd, V, xvi, 11),
“ Aforetime, when God beheld the virtue of king
Wn in the fields of Au, he made the great decree
light on his person.”’
25. The Master said, ‘The people of the south
have a saying that “A man without constancy cannot
be a diviner either with the tortoise-shell or the
stalks.” This was probably a saying handed down
from antiquity. If such a man cannot know the
tortoise-shell and stalks, how much less can he
know other men!? It is said in the Book of Poetry
(II, v, ode 1, 3),
“ Our tortoise-shells are wearied out,
And will not tell us anything about the plans.”
The Charge to Yiieh says (Sha, IV, viii, sect. 2, 5,11),
“ Dignities should not be conferred on men of evil
practices. (If they be), how can the people set
themselves to correct their ways? If this be sought
merely by sacrifices, it will be disrespectful (to the
spirits). When affairs come to be troublesome,
there ensues disorder; when the spirits are served
so, difficulties ensue 3,"
‘It is said in the Y!, “When one does not conti-
11 cannot make anything but this of this sentence, though
Khung Ying-t& takes it differently. The whole paragraph is
evidently very corrupt, and even the X/ien-lung editors have put
forth all their strength upon it in vain.
® We have here a quotation from the Shf, IV, viii, sect. 2; but
it is very different from the textus receptus. All the commen-
tators and critics are at fault upon it; see vol. iii, pp. 115, 116.
464 THE uf xi. BK. XXX.
nuously maintain his virtue, some will impute it to
him as a disgrace ! ;—(in the position indicated in the
Hexagram.) When one does maintain his virtue
continuously (in the other position indicated), this
will be fortunate in a wife, but in a husband evil.”’
1 See the symbolism of the 3rd and sth lines of the Hang or
3and Hexagram, vol. xvi, pp. 125-128.
BOOK ΧΧΧΙ. PAN SANG
OR
RULES ON HURRYING TO MOURNING RITES’.
1. According to the rules for hurrying to attend
the mourning rites, when one first heard that the
mourning rites for a relative were going on, he
wailed as he answered the messenger ἡ, and gave full
vent to hissorrow. Having asked all the particulars,
he wailed again, with a similar burst of grief, and
immediately arranged to go (tothe place). He went
100 lf a day, not travelling in the night.
2. Only when the rites were those fora father ora
mother did he travel while he could yet see the stars,
and rested when he (again) saw them®. If it was
impossible for him to go (at once)‘, he assumed the
mourning dress, and then went (as soon as he could).
When he had passed through the state (where he
was), and reached its frontier, he stopped and wailed,
giving full vent to his sorrow. He avoided wailing
in the market-place and when near the court. He
looked towards the frontier of his own state when he
wailed.
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 46, 47.
3 The mourner is absent from his state, and a messenger has
been sent to tell him of the death. The relative, it is argued, may
have been any one within the ‘five degrees’ of consanguinity.
* That is, from peep of dawn till the stars came out again after
sunset.
4 Being restrained by the duties of the commission, with which
he was charged by the ruler.
366 THE Li xf. BK. ΧΧΧΙ.
3. When he came to the house, he entered the
gate at the left side of it, (passed through the court),
and ascended to the hall by the steps on the west.
He knelt on the east of the coffin, with his face to
the west, and wailed, giving full vent to his grief. He
(then) tied up his hair in a knot, bared his arms,
and went down from the hall, proceeding to his place
on the east, where he wailed towards the west.
Having completed the leaping, he covered his arms
and put on his sash of sackcloth in the corridor on
the east; and after tucking up the ends of his sash,
he returned to his place. He bowed to the visitors,
leaping with them, and escorted them (to the gate),
returning (afterwards) to his place. When other
visitors arrived, he bowed to them, leaped with them,
and escorted them ;—all in the same way.
4. (After this), all the principal mourners!, with
their cousins, went out at the gate, stopping there
while they wailed. The gate was then closed,
and the director told them to go to the mourning
shed*.
5. At the next wailing, the day after, they tied up
their hair, bared their arms, and went through the
leaping. At the third wailing next day, they again tied
up their hair, bared their arms, and went through
the leaping. On these three days, the finishing the
mourning dress, bowing to and escorting the visitors,
took place as in the first case.
6. If he who has hurried to be present at the
1 This seems to mean ‘all the sons of the departed.’ Of course
there was really but one ‘ chief or host-man,’ as in par. 6.
3 This takes us by surprise. Did all go to the shed? Were
there many sheds?
BK. ΧΧΧΙ. PAN SANG. 367
rites were not the presiding mourner on the occa-
sion!, then that presiding mourner, instead of him,
bowed to the visitors and escorted them.
7. When one hurried to the rites, even where
they were less than those for a mother or father,
which required the wearing of sackcloth, with even
edge or frayed, he entered the gate at the left side
of it, and stood in the middle of the court-yard with
his face to the north, wailing and giving full vent to
his sorrow. He put on the cincture for the head
and the sackcloth girdle in the corridor on the east,
and repaired to his place, where he bared his arms.
Then he wailed along with the presiding mourner,
and went through the leaping. For the wailing on
the second day and the third, they wore the cincture
and bared the arms. If there were visitors, the
presiding mourner bowed to them on their arrival,
and escorted them.
The husbands and wives (of the family) waited
for him at the wailing-places for every morning and
evening, without making any change.
8. When one hurries to the mourning rites for a
mother, he wails with his face to the west, giving
full vent to his sorrow. He then ties up his hair,
bares his arms, descends from the hall, and goes to
his station on the east, where, with his face to the
west, he wails and goes through the leaping. After
that, he covers his arms and puts on the cincture
and sash in the corridor on the east. He bows to
the visitors, and escorts them (to the gate) in the
same way as if he had hurried to the rites for his
1 This seems to imply that, in the preceding paragraphs, he had
been the principal mourner.
468 THE τὶ xi. BK. XXXI.
father. At the wailing on the day after, he does not
tie up his hair.
9. When a wife? hurried to the mourning rites, she
went up to the hall by the (side) steps on the east,
and knelt on the east of the coffin with her face to
the west. There she wailed, giving full vent to her
grief. Having put on the lower cincture on the
east®, she went to the station (for wailing), and there
leaped alternately with the presiding mourner.
10. When one, hurrying to the mourning rites, did
not arrive while the coffin with the body was still in
the house, he first went to the grave; and there
kneeling with his face to the north, he wailed, giving
full vent to his sorrow. The principal mourners have
been waiting for him (at the grave), and have taken
their stations,—the men on the left of it, and the
wives on the right. Having gone through the leap-
ing, and given full expression to his sorrow, he tied
up his hair, and went to the station of the principal
mourners on the east. In his headband of sack-
cloth, and sash with the ends tucked up, he wailed
and went through the leaping. He then bowed to
the visitors, and returned to his station, going (again)
through the leaping, after which the director an-
nounced that the business was over’®.
11, He then put on the cap, and returned to the
1 An aunt, sister, or daughter of the family, who was married,
and hurried to the family home from her husband’s.
3.1 suppose this was in the corridor on the east. The rule was
for the women to dress in an apartment ; but a distinction was made
between those residing in the house, and those who returned to it
for the occasion.
* It is understood that this mourner was the eldest and rightful
son of the deceased,
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙ. PAN SANG. 369
house. There he entered at the left side of the
door, and, with his face to the north, wailed and gave
full vent to his sorrow. He then tied up his hair,
bared his arms, and went through the leaping.
Going to his station on the east, he bowed to the
visitors, and went through the leaping. When the
visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to
them, and escorted them. When other visitors after-
wards arrived, he bowed to them, went through the
leaping, and escorted them in the same way. All the
principal mourners and their cousins went out at the
gate, wailed there and stopped, when the directors
instructed them to go to the shed. At the wailing
next day, he bound up his hair and went through the
leaping. At the third wailing, he did the same. On
the third day he completed his mourning dress (as
was required). After the fifth wailing, the director
announced that the business was over.
12. Wherein the usages at the rites for a mother
differed from those at the rites for a father, was that
there was but one tying up of the hair. After that
the cincture was worn to the end of the business.
In other respects the usages were the same as at the
rites for a father.
13. At the rites for other relations, after those for
the mother or father, the mourner who did not arrive
while the coffin was in the house, first went to the
grave, and there wailed with his face to the west,
giving full vent to his sorrow. He then put on the
cincture and hempen sash, and went to his station on
the east, where he wailed with the presiding mourner,
and went through the leaping. After this he covered
his arms; and if there were visitors, the presiding
mourner bowed to them and escorted them away.
[28] Bb
370 THE Li xf. BK, XXXI.
If any other visitors afterwards came, he bowed to
them, as in the former case, and the director an-
nounced that the business was over.
Immediately after he put on the cap, and returned
to the house. Entering at the left side of the door,
he wailed with his face to the north, giving full vent
to his sorrow. He then put on the cincture, bared
his arms, and went through the leaping. Going then
to the station on the east, he bowed to the visitors,
and went through the leaping again. When the
visitors went out, the presiding mourner bowed to
them and escorted them.
At the wailing next day, he wore the cincture,
bared his arms, and went through the leaping. At
the third wailing he did the same. On the third day,
he put on his mourning-garb ; and at the fifth wailing,
the director announced that the business was over.
14. When one heard of the mourning rites, and it
was impossible (in his circumstances) to hurry to be
present at them, he wailed and gave full vent to his
grief. He then asked the particulars, and (on hear-
ing them) wailed again, and gave full vent to his
grief. He then made a place (for his mourning)
where he was, tied up his hair, bared his arms, and
went through the leaping. Having covered his arms,
and put on the higher cincture and his sash with the
ends tucked up, he went (back) to his place. After
bowing to (any visitors that arrived), he returned to
the place, and went through the leaping. When the
visitors went out, he, as the presiding mourner,
bowed to them, and escorted them outside the gate,
returning then to his station. If any other visitors
came afterwards, he bowed to them and went through
the leaping, then escorting them as before,
ΒΚ. XXXI. PAN SANG. 371
At the wailing next day, he tied up his hair, bared
his arms, and went through the leaping. At the
third wailing he did the same. On the third day, he
put on his mourning-garb, wailed, bowed to his
visitors, and escorted them as before.
15. If one returned home after the mourning rites
had been completed, he went to the grave, and there
wailed and went through the leaping. On the east
of it, he tied up his hair, bared his arms, put on the
cincture for the head, bowed to the visitors, and went
(again) through the leaping. Having escorted the
visitors, he returned to his place, and again wailed,
giving full vent to his grief. With this he put off
his mourning. In the house he did not wail. The
principal mourner, in his treatment of him, made no
change in his dress; and though he wailed with him
(at the grave), he did not leap.
16. Wherein at other observances than those for
the death of a mother or father, the usages (of such
a mourner) differed from the above, were in the
cincture for the head and the hempen sash.
17. In all cases where one made a place for his
mourning (away from home), if it were not on occa-
sion of the death of a parent, but for some relative
of the classes not so nearly related, he went to the
Station, and wailed, giving full vent to his sorrow.
Having put on the cincture for the head and the
girdle on the east, he came back to the station,
bared his arms, and went through the leaping. He
then covered his arms, bowed to the visitors, went
back to the station, wailed, and went through the
leaping. (After this), he escorted the guests away,
and came back to the station, when the director
told him to go to the shed. When the fifth wailing
Bb2
372 THE Li xf. BK. XXXI.
was ended, on the third day, the presiding mourner
came forth and escorted the visitors away. All the
principal mourners and their cousins went out at the
gate, wailed, and stopped there. The director an-
nounced to them that the business was ended. He
put on his full mourning-garb, and bowed to the
visitors 1.
18. If the home were far distant from the place
which an absent mourner has selected (for his wail-
ing), they completed all their arrangements about
dress before they went to it.
19. One hurrying to mourning rites, if they were
for a parent, wailed when he looked towards the
district (where they had lived); if they were for
a relation for whom nine months’ mourning was
due, he wailed when he could see the gate of his
house ; if for one to whom five months’ mourning
was due, he wailed when he got to the door; if for
one to whom but three months’ mourning was due,
he wailed when he took his station.
20. For one of his father’s relations (for whom he
did not need to go into mourning) a man wailed in
the ancestral temple; for one of his mother or
wife’s relatives, in the back chamber of the temple;
for his teacher, outside the gate of the temple; for
a friend, outside the door of the back-chamber;
for an acquaintance, in the open country, having
pitched a tent for the occasion. Some say the
wailing for a mother’s relation was in the temple.
1 The Xhien-lung editors think that this last sentence is an
erroneous addition to the paragraph. But with other parts of it
there are great difficulties, insoluble difficulties, as some of the
commentators allow.
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙ. PAN SANG. 373
21. In all cases where a station was selected, away
from the house of mourning, for paying funeral rites,
no offerings were put down (for the departed).
ν 22. For the son of Heaven they wailed nine
days ; for a feudal prince, seven; for a high minister
and Great officer, five; for another officer, three.
J 23. A Great officer, in wailing for the ruler of his
state, did not presume to bow to the visitors.
vy 24. Ministers in other states, when they selected
a station (for their wailing), did not presume to bow
to the visitors.
“ 25. Officers, of the same surname with a feudal
prince, (but who were serving in other states), also
made a place at which to wail for him (on his
death).
{ 26. In all cases where one made a place (at a
distance) at which to wail, he bared his arms (only)
once. .
J 427. In condoling with (the relations of) an ac-
quaintance (after he has been buried), one first
wailed in his house, and afterwards went to the
grave, in both cases accompanying the wailing with
the leaping. He alternated his leaping with that
of the presiding mourner, keeping his face towards
the north.
28. At all mourning rites (in a household), if the
father were alive, he acted as presiding mourner ;
if he were dead, and brothers lived together in the
house, each presided at the mourning for one of his
own family-circle. If two brothers were equally
related to the deceased for whom rites were neces-
sary, the eldest presided at those rites; if they
were not equally related, the one most nearly so
presided.
274 THE Li xf. BK, XXXI.
29. When one heard of the death of a brother or
cousin at a distance, but the news did not arrive till
the time which his own mourning for him would
have taken had expired!, he (notwithstanding) put
on the mourning cincture, bared his arms, and went
through the leaping. He bowed to his visitors,
however, with the left hand uppermost *.
30. The only case in which a place was chosen in
which to wail for one for whom mourning was not
worn, was the death of a sister-in-law, the wife of an
elder brother. For a female member of the family
who had married, and for whom therefore mourning
was not worn, the hempen sash was assumed.
31. When one had hurried to the mourning rites,
and a Great officer came (to condole with him),
he bared his arms, and bowed to him. When he
had gone through the leaping, he covered his arms.
In the case of a similar visit from an ordinary officer,
he covered his arms, and then bowed to him.
1 The deceased would have been only in the degree of relation-
ship, to which five months’ mourning was assigned.
3 The left hand uppermost made the bow one more appropriate
to a festive occasion.
BOOK XXXII. WAN SANG
OR
QUESTIONS ABOUT MOURNING RITES}.
1. Immediately after his father’s death, (the son ν'
put off his cap, and) kept his hair, with the pin
in it, in the bag (of silk); went barefoot, with the
skirt of his dress tucked up under his girdle; and
wailed with his hands across his breast. In the
bitterness of his grief, and the distress and pain of
his thoughts, his kidneys were injured, his liver dried
up, and his lungs scorched, while water or other
_liquid did not enter his mouth, and for three days
fire was not kindled (to cook anything for him). On
this account the neighbours prepared for him gruel
and rice-water, which were his (only) meat and drink.
The internal grief and sorrow produced a change in
his outward appearance; and with the severe pain
in his heart, his mouth could not relish any savoury
food, nor his body find ease in anything pleasant.
2. On the third day there was the (slighter)
dressing (of the corpse). While the body was on the
couch it was called the corpse; when it was put into
the coffin, it was called 4i0. At the moving of
the corpse, and lifting up of the coffin, (the son)
wailed and leaped, times without number. Such
was the bitterness of his heart, and the pain of his
thoughts, so did his grief and sorrow fill his mind and
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 47, 48.
376 , THE Lf gf. BK. XXXII.
agitate his spirit, that he bared his arms and leaped,
seeking by the movement of his limbs to obtain
| some comfort to his heart and relief to his spirit.
The women could not bare their arms, and there-
fore they (merely) pushed out the breast, and smote
upon their hearts, moving their feet with a sliding,
hopping motion, and with a constant, heavy sound,
like the crumbling away of a wall. The expression
of grief, sorrow, and deep-seated pain was extreme ;
hence it is said, ‘With beating of the breast and
movement of the feet, did they sorrowfully accom-
pany the body; so they escorted it away, and so did
they come back to meet its essential part.’
When (the mourners) went, accompanying the
coffin (to the grave), they looked forward, with an
expression of eagerness, as if they were following
some one, and unable to get up to him. When
returning to wail, they looked disconcerted, as if
they were seeking some one whom they could
not find. Hence, when escorting (the coffin), they
appeared full of affectionate desire ; when returning,
they appeared full of perplexity. They had sought
the (deceased), and could not find him; they entered
the gate, and did not see him; they went up to the
hall, and still did not see him; they entered his
chamber, and still did not see him; he was gone;
he was dead; they should see him again nevermore.
Therefore they wailed, wept, beat their breasts, and
leaped, giving full vent to their sorrow, before they
ceased. Their minds were disappointed, pained,
fluttered, and indignant. They could do nothing
more with their wills; they could do nothing but
continue sad.
3. In presenting the sacrifice (of repose) in the
BK, XXXII. WAN SANG. 377
ancestral temple 1, (the son) offered it (to his parent)
in his disembodied state, hoping that his shade
would peradventure return (and enjoy it). When
he came back to the house from completing the
grave, he did not venture to occupy his chamber,
but dwelt in the mourning shed, lamenting that his
parent was now outside. He slept on the rushes,
with a clod for his pillow, lamenting that his parent
was in the ground. Therefore he wailed and wept,
without regard to time; he endured the toil and
grief for three years. His heart of loving thoughts
showed the mind of the filial son, and was the real
expression of his human feelings.
4. Some one may ask, ‘Why does the dressing
not commence till three days after death ?’ and the
answer is :—When his parent is dead, the filial son
is sad and sorrowful, and his mind is full of trouble.
He crawls about and bewails his loss, as if the dead
might come back to life ;—how can he hurriedly
take (the corpse) and proceed to dress it? There-
fore, when it is said that the dressing does not
begin till after three days, the meaning is, that (the
son) is waiting that time to see if (his father) will
come to life. When after three days there is no
such return, the father is not alive, and the heart of
the filial son is still more downcast. (During this
space, moreover), the means of the family can be
calculated, and the clothes that are necessary can
be provided and made accordingly; the relations
and connexions who live at a distance can also
arrive. Therefore the sages decided in the case
1 «Not the structure so called,’ says Khung Ying-t4, ‘but the
apartment where the coffin had been ;’—now serving for the occasion
as a temple.
478 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XXXII.
that three days should be allowed, and the rule was
made accordingly.
5. Some one may ‘ask, ‘ How is it that one with
the cap on does not bare his arms, and show the
naked body ?’ and the answer is :—The cap is the
most honourable article of dress, and cannot be
worn where the body is bared, and the flesh ‘ex-
posed. Therefore the cincture for the head is worn
instead of the cap, (when the arms are bared).
6. And so, when a bald man does not wear the
cincture, and a hunchback does not bare his arms,
and a lame man does not leap, it is not that they do
not feel sad, but they have an infirmity which
prevents them from fully discharging the usages.
Hence it is said that in the rites of mourning it is
the sorrow that is the principal thing. When a
daughter wails, weeps, and is sad, beats her breast,
and wounds her heart; and when a son wails,
weeps, is sad, and bows down till his forehead
touches the ground, without regard to elegance
of demeanour, this may be accepted as the highest
expression of sorrow.
7. Some one may ask, ‘What is the idea in
the cincture ?’ and the reply is:—The cincture is
what is worn while uncapped. The Rule says,
‘Boys do not wear (even) the three months’ mourn-
ing; it is only when the family has devolved on
one that he does so.’ The cincture, we may sup-
pose, was what was worn in the three months’
mourning (by a boy). If he had come to be the
representative of the family, he wore the cincture,
and carried the staff.
8. Some one may ask, ‘ What is meant by (using)
the staff?’ and the answer is :—The staff of bamboo
ΒΚ. XXXII. WAN SANG. 379
and that of elaeococcus wood have the same mean-
ing. Hence, for a father they used the black staff
of bamboo ; and for a mother, the square-cut staff,
an elaeococcus branch }.
9. Some one may say, ‘ What is meant by (using)
the staff?’ and the answer is :—When a filial son
mourns for a parent, he wails and weeps without
regard to the number of times; his endurances are
hard for three years; his body becomes ill and his
limbs emaciated ; and so he uses a staff to support
his infirmity.
10. Thus, while his father is alive he does not
dare to use a staff, because his honoured father is
still living. Walking in the hall, he does not use
the staff ;—refraining from doing so in the place
where his honoured father is. Nor does he walk
hastily in the hall—to show that he is not hurried.
Such is the mind of the filial son, the real expres-
sion of human feeling, the proper method of pro-
priety and righteousness. It does not come down
from heaven, it does not come forth from the earth;
it is simply the expression of the human feelings.
2 On Book XIII, i, 3 the KAien-lung editors say, that the staff
of old men was carried with the root up, and the other end down;
but the opposite was the case with the mourner’s staff. In break-
ing off a branch from the elaeococcus, the part which has been
torn from the stem is cut square and smooth with a knife. The
round stem of the bamboo cane is said by KA%n Ho to symbolise
heaven, and so is carried for a father; and the square cut end of
the dryandria branch, to symbolise earth, and so is used for a
mother. But this fanciful explanation seems to be contrary to what
is said in the conclusion of the next paragraph.
BOOK ΧΧΧΙΠΙ. Εὖ WAN
OR
SUBJECTS FOR QUESTIONING ABOUT THE
MOURNING DRESS’.
1. The Directory for Mourning says, ‘There are
cases in which parties wear deep mourning, while
those, in consequence of their connexion with whom
they assume it, wear only light.’ Such is the mourn-
ing for her husband’s mother by the wife of the son
of a ruler (by a concubine) 3.
2. ‘ There are cases in which parties wear light
mourning, while those, in consequence of their con-
nexion with whom they assume it, wear deep mourn-
ing.’ Such is the mourning of a husband for the
father or mother of his wife ὃ,
3. ‘There are cases in which parties wear mourn-
ing, while those, in consequence of their connexion
with whom they have a relation with the deceased,
wear none.’ Such is the case of the wife of a ruler’s
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 48.
3 Such a son of a ruler could wear for his mother only the nine
months’ mourning, as she was but a concubine with an inferior
position in the family ; but his wife wore mourning for her for a
whole year. She was her husband’s mother, and the general rule
for mourning in such a relation was observed by the wife, without
regard to the deceased being only a concubine, and whether the
tuler were alive or dead,
* The wife, of course, observed the three years’ mourning for her
father or mother ; the husband only the three months.
ΒΚ. XXXII. FO WAN. 381
son with the cousins of her husband on the female
side 1,
4. ‘There are cases in which parties wear no
mourning, while those, in consequence of their con-
nexion with whom they have a relation with the
deceased, do wear mourning.’ Such is the case of a
ruler’s son with regard to the father and mother of
his wife.
5. The Directory of Mourning says, ‘When his
mother has been divorced, the son wears mourning
for the relatives of the wife whom his father has
taken in his mother’s place.’ When his mother has
died ? (without being divorced), a son wears mourn-
ing for her relatives. Wearing mourning for his
own mother’s relatives, he does not do so for those
of the step-mother, whom his father may have taken
in her place.
6. After the sacrifice at the end of the first year,
during the three years’ rites, and after the interment
has taken place, during those of one year (occurring
at the same time), the mourner puts on the old
sash of dolychos cloth, and the headband of the
one year’s mourning, wearing (at the same time) the
sackcloth of the mourning for nine months.
7. The same thing is done (after the interment)
during the nine months’ mourning.
8. No change is made (after the interment) during
the five months’ mourning.
1 There is no satisfactory account of this case.
3 Khan Hao supposed that this mother ‘dying’ is the wife whom
his father has taken in the place of the son’s divorced mother. The
Khien-lung editors rightly point out his error; but it shows how
these notices are perplexing, not only to foreigners, but also to
native scholars.
482 THE Li xt. BK. XXXII,
g. Where they wore the sash with the roots of
hemp wrought into the cloth 1, they changed it for the
dolychos cloth of the three years’ mourning *.
1o. After the sacrifice at the end of a year, if
there occurred an occasion for using the hempen
sash with the roots cut off, (the mourner) put on the
proper band along with the higher cincture. When
the cincture was no longer worn, he put off the band.
When it was proper to use the band, the rule was
to wear it; and when the occasion for it was over, it
was put οὔ",
11, In the mourning for five months they did not
change the cap worn for the sacrifice at the end of
a year. If there were occasion to wear the cincture,
then they employed the band proper for the mourn-
ing of three months or five months; still keeping
on the first dolychos sash. The linen of the three
months’ mourning did not make it necessary to
change the dolychos cloth of the five months; nor
the linen of the five months to change the dolychos
cloth of the nine months. Where the roots were
woven with the cloth, they made a change.
12. On occasion of mourning for a minor, if he
were of the highest grade or the middle, they
changed the dolychos cloth of the three years’
mourning, assuming it when they had completed the
months of these intervening rites. This was done
not because of the value set on the linen, but
because no change was made at the conclusion of
1 This was done in the mourning for nine months and for one
year; not in that for five months and for three.
3 That is, after the sacrifice at the end of the first year.
* This is supplementary, say the X/ien-lung editors, to para-
graph 8.
ΒΚ. XXXIIL. FU WAN. 383
the wailing. They did not observe this rule on the
death of a minor of the third or lowest grade.
13. The ruler of a state mourned for the son of
Heaven for the three years, His wife observed the
rule of a lady of her husband’s house who had gone
to her own married home in mourning for the ruler?.
14. The heir-son of a ruler did not wear mourn-
ing for the son of Heaven’.
15. A ruler acted as presiding mourner at the
mourning rites for his wife, his eldest son, and that
son’s wife.
16. The eldest son of a Great officer, by his
proper wife, wore the mourning of an ordinary officer
for the ruler, and for the ruler’s wife and eldest son.
17. When the mother of a ruler had not been the
wife (of the former ruler) ὃ, the body of the ministers
did not wear mourning (on her death), Only the
officers of the harem, the charioteer and the man-at-
arms who sat on the left, followed the example of
the ruler, wearing the same mourning as he did.
18, For a high minister or Great officer, (during
the mourning rites for him), the ruler wore in his
place the coarse glazed linen, and also when he
went out (on business not connected with the rites).
If it were on business connected with them, he wore
also the skin-cap and the band round it. Great
᾿ officers dressed in the same way for one another.
At the mourning rites for their wives, they wore the
same dress, when they were going to be present at
1 That is, for a year.
3 To avoid suspicion, say the commentators. I do not see it.
5 She must have been a concubine, or some inferior member of
the harem. Various circumstances might have concurred to lead to
her son’s succession to the state.
384 THE τῇ xt. BK. XXXII.
those rites; if they went out (on other business),
they did not wear it.
19. In all cases of going to see others, the visitor
(being in mourning for his parents) did not put off
his headband. Even when he was going to the
ruler’s court, he did not put it off; it was only at
the ruler’s gate that (in certain circumstances) he
put off-his sackcloth. The Directory of Mourning
says, ‘A superior man will not take away from
others their mourning rites ;’ and so it was deemed
wrong to put off this mourning.
20. The Directory of Mourning says, ‘Crimes
are many, but the punishments are only five. The
occasions for mourning are many, but there are
only five varieties of the mourning dress. The
occasions must be arranged, according as they are
classed in the upper grade or in the lower.’
BOOK XXXIV. ΑἹΕΝ KWAN
OR
TREATISE ON SUBSIDIARY POINTS IN MOURNING
USAGES}.
1, What is the reason that the headband worn
with the frayed sackcloth, for a father, must be made
of the fibres of the female plant ?
Those fibres have an unpleasant appearance, and
serve to show outwardly the internal distress. The
appearance of (the mourners), wearing the sackcloth
for a father with its jagged edges, corresponds to
those fibres. That of one wearing the sackcloth for
a mother with its even edges, corresponds to the
fibres of the male plant. That of one wearing the
mourning of nine months looks as if (the ebullitions
of sorrow) had ceased. For one wearing the mourn-
ing of five months or of three, his (ordinary) appear-
ance is suitable.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in the
bodily appearance 3,
2. The wailing of one wearing the sackcloth for
his father seems to go forth in one unbroken strain ;
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 48, 49.
* The 558 (ΒΕ) is commonly understood to be the female
plant of hemp, and the hsf (3) the male plant; though some
writers reverse the application of the names. The fibres of both
are dark coloured, those of the female plant being the darker.
The cloth woven of them was also of a coarser texture. All
admit that the subject here is the mourning band for the head;
the staffs borne in the two cases corresponded in colour to the band.
[28] cc
386 THE Li i. BK. XXXIV.
that of one wearing the sackcloth for a mother is now
and then broken; in the mourning of nine months,
after the first burst there are three quavers in it, and
then it seems ‘to die away; in the mourning of five
and three months, an ordinary wailing is sufficient.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in the
modulations of the voice}.
3. When wearing the sackcloth for a father, one
indicates that he hears what is said to him, but does
not reply in words; when wearing that for a mother,
he replies, but does not speak of anything else.
During the nine months’ mourning, he may speak of
other things, but not discuss them; during that for
five months or three months, he may discuss other
things, but does not show pleasure in doing so.
These are the manifestations of sorrow in speech.
4. When a mourner has assumed the sackcloth for
a father, for three days he abstains from food; for a
mother, for two days. When he has commenced the
nine months’ mourning, he abstains from three meals;
in that of five months or of three, for two. When
an ordinary officer takes part in the dressing (of a
friend’s corpse), he abstains from one meal. Hence
at the mourning rites for a father or mother, when
the coffining takes place, (the children) take gruel
made of a handful of rice in the morning, and the
same quantity in the evening. During all the rites
for a mother, they eat coarse rice and drink only
water, not touching vegetables or fruits. During the
nine months’ mourning (the mourners) do not eat
pickles or sauces; during that of five months or three,
they do not drink prepared liquor, either new or old.
1 I have read something of the same kind as this account of the
‘wailing’ in descriptions of the ‘ keening’ at an Irish wake.
ΒΚ. XXXIV. KIEN KWAN. 387
These are the manifestations of sorrow in drinking
and eating.
5. In the mourning rites for a parent, when the
sacrifice of repose has been presented, and the wailing
is at an end, (the mourners) eat coarse rice and drink
water, but do not take vegetables or fruits. At the
end of a year, when the smaller felicitous sacrifice has
been offered, they eat vegetables and fruits. After
another year, when the greater sacrifice has been
offered, they take pickles and sauces. In the month
after, the final mourning sacrifice is offered, after
which they drink the must and spirits. When they
begin to drink these, they first use the must; when
they begin to eat flesh, they first take that which has
been dried. Ὁ
6. During the mourning rites for a parent, (the son)
occupied the mourning shed, and slept on straw with
a clod for his pillow, without taking off the headband
or girdle. If they were for a mother (only, and the
father were still alive), he occupied the unplastered
chamber, (sleeping on) typha rushes with their tops
cut off, but not woven together. During the mourn-
ing for nine months, there was a mat to sleep on. In
that for five months or for three, it was allowed to
use a bedstead.
" These were the manifestations of sorrow given in
the dwelling-places.
7. At the mourning rites for a parent, after the
sacrifice of repose, and when the wailing was con-
cluded, the (inclined) posts of the shed were set up
on lintels, and the screen (of grass) was clipped, while
typha rushes, with the tops cut off, but not woven
together, (were laid down for a mat). At the end of
a year, and when the smaller felicitous sacrifice had
cc2
488 THE Lf et. BK. XXXIV.
been offered, (the son) occupied the unplastered
chamber, and had a mat to sleep on. After another
year, and when the greater felicitous sacrifice had
been offered, he returned to his old sleeping apart-
ment. Then, when the final mourning sacrifice was
offered, he used a bedstead.
8. The mourning with jagged edges was made
with 3 shang of hempen threads, each shang con-
taining 81 threads; that with even edge, with 4, 5, or
6 shang; that for the nine months’ mourning with 7,
8,or 9 shang; that for the five months, with 10, 11,
or 12 shang; that for the three months, with 15
shang less the half’. When the thread was mani-
pulated and boiled, no such operation was performed
on the woven cloth, and it was called sze (or the
material for the mourning of three months).
These were the manifestations of sorrow shown in
the fabrics of the different mournings.
9. The sackcloth with jagged edges (worn at
first) was made with 3 shang, but after the
sacrifice of repose when the wailing was over, this
was exchanged for a different fabric made with 6
shang, while the material for the cap was made
with 7 shang. The coarse sackcloth for a mother
was made with 4 shang, exchanged for a material
made with 7 shang, while the cap was made with
one of 8 shang.
When the hempen dress is put away (after the
burial), grass-cloth is worn, the sash of it being
made of triple twist. At the end of the year, and
when the first felicitous sacrifice has been offered,
(the son) puts on the cap of dyed silk proper to that
? Kd Hsf says, ‘Inexplicable!’
ΒΚ. XXXIV, KIEN KWAN. 389
sacrifice, and the red collar, still retaining the sash
and headband. A son begins at the head, and
a woman with the girdle, in putting off their
mourning. What is the reason? Because a man
considers the head the most important to him, and
a woman the waist. In laying aside the mourning,
they began with the most important; in changing
it, with what was least.
At the end of the second year, and when the
greater felicitous sacrifice had been offered, the cap
and dress of plain hempen cloth was assumed. After
the concluding sacrifice of mourning, in the next
month, the black cap and silk of black and white
were put on, and all the appendages of the girdle
were assumed.
10. Why is it that in changing the mourning they
(first) changed what was the lightest? During the
wearing of the sackcloth with jagged edges for a
father, if when, after the sacrifice of repose and the
end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the
even-edged sackcloth for a mother, that, as lighter,
was considered to be embraced in the other, and
that which was most important was retained.
After the sacrifice at the end of the year, when
there occurred occasion for the mourning rites
of nine months, both the sackcloth and grass-cloth
bands were worn.
During the wearing of the sackcloth for a
mother, when, after the sacrifice of repose and the
end of the wailing, there came occasion to wear the
mourning for nine months, the sackcloth and grass-
cloth bands were worn together.
The grass-cloth band with the jagged-edged sack-
cloth and the hempen band with the even-edged
290 THE τὶ xf. BK. XXXIV.
sackcloth were of the same value. The grass-cloth
with the even-edged sackcloth and the hempen
band of the nine months’ mourning were of the
same value. The grass-cloth with the nine months’
mourning and the hempen band with that of five
months were of the same value. The grass-cloth
with the five months’ mourning and the hempen
with that of three months were of the same value.
So they wore them together. When they did so,
that which was the lighter was changed first.
BOOK XXXV. SAN NIEN WAN
OR
QUESTIONS ABOUT THE MOURNING FOR THREE
YEARS 1.
1. What purposes do the mourning rites for three
years serve ?
The different rules for the mourning rites were
established in harmony with (men’s) feelings. By
means of them the differences in the social relations
are set forth, and the distinctions shown of kindred
as nearer or more distant, and of ranks as more
noble or less. They do not admit of being diminished
οἵ. added to; and are therefore called ‘The un-
changing rules.’
2. The greater a wound is, the longer it remains; /
and the more pain it gives, the more slowly is it
healed. The mourning of three years, being appointed
with its various forms in harmony with the feelings
(produced by the occasion of it), was intended to
mark the greatest degree of grief. The sackcloth
with jagged edges, the dark colour of the sackcloth
and the staff, the shed reared against the wall, the
gruel, the sleeping on straw, and the clod of earth
for a pillow :—these all were intended to set forth
the extremity of the grief.
3. The mourning of the three years came really
to an end with (the close of) the twenty-fifth month.
The sorrow and pain were not yet ended, and the
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 49, 50.
202 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XXXV.
longing loving thoughts were not yet forgotten ; but
in the termination of the mourning dress in this
way, was it not shown that there should be an end
to the duties rendered to the dead, and that the
time was come for the resumption of their duties to
the living ?
4. All living creatures between heaven and earth,
being endowed with blood and breath, have a certain
amount of knowledge. Possessing that amount of
knowledge, there is not one of them but knows to
love its species. Take the larger birds and beasts :—
when one of them has lost its mate, after a month
or a season, it is sure to return and go about their
old haunts. It turns round and round, utters its
cries, now moves, now stops, and looks quite em-
barrassed and uncertain in its movements, before it
can leave the place. Even the smaller birds, such
as swallows and sparrows, chatter and cry for a little
before they can leave the place. But among all
creatures that have blood and breath, there is none
which has intelligence equal to man; and hence the
feeling of man on the death of his kindred remains
unexhausted even till death.
5. Will any one follow the example of those men
who are under the influence of their depraved lusts?
In that case, when a kinsman dies in the morning,
he will forget him by the evening. But if we follow
the course of such men, we shall find that they are
not equal to the birds and beasts. How can they
live with their kindred, and not fall into all dis-
orders ?
6. Willhe rather follow the example of the superior
man who attends to all the methods by which the
feeling of grief is set forth? In that case, the
ΒΚ. XXXV. SAN NIEN WAN. 393
twenty-five months, after which the mourning of
three years comes to an end, will seem to pass as
quickly as a carriage drawn by four horses is whirled
past a crevice. And if we continue to indulge the
feeling, it will prove to be inexhaustible.
7. Therefore the ancient kings determined the
proper medium for mourning, and appointed its
definite terms. As soon as it was sufficient for the
elegant expression of the varied feeling, it was to be
laid aside.
8. This being the case, how is it that (in certain
cases the mourning lasts) only for a year? The
answer is, that in the case of the nearest kindred,
there is a break in it at the end of a year.
9. How is that? The answer is:—The inter-
action of heaven and earth has run its round; and
the four seasons have gone through their changes.
All things between heaven and earth begin their
processes anew. The rules of mourning are intended
to resemble this.
10. Then how is it that there are three years’
mourning (for a parent)? The answer is:—From the
wish to make it greater and more impressive, the
time is doubled, and so embraces two round years.
11. What about the mourning for nine months’
and the shorter periods? The answer is :—It is to
prevent such mourning from reaching (the longer
periods).
12. Therefore the three years should be consi-
dered as the highest expression of grief in mourning;
the three months and five months, as the lowest ;
while the year and the nine months are between
them. Heaven above gives an example; earth
beneath, a law; and man between, a pattern. The
394 THE τῇ gf. BK. XXXV.
harmony and unity that should characterise men
living in their kinships are hereby completely shown.
13. Thus it is that in the mourning of three years
the highest forms that vary and adorn the ways of
men are displayed. Yes, this is what is called the
richest exhibition (of human feelings).
14. In this the hundred kings (of all the dynasties)
agree, and ancient and modern customs are one and
the same. But whence it came is not known.
15. Confucius said, ‘A son, three years after his
birth, ceases to be carried in the arms of his parents.
The mourning of three years is the universal rule
of all under heaven.’
BOOK XXXVI. SHAN f
OR
THE LONG DRESS IN ONE PIECE}
1. Anciently the long dress had definite measure-
ments, so as to satisfy the requirements of the
compass and square, the line, the balance, and the
steelyard. It was not made so short as to show any
of the skin, nor so long as to touch the ground.
The outside pieces of the skirt joined, and were.
hooked together at the side; (the width of) the seam
at the waist was half that at the bottom (of the skirt).
2. The sleeve was joined to the body of the dress
at the arm-pit, so as to allow the freest movement
of the elbow-joint; the length of the lower part
admitted of the cuffs being turned back to the
elbow. The sash was put on where there were no
bones, so as not to interfere with the action of the
thighs below or of the ribs above.
3. In the making (of the garment) twelve strips
(of the cloth) were used, to correspond to the twelve
months. The sleeve was made round, as if fashioned
by a disk. The opening at the neck was square, as
if made by means of that instrument so named. The
cord-like (seam) at the back descended to the ankles,
as if it had been a straight line. The edge at the
bottom was like the steelyard of a balance, made
perfectly even.
4. In this way through the rounded sleeves the
arms could be lifted up in walking (for the pur-
pose of salutation) in the most elegant form. The
* See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, p. 50.
396 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXXVI.
cord-like seam of the back and the square-shaped
collar about the neck in front, served to admonish
(the wearer) how his government should be correct
and his righteousness on the square. It is said in
the Yi, ‘The movement indicated by the second
line in Khwi&n, divided, is “from the straight (line)
to the square’.”’ The even edge at the bottom,
like the steelyard and balance, admonished him to
keep his will at rest, and his heart even and calm.
5. These five rules being observed in the making (of
the dress), the sages wore it. In its squareness and
roundness they saw its warning against selfishness ;
in its line-like straightness they saw its admonition
to be correct, and in its balance-like evenness they
saw its lesson of impartiality. Therefore the ancient
kings attached a high value to it; it could be worn
in the discharge of both their civil and military duties;
in it they could receive visitors and regulate the
cohorts of their armies. It was complete, but not
extravagant; it ranked in the second class of good
dresses’.
6. For ornament, while his parents and grand-
parents were alive, (a son) wore the dress with its
border embroidered. If (only) his parents were
alive, the ornamental border was blue. In the case
of an orphan son3, the border was white. The border
round the mouth of the sleeves and all the edges
‘of the dress was an inch and a half wide.
1 See the symbolism of the second line of the 2nd Hexagram, and
especially the lesser symbolism in the 2nd Appendix, from which
the quotation is made ;—vol. xvi, pages 60 and 268.
2 That is, next after the court and sacrificial robes.
* Kang says that a son whose father was dead was called ‘an
orphan son’ up to thirty.
BOOK XXXVII. THAU HU
OR
THE GAME OF PITCH-POT?.
1. According to the rules for Pitch-pot, the host
carries the arrows in both his hands put together;
the superintendent of the archery carries in the
Same way the stand? on which the tallies were placed;
and an attendant holds in his hand the pot.
2. The host entreats (one of the guests), saying,
‘I have here these crooked® arrows, and this pot with
its wry? mouth; but we beg you to amuse yourself
with them.’ The guest says, ‘I have partaken, Sir,
of your excellent drink and admirable viands; allow
me to decline this further proposal for my pleasure.’
The host rejoins, ‘It is not worth the while for
you to decline these poor arrows and pot; let me
earnestly beg you to try them.’ The guest re-
peats his refusal, saying, ‘I have partaken (of your
entertainment), and you would still further have me
enjoy myself;—I venture firmly to decline.’ The
host again addresses his request in the same words,
and then the guest says, ‘I have firmly declined
what you request, but you will not allow me to
refuse ;—I venture respectfully to obey you.’
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 50, 51.
3 This was a small stand or tray, with the figure of a stag (or
some other animal, according to the rank of the party) carved in
wood and put down on it, with a tube by its side in which the
tallies were to be placed.
8. These are merely the customary terms of depreciation in which
a Chinese speaks of his own things.
298 THE Lf gt. ΒΚ. XXXVII.
The guest then bows twice, and signifies that he
will receive (the arrows). The host wheels round,
saying, ‘Let me get out of the way;’ and then at the
top of the steps on the east, he bows to the guest
and gives him the arrows. The guest wheels round,
and says, ‘Let me get out of the way?’
3. (The host) having bowed, and received the
arrows (for himself), advances to the space between
the two pillars. He then retires, and returns to his
station, motioning also to the guest to go to his mat
(for pitching from).
4. The superintendent of the archery comes for-
ward, and measures the distance of the pot (from
the mats), which should be a space of the length of
two and a half arrows. He then returns to his
Station, sets forth the stand for the tallies, and
with his face to the east, takes eight counters and
stands up. He asks the guest to pitch, saying,
‘When the arrow goes straight in, it is reckoned an
entry. If you throw a second (without waiting for
your opponent to pitch), it is not reckoned.’ The
victor gives the vanquished a cup to drink; and
when the cups of decision have been dispatched,
the superintendent begs to set up what he calls ‘a
horse’ for the victor. If he set up one horse, then
a second, and finally a third, he begs to con-
gratulate the thrower on the number of his horses.
He asks’ the host to pitch in the same way, and
with the same words. .
5. He orders the cithern-players to strike up
1 From this point to the end of the paragraph, it is very difficult
to make out from the text the sequence of proceedings between
the host and guest.
‘The pitching,’ say the K/ien-lung editors, ‘has been agreed on.’
ΒΚ. XXXVII. THAU HU. 399
‘The Fox’s Head,’ with the same interval between
(each repetition of the tune), and the director of
the music answers, ‘ Yes.’
6. When the superintendent announces to them
on the left and right that the arrows are all used up,
he requests them to pitch again. When an arrow
enters, he kneels, and puts down a counter. The
partners of the guest are on the right, and those of
the host on the left.
7. When they have done pitching, he takes up
the counters, and says, ‘They have done pitching,
both on the left and right; allow me to take the
numbers. He then takes the numbers two by two,
and leaves the single counters. After this he takes
the single counters, and gives the announcement,
saying, ‘Such and such a side has the better by so
many doubles, or naming the number of the singles.’
If they are equal, he says, ‘Left and right are equal.’
8. He then orders the cups to be filled, saying,
‘Let the cup go round, and the cup-bearer (of the
successful side) replies, ‘Yes.’ Those who have to
drink all kneel, and raising their cups with both
hands, say, ‘We receive what you give us to drink.’
The victors (also) kneel and say, ‘We beg respect-
fully to refresh you.’
9. When this cup has gone round, according to
rule, (the superintendent) asks leave to exhibit the
‘horses’ (of the victorious side). Each ‘horse’ stands
for so many counters. (He who has only) one ‘horse’
gives it to him who has two, to congratulate him (on
his superiority). The usage in congratulating (the
most successful) is to say, ‘ Your three “horses” are
all here; allow me to congratulate you on their
number. The guests and host all express their
400 THE Li xt. BK. XXXVII.
assent. The customary cup goes round, and the
superintendent asks leave to remove the ‘ horses.’
10. The number of the counters varies according
to the place in which they kneel (when playing the
game). (Each round is with 4 arrows.) (If the game
be in) the chamber, there are 5 sets of these; if in
the hall, 7; if in the courtyard, 9. The counters are
1 cubit 2 inches long. The neck of the pot is 7 inches
long; its belly, 5; and its mouth is 2} inches in
diameter. It contains a peck and 5 pints. It is filled
with small beans, to prevent the arrows from leaping
out. It is distant from the mats of the players, the
length of 24 arrows. The arrows are made of
mulberry wood, or from the zizyphus, without the
bark being removed.
11. In La, the young people (taking part in the
game) were admonished in these words, ‘ Do not be
rude; do not be haughty; do not stand awry; do
not talk about irrelevant matters ; for those who stand
awry, or speak about irrelevant matters, there is the
regular (penal) cap.’ A similar admonition in Hsieh
was to this effect:—‘ Do not be rude; do not be
haughty; do not stand awry; do not speak about
irrelevant matters. Those who do any of these things
must pay the penalty.’
12. The superintendent of the archery, the over-
seer of the courtyard, and the capped officers who
stood by, all belonged to the party of the guest. The
musicians and the boys who acted as attendants, all
belonged to the party of the host.
13. There follows after this what appears to be a repre-
sentation of the progress of a game by means of small circles
and squares. The circles indicating blows on a small drum
ΒΚ. XXXVII. THAU εὖ. 401
called phi, and the squares, blows on the larger drum
(kQ) ;—according, we may suppose, to certain events in the
game. The ‘drum’ marks are followed by what are called
‘halves’ or semis. The representation is :—
Semis. Drums.
Then follows the representation of a game in Lf :—
Semis. Lf drums.
oO O ono 0 0 0
oO oO O oo Qa 0
o oO Oo oOo 0OdQ0 0
O O Oo oa 0 0
There is then a remark that in the Hsieh drums the semi
marks were used for the game of pitch-pot, and all the
marks for the archery game; and then we have :—
Semis. Hsieh drums. Semis. Lf drums.
ΠΟ
[28] pd
v
BOOK XXXVIII. ZU HSING
OR
THE CONDUCT OF THE SCHOLAR’.
1. Duke Ai of La asked Confucius, saying, ‘Is
not the dress, Master, which you wear that of the
scholar??’ Confucius replied, ‘When I was little,
I lived in Ld, and wore the garment with large
sleeves; when I was grown up, I lived in Sung, and
was then capped with the £ang-ft cap*. I have
heard that the studies of the scholar are extensive,
but his dress is that of the state from which he
sprang. I do not know any dress of the scholar.’
2. The duke said, ‘Allow me to ask what is the
-conduct of the scholar.’ Confucius replied, ‘If I
were to enumerate the points in it summarily,
I could not touch upon them all; if I were to go
into details on each, it would take a long time. You
would have changed all your attendants-in-waiting
before I had concluded‘. The duke ordered a mat
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 51, 52.
3 Callery renders ZQ here by ‘le Philosophe.’ Evidently there
was in Confucius’ time a class of men, thus denominated, dis-
tinguished by their learning and conduct. The name first occurs
in the Α(ἄὰ Li. It is now used for the literati of China, the
followers of Confucius, in distinction from TAoists and Buddhists,
* See vol. xxvii, page 438, paragraph 3. Confucius’ ancestors
belonged to the state of Sung, the representative of the ancient
Yin.
“ It was the custom for a ruler to change his attendants-in-
waiting, so as not to overtire any.
ΒΚ. XXXVIII. Ζὺ HSING. 403
to be placed for him, and Confucius took his place
by his side.
3. He then said, ‘The scholar has a precious gem
placed upon its mat, with which he is waiting to
receive an invitation (from some ruler); early and
late he studies with energy, waiting to be questioned.
He carries in his bosom leal-heartedness and good
faith, waiting to be raised (to office); he is vigorous in
all his doings, waiting to be chosen(to employment) :—
so does he establish his character and prepare himself
(for the future).
4. ‘The scholar’s garments and cap are all fitting
and becoming; he is careful in his undertakings and
doings: in declining great compliments he might
seem to be rude, and in regard to small compliments,
hypocritical ; in great matters he has an air of dignity,
and in small matters, of modesty; he seems to have
a difficulty in advancing, but retires with ease and
readiness ; and he has a shrinking appearance, as
if wanting in power:—such is he in his external
appearance.
5. ‘ The scholar, wherever he resides, ordinarily or
only for a time, is grave as if he were apprehensive
of difficulties; when seated or on foot, he is courteous
and respectful ; in speaking, his object is, first of all,
to be sincere; in acting, he wishes to be exact and
correct; on the road, he does not strive about the
most difficult or easiest places; in winter and
summer, he does not strive about the temperature,
the light and shade ; he guards against death that he
may be in waiting (for whatever he may be called
to); he attends well to his person that he may be
1 Compare Analects IX,12. The gem is the scholar’s virtue,—
his character and capacities.
pd2
404 THE Li xi. ΒΚ. XXXVIII.
ready for action:—such are his preparations and
precaution: for the future.
6, ‘The scholar. does not consider gold and jade
to be precious treasures, but leal-heartedness and
good faith ; he does not desire lands and territory,
but considers the establishment of righteousness as
his domain; he does not desire a great accumulation
of wealth, but looks on many accomplishments as
his riches ; it is difficult to win him, but easy to pay
him ; itis easy to pay him, but difficult to retain him.
As he will not show himself when the time is not
proper for him to do so, is it not difficult to win him ?
As he will have no fellowship with what is not
righteous, is it not difficult to retain him? As he
must first do the work, and then take the pay, is it
not easy to pay him?—such are the conditions of his
close association with others.
7. ‘Though there may be offered to the scholar
’ valuable articles and wealth, and though it be tried
to enervate him with delights and pleasures, he sees
those advantages without doing anything contrary to
his sense of righteousness; though a multitude may
attempt to force him (from his standpoint), and his
way be stopped by force of arms, he will look death
in the face without changing the principles (which)
he maintains ; (he would face) birds and beasts of
prey with their talons and wings, without regard to
their fierceness; he would undertake to raise the
heaviest tripod, without regard to his strength; he
has no occasion to regret what he has done in the
past, nor to make preparations for what may come
to him in the future; he does not repeat any error
of speech; any rumours against ‘him he does not
pursue up to their source; he does not allow his
ΒΚ. XXXVIII. Ζῦ HSING. ᾿ ς 405
dignity to be interrupted; he does not dread to
practise (beforehand) the counsels (which he gives):—
such are the things in which he stands out and
apart from other men.
8. {With the scholar friendly relations may be
cultivated, but no attempt must be made to constrain
him ; near association with him can be sought, but
cannot be forced on him; he may be killed, but he
cannot be disgraced ifin this dwelling he will not be
extravagant ; in his eating and drinking he will not
be luxurious ; he may be gently admonished of his
errors and failings, but he should not have them
enumerated to him to his face :—such is his boldness
and determination.
9. ‘The scholar considers leal-heartedness and V~ |
good faith to be his coat-of-mail and helmet; pro-
priety and righteousness to be his shield and
buckler ; he walks along, bearing aloft over his head
benevolence; he dwells, holding righteousness in his
arms before him ; the government may be violently
oppressive, but he does not change his course :—
such is the way in which he maintains himself.
_ 10. ‘The scholar may have a house in (only)
a mAu of ground,—a (poor) dwelling each of whose
(surrounding) walls is (only) ten paces long, with an
outer door of thorns and bamboos, and openings in
the wall, long and pointed; within, the inner door
stopped up by brushwood, and little round windows
like the mouth of a jar?; the inmates may have to
1 This is a picture of squalid poverty, in which it is not easy to
- understand all the details without a discussion of the force of the
Chinese characters, on which it is impossible to enter here. With all
the discussion which they have received from the critics, there are
still difficulties in interpreting the paragraph,
406 THE Li xf." ΒΚ. XXXVILI.
exchange garments when they go out; they may
have to make one day’s food serve for two days; if
the ruler respond to him, he does not dare to have
any hesitation (in accepting office); if he do not
respond, he does not have recourse to flattery :—
such is he in the matter of taking office, (however
small).
11. ‘The scholar lives and has his associations
with men of the present day, but the men of an-
tiquity are the subjects of his study. Following
their (principles and example) in the present age, he
will become a pattern in future ages. If it should
be that his own age does not understand and en-
courage him, that those above him do not bring him,
and those below him do not push him, forward, or
even that calumniators and flatterers band together
to put him in danger, his person may be placed in
peril, but his aim cannot be taken from him. Though
danger may threaten him in his undertakings and
wherever he is, he will still pursue his aim, and
never forget the afflictions of the people, (which he
would relieve):—such is the anxiety which he
cherishes.
_. 12, ‘The scholar learns extensively, but never
allows his researches to come to an end; he does
what he does with all his might, but is never weary;
he may be living unnoticed, but does not give way to
licentiousness ; he may be having free course in his
acknowledged position, but is not hampered (by it) ;
in his practice of ceremonial usages he shows the
value which he sets on a natural ease; in the excel-
lence of his leal-heartedness and good faith, he acts
under the law of a benignant playfulness ; he shows
his fond regard for men of virtue and ability, and yet
ΒΚ. XXXVIII, z0 HSING. 407
is forbearing and kind to all; he (is like a potter who)
breaks his square (mould), and his tiles are found
to fit together :—such is the largeness and generosity
of his spirit.
_ 13. ‘The scholar recommends members of his
own family (to public employment), without shrinking
from doing so, because of their kinship, and pro-
poses others beyond it, without regard to their being
at enmity with him ; he estimates men’s merits, and
takes into consideration all their services, selecting
those of virtue and ability, and putting them for-
ward, without expecting any recompense from them ;
the ruler thus gets what he wishes, and if benefit
results to the state, the scholar does not seek riches
or honours for himself :—such is he in promoting
the employment of the worthy and bringing forward
the able.
14. ‘The scholar when he hears what is good,
tells it to (his friends), and when he sees what is
good, shows it to them; in the view of rank
and position, he gives the precedence to them over
himself; if they encounter calamities and hardships,
he is prepared to die with them; if they are long
(in getting advancement), he waits for them; if they
are far off, he brings them together with himself :—
such is he in the employment and promotion of his
friends.
15. ‘ The scholar keeps his person free from stain,
and continually bathes (and refreshes) his virtue; he
sets forth what he has to say (to his superior by way of
admonition), but remains himself in the back-ground,
trying thus quietly to correct him; if his superior
do not acknowledge (his advice), he more proudly
and clearly makes his views known, but still does
408 THE Lf xt. BK, XXX VIII.
not press them urgently ; he does not go among those
who are low to make himself out to be high, nor
place himself among those who have little (wisdom)
to make himself out to have much; in a time of
good government, he does not think little (of what
he himself can do); in a time of disorder, he does
not allow his course to be obstructed ; he does not
(hastily) agree with those who think like himself,
nor condemn those who think differently :—so does
he stand out alone among others and take his own
solitary course.
16. ‘ The scholar sometimes will not take the high
office of being a minister of the son of Heaven, nor
the lower office of serving the prince of a state; he
is watchful over himself in his retirement, and
values a generous enlargement of mind, while at the
same time he is bold and resolute in his intercourse
with others; he learns extensively that he may
know whatever should be done; he makes himself
acquainted with elegant accomplishments, and thus
smoothes and polishes all his corners and angles;
although the offer were made to share a state with
him, it would be no more to him than the small
weights of a balance; he will not take a ministry,
he will not take an office :—such are the rules and
conduct he prescribes to himself.
17. ‘ The scholar has those with whom he agrees
in aim, and pursues the same objects, with whom he
cultivates the same course, and that by the same
methods; when they stand on the same level with
him, he rejoices in them; if their standing be below
his, he does not tire of them; if for long he has
not seen them, and hears rumours to their prejudice,
he does not believe them; his actions are rooted in
ΒΚ. XXXVIII, Ζῦ HSING. 409
correctness, and his standing is in what is right’; if
they proceed in the same direction with him, he
goes forward with them, if not in the same direction,
he withdraws from them :—so is he in his inter-
course with his friends.
18. ‘Gentleness and goodness are the roots of
humanity ; respect and attention are the ground on
which it stands; generosity and large-mindedness
are the manifestation of it; humility and courtesy
are the ability of it; the rules of ceremony are the
demonstration of it; speech is the ornament of it ;
singing and music are the harmony of it; sharing
and distribution are the giving of it. The scholar
possesses all these qualities in union and has them,
and still he will not venture to claim ἃ perfect
humanity on account of them :—such is the honour
(he feels for its ideal), and the humility (with which)
he declines it (for himself).
19. ‘The scholar is not cast down, or cut from
his root, by poverty and mean condition; he is not
elated or exhausted by riches and noble condition ;
he feels no disgrace that rulers and kings (may try
to inflict); he is above the bonds that elders and
superiors (may try to impose) ; and superior officers
cannot distress him. Hence he is styled a scholar.
Those to whom the multitude now-a-days give that
name have no title to it, and they constantly employ
it to one another as a term of reproach.’
When Confucius came (from his wanderings to
1.) to his own house, duke Ai gave him a (public)
lodging. When the duke heard these words, he
became more sincere in his speech, and more
11 suspect there is here some error in the text.
410 THE τὴ xi. ΒΚ. XXXVIII.
righteous in his conduct. He said, ‘To the end of
my days I will not presume to make a. jest of the
name of scholar?.’
1 It is doubtful whether any of this paragraph should be ascribed
to Confucius, even in the sense in which we receive the preceding
paragraphs as from him. Evidently the latter half of it is a note
by the compiler to show the effect which the long discourse had on
duke Ai,
BOOK ΧΧΧΙΧ. TA HSIO
OR
THE GREAT LEARNING’.
1. What the Great Learning teaches, is to illus-
trate illustrious virtue; to love the people?; and
to rest in the highest excellence.
The point where to rest being known, the object
of pursuit is then determined; and, that being
determined, a calm unperturbedness may be at-
tained to. To that calmness there will succeed a
tranquil repose. In that repose there will be careful
deliberation, and that deliberation will be followed
by the attainment (of the desired end).
Things have their root and their branches; affairs
have their end and their beginning. To know what
is first and what is last will lead near to what is
taught (in the Great Learning).
2. The ancients who wished’ to illustrate illus-
trious virtue throughout the kingdom, first ordered
well their states. Wishing to order well their
states, they first regulated their families. Wishing
to regulate their families, they first cultivated their
persons. Wishing to cultivate their persons, they
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 53, 54-
3 The text of the TA Hsio, since the labours of KG Hst upon it,
reads here—‘to renovate,’ instead of ‘to love,’ the people. A
adopted the alteration from Po-shun, called also Ming-t4o, one of his
‘masters, the two brothers Xh&ng ; but there is really no authority
for it.
412 THE Lf xt. ΒΚ. XXXIX.
first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their
hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their
thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts,
they first extended to the utmost their knowledge.
3. The extension of knowledge is by the investi-
gation of things ',
4. Things being investigated, their knowledge
became complete. Their knowledge being com-
plete, their thoughts were sincere. Their thoughts
being sincere, their hearts were then rectified.
Their hearts being rectified, their persons were
cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their .
families were regulated. Their families being regu-
lated, their states were rightly governed. Their
states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom
was made tranquil and happy.
From the son of Heaven down to the multitudes
of the people, all considered the cultivation of the
person to be the root (of everything besides). It
cannot be, when the root is neglected, that what
should spring from it will be well ordered. It never
has been the case that what was of great importance
has been slightly cared for, and at the same time
what was of slight imporiancs 4 has been greatly
cared for 3,
? There is great difficulty in determining the meaning of this
short sentence. What Xang and Khung Ying-té say on it is
unsatisfactory. ΑΚ introduces a long paragraph explaining it from
his master K/ASng ;—see Chinese Classics, vol. i, pp. 229, 239.
3 Here ends the first chapter of the Book according to the
arrangement of XQ Hsi. He says that it is ‘the words of Con-
fucius, handed down by S4ng-jze,’ all the rest being the com-
mentary of 3&ng-3ze, recorded by his disciples. The sentiments
in this chapter are not unworthy of Confucius ; but there is no
ΒΚ. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 413
This is called ‘knowing the root,’ this is called
‘the perfection of knowledge.’
5. What is called ‘making the thoughts sincere’
is the allowing no self-deception ;—as when we hate
a bad smell and love what is beautiful, naturally
and without constraint. Therefore the superior man
must be watchful over himself when he is alone.
There is no evil to which the small man, dwelling
retired, will not proceed; but when he sees a
superior man, he tries to disguise himself, conceal-
ing his evil, and displaying what is good. The
_ other beholds him as if he saw his heart and reins ;—
of what use (is his disguise)? This is an instance
of the saying, ‘What truly is within will be mani-
fested without.’ Therefore the superior man must
be watchful over himself when he is alone.
6. 34ng-yze said, ‘What ten eyes behold, what
ten hands point to, is to be regarded with reverence’.
(As) riches adorn a house, so virtue adorns the
person. When the mind becomes enlarged, the
body appears at ease. Therefore the superior man
is sure to make his thoughts sincere.
7. It is said in the Book of Poetry (I, v, ode 1, 1),
‘How rich the clumps of green bamboo,
Around each cove of KAt!
evidence that they really proceeded from him, nor of the other
assertions of Af. See what is said on the subject in the intro-
ductory notice.
1 This saying is from 34ng-3ze; but standing as it does alone
and apart, it gives no sanction to the view that the first chapter was
handed down by him, or the rest of the Book compiled by his
disciples. Rather, the contrary. ‘The ten eyes and ten hands,’
says Lo Kung-fan, ‘ indicate all the spirits who know men’s inmost
solitary thoughts.’
414 THE Lf xt. BK. XXXIX.
They lead my thoughts to our duke Wa ;—
Of winning grace is he!
As knife and file make smooth the bone,
As jade by chisel wrought and stone,
Is stamp upon him set.
Grave and of dignity serene;
With force of will as plainly seen;
Accomplished, elegant in mien;
Him we can ne'er forget.’
(That expression), ‘as knife and file make smooth
the bone,’ indicates the effect of learning. ‘Like
jade by chisel wrought and stone’ indicates that of
self-culture. ‘Grave and of dignity serene’ indicates
the feeling of cautious reverence. ‘With force of
will as plainly seen’ indicates an awe-inspiring
deportment. (The lines),
‘Accomplished, elegant in mien,
Him can we ne'er forget,’
indicate how when virtue is complete, and excellence
extreme, the people cannot forget them.
8. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, i, ode 4),
‘The former kings in mind still bear,
What glory can with theirs compare?’
Superior men deem worthy whom they deemed
worthy, and love whom they loved. The inferior
people delight in what they delighted in, and are
benefited by their beneficial arrangements. It is
on this account that the former kings, after they
have quitted the world, are not forgotten.
9. It is said in the Announcement to the Prince
of Khang (Sh4, V, ix, 3),
‘ He was able to make his virtue illustrious.’
It is said in the Thai Ai4, ‘He kept his eye
ΒΚ. XXXIX. TA HSIO. 415
continually on the bright requirements of Heaven’
(Sha, ITI, v, sect. 1, 2).
It is said in the Canon of the Ti (Y4o), ‘He was
able to make illustrious his lofty virtue’ (Shd, I, 2).
These (passages) all show how (those sovereigns)
made themselves illustrious.
10. On the bathing-tub of Thang’, the following
words were engraved, ‘If you can one day renovate
yourself, do so from day to day. Yea, daily renovate
yourself.’
In the Announcement to the Prince of Khang it
is said, ‘Stir up the new people’ (Sha, V, ix, 7).
In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 1),
‘The state of K4u had long been known;
Heaven's will as new at last was shown.’
Therefore the superior man in everything uses his
utmost endeavours 3,
11. It is said in the Book of Poetry (IV, iii, 3),
‘A thousand It extends the king’s domain,
And there the people to repose are fain.’
And in another place (11, viii, 1),
‘Twitters fast the oriole
Where yonder bends the mound,
The happy little creature
Its resting-place has found.’
The Master said, ‘ Yes, it rests; it knows where
1 A fact not elsewhere noted. But such inscriptions are still
common in China.
3 The repeated use of ‘new,’ ‘renovated,’ in this paragraph, is
thought to justify the change of ‘loving the people,’ in paragraph 1,
to ‘renovating the people ;’ but the object of the renovating here
is not the people.
416 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XXXIX.
to rest. Can one be a man, and yet not equal (in
this respect) to this bird ?’
12, It is said in the Book of Poetry (III, i, 1, 4),
‘Deep were WAn’s thoughts, sustained his ways;
And reverent in each resting-place.’
As a ruler, he rested in benevolence; as a
minister, he rested in respect; as a son, he rested
in filial piety; as a father, he rested in kindness ;
in intercourse with his subjects, he rested in good
faith.
13. The Master said, ‘In hearing litigations, I am
like any other body.’ What is necessary is to cause
the people to have no litigations, so that those who
are devoid of truth shall find it impossible to carry
out their speeches, and a great awe be struck into
the minds of the people.
14. This is called ‘ knowing the root?’
15. What is meant by ‘The cultivation of the
person depends on the rectifying of the mind’ (may
be thus illustrated) :—If a man be under the in-
fluence of anger, his conduct will not be correct.
The same will be the case, if he be under the
influence of terror, or of fond regard, or of sorrow
and distress. When the mind is not present, we
look and do not see; we hear and do not under-
stand ; we eat and do not know the taste of what
we eat. This is what is meant by saying that ‘the
cultivation of the person depends on the rectifying
of the mind.’
16. What is meant by ‘The regulation of the
family depends on the cultivation of the person’
1 It is certainly difficult to see how paragraphs 13, 14 stand where
they do. Lo Xung-fan omits them.
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙΧ. TA HSIo. 417
is this :—Men are partial where they feel affection
and love; partial where they despise and dislike;
partial where they stand in awe and with a feeling
of respect ; partial where they feel sorrow and com-
passion; partial where they are arrogant and rude.
Thus it is that there are few men in the world who
love and at the same time know the bad qualities
(of the object of their love), or who hate and yet
know the good qualities (of the object of their
hatred). Hence it is said, in the common adage,
‘A man does not know the badness of his son; he
does not know the richness of his growing corn.’
This is what is meant by saying, that ‘if his person
be not cultivated, a man cannot regulate his family.’
17. What is meant by ‘In order to govern well
his state, it is necessary first to regulate his family’
is this:—It is not possible for one to teach others
while he cannot teach his own family. Therefore
the superior man (who governs a state), without
going beyond his family, completes the lessons for
his state. There is filial piety ;—it has its applica-
tion in the service of the ruler. There is brotherly
obedience ;—it has its application in the service of
elders. There is kindly gentleness;—it has its ap-
plication in the employment of the multitudes. It
is said in the Announcement to the Prince of
Khang (Sha, V, ix, 9), ‘(Deal with the people),
as if you were watching over an infant. If (a
mother) be really anxious about it, though she may
not hit (exactly the wants of her infant), she will not
be far from doing so. There never has been (a
girl) who learned (first) to bring up an infant that
she might afterwards be married.
18. From the loving (example) of one family,
[28] Ee
418 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XXXIX,
a whole state may become loving, and from its
courtesies, courteous, while from the ambition and
perverseness of the One man, the whole state may be
thrown into rebellious disorder ;—such is the nature
of the influence. This is in accordance with the
saying, ‘Affairs may be ruined by a single sentence ;
a state may be settled by its One man.’
19. Y4o and Shun presided over the kingdom
with benevolence, and the people followed them.
Kieh and ‘4u did so with violence, and the people
followed them. When the orders of a ruler are
contrary to what he himself loves to practise the
people do not follow him.
20. Therefore the ruler must have in himself the
(good) qualities, and then he may require them in
others ; if they are not in himself, he cannot require
them in others. Never has there been a man who,
not having reference to his own character and wishes
in dealing with others, was able effectually to
instruct them. Thus we see how ‘the government
of the state depends on the regulation of the family.’
21. In the Book of Poetry it is said (I, i, 6, 3),
‘Graceful and young the peach-tree stands,
Its foliage clustering green and full.
This bride to her new home repairs;
Her household will attest her rule.’
Let the household be rightly ordered, and then the
people of the state may be taught.
In another ode it is said (II, ii, 9, 3),
‘In concord with their brothers may they dwell!’
Let rulers dwell in concord with all their brethren,
and then they may teach the people of their states,
In a third ode it is said (I, xiv, 3, 3),
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙΧ. TA HSIO. 419
‘His movements without fault or flaw beget
Good order for his rule throughout the state.’
When the ruler as a father, a son, an elder brother
or a younger, is a model for imitation, then the
people imitate him. These (passages) show how
‘the government of a state depends on the regu-
lation of the family.’
22. What is meant by ‘The making the whole
kingdom peaceful and happy depends on the govern-
ment of its states’ is this:—-When the superiors
behave to their aged as the aged should be behaved
to, the people become filial; when they behave to
their elders as elders should be behaved to, the
people learn brotherly submission ; when they treat
compassionately the young and helpless, the people
do the same. Thus the superior man has a principle
with which, as with a measuring square, to regulate
his course.
23. What a man dislikes in his superiors, let him
not display in his treatment of his inferiors; and what
he dislikes in his inferiors, let him not display in
his service of his superiors: what he dislikes in
those who are before him, let him not therewith
precede those who are behind him; and what he
dislikes in those who are behind him, let him not
therewith follow those who are before him: what he
dislikes to receive on the right, let him not bestow
on the left ; and what he dislikes to receive on the
left, let him not bestow on the right :—this is what
is called ‘The Principle with which, as with a
measuring square, to regulate one’s course.’
24. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, ii, 7, 3),
‘To be rejoiced in are these noble men,
The parents of the people!’
Ee€2
420 THE Lf xf. BK. XXXIX,
When (a ruler) loves what the people love, and
hates what the people hate, then is he what is called
‘The Parent of the People.’
25. In the Book of Poetry it is said (II, iv, 7, 1),
‘That southern hill, sublime, uprears its craggy
height ;
Such thou, Grand-master Yin, before the nation’s
sight!’
Rulers of states should not neglect to be careful.
If they deviate (to a selfish regard only for them-
selves), they will be counted a disgrace throughout
the kingdom.
26. In the Book of Poetry it is said (III, i, 1, 6),
‘Ere Shang had lost the nation’s heart,
Its monarchs all with God had part
In sacrifice. From them we see
Tis hard to keep High Heaven's decree.’
This shows that by gaining the people, the state is
gained ; and by losing the people, the state is lost.
Therefore the ruler should first be careful about
his (own) virtue. Possessing virtue will give him
the people. Possessing the people will give him the
territory. Possessing the territory will give him its
wealth. Possessing the wealth, he will have re-
sources for expenditure.
Virtue is the root ; wealth is the branches. If he
make the root his secondary object, and the branches
his primary object, he will only quarrel with the
people, and teach them rapine. Hence the accu-
mulation of wealth is the way to scatter the people,
and the distribution of his wealth is the way to
collect the people. Hence (also), when his words
go forth contrary to right, they will come back to
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙΧ. TA HSIO. 421
him in the same way, and wealth got by improper
ways will take its departure by the same.
27. It issaid in the Announcement to the Prince of
Khang (Shad, V, ix, 2, 3), ‘The decree (of Heaven)
is not necessarily perpetual.’ That is, goodness
obtains the decree, and the want of goodness
loses it.
- 28. In a Book of Kd it is said!, ‘The state of
Kht does not consider (such a toy) to be precious.
Its good men are what it considers to be precious.’
29. Fan, the maternal uncle (of duke W4n of 3in),
said,‘ A fugitive (like you) should not account (that)
to be precious. What he should consider precious
is the affection due (even) to his (deceased) parent?’
30. It is said in the Speech of (duke Μὰ of) Ain
(Sha, V, xxx, 6, 7), ‘Let me have but one minister,
plain and sincere, not possessed of other abilities,
but with a simple, upright, and at the same time
a generous, mind, regarding the talents of others
as if they were his own; and when he finds accom-
plished and perspicacious men, loving them in his
heart more than his mouth expresses, and really
showing himself able to bear them (and employ
them),—such a minister will be able to preserve my
sons and grandsons, and other benefits (to the state)
may well be expected from him. But if (it be his
character), when he finds men of ability, to be
1 The narratives about XAf, Section II, Article 5, in the ‘ Nar-
ratives of the States.’ The exact characters of the text are not
found in the article, but they might easily arise from what we do
find. An officer of 3in is asking Wang-sun Wei, an envoy from
Kh, about a famous girdle of that state. The envoy calls it a
toy, and gives this answer.
3. See vol. xxvii, page 165, paragraph 19.
422 THE xf xf. BK. XXXIX.
jealous of them and hate them; and, when he
finds accomplished and perspicacious men, to oppose
them, and not allow their advancement, showing
himself really not able to bear them,—such a man
will not be able to protect my sons and grandsons,
and black-haired people ; and may he not also be
pronounced dangerous (to the state) ?’
31. It is only the truly virtuous man that can
send away such a man and banish him, driving him
out among the barbarous tribes around, determined
not to dwell with him in the Middle states. This is
in accordance with the saying, ‘It is only the truly
virtuous man who can love others or can hate
others.’
32. To see men of worth, and not be able to
raise them to office ; to raise them to office, but not
to do so quickly :—this is treating them with dis-
respect. To see bad men, and not to be able to
remove them; to remove them, but not to do so to
a distance :—this is weakness.
33. To love those whom men hate, and to hate
those whom men love:—this is to outrage the
natural feeling of men. Calamities are sure to come
on him who does so.
34. Thus we see that the ruler has a great course
to pursue. He must show entire self-devotion and
sincerity to succeed, and by pride and extravagance
he will fail.
35. There is a great course (also) for the produc-
tion of wealth. Let the producers be many, and the
consumers few. Let there be activity in the pro-
duction, and economy in the expenditure. Then
the wealth will always be sufficient.
36. The virtuous (ruler) uses his wealth so as to
ΒΚ. ΧΧΧΙΧ. TA HSIO. 423
make himself more distinguished. The vicious
ruler will accumulate wealth, even though it cost
him his life.
37. Never has there been a case of the superior
loving benevolence, and his inferiors not loving
righteousness. Never has there been a case where
(his inferiors) loved righteousness, and the business
(of the superior) has not reached a happy issue.
Never has there been a case where the wealth
accumulated in the treasuries and arsenals (of such
a ruler and people) did not continue to be his,
38. Mang Hsien-jze? said, ‘He who keeps his
team of horses? does not look after fowls and pigs.
The family which has its stores of ice* does not
keep cattle or sheep. The house which possesses
a hundred chariots‘ should not keep a grasping
minister to gather up all the taxes for it. Than
have such a minister, it would be better to have one
who would rob it of its revenues.’ This is in
accordance with the saying, ‘In a state gain should
not be considered prosperity; its prosperity lies in
righteousness.’
39. When he who presides over a state or a
family makes his revenues his chief business, he
must be under the influence of some small man.
He may consider him to be good; but when such a
person is employed in the administration of a state
1 The worthy minister of LQ, mentioned in vol. xxvii, p. 154, et al.
His name was Xung-sun Mieh. Hsien was his posthumous title.
* An officer who has just attained to be a Great officer, and
received from the ruler the carriage of distinction.
* To be used in sacrificing; but, we may suppose, for other
uses as well.
* A dignitary, possessing an appanage.
424 THE τὶ xi. ΒΚ. XXXIX.
or family, calamities and injuries will befal it to-
gether; and though a good man (may take his
place), he will not be able to remedy the evil. This
illustrates (again) the saying, ‘In a state gain should
not be considered prosperity ; its prosperity should
be sought in righteousness.’
BOOK XL. KWAN if
‘OR
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF CAPPING’.
1. Generally speaking, that which makes man
man is the meaning of his ceremonial usages. The
first indications of that meaning appear in the correct
arrangement of the bodily carriage, the harmonious
adjustment of the countenance, and in the natural
ordering of the speech. When the bodily carriage is
well arranged, the countenance harmoniously ad-
justed, and speech naturally ordered, the meaning of
the ceremonial usages becomes complete, and serves
to render correct the relation between ruler and
subject, to give expression to the affection between
father and son, and to establish harmony between
seniors and juniors. When the relation between
ruler and subject is made correct, affection secured
between father and son, and harmonyshown between
seniors and juniors, then the meaning of those usages
is established. Hence after the capping has taken
place, provision is made for every other article of
dress. With the complete provision of the dress,
the bodily carriage becomes (fully) correct, the
harmonious expression of the countenance is made
perfect, and the speech is all conformed to its
purposes. \Hence it is said that in capping we have
the first indications of (the meaning of the) cere-
monial usages. It was on this account that the sage
‘1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 54, 55.
426 THE Lf xt. BK. XL.
kings of antiquity made so much as they did of the
capping.
2, Anciently, when about to proceed to the
ceremony of capping, they divined for the day by
_ the stalks, and also for the guests (who should be
present). In this way did they manifest the value
which they attached to capping. Attaching such a
value to it, they made the ceremony very important.
They made the ceremony so important, showing
how they considered it to lie at the foundation of
the state’s (prosperity).
3. Hence (also) the capping took place at the top
of the eastern steps, (appropriate to the use of the
Master) ;—to show that the son would (in due time)
take his place. (The father) handed him a (special)
cup in the guests’ place. Three caps were used in
the ceremony, each successive one more honourable,
and giving the more importance to his coming of
age. When the capping was over, he received the
name of his maturity. So was it shown that he was
now a full-grown man}_
4. He presented himself before his mother, and
his mother bowed to him; he did the same before
his brothers and cousins, and they bowed to him :—
he was a man grown, and so they exchanged
courtesies with him. In the dark-coloured cap,
and the dark-coloured square-cut robes, he put
down his gift of introduction before the ruler, and
then proceeded with the proper gifts to present him-
self to the high ministers and Great officers, and to
the old gentlemen of the country :—appearing before
them as a man grown. |
' Compare paragraph 2 on pages 437, 438, vol. xxvii,
ΒΚ. XL. KWAN f, 427
5 Treating him (now) as a grown-up man, they
would require from him all the observances of a
full-grown man.’ Doing so, they would require from
him the performance of all the duties of a son, a
younger brother, a subject, and a junior, But when
these four duties or services were required from him,
was it not right that the ceremony by which he
was placed in such a position should be considered
important ?
6.( Thus when the discharge of filial and fraternal
duties, of loyal service, and of deferential submission
was established, he could indeed be regarded as a
(full-grown) man. When he could be regarded as
such, he could be employed to govern other men. :
It was on this account that the sage kings attached
such an importance to the ceremony, and therefore
it was said, that in capping we have the introduction
to all the ceremonial usages, and that it is the most
important of the festive services.
Therefore the ancients considered the capping as
so important. Considering it so important, they
performed it in the ancestral temple. They did so,
to do honour to so important a service. Feeling
that it was to be honoured so, they did not dare to
take the responsibility of its performance on them-
selves. Not daring themselves to take the respon-
sibility of it, they therefore humbled themselves, and
gave honour in doing so to their forefathers,
BOOK ΧΙ]. HWAN If
OR
THE MEANING OF THE MARRIAGE CEREMONY'.
\Y 4. The ceremony of marriage was intended to be
a bond of love between two (families of different)
surnames, with a view, in its retrospective character,
to secure the services in the ancestral temple, and in
its prospective character, to secure the continuance
of the family line. . Therefore the superior men,
(the ancient rulers); set a great value upon it.
Hence, in regard to the various (introductory) cere-
monies,—the proposal with its accompanying gift? ;
the inquiries about the (lady's) name ; the intimation
of the approving divination’; the receiving the
special offerings *; and the request to fix the day>:—
these all were received by the principal party (on the
lady’s side), as he rested on his mat or leaning-stool
in the ancestral temple. (When they arrived), he
met the messenger, and greeted him outside the
gate, giving place to him as he entered, after which
they ascended to the hall. Thus were the instruc-
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 55.
3. This gift was always a goose; into the reasons for which it is
not necessary to enter.
* The gentleman’s family had divined on the proposal.
4 These were various.
δ᾽ The lady’s family fixed this. The first proposal was made,
and perhaps those which followed also, by that important functionary
in Chinese life, ‘the go-between,’ or a friend acting in that capacity.
ΒΚ. XLI. HWAN ἢ, 429
tions received in the ancestral temple?, and in this
way was the ceremony respected, and watched over,
while its importance was exhibited and care taken
that all its details should be correct.
2, The father gave himself the special cup ? to his
son, and ordered him to go and meet the bride; it
being proper that the male should take the first step
(in all the arrangements). The son, having received
the order, proceeded to meet his bride. Her father,
who had been resting on his mat and leaning-stool
in the temple, met him outside the gate and received
him with a bow, and then the son-in-law entered,
carrying a wild goose. After the (customary) bows
and yieldings of precedence, they went up to the hall,
when the bridegroom bowed twice and put down the
wild goose. Then and in this way he received the
bride from her parents.
After this they went down, and he went out and
took the reins of the horses of her carriage, which
he drove for three revolutions of the wheels, having
handed the strap to assist her in mounting. He
then went before, and waited outside his gate. When
she arrived, he bowed to her as she entered. They
ate together of the same animal, and joined in
sipping from the cups made of the same melon®;
1 Thus a religious sanction entered into the idea of marriage.
* The same cup that is mentioned in the last chapter, paragraph
3; the son received it and gave no cup to the father in return.
This was its speciality. In the capping ceremonies it was given
‘in the guests’ place ;’ in those of marriage, in the son’s chamber.
* Once when I was permitted to witness this part of a marriage
ceremony, the bridegroom raised his half of the melon, with the
spirit in it, to the bride’s lips, and she raised her half to his. Each
sipped a little of the spirit.
430 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XLI.
thus showing that they now formed one body, were
of equal rank, and pledged to mutual affection.
3. The respect, the caution, the importance, the
attention to secure correctness in all the details, and
then (the pledge of) mutual affection,—these were
the great points in the ceremony, and served to
establish the distinction to be observed between man
and woman, and the righteousness to be maintained
between husband and wife. From the distinction
between man and woman came the righteousness
between husband and wife. From that righteous-
ness came the affection between father and son;
and from that affection, the rectitude between ruler
and minister. Whence it is said, ‘The ceremony
of marriage is the root of the other ceremonial
observances.’
4. Ceremonies (might be said to) commence with
the capping; to have their root in marriage; to be most
important in the rites of mourning and sacrifice ; to
confer the greatest honour in audiences at the royal
court and in the interchange of visits at the feudal
courts ; and to be most promotive of harmony in
the country festivals and celebrations of archery.
These were the greatest occasions of ceremony, and
the principal points in them.
5. Rising early (the morning after marriage), the
young wife washed her head and bathed her per-
son, and waited to be presented (to her husband’s
parents), which was done by the directrix, as soon
as it was bright day. She appeared before them,
bearing a basket with dates, chestnuts, and slices of
dried spiced meat. The directrix set before her a
cup of sweet liquor, and she offered in sacrifice some
of the dried meat and also of the liquor, thus
Se
performing the ceremony which declared her their
son’s wife}.
6. The father and mother-in-law then entered
their apartment, where she set before them a single
dressed pig,—thus showing the obedient duty of
(their son’s) wife '.
7. Next day, the parents united in entertaining
the young wife, and when the ceremonies of their
severally pledging her in a single cup, and her
pledging them in return, had been performed, they
descended by the steps on the west, and she by
those on the east,—thus showing that she would
take the mother’s place in the family’.
8. Thus the ceremony establishing the young wife
in her position; (followed by) that showing her
obedient service (of her husband's parents); and
both succeeded by that showing how she now
occupied the position of continuing the family line:—
all served to impress her with a sense of the defer-
ential duty proper to her. When she was thus
deferential, she was obedient to her parents-in-law,
and harmonious with all the occupants of the
women’s apartments; she was the fitting partner
of her husband, and could carry on all the work in
silk and linen, making cloth and silken fabrics, and
maintaining a watchful care over the various stores
and depositories (of the household).
9. In this way when the deferential obedience of
the wife was complete, the internal harmony was
1 The details of the various usages briefly described in these
paragraphs are to be found in the 4th Book of the f Lt, the and
of those on the scholar’s marriage ceremonies: paragraphs 1-10;
11-17; 18-20, There were differences in the ceremonies according
to the rank of the parties ; but all agreed in their general character.
432 THE Li gt. BK. ΧΙ].
secured; and when the internal harmony was
secured, the long continuance of the family could be
calculated on. Therefore the ancient kings attached
such importance (to the marriage ceremonies).
10. Therefore, anciently, for three months before
the marriage of a young lady, if the temple of the
high ancestor (of her surname) were still standing
(and she had admission to it), she was taught in it,
as the public hall (of the members of her surname); if
it were no longer standing (for her), she was taught
in the public hall of the Head of that branch of the
surname to which she belonged ;—she was taught
there the virtue, the speech, the carriage, and the
work of a wife. When the teaching was accom-
plished, she offered a sacrifice (to the ancestor), using
fish for the victim, and soups made of duckweed and
pondweed. So was she trained to the obedience of
a wife’.
11. Anciently, the queen of the son of Heaven
divided the harem into six palace-halls, (occupied)
by the 3 ladies called f-z4n, the 9 pin, the 27 shih-
fQ, and the 81 yti-&41. These were instructed in
the domestic and private rule which should prevail
throughout the kingdom, and how the deferential
obedience of the wife should be illustrated; and
thus internal harmony was everywhere secured, and
families were regulated. (In the same way) the son _
of Heaven established six official departments, in
1 There is supposed to be an allusion to this custom in the Shib,
I, ii, 4, beginning,
‘She gathers fast the large duckweed,
From valley stream that southward flows;
And for the pondweed to the pools
Left on the plains by floods she goes.’
ΒΚ. XLI. HWAN f. 433
which were distributed the 3 kung, the 9 &/ing,
the 27 τὰ ff, and the 81 sze of the highest grade.
These were instructed in all that concerned the
public and external government of the kingdom, and
how the lessons for the man should be illustrated ;
and thus harmony was secured in all external affairs,
and the states were properly governed.
It is therefore said, ‘From the son of Heaven
there were learned the lessons for men; and from
the queen, the obedience proper to women.’ The
son of Heaven directed the course to be pursued by
the masculine energies, and the queen regulated the
virtues to be cultivated by the feminine receptivities.
The son of Heaven guided in all that affected the
external administration (of affairs); and the queen,
in all that concerned the internal regulation (of the
family). The teachings (of the one) and the obe-
dience (inculcated by the other) perfected the
manners and ways (of the people); abroad and at
home harmony and natural order prevailed; the
states and the families were ruled according to
their requirements :—this was what is called ‘the
condition of complete virtue.’
12. Therefore when the lessons for men are not
cultivated, the masculine phenomena in nature do
not proceed regularly ;—as seen in the heavens, we
have the sun eclipsed. When the obedience proper
to women is not cultivated; the feminine phenomena
in nature do not proceed regularly;—as seen in the
heavens, we have the moon eclipsed. Hence on an
eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven put on plain
white robes, and proceeded to repair what was
wrong in the duties of the six official departments,
purifying everything that belonged to the masculine
[28] εἴ
434 ᾿ THE Lf xi. BK. XLI.
sphere throughout the kingdom; and on an eclipse
of the moon, the queen dressed herself in plain
white robes, and proceeded to repair what was
wrong in the duties of the six palace-halls, purifying
everything that belonged to the feminine sphere
throughout the kingdom. The son of Heaven is to
the queen what the sun is to the moon, or the
masculine energy of nature to the feminine. They
are necessary to each other, and by their interde-
pendence they fulfil their functions.
13. The son of Heaven attends to the lessons for
men ;—that is the function of the father. The queen
attends to the obedience proper to women ;—that is
the function of the mother. Therefore it is said,
‘The son of Heaven and the queen are (to the
people) what father and mother are.’ Hence for
him who is the Heaven(-appointed) king they wear
the sackcloth with the jagged edges,—as for a father;
and for the queen they wear the sackcloth with the
even edges,—as for a mother.
BOOK XLII. HSIANG YIN XIU f
OR
THE MEANING OF THE DRINKING FESTIVITY IN
THE DISTRICTS?
1. The meaning of the drinking in the country
districts may be thus described :—The president on
the occasion bows to the (coming) guest as he
receives him outside the college gate. They enter
and thrice salute each other till they come to the
steps. There each thrice yields the precedence to
the other, and then they ascend. In this way they
carry to the utmost their mutual demonstrations of
honour and humility. (The host) washes his hands,
rinses the cup, and raises it,—to give the highest
idea of purity. They bow on the guest’s arrival ;
they bow as (the cup) is washed; they bow when
the cup is received, and when it is presented (in
return); they bow when the drinking it is over :—
in this way carrying to the utmost their mutual
respect.
2. Such giving of honour, such humility, such
purity, and such respect belonged to the intercourse
of superior men with others. When they gave
honour and showed humility, no contentions arose.
When they maintained purity and respect, no in-
difference or rudeness arose. When there was no
rudeness or contention, quarrels and disputations
were kept at a distance. When men did not quarrel
} See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, page 56.
Ff2
436 THE Lf xf. ΒΚ. XLIT.
nor dispute, there came no evils of violence or
disorder. It was thus that superior men escaped
suffering calamity from other men; and therefore
the sages instituted the observances in this ceremony
to secure such a result.
3. The chief of the district with the accomplished
and virtuous men belonging to it had the vessel of
liquor placed between the room (on the east), and
the door (leading to the apartments on the west),
host and guests sharing it between them. The
vessel contained the dark-coloured liquor (of pure
water) ;—showing the value they attached to its sim-
plicity. The viands came forth from the room on
the east ;—being supplied by the host. All washing
took place (in the courtyard) opposite the eastern
wing ;—showing how the host purified himself and
made himself ready to serve the guests.
4. The (principal) guest and the host represented
heaven and earth; the attendants of the guest and
host respectively represented the forces inherent in
nature in their contracting and expanding operations;
the three (heads of the) guests (in their threefold
division) represented the three (great) luminaries ;
the precedence thrice yielded (to the guest) repre-
sented the three days when the moon ‘js invisible till
it begins to reappear; the seating of the parties
present (all round or) on the four sides represented
the four seasons’.
1 P. Callery says:—‘ There were at this ceremony, 1. the chief
and his assistant; 2. the principal guest who was supposed to
represent all the other guests, and who also had his assistant ;
3. three guests who formed a second category; 4. finally, the
crowd of guests, a number not fixed, to whom no honour was paid
directly, since they were held to receive all the honours rendered to
ΒΚ. XLII. HSIANG YIN κιῦ f. 437
5. The snell and icy wind (that blows between)
heaven and earth begins in the south-west and
is strongest in the north-west. This is the wind
that represents the most commanding severity of
heaven and earth ;—the wind of their righteous
justice. The warm and genial wind (that blows
between) heaven and earth begins in the north-east
and is strongest in the south-east. This is the wind
that represents the abundant virtue of heaven and
earth ;—the wind of their benevolence. The host,
wishing to do honour to his guest, assigns him his
seat on the north-west, and that of his attendant on
the south-west, that he may there (most conveniently)
assist him. The guest (represents) the treatment of
others according to justice, and therefore his seat is
the principal guest.’ Ain Hao quotes an opinion that the prin-
cipal guest was made to represent heaven, to do him the greater
honour; and the host to represent the earth, because he was the
entertainer and nourisher; and that their assistants represented
the yin and yang, because they assisted their principals as these
energies in nature assist heaven and earth.
On ‘the three Luminaries,’ Callery says :—‘ Ordinarily the name
of “the three Luminaries” belongs to the sun, the moon, and the
stars, but par. 16 below does not allow us to take it so here.
The commentators say that we are to understand the three most
brilliant constellations in the firmament, which they call Hsin,
Fa, and Po-&4n, corresponding, I believe, in part to Orion,
Scorpio, and Argo or the Ship.’ So also AAan H4o’s authority.
Hsin is generally understood to be Scorpio (Antares, o,r, and two
c. 3584 and 3587); Fa to be v Orion; and Po-£44n to be the
north polar star.
On the ‘thrice-yielded precedence to the guest,’ Callery says :—
‘The comparison is far-fetched; it is intended to say that as the
moon would not receive light if the sun did not accord it, so the
guest would not receive such honours if the host did not render
them.’ So the commentators certainly try to explain it.
438 THE Li xi. BK. XLII.
on the north-west; the host (represents) the treat-
ment of others according to benevolence and a genial
kindness, and therefore his seat is on the south-
east, and his attendant is seated on the north-east,
that he may there (most conveniently) assist him}.
6. That intercourse according to benevolence and
righteousness being established, so as to show the
respective duties of host and guest, and the number
of stands and dishes being properly fixed ;—all this
must be the result of sage intelligence. That
intelligence established the arrangements, and each
one being carried through with respect, it became
a ceremonial usage. That usage proceeding to mark
and embody the distinction between old and young,
it became a virtue. Virtue is that which is the
characteristic of the person. Therefore we have
the saying, ‘In the learning of antiquity, the
methods by which they pursued the course adopted
were intended to put men in possession of their
proper virtue.’ On this account the sages employed
their powers (on its lessons) *.
ΤΡ, Callery observes on this paragraph :—‘ The meteorological
observations on which these statements rest must have been made
very long ago in the interior of the country, there where the winds
come under the influence of the icy plains of Tartary and the high
mountains which separate China from Thibet; for on the sea-
coasts of China, exactly the contrary has place. During the winter
the north-east monsoon prevails, varying sometimes to the north
and sometimes to the east, rarely to the north-west; while during
the heats of summer the wind blows from the south-west, bending
a little towards the south or towards the east, according as the
monsoon is in the period of its increase or decline. It is generally
in the course of this monsoon that there takes place the terrible
storms known by the name of typhoons.’
* The Khien-lung editors do their best to elucidate this
ΒΚ. ΧΙ]. HSIANG YIN κιῦ ἢ. 439
7. When (the guest) offers in sacrifice some of the
things that have been set before him, and some
of the liquor, he showed how he respected (the host)
for his courtesy; when he proceeded to take some
of the lungs in his teeth, he thereby tasted (the
host’s) courtesy; when he then sipped some of the
liquor, that was his last step in acknowledgment
thereof. This last act was done at the end of his
mat, showing that the mat was spread straight
before him, not only for the purpose of eating and
drinking, but also for the performance of the
(proper) rites. In this was shown how it was the
ceremony that was valued, while the wealth was
made little account of. Finally, when the host filled
their cups from the horn, they drained them at the
top of the western steps ;—showing how the mat
was set not (merely) for the purpose of eating and
drinking, and how the idea was that of giving to the
ceremony the first place, and to wealth the last.
But when the ceremony has the first place, and
wealth the last, the people become respectful and
yielding, and are not contentious with one another.
8. At the ceremony of drinking in the country
districts, those who were sixty years old sat, and
those who were (only fifty) stood, and were in
waiting to receive any orders and perform any
services ;—thus illustrating the honour which should
be paid to elders.
Before those who were sixty, three dishes were
placed ; before those of seventy, four; before those
of eighty, five; before those of ninety, six :—
difficult and obscure paragraph; but are obliged to quote in the
end the judgment of AQ Hs that ‘it is vague and intractable, and
not worth taking much trouble about.’
440 THE Lf Kf. BK. XLII.
thus illustrating how the aged should be cherished
and nourished.
When the people knew to honour their elders and
nourish their aged, then at home they could practise
filial piety and fraternal duty. Filial and fraternal
at home and abroad, honouring elders and nourish-
ing the aged, then their education was complete,
and this led to the peace and tranquillity of the
state. What the superior man calls filial piety,
does not require that (every) family should be
visited and its members daily taught; if (the people)
be assembled at the archery meetings in the dis-
tricts, and taught the usages at the district-drinkings,
their conduct is brought to be filial and fraternal.
9. Confucius said, ‘When I look on at the festivity
in the country districts, I know how easily the Royal
way may obtain free course.
10. ‘ The host in person invites the principal guest
and his attendant, and all the other guests follow
them of themselves. When they arrive outside the
gate, he bows (and welcomes) the chief guest and
his attendant, and all the others enter of themselves.
In this way the distinction between the noble and
the mean is exhibited.
11. ‘ With the interchange of three bows (the host
and guest) arrive at the steps; and after precedence
has been thrice yielded to him, the guest ascends. In
bowing to him (on the hall), (the host) presents to
him the cup, and receives the cup from him in
return. The usages between them, now declining,
now yielding, the one to the other, are numerous;
but the attention paid to the assistant is less. As
to the crowd of guests, they ascend, and receive the
cup. Kneeling down they offer some of it in sacri-
ΒΚ. XLII. HSIANG YIN κιῦ f. 441
fice ; they rise and drink it; and without pledging
the host in the return-cup, they descend. In this
way the proper distinction is made between the
different parties by the multitude or paucity of the
observances paid to them.
12. ‘ The musicians enter, ascend the hall, and sing
the three pieces which complete their performance,
after which the host offers to them the cup. The
organists enter, and (below the hall) play three tunes,
which complete their part of the performance, after
which the host offers to them (also) the cup. Then
they sing and play alternately other three pieces and
tunes ; and also thrice again they sing and play
in concert. When this is finished, the musicians
announce that the music is over, and go out.
‘At the same time a person (as instructed by the
host) takes up the horn, and one is appointed to
superintend the drinking, and see that it proceeds
correctly. From this we know how they could be
harmonious and joyful, without being disorderly.
13. ‘The (principal) guest pledges the host, the
host pledges the attendants, the attendants pledge
all the guests. Young and old pledge one another
according to their age, and the cup circulates on to
the keepers of the vases and the cup-washers. From
this we know how they could practise brotherly
deference to their elders without omitting any one.
14. ‘ Descending (after this), they take off their
shoes; ascending again, and taking their seats, they
take their cups without any limit as to number. But
the regulations of the drinking do not allow them to
neglect the duties either of the morning or evening.
When the guests go out, the host bows to each
as he escorts him away. The regulations and
442 THE Lf xt. BK. XLII.
forms are observed to the end; and from this we
know how they could enjoy the feast without turbu-
lence or confusion.
15. ‘The distinction between the noble and
mean thus exhibited; the discrimination in the
multitude or paucity of the observances to different
parties ; the harmony and joy without disorder ; the
brotherly deference to elders without omitting any ;
the happy feasting without turbulence or confusion ;—
the observance of these five things is sufficient to
secure the rectification of the person, and the tran-
quillity of the state. When that one state is
tranquil, all under heaven will be the same. There-
-fore I say that when I look on at the festivity in the
country districts, I know how easily the Royal Way
may obtain free course 1.’
16. According to the meaning attached to the
festivity of drinking in the country districts, the
principal guest was made to represent heaven; the
host, to represent earth; their attendants respec-
tively to represent the sun and moon; and the three
head guests (according to the threefold division of
them) to represent the three (great) luminaries.
This was the form which the festivity received on
its institution in antiquity: the presiding idea was
found in heaven and earth; the regulation of that
was found in the sun and moon; and the three
luminaries were introduced as a third feature. (The
} I have supposed that all from paragraph 9 to this is the language
of Confucius, and translated in the present tense as he would speak.
Possibly, however, after par. 9 the compiler of the Book may be
giving his own views of the different parts of the festivity (which
would in that case have to be translated in the past tense), and then
winds up with therefore ‘He—Confucius—said,’ &c.
ΒΚ. XLII. HSIANG YIN κχιῦ f. 443
whole represented) the fundamental principles in the
conduct of government and instruction.
17. The dogs were boiled on the eastern side (of
the courtyard") ;—in reverential acknowledgment of
the fact that the vivifying and expanding power in
nature issues from the east.
The washings took place at the eastern steps,
and the water was kept on the east of the washing-
place ;—in reverential acknowledgment of the fact
that heaven and earth have placed the sea on the
left.
The vessel contained the dark-coloured liquid ;—
teaching the people not to forget the original
practice (at ceremonies).
18. The rule was that the (principal) guest should
face the south. The quarter of the east suggests
the idea of the spring, the name of which (also)
denotes the appearance of insects beginning to
move :—(there is then at work that mysterious)
intelligence which gives birth to all things. The
quarter of the south suggests the idea of the
summer, the name of which (also) denotes what
is great :—what nourishes things, encourages their
growth, and makes them great is benevolence. The
quarter of the west suggests the idea of the autumn,
the name of which also denotes gathering or collect-
ing :—the fruits of the earth are gathered at this
season, suggesting the idea of justice in discrimi-
1 Compare the statement in paragraph 3, that ‘the viands come
forth from the room on the east.’ A/&n Hsiang-t@o says :—‘ The
dog is a creature that keeps watch, and is skilful in its selection of
men ;—it will keep away from any one who is not what he should
be. On this account the ancients at all their festive occasions of
eating and drinking employed it.’
444 THE Li xf. ΒΚ. XLI.
nating and guarding. The quarter of the north
suggests the idea of winter, the name of which
denotes also what is kept within:—and the being
within leads us to think of being stored up. On
this account, when the son of Heaven stands up,
he keeps (the quarter of the life-giving) intelligence
on his left hand, faces (the quarter of) benevolence,
has that of justice on his right hand, and that of
depositing behind him.
19. It was the rule that his attendants should face
the east ; thus (making) the principal guest to be the
chief (party) at the festivity.
1 The Xhien-lung editors say that portions of this paragraph
have been lost, and that other parts are out of their proper place ;
and they suggest the additions and alterations necessary to make
it right. It is not worth while, however, to consider their views.
No alterations will remedy its incurable defects or reverse the
severe judgment passed on it by P. Callery:—‘ The. method,’ he
says, ‘by which the author proceeds is exceedingly eccentric, and
partakes at once of the nature of the pun, of allegory, and of
mysticism. He begins by basing his comparisons on the resem-
blance of certain sounds, or the homophony of certain words.
Then he seeks to find in the sense, proper to those words that
are homophonous or nearly so, connexions with the principal word
in the text; and as those connexions are far from being natural or
simply plausible, he puts his spirit to the torture, and goes to seek
in the mysterious action of nature points of contact of which no
one would think. Thus in the sound &4un (FF ἘΣ he finds
a natural analogy between the slow and gradual movement of a
worm without eyes, and the march, equally slow and gradual, of
vegetation in spring; in the sounds hsia and ἀὶᾶ (A, 1)
he finds a direct connexion between greatness and the action
which makes plants become great in summer. So in the same
way with the other sounds which he deals with, To many
Chinese this fashion of reasoning appears to be very profound ;
but, as I think, it is nothing but a childish play on words and
hollow ideas.’
ΒΚ. XLII. HSIANG YIN κιῦ f. 445
It was the rule that the host should be in the
eastern quarter. The eastern quarter suggests the
idea of spring, the name of which (also) denotes the
appearance of insects beginning to move, and (it is
spring) which produces all things. The host makes
the festivity ; that is, he produces all things.
20. The moon, after three days, completes the
period of its dark disk. Three months complete
a season. Therefore in this ceremony precedence
is thrice yielded to the guest, and in establishing
a state three high ministers must be appointed.
That the guests are in three divisions, each with
its head or leader, indicated the fundamental prin-
ciples in the administration of government and
instruction, and was the third great feature of the
ceremony.
BOOK XLIII. SHE ft
OR
THE MEANING OF THE CEREMONY OF ARCHERY?.
1. Anciently it was the rule for the feudal lords,
when they would practise archery, first to celebrate
the ceremony of the Banquet, and for the Great officers
and ordinary officers, when they would shoot, first to
celebrate the ceremony of the Drinking in the country
districts. The ceremony of the Banquet served to
illustrate the relation between ruler and subject ;
that of the District-drinking, to illustrate the distinc-
tion between seniors and juniors.
2. The archers, in advancing, retiring, and all
their movements, were required to observe ‘the
rules. With minds correct, and straight carriage
of the body, they were to hold their bows and
arrows skilfully and firmly; and when they did so,
they might be expected to hit the mark. In this
way (from their archery) their characters could be
seen },
3. To regulate (the discharging of the arrows),
there was,—in the case of the son of Heaven, the
playing of the 34u-yii; in the case of the feudal
lords, that of the Lt-sh4u; in the case of the digni-
taries, the Great officers, that of the 3h4i-pin; and
in the case of officers, that of the 3h4i-fan?.
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 56, 57.
* Each archer discharged four arrows at the target. According
to the account of the duties of the superintendent of archery in
ΒΚ. XLII. SHE f. 447
The 34u-yii! is expressive of joy that every office
is (rightly) filled ; the Li-sh4u is expressive of the joy
at audiences of the court; the 3h4i-pin is expres-
sive of the joy in observing the laws (which have been
learned) ; and the 3h4i-f4n is expressive of the joy
in being free from all failures in duty. Therefore
the son of Heaven regulated his shooting by keep-
ing in his mind the right feeling of all officers; a
feudal prince, by keeping in his mind the times of
his appearing before the son of Heaven; a digni-
tary, being a Great officer, by keeping in his mind
the observing of the laws (which he had learned);
and an officer, by keeping in his mind that he must
not fail in the duties of his office.
In this way, when they clearly understood the
meaning of those regulating measures, and were thus
able to avoid all failure in their services, they were
successful in their undertakings, and their character
the K4u Li (Gy A; Book XXX, paragraphs 54-67, especially
57), the Qau-yi was played or sung nine times; the Li-sh&u
seven times; and the two other pieces five times. When the king
was shooting therefore, he began to shoot after the fifth perform-
ance, and had all the previous time to prepare himself; a prince
began to shoot after the third performance ; and in the two other
cases there was only the time of one performance for preparation.
1 The 34u-yii is the last piece in the 2nd Book of the first
part of the Book of Poetry ; supposed to celebrate the benevolence
of the king; here seen in his delight at every office being rightly
filled. The Li-sh4u, ‘Fox’s Head,’ or ‘ Wild Cat’s Head,’ has not
come down to us;—see note 2, page 124. The 3hai-pin and
Sh4i-fan are the fifth and second pieces of the same Book and
same part of the Shih as the 34u-yii. The regulating the dis-
charge of the arrows by the playing of these pieces was part of
the moral discipline to which it was sought to make the archery
subservient.
448 THE Lf xt. BK. XLII.
and conduct were established. When their charac-
ters were established, no such evils as oppression
and disorder occurred ; and when their undertakings
were successful, the states were tranquil and happy.
Hence it is said that ‘the archery served to show
the completeness of (the archer’s) virtue.’
4. Therefore, anciently, the son of Heaven chose
the feudal lords, the dignitaries who were Great
officers, and the officers, from their skill in archery.
Archery is specially the business of males, and there
were added to it the embellishments of ceremonies
and music. Hence among the things which may
afford the most complete illustration of ceremonies
and music, and the frequent performance of which
may serve to establish virtue and good conduct, there
is nothing equal to archery : and therefore the ancient
kings paid much attention to it.
5. Therefore, anciently, according to the royal
institutes, the feudal princes annually presented the
officers who had charge of their tribute to the son
of Heaven, who made trial of them in the archery-
hall. Those of them whose bodily carriage was in
conformity with the rules, and whose shooting was
in agreement with the music, and who hit the mark
most frequently, were allowed to take part at the
sacrifices. When his officers had frequently that
privilege, their ruler was congratulated; if they
frequently failed to obtain it, he was reprimanded.
If a prince were frequently so congratulated, he
received an increase to his territory; if he were
frequently so reprimanded, part of his territory was
taken from him. Hence came the saying, ‘The
archers shoot in the interest of their princes.’ Thus,
in the states, the rulers and their officers devoted
BK, XLII. sHé ἢ. 449
themselves to archery, and the practice in connexion
with it of the ceremonies and music. But when
rulers and officers practise ceremonies and music,
never has it been known that such practice led to
their banishment or ruin,
6. Hence it is said in the ode (now lost),
‘The long-descended lord
Presents your cups of grace.
His chiefs and noble men
Appear, all in their place;
Small officers and Great,
Not one will keep away.
See them before their prince,
All in their full array.
They feast, and then they shoot,
Happy and praised to boot.’
The lines show how when rulers and their officers
earnestly devoted themselves together to archery,
and the practice in connexion with it of ceremonies
and music, they were happy and got renown, It
was on this account that the son of Heaven insti-
tuted the custom, and the feudal lords diligently
attended to it. This was the way in which the son
of Heaven cherished the princes, and had no need
of weapons of war (in dealing with them); it fur-
nished (also) to the princes an instrument with which
they trained themselves to rectitude.
7. (Once), when Confucius was conducting an
archery meeting in a vegetable garden at Kio-
hsiang, the lookers-on surrounded it like a wall.
‘When the proceedings reached the point when a
Master of the Horse should be appointed, he
directed 3ze-li to take his bow and arrows, and go
[28] σε
450 THE Li xf. BK. XLirf.
out to introduce those who wished to shoot, and to
say, ‘ The general of a defeated army, the Great
officer of a ruler-less state, and aly one who (has
schemed to be) thé successor and heir of another,
will not be allowed to enter, but the rest may all
enter. On this, one half went away, and the other
half entered.
After this, (wishing to send the cup round among
all the company), he further directed Kung-wang
Κἀϊὰ and Hsii Tien to raise the horns of liquor,
and make proclamation. Then Kung-wang KAid
raised his horn, and said, ‘Are the young and strong
(here) observant of their filial and fraternal duties?
Are the old and men of eighty (here) such as love
propriety, not following licentious customs, and
resolved to maintain their characters to death? (If
so), they may occupy the position of guests. On
this, one half (of those who had entered) went away,
and the other half remained.
Hsti Tien next raised his horn, and proclaimed,
‘Are you fond of learning without being tired? are
you fond of the rules of propriety, and unswerving
in your adherence to them? Do those of you who
are eighty, ninety, or one hundred, expound the way
(of virtue) without confusion or error? If so, you
can occupy the position of visitors. Thereupon
hardly any remained ",
8. To shoot means to draw out to the end, and
some say to lodge in the exact point. That draw-
1 The authenticity of what is related in this paragraph, which is
not in the expurgated edition of the Lf AT, may be doubted. But
however that be, it is evidently intended to be an illustration of
what did, or might, take place at meetings for archery in the country.
Xio-hsiang is understood to be the name of some place in LQ,
ΒΚ. ΧΕΙ. 588 f. 451
ing out to the end means every one unfolding his
own idea; hence, with the mind even-balanced and
the body correctly poised, (the archer) holds his bow
and arrow skilfully and firmly. When he so holds
them, he will hit the mark. Hence it is said, ‘ The
father (shoots) at the father-mark; the son, at the
son-mark ; the ruler, at the ruler-mark; the subject,
at the subject-mark.’ Thus the archer shoots at the
mark of his (ideal) self; and so the Great archery
of the son of Heaven is called shooting at (the mark
of) the feudal prince. ‘Shooting at the mark of the
feudal prince’ was shooting to prove himself a
prince. He who hit the mark was permitted to be
(that is, retain his rank as) a prince; he who did not
hit the mark was not permitted to retain his rank as
a prince ?.
g. When the son of Heaven was about to sacri-
fice, the rule was that he should celebrate the
archery at the pool, which name suggested the idea
of selecting the officers (by their shooting)". After
1 In this paragraph we have a remarkable instance of that
punning or playing on words or sounds, which Callery has
pointed out as a ‘puerility’ in Chinese writets, and of which we
have many examples in the writers of the Han dynastry. The
idea in the paragraph is good, that when one realises the ideal
of what he is, becoming all he ought to be, he may be said to hit
the mark. But to bring out this from the character (Bf), which
is the symbol of shooting with the bow, the author is obliged to give
it two names,—y! (St = 43. drawing out or unwinding the thread
of a cocoon, or clue of silk, to the end) and shé (5 = a,
a cottage or booth, a place to lodge in). The latter is the proper
name for the character in the sense of shooting.
* Here there is another play on names,—zeh, in Pekinese 24i
(=) ‘a pond or pool,’ suggesting the character #, which
has the same name, and means ‘to choose, select.’ There were twa
Gg2
452 THE LI xt. ΒΚ. XLII
the archery at the pool came that in the archery
hall. Those who hit the mark were permitted to
take part in the sacrifice; and those who failed were
not permitted to do so. (The ruler of those) who did
not receive the permission was reprimanded, and
had part of his territory taken from him. The ruler
of those who were permitted was congratulated, and
received an addition to his territory. The advance-
ment appeared in the rank; the disapprobation, in
the (loss of) territory,
10. Hence, when a son is born, a bow of mulberry
wood, and six arrows of the wild raspberry plant
(are placed on the left of the door), for the purpose
of shooting at heaven, earth, and the four cardinal
points. Heaven, earth, and the four points denote
the spheres wherein the business of a man lies.
The young man must first give his mind to what
is to be his business, and then he may venture to re-
ceive emolument, that is, the provision for his food.
11, Archery suggests to us the way of benevo-
lence. (The archer) seeks to be correct in himself,
and then discharges his arrow. If it miss the mark,
he is not angry with the one who has surpassed
himself, but turns round and seeks (for the cause of
failure) in himself. Confucius said, ‘The student
of virtue has no contentions. If it be said that he
cannot avoid them, shall this be in archery? (But)
he bows complaisantly to his competitor, ascends
places for the archery, one called the K4i Kung, ‘Palace or Hall
by the pool,’ and the other, Shé Kung, ‘ Palace or Hall of Archery,’
which was, says Callery, ‘a vast gallery in the royal college.’
1 Compare above, page 307, paragraph 40, where we have ‘the
way of the superior man’ instead of ‘the way of benevolence, or
perfect virtue.’
ΒΚ. XLII, sHf f. 453
(the hall), descends (again), and exacts the forfeit of
drinking. In his contention, he is still the superior
man 1,’ .
12. Confucius said, ‘ How difficult it is to shoot!
How difficult it is to listen (to the music)! To
shoot exactly in harmony with the note (given) by
the music, and to shoot without missing the bull’s-
eye on the target :—it is only the archer of superior
virtue who can do this! How shall a man of
inferior character be able to hit the mark? It is
said in the Book of Poetry (II, viii, ode 6, 1),
‘“ Now shoot,” he says, “and show your skill.”
The other answers, “ Shoot I will,
And hit the mark ;—and when you miss,
Pray you the penal cup to kiss.”’
‘To pray’ is to ask. The archer seeks to hit that
he may decline the cup. The liquor in the cup is
designed (properly) to nourish the aged, or the sick.
When the archer seeks to hit that he may decline
the cup, that is declining what should serve to
nourish (those that need it).
3 See Confucian Analects, III, vii.
BOOK XLIV. YEN f
OR
THE MEANING OF THE BANQUET '.
1. Anciently, among the officers of the kings of
KaAu, there was one called the shd-gze. He was
charged with the care of the sons of the feudal lords,
the high dignitaries who were the Great officers, and
(other) officers,—the eldest sons who occupied the
next place to their fathers. He managed (the issuing)
to them of (all) cautions and orders; superintended
their instruction in all they had to learn and (the art
of self-)government ; arranged them in their different
classes ; and saw that they occupied their correct
positions. If there were any grand solemnity
(being transacted) in the kingdom, he conducted
them—these sons of the state—and placed them
under the eldest son, the heir-apparent, who made
what use of them he thought fit. If any military
operations were being undertaken, he provided for
them their carriages and coats of mail, assembled for
them the companies of a hundred men and of five men
(of which they should have charge), and appointed
their inferior officers, thus training them in the art
of war:—they were not under the jurisdiction of
the minister of War. In all (other) governmental
business of the state, these sons of it were left free,
their fathers’ eldest sons, without public occupation,
* See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 57, 58.
ΒΚ. XLIV. ᾿ΠΥῈΝ f, 455
and were made to attend to the cultivation of
virtuous ways. Jn spring, (the shd-9ze) assemb'ed
them in the college; and in autumn, in the archery
(hall), that he might examine into their proficiency,
and advanced or degraded them accordingly.
2. The meaning of the ceremony of the banquet
at the feudal courts (may be thus described) :—The
ruler stood on the south-east of (his own) steps on
the east, having his face towards the south, fronting
the ministers or dignitaries who were nearest to
him. They and all the (other) Great officers came
forward a little, taking each his proper station.
The ruler’s mat is placed at the top of the eastern
steps :—there is the station of the host. The ruler
alone goes up and stands on his mat; with his face
to the west he stands there by himself :—showing
that no one presumes to place himself on a par
with him.
3. Guests and host having been arranged, accord-
ing to the rules for the ceremony of drinking in the
country districts, (the ruler) makes his chief cook
act for him in presenting (the cup):—a minister may
not presume to take on himself any usage proper to
the ruler. None of the (three) kung and no high
minister has the place of a guest; but the Great
officers are among the guests,—because of the
doubts that might arise, and to show the jealousy
(which such great men in that position might
create).
When the guests have entered to the middle of
the courtyard, the ruler descends a step and bows to
them :—thus courteously receiving them.
4. The ruler sends the cup round among the guests
in order; and when he has given a special cup to
456 THE Lf at. BK. XLIY.
any, they all descend, and bow twice, laying at the
same time their heads to the ground; after which
they ascend, and complete their bowing :—thus
showing the observance due from subjects. The
ruler responds to them, for every act of courtesy
must be responded to :—illustrating the observances
due from the ruler and superiors. When ministers
and inferiors do their utmost to perform service for
the state, the ruler must recompense them with rank
and emoluments. Hence all officers and inferiors
endeavour with their utmost strength and ability to
establish their merit, and thus the state is kept in
tranquillity, and the ruler’s mind is at rest.
(The principle) that every act of courtesy must
be responded to, showed that rulers do not receive
anything from their inferiors without sufficient
ground for doing so, The ruler must illustrate
the path of rectitude in his conduct of the people ;
and when the people follow that path and do good
service (for the state), then he may take from them
a tenth part (of their revenues). In this way he
has enough, and his subjects do not suffer want.
Thus harmony and affection prevail between high
and low, and they have no mutual dissatisfactions.
Such harmony and rest are the result of the cere-
monial usages. This is the great idea in the
relation between ruler and subject, between high
and low:—hence it is said that the object of the
banquet was to illustrate the idea of justice between
ruler and subject.
5. The mats were arranged so that the dignitaries
of smaller rank occupied the place next (in honour)
to those of higher ; the Great officers, the place next
to the lower dignitaries. The officers and sons of
BK, XLIV. YEN ἢ. 457
concubines! (also) took their places below in their
regular order. The cup being presented to the
ruler, he begins the general pledging, and offers
the cup to the high dignitaries*. They continue the
ceremony, and offer the cup to the Great officers,
who offer it in turn to the (other) officers, and these
finally offer it to the sons of concubines, The
stands and dishes, with the flesh of the animals?,
and the savoury viands, were all proportioned to
the differences of rank in the guests :—and thus the
distinction was shown between the noble and the
mean.
' This is a common meaning of the phrase shfi-3ze. We
cannot suppose that there is a reference to the officer so called in
paragraph 1. He was of too high a rank to be placed after the
officers, who ranked below the Great officers. Nor can we
suppose that it denotes here ‘the sons of the state’ under his charge.
3 The ruler did this by his deputy, the chief cook, who officiated
for him on the occasion. All the different offerings are said to
have been made by him indeed; but that is not the natural inter-
pretation of the text.
5. Khan Ho says these were dogs; see above, page 443, para-
graph 17.
BOOK XLV. PHING f
OR
THE MEANING OF THE INTERCHANGE OF MIS-
SIONS BETWEEN DIFFERENT COURTS’.
1. According to the ceremonies in missions, a
duke of the highest grade sent seven attendants
with (his representative); a marquis or earl, five ;
and a count or baron, three. The difference in
number served to show the difference in rank of
their principals *.
2. The messages (between the visitor and the
host) were passed through all the attendants, from
one to another. A superior man, where he wishes
to do honour, will not venture to communicate
directly and in person. This was a high tribute
of respect.
3. The message was transmitted (only) after the
messenger had thrice declined to receive (the cour-
tesies offered to him at the gate); he entered the gate
of the ancestral temple after thrice in the same way
trying to avoid doing so; thrice he exchanged bows
with his conductor before they arrived at the steps ;
and thrice he yielded the precedence offered to him
before he ascended the hall:—so did he carry to
1 See introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pages 58, 59.
5 If the ruler went in person on the mission, he had in every
case, according to his rank, two attendants more than the number
specified for his representative.
BK. XLV, PHING f: 459
the utmost his giving of honour and yielding
courtesy.
4. The ruler sent an officer to meet (the messen-
ger) at the border (of the state), and a Great officer
to offer him the customary presents and congratyla-
tions (after the toils of the journey) in the suburb
(near the capital) ; he himself met him and bowed
to him inside the great gate, and then received him
in the ancestral temple; with his face to the north
he bowed to him when the presents (which he
brought) were presented, and bowed again (when
his message was delivered), in acknowledgment of
its condescension :—in this way did he (on his part)
testify his respect.
5. Respectfulness and yielding courtesy mark the
intercourse of superior men with one another.
Hence, when the feudal lords received one another
with such respectfulness and yielding courtesy, they
would not attack or encroach on one another.
6. A high minister is employed as principal usher
(for the messenger), a Great officer as the next, and
(ordinary) officers acted as their attendants. (When
he had delivered his message), the ruler himself
showed him courtesy, (and presented to him the
cup of new liquor). He had his private interviews
(with the dignitaries and Great officers of the
court), and also with the ruler’. (After this), sup-
plies of animals, slaughtered and living, were sent
(to his hotel). (When he was about to take his
departure), the jade-symbols (by which he was
accredited) were returned to him, and the return
1 At these interviews, after he had discharged his mission and
presented the gifts from his ruler, he presented other gifts on his
own account.
46ο THE Li xt. ΒΚ. XLV.
gifts (of silk and other things) presented at the
same time. He had been entertained and feasted.
All these observances served to illustrate the idea
underlying the relations between ruler and minister
in receiving visitors and guests}.
7. Therefore it was a statute made by the son of
Heaven for the feudal lords, that every year they
should interchange a small mission, and every three
years a great one :—thus stimulating one another
to the exercise of courtesy. If the messenger com-
mitted any error in the exchange of his mission,
the ruler, his host, did not personally entertain
and feast him :—thereby making him ashamed, and
stimulating him.
When the princes thus stimulated one another to
the observance of the ceremonial usages, they did
not make any attacks on one another, and in their
states there was no oppression or encroachment.
In this way the son of Heaven cherished and
nourished them; there was no occasion for any
appeal to arms, and they were furnished with an
instrument to maintain themselves in rectitude.
8. (The commissioners) carried with them their
jade-symbols, the sceptre and _ half-sceptre :—show-
ing the importance of the ceremony. On the
completion of their mission, these were returned
to them:—showing the small importance to be
attached to their value, and the great importance
of the ceremony. When the princes thus stimulated
one another, to set light by the value of the articles,
and recognise the importance of the ceremony, the
people learned to be yielding and courteous.
1 The entertainment took place in the open court; the banquet
in the banqueting chamber.
BK. XLV. PHING f. 461
9. The prince of the state to which the mission
was sent treated his guests in this way :—Till their
departure from their coming, they were supplied
from the three stores (provided for such purposes).
Living animals were sent to them at their lodging.
A provision of five sets of the three animals for
slaughter was made inside. Thirty loads of rice,
the same number of grain with the straw, and twice
as many of fodder and firewood were provided
outside. There were five pairs of birds that went
in -flocks every day. All the attendants had cattle
supplied to them for their food. There was one
meal (a day in the court), and two (spare) entertain-
ments (in the temple). The banquets and occasional
bounties were without any definite number. With
such generosity was the importance of the ceremony
indicated}.
10. They could not always be so profuse as this
in antiquity in the use of their wealth; but their
employment of it thus liberally (in connexion with
these missions) showed how they were prepared to
devote it to the maintenance of the ceremonies.
When they expended it as they did on the cere-
monies, then in the states ruler and minister did not
encroach on one another's rights and possessions,
and different states did not attack one another. It
was on this account that the kings made their
statute about these missions, and the feudal lords
did their utmost to fulfil 113,
1 The particulars here briefly mentioned and many others are to
be found in great detail in the 8th division of the f Li, Books 15-
18, which are on the subject of these missions,
* About twenty years ago, when I had occasion to accompany
a mandarin from Canton to a disturbed district in the interior, he _
462 THE τὶ xt. BK. XLV.
11, The archery in connexion with these missions
was a very great institution. With the early dawn
they commenced it, and it was nearly midday be-
fore the whole of the ceremonies were concluded :—
it required men of great vigour and strength to go
through with it.
And further, when such men were about to
engage in it, though the liquor might be clear and
they were thirsty, they did not venture to drink of
it; though the stalks of flesh were dry (and ready
to their hand), and they were hungry, they did not
venture to eat of them; at the close of the day,
when they were tired, they continued to maintain
a grave and correct deportment. So they carried
out all the details of the ceremonies; so they
maintained correctly the relation between ruler
and subject, affection between father and son,
and harmony between seniors and juniors. All
this it is difficult for the generality of men to do,
but it was done by those superior men; and on
this account they were called men possessed of
great ability in action. The ascribing to them such
ability in action implied their possession of the sense
of righteousness ; and their possession of that sense
implied that they were valiant and daring. The
’ introduced one day in conversation the subject of these missions,
saying that they must have been a great drain on the revenues of
the ancient states, and that in the same way in the present day
the provincial administrations were burdened with many outlays
which should be borne by the imperial treasury. As resident
ambassadors from foreign nations had then begun to be talked
about, he asked whether China would have to pay their expenses,
or the countries which they represented would do so, and was greatly
relieved when I told him that each nation would pay the expenses
of its embassy.
ΒΚ. ΧΕΥ͂. ΡΗΙΝΟ f. 463
most valuable quality in a man who is bold and
daring is that he can thereby establish his sense of
righteousness ; the most valuable quality in him
who establishes that sense is that he can thereby
show his great ability in action; the most valuable
quality in him who has that ability is that he can
carry all ceremonies into practice. In this way, the
most valuable quality in valiant daring is that its
possessor dares to carry into practice the rules of
ceremony and righteousness.
It follows from this that such men, bold and
daring, full of vigour and strength, when the king-
dom was at peace, employed their gifts in the
exercise of propriety and righteousness ; and, when
there was trouble in the kingdom, employed them
in the battle-field and in gaining victory. When
they employed them to conquer in battle, no enemies
could resist them; when they employed them in the
exercise of propriety and righteousness, then obe-
dience and good order prevailed. No enemies
abroad, and obedience and good order at home :—
this was called the perfect condition for a state.
But when men, so endowed, did not use their
valour and strength in the service of propriety
and righteousness, and to secure victory, but in
strifes and contentions, then they were styled’ men
of turbulence or disorder. Punishments were put
in requisition throughout the kingdom, and the
(first) use of them was to deal with those same men,
and take them off. In this way (again), the people ©
became obedient and there was good order, and the
state was tranquil and happy.
12, 3ze-kung asked Confucius, saying, ‘ Allow
me to ask the reason why the superior man sets
464 THE πὶ xi. BE. XLY.
a high value on jade, and but little on soapstone ?
Is it because jade is rare, and the soapstone
plentiful ?’
13. Confucius replied, ‘It is not because the
soapstone is plentiful that he thinks but little of it,
and because jade is rare that he sets a high value
on it. Anciently superior men found the likeness of
all excellent qualities in jade. Soft, smooth, and
glossy, it appeared to them like benevolence; fine,
compact, and strong,—like intelligence ; angular, but
not sharp and cutting,—like righteousness ; hanging
down (in beads) as if it would fall to the ground,—
like (the humility of) propriety ; when struck, yield-
ing a note, clear and prolonged, yet terminating
abruptly,—like music; its flaws not concealing its
beauty, nor its beauty concealing its flaws,—like
loyalty ; with an internal radiance issuing from it
on every side,—like good faith ; bright as a brilliant
rainbow,—like heaven; exquisite and mysterious,
appearing in the hills and streams,—like the earth ;
standing out conspicuous in the symbols of rank,—
like virtue; esteemed by all under the sky,—like
the path of truth and duty. As is said in the ode
(I, xi, ode 3, 1),
“Such my lord’s car. He rises in my mind,
Lovely and bland, like jade of richest kind.”
This is why the superior man esteems it so highly !’
BOOK XLVI. SANG FU SZE XIH
OR
_ THE FOUR PRINCIPLES UNDERLYING THE DRESS
OF MOURNING}
1, All ceremonial usages looked at in their
great characteristics are the embodiment of (the
ideas suggested by) heaven and earth; take their
laws from the (changes of the) four seasons ; imitate
the (operation of the) contracting and developing
movements in nature; and are conformed to the
feelings of men, It is on this account that they are
called the Rules of Propriety; and when any one
finds fault with them, he only shows his ignorance
of their origin.
2. Those usages are different in their applications
to felicitous and unfortunate occurrences ; in which
they should not come into collision with one
another :—this is derived from (their pattern as
given by) the contracting and developing move-
ments in nature.
3. The mourning dress has its four definite
fashions and styles, the changes in which are
always according to what is right:—this is derived
from the (changes of the) four seasons.
Now, affection predominates; now, nice distinc-
tions; now, defined regulations; and now, the
consideration of circumstances :—all these are
1 See the introductory notice, vol. xxvii, pp. 59, 60.
” [28] Hh
466 THE τὶ xf. BK. XLVI.
derived from the human feelings. In affection we
have benevolence; in nice distinctions, righteous-
ness; in defined regulations, propriety ; and in the
consideration of circumstances, knowledge. Benevo-
lence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge ;—
these make up the characteristic attributes of
humanity.
4. Where the affection has been great, the
mourning worn is deep. On this account the
sackcloth with jagged edges is worn for the father
for three years :—the regulation is determined by
affection.
5. In the regulation (of the mourning) within the
family circle, the affection throws the (duty of public)
righteousness into the shade’. In the regulation
(of that which is) beyond that circle, the (duty of
public) righteousness cuts the (mourning of) affec-
tion short!. The service due to a father is employed
in serving a ruler, and the reverence is the same for
both :—this is the greatest instance of (the convic-
tion of the duty of) righteousness, in all the esteem
shown to nobility and the honour done to the
honourable. Hence the sackcloth with jagged edges
is worn (also) for the ruler for. three years :—
the regulation is determined by righteousness.
6. The eating after three days; the washing the
head after three months; the sacrifice and change of
dress at the end of the first year ; the not carrying the
emaciation to such an extent as to affect life :—these
regulations were to avoid doing harm to the living
1 A son, on his father’s death, is exempted from official duties
for a time; but this exemption is suspended on occasions of
pressing exigency.
ΒΚ. XLVI. SANG FO SZE XIH. ' 467
(by the mourning) for the dead. Not protracting
the mourning rites beyond three years ; not mending
even the coarsest sackcloth; making no addition to
the mound (raised at first) over the grave; fixing
the day for the sacrifice at the end of the second
year; playing (at first, on the conclusion of the
rites) on a plain, unvarnished lute :—all these things
were to make the people aware of the termination
(of the several rites), and constituted the defined
regulations.
The service due to a father is employed in serving
a mother, and the love is the same for both. (But)
in the sky there are not two suns, nor in a land
two kings, nor in a state two rulers, nor in a family
two equally honourable :—one (principle) regulates
(all) these conditions. Hence, while the father is
alive, the sackcloth with even edges is worn (for a
mother), (and only) for a year,—showing that there
are not (in the family) two equally honourable.
7. What is meant by the use of the staff? It is
(a symbol of) rank. On the third day it is given to
the son; on the fifth day, to Great officers ; and on
the seventh day, to ordinary officers;—(at the
mourning rites for a ruler). Some say that it is
given to them as the presiding mourners; and
others, that it is to support them in their distress.
A daughter (not yet fully grown) and a son (while
but a lad), do not carry a staff ;—(being supposed)
not to be capable of (extreme) distress.
When all the array of officers is complete, and all
things are provided, and (the mourner) cannot speak
(his directions), and things must (still) proceed, he is
assisted to rise. If he be able to speak, and things
will proceed (as he directs), he rises by the help of
Hh2
468 THE τῇ xf. BK. XLVI.
the staff. Where (the mourner) has himself to take
part in what is to be done, he will have his face
grimed (as if black with sorrow). Women who are
bald do not use the coiffure; hunchbacks do not
unbare their arms; the lame do not leap; and the
old and ill do not give up the use of liquor and
flesh. All these are cases regulated by the con-
sideration of circumstances.
8. After the occurrence of the death, the (wailing
for) three days, which left no leisure for anything
else; the not taking off (the headband or girdle)
for three months; the grief and lamentation for a
whole year; and the sorrow on to the three years :—
(in all these things) there was a gradual diminu-
tion of the (manifestation of) affection. The sages,
in accordance with that diminution of the natural
feeling, made their various definite regulations.
9. It was on this account that the mourning rites
were limited to three years. The worthiest were
not permitted to go beyond this period, nor those
who were inferior to them to fall short of it. This
was the proper and invariable time for those rites,
what the (sage) kings always carried into practice.
When it is said in the Sha (Part IV, Book VIII,
i, 1), that Kao 3ung, while occupying the mourning
shed, for three years did not speak, this expresses
approval of that sovereign. But the kings all
observed this rule;—why is the approval only
expressed in connexion with him? It may be
replied, ‘This K4o 3ung was Wd Ting.’ Wad Ting
was a worthy sovereign of Yin. He had come to
the throne in the due order of succession, and was
thus loving and good in his observance of the
mourning rites. At this time Yin, which had been
ΒΚ. XLVI. SANG Εὖ SZE ΚΙΗ. 469
decaying, revived again; ceremonial usages, which
had been neglected, came again into use. On this
account the approval of him was expressed, and
therefore it was recorded in the Shf, and he was
styled Kao (The Exalted), and designated Kéo
3ung (The Exalted and Honoured Sovereign).
(The rule was that), during the three years’ mourn-
ing, a ruler should not speak; and that the Sha
says, ‘K4o 3ung, while he occupied the mourning
shed, for the three years did not speak,’ was an
illustration of this. When it is said (in the Hsiao
King, chapter 18th), ‘They speak, but without
elegance of phrase,’ the reference is to ministers and
inferior (officers).
10. According to the usages, when wearing the
sackcloth with jagged edges (for a father), (a son)
indicated that he heard what was said to him, but
did not reply in words; when wearing that with
even edges (for a mother), he replied, but did not
speak (of anything else); when wearing the mourn-
ing of nine months, he might speak (of other things),
but did not enter into any discussion ; when wearing
that of five months, or of three, he might discuss, but
did not show pleasure in doing so.
11, At the mourning rites for a parent, (the son)
wore the cap of sackcloth, with strings of cords, and
sandals of straw; after the third day, he (began to)
take gruel; after the third month, he washed his
head; at the end of the year, in the thirteenth
month, he put on the mourning silk and cap proper
after the first year; and when the three years were
completed, he offered the auspicious sacrifice.
12. When one has completed these three regu-
lated periods, the most animated with the sentiment
470 THE uf xi. BK, XLVI.
of benevolence (or humanity) can perceive the
affection (underlying the usages); he who has
(most) knowledge can perceive the nice distinctions
pervading them; and he who has (most) strength
can perceive the (force of) will (required for their
discharge). The propriety that regulates them, and
the righteousness that maintains their correctness,
may be examined by filial sons, deferential younger
brothers, and pure-minded virgins.
INDEX
TO THE
TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM,
PARTS I, Il, ΠῚ, Iv,
VOLUMES III, XVI, XXVII, XXVIII.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
The references refer to the parts and the pages.
Ability and character necessary to
official employment, Part i,
pages 221-53 iii, 322-4.
Acts and character, of Y4o, i, 31-6;
of Shun, as Y4o’s vice-gerent, i,
38-415 as sovereign, i, 42-5.
Administration of government, royal
regulations for, iii, 209-48; in
the twelve months of the year,
iii, 249-310; of justice, and how
tempered, 1,43, 48-9, 254-64;
ili, 235-8.
Admonitions, of Yii to Shun, i, 58-
61; of ἦ Yin to Thai Kia, 92-
103; to the prince of Khang,
- 170-13 to prince Shih, 205-10;
to king K4ing, 200-5, 220-5,
404-7; to officers, 407-10; of
duke ΥΩ to himself, 413-17.
Age and the aged, all dynasties
honoured in all conditions of
life, iv, 229-31; reverence and
care of, i, 123, 185, 401; iii, 67-
8, 70, 73-4, 240-4, 287-8, 464-
70 (delicacies provided for);
how shown in walking with, iv,
230; three classes of the aged,
see Three,
Agriculture, references to and de-
scriptions of, i, 32-4, 42-3, 85,
258, 312, 316, 320-3, 331-3, 365,
369-70, 383, 389, 398-95 ili, 227-
30, 239, 255, 260, 264, 270-1, 274,
284, 289, 293, 304, 308-9, 431-2.
Altars, i, 40, 153, 420 (and note);
the Great, i, 384 (and note); to
thespirits of the land and grain,
iv, 235; various, iv, 206-7,
Ancestral temples and worship, i, 40-
1, 44) 51, 92, 95) 126, 130, 134,
304-13, 313-36, 343, 348, 365-8,
370, 374-5, 387, 402-3, 420, 431-
2, 477-8, 485-6, 488; ili, 223-5,
369-71, 411-133 iv, 204-6, 309-
11.
Ancients, the, emblematic figures of,
i, 58; lessons and examples of,
107, 166, 171, 204,229,249, 252,
301. Ancient sayings, i, 271, 408.
Announcements, or public procla-
mations, and speeches, at Kan, i,
76-73 of Thang, 84-6; of Kung-
hui, 86-9; of king W4,—the
Great Declaration, 124-32,
Speech at MQ, 131-2, and The
Completion of the War, 133-5 ;
472
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
of king King, 156-61(the Great
Announcement) ; to prince of
Khang, 165-71; against drunken-
ness, 171-81; of the duke of
Sh4o, 181-8; of the duke of
Kau, 188-95; of king K4ang, to
the people of Shang, 196-200;
to his ministers, 226-31; of
king Khang, 243-8; the speech
at Pi, 267-70; of the marquis
of Khin, 270-72.
Announcements of deaths, forms of,
iv, 133-4.
Antiquity, Yao and Shun studied, i,
227 (and note) ; highest, the, ii,
385; middle, the, ii, 397; ways
of, to be followed, iv, 324.
Aprons, or knee-covers, i, 350; iv,
14, 153 size of parts of, iv, 172.
Archery, i, 375-400; iii, 202, 231,
375, 400; the ceremony of, iii,
56-73 iv, 446-53.
Arrows in the game of pitch-pot, iv,
397-400.
Army, royal, i, 76-7, 81, 2443 see
Six; signals and movements of,
in an expedition, iii, 90-2. Army
of LA, i, 344 (and note).
Arts or special acquirements, iii,
235; iv, 116.
Association of husband and wife in
sacrifices, iv, 238-41. See also
i, 431-2.
Astronomical references, i, 23-8,
32-4, 38-9, 82, 142, 296, 355,
363-4, 419; iii, 91-2, 249, 254,
257, 259, 262, 268, 272, 275,
276, 283, 286, 289, 291, 296,
301, 304, 306, 308, 426.
Audiences and other great meetings,
i, 40, 229, 373-4, 427-8; iii,
111-2, 218; non-attendance at
was criminal, i, 426.
Avenging the death of parents and
others, iii, 92, 140.
Banishment, rules for, i, 40-1, 433
iii, 232-45; cases of, i, 41, 75-6.
Banners, i, 326, 338, 342, 351, 418;
iii, 91-2.
Banquet, ceremony of the, iii, 57-8 ;
IV, 454-57.
Barter, established by Yii, i, 58. See
Inventions.
Bathing and washing, iv, 5.
Bells, see Music. The wooden-
tongued bell, i, 825; iii, 190,
260; iv, 34, 165.
Birth, usages in connexion with, of
a boy or girl, by the wife, iii,
471-43 by a concubine, 475; of
sons and daughters differently
regarded, i, 350-1; usages on
ial occasions of, iii, 311-
13.
Blessing of sacrifice, the, iv, 236-7.
Blind, musicians, i, 323 (and note).
Hall of the, a school of music,
iii, 346.
Bows, see Weapons of war. Bows
and arrows, conferred as re-
wards and at investitures, i,
267; use of, at the birth of an
heir-son, iii, 424 (and note), 472.
How a bow was presented and
received, iii, 84-5.
Branding, i, 256.
Bride and bridegroom, observances
between, iii, 440-15; iv, 264-5;
see also Book XLI. Brides of
kings Ki, Win, and W4, i, 380-1.
Burial, earliest forms of gave way
to use of coffins, ii, 385; differ-
ent materials of coffins, iii, 125;
coffins prepared beforehand
and kept in readiness, iii, 241;
taken with rulers leaving their
states, iii, 334. Reasons for
burial and coffin, iii, 177, 185;
times of, iii, 222-3. Thickness of
coffins, iii, 150; iv, 196. Coffins
of kings fourfold, iii, 158. Coffin
on bier presented in temple,
and then drawn to grave, iii,
1723 iv, 164-5; catafalque of,
at great funerals, iv, 197-8 ; let-
ting down of, iv, 198-9; with
head to the north, and on the
north of city, iii, 170. Rain
did not interrupt an interment,
iii, 223; case of an eclipse oc-
curring, iii, 338-9; vessels to
the eye of fancy and other
things for the grave or coffin,
iii, 148 (and note), 173 (wooden
automata condemned), iv, 55-6,
144, 197-8. Procedure when
both parents were buried at
same time, iii, 315; in case of
a lady dying before she had
become acknowledged wife, iii,
322. Origin of burying young
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
boys in coffins, iii, 341. Astone
coffin, iii, 149.
Burying living persons with the dead,
i, 4433 ili, 182, 184.
Calamities, the avoidable and un-
avoidable, i, 98.
Calling back the dead, iii, 108, 112,
129, 157, 167, 340, 368-9; iv,
132, 136, 143, 174-5.
Cap, the royal, with pendants, iv, 15
other caps, i, 240, 334, 3793 iii,
69, 76, 103, 125, 133, 144,
146, 1§3, 160, 201 (cap of the
bee), 288, 327, 344) 402, 433,
437-8, 449, 454; iv, 5, 9, 10,
54, 135-6, 138, 140-1, 162, 369,
378, 382, 402. 2
Capping, ceremony of, iii, 65, 79,
83, 144, 316-7, 358, 367, 388,
437-8, 4773 iv, 9, 52, 97, 16,
402, 425-7.
Carriages or chariots, and their
teams, i, 239 (and note), 243,
327, 342, 382, 407, 414, 418,
424; easy, iii, 66. Chariot and
horses, royal gift of, i, 267; iii,
67; small, sent to grave, iii,
161 (and note) ; iv, 140-1; the
soul-carriage, iii, 96 (and note).
Carrying and holding articles, rules
for, iii, 73, 99, 100; iv, 77.
Castration, iv, 99 (note).
Ceremonies, respect or reverence
in, essential, i, 4823; iii, 61-2;
their use and indispensableness,
iii, 63-5; iv, 270-77. Origin,
growth, and development, iii,
364-93; originated in the
Grand Unity, 386-8; their use
in the formation of character,
with the varying characteristics
of their value, 394-4143 as
dykes, for conservation and de-
fence, iv, 284-99. In govern-
ment of a state, and all relation-
ships, iv,257-60. Affordexample,
iv, 330-64. The greatest of all
things by which men live, iv,
261. Determine the due mean,
and what is right, 271. Com-
pared and contrasted with
music, iv, 96-105, 114-6, 224-6,
Grouped under five categories;
iv, 236 (and note); and under
six, iii, 230,248, Comprehend
473
300 greater rules and 3000
smaller, iv, 323.
Charges, to Yiieh, i, 112-8; to the
count of Wei, 161-3; to Kung
of Shai, 211-3; to Ktin-£4in,
231-4; to the duke of Pi, 245-
9; to Ktin-y4, 250-1; to Kdiung,
252-3; to the marquis WAn,
265-7; the Testamentary
Charge of king Kding, 234-42;
to the earl of Shao, 423-4; to
Kung Shan-f, 425-6 ; to Hit of
Shao, 427.
Civilisation, steps in early progress
of, ii, 383-5. See Inventions.
Comparisons, rule about, iii, 114.
Complaint, of king Y4’s queen, i,
376; of distressed officer, 364;
of a wife, 433-4; of unfortunate
woman deserted, 437-8.
Concubines, iii, 78, 101, 109, 113,
184, 189, 457, 471-2, 475, 478;
Iv, 44) 47, 48-9, 51, 52) 55) 1375
138-9, 152, 183, 297-8.
Condolences, see Mourning rites.
Confucius, at home at ease, iv, 270-
73; at leisure, 278-83; death of,
iii, 138-9. His burial of his
mother, iii, 123, in same grave
with his father, 124-5, and of
his dog, 196-7. Ideal descrip-
tion of, iv, 326-7. Friendship
with Yiian Zang, iii, 198-9 (and
note).
Consecration of a temple and its
vessels by blood, iv, 169-70.
Constellations and stars, see Astro-
nomical, and i, 149.
Counsels, of Shun to pastors of pro-
vinces, i, 42; of the Great Yi,
6-52; of K4o-ydo, 53-6; of
ΐ Yin, 92-103; of duke ΜΝ to
himself, i, 413-7.
Count, one of the orders of nobility,
i, 136 (and note); iii, 209; iv,
30. Title of chiefs of the wild
tribes, iii, 111.
Crimes, of Kieh of Hsia, i, 85, 197,
216; of Shau of Yin or Shang,
i, 119-21, 125-30, 135, 177, 197-
8, 222, 411-2.
Criminals, how dealt with, iii, 215-6.
Cups, jugs, and other drinking ves-
sels,i, 343, 366, 374-5 (and note),
386, 427, 445-6; iv, 32, 35.
Cupboards, iii, 464.
74 THE TEXTS OF
Dancing or pantomime, taught to
boys at thirteen, and afterwards,
iii, 477 (and note); 255 (and
note), 345, 347; iv, 92 (and
note), 121-31 (to the piece Ta-
wi). Dancing habits of Yin, i,
239. See also i, 343, 375.
Death, what takes place at, iii, 369,
4443 iv, 220-13 names for, of
different parties, iii, 108, 11a,
117; of parents alive and dead,
1183 of husband, wife’s lament
over, i, 441-2; of three worthies
of Khin, i, 443-4.
Decades, life divided into, and de-
scribed, iii, 65-6.
Demeanour, importance of, i, 413-
4; of different parties, iii, 112;
iv, 25-7; of son, on father’s
death, iii, 129; at grave, 1373
in serving parents, i, 480-1; in
mourning, 487-8.
Different, teaching of the different
classical books, iv, 255-6; an-
swers to questions about age
and wealth, iii, 115-6.
Dishes, arrangement of, at feast, iii,
79; various, of food, iii, 459-
64; 468-70.
Divination, i, 50, 104, 128, 145-7
(and note), 153-4, 157-9, 161,
183, 189-90, 349, 350-2 (about
dreams), 358-9; ii, 371-2 (and all
ii. is, in form at least, a book of
divination) ; iii, 78, 94, 119, 128,
181, 235, 238, 385, 428, 472; iv,
51, 71, 84, 135, 156, 180, 223,
289, 295, 298, 320, 331, 349-51.
Division of kingdom into twelve
provinces, i, 40, 60; into nine,
i, 64-72, ror (see also 310); iii,
III, 211-2, 4133 iv, 208. Di-
vision and apportioning of the
income, iii, 221-2.
Divorce, iii, 122 (and note, Did
Confucius divorce his wife?), 457
(and note); iv, 42, 44, 45, 573
of a lady sent back before she
had become the acknowledged
wife, iv, 170-1.
Doctor’s family should have prac-
tised medicine for three genera-
tions, iii, 114.
Domains or tenures, the five, i, 75-6,
229. See also i, 163, 176-7,
183, 207, 244.
CONFUCIANISM.
Doubts, submitted to divination, i,
145-6.
Dress, ordinary, of young men and
their wives, iii, 449-50; of
mourning, see Mourning rites.
The black robes, iv, 352-64.
The long dress, iv, 395-6. Dark-
coloured robes, iii, 448 ; various
particulars about, iv, 9-17.
Drinks, iii, 446-7(and note), 460; iv, 8.
Drinking in the country districts,
ceremony Of, iii, 56; iv, 435-45.
Dyeing, iii, 278.
Dynasties, see Three, Four, Five,
Seven.
Ears, cutting off, a punishment, i,
168, 256; left, of captives, i,
339, 392.
Ears of grain, left in field for the
widow, i, 373.
Eating, rules in, iii, 80-1, 89 ; iv, 20-1.
Eclipse of the sun, and ceremonies
at, i, 82 (and note); another, i,
355; at an interment, iii, 338-9.
Economy, rules of, iv, 3, 43 iii, 227.
Education and _ schools, iii, 231-5,
242, 255, 266, 308, 347-9, 359-
61; iv, 82-90; attention of king
W6 to, i, 137. Education of
young princes, iii, 345-503 iv,
82-90; ordinary of a boy, iii,
476-7; οὗ a girl, 478. The
Great Learning, iv, 411-24.
Eight is the number of the months
of spring, iii, 250, 258, 262.
Eight objects of government, i,
141-23 lii, 230, 248; tribes of
the Man, i, 150; iv, 30; 4a
sacrifices, iii, 431; materials of
musical instruments, iv, 1113
men walked beside the ruler’s
bier with clappers, iv, 165;
bells at the bits of carriage
team, i, 338, 426; baskets of
grain placed by'ruler’s coffin, iv,
197; dishes at sacrifice, iv, 38.
Eighty, old men of, iii, 66, 465-6 ;
iv, 230, 232.
Endogens and exogens, iii, 39.4 (note).
Equilibrium and harmony, state of,
iv, 300-29 (see note 3, p. 301).
Eulogies, rule for, iii, 3 33-4(andnote).
‘Example, the, of the sovereign, i,
53-4, 60, 88-9; effects of, i,
201-4; of crown-prince, iii,
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 475
351-33 as taught by the cere-
monial usages, iv, 330-64.
Father and son, the relationship of,
iii, 3453 iv, 313.
Father and mother, different posi-
tion of with son, iv, 341.
Fathers of husbandry, the, i, 371
(and note), 372; iii, 431)
war, i, 392 (and note) ; iii, 220;
of cookery, iii, 79; iv, 38; of
match-making, iii, 259; of the
fish-diet, iv, 78.
Filial Piety, Classic of, i, 465-88 ;
its name, early existence, con-
tents, and author, 449-51; its
history to A.D. 745, i, 452-83
. and since, 458-62 ; descriptions
and instances of, i, 212, 393-43
iti, 67-9, 87-8, 172, 182, 343,
357-8, 360-1, 372, 379, 386,
446, 449, 455-7, 467, 477 1] ἵν;
24, 41, 211-7, 222, 226-9, 233-4,
236-8, 268-9, 289-91, 308-115
when parents are ill, iii, 343-43:
under other peculiar circum-
stances, iii, 335-7; when parents
have faults, and deal hardly, iii,
456-7. An unfilial ruler was
reduced in rank, iii, 217.
Five jade-symbols of rank, i, 39; iv,
168-9; relationships of society,
and duties of, i, 43, 129, 137;
iii, 379-80; ceremonies, i, 55
see Ceremonies) ; emblematic
igures on robes, i, 56; pun-
ishments, i, 48, 56, 255, 261,
481; iii, 235-6; iv, 99, 384;
coloured earths, i, 67; correct
colours, iii, 382 5 iv, 90; inter-
mediate colours, iv, 11 (in note);
flavours, iii, 382, 435; domains
(see Domains) ; elements, i, 77,
140-13 iii, 382; sons, songs of
the, i, 78-80; orders of nobility,
i, 136, and their territories, iii,
209; personal matters and their
qualities, i, 141; dividers of
time, i, 142; favourable and
unfavourable verifications, i,
147; sources of happiness and
extreme evils, i, 149; adminis-
trative officers, _ iii, 109-10 ;
sacrifices of the house, iii, 116,
225, 300, 329, 376, 385; Great
officers in Great state, iii, 214;
states, a union, iii, 212; tour
of inspection in five years, i, 40;
iii, 216; princes appeared at
court once in five years, i, 40;
iii, 216; five kinds of grain, iii,
2231, 229, 270, 272, 276, 280,
293, 308; ancestral temples of
princes, iii, 223, 397; iv, 205;
five regions, the, iii, 229 ; turn-
ings over of royal boat, iii, 263 ;
five storehouses, iii, 265; con-
ditions in sacrificial victims, iii,
288 ; weapons of war, iii, 2943
descendants of the rulers in five
temple shrines, iii, 355-8; five
classes of the experienced, iii,
360; iv, 124, 2313 beverages,
iv, 2; washings of hands a day,
iv, 53 Ti, the, iv, 30; Tis, the,
iii, 468; iv, 102, 130; degrees
in kinship, iv, 42 (and note) ;
heads of clans changed in five
generations, 43, 63, 65; five
things claiming first attention
of sovereign, 61; attendant
carriages of Great officers of
first grade, 75; fifth year of
study, 83; five degrees of
mourning, 90; five senses, 90;
strings, lute with, 105; usages
of king, conveying great les-
sons, 124; days’ leaping on
death of Great officer, 143;
months’ mourning, 158; shells
in stuffing Great officer’s mouth,
wailing for him ended in five
months, sacrifice of Repose for
him offered five times, prince
buried five months after death,
164; things of shame to an
officer, 166; double rolls of
silk, a marriage offering, 172;
cross-bands in greater dressing
of dead, 186; dynasties, 204;
five premature deaths for which
king sacrificed, 207; things
securing good government, 216;
objects accomplished by sacri-
fice, 219-20; extreme points,
the, 278-9; fivefold or univer-
sal path, 313; wailings and
leapings of one who had hurried
to mourning rites, 369-73; rules
for long dress, 396.
Fifty, men of, iii, 66, 162, 240-1,
464-6; iv, 230.
476 THE TEXTS OF
Four, classes of the people, i, 229 ;
seas, the, 41, 46, 47, 76, 81,
117-8, 1363 iii, art, 245, 303,
413; iv, 91, 99, 227, 280, 295,
308-9; mountains, i, 229 (see
35) 39-40) ; states, the, 214,
2173 rivers, iii, 225 (and note) ;
subjects of instruction in four
— iii, 232-3 (and note);
cases of fatal criminality, 238 ;
forlorn classes, 244; inspectors,
278, 308; things interrupting
an audience, 328; aides, 350;
agencies, 378; intelligent crea-
tures, 383-4; limbs, 390; iv,
320; quarters, orcardinal points,
472; dishes of grain at royal
meal, iv, 4; Sai, the, 303
dynasties, 36, 39, 88; rules
for effectual teaching, 86; de-
fects in learners, 87; aids to the
fundamental in instruction, 91;
characteristics of ancient music,
108; states with bad music,
119; baskets of grain put by
Officer’s coffin, 197; schools,
the, 232; lowest classes of
menials, 249; things at grand
festive entertainments, 2743
seasons, the, 281, 326, 3933
things Confucius had not at-
tained to, 305-6.
Forty, men at, iii, 66.
Game of pitch-pot, iv, 397-401.
Gifts sent on occasions of death and
burial, and ceremonies of, iv,
144-8.
God (Tt and Shang ΤΊ), i, 39, 58,
85, 87, 89, 91, 95, 99) 111) 114,
126, 130, 135, 139, 144, 153,
159, 161, 163, 166, 184-5, 196-8,
206-8, 214-5, 221-2, 245, 256,
259, 266, 307, 309-10, 319-20,
321, 341, 343, 354, 378, 381-2,
389-92, 397; 399, 408, 410, 412,
420, 422; ii, 150, 223, 255, 287,
341, 425; ili, 218, 220, 254,
273, 288, 293, 309, 344, 370,
385, 407, 410, 413-4, 430-1; iv,
60, 118, 167, 212, 281, 311,
338-9 349, 363.
God (tf and shang-ti, used, pro-
bably, in the sense of demigod,
or deified hero), i, 32, 34, 38,
41-5, 46-52, 54, 57-8, 60-2, 256,
CONFUCIANISM.
258. So, in the phrase ‘five
Tis,’ see Five; and, in iii, 250,
257, 262, 268, 272, 276, 280,
283, 287, 291, 296, 302, 306.
Good, their, ascribed by men to
their parents, by ministers to
their rulers, by sovereigns to
Heaven, iv, 233.
Good, men are born, i, 89-90, 234,
410, 425.
Government, appointed by Heaven
for good of the people, i, 86-7,
90, 115, 309; fundamental con-
nexion of, with Heaven, iii, 376;
different conditions of, iii, 375-8;
of Kau dynasty, i, 219-25, 226-
31; Royal regulations for, fii,
209-48; Confucius on the prac-
tice of, iv, 263-4, 312-7, 340-7.
Governmental proceedings for each
month, iii, 249-310.
Grand course, early period of the,
iii, 364-6.
Grief, various outward manifesta-
tions of in mourning, iv, 385-90.
Habit becomes a second nature, i, 97.
Hall of Distinction, the, iii, intro-
duction, 28-30; i, 477 (and
note); iv, 231; progress of king
through its different apart-
ments from month to month,
iii, a51-2, 258, 263, 269, 273,
277, 281, 284, 287, 292, 297,
302, 3073; audience held in it
by duke of Kau, iv, 29-31;
effect of sacrifice in it, iv, 231.
Harems of king and princes, iii,
100, 109, 1133 iv, 432-4.
Harmony, benevolence, confidence,
and rightness, conditions of, iv,
257.
Heaven (=the Supreme Being), i,
39, 45, 50, 55-6, 58, 62, 77, 81,
83, 85, 86-7, 89, 90-1, 93, 96,
98-9, IOI, 104, 108-9, 115, 118-
22, 125-30, 132, 134-5, 139) 154)
156-61, 166-7, 169-70, 174,
176-8, 184-90, 192, 196-201,
205-8, 210, 312, 214-9, 236, 241,
245, 248, 259-60, 262, 264, 266,
306-7, 310-2, 316-7, 320, 325,
335, 342, 345, 347-8, 353, 354,
357-61, 364, 376, 378-81, 389,
394, 408-11, 414, 416-9, 425,
428-9, 434-5, 439) 441, 444) 479,
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
477
484; ii, 88, 155, 213-4, 218,
226, 229-30, 234-5, 239, 251,
254, 263, 276, 285, 322, 351, 354,
372, 375-6, 383, 417; iii, 135,
159, 201, 220, 236, 244, 256,
279, 333, 367, 371, 388-9, 410,
427, 430; iv, 96, 201, 218, 224,
233) 268-9, 281, 286, 288, 300,
306, 309, 313, 317, 322, 325,
327, 329, 337-8, 341, 347, 359.
To these should be added the
very many instances of the oc-
currence of the term in the
highest name of the sovereign
as ‘the son of Heaven,’ see iii,
107, note 1.
Heaven and Earth (where the phrase
has more than a material mean-
ing), i, 125, 129, 135, 228; ii,
223-4, 226, 227, 235, 238-40,
242-3, 245, 250-1, 257, 35374)
358, 362, 380-1, 395, 417, 424;
433; iii, 116, 222, 225, 285,
372, 377, 380, 382-3, 387, 396,
410, 439; iv, Too, 106, 111,
114-5, 118, 128, 131, 202-3, 222,
257, 281, 300, 304-5, 311, 321-2,
326-7, 349, 379. How they re-
spond to music and ceremonies,
iii, 115 (and note).
Honoured ones of heaven, the, i, 39
(six) ; iii, 300 (and note).
Honoured Head, and Smaller Head,
in new clan families, iv, 43-4,
65-6.
Honorary title or name, the, iii, 102,
112) 144, 180-1, 438; iv, 18,
106, 339.
Humanity, as the totality of man’s
nature, iv, 332-6.
Hunting, iii, 106, 220-1,294-5; Exces-
sive, i, 79; ‘king Wan, i in, i, 203.
Husband and wife, how the separa-
tion between them, as of dif-
ferent sex, continued to be
maintained, iv, 470-1.
Ice, preservation and use of, i, 445 ;
lii, 261, 308; iv, 423; use of,
in mourning rites, iii, 182.
Inauguration, of the different sea-
sons, ili, 253-4, 269, 284, 297-8;
of palace, i, 349-50 ; of mansion,
iii, 196.
Inscriptions on tripods, iv, 251-3.
Instruments of government, and in
the relations of society, iv, 357-
60.
Introduction, presents of, iii, 119.
Inventions early, of the eight tri-
grams, ii, 382; of written char-
acters and bonds, 385; of use
of fire in cooking and moulding,
iii, 369; of nets, markets, of
plough and husbandry, ii, 383;
of canoes and oars, of the use of
oxen and horses for draught, of
gates and other means of de-
fence, of the pestle and mortar,
of the bow and arrow, 384; of
house building, 385; iii, 369;
of burial and coffins, ii, 385; of
fermented or distilled liquors,
see eh 172-3.
Jade, why more valued than soap-
stone, iv, 463-4.
Judges, and administration of jus-
tice, 1, 43, 48:9, 83, 259-64;
iii, 235-8.
King, the, is appointed by Heaven
for the good ruling of the peo-
ple, i, 89-90, 126; the per-
manence of, and his line depend
on Heaven, i, 95, 126, 378-9, 380-
2, 389; should excel in virtue,
187; forms aternion with Hea-
ven and Earth, iii, 377; iv, 256;
three prerogatives of, iv, 324;
Sacrifices peculiar to, see Sacri-
fices, His ploughing, and its
object, iii, 254-5 (and note);
iv, 239. How he dealt in re-
gard to his criminal kindred,
iii, 356, 359, and at audiences
and feasts, 357. His care of
schools, see Education. His
domain, i, 753 iii, 209, 212-3;
appanages in it not hereditary,
iii, 214. He could never be
said to go abroad, iii, 113 (and
note).
Knee-covers, see Aprons.
Ki sacrifice, the, see Sacrifices.
Lament, see Death; over miserable
state of kingdom, i, 351-3, 354-5;
355-7, 357-8} over absence from
parents, i, 441.
Lessons, of the ancients, see An-
cients ; of the four seasons, iv,
478
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
281-2; of the will of Heaven,
iii, 376 (and note).
Lf Ki, the history of, iii, r-9 ; title
and value of, 9-14; enrolment as
one of the Five King, 14; notices
of different books in, 15-60.
Life, decades of, see Decades.
Longevity, of several virtuous kings,
i, 201-3; sought in worship, i,
345, 348; eyebrows of, i, 306,
326, 345.
Looking, regulation and direction
of, iii, 70-1, 77, 97, 118.
Love and respect lie at foundation
of government, iv, 264.
Man has a moral sense from God, i,
89, 90; is born good, 231, 425;
is the heart and mind of Heaven
and Earth, embodying the five
elements, iii, 382; is benevo-
lence, iv, 268-9 (and note) ; the
most intelligent of all creatures,
iv, 392; is in danger of becom-
ing bad, i, 86, 234, 410-11.
Man, the Superior, often meaning a
man of rank, but generally of
virtue and all admirable quali-
ties, iii, 350 (see note 1); iv, 267.
The name occurs more than
300 times, and is applied to
men of all classes, from the
scholar to the sage.
Man, the great, ii, 417.
Marriage, iii, 248, 367, 388, 438;
iv, 97; details about, iii, 77-8,
374) 439-423 iv, 45, 238, 259,
261, 264-6, 299, 428-34; pecu-
liar case in, iii, 320-1; could
only be formed through the
parents and the services of a
match-maker, iii, 78; iv, 297;
between parties of different
surnames, iii, 78; iv, 63; age
at, iii, 65 (and note), 478; a
second was discreditable on the
art of the widow, i, 435 (and
introductory note).
Marriages, of Shun, i, 36 (but see
iii, 132 and note); of Yi, 60;
of kings Ki and Win, 360.
Meals, offerings at, see Offerings.
Mean, the, Doctrine of, or State of
Equilibrium and Harmony, see
Equilibrium; Golden Rule of,
iv, 305,419; Confucius had not
attained to it, iv, 305-6; stand-
ard of, to be set up by king, i,
88.
Melon, cutting, for different parties,
iii, 82.
Minister, the prime, i, 228; had
under him the six grandees, iii,
109 (see i, 227-8); of Instruc-
tion, i, 228; iii, 230-3 ; of War,
i, 228; iii, 234-5; of Crime, i,
229; fii, 235-8; of Religion, i,
228 (i, 44, and iii, 109, and the
minister of Offices, 110); of
Works, i, 229; iii, 110, 228-30
(see note on i, 229). King had
six Great ministers, i, 268-9,
and the feudal lords, three, i,
233; iii, 213-4; their emolu-
ments and rank, iii, 210-11.
Missions, friendly, between states,
iii, 57-8.
Mourning, rites of, dress, times, and
tables of, iii, 202-8 (appendix
to Book II). Questions of
3ang-jze about them and other
“rites, iii, 311-42. Smaller points
in dress, iv, 40-59. Greater
points, 173-200, Gifts for and
miscellaneous points, 132-72.
Hurrying to, from a distance,
365-74. Questions about, 375-9.
Questions about dress in, 380-4.
Subsidiary points in, 385-90.
Custer about the three years
of, 391-4. The four moral con-
stituents underlying, iv, 465-72.
Preparations for a death, iv,
173, 181 (and note). Calling
the dead back, see Calling back.
Covering the body, plugging
the mouth open, keeping the
feet straight, washing, abstinence
of mourners, and replacing on
the couch, and putting in coffin,
iii, 141-2, 144-53 iv, 181-5,
193. Putting down offerings
of food by the corpse or coffin,
iii, 133, 148 (and note), 153, 156-
7; iv, 194-6. The slighter and
greater dressings (body-cases,
clothes, ties, and operations with
them), iv, 185-9, 375-7. The
first spirit-tablet, iii, 168 (and
note). Taking hold of the hand
and bending over the corpse,
iv, 190-1, The hut, huts, and
INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 479
unplastered apartment, iv, 134,
154, 163, 191-2. The wailing,
leaping, and beating the breast,
iii, 89, 93 (and note), 131-7,
150, 160; iv, 51, 58-9, 143,
188-90, 194-6, 370-9, 385-6, et
saepe. Visits of condolence, iii,
123, 135-6, 141; iv, 41, 54, 58,
139, 144, et saepe. The use
of the staff, iii, 134, 136, 161,
313, 322, 3345 iv, 48, 54, 57,
163, 180-1, 378-9, 467-8. The
coffin and burial, see Burial.
Sacrifices, in connexion with
mourning, see Sacrifice. A
bald man, a hunchback, and a
lame man, and the rites, iv, 378.
Real grief is better than many
rites, iii, 141.
Music, the, of Shun, i, 61; of Yao,
Shun, and Yii, iv, 106 (and note);
of WA, 121-4 (see also 130);
the ancient schools of, 109;
rules and times for teaching and
practising, iii, 232, 255,261, 266,
269-71, 274, 293, 348; iv, 274-53
instruments of, i, 305, 319, 323-4,
326, 367; iii, 83, 219, 273; iv,
35-7, 97, 111) 115, 119-21, 123;
times for regulating, iii, 217,
273; were composed of eight
materials, iv, rr1-2. The Re-
cord of music, iv, 95-131; with
the account of it in, iii, 32-3.
Object and effects of music, iii,
389-91; iv, 107, 224-5, 255-6 ;
see also i,61. The music that
has no sound, iv, 279; see 276.
Officers kept their instruments
at hand, iii, 106. But music
was not played during mourn-
ing, i, 41; iii, 103; nor in bad
years, iii, 106; nor at marriages,
lii, 442 (and note); nor for
three days after bride came to
her husband’s, 322 (and note) ;
nor in escorting friends or in
autumn, iv, 210. Occasions
when the ruler gave up his
music, iii, 159; iv, 164; see iii,
179-80. It was used at sacri-
fices, iv, 213-4, 350; but with
discrimination, iv, 330 ; and not
in preliminary purification, iv,
240. Confucius and Hsien-3ze,
in resuming music after mourn-
ing, iii, 130. See Notes, Officers,
and Tubes.
Name, the first, was given in child-
hood, iii, 79, 144 ; by the father,
three months after birth, iii,
473-5; that of maturity (the
designation), at the capping at
the age of twenty, iii, 65, 79,
144, 438; the name of ‘ uncle’
was not used till fifty, iii, 144.
The honorary or posthumous
name, see Honorary. The first
naming of a ruler’s heir-son,
born after his father’s death, iii,
311-3; after the burial, 313-4.
Names which should not be given to
a child, iii, 78 (and note), 474-5.
Onthe avoiding of certain names,
and the names used in certain
circumstances, iii, 66, 79, 93,
101, 107-8, 110-1, 1903 iv, 18,
27-8, 138, 161, 175; case of
names, composed of two char-
acters, iii, 93, 190; sacrificial
names for victims, offerings,
grandparents and parents, iii,
117-8. Dogs got names, iv, 76.
Natural phenomena of the different
months, iii, 251, 258, 259-60,
263-4, 269, 272, 275, 277-8, 283,
287, 289, 291-2, 295, 297, 302,
305-6, 308.
Nine is the number of the months
of autumn, iii, 283, 286, 291;
and the indication of the strong
or undivided lines in the dia-
grams of volume ii. Nine pro-
vinces, see Divisions; classes of
kin, i, 32; iv, 423 pastors, i,
229; virtues, i, 54, 221; divi-
sions of the Great Plan, i, 139-
49; tribes of the I, i, 150; iv,
30; services of good govern-
ment, and nine songs of them,
i, 48, 61; plains, iii, 196, 199;
individuals supported on best
farms, 210; high ministers, 213,
269; symbols of distinction,
215; years’ surplus of income,
222; ladies of honour, 259;
gates of capital, 265-6; things
that suspend a sacrifice, 330;
boys taught to number the days
at nine, 476; nine 3hii, iv, 30;
the ninth year of study, 83;
480
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
nine-scolloped flag, 114 3 shells
put in mouth of deceased king,
164; nineteen suits, in dressing
corpse, 185; standard rules of
government, 314-6; days’ wail-
ing for king’s death, 373;
months’ mourning, fabric of,
286 ; nine pin of Eing’s harem,
Vy 432.
Nose, cutting off the, punishment
of, i, 40 (note), 110.
Notes of music, see Five.
Numerical categories, see under two,
three, and other numbers
* Numerous Officers,’ the, i, 196-200;
‘Numerous Regions,’ i, 213-9.
Odour, or fragrance, a_charac-
teristic of the Kau sacrifices,
iii, 443; i, 366 (and note), 367,
399. The fragrance of good
government, i, 232; and of vir-
tue before God, and the rank
odour of cruel punishments, i,
256.
Offerings, sacrificial or thanksgiving,
at meals, iii, 79; iv, 20; et al.
Officers, the number of, gradually
increased, i, 227; gradations,
numbers, emoluments, and other
arrangements of, iii, 209-14.
One man, the, i, 100, 163, 3943; iii,
107 (and note) ; iv, 418.
Order, Great, period of, iv, 118.
Otter, the, offers fish in sacrifice, iii,
221, 251 (and note).
Palace, the royal, i, 236 (and note) ;
ancestral temple was built be-
fore the palace, in new settle-
ment, 384; see also iii, 103-4.
Parent, the, of all creatures, i, 125,
361; parent of the people, i,
125, 1443 import of that name,
iv, 278, 340-1, 420.
Parents, service of, see Filial piety ;
by sons and their wives, ii,
449-51, 452-6; assisted by the
younger brothers and sisters
of the household, 451; of the
widowed mother-in-law by the
wife, 453, 457. ν᾿
Pastors, i, 39, 42, 221-2, 224-53 iii,
111. Judges, the pastors or
shepherds of Heaven, i, 259.
Paths, three, iv, 333.
People, will of, Heaven's will, i, 128.
Perfection, what it is, iv, 236-7;
the royal perfection, i, 142-4.
The perfect man, and the mani-
festation of his perfection, iv,
317 (and note), 318-22.
Personators of the dead in sacrifices,
i, 300-1, 365, 367, 369, 375, 401,
493, 409 ; iii, 62, 69 (son cannot
personate father), 87, 170, 183,
189-90, 329-30, 337-8, 341,
374, 405-6 (six at the Great
sacrifice), 444, 446; iv, 1a, 25-6,
45) 53-4, 75, 78, 80, 88, 116,
152, 212, 240-2, 245-7.
Ploughing, the, of king and princes,
iv, 222. See King.
Powers, the three, ii, 402, 424; iv,
319 joe 2).
Prayer of king Hsiian, i, 419-23; of
duke of Kau, 153-4.
Precautions against excess in mourn-
ing austerities, iii, 87-8; iv, 159.
Premature deaths, iii, 125 (three
classes of), 161, 185, 337-8; iv,
he 52-3, 56, 58, 154, 162, 207,
383.
Preparation, importance of, i, 116;
iv, 316.
Presents of introduction, see Intro-
duction.
Presenting various offerings, rules
for, iii, 84-6; iv, 32-3, 144-73
proennne a daughter for a
arem, language in, iii, 119.
Provisions, left, iii, 82; at sacrifices,
the, iv, 242-3.
Queen, her six palaces and their
inmates (the harem), and how
she trained them, iv, 432-4;
work with silkworms and in silk,
iii, 265, 278 ; iv, 239. She sacri-
fices to the first matchmaker,
iii, 259. Her robe, iv, 15.
Effect of her sudden death, iii,
328-30, Associated, when she
died, in a sacrifice to her de-
ceased husband, i, 326. Famous
queens, i, 380-1, 383, 387-8, 396-
7. The bad Sze of Pio, i, 356
(and note).
Recorders or secretaries, i, 4-6;
178 (Grand, and Recorder of
interior); iii, 91, 235-6, 238, 309,
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
481
313-15) 373, 385, 439, 468, 4745
iv, 2 (recorders of Left and
Right), 4, 6, 135, 246-7.
Remonstrances, with parents and
rulers, on, iii, 114, 239, 456-73
iv, 73, 228, 290, 345-63; of the
people should not be suppressed,
1, 105.
Respect for one’s self, iv, 266-7.
Reverence in ceremonies generally,
see Ceremonies; in marriage,
iv, 264-5.
Rise of new families or clans within
the same surname, iv, 43-4, 63;
rules for sacrifice in connexion
with them, iii, 458.
Sacrifices, the laws of, iv, 200-9;
the meaning of, iv, 210-35; a
summary account of, iv, 236-54;
were for the purposes of prayer,
thanksgiving, and deprecation,
iii, 448 ; were especially expres-
sions of gratitude to God, and
the reverent commemoration
of ancestors and benefactors of
men, iv, 201 (and note), 207-8;
were preceded by vigil and
purification, see Purification;
were performed with selected
victims and other offerings, in
the proper robes, at the proper
altars, with the prescribed cere-
monies and music, iii, 107, 112,
226, 242-3, 288; iv, 201-7,214-5,
222-4, 237, 245-6. Most an-
ciently, water was the only
liquid used at them, and after-
wards had the most honoured
place, iii, 370-1; iv, 8 (and
note). They lie at the founda-
tion of all teaching, iv, 245.
Sacrifices of the king, wherein they
exceeded and differed from
those of others, iii, 116, 225-73
iv, 204-6. The border sacrifices,
presented on the border or
suburbs of the capital to God
or Heaven and Earth (iv, 311),
were peculiar to him. There
was but a single victim (Book
IX, and note 2, iii, 416) in
them, and the offerings of grain,
and the robes were the product
of the king’s ploughing and the
queen’s work in silk; they
[28]
were ‘the deepest expression
of reverence’ and ‘greatest
act of thanksgiving,’ iii, 273,
309, 398, 413, 426-315 iv, 1,
202-3. The sacrifice at the
Great Shé altar, iii, 425; sa-
crifices to the sun, moon, and
other material objects, iii, 427
(and note) ; iv, 209. Sacrifices
to ancestors, see Ancestral tem-
ple; to the spirits of the land
and grain, to seas, hills, rivers,
and streams, iii, 273, 303, 307,
309. Sacrifices of the house,
with the parts of the victims
made prominent in them, iii,
116,251, 258, 262, 269, 272,277,
281, 283, 287, 296-7, 302, 306;
iv, 38. The Ka sacrifice, iii,
364, 431-43 iv, 333,167. Sa-
crifices of LG, iv, 31-4. That for
driving away pestilence, iii, 423
(and note); to the kings of two
preceding dynasties, iii, 422-3;
on tours of inspection, i, 39-40;
iii, 417, 426,—compare iii, 218.
Sacrifices connected with the mourn-
ing rites :—That of Repose, iii,
137, 170 (and note), 189-90,
316; iv, 46-7, 48 (and note), 50,
55, 58, 139, 142, 155-6, 159-60,
164, 387-9; at the end of the
1st year (hsiao hsiang) and of
the and (ἃ hsiang), iii, 129-30
(and note), 317-8; iv, 9, 52,
138, 150, 152-3, 184, 192, 387;
and at the end of the mourning
(than), iii, 129-30(and note); iv,
192, 388. Thesame names are
employed of services at the end
of shorter periods of mourning,
iv, 158, 160.
Sacrifices, expense of, were a tenth
of all expenditure, iii, 222. The
robes at them were the most
prized of all, iv, 186, 308; they
and vessels were burnt or buried,
when worn out, iii, 92.
Scholar, the, and his character and
course, iv, 402-10.
Seven was the number of the
months of summer, iii, 268, 272,
277.
Seven directors, the (in astronomy),
i, 39; days’ fasting, case of, iii,
133; all in royal domain as-
11
482
sumed mourning seven days
after king’s death, iii, 194, and
during them the market-place
was shut, iii, 202; ruler of second
class had seven symbols of dis-
tinction, 215; king was coffined
on seventh day, 222; seven
lessons of morality, 230, 248;
classes of grooms, 294; feelings
of men, the, 379; brothers and
sisters did not use the same
mat or eat together at seven,
4763 seven months’ mourning
held to be for three seasons, iv,
46 (and note) ; the seventh year
of study, 83; seven regulations
in teaching, 84-5; days’ leaping
for ruler’s death, 143; his mouth
stuffed with seven shells, wail-
ing for him ended in seven
months, and sacrifice of repose
offered seven times, 164, 3723
seven dynasties, 204 (and note) ;
sacrifices and altars of king, 206;
days of looser vigil, 240, 292;
drinking the seventh cup, 246;
seven shing in fabric of me-
dium sackcloth, 388.
Seventy, old men of, iii, 66, 88, 240-
2, 464-6; eldest son of, should
not be without a wife, 316.
Shih King, the, name and contents
of, i, 275-79 ; before Confucius,
and what, if any, were his labours
on it, 280-4; from him to the ac-
knowledgment of present text,
285-9; how it was. formed,
290-3; how it is so incom-
plete, 293-4 ; interpretation and
writers, 294-6; the Confucian
preface, 296-8.
Shoes, left outside the door, iii, 71.
Rules about, iii, 71, 76-7, 103,
449750, 453 3 iv, 17, 20, 53, 70,
72, 81, 135, 137; 145.
ShG King, the, nature and history
of, i,1-113 credibility of, 12-19,
principal eras in, and chrono-
logy of China, with chart of the
principal stars for epoch of B.c.
2300, 20-30.
Six was the number for the months
of winter, iii, 296, 302, 306, and
the name for the divided lines
of the diagrams of vol. ii. Six
Honoured ones, i, 39 ; hosts of
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
king and their leaders, i, 76-7,
81, 129, 229, 244; magazines
of natural wealth, 48, 74;
Grand ministers and their de-
partments, 228-9; extreme
evils, 149 (and note); tenures,
226; grandees of Heaven’s in-
stitution, and six departments
of the statutes, iii, 109; trea-
suries and six stores of the king,
1103; ceremonial observances,
230, 248; things that break up
an audience, 328-9; Great men,
366; upper musical accords,
and six figures on robes, 382 ;
personators, 406; arrows shot
on birth of ruler’s heir-son, 4723
Zung tribes, iv, 30; years of
the duke of Kau’s regency, 31;
bond of kinship ends with sixth
generation, 63; six considera-
tions regulating the mourning
worn, 63-4; cases of affinity,
64; things that make teaching
vain, 86-7; peculiarities of
sound, in music, 93; six upper
and six lower musical accords,
118; instruments introducing
virtuous airs, 119; dressers of
corpse, 188; baskets of grain
by coffin of Great officer, and
six supporting ropes of ruler’s
catafalque, 197-8; shang in fa-
bric of certain sackcloth, 388.
Sixty, men of, iii, 66,88, 240-2, 464-6.
Slept, how gentlemen, and would rise
for wind, thunder, and rain, iv, 5.
Spirit, spirits, spirit-like, and cognate
words, denoted by shin (wiih)
and kwei shin (4 wih),
i, 39) 45, 47, 51 (K.S.), 51-2, 90
(and note), 93 (k.s.), 96, 99
(k. S.), 101, 109, 116, 123, 126,
135, 153 (Κ. 5.), 163, 217, 228,
232, 318 (and note), 347-8,
365-8, 372, 387-8, 405 (and
note), 415 (and note), 419-20,
422, 428, 485-6 (k.s.); ii, 226
kK. s.), 230, 259 (k. S.), 354
k. s.), 354, 357 (and note), 365
k. s.), 366, 370, 372-4, 377-8,
383, 390, 392, 395, 417 (kK. 5.),
422, 427; ili, 64 (k.s.), 78 (k.s.),
108 (k.s.), 148, 167 (k.s.), 169,
173,217, 238, 250,257, 262, 268,
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
483
272, 276, 278, 280, 283, 287, 291,
296, 302, 306, 367 (Κ. 5.), 368
(k.s.), 370 (k.s.), 371, 375 (k.s.),
377 (k.S.), 381 τς »383 (k.s.),
384 (k. a 385 (k.s.), 386 (k.s.),
388 (k.s.), 389 (k.s.), 391 (k. a
394 (k. εν 395 (Κ. 5.), 397 (Κ. 5.)»
398 (K.S.), 412) 423, 425, 430,
434, 436, 441 (KS), 444, 446;
iv, 73,99 (Κ. 5.), ror (Κ. 5.), 104
(Kk. 5.), 113-4, 125, 138, 170, 203,
213-4, 219 (k.s.), 220 (K.S.), 224,
235, 237 (Κ.5.), 239-40, 245, 261,
265, 271 (k.s.), 272 (k.S.), 273
(k.s.), 282, 307 (k.s.), 308, 320,
325 (K.s.), 331 (Κ.5.), 342-3, 345,
349-50 (k.S.), 363, 464.
Staff, the, was always carried, even
in house, after fifty, iii, 241, 465;
and stool were carried to an
interview with an old man, iii,
67, and always given to one of
seventy still in office, 66. Staffs
of hazel, iii, 432; of bamboo,
and a dryandria branch, iv, 41.
Use in mourning, see Mourning
rites.
State, officers and rulers leaving
their, rules for, iii, 104, 107.
Strap, for mounting a carriage by,
lil, 95 (and Spe 96, 98.
Sympathy and kindly feeling, rules
of, iii, 106, 125, 256, 265, 275,
287-8.
Tablet, the Spirit, iii, 108 (and
note), 168 (and note), 171-2,
323, 336, 4443 iv, 47, 51, 81,
136-7, 142, 163; in the event of
war, iii, 324-5, 355; the memo-
randum, iv, 12, 13.
Ten evil ways of three bad fashions,
i, 943; able ministers of king
να, 128 ; good men who helped
king KAang, 158, 160; a boy
went out to school at ten, iii,
65, 477; and a girl no longer
went out from the women’s
apartments, 478; a youth serves
one older by ten years as an
elder brother, 68; ten states
formed a confederacy, 212; a
tenth of the expenditure went
for sacrifices, and during the
three years of mourning for the
rites, 322; ten things held to be
right or virtues, 380; relation-
ships recognised in sacrifice, iv,
245-9; what teneyes behold, 413.
Terminus, the Grand, ii, 373.
Ternion, the Great, iii, 377; iv, 256;
see iv, 319 (and note).
Testamentary Charge of king KAing,
the, i, 234-42.
Thirty, marriage at, iii, 65 (and
note), 477.
Three Mido and three Wei, i, 41,
45; silks, 40; localities for
banishment, 43; religious cere-
monies, 44; examinations, 45;
departments of governmental
action, 48, 222; virtues, 55,
144, 2603 characters of soil, 75;
commencements of the year,
77; kings of Kau, 153 ; grades of
ability, 221-2; Kung andthree
Κα, 227-8; Kido and three
Sui, 269; extremes, ii, 351;
first three gifts of king, iii, 67,
215; divination should not ex-
ceed thrice, 94; absence from
one’s state for three generations
or more, 1o2; three years’
mourning for father, ruler, and
teacher, 121; deaths not con-
doled about, 131; wives of Shun,
132 (and note) ; small carriages
sent to the grave, 161; dynas-
ties, usages of, in burial, 170;
families of LG, 184 (and note) ;
days’ wailing for a burnt shrine,
190 ; different times in assuming
mourning for king, 194; mar-
ket shut for three days on a
ruler’s death, 202; huntings, 220
(note); customs for three days
and three nights after a mar-
riage, 322 ; king Wan visited his
father thrice a day, 347 (note);
three mats’ distance between
pupil and master, 347 ; classes
of the old, 360, 385; iv, 124,
231; dynasties, 405; iv, 130,
349; dukes, iv, 39; over two
years counted three, 45; third
year’s studies, 83; three kings,
the, 88, 91, 102; impar-
tialities, 281; things common
to mourning rites for king and
an officer, 149; shouts in
calling dead back, 174; grades
of officers, 177 ; mourners took
112
484
the staff on the third day, 180;
they abstained from food for
three days, 183, 375; three
occasions for abstinence, 184 ;
months’ keeping from nuptial
chamber, 192; condoling visits
of ruler, 194; shells put in
mouth of officer, and sacrifice
of Repose thrice offered for
him, 164; three things about
his learning that occasion sor-
row to superior men, 166 ; spe-
cial sacrifices of Great officer,
207; things specially important
at a sacrifice, 241; great re-
lationships and their functions,
263-4 ; points having no positive
existence, 278-9, and their five
effects, 280-1 ; universal virtues,
313; things essential to cultiva-
tion of character, 314; hundred
ceremonies and three thousand
modes of demeanour, 333 ; iii,
404; ways in which the virtues
of humanity appear, 333; a
visitor only advances after three
salutations, and an officer leaves
the state when his advice has
been thrice rejected, 346;
dressing the corpse commenced
three days after death, 377;
three quavers in wailing, 386;
shang in fabric of coarsest
sackcloth, 388; reason for the
three years’ mourning, 3943
‘horses’ in game of pitch-pot,
399-
Tranquillity Small, the period of, iii,
366-7,
‘ Tribute, of Yt,’ the, i, 63-76; arti-
cles of tribute, iii, 420.
Twelve pendants of royal cap, iv, 13
streamers of Li banner, 32:
shang in fabric of five months’
mourning, 388 ; strips of cloth
in the Long dress, 395 ; mouths,
pitch-tubes, articles of diet, iii,
382.
Twenty, the age for capping, iii, 79, et
al., and for marriageof girls, 478.
Two, living animals in introductory
presents, i, 40; characters in a
name, case of, iii, 93, 1903
grounds for a certain wailing,
150; hair of two colours (turn-
ing grey), men with, not to be
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
taken captive, 178 ; two Great
chiefs, 213 (and note); best
trees, the, 394; concubines,
case of, 457; victims, 459;
towels in bathing, iv, 5; sub-
jects not treated as subjects,
88; torches in ruler’s hall, in
mourning, 178; two prisoners
liberated by Kwan Kung, 168 ;
baskets of grain by coffin of
officer, 197; elements in man’s
constitution, the, 221; sur-
names united by marriage, 264,
428; elements in ceremony
and music, 276; days’ absti-
nence on mother’s death, 386.
Union, the Grand, period of, iii, 365-6.
Unity, the Grand, iii, 386-8 (and note).
Verifications, the various, i, 147-9
(and notes).
Victims and offerings, of, i, 134, 183,
194, 306, 317, 323, 325, 332-4,
343, 387-9, 401, 419-20, 445;
iii, 226-7, 338 (the satisfying
offerings, dark and bright), 347-
8, 369-72, 398, 408, 411-2, 416-
9, 428, 435-7) 446; iv, 35, 80.
Visits between princes, iv, 274. The
ceremony of friendly missions
or visits, iv, 458-64.
Wailing, see Mourning rites.
Walking, rules in, iii, 68,244; iv, 25-6.
‘Wedges, double, use of, jii, 158; iv,
196-7.
Widow, a, should not wail at night,
iv, 299; and one should not
have interviews with her son,
298 ; iii, 78.
Wife, the correct, will not marry
again, i, 435; iii, 439.
Wild tribes, the, and their charac-
teristics, iii, 2¢9-30; they had
different languages, and inter-
preters were used in communi-
cating with them, ib.; their
places at an audience, iv, 30.
Witch, exposing a, in the sun, iii, 201.
Yi King, history of, from twelfth
century B. C. to the commence-
ment of the Christian era, ii,
1-9; the subject matter of the
Text, with the lineal figures
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
485
and the explanation of them,
9-26; the Appendixes, 26-55.
Diagrams of the Trigrams and
Hexagrams, after the Intro-
duction.
Yin and Yang, the, i, 228; ii, 223,
355, 357, 359, 388, 395, 421,
4235 10, 286, 304, 338, 381, 383,
387; iv, 104, 108, 115, 219, 233,
238, 249-50, 403, 433, 436, 465.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
a
A-hang, Part i, pages 95, 118, 311.
Called P&o-hang, i, 118, 207.
_ 1.4. f Yin, qv.
Ai (duke), iii, 159, 187-9, 191,197; iv,
166, 169, 261, 263, 312, 403, 409.
An (surname), An-3ze and An Phing-
kung, iii, 174-5, 402; iv, 165.
Black-, the, water, i, 71, 73.
Fa (name of king W4, 4. ν.), i, 126,
132, 135.
Fan, i, 355. (Relative of Ksung 7),
iii, 166, 1993 iv, 421.
Fang (constellation), i, 82. (Place),
iii,125. Fang-hstin, i, 32. Fang-
ἀδὶ, i, 34. Fang-f, iv, 37.
Fang (capital of king W4n), i, 133,
183, 246, 394-5. (River), 1,71;
74, 395. (Name of prince), i,
164-71. (Hexagram 55), ii, 183-
6, 258-9, 335-6, 438, 443.
Fa (state), i, 423; iv, 282. (Hexa-
gram 24), ii, 107-8, 233, 297-8,
435, 442. F-24ai, iii, 178.
Fé-ésien, i, 73. Fa-kwan, i,
438. Ffi-yen, i, 114.
Han (river), i, 68-9, 73. (State), i,
426. (Hill), i, 386. (Milky way),
i, 363, 419. <
Hang (river), i, 65. (Mountains),
i, 68, 72-3. (Hex. 32), ii, 125-6,
, 238-9, 307, 436, 442.
Hao, i, 395.
Hau-Ai, i, 320, 341-2, 397-9, 420;
iv, 32, 340, 350 (iq. Αἴ and
Khi q.v.) Hau MQ, iii, 152.
Hau-th(, iii, 280; iv, 208. (A
domain), i,75, 134, 165,189, 244.
Ho (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. (The
Ho, or Yellow river), i, 65, 67,
69, 71, 73-4) 79, 108, 117, 308,
318, 336, 435; i, 81; ili, 135,
193, 245, 407; iv, 123. (The
Ὁ map), ii, 14-173 iii, 374.
(Another river), i, 70. (State),
i, 239. Ho-li, i, 73.
Hst (astronomers), i, 32-4, 81. Hst-
4ih, i, 72. Hsi-24i, iv, 294.
Hsi-sze, i, 346.
Hsia (river), i, 381. (Dynasty), i,
33-4, 63, 84-5, 87, 89, 93, 96,
Tol, 128, 185-7, 197, 199, 214-
6, 227, 310, 412. Hsia Hau-
shih, iii, 125, 138, 151, 191, 240,
242-3, 341, 438, 46435 iv, 34-9,
123. Hsia FG-£4}, iii, 403.
Hsiang, i, 356. (Dukes), iii, 154;
186. (The symbols of the Yi),
ii, 12, 360, 381.
Hsiao (duke), iii, 318. Hsiao Κρ
(hex. 9), ii, 76-7, 221-2, 278-9,
43374) 443. Hsiao Kwo (hex.
62), li, 201-3, 264, 344-5, 384,
438) 443- ode
Hsieh, i, 42-3, 303, 307, 3093; iii,
3723 ἵν, 202, 208.
Hsien (dukes), iii, 126, 165 ; 182, iv,
252. (Hex. 31), ii, 123-4, 238,
305-6, 436, 442. Hsien Pan-f(,
iii,r27-8. Hsien-3ze, Hsien-3ze
So, iii, 150, 152~4, 201; iv, 423.
Hsin (state), i, 381 (note). Hsin-fa,
i, 346.
Hsiung-r, i, 73.
Hsii (hex. 5), ii, 67, 218, 273, 433,
443. Hstt Kau, i, 66. (Region),
i, 269 ; iii, 193. Hsti YQ, iv, 166,
Hsti Tien, iv, 450.
Hstian-ming, iii, 296, 302, 306.
ΗΔ (hill), i, 345. (Nobles), i, 212-3,
427. (State), i, 77. (Officer),
iii, 143. H-khau, i, 64, γα.
HG T4, iii, 126-7.
Hui, iv, 303 (i.g. Yen Ytian, q. v.)
Hui-3ze, iii, 143.
Hung Yo, i, 208.
486
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
Hw, i, 70, 73 (Thai Hw4), 133.
Hwii, i, 66-8, 74, 268, 339-40, 345.
Hwan (river), i, 71. (Dukes), iii,
1863 iii, 323, 4203 iv, 168; iv,
10, (Hex. 59), ii, 194-6, 261-2,
341, 384, 438, 442. (Minis-
ter), iii, 149. Hwan-tau, i, 34,
41,54. The three Hwan, iii, 421.
Hwang Ti, iii, 280; iv, 123, 201,
209. Hwang-f(, i, 355.
Hwo, i, 211.
i (rivers), i, 66, 74. (Another), 69,
74. (Tribes of the East), i, 150;
(nine f), as in iv, 30. (Element-
ary forms of the Y%), ii, 12.
(Prince), i, 79. (An officer),
iii, 178. (Hex. 27), ii, 114-5,
235, 301-2, 435, 443. I-ho, i,
266-7, 1 Kih, i, 207. f Li, iv,
164. {-po, iii, 187. f Yin, i, 92,
95, 97-101, 207 (i. q. A-hang).
Kan (place), i, 76. Kan Pan,i,116,207.
Kan (trigram 7), ii, 11, 32, 33, 425-
6, 428-30, 432. (Hex. 52), ii,
175-7, 256, 331-2, 437, 441.
Khan (trig. 6), ii, 11, 32-3, 425-6,
428-9, 431. (Hex. 29), ii, 118-
% 136.7,.303: 4, 485, 443.
Khang (state), i, 164, (King), i, 243,
250, 319; iv, 253. (King of
KPA), iii, 186.
K4o, K4o Yo, i, 43, 53-8, 61-2, 339.
K4o Qung, i, 118-9; ii, 205 ; iii,
1793 iv, 390, 468 (i. q. WGi-ting,
q.v.) Kao 3ze-ko, iii, 136.
Khfo (duke), iii, 193.
Kau (hex. 44), ii, 154-5, 250, 321-2,
437, 443- Kau-mang, lil, 250,
257, 262.
Ko (marsh), i, 70,74. (State), i, 88.
(Hex. 49), ii, 167-8, 253-4, 328-
9, 437) 443.
Κα (state), i, 310. (Hex. 18), ii,
95-6, 228-9, 290-1, 434, 442.
Kfi-sau, i, 52.
Kung (place), i, 391. Kung-hsi K4ih,
iii, 139. Kung-t Kung-ze, iii,
120. Kung Kiang, i, 434. Kung-
aien Xia, iii, 184. Kung-kung
(minister), i, 34, 41, 435 iv,
208 (Kung-kung-shih). Kung-
ming |, iii, 1403 iv, 226.
Kung-shd ; M4, iii, 151; Wan-
226, iii, 145, 180; Zo, iii, 184;
ZG-zin, iii, 185.
Kia, iv, 156.
Khung (surname). Khung-3ze, Con-
fucius, passim in iii, iv. Called
also Khung KAif, iii, 123, 139,
196, 198, 364; iv, 122, 261, 305.
Called also Kung-ni and Ni-fu,
q.v. Styled also Ffi-3ze, the
Master, and still more often,
simply 3ze, the Master. Khung
Kwei, iv, 252.
Kwéi (hex. 43), ii, 151-3, 249, 320-
1, 385, 437) 444-
Khwii Shang, iii, 187.
Kwan (state), i, 154, 211. (Hordes),
i, 389. (Hex. 20), ii, 99-100,
229-30, 292-3, 434,441. Kwan
Kung, iii, 402; iv, 165, 168.
Khwin (mountain), i, 83. (Y's
father), i, 35, 41, 1393 iv, 208.
(Trig. 8), ii, rx, 32-3, 348-9,
377-81, 425-6, 428-30. (Hex.
a), ti, 59-61, 214-5, 268-9, 418-
31, 433,441. (Hex. 47), ti, 161-
3, 252, 325-6, 437,442. Khwan-
lun, i, 72.
Khwei (minister), i, 44-5, 613 iv,
105, 275. (Hex. 38), ii, 139-40,
243, 314, 385, 436, 442.
Kwei (hill), i, 345. (Stream), i, 36.
Kwei Mei (hex. 54), 180-2, 257-
8, 334-5, 438, 444.
Kwo (state), i, 208. Kwo-lin, i, art.
wo Kao-3ze, iii, 175.
Kung-yang
Ka (a festivity), iii, 364, 431-4; iv,
3374, 167.
Kan (marsh), i, 68. (Trig. 4), ii, τα,
32-3, 425-31. (Hex. 51), ii, 172-
4, 355-6, 330-1, 437, 441.
Kang (river), i, 64. (City), i, 346.
Kang Lio, iii, 196.
King (state), iv, 117, 119. Kang
Kiang, iii, 167,176. Kang-34i,
iii, 190.
Khan, i, 69, 74, 189.
Kin, or Kéin (state), i, 270-1, 442-
3; iii, 186; iv, 421, (As sur-
name), Kin :—Kan-hsi, iii, 185;
KAi-4i, iii, 186; Ha, i, 207;
8:6- ὔ, iii, 181; 3ze-khang, iii,
182; Kwang-jze, iii, 150.
Kbang (king Wan), iv, 60. Kéang
Kung, fv, 122.
Kbing (king), i, 155, 250, 316, 319,
321, 326, 328, 342; ill, 344-5.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
487
(Duke), iii, 187; iv, 252. King-
sh, iv, 252. (Tribes), i, 223.
Kbaing-kau, i, 246, 249. Koaing-
gze Kao, iii, 155.
Kao (duke), iii, 318, 3273 iv, 167.
(State, as surname), Wan-3ze,
ili, 196, 199, 420 (i.g. Kao WA).
Kau (state and dynasty), i, 124, and
passim, in the Books of Kau (i,
124-272); also in the Shih King
(i, 313-445)3_ ii, 5. (Kau Yi),
403; iii, 125-6, 131, 139, 144,
151, 168-9, 172, 240, 242-3,
341, 350, 372, 406, 428, 438,
443-4, 467; iv, 34-9, 63, 106,
122, 125, 202, 208, 219, 229,
242, 248, 252, 282, 294, 324,
342-3, 355, 363, 415. In many
of these instances, and others,
the reference is to the duke of
Kau, called Tan, q.v. (The
tyrant of Shang or Yin), iii,
3963; iv, 31, 63, 290, 448 (called
also K4u-hsin, and Shin, q. v.)
Kau Fang, iii, 191.
Ki (king Xi Li), i, 134, 153, 203, 381,
390; iii, 3435 iv, 60. Xi, i,
56-8, and K4i, i, 42; i.q. Hau-
ki, q.v. (1. q. 3ze-sze), iii, 122,
133. (Clan name), iii, 415; iv,
a1 (Ki-shih); iii, 128, 197
(Ki-sun); Hwan-jze, iii, 323;
Khang-jze, iii, 176, 184, 324;
iv, 11; Kao-jze, iii, 174; Wd-
ze, iii, 121, 132,162. Ki-gze,
ΠῚ, 192. Ki Qf (hex. 63), ii, ao4-
6, 265, 345-6, 438,443. Ki-shih,
i,72. Ki Kau, i, 64. (River), i,
65-6, 74.
Ki (states), i, 136, 139; ii, 135,
242, 311 (Kdi-yze); i, 152
(note), 237; iii, 188, 323, 420;
iv, 123. (Mountain), i, 64, 71-
2, 316, 342, 383, 391. (Ksi-kau),
427; li, 160, 324. (Rivers), i,
74, 325, 382, 438. (King, son of
YQ), i, 60, 72 (note). Ki Liang,
iii, 188. (Poetical pieces), iv,
129-30.
Kia, Kia Zan (hex. 37), ii, 136-8,
242, 312-3, 436, 442. Kia-f0, i,
353. Kia-po, i, 356.
Kiang (tribes), i, 131. (The Great
river), i, 68 (Three K., nine
K.), 69, 73 (Northern K., nine
), 4273 iii, 245. (Another
river), i, 73. (Surname), i, 383
(i.q. Thai Κι) Xiang Υ ἅδη, i,
341, 396.
Khbiang, i, 43.
Kieh (rocks), i, 65,72. (The tyrant),
i, 84 (note), 86, 127, 197, 221,
310; iii, 3965; iv, 418. (Hex.
40), fi, 144-5, 245, 316-7, 436,
442. (Hex. 60), ii, 197-8, 262,
342-3, 438, 442 (may be read
Bieh)
Kien (river), i, 69, 74, 189. (Hex.
39), li, 141-3, 244) 315, 436, 442.
(Hex. 53), ii, 178-9, 257, 333,
_ 43778, 442.
Khien (trig. 1), ii, 11, 32-3, 395,
425-6, 428-30. (Hex. 1), ii, 57-
8, 213, 267, 348-9, 381, 408-17,
430, 441. (Hex. 15), ii, 89-90,
226, 286-7, 434, 442. (Moun-
tain), i, 72. (River), i, 69.
Kbien Ao, iii, 194.
Khbiung (state), i, 78-9. (Office), i,
252 (and Po-£hiung).
Kih, Kih T4o0-jze, iii, 179.
Khih, Kbih Zan, i, 106. Késih-y(,
i, 255.
King (hills), i, 68-9, 71, 308, 313.
(River), i, 71, 74, 402. (State),
i, 311-2 (and King-440), 344;
iii, 150, 186-7. King Kau, i, 68.
Kbing 1, iii, 155. Kding Kau, i, 65.
Kbo (a name), iv, 294.
Κα (Y4o’s son), i, 34, 60. (River),
iii, 35. KQ-yeh, i, 71. KG-yi,
i, 72. KG-li, iii, 193, 195. ΚΧύ-
yung, iii, 268, 272, 276.
KO (Ti), iv, 208.
Kun (hex. 3), ii, 62-3, 215-6, 270,
433, 439 (note), 441.
Kbun-w(, i,71. Kéun ΚρΙθ, iv, 255-6.
Kbui, i, 239.
Kung (prince), i, 211: (i,q. H4).
Kung-ni, iii, 179, 184-5, 196,
351, 364; iv, 213, 270, 301,
326 (Confucius), Kung Hwan,
i, 237. Kung Hsien, iii, 151.
Kung Liang-jze, iii, 152. Kung
Shan-f(, i, 425-6; iv, 335. Kung
Sui, iii, 184. Kung Khang
(king), i, 81. Kung-nan (hill),
i, 71. Kung-td, iii, 150. Kung
pune (king), i, 201, 204. Kung
ἃ (hex. 61), ii, 199-200, 263,
34374) 438, 443.
Kbung (minister), i, 257. (City),
488
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
i, 392-3. (Mountain), i, 41.
Kbung-hw4, i, 38. Kéung-r
(prince), iii, 126, 165-6.
Ku (King), iii, 193. Kti-kdiao, i, 136.
« Ki Po-yii, iii, 145, 411.
Kbii (river), i, 74, 383. KSti-sAu, i, 72.
Kiin, Kiin-444n, i, 231-3. Kiin-w(,
i, 310. iin Y4, i, 250-1.
Kwan (Ti), Xwan-hsii, iii, 296, 302,
306; iv, 201, 208.
Kwang (dukes), i, 342; iii, 127, 165,
188, 198. A’wang-shéy, iv, 252.
Kwang Kiang, i, 433. (Mu-
sician), iii, 179.
Li, i, 66.
Lang, iii, 185.
Lio, Lao Tan, iii, 325, 339-40, 342
(i. q. LAo-gze).
Léi, Léi-hsia, i,65. Léi-sh&u, i, 72.
Lt, see ΑἹ Li. (State), i, 120.
(Stream), i, 73, 189. (Hill), i,
52. (Minister), i, 257. (Con-
fucius’ son), iii, 131 (i.q. Po-yii).
(Trig. 3), li, 11, 32-3, 425, 428-
30, 432. (Hex. 10), ii, 78-80,
222-3, 280-1, 434, 443. (Hex.
30), li, 120-2, 237, 304-5, 4355
443. Li-shan Shih, iv, 208.
Li A}, iii, 126. Lt Shdu, iv, 124.
Liang (mountain), i, 64, 421. Liang
Kau, i, 70.
Ling (duke), iii, 323.
Lift (duke), i, 134 (note). Li& Zo,
iii,151. Lid A wang, iii, 183. Lif
Sha (moving sands), i, 73, 76.
Lo (river), i, 69, 70, 73-4, 79, 183.
(City), i, 165, 183, 188-9, 196,
199, 200, 218, 246. Lo Shih,
iii, 433 (and note).
LA (state), i, 269, 336-46; iii, 126-
7) 129, 150-1, 153, 159, 165,
184-5, 187, 189, 191, 202, 327,
364, 372, 4075 IV, 31-9, 144.
(Tribes), i, 131,223. LO Thai,
i, 136.
Lii (state), i, 254-5. (Tribe), i, 149-
go. (Hex. 56), ii, 187-8, 259-
60, 337, 438, 443.
Lung (minister), i, 44-5. Lung-
man, i, 72-3.
Man (southern tribes), i, 345; iii,
111, 229; iv, 30 (eight M.}, 33.
Man-fQ, iii, 124.
Ming (hills), i, 66, 70, 345. (Hex.
4), ti, 64-6, 217, 271-2, 433, 441.
{ arsh), Mang-é0, i, 69, 70.
Ford), Ming King, i, 73, 125,
136. (Surname), Ming:—Hsien-
ye Hii, 129, 1545 iv, 167, 423}
King-4ze, iii, 174; H@ and Phi,
iii, 152.
Mao (tribes), i, 131. (State), i, 235.
Mei (region), i, 174-5. Mei-mau
(name), iii, 143.
Mt, i, 391.
Miho, i, 51-2, 54, 61, 25$-6, 258-60.
See San Miao.
Mien, i, 71.
Min, i, 70, 73.
Ming, iv, 203, 209 (i.q. Hsiian-
ming, q.v.) Ming f (hex. 36),
ii, 134-5, 241-2, 311-2, 436, 442.
Ming-thido, i, 93.
Mo (tribes), i, 345. ᾿
Μὰ (king), i, 250. (Dukes), iii, 126,
150, 173, 201, 165-6, (State),
iv, 298. M{-po, iii, 167, 176.
Nan (domain), i, 75, 165, 177-8, 183,
244. Nan-kbdo, i, 86 an-
Aiao, i, 33. Nan-kung (sur-
name) : — Xing-sh@, iii, 149;
Kwo, i, 208; M§o, i, 237; Thao,
iii, 129.
Néi-fang, i, 73.
N}-f6, iii, 159 (Confucius).
Niao-shf, i, 71, and Niao-sh Thung-
hsiieh, 74.
Nii-kw, iv, 37. Nii-fang, i, 73.
Pai, iii, 122.
Pan, iii, 184 (i. q. Kung-sh@ Zo).
Pan-king, i, 103-6, 108, 111.
Pan, iii, 154. Pan-mau Kia, iv,
121-2.
Phang (tribes), i, 131. Phang-li, i,
67, 73.
PAo (state), i, 356 (PAo0 Sze). Pao-
hsi, ii, 382-3 (i. q. F€-hst). Pao-
hing, see A-hang.
Pei-wei, i, 73.
Pi (place), i, 267-8. (State), i, 235,
243, 245. (Hex. 8), ii. 73-5,
220-1, 277-8, 433, 441. (Hex,
22), ii, 103-4, 231, 294-5, 435,
442. Pi-kan, i, 1363 iv, 123.
Phi, iii, 178. (Hex. 12), ii, 83-5,
| 224, 282-3, 434, 443.
Pin, i, 44.
Phing (duke), iii, 179-80.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES,
489
Po (hill), i, 70, 73 (Po Kung).
eae i, 89, 93, 97, 117, 223
three Po). (Hexagram 23), ii,
105-6, 232, 296, 435, 442. Po
ἴ, i, 44, 258. Po in, i, 268 ;
tii, 342, 345, 350. Po Kbing,
i, 252. Po Yi-khio, iii, 120.
car i, 433 iii, 131 (iq. Li,
4. Vv.
Pho, i, 131.
Pa Kwo, iii, 137.
San f-shang, i, 208. San Mido, i,
1, 45, 71 (see Miao). San
el, 1, 41, 71) 75.
Sh&n (state), i, 423; iv, 282. (Nathe
of Zang-jze), ii, 465 ; ili, 140 ;
iv, 226. Shan-hsiang, i iii, 132-3.
Shin-sing, iii, 126. Shin Nang,
iii, 279 (see ney ii, 383 (i. q.
Yen Ti, q.
Shang (dynasty), i, 84, 87-8, 93, 98,
tol, 118, 123, 125, 127-8, 131-
6, 303-13, 4123 iv, 116, 122-
3; see Yin. (Disciple), iii,
1353 iv, 270 (i,q. 3ze-hsia),
Shang-f@, i, 382. Shang Yung,
i, 136. Shang Yang, iii, 185.
(Odes), iv, 129-30.
Shang (hex. 46), ii, 159-60, 251-2,
324-5, 437, 442. Shang-hsing,
iii, 129.
Shfo (state), i, 181, 404, 4273 iii,
340-13 iv, 122. Shao Hao(T?),
iii, 283, 287, 201. ‘Shio-lien,
iv, 153. Shao-shih, iv, 171.
Shiu, i, 126-30, 132, 138-6, 204,
222.
Shih, ie 205-9, 235. Shih:—T4i-4ung
and Kéi-3ze, fii, 181. Shih Ho
(hex. ae ii, 101-2, 230-1, 293-4,
434 4
Sha (gana) i i, 43 iii, 180. (King), iv,
255-6. Shd-sun WO-shG, iii, 146;
iv, 156. Sh@-eung:—Phi an
Yen, iii, 200, Shfi-y4, iii, 199.
Shun (Ti), i i, 35, 3778, 45) 118, 227;
iii, 132, 396; iv, 105, 123, 208,
302, 308, 326 (called also Y@
Yit-shih, see Yit).
Sui (Zui, Khui), i, 43, 2393 iv, 37.
eats iii, 194. ex, 17), ii,
9374, 228, 289-90, 384, 434, 442.
Sun (trig. 5), ii, 11, 32-3, 425,
428-9, 431. (Hex. 41), ii, 146-8,
+ 246, 317-8, 437, 441. (Hex.
57)» ii, 189-91, 260, 338-9, 438,
442.
Sung (state), i, 327; iti, 127, 1495
197, 368, 372; iv, 119, 123, 246,
402. (Praise-songs), i, 336-7
(note). (Hex. 6), ii, 69-70, 219,
274-5) 433, 443.
Sze (disciple), iv, 270, 276, (i. q.
Bze-kang, q. v.) (Hex. 7), ii,
22-5, 71-2) 220, 275-6, 433, 441.
526-80 King-3ze, iii, 174-5.
Ta-lu, i, 65, 7» TA-lien, iv, 153.
Ta-pei, i , 73. Ta-yeh, i, 66.
Ta-y@ (hex. 14), ii, 88, 225-6,
285-6, 434, 443. Τὰ Kwang
(hex. 34), ii, 129-30, 240, 309,
385, 436, 443. Τὰ Χρῇ (hex.
26), ii, 112-3, 234-5, 300, 435,
441. Kwo (hex. 28), ii,
116-7, 234-5, 302-3, 385, 435»
mee
Tha, i, 6
Tai, Tai jung, and Thai (moun-
tain), i, 39, 65-6, 345.
Thai (king), i, 134 (note), 153, 203,
316, 342 (i. q. Than-f@, 4. v.)
State, i, 398. (Hex. 11), ii,
81-2, 223-4, 281-2, 434, 443.
Thai Ηδο, iii, 250, 257, 262,
(i. ᾳ. F-hsi, or Pao-hst). Thai
Kia, i, 95, 100, 206; iv, 333, 259
414. Thai-hang, i, 72. Thai W
i, 207 (i.q. Kung Sung, 4. 3
Thai Tien, i, 208. Thai Yo, i,
72. Thai Zan, i, 380-1, 387. Thai
Sze, i, 388. Thai Kiang (or
Kau Kiang), i, 383, 387. Thai
yiian, i, 64. hai Kung, iii,
1313 iv, 122 ες . Shang-fd).
Tan (state), i, 60, Name) i, 153
nore 153, 185, 194, 209, 224
eee Kau Kung). Tan hwas,
Than Y Kang: iii, 17, 1206. Than-f@,
i, 383; iv, 60 (iq. king Thai).
Thang (state), i, 31, 35, 227
(king), i, 85 (title), 89, 92,
128, 162, 176, 197, 206, 215,
221, 304-123 lii, 366, 396; iv,
202, 209, 281, 355.
Thang, iii, 152, 187.
Thao (state), i, 80 (and note). Thao-
Abid, i, 74. Thiao-lin, i, 134.
Thwan, the, ii, 31, 35, 313-66, 352,
387, 400, 405.
490
Ti (northern tribes), iii, 177, 229;
iv, 30 (six Ti). ieee
i, 312. Ti-k40, i, 73. Ti I,
iii, 151.
Ting (constellation), i, 436. (Duke),
iii, 195. (Hex. 50), ii, 169-71,
25475) 329-30, 437, 443.
Tho, i, 68-9, 70, 73.
Τί (place), i, 426. Τὰ KaAiao, iii,
153. Τῇ Khwii, iii, 179.
Thé-shan, i, 60.
Tui (trig. 2), ii, 11, 32-3, 425-6,
428-32. (Hex. 58), ii, 192-3,
261, 340, 438, 442. (Armourer),
3, 239. γ"
Tun (names), iii, 120, 188. Tun-
Abid, i, 418.
Thun Ἐν 35, ii, 127-8, 240, 308,
436,
Thung (place), i, 97. (State), i,
235. Thung-pii, i, 73. Thung-
yuan, i, 67. Thung Zan (hex.
13), li, 86-7, 225, 284, 434, 443.
341 Wo, iv, 220.
Shai (hill), i, 70. (State), i, 211-2.
(Domain), i, 165 (compare i, 75,
ch. 4, par. 3).
3ang Wan-éung, iii, 403.
Shang-lang, i, 73.
3ang (surname), Sing-jze, i, 465,
47, 476, 483; iii, 124, 126, 128,
332-5, 141-2, 147, 149, 151-2,
154, 164, 174, 187, 197, 311-92
(passim), 406, 467; iv, 143, 152,
156-7, 161 (see Shin). Qing
Tien, iii, 162. 34ng Shan, iii,
126 (and note), 128; iv, 161.
Sang Yiian, iii, 128.
3ze (river), i,66. (In names or desig-
nations), 3ze-hsia, iii, 135-6,
140, 142, 150, 155-6, 174,
341-23 iv, 116-8, 278-81 (i. 4.
Shang, 4. v.) 3ze-Aang, iii, 132,
140, 142, 164, 1793; iv, 270,
276 (ig. Sze, q.v.) 3ze-
kung, iii, 134, 136-7, 138-9,
196-7; iv, 129, 131, 153, 167,
213, 270-1, 275 (i.q. 3hze, q. v.)
§ze-kao, iv, 142, 169. 326-16,
iii, 123, 127, 131, 139, 141, 182,
185, 190-1, 415; iv, 303, 144,
(i. ᾳ. YG, .q. v.) 3ze-sze, iii,
122, 134, 133, 151-2, 173, 194
(i. q. Khung Xi, q.v.) 326-
shang, iii, 122. ze-lid, iii, 145,
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM.
2οο. 9ze-shih, iii, 145. 3ze-
kban, iv, 270. 3ze-hsien, iii,
166. 3ze-han, iii, 197-8. 3ze-
yG, iii, 120, 141-4, 146, 165, 174,
176, 326, 337; iv, 16, 155 (i. q.
Yen Υὔ, q.v.) 3ze-f0 Hui-po,
iii, 187. 3ze-fa | Po-3ze, i iii, 120.
3ze-Fii Yen-hsi, i i, 443- 3ze-
shi King-sh(, iii, 187.
Shze, iii, 134, 1383 iv, 129, 167 (i. 4.
9ze-kung),
Bin (state), iii, 126, 165, 196-7, 199,
407; iv, 294. (Hex. 35), ii,
_ 131-3, 341, 310, 436, 442.
Bing (hex. 48), ii, 164-6, 253, 327-8,
437, 442
go f,i, 120-1. 80 Ki, i,t19. 30-
Iai, i i, 346. 0. Αἰ, i, 204. 86-
yi, i, 207. 30-shau, iii, 291
(should be Zfi-shau).
Shui (hex. 45), ii, 156-8, 250-1,
323-4) 437) 442.
3un-Ai, iii, 183.
Wi4i-fang, i, 73.
Wan (king), i, 126, 130, 134, 153,
165-6, 170, 174-5, 192-5, 203-4,
208-10, 212, 222-5, 235-6, 241,
244,246, 250-1, 252, 266, 314-5,
317, 328, 342, 377-8, 380-1, 387,
391-2, 394, 411-25 ii, 241, 403,
iii, 120, 343-5, 3665 iv, 60, 118,
167, 209 (see KAang). (Duke),
iv, 169. (Earl), iii, 152. (Mar-
quises), i, 265; iv, 116, 118,
(River), i, 66, 74. Wan-3ze, fii,
143-4. ‘Wan-po, iii, 176, Wan-
ming, i, 46.
Wang-wG, i, 72. Wang I, ili, 185.
Weak-water, the, i, 73.
Wei (states), i, 121-2, 4373 iii, 120,
126, 134, 136-7, 181-3, 194,
2523 iv, 94, 116, I19. aati
i, 65,71,74, 381,392. (Domain),
i, 165, 177-8, 189, 244. Wei
Β1 (hex. 64), ii, 207-10, 265-6,
346-7, 439) 444-
WA (king), i, 154-5, 192-5, 208, 232-5,
236, 241, 244, 250-1, 252, 266,
318-9, 328, 334-5, 342) 393s 395;
4273 il, 254; iti, 120, 344, 366,
3965 iv, 31, 36, 60, r21-3, 167,
310 (see ΕΔ). (Musical perform-
ance), iv, 121-2. (Dukes), i,
374 (note); iv, 36. Wo- wane
(hex. 28), ii, 109-11, 233-4, 299,
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
491
435, 44τ. W£-ting (king), i,
112 (note), 207, 3083; iv, 468
(i.q. Kau Sung, q.v.) W6
Hsien, i, 207.
Y4 odes, iv, 84, 127-8, 129 (Ta Ya,
Hsiao Ya). (Musical instru-
ment), iv, 117.
Yang (river), i, 73. Yang Kau, i,
67. Yang Κρῦ- fA, iii, 199.
Yao, i, 31, 38, 118, 2273 ili, 396;
iv, 123, 201, 208, 326, 418.
Yen (ΤΊ), iii, 268, 272, 276 (i. 4. Shan
Nang, q. v.) (Region), i, 199,
214. (Name), iii, 120. Yen-
sze, iii, 133. Yen YQ, iv, 270-1;
(i. q. 8ze-y€, 4. v.) Yen Yiian,
ili, 137, 139, 185 (i.g. Hui, q.v.)
Yen Lif, iii, 188.
ri (hill), i, 67. (Minister), i 1, 44) 47,
56-7. (A Recorder), i, 195: iii,
341; iv, 129. (Hex. 42), ii,
149-50, 247-8, 319, 437) 441.
Yin (dynasty, later name of Shang),
i, 104, 108, 120, 122-3, 157, 161,
162, 168, 170-1, 176-8, 183-7,
190, 194, 196-9, 201, 205, 208,
214, 217-8, 233, 236, 244, 246,
248-9, 308, 311, 411-2 (Yin
Shang); iii, 125, 138-40, 145,
168-70, 172, 101, 240, 242-3,
341, 368, 405-6, 438, 443-4,
464, 467; iv, 31, 34-9, 106, 123,
202, 218, 229, 294, 324, 342-3.
Yin KAi, ili, 431.
Yo (mountain), i i, 64, 72 (Thai Yo).
Yo-4ing 3ze-shun, iii, 128,
201.
YG (king), i, 296; iii, 372. (Dis-
ciple), iii, 127, 415 (i,q. 3ze-l0,
q.v.) Yé-yze, iii, 130, 149,176;
iv, 141, i.g. YQ Zo, iii, 165, 174,
188-9.
Yui (the Great), i, 42, 46-52, 53-4,
57-8, 60, 64, 76, 79, 87, 140,
225, 258, 342, 369, 395, 426; iil,
366, 372, 396, 202, 208, 339, 3533
(included in Hsia Hau-shih, q. v.)
Yu Ti, iv, 343, iq. Shun, who
is also called Y@ Yii Shih, iii,
125, IQI, 240, 242, 443, 467;
iv, 34-6, 38-9, 201, 229. (Hil 1), i,
41, 66-7. (O fficer), i, 356.
(State), i, 385. (Hex. 16), ii,
91-2, 227, 287-8, 434, 442. Υὔ
Kau, i, το.
Ytian (state), i, 391. (Name), iii,
145. Ὑὔδη Zang, iii, 198.
Yiieh, i, 112-8 (name of man, and
title of Book). (State), iv, 37.
Yun, i, 69.
Yung (river), i i, 65. (Tribes), i, 131.
Yung Kau, i, 71. Yung-po, i,
69, 74. ii, i
Zan-ze, iii, 134. Zan YQ, ili, 150.
Zau (district), iii, 124.
ZG-shau, iii, 283, 287, 291, printed
36. Ζῇ Pi, iii, 167.
Zui, i, 235, 2445 385.
Zung, i, 72, 266; iii, 111, 177, 229;
iv, 30 (six Zung).
Digitized by Google
493
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS,
tee oe a λιν τ. oe bBo ete . u one . ΒΠΌΒΌΝ «“ 2ῖ
. 3 2 ‘ & 4.6 jorclorer cee eyides “91
oo] e 2 2 rr) R "» eee δ oe a rr) cs) spam 91
"7 Φ . eee eo eefove eoeee 2 ee ee 7 ee ef eee wee oe eyerdse «“ φῖ
¥ rs .οὸ 2 ba) a mflece: x ἐλ} esse ee και cee gmuay 61
(‘oz ‘soyeqered)
eBjVoOYIpou soreinzyny
ot «+ eee eo 8 e eee eee eceee eee eee Y, cee ces 8 SngBoUy 5109] [ ZI
- ω 2 2 sho Lassa) keen ak ane stele ++ © snywouy sadew « Il
ἐδ, 1. £ 2 2 eee ee ee oee oe ee eee q, “c+ δ sipeoney staat “ OL
ὃ “ 2 Ὦ: Arena eal eee ett δον da oe η, Τ᾽" sqeonyysedse “ὃ 6
eee δ \ \ ΟΕ ΞΕΞΕΕΤ ἢ ἐσ τ κι eee egret «ς 8
gt ou to tok | κα [ῶ)αὶ κα [ττ0Ὑ|11ῪὉ 0] ]τῪτῪ τ τ ἀρᾶσα snyindg 2
Mea eee eee προφ δὲ {ἢ ἃς He ὉΠ (να) ἀξ eee bae aes ἐπ sequeenr ὃ
eee εἰ ῷ ῷ eee eree eee fo ewe elu ewe b ‘sss ss ΡΒ Β]- ΟΠ ΠῸ g
eee C eee see Σ ὃ Ἀ οοοοἷε.. η3 cess + ἐφθχάρα ε Γ
eee ζ ἃ ΞΞ ς ῷ le Pe ad ee ὦ Bi lrrrecee tse + ΒΙΡΟΙΝ ὃ
qy [εἰ “οὐ ... “ [ a ce ecole we WY τ τσ λιν φησάοα “ Z
x € @ Φ 6 ¢ 2 Seep Sen ἣ δἰ ς τ τὸς ἀῶ ee * + sinuay, 1
“seTeingyng
SSID ΠΠ1 | WD 11} SBD
SLNVNOSNOD
“LHAVHdTV ASVNOISSIN
“LSVYT AHL 10 SHOOG απϑοὸνς AHL 10
SNOILVISNVU] FHL YOA AILIOdV SLUSVHdTY ἼΝΙΝΒΕΙΣΟ JO NOILVUALIISNVY 1,
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
494
Ch eel Pele hee
u c Ω͂ ia) (
* ΠΑ͂Ν ς ς “ας τ
re) ΕΠ arcane .
fe ς ς ς
ed ΚΕ ΕΞ a fer
43 ae “tage
‘sour | “mozgoH | Ὅταν | Uesi9g | “Moye
|
“pusz
“yysues
(ἢ ὦ ὁ ἢ ἃ ἡ γε ὃ
(ἢ z .ο. o-
4 ὁ eelene Ζ
Δ Ὁ δ μος see
eee 5
1 es oe
“. 1 ee
δ. τὸ . I
“Ὁ. ΠῚ
Ha ee ew
Ξ ΤΡ
. Ρ
HL ΦΌΩΣ
. aw [ὁ 1}
oe “. 4
Zz
8
ἐγ} δῇ
oe (A)
yl τῇ
“SSID IIT | 55Ὲ10 11 1 3510 1
———
“LHQVHdTV AUVNOISSIN
τ @enunwedse “ 28
‘e+ ΚΤ βασπααοάθη “ 98
ea νιδΦ9 9 8S ΒΙΌ9Ι “ 98
4 τὺ τὰ εν gaodsu “ Be
SOAK tev + TL aodse snqundg 66
sss τ siypour ve ras
0.46. OG) 2 1 st]joun « 18
ἐς δυο ++ sreooatmag og
δι τὰ δῷ Argnieltyite πὸ σον * ΒΠΌΒΌΝ GZ
ὡς Suide st wreaks eyppiqisse “= gz
ee ἃ ὧν . + eqeridse “ 22
ΣΝ ΠΟ te sees ν ΠΡΟΣ 95
δι SUS) 0b κἂν ῷ wyOLIGISsB - CZ
We ee itive -uyendss “5g
$i gine la batan’e fale a * smuoy, 8
*so| Bj U0
* + ΒΗ ΒΠΟΙΒΒΈ study τ ον
το * snqzepiqisse sodse “ TZ
ef ey eB 8. SHOT se 02
see ee godse snzudg 61
ttre ees + © ρηθοολίαιος 81
“(panuszHo2)
SINVNOSNOD
Digitized by Google
495
FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
“4. 5
yw 1"
πὰ
Φφοο.ο
ΟΣ
ἐστιν κα κι κα κι oe αθαθθΛ,
τῆς ἀχούθοῦ ΚΣ αι serpasnuy
ἐλ κι κι κι κι ἐριαο “ἢ
ee eee * + yodge snyindg
ἐστ σιν agendse “
oscecvevee sTpeooatmiag
ΚΣ δ ΚΣ SS ΡΠΈΒΈΝ
ΟΠ ὅσ *eultesinuay,
ee eee . eyerdse ΩΣ
ΣΟ")
tees + epundee “
“soferqe T
sree Σ δ δ © 6109] oe
see gadse snyndg
.
.
.
τ ὁ ἢ ΦοΟΙ ΟΌΤ0 sf
ΠΣ} 4
τ τσ σι δος βθοολπαος EF
52 δ» ΒΠΒΡΌΝ OP
sess φηθχιάθα “
ΠΣ ΗΝ
‘+ eyandse =
ee ee
6S
89
25
99
99
Ἐφ
ΠΣ]
6s
19
os
6h
‘eee * smuar gp
LY
9F
SP
bP
ΤΡ
ΟΡ
θὲ
coer ere σι δ» smuaT 98
(Ὅν “θοιβηϑππ)
ORPBOGIPou 991810907
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
496
ἢ ᾿ ᾿ a
oa ἢ δ ι
oe eee oe eee efoce 8
eee oe ee * oe 8 e * * * I(ng)no
eee oeofoeccfoce “......2}- + + + {(ng) na
ny ee of = . (nv) sr oe ee (np) ny
oe 4 see] eve a μἽ
ο ss foes “4... ® eee le west oer ο
eee .....|.. . ecee eee lewee + + « [(NQ) to)
19 ‘1a . cee foeae . “.οο 955]. .... ““4(ώ}19
i] ee] 8D > poet] eeee 2 sees (ὦ)
af afte] et] © [Rae] ἃ {τ} 0) [Oe
9 ΑΓ... aon OP 6)3} Τ᾿ cere fone 9
oa eo π᾿ 4: ὦ} ν
n * ἘΞ Ἐπ cee < ΓῚ ee ee foe n
Sees sar ot [feeb ave fies ees . bh . δ μ
eve oe Ἀ . . “
ΟἿΣ » "
eee Ὁ} es er ee 7 Πῤιφιἰ 2 δ eee "
pio} Ayal el] ὁ 3 (*) | 3
ι pees ae pea eee γ s e eee t
e|/ tia om) r nv La (») | ὃ
8 = = -π- «ROLE w a ines 8
see ear δ τὸ δ ugg} ot’ eee Q
cee eee 2
R a fee ce ee . 0
"π,’ρᾷῦ’τ᾿ΠρνϑρᾺ.....΄’.......-- “0 ςτὸ ὦ»
ἐλ + wyouy omwiqu-oanyiny £2
eoeeeeeve
“ce
«
* wyoeyy θηειη91 9%
Δ ΛΔ ΚΣ es eqoeay seed og
Tres wey aenyny 5g
oe $3
[ ζζ
STTVIqe]-01n}4nF στιϑυοιηηά!ᾳ 17
sees] (0) [(ae)g] """ 5ϑ0οι
« 0 Ζ
ἘΣ ° SANTA ΒΒ Β "ΟΠ ῊΠῸ GT
«
«
τ 9° 9860]
δ 81
« LI
Ty | seyered-ornyynF onBuoyyydiq 91
“ SI
°° * staaaq syezeped-ommygnr) pF]
Ω 8380] CU gI
* 8916 ΒηΒΙΑΘΊ ZT
eee er eee
eee ee oe
eee eee e
ee ee eee
eee eee
ee cee ee
8800.
[ 1
staoaq stTenSury ΟἹ
* 8800] ἰὼ 6
. 8300. « 2
sITRIQEy
« 8
siyequped-o8udiey Z
“SIAMOA
sean’ |
we — «ae -
=
Digitized by Google
68 9 4)
Digitized by O e
Gooal
Digitized by O
Google
Digitized by O e
Gooal
᾿ς 6month loans may be recharged by bringing books to Circulation Desk |
4 Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date
___.... __ .DUE AS STAMPED BELOW
RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT
202 Main Libra
ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS
1-month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405
CIRCULATION DE
κέν
1
FORM ΝΟ. DD 6, 40m, ὁ7ζ6 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
BERKELEY, CA 9472.
1
CRA SA a Ly ᾽ Ψ ,
eps eh eee aye
1}
“ol
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11