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Full text of "Smash the profiteers"






<f ».> H 



SMASH 



THE 



rt 



PROFIT 




pp' 



This booklet was prepared by IRVING HOWK. Labor Action Kdlturtal Ito.ti(I 

A. VICTOR, Campaign Director 

P. BERN, Organizer, Local New York, Workers iMrty 

• 

Illustrations by R. NANCY KKKM. 



Published by 
WORKERS PARTY CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE 



Brooklyn Headquarters 114 WEST HTH STREET 

276 Fulton Street New yofk n> ^ Y< 



2nd Floor 
Brooklyn, N. Y. 



CHelsca 2-9681 



Harlem H*Mtlii».trir*? 

2143 >r-Vfllth Avmiui* 

flouin tU>'i 

Nriv Vi»rK i'iu 



Workers Party Branches meet evt'ry Wwlii*-: d:iy at IH*>» p *.• 



■0V 



Set up, printed and bound by uni'iti ?.;;. 
Printed in U.S.A. 



It'll Soon Be Election Time Again 



Mah Friends . . . 
He's a crook . . . 
He's a crook . . . 
(They're both crooks!) 

Ah'm here to protect 
the Southern ladies from 
minimum wage laws. . . . 

Take away some of the 
power of the trade unions. . . . 

Ah'm labor's frien. f Jus* LOVE labor. . . . 

Tho Democratic Party is your fricn. . , . 

The Republican Party is your frion. . . . 

Everybody is your frien ... at election time. . . , 

Turn off that radio! Let me road Terry and tho 
Pirates whora the humor is intentional and tho 
lying is harmless. 

That's the picture yoo get of election time, isn't 




it? Can't say wo blame you. 
Yet here we are— we of the 
Worfters forty-— asking you fa 
read this little booklet about 
elections, and about our two 
candidates for Congress in 
New York City. Max Shaeht- 
mon in the 15th District In 
Brooklyn and Ernest Rico Mc- 
Klnney in the 22nd District In 
Manhattan. 
We think we have answers to the questions thut 

huv:/. around in a fellow's head until they drive 

him whacky. 

Thv uiiswits to questions like: 

Why RIack .Market? 

Why are foot! prices, sky-rocketing? How much 
is your dollar really worth? 

Is then- rcnins to be another war? When? Why 
war anyway? 



Let's Look At It This Way 



• 9 



The most important elections this year are for 
Congress. Therefore, let's see what the issues are. 
Let's take as our starting point the end of the wan 

—from then until this 
coming election — and 
see what's happened. 
One thing we can 
tell you right off: 
all the glory-road 
speeches and the su- 
gar-sweet rhetoric of 
the war days are 
pretty much forgot- 
ten. 

Those of us who 
were in service re- 
member listening to 
those dreary Infor- 
mation and Educa- 
tion hours (at least 
you didn't have to 
march — and if it 
was dark, you could 
sleep too) when they 
told us how wonder- 




ful life would be onee the war wiv- owr umi tti«- 
"democracies" had won. I support- tho..i- of j>>» 
who remained at home got the wmie lint-. 

Well, we were pretty skeptical all aloij;? we 
were socialists who believed that the war wa.-n'i 
a holy crusade for "democracy" but rathi-t- an 
imperialist war; that is, a war fur profits, for no 
nomic domination. 

And it looks as though all the "de»noiT;u*y" talk 
— and the babble about the Four Freedom:;- -was. 
just... talk* Talk to prod us into war an*! inu* 
blood and into death. Talk to make u:'. jrivt* up the 
greatest right a workingm&n has: hi:; rirrht to 
strike. 

But what's happened Kin«e? 

Look at this world. Is it. the world of the F««ir 
Freedoms? 

Or of Three? 

Or of Two? 

Or even of One Freedom? 

They talked about Freedom from War,!. Hut: 
Starvation rule* the world. 

In India, 20,000,000 will pmbably -tarn- t« 
death in the next few month?. 

In Berlin, T1J has claimed « very stemml eha.|. 



In Austria, people live on 800 to 1200 calories, 
one-third of what is necessary for health. 

In England, they've instituted bread rationing. 

In America — but we'll come to that. 

Crazy world, isn't it? The capitalist countries 
make A Bombs, B Bombs, C Bombs, Z Bombs. 
Millions, Billions, Trillions for Death. Europe fer- 
tilized by the bones of a generation. America, too. 
... Of course, this country got off easiest ... no 
starvation. But we had food shortages, black mar- 
kets and skyrocketing prices. 

Crazy World. Isn't it? 

That** the society we live in. It's good for de- 
duction, for war, for death. B EC 4 USE THERE'S 
PROFIT IN THAT! 

But If can't utilise its vast resource* for peace 
the way it can for war! 

Lot's take another look at this world. They said 
—all the. gum-beaters who get paid to lie: the 
cnlumnistii. the propagnndir.ts-— they said that this 
would hv f.h« last war and it would bring free- 
dom ami peace. N*ot 1918; THIS OtfK LS im-'- 
KKKKXT! they .-aid. 

Was it? 

You know what's boon going on. Just as soon as 



the Socond World War was over— -they started 
preparing for the THIRD. 

Who? Ail the powers! Including Stalinist Russia. 

They begin dividing up the world in cynical 
fashion without as much as a "by your leave" to 
the people concerned. They give a piece of Europe 
to this country, a piece to that. 

The Stalinist dictatorship draws its "iron cur- 
tain" over Eastern Europe and brings its bloody 
totalitarian dictatorship to Hungary, Rumania, 
Poland and Yugoslavia, 

The British play their old imperialist game, too. 
They play both ends — Arabs and Jews — against 
the middle in Palestine. They help the Dutch im- 
perialists suppress the Indonesian revolution. 

The French government — weak and feeble 
though it is — does its part in the imperialist 
game: It suppresses the Indo-Chinese revolution 
for national independence. 

The United States "frees" the Philippines but 
controls them with dollars and naval bases*. 

The American government, for all its protesta- 
tion.-* of nobility, is right in there squabbling over 
how to divide the world at those .secret Big Four 
eoufereiices. -.Why are they secret? What are 
those "statesmen" ashamed of?) 

It in the !«ame old Imperialist struggle. The peo- 
ple are never consulted. 



5 



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And TJsen— T/ie Atom Bomb 

Remember the atomic bomb? Everyone played 
around with it as if it might go off one of these 
days — as it might. 

But they kept on manufacturing it. They went 
out to a lonely island in the Pacific and there they 
tested it. 

And even before the test, a spokesman for the 
Army informed Congress that there was some- 
thing else : a new kind of bacteriological warfare. 

This new form of bacteriological warfare has 
a tremendous advantage. It destroys people, but 
it does not destroy factories. The atom bomb 
would destroy some of the things for which sol- 
diers are sent to 
die; the factories, 
the wealth of the 
enemy country. 
' But here is a new 
weapon. Kills the 
enemy; not the 
wealth. 

Ain't progress 

wonderful? — for 

the capitalists! 

. It is against 

this background 




— a world in deep social crisis ; that we now turn 
to the main part of this booklet: a discussion of 
domestic events since August 1945. But we cannot 
forget this background. For we cannot separate 
ourselves from it; we are part of it. 

The Great Strike Wave 

What was the most important event, or series of 
events, in American life since the end of the war? 
We don't have to think twice to answer that one. 
It was the great strike wave. 

The strike wave that swept the country from 
end to end: auto workers, packinghouse workers, 
steel workers, electrical workers, miners. Every 
major section of the American labor movement 
swept into action — it took one's breath away. 

We all knew what it meant when it happened. 
Workers were tired— tired of being told not to 
strike because of the "national emergency" (the 
"national emergency" which didn't prevent fabu- 
lous profits) ; tired of long hours and tired of the 
rising price spiral which cancelled out wage in- 
creases. 

So America's workers struck. 

And of course you know who was at the head of 
that strike parade. It was the GM section of the 
United Automobile Workers (CIO). 



i 

i ! 



>*-$ 



6 



|W 



These auto workers of GM are among the fight- 
ingest in the country. Usually what they say and 
do today, other sections of the working class will 
say and do tomorrow. 

But. even more important: THEY HAD A 
PROGRAM. 

What was this program? We of the Worker* 
Party and the weekly associated with it, LA150R 
ACTION, called it the GM Strike Program. 

Ordinarily when workers go out on strike, they 
just ask for wage increases, improvements in con- 
ditions and let it go at that. But the GM workers 
saw the wage increases were being eaten up by 
price increases. It, became a vicious circle. There- 
fore, they said: 

— We want a voice in determining what their 
profits are going to be. 

— We want wage increases without any in- 
creases in the price of 
GM products. Let the 
wage increases come 
out of the gigantic prof* 
its of the corporation. 

And in order to ac- 
complish t:ii.--, we want 
the ri:?ht to examine 
GM's book?- - . 




Open the Books! 

Let's see. what is going on. That doesn't mean 
how much profit you made last year; anybody can 
find that in the public library. It means: Let us 
take a look at your cost accounting system. Let 
us see what you are planning, lor this year and 
next. We will prove you can increase wages with- 
out increasing prices! 

This GM STRIKE PROGRAM represented a tre- 
mendous advance for the American workers. And 
that is why the Workers Party candidates for Con- 
gress, Max Shachtman and Ernest Rice McKlnney, 
feel it is so important. Of course, the way Walter 
Reuther, who was associated in the public eye 
with the program, sometimes put it, the whole 
thing seemed merely a conservative "reasonable" 
request. 

Out when you considered the implications of this 
program, then you could see that it was dynamite 
— and for our sido. 

Why? 

lltH*niu;e i.as Mtix * Shachtman, the national 
chairman of our party, the WvrJn'.rn Pttrtii. wrote) 
"it nignitu-d a vote of non-confidence in the 'man- 
awr*' of "fret 1 enterprise,' a demand for direct 
intervention by lah«r in the running of the econ- 
omy as a whole, for only the direct control of Uwr 



economy can make possible the regulation of 
wages AND prices AND profits. From this de- 
mand to the demand for a government which will 
control wages, prices and profits, in the interests 
of labor or of the 'consumer' there is only one 
step. ..." 

Suppose, asked some people, suppose the cor- 
porations can't pay a decent wage without charg- 
ing exorbitant monopolistic prices? What then? 




Walter Reuther, who is still fiddling with the 
capitalist parties, had a hard time answering— 
because he'd been babbling about preserving the 
"rights" of the capitalists. 

The Workers Party and its candidates, Max 



8 



Shachtman and Bnuvt Kiev *[**»»»•*• f^ 
lieve that the only right a capitalist slu.uk Lave 
the right to go to work and mule, an un- 
living like the wst of us; we had a W«\ *^*"» ' 
to that one: 

We said that if they couldn't, pay duvnt wa»w 
and maintain low price*, the corporal ion,; wr* 
no good. 

As Max Shachtman wrote to thv CM .-1 riRrtv : 
"Your demands on GM. are not only a rtiall.'in'i. 
to the corporation; they are a rhalleiu<v .o »»•«• 
labor movement. If you say that industry ran <ln 
those things and the monopoliwts r.:iy inn« '«i«.».; 
try cannot, then it is perfectly 1<W«»I tor VH 
to take over industry «nd P*» VI * tn !»rni-iiiv_T:iat 
your demands are realizable My thrtr pi-'-Usoi;. 
the monopolists have proved that th.-y an- M>- 
CIAL bankrupts. Remove thwu bankrupt:; from 
control of industry by <U?innwliiiK th« nationaliza- 
tion of the industry under vrorktfrs t-ontrnl 

The GM Strike Program hii tu th<* nk-a «>i 
workers taking ov«*r industry. It b*d t<» Hm* s«Va nt 
NATIONALIZATION OF ISWSTUY rXUMl 
WORKERS' CONTROL. Ann*rit\V-: e:>p:»«My »•• 
produce pitnty /or «M is a prowii fact. Our n.'h 
natural resources, our tremendous tiia<-hit!<-ry «»i 
production and our skilk-d labor f»wi' inr.t !»«» « 
central ji/oh to pour out product ;» that wnl -f»v«- 



everyone a life of security, comfort and leisure. 
The only bottleneck is private ownership and op- 
eration for. private profit. The huge industrial 
plants, mines, transportation and communication 
systems, banks and chain stores should be owned 
by the nation and operated under workers' control 
in accordance with a national plan of production. 
This is one of the main election planks of the 
Workers Party. 

Simultaneous with the strike wave, there came 
a reaction from Congress and the Truman ad- 
ministration. Congress, you may remember, was 
in large part elected with the support of the Po- 
litical Action Committee (PAC) of the CIO. The 
Truman administration claimed to be liberal. 

Workers Have Wo Congress 

Hut the true character of both Congress and 
the Truman administration -as of all capitalist 
governments- -was completely revealed during the 
strike wave. 

How they ranted and rawl -there anti-labor 
congressmen many eleelfd with VAC. support. 

And Truman went out and broke the railroad 
workers strike. 

Truman introduced into Conirress a fascist it* 
slave labor bill which would have rnadi 1 it possible 
to draft strikers into the army. 



Congress passed the Case Bill, which would 
have cut deeply into labor's right to strike. 

On all sides, Washington hummed with anti- 
labor hysteria — Democrats and Republicans, con- 
servatives and liberals alike. Labor needed its 
own men in Congress, but it didn't have them 
there. 

That means, we said to the workers, you need 
a government of your own, a workers government. 
And to get that government, the first step, though 
not the last one, is to organize a political party of 
your own. 

In fact, the two main weapons which workers 
need today are the GM Strike Program on the 
economic front; an independent labor party on 
the political front. For both of these, the Workers 
Part]) candidates stand pledged to fight. 

Hut . . . let's not get 
ahead of ourselves. We 
have already discussed 
thi- strike wave and the 
(fir Program. We showed 
what strength the Amer- 
ican working class has, 
how militant it can be. 
Now let's continue our 
.-tory. 




Let's Take A Look At . . . 



PROFITS 

(Their's: the bosses.) 



AND WAGES 

(Our's: the workers.) 



AND PRICES 

(They charge them: 
we pay them.) 



AND HOUSING 

(They own them; we 
pay rent, when we're 
lucky enough to find 
one to live in.) 






And the idet we J»t dbeti*ed brtelV.- *. 
tabor Party, 

. And then we'll wind up with a few % -i^ 
layout cwstlves, the, Wether* Pmtf* when- v.< 
stand, what we d& and what we believe .» 
Aough all along well »y a few woidt «!«•■:»: 
our attitude toward each «f these quoit; ..■»* 



Profits.' 

You remember the scondal 
after the First World War. 

Brother, that was nothing! 
Compared to this war, th»; 
profits in the First World Wor 
were like comparing a small 
storekeeper to the A. & P. 



During the four war years 
of 1915-1918, U. S. industry 
made a profit offer faros of 26.5 billion dollars . 





During the five war years of 1940-1945, U. S. 
industry mqde a profit afior foxes of 56 billion 
dollars. 

(A War for Democracy — they said to us — A 
War for the Four Freedoms — they said to ua — 
A War for a Sacred Cause — they said to us.) 

56 BILLION DOLLARS WORTH OF IT! 

During this war the number of billion-dollar 
companies in the U. S. increased by 11, making: 
a total of 43. 

Net profits after taxes during the five war years 
(1940-1945) averaged 250 per cent above pre-war 
levels. 

Since Pearl Harbor (1942-1945) profits after 
taxes averaged 300 per cent higher than pre-war 
levels. 

Let's break this down a little. 

Here {ire some of the percentage increases in 
1944 profits as compared with average (1936- 
1939) profits. 

Motor vehicle parts 89ti',o 

Iron. Steel and by-products 1ia\l* i. 

Lumber, Timber and by-products 1064*> 

Electrical machinery 434',/ 



Aircraft equipment MH f /r 

Transportation equipment 1686% 

Food and Food products 150% 

Meat products 271% 

Rubber products 698% 

Bituminous and other soft coal 1148% 

The United Auto Workers made a study of 26 
aircraft companies and their earnings which is 
staggering. 

1936-1939 $20,554,274 

1941-1944 173,598,422 

Increase 745% 

But wait a minute. The corporations will soon 
bo getting a flat ten per cent rebate on war-time 
payments of excess profits tax. This sum alone 
will amount to about $2,H40,0flO,00O. 

Yet these profit-soaked corporations had the 
gall to say they "'couldn't afford" to pay higher 
waucs before the recent, strikes! 

The Workers Part it candidates stand for: 

A 100 per cent tox on all war-timo profits! Let 
no man have profits from the war in which our 
brothers spilled their blood! 

A S25.000 ceiling on all annual incomes of indi- 
viduals! 



11 



A graduated capita! levy en all accumulated 
wealth to provide the funds necessary to build 
houses, hospitals, sehools. to provide adequate un- 
employment insurance for the unemployed, to take 
care of socially necessary projects. 

SOAK THE RICH! Against all sales taxes and 
other hidden methods of picking the pockets of the 
poor! 

There's one side of the story: fantastic, incred- 
ible profits for the corporations. Now let's see how 
the workers made out. 

Prices and Wages 

When the author of this booklet began preparing 
material for it, he collected some statistics on 
prices. By the time he put them together, prices had 
risen again. The profiteers can raise prices faster 
than you can collect information about them. . . . 

But then the author thought: why give statis- 
tics on prices anyway? 

You know about it in terms of your own pinched 
budget. You know that you get less and less for 



your dollar when you w 
to the store to buy Bomi'- 
thing. 

Take, for instance, an 
increase which the OPA 
allowed as "reasonable"— - 
an increase in the price of 
butter of 11 cents a pound, 
an increase in the pric« of 
cheddar cheese of (J cMite 
a pound, and in evaporat- 
ed milk of one cent per 
can. 

That hits you in your 
pocketbook, of course. But 
imagine what it. mean;: on 
a nation-wide scale. 

It means an incrt»a.*« to 
the consumers — that is, tin* wm-KL-?;.' 
their wives primarily— of a tittul ir. 

$250,000,000! 

And that's just for miihII \u>w *'■■- '■"'- *'■■' 
really big prico. jumps. 

For instance: the pricv inor«*:t.j , "i i»J *<:«-.i* whi*'*j 
took place in tins FIRST TWO li \ YS :«!N v til'A 
lapsed come to about 40 prr tvr.:. T : .i,\t jhi-:h , 
even if it had not Konc up anoiisf-i' j«-imy, m .'v.*r>- 










12 



was an additional coat to consumers — and addi- 
tional profits to the meat packers — of 

$2,000,000,000! 

Two billion six hundred million dollars. In meat 
alone! 

Another example: the milk companies say 
they'll "have to" ("have to"— who's forcing 
them?) raise the price of a quart of milk by four 
cents. In a year that would cost the consumers an 
additional— .$900,000,000 ! 

When you have to pay two cent* more per bottle 
of milk and if you use two bottles a day, that 
means: 

Fourteen dollars and sixty cents more a year- 
last for milk! 

That's what the price increases would moan. And 
that's only the be- 
ginning. (This hook- 
M h> hi'insc written 



a fi-w dav- 



ifter 



th«- n> w hij iiu.;,- 
mvn'* OI*A hn? 
bi i t*!i .'iriitpii'ii hy 
f'tm-ri't*::.- and ■•'hTli- 
t'd l»y Pn* idi'ti* 
Truman. Th*< prir» i 
jpirrtl j 1 : continu- 
ing !«• mnunf : *»«irf 




only knows where it will be by the time you read 
it.) 

Before OPA was abolished, the cost of living 
had risen by 50 per cent. (The cost of cotton gar- 
ments went up 84 per cent.) And that was only 
the beginning. 

To stem this tide of profiteering, OPA proved 
to be a dike with many holes. It was flabby and 
weak. One incident tells the whole story about its 
character. Its then director, Chester Bowies, de- 
nounced in December 1945 the leather companies 
for having made profits of 730 per cent over pre- 
war levels. A few days later he allowed them an 
increase of four and a half per cent in the price 
of shoes. OPA was really a kind of "controlled 
inflation." 

Yet even that annoyed some of the profiteers 
and blackmarketers. They wanted a run-away mar- 
ket. Thoy wanted a field-day In which they could 
filch the people without restraint. And Congress, 
ever responsive to their desires regardless of the 
suffering and hardship It might impose on the mass- 
es of people, came through nobly for the profiteers. 
The bill It passed was so rotten that even President 
Truman had to veto It. 

After throe weeks of labor and consumer dem- 
onstrations and buyers strikes Congress finally ere- 
cted a now zombie OPA — a walking corpse. A busl- 



13 



nessmen's OPA without real price control but with 
a guarantee to profits. Prices are rising and there- 
fore our pay envelopes are getting smaller each 
hour. What shall we do? 

But before we answer the question of what to 
do, let's discuss for a minute one very important 
related problem. » 

It's a Lie! 

I'm sure you've heard that the reason there's not 
enough food in America is that we're sending a lot 
of it to feed Europe; 

This kind of talk is vicious. It is not only vicious 
— it is untrue. 

And here's why: 

There is plenty of food in America ; enough for 
ourselves and for many of the people' in other 
countries. 

You know where that food is? 

It is being deliberately held back by the profit- 
eers who have created artificial scarcities in order 
to jack up prices. 

The food is being held back by the large cattle 
ranchers. 



It is being held back 
by the packing house 
companies — WHO ARE 
REVELING IN THE 
BIGGEST PROFIT 
KILL OF THEIR HIS- 
TORIES! 

It is being held back 
in the warehouses by 
the wholesale compa- 
nies. 

And that's where the 
clothes are, too! 

Held back by these 
highway-robbers whom, 
in moments of politeness, we call capitalists — held 
back to smash price control — held back to squeeze 
us dry — held back to create artificial scarcity! 

The N. Y. Times of June 28th reports, for in- 
stance, that '.'Wheat Elevators Are Bulging." 
Then why not relieve the bulge? 

How explain that practically no cattle was com- 
ing into the. Chicago stock yards on June 30th — 
and on July 2nd, after the OPA had lapsed and 
the packing houses could legalize their black mar- 
ket prices, cattle poured into the stock yards in 
enormous quantities? 




14 



Li-t':; not he fooled by this demagogic talk about 
foot! In'inir diverted to Kurope. Let's not allow 
the vicious characters who print tripe in the 
Hearst, .McCoritui'ic and l'aiiercon papers to cre- 
ate a spirit, of haired between us and our brother 
workers in Kurope. 

Tin- W'tn-kt-ra I'uri'i candidates pay: 

Oar rest enemies ore at borne. 

They are the capitalists! 

They are the bfaehmarfeetoers! 

They arc the profiteers! 

They arc the big ranchers! 

They have conducted a great conspiracy against 
us. They ere trying to squeeze out of us in prices 
what we won in wages through hard and bitter 
struggle en the picket lines of this country; through 
our blood and sacrifice; through our unions and 
struggles. 

This conspiracy must bo smashed! 

When i! w.'i;- n matter of producing for war, the 
rupitnt::-! y.-?em uf America performed miracles. 
Wliy ran'l if dn tin- ::ame for pence-time needs? 

And if !? rnn'l, what good i:: i«? 



What Shall We Da? 

We've got to do something! Wo think wo have 
some answers. None of the following ideas by them- 
selves will do the trick; they have to be taken 
together as a unified program for militant labor 
activity on the price problem. This Is what the 
Workors Party candidates propose: 

POINT 1 IN THE FIGHT ON PRICES 

Who really causes the shortages and high 
prices? It's the biff companies. They have a stran- 
glehold on distribution. How could there be a 
black market, in meat if the biff packers weren't 
somehow involved? 

That's why when the GM section of the United 
Automobile Workers went on strike recently, they 
said: We want a wage raise but the wage raise 
should be taken out of profits. If there were a 
jump in prices at* a result of our wage increase 
and if the wiim 1 thing took place in other indus- 
tries, tin-it the wage increase* wouldn't be worth 
a damn. 

Therefore, the Wtn'kvrti Party, basing itself on 
flu* <JM Program, Kays: let the workers in each 



15 



musz 



industry, through their un- 
ions and stewards' commit- 
tees and special price com- 
mittees, control the prices of 
THEIR OWN industry. If 
each union held the price line 
in its own industry, then we 
could hold the price line ev- 
erywhere. (And if there were 
some unorganized factories 
around, a few visits from the 
CIO and AFL Councils might 
convince them.) 

Such committees would get to the price problem 
at its source. For who knows better than the 
workers in any given industry what kind of chisel- 
ing is going on. 

POINT 2 IN THE FIGHT ON PRICES 
Prices can be controlled throughout the process 
of distribution by committees of workers consist- 
of railroad men, truck drivers, warehousemen, 
clerks, office help, etc. 




POINT :i IN THK KKIHT 
ON PRICKS 

The wivt'H of lit** *«*''*' ili 
the shop:* haw f» tm* vV -siii. 
action a* wril. I*rii*. a '"'*» *"■ 
controlled at the *;-;>' »>' 
aalr. They .*hould form j-»* : -i?K- 
borhood committed t*» coop- 
erate with labor airaiu '*• « t, » , -»i 
profited. Thi'y can '"'■■■"''-'■ v 
; Buyers Strike:-. V.wn *** ** 
mifrht not lower pri/> :- «*■'•'• •**■ 
ly, a buyer;--- ^Irike \v<«uid !)«■ 

a dramatic demonstration t«> holp nu.»«li-*" '«• 

people in the tight. 

POINT 4 IN THE PK5IIT ON VilU '*:.-■ 

Trying to keep priws down wi.jj't il » ?.»■.»• ■':"* 
alone. >Kapr rajV* are Inm* overdue* 

The PackinKhouse Worker; t»"H»» h.ivf a -l* 1 -^ 
idea. They demand a minimum annual •-'•' *>-'<'> !*'"■* 



16 



prapw 




a bonus arrangement 
by which want* !■?<> up 
in proportion to the 
cost of living, hut don't 
go down when price? 
get lower. I» other 
words, wage* fcwP P*"'*-' 
with prices. 

POINT .", IN* THE 
FIGHT ON PRICKS 

The. biwriv! culprit is 
the foot! industry, which means primarily the 
packers unci whole. =;ilers. 

Whv not Nationalise the food industries? Why 
not take thi-m ovvr under government ownership 
and have local committees of the workers involved, 

coisinii the plants and 
packing houses? 

The Worker* iV ft if 
cntididate-. say: 

NATIONAMZBTHK 
KOOn INDUSTRY 
I'NPKU WOKKKttS 
I'ONTilOL: 

This is the Wor/tivw 
/*«rf»'« idea of how to 
conduct a price control 




vampaiRii. The job is up to the. labor movement. 
Everv militant unionist should raise th<se matturs 
in liia local. And a vote for Skaehtman and Mc- 
Khntey is a vote for this program. 

Clear the Slums! 

A few days afeo a veteran in Los Anireles, un- 
able to find a place to sleep, parked his family in 
the city hall area and net up housekeeping. The 
news hardly received much publicity; it was old 
stuff by now. This incident symbolized a nation- 
wide state of affairs. 

America has never had enough decent houses. 
There are still 

Eleven million homes without running water 
Fifteen million without private toilets 
Seventeen million without private baths 
Seven million in need o* major repairs, 
liy the end of HMG, according to the National 
HousiiiK Agency, we shall have 3,401 ,000 families 
furred 10 live, with relative!; or to double up with 
other?. 

Why has at h-a.-t one-third of the nation nl- 
wavn had to live in slums? The real extate intcr- 
4ut-i preferred Us build expensive apartment 
h«»u:CK <»r collect hierh r^iilf* on shim property. 

17 




$400 BILLION FOR WAR 




WHY NOT $250 BILLION 
FOR HOUSING? 



During the depression there was very little huiid»m-,\ iMiriug 
the war, there was next to no building of permam*n liicm-fi, ami 
a cessation of repairs and improvements. 

And the housing crisis threatens to hocomo war. «'• Tm ivturn- 
ing veterans desire — and rightly so— a place «»f Ha-ir *.-a-m in 
which to live. (There's nothing like a barrack:. »'» "h'Vc-b.p nil*-';; 
taste for privacy.) In New York City, at tin* i»r»vt'nr tiim*, 
211,000 veterans' families are unable to obtain :i I»liuv f» live 

What are our needs for the coming years? Th«-»v i* tiihy a 
shortage of eight million homes in this country- T'-n jv:sr., iWn 
now, we will have another five to six million new fau»:lit'.'. in 
need of homes. 

That means that in the next ton years wt* mm f - •■!•■.'; r i-:rri;I 
million units which are unlit for human hal»ita::«»:i :u\t U>y^i\il 
repair; we must repair four and one-half milling nu\'. - vth'wh 
are in bad condition; and wo must build at b'a.'i 1 «» ■" "•'*& m i»vv 
housing units. (These statistics arc based on muvrs. ui l'"»»r:tj!:»- 
Magazine, CIO studies and figures of National ftf.i -■• ■ ,\ '*'■■•* 

But private construction companies hav iu v ■■ ?■■ .■:;--»-• ■-'£• *l if? 
building more than one-half million new hum*-, »:* ;. ;.•-..?■. Our 
needs are at least five time:*, as much. 

What is clearly needed then, b? an umn«'dhUr' ?« -I-i I'tvi'vaij; 
of slum clearance and housing <>oiu>tmrtb>ii. Ti;t- &' •■■■'■ . i'-u"v 
candidates advocate : 

A 250 billion dollar fivv-ynti' proffram to pi-t>vi-;-- -I' --■ — ? '..■:»■ 
ing at reasonable rental for all and an »-\j»'N.-;v«" i';:'=i.r \-:*>v': 
plan to provide schools, hospitals and ofhrr iir- ■■!-■ i •-■ .-...,-i»-.i*;. 
facilities. 



18 



A national plan to begin work immediately on 
the erection ot" UO million ]>< rmanrnt, low-cost 
hoitiiinif auita. 

THIS PROGRAM SHOULP CONSTRUCT 
HOMES FOR WHICH WORKERS CAN PAY- 
THAT IS, AT RATIOS OF *7 TO 812 PER 
ROOM! IF YOr CUT OUT PRIVATE PROFIT 
FROM IlOirSIXd CONSTRUCTION, THAT IS 
PERFECTLY POSSIBLE. 

This country found it possible to waste $400 
billion fcir an imperialist war. Why not spend 
$250 billion for homes, for schools, for hospitals, 
-■a constructive purpose. Thii? must be the de- 
mand which the worker.; raise. 

Lynch Mobs Ride Again 1 . 

There L; on«* :u<etton of the papulation which is 
.•■!iil learning th»- bitter l«v:vw! <*f what it means 
tci he an oppiv.vrci minority srr»*up undi-r capital- 
ism. The N^rro prnph*, nm>-t»»nth uf the nation, 
wi-rv w*);n'd atvl cnfitvd durint; tin* war yvara; 
when fh" capita*! '1 »*-»vi-r!uii> nr needed NcfTn 
youth to dii* »>!> th« i hai!h!ald\ to work «n the 
I, fAo R«*ad, if lif-;»a» (« apt-uk ahtitit uli«dh hint: di«- 
erirmnatinn. It i ven m'atvtl the Fair Employment 
Practice.: Cummiftee which war; '-'uppt»-»»d to out- 
Jaw riwcriruinafimi in t'mpIuymriiT. Of rour.ic, thi« 




FEPC was a pretty weak business all along;, but 
the very fact of its existence was a victory. 

Now, however, that the war ia over and the 
capitalist government no longer needs the Negro 
youth as it did daring the war, the old pattern is 
returning. Congress has |i»t hilled the FEPC. Job 
discrimination Is returning. Negroes are again tast- 
ing the terror of mob violence and police brutality 
— as witness the tragedies ot Columbia, Tennessee; 
Freeport, Long Island, and the tynchlngs in Georgia 
on the heels of the Tatmadge campaign. The scandal 
of race discrimination, that living mockery of all 



19 



tho talk about "democracy" In America, Ii still 
with us. 

Operation Dixie, the unionization drive in the 
South, will not only raise the standard of living 
but will also create the mass base for trade union 
committees to defend racial minorities. The work- 
ers organizations must organize the defense of its 
own people. 

Max Shachtinan and Emtst Rice McKinney — 
the latter of whom is the W»rkers Party candi- 
date in Harlem and has a long history as a leader 
of the Negro people in their struggle for demo- 
cratic rights — stand committed to the following 
planks : 

FOR FULL POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND 
SOCIAL EQUALITY FOR NEGROES! 

MAKE RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN EM- 
PLOYMENT, IN HOUSING, AND ALL PUB- 
LIC PLACES A CRIMINAL OFFENCE! 

SUPPORT LEGISLATION FOR EFFECTIVE 
ACTION AGAINST LYNCHING! 

FULL SUPPORT TO THE UNION DRIVE 
TO ORGANIZE THE SOUTH! 



Pretty Good Idea— 
But How? 

Perhaps as you have beoa reading this booklet 
you have been thinking, pretty good Idea, but bow 
are we going to get it? We can't expect the Demo- 
crats and Republicans to do that for as. . . . 

Exactly. That's just the point! Wo can't expect 
the Democrats and Republicans to do these things 
for us, because that's not THEIR job. Their job 
is to serve the basic interests of the ruling class 
of this country, that is, the capitalists, the monop- 
olists, and profiteers — America's Sixty Families. 
They may sometimes pretend to be friends of la- 
bor — they break into that rash regularly, like the 
seven-year itch, around election time— but that's 
just to get votes. One of them may be more liberal 
than the other ; one may be better ; but as a group 
they are not our representatives. 

REPRESENTATIVES CELLER AND POWELL 

Even the Democrats who also run on the Amer- 
ican Labor Party ticket in Now York are, not our 
representatives. . . . Democrats like Emnnuol (Vi- 
ler ami Adam Clayton Powell. They cannot, fight 
for the above program on a national wale. Such a 
fight means creating a national Labor Party based 



20 



mmmmmmsmmmm msm 



on tin.' trad*' unions, Creating such a labor party 
means a definite break with the Democratic Party; 
the parly of Ililho and Rankin. Are Representa- 
tives (Ylle.r and Powell breaking with the Demo- 
cratic Party? Of course not! They are running: 
for another term on the same party ticket with 
Bilbo and Rankin. 

Ho they even want to break with the party 
which maintains the system of profiteering, the 
Democratic Party? If so, why 
did Emanuel < 'oiler introduce an 
amendment to the ('(institution 
to fix a permanent tax limit of 
25 per cent on income? People 
with incomes below $5,000 per 
year ahnuhl put/ do itwm*- tax. 
Hut i he profiteers who make 
than §50,000 u year tshtutld jmij 
Hiorr thun huff of their income 
in tasen. Representative Colter 
is a mt'intu-r <»f a larne. and pros- 
perous law firm; he organized 
the. Brooklyn National Hank 
and wa-* Chairman of the Hoard 
of Director; of the Kmoklyn National Corpora- 
tion before becoming a congressman. 

Celler and Powell are not Labor Congressmen 
They Arfonj; with the Democrat*. 




■f 



It's like supporting company unions. It doesn't 
pay. A. company union, whatever its promises, 
isn't responsible to the workers; it's responsible 
to the bosses. And a capitalist party, whatever its 
promises, isn't responsible to the workers; it too 
is responsible to the bosses. 

The time has come for a declaration of political 
independence by American labor. Through its 
powerful trade unions, numbering more than 
15,000,000 members, it has dem- 
onstrated its economic power — 
but only to see this power al- 
ways frustrated in Washington. 
Its gains won on the picket line 
were often lost in Washington. 
It is time for labor to organ- 
ize itself for INDEPENDENT 
political action against the cap- 
italist class. That is — A LABOR 
PARTY. 

A national labor party, inde- 
pendent of all ties with the two 
capitalist parties and in active 
opposition to them, would sig- 
nify American labor's coming of age. 

Such a labor party should have as its program 
the points of labor struggle we have outlined in 
the preceding pages. It would then be the political 






21 



UlU'ULBKimi'W ' 



arm of the American workers as the trade union 
movement is its economic arm. It could carry into 
the political arena the voice of labor and it could 
fight for its demands. 

A labor party would signify once and for all 
that the American workers were through with any 
kind of flirtations with the two capitalist parties, 
that they were no longer the "poor cousins" of 
American politics. It would mean that, on the con- 
trary, the American workers were on the road to 
taking what their numbers entitle them to— the 
power of government. For the logical outcome of 
the growth of a labor party would be a WORK- 
ERS' GOVERNMENT. Such a government really 
could put info practice the Jhings we have written 
about here; such a government would represent 
us, rather than the bosses. Such a government is 
the hope of our class and the first step toward it 
is to create an independent labor party. 

And now, before we sign off, just a word about 
ourselves, that is the party in whose behalf this is 
being written: 



The Workers Party 

We are a party of revolutionary socialism. That 
h __we believe in the need tor a complete and total 
chance in the form of our society. That's why wo 
sa « we are revolutionary. We also believe that this 
change should take the form of a democratically 
organized socialist society-one in which the pee- 
pie own the wealth together and produce for use 
rather than for profit. 

We urge you to think nlxmt tin- wwii-iy in which 
we live. Hasn't it shown its hai.krupvy? Its u:*- 
lessness? Its inability to »?iv«- t!w un- 
people what they want ami n-^17 U 
movement toward war? 

The vast productive r.-ip.-irrilii-r. ««f ll'.i: »'-tM:i«rj- 
which were so i-omplH-ly Hiiliwl for *:ir pur- 
poses- -if Uu-y wm- u..nl for p.-:if-ril, .-»■»'. irwi- 
tive purposes in a .sneinlU ;=«ri.>y whs-r- u» i.r.*:; 
teerinjr and no Mfch inl.-r.--l. w..ulii :m- »i :« K-- 
way of the common r»>'»d. wh»l is tii.v-'- 1 :i " , -"< 1 - ! « :f ' 
of plenty and pwi«* uml s p «» 1! l w «' , '" uh ' i ■ <;:Vt % ! 
That is what our sum \*. !'•«: wi- :»?*' '«'. - •*»- ply 



.. l.f tin- 
t'i.n.iiini 



22 





CAPITALISM 
MEANS 

,-• WAR 
AND 
INSECURITY 



■tisvdht-tl <-,*> Ihr iJay l»* Any ;.■.«« ■-■ ami luvii-s of the 
w*irkii»rT cj;j.-; *.;»■ »yt\- atv i:»i itr.ly !i\«'d on the 

\\Y :»?*•. «<' .,;:'.' .aiii, a party t»f revolutionary 
■.ni'iaiiMn. A vstiVii ft *ii:.: !««■!:«•:? i ■■ m'f< r •■:»*>* about 



that. We are not the same as the Norman Thomas 
Socialist Party, which wavers between the milk 
and water variety of parlor socialism and just 
watery pacifist liberalism. We are a party that 
believes in the need for struggle, and not for lady- 
like preaching. 

We have even less in common with the so-called 
"communist" party (Stalinists), which is merely the 



SOCIALISM MEANS 
PLENTY FOR ALL 




23 



puppet of the totalitarian dictatorship of Stalin in 
Russia and which dances to whatever tune Stalin 
whistles. The Stalinists are the most vicious and 
deadly enemies of a free labor movement; they 
have nothing in common with socialism. 

We, on the contrary, believe that socialism 
means not merely a thoroughly complete change 
in society, that is, a revolutionary one, but also 
that this change must be directed toward a new 
society which is thoroughly democratic and social- 
ist in character. 



Our party advocates and fights for that new 
society. Our party also struggles for a whole host 
of immediate needs of the working class, as we 
have outlined in these pages. 

We urge you to read more nf the literature of 
our party, as advertised on the following pages of 
this booklet. We urge you to come up to our head- 
quarters so that we can tsdk about many of these 
things in greater detail. We urge you to write 
to us. 



And those of our readers who live in either the 15th Congressional District in Brook- 
lyn or the 22nd Congressional District in Manhattan, we urge you to vote for the candi- 
dates which our party has put up in those districts, as a means of expressing your 
solidarity with our program. 

Every vote for the candidates of the Workers Party will strengthen its campaign to 
win the labor movement for the above program. However, its elected representatives, 
while relying primarily on the direct action of the organized working class, would fight 
for such legislation as would facilitate the carrying out of this program.' 

24 



"YT: 



VOTE FOR 

MAX SHACHTMAN 

IN THE ISfh CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT IN BROOKLYN 

ERNEST RICE McKINNEY 

IN THE 22nd CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT IN MANHATTAN 



/~ 



&VOTE WORKERS PARTY 

25 

■'£..■ •*'■'. .,.:■ ..3*, -..-.I-..,:—'.*..- ^„-f'-.-. . .--■- ■- ■'■ -, '■<,, ■■ ■ ' —■"-*■ ^ 



Program of the Workers Party 

1. For Price Control by labor and the 
Consumers 

Wipe out profiteering and high prices by art inn. Only 
the workers can control prices. Labor must haw the de- 
cisive voice in determining the prices of consumer com- 
modities. For wage increases without price increases. For 
popular price control committees, 

31. For a Living Wage 

1. For an immediate wage increase to m«vf the rising 
cost of living. 

2. For an escalator clause in every miimi eudtraet, to 
provide for automatic wage increases to cmv<t uuy wUli- 
tional price rises. 

3. For job and wage security through a ."iiarfinteeil 
annual wage, providing for a $2.f>00 annual miiiii-'unit. 





26 






IS9. Clear the Slums! Build Homes! 

1. For a 250 billion dollar five-year program to provide 
decent housing at low rental for all and an extensive pub- 
lic works plan to provide schools, hospitals and other needed 
community facilities. 

2. For a national plan to begin work immediately on the 
erection of 26 million permanent low-cost housing units. 

IV. Tax the Profiteers 

For a 100 per cent tax on all war-time profits above 
five per cent on invested capital. For a $25,000 ceiling on 
all annual incomes. 

V. Nationalize Big Business 

For the nationalization of the big. monopolies: the in 7 
dustrial establishments, transportation and communication 
systems and the banks. To be owned by the nation and oper- 
ated under workers control. 



27 




VI. End Discrimination Against the Negro 

People 

For full social, political and economic equality for 
Negroes. 

.. ©pen the Doors to the Jews 

1. For full and unrestricted immigration into the United 
States by the persecuted and homeless Jews of Europe. 

2. For the right of the Jewish people to unrestricted 
immigration to Palestine or any country of their choice. 

Vlii. For Full Economic and Educational 
Opportunities for Veterans 

1 Readjustment allowance, on the job training subsidy 
provided by the GI Bill of rights, to be bawd cm a wage of 
$40 a week for single veterans and 3«">5 for married wtorans. 
plus §5 a week for each additional deiM'nilont . 

2. For immediate granting of a federal huiius of $1,000 
for each year of service. 



28 




§X* For Peace and freedom 

1. For the right of all peoples and nations to decide their 
own future. For self-determination for all nations. For free- 
dom of the colonies. 

2. For the withdrawal of all armies of occupation. Bring 
the American troops home. For an end to conscription. 



'*£ 




I. For an Independent Labor Party and a 
Workers Government 

For an independent Labor Party of the workers and 
working farmers based on the trades unions. Break with 
the Republican and Democratic Parties. For a government 
of, by and tor labor. 



FOR A SOCIALIST AMERICA AND PLENTY 

FOR ALL. 



29 



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America's Leading Labor Paper 
and read about 

SOCIALISM 
and 

— the Trade Unions 
— The Negro People 
— International Events 
—National Politics 

FIVE CENTS PER COPY 
Six Months — 50c One Year — $1.00 



30 



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THE NEW INTERNATIONAL 

Monthly Organ of ftevo/Mrionery Marxism 

Subscription Rates: 

One Year— $2.00 Six Months— SI .25 

Single Issue — 25c 

« 

THE NEW COURSE 

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With an Essay !>y Max Shacfitman on 

The STRUGGLE for Hie 
NEW COURSE 

Paper— SI .50 Cloth— 52.00 

INDIA IN REVOLT 

Sy HENRY JUDD 
25 Cent* 

a 

SOCIALISM, the HOPE 
of HUMANITY 

By MAX SHACHTMAN 
10 Cents 



HAVE YOU GOT YOUR COPIES OF: 

THE FIGHT 
FOR SOCIALISM 

TAo Program and Principle* of the 
Workers Party 

By MAX SHACHTMAN 

176 PP. — Attractively Bound in 

Cfoth and Paper 

CLOTH: S2.00 PAPER: $1.00 

AND 

PLENTY FOR ALL 

(Revised and illustrated Edition I 

By ERNEST ERBER 

25 Cents — In Bundles of 5 or More, 20 Cents 



! WORKERS PARTY 



114 West 14th Street. New York 11. N. Y. 



I 
I 

I 

| G I would like more information on the WORKERS 

| " PARTY. 

i Q I would like copies of PLENTY FOR ALL 

J rj I would like copies of SOCIALISM, THE 

1 HOPE OF HUMANITY 

fj I would like copies of SECURITY AND 

"" A LIVING WAGE 



r" I would like 
""' SOCIALISM 



copies of THE FIGHT FOR 



; 1 I would like :i subscription to LABOR ACTION 

~: I would like a subscription to THE NEW INTEK- 
" NATIONAL, 

F,m-h.;;eil find $ 

rearm' 

A»idre.« 



I 



ity 



/.ort» 



State 



31 



«iKm^wwjMirraCTfn! a W H!iiBagamiaaa»gaa!i 




ERNEST RICE McKINNEY 

Candidate for 
Reprwseatatlvo In Congress 
22nd Congressional District 
(Harlem)— City of New York 



OT! 

WORKERS 

PARTY 






MAX SHACHTMAN 

Candidate for 
Representative in Congress 

15th Congressional District 
County of Kings. City of Mow York 



mmm 



Request Date: 07-FEB-20 10 

Expiration Date: 17-FEB-2010 

ILL Number: 



' c 

A 1 1 



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ILL Number: 3693091 

Call Number: N/A 

Format: Monograph 

Title: Smash the profiteers : vote for security and a 
living wage. 

Pub. Place: New York, N.Y. : Workers Party Campaign 
Committee, [1946?] 

Requester: TEXAS STATE UNIV-SAN MARCOS - 
Interlibrary Loan 



TGQ or OCLC #: 

TGQ or OCLC # 
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IIIUIIIII1UIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII1IIIIII 



62405249 
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Wright, Jonathan 



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