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FRuNTisPrECE, facing .......,.,., 3 

National Executive Board Social Democ ratio Party. 

A BruEP History OP Socr A Li.sM IN America ... - 3 

n lustra ted. 

The First AiiERirxN Abitatok ...»,».., 77 


• A Trip to GiRARn , 87 

Illustrated . 

rK A RL >lAK^t>5[ George . 94 

Machine vs. Hand Labor . 97 

Notable Labor CoXFLicTs OF 1899 , ..,.,. 99 

Ctbont,und-(iKa:nt Allen .101 


The *' GoLnEN liiTL?: MAYaR^^ 103 

Social LHT Contjioverhiks, 1899 104 

Pbop. Herron^s Case .' 105 

No Master (Poem) , . , lOfi 

Biographical 107 

Victor L. Berger, James F. Carey, John C. Chase, Sumiier F, 
Clallin, Jesse Cox, Eupfene V. Debs, A. S. EdAvaids, W: E. Far- 
mer, F. G. R. (fordon, Margaret Ilaile, Frederic Heath, William 
Mailly, Chati. R, Martin, Frederic 0. McCartney ^ \V'. I'. Porter, 
A, E. Sanderson, Louis M. Scat^B, Seymour Stedman, Howard 
Tuttle, J: A. Way land. 

Cjironologtcal (1899) ...;... .-. . 118 

Election Statistics , . , . 121 

Boc'iAL. Democratic Party . . * , - 1!27 

Organization and Press. 

DiiiECTORY OF Social De.mocrats . , , . i ' . . li!7 

Platforms , . . , , I3u 

Portraits of Kvtgene V-. Debs, Jesse Cox, Victor L. Berger, Sey- 
mour Stedman, Frederic Heath, Etienne Cabet, Robert Owen, 
Wilhelm Weitling, John Ruskin, William Morris, A. S.Edwards, 
F. G, R. Grordon, Eugene Die tzgen, James F. Carey, John C. 
^ Cha^e, Fn^'deric O, McCartney, W. P. Porter, AV. E, Farmer, 
Margaret Haile, Albert Brisbane, Laurence Grcnlund, Grant 

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„.„„ by Google 


• ^ 4 

National Executive Committee of tlie 


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Social BEMbtRACY Red 

JANUARY, 1900. 



The history of Socialism in America, using the word social- 
ism to embrace the various steps by which enemies of the 
present social system have sought to work toward a final de- 
liverance, seems to divide itself into seven quite clearly de- 
fined periods, as follows : 

1. The earliest period, embraced between the years 1776 
and 1824, when the communistic ventures of the Shakers, 
Rappites and Zoarites had the entire field to themselves. 

2. From 1825 to 1828, when Robert Owen made America 
the theater of his attempts to put his Utopian dreams^nto 
practice, by communistic experiments. 

3. From Y' 41 to 1847, the period when Fourierism swept 
over the country as a craze, leading to the establishment of a 
great number of communities and phalanxes, all of them 
doomed to fail within a brief time. 

4. The period from 1847 to 1856, when Wilhelm Weitling 
was the moving spirit in trying to organize systematic social- 
istic agitation. It was during this period, also, that Cabet 
and his Icaria flourished and waned. 

5. From 1857 to 1888. This period of time seems to have 


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been devoted to the effort of immigrant Socialists, particularly 
from Germany, to spread the tenets of Socialism, more par- 
ticularly of Social Democracy, but unfortunately, without 
getting the *' Yankee'' ear. It was during this period that 
the Socialist turner societies flourished. 

6. From 1888 to 1897. This period may be designated as 
that in which the gestation of Socialism, as native to Ameri- 
can soil, was going on. It began with the appearance of 
Gronlund's book, ' The Co-operative Commonwealth, ' ' which 
was soon followed by Bellamy's '^ Looking Backward." 

7. From 1897 down to the present time. The period in 
which American Socialism having ^^ chipped the shell" first 
asserts itself as a force in American politics through the 
formation of the Social Democracy of America, the SociaUst 
Labor party, by its transplanted methods, having failed to 
reach the American ear. Two factors which helped prepare 
the field for the new party, were the agitation work of Eugene 
V. Debs and the proselyting powers of Editor J. A. Way land, 
successively of the /^Coming Nation" and ^^The Appeal to 
Reason. ' ' 

CHAPTER I.— The First Period. 

In 1776, the year memorable in history as well as to the 
Ar^ierican people as the beginning of a nation pledged to 
political democracy, the first attempt at communism in the 
new world had its place. This was the establishment of 
the Shaker community at Watervliet, New York. The Sha- 
kers first landed on our shores in August, 1774, and between 
that date and 1792, two settlements had been formed in New 
York state, four in Massachusetts, one in Connecticut, two 
in New Hampshire, and two in Maine. Between 1805 and 
and 1807 two were formed in Ohio, one in Indiana and two 
in Kentucky. Between 1822 and 1827 two were formed in 
Ohio and another in New York state. The Indiana society 
and one of those in Massachusetts disbanded a few years 

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later. The others were quite successful, having at one time 
a {btal population of between 5,000 and 6,000. In 1778 the 
membership had dwindled to half that number. 

Little need be said of the Shakers in a history such as this. 
Whatever of success they attained to, sprang from their re- 
Ugious discipline, rather than from the mere fact of commu- 
nistic association. And the history oi a multitude of varying 
experiments in pure communism has shown the impossi- 
bility of successful communistic achievement. The Shakers 
b^an as a sect in 1747, as an off-shoot of the EngUsh 
Quakers. Their coming to America was in obedience to an 
alleged vision seen by Mother Ann, their high priestess, who 
came hither as *' spiritually directed." The Shaker com- 
munities have taken the form of home farms, of several acres 
in extent, and a good deal of their activity has centered round 
the raising of garden seeds, medicinal herbs, etc., which they 
have sold to the outside world with no little profit. Hinds, 
in his work on * ^American Communities," estimated that the 
wealth of the Shakers (1878) must be not much less than 
twelve millions. 

In 1804, thirty years after Mother Ann and the Shakers 
came to this country, a religious sect known as Separatists 
set out from Germany and also found a haven on the shores 
of the western continent. Their leader was George Rapp, or 
^Tather Rapp," as he was generally called, and they were 
variously known as Rappites, Harmonists and Separatists. 
They were schismatics of the Lutheran church. Their first 
settlement was on the banks of the Conequenessing in Butler 
county, Pennsylvania, but afterward, in 1814, they removed 
to Indiana, where they secured 30,000 acres of land on the 
lower Wabash river in Posey county, not far from the town 
of Mt. Vernon. Their vUlage, which was entirely commun- 
istic, comprised some 160 houses, half of which were of 
brick, and was called New Harmony. It is chiefly of inter- 
est to the student of Socialism because it was later the scene 
of Robert Owen's American experiment in communism. The 


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Rappites were well disciplined and achieved a remarkable 
success in a material way, increasing their per capita average 
of wealth from $25 to $2,000 for each man, woman and 
child, in twenty-one years. In the matter of culture and 
intellectual advancement they made practically no progress. 
The Rappites were mostly celibates, ate five meals a day and 
were very religious. They liv^d at New Harmony ten years 
and then went back to their old home, called Economy, in 
Pennsylvania. It is claimed that this removal was made by 
Rapp because, once the rigors of pioneering began to wear off 
the members of the community became less amenable to dis- 
cipline because of their easy living. On taking up life anew 
in Pennsylvania the colonists added materially to their 
wealth, becoming in time largely interested in coal mines and 
oil wells, as well as controlling, at Beaver Falls, the largest 
cutlery establishment of its time in the United States. They 
are said to have received $150,000 for their New Harmony 
property from Robert Owen. 

While the Rappites were still in Indiana, a third commu- 
nistic sect made its appearance on American soil — the Sepa- 
ratists of Zoar, also schismatics, from old Wiirtemberg, who 
settled in Tuscararas county, Ohio, in December, 1817. It 
was not at first intended to form a communistic settlement, 
but the Zoarites were forced into such an association by stress 
of circumstances, a fact commented on as very curious by the 
press of the country when the Zoarites finally gave up the 
communistic relation just eighty-one years later, in 1898. 
For many years they were prosperous. A writer who visited 
them in 1878 credits them with 7,200 acres of land paid for, 
two large flouring mills, a saw mill, machine shops, foundry, 
woolen factory, store, tavern, etc., and a farm in Iowa. Their 
holdings at that time were valued at $731,000. In 1878 the 
number of members was 250, whereas in 1832, when many 
recruits c^me from Germany, it was nearly 500. Zoar always 
looked like a little German town and was referred to as ^'the 
little city hidden in an apple orchard." 

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In later years America saw many other religious commu- 
nities, none of which had any particular bearing on the social- 
ist movement. Perhaps an exception should be made in the 
case of the Oneida community, which was begun in 1848 by 
John Humphrey Noyes, in whom was blended the socialistic 
and religious nature. At one time Noyes published a paper, 
' ^ The American Socialist, ' ' from the community press, which 
was devoted to news of communities and the newer phases of 
Socialism. Besides the religious colonies the United States 
is even to-day the scene of numerous community experiments, 
some of which are not even heard of by the people at large. 
All meet the common fate, however, and give the capitalist 
press the chance to make the false claim that Socialism has 
been tried and found impracticable. Since 1870 fully 100 of 
these fore-doomed social experiments have been tried. 

CHAPTER II.— The Owenite Movement. 

The Owenite movement in America began in 1824 and 
ended in 1826. It was inspired by the communistic writings 
and experiments of Robert Owen, the wealthy English man- 
ufacturer and social scientist. He himself was the prim^ 
mover in it, having hit upon America as the theater of his 
most ambitious undertakings. In 1826 there were eleven 
Owenistic communities in America, but not all of them were 
strictly Owenite, however. The experiments of the Owen 
epoch were: 

Blue Spring Community, Indiana. 

Co-operative Society, Pennsylvania. 

Coxsackie Community, New York. 

Forrestville Community, Indiana. 

Franklin Community, New York. 

Haverstraw Community, New York. 

Kendal Community, Ohio. 

Macluria, Indiana. 


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New Harmony, Indiana. 

Nashoba, Tennessee. 

Yellow Springs Community, Ohio. 

Most of these were obscure aflFairs, and only the ones at 
New Harmony and Nashoba need be described. Macluria 
was merely an oflf-shoot of New Harmony, devised by Owen 
to heal internal dissention. 

Robert Owen, who is often referred to as ''the father of 
modem communism," was a very successful cotton mill 
owner of England, who among other things for the benefit of 
hi9 fellow men, forced England to enact the famous Factory 
Laws. This was in 1819. He had already come to be known 
as a communist and had attracted attention by the reforms 
he instituted in his mills at New Lanark. He was the origi- 
nator of the Labor Leagues from which sprang the Chartist 
movement. Essentially a man of large undertakings, he was 
not discouraged by three failures in communistic experi- 
ment in England, but began to look to America, where with 
vast tracts to be had for a song, and freedom from the distrac- 
tions of custom and social habit, a larger experiment could 
be undertaken with more assurance of success. A fiiend from 
America, who lived neighbor to the Rappite community, in- 
formed him that that domain was for sale. Owen had learned 
of the great success of the Rappites and so his mind was 
quickly made up. Here was a village ready to his hand and 
with inexhaustible fields about it. He came to America in 
December, 1824, and by April had finished negotiations. He 
paid Rapp $150,000 and Rapp and his followers moved back 
to Pennsylvania, as stated in the previous chapter. Owen 
then issued an address ''to the industrious and well dis- 
posed" of all nations and creeds, and by summer fully 800 
people had joined him. He had paid a high price for the 
domain, as it was off the main roads of travel, still it was 
wonderfully fertile and comprised no less than 30,000 acres. 
There was water power for a flour mill, and an island of 3,000 
acres, in the Wabash river, for pasture land. A quarry of 


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free stone, and vineyards on the surrounding hill sides, were 
other valuable features. In the village were several large 
buildings, a large brick hall, a church, a steam mill, woolen 
factory, and numerous small dwellings, each with its garden 
spot. Near by were extensive apple and peach orchards and 
the village itself was almost hidden in trees. At first Owen 
organized his colony on an experimental basis, to see if the 
members would be able to carry out the principles of com- 
munism when they were finally adopted. A committee of 
management was chosen, of which Owen named four out of the 
seven. He proposed a constitution, which was adopted May 
1, 1825, and a month later, the community's affairs seeming 
to be satisfactory and safe, Owen returned to England. 

Great enthusiasm prevailed. There was a school of 130 
children who were boarded, educated and clothed at public 
expense. The other inhabitants received a weekly credit on 
the public store according to the amount and value of their 
services, this being determined by a committee. Three meet- 
ings were held each week by the members, one for public dis- 
cussion of the society's afiairs, one for vocal or instrumental 
concerts, and the third taking the form of a public ball, the 
community having an excellent orchestra under charge of 
Josiah Warren, afterwards to gain fame as a pronounced In- 
dividualist. The membership of the community was made 
up of varying elements, but while the novelty lasted they 
got on very well. 

Mr. Owen, who had delivered a number of lectures on 
communism and communistic experiments, brought back 
with him in January of the following year, some distin- 
guished converts, besides his son, the afterwards noted Robert 
Dale Owen. In this party were Thomas Say, one of the 
founders of the Academy of Natural Sciences, at Philadel- 
phia; Charles Lesueur, a French naturaUst; Gerard Troost, 
a Hollander distinguished as a chemist and a geologist, and 
who was afterwards professor of chemistry in the Nashville 
University; and William Maclure, president of the Philadel- 

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phia Academy of Sciences. These people entered into the 
* colony life with that zest that is common to such experiences, 
delighting in the charm of good fellowship and the lack of 
conventionalities there. Robert Dale Owen taught the school 
and edited a paper called ^'The New Harmony Gazette." 

But as time went on problems and embarrassments multi- 
plied. Under a new constitution members * ^ were to be fur- 
nished as near as can be with similar food, clothing and edu- 
cation," and as soon as possible were to live in similar 
houses. Actual communism was begun in January, 1826. 
In February Mr. Owen was requested to aid in conducting 
the concerns of the community for one year, and the result 
was a temporary betterment of the situation. Two months 
later, however, Macluria had to be organized, and in May a 
second ofif-shoot called Feiba Peven. 

By this time misgiving as to the permanency of the under- 
taking began to be felt. A system of trading began to spring 
up between the members. At the end of the month the 
community was divided into four societies in an effort to re- 
store harmony. Matters went on till Fall, when members 
began to leave the colony, and the ^^New Harmony Gazette" 
editorially acknowledged the community a failure. 

Then came the break up, the inhabitants having the choice 
of either supporting themselves or leaving the place. . Mr. 
Owen offered land from the domain to several groups who 
wished to make farther experiments, but they all soon after 
failed. Robert Dale Owen is authority for the statement that 
the New Harmony experiment cost his father little less than 
$200,000, which was the larger part of his fortune. 

After the failure Owen went back to England, but returned 
in November, 1828, with a scheme to get a vast territory in 
Texas from the Mexican government for a communistic ex- 
periment of great magnitude. A change in the party in 
power ended the scheme summarily. He never fally gave 
up hope of carrying out his Texas project, however. In 1844 
he returned to America and published in the ^^New^ork 



Herald" an address to the people of the United States, pro- 
claiming it as his mission to peacefully effect the greatest 
revolution ever yet made in human society. It met with 
little attention, Fourierism then having the ear of the people. 
He gave lectures about the country, visited several phalanxes 
and in May, 1845, issued a caU for a world's convention. 

This was held in New York in November with a slim at- 
tendance. Six times after he was fifty years old and twice 
after he was seventy, he crossed the ocean in the interests of 

Nashoba was an undertaking by Frances Wright, a cul- 
tured English woman, who was trying to demonstrate the 
ability of the negro to maintain himself in a state of freedom. 
The settlement was near Memphis, but was never more than 
a small cluster of huts and a plantation, and was a signal 
failure. Miss Wright was one of Owen's hardest supporters. 
She published the ^'Nashoba Gazette," which was finally 
moved to New Harmony and merged with the paper there, 
both editors remaining in charge. After the break-up the 
two editors moved the paper to New York and changed the 
name to ^^The Free Inquirer." 

After the breakup at New Harmony the village continued 
to be a sort of gathering place for Socialists, Commurdsts and 
radicals of various sorts. 

An interesting development of the agitations of Owen was 
a political movement begun by George H. Evans and his 
brother Frederick W. Evans, who were among Owen's con- 
verts. At first intangible it finally culminated in a Working- 
man's party in New York state, which demanded among 
other thing the aboHtion of chattel slavery and the ^'aboli- 
tion of wage slavery." A convention was held in Syracuse 
in 1830 and Ezekiel Williams nominated for governor. He 
received nearly 3,000 votes. By means of a fusion the party 
got one man into the state legislature. Frances Wright and 

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Robert Dale Owen were among the hardest workers in the 
party, and it was facetiously dubbed the ^Tanny Wright 
party'' by its opponents. 

The agitations of the Workingman's party extended into 
Massachusetts, and even Edward Everett contributed a lec- 
ture and a pamphlet to the movement. It was finally meta- 
morphosed into the '^Locofoco" party and had noHttle influ- 
ence in developing the anti-slavery movement of a later 
period. Robert Owen fally endorsed the poHtical socialistic 
movement after his colony experience and ^its influence went 
with him to England and had its efifect in the Chartist move- 

As to the anti-slavery movement, the fact has been estab- 
lished that Lincoln was moved to sign the emancipation proc- 
lamation by two Socialists, Horace Greeley and Robert Dale 

CHAPTER III.— The Fourieristic Activity. 

The Fourier movement was introduced in America by Al- 
bert Brisbane and Horace Greeley in the early forties. It 
swept over the United States like a wave and when it had en- 
tirely receded some ten years later, had left many sad wrecks. 
Dozens of phalanxes and domains were established, and one, 
the North American, the favorite of Greeley, had a capital of 

Fourierism followed the Owen activity as a second enthusi- 
astic national movement and was doomed to like disaster. 
Few of the associations attempted to put even half of the 
elaborate social scheme of Fourier into practice, (in fact, it 
would have been almost impossible to do so) but their failure 
did not come from that fact, but because of the impossibiUty 
of reforming society in spots. To borrow a simile, the little 
reform islands are sure to be engulfed by the sea of capitalis- 
tic methods of living. 

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The announcemem; of whose death comes (Jan. 20, 1900) just as 
this volume goes to press. 


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In 1843 this movement was at its heigh th, and there were 
then no less than thirty-four colonies or phalanxes. The 
following list gives the principal ones among them. 

Alphadelphia Phalanx, Michigan. 

Brook Farm, Massachusetts. 

Brooks' experiment, Ohio. 

Bureau Co. phalanx, Illinois. 

Clarkson Industrial Association, New York. 

Clermont Phalanx, Ohio. 

Columbia Phalanx, Ohio. 

Garden Grove, Iowa. 

Goose Pond Community, Pennsylvania. 

Grand Prairie Community, Ohio. 

Hopedale. Massachusetts. 

Integral Phalanx, Illinois. 

Jefferson Co. Industrial Association, New York. 

LaGrange Phalan'x, Indiana. 

Leroyville Phalanx, Pennsylvania. 

Marlboro Association, Ohio. 

McKean Co. Association, Pennsylvania. 

Moorhouse Union, New York. 

North American Phalanx, New Jersey. 

Northampton Association, Massachusetts. 

Ohio Phalanx, Ohio. 

^^One-Mention" Community, Pennsylvania. 

Ontario Phalanx, New York. 

Prairie Home Community, Ohio. 

Rariton Bay Union, New Jersey. 

Sangamon Phalanx, Illinois. 

Skaneateles Community, New York. 

Social Reform Unity, Pennsylvania. 

Sodus Bay Phalanx, New York. 

Spring Farm Association, Wisconsin. 

Sylvania Association, Pennsylvania. 

TrumbuU Phalanx, Ohio. 

Utilitarian Association, Wisconsin. 


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Washtenaw, Phalanx, Michigan. 

Wisconsin Phalanx, Wisconsin. 

Of the above, three only need be here singled out for sepa- 
rate attention. These are Brook Farm, the North American 
and the Wisconsin. Before speaking of them, however, a 
word must be said of Brisbane, whom we may safely regard 
as America's first notable contribution to the ranks of inter- 
national SociaUsts. As a young man, he went to Europe to 
study and became active in the ranks of the revolutionary 
propagandists. First he was a follower of St. Simon and later 
of Fourier, from whom he had personal instructions in the 
new philosophy. He was under the eye of the police most 
ofthe time and had various diflBculties with them. A St. 
Simonian paper which he put in a leading coffee house of 
Berlin caught the eye of Wilhelm Weitling and started him 
in his communistic career. In 1838-39 he began his great 
work in this country for the spread of Fourier's doctrines. 
He got a handful of adherents together and rented a meeting , 
room in New York. His greatest convert was Horace Greeley, 
who was already socialistically inclined, and who opened the 
columns of his paper, the ^^New York Tribune," to the new 
idea in 1842. At about this time Brisbane issued his first 
book: '^ Brisbane on Association." He had a column in the 
^^ Tribune " every day in which to preach Fourierism, and as 
the ^^ Tribune" was the foremost paper of the country, the 
efifect was magical. The laboring and farming classes were 
especially aroused as the times were then very hard and actual 
experiments sprung up all over the country. It is estimated 
that 8,641 persons were actual participants with 17,000 ad- 
herents at large, and that the domains added together made 
up fully 136,000 acres, or an average of about 3,000 each. 

While not the largest, the Brook Farm experiment was 
best known. It was located near Boston and its leading 
spirits were George Ripley, the litterateur, and Chas. A. 
Dana, afterward the editor of the New York Sun. It began 
as an independent experiment, but afterward yielded to Bris- 

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bane's pleading and embraced Fourierism. The domain con- 
sisted of 208 acres, which were bought in 1842, and there 
were at one time 115 members, recruited from New England's 
most cultured circles. Among those identified with the un- 
dertaking were George William Curtis, Nathaniel Hawthorne, 
John Greenleaf Whittier, Theodore Parker, Dr. Channing, 
Margaret Fuller, Thos. Wentworth Higginson and others. 
It was a social success but not a financial one. The life on 

the farm was charming. A paper called '*The Harbinger," 
was published on the grounds and some income was derived 
from a young people's school, in charge of Ripley. The 
Brook Farm people did little or no manufacturing and bent 
all their efforts to the field of agriculture. In this depart- 
ment they made costly mistakes through their inexperience 
and also were handicapped, especially in certain harvesting 
seasons, by Ripley's scrupulous adherence to the eight hour 
work day. Beautiful as was the cultured intercourse of the 
members, there began to be felt a desire for more seclusion 
for the families, and to meet this and also the need of more 
room for new members, a great phalanstery building was be- 
gun. It was the hope of the members and must have cost 
not less than $10,000. This structure was three stories in 
heighth, with the second and third floors divided into four- 
teen family suites of rooms, and a high basement containing a 
kitchen, a dining hall with a capacity of 350, and a big hall 


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and lecture room. The buUding was 175 feet long and wide 
verandas ran all the way round at each story. 

But all at once disaster seemed to mark Brook Farm for its 
own. Greeley's political opponents, with all the maUgnity 
of partisanship seized upon his socialistic and communistic 
beliefe as a promising point of attack. They charged that 
Fourierism constituted an assault on the sanctity of the fem- 
ily and was an aflfront to chastity. Brisbane, too, had been 
charged with so many heretical beliefs that he had finally 
tired of setting himself right. AU this hurt the movement 
and resulted, in Brook Farm's case, in anxious parents taking 
their children out of the farm school. This cut off consider- 
able revenue. And then came the culmination. On the 
evening of March 3, 1845, the new phalanstery building, 
which was about ready for occupancy, took fire mysteriously 
and burned to the ground. There was no insurance. The 
blow was too much for the Brook Farmites, and they lost 
courage. *The Harbinger" was removed to New York in 
the fall and the colony soon after dissolved. It had been an 
interesting experiment, hut it had solved iw social problems, A 
romantic glimpse of Hfe at Brook Farm is given in Haw- 
thorne's ^'Blithedale Romance." 

The North American Phalanx was located forty miles south 
of New York City, at Red Bank, Monmouth Co., N. J., and 
had 673 acres. Greeley favored it rather than Brook Farm 
because it was near a large market, and it was generally 
looked upon as the test experiment of Fourierism. Brisbane 
took the lead in the first experiments and Greeley was its vice 
president. It was started in September, 1843, and had at 
one time 112 participants. Its property was valued at $80,- 
000. It lasted longer than the other experiments, being dis- 
solved in 1855, with the leaders making various explanations 
as to the cause of failure. With it ended the hopes of the 

The Wisconsin Phalanx also had a compartive long life — 
six years! It was begun May 27, 1844, a domain of 1800 


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acres being secured near what is now the town of Ripon. 
The community settlement was called Ceresco and contained 
at one time 180 members. There were thirty-six femilies 
and 30 single members, although the start had been made 
with but nineteen members. The success of the Wisconsin 
phalanx, which operated under a state charter, was undoubt- 
edly due to its leading spirit, Warren Chase, who was an in- 
spirer of others and also a remarkably good manager. He 
insisted that the colony keep out of debt and inaugurated 
other wise precautions. Shares were sold at $25 each. 
When the end came in the spring of 1850, owing to the 
younger members having caught the land speculation fever 
that raged in the round about country, forty thousand dol- 
lars was realized on the property and divided among the 
members. The paper, ' ^ The Gleaner, ' ' which had been pub- 
lished, was suspended. The Ceresco experiment had been 
materially successful, but not socially so. 

The result of the Fourieristic failures drove Brisbane back 
to France, where he threw himself into the Socialistic move- 
ment with great energy. He moved about Europe and met 
many radical notables. In 1849 he was expelled from France 
for jnaking a speech that shocked the authorities. He died 
in the United States in 1890 at the age of 81 years. 

During the Fourieristic activity numerous conventions were 
held. A Socialist convention was held in New York in 1843. 
At the close of the same year a Fourierist convention was 
held at Boston with William Bassett, of Lyons, as president, 
and Chas. A. Dana as Secretary. 

In 1844 a national convention was held at CUnton hall in 
New York in April. Ripley presided, and Dana and Greeley 
were among the vice-presidents. 

In May, '46, the American Union of Associations was or- 
ganized at Boston. It had headquarters in New York, with 
Brisbane as its leading genius. *The Phalanx,'' which had 
been moved to New York from Brook Farm, was edited by 
Dana, whose writings grew to be anarchistic. 





CHAPTER IV.— Weitling and Cabet. 

The period between 1847 and 1856 may be said to have 
formed a sort of transitional epoch between the purely com- 
munistic experiments and the dawning of the more formid- 
able kind of Socialism, which aims at a conquest of the 
political power. The German political refugees who came to 
America in 1847-48 brought the seeds of the new agitation 
with them. Wilhelm Weitling was the most commanding 
figure of this period and he combined Socialism and Com- 
munism in his propaganda. He was an agitator, par excel- 
lence, and was forced to this country by the persecution of 
the German police. 

The ^^ social democratic tailor," as Engels called him, was 
the first Socialist of note to visit this country. This sturdy 
pioneer in the Socialist movement, ante-dating Marx, Engels 
and Lassalle, reached New York in the Spring of 1847. Being 
a man of action, he lost no time in starting a Socialist organ- 
ization on the new soil. He called it the Refreiungs Bund (the 
Union for Deliverance). 

CcatnlUitl hx 9npi|iili fit Mr ttrtrUnnit ht lltiiriin. 

• ranbcr ««» Kcbaftcar: IBiUcIn 9Bci((tat. 
Itciptgotf. e0mia»«ii», »«ii ^» Wt&tj 18M> 

tfu liVTT\ umi bit ittt jugrfcioinnirn rmt- 
pdildifn 'Jii3ifll;.nArr« h*fn»ri fdwr mitt? in 

riifln ju KnUtii. Offjhn*, ^TfulNr ^^nt* 
aaft UBli e4\v>tbrn ttMrtv Uarci ifif* 'i;fu.' 
trOliMT: tMt ^itfiartina, mi^ MiE fuirn. 

HIT laf vflK fJk bflrw ftniH^rn tn t^t lit* 
ftnlfw CKm>tai|flbt folongi) firjit, amtatt 

Hr finfr tTillfi Tarlbft, miJtfr f<if? iwr l-ff 

IffiilwT £taai*oidBii<T m kjniilnrti iwrffn hwt- 

— riirinaL tp tif rFE^f|rrli^rE1 ^Efrnkhlmt^ii 

Biffir iinud^fSfrt fan II, ifl thtn i* jipripVitpu, 
^ir^m bltiibe tfinn iridid mtfit Htqg,i qTf: jilti 
Bi/ KTllftbfCfnurti^ilrn rrlwJuriDniRA^Uvtnili:, 
ttLNl tik% tortUK rr lur tftn Xiwlf ftflelf ir^ IH^ 
brr tn trjcuft tmt ^nft — it flft* Bifl Urt- 
^Mnbrn — ^u l!74tb(i1tfli 'JRag gip4 tHgl^BG 
tB^ j iZruppFn imdt .1lLMlil^anEi|BWc{ ff BiDrn aiH 
fljil^f Tlijfilil?* eJnifr in bfil axilit Iw&tfB. 
10 ]jn(|f bfr rtnfttn tfr Z\ntt\ *Lt 3!u,6lanll 
flKhr afcg*|cWn1f*n iil, C-qrtfuf hirn* ri jrjiffi- 
Pffhlif<rii: nii*ir an, ipmt \^tTn SfrhuJitMti" 

■i&ir glaubtrn, lit tir^ flllfS fi-Dn tan^ unirr 

dhr, TOO pf pEagcB, bfn imta frfa flibwi **■ 

nf[viU!]i. Hw frani5(l[d^r UnHbtFidR D«e» |f' 

t<T feln wpnu. 
Kit S. turrd if ii lirrfud^ w^Att, mit Air 

trn isiDgffl cfrntliEhra ^rp tunh unpfr Cri 
tTiLB ^a vntttinti — tint m anfminiflMtiMi* 

firri|''4i![lifnrfifi: unb Liff muli ruNg cli^ film 
ruT ilniRitrrrUiiift ir«lf.i Uif^JI ^KfJ^ljdint t^mr 
Itrllriii. £iii slihrfusfii FiiiiiiEc ^€ nHVtr fed nir 

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But Weitling had scarcely gotten his bearings in this 
country, when the news of the upheavels in Germany fired 
him with a feeHng of duty to the comrades he had left. He 
went back to Germany but before reaching that country 
the famous March revolution was over, and he had to content 
himself with a participation in the minor revolts which fol- 
lowed it. Two years later, however, he was again forced to 
leave, and again he came to America as a haven of safety. 
This was in August, 1851. He then estabUshed a Laborer's 
Union in New York, which had for its object the founding 
and sustaining of a communistic colony io be called ^ ^Com- 
munia," and located in Iowa, to which state many of the 
German immigrants were then flocking. The community 
was started in 1853 at Clayton county, Iowa, it being formally 
organized as the Communia Workingmen's League. Weit- 
ling remained in New York publishing a newspaper called : 
^^Republik der Arbeiter," and thus securing contributions 
and recruits for the undertaking. The head of the colony 
was M. Baumann, who was oflScially termed administrator. 
G. Nehser was foreman of the farm branch, John G. Smith of 
the industry branch, Louis Arnold of the building branch, 
and Mr. Weitling was official agent. Communia survived 
but a year or two, the failure being due to lack of harmony 
among the colonists. The settlement is still in existence, 
however, and its name may be seen on some of the larger 

Weitling's Arbiter bund, or Laborers' union, had headquar- 
ters on Beekman street. New York, and for several years he 
published his paper, ^ ^Republik der Arbeiter. " This only 
met with scant support, as could hardly have otherwise been 
the case, and finally suspended. WeitUng was now in poor 
financial circumstances and probably discouraged. He had 
sowed the seeds of Socialism in America, but had not achieved 
the results he had counted on. His spirit, which had sus- 
tained him through his European persecutions, was broken. 
He secured employment as a clerk in the immigrant office of 

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Castle Garden and appears to have taken no further part in 
socialistic or labor agitation. He and Marx had not approved 
of each other's ideas in Europe, and when the Marx Inter- 
national secured a foothold in New York, he did not join the 
branch, although he is said to have given it hearty endorse- 
ment. He devoted his leisure to studv and invention. He 
died Jan. 25, 1871. Only three days before, he attended a 
brotherhood fete of the German, French and English sections 
of the city, and made an address. 

Weitling was a man of commanding appearance, and a 
pleasing speaker, fie was blessed with a loud voice and was 
liked everywhere. He was of medium heighth and some- 
what stout. Dr. Edmund Ignatz Koch was a co-worker with 
Weitling and between them they spread 1,000 copies of revo- 
lutionary pamphlets written by Blanqui. 

The Cabet experiment, which had its beginning at about 
the time that Weitling started his work in this country, may 
be said to have come as a belated bit of Owenism. Cabet 
first tried to establish his Icaria in Texas, and it was Owen 
who caused him to choose that state, still having in mind his 
own frustrated plans there. Etienne Cabet was a man of 
some standing in his native country. Scholar, historian, 
essayist, scientist, agitator, he stirred France for two genera- 
tions by his communistic writings and projects. In 1840 he 
published an Utopian romance called ^^A Voyage to Icaria," 
modelled somewhat after More's Utopia. The workingmen 
of Paris went wild over it. Cabet kept up the propaganda 
and in 1841 established a paper, the ^Topulaire." Gradu- 
ally the idea of an actual Icaria began to take shape, and in 
1847 an editorial appeared under the heading: "Let us go to 

Cabet was overwhelmed with responses and the people 
were so importunate that the experiment was really begun 
within the year. The paper had written glowingly of the 
success of the Rappite and other communities in Anjerica and 

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the Cabetites naturally regarded the new country as the place 
to begin. On the morning of February 3, 1848, the first 
band left Havre — sixty-nine picked men — ^as a sort of advance 
guard, with impatient thousands waiting to follow shortly 
afterward. While the ship '^Rome'' was oii the ocean the 
downfall of Louis Philippe took place and the Second Repub- 
lic was established. This caused a spht among the Cabetites, 
some wanting to recall the advance band and to gradually 
transform France into to Icaria; the others headed by Cabet, 
realized that France was still hostile to their aims. 

On the 3d of June the second expedition left France for 
Texas, but of the previously eager thousands only nineteen 
actually embarked! 

The first expedition had met with great disappointments. 
The land, which had been secured on an option by Cabet, 
was not washed by the Red river, as claimed, but 250 miles 
inland, in Fannin county, and separated by a trackless wil- 
derness of prairies, forests and swamps. Their experience in 
getting to their domain was most disheartening, and was 
made worse by sickness and the breakdown of their wagon. 
On arriving they found that the million acres supposed to 
have been acquired by Cabet had only been partly secured 
and that it consisted of half sections that alternated with 
other holdings, so that it formed a sort of checkerboard. As 
actual settlement was required, they were only able to build 
log huts enough to secure thirty-two half sections, or 10,240 
acres in all, scattered through two townships. 

Failure was written on everything the Icarians attempted 
and in four months they began a retreat. In parties of twos 
and threes they made their way to Shrieveport, five dying on 
the way. The nineteen of the second expedition participated 
in this retreat. They reached New Orleans toward the close 
of 1848. 

Meantime Cabet • and others had left France and were on 
their way to this country. In March, 1849, it had been de- 
cided to take up the town of Nauvoo, Illinois, practically de- 

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Poet, Socialist, Artist, Manufacturer and Agitator. 


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serted by the Mormons, and the little band made its way 
thither as soon as was possible under the existing conditions 
of Mississippi steamboat travel. Houses were plenty and 
prosperity gradually came to the band of intrepid colonists. 
Their ranks were augmented by new arrivals and in 1855 
they numbered 500 members. They had workshops, a dis- 
tillery, a flouring mill and farms, and a school for the chil- 
dren. A newspaper was also published and pamphlets 
printed. The Mormons had left unfinished a large temple of 
dressed limestone, and this Cabet bought with the intention 
of making it a grand Icarian assembly hall. A fire had burned 
out the interior while the Mormons were in possession, but 
the walls were good. A tornado blew down the walls, how- 
ever, and so Cabet abandoned it, and the stone was used for 
other purposes. The main Icarian building was 150 by 30 
feet, and two stories high. The first floor was used as a com- 
mon dining hall, assembly room, theater, etc., while the up- 
per rooms were used as dwellings. The old Mormon arsenal 
was transformed into a workshop, and the community had a 
thousand acres of rented land under cultivation. Various 
trades were carried on and the entire community was a model 
of industry, intelligence and peaceful order. 

It was never intended to make Nauvoo a permanent dwel- 
ling place, and so as early as 1852 a number of members were 
sent into Iowa to secure a new site. Over three thousand 
'acres of government land was secured in the southwestern 
part of the state, near what is now the town of Coming, and 
a few settlers were sent there. In 1850 Cabet gave the commu- 
nity a constitution, providing for a president and five direct- 
ors. He was elected and re-elected president. He was 
now seventy years old and had grown somewhat arbitrary. 
Some of the younger members came to disagree with him, a 
strife developed and on Feb. 3, 1856, Cabet was defeated for 
the presidency, a younger member, J. B. Gerard, being elected. 
The following day Cabet, who had been greatly surprised at 
this action, yielded a point he had contended for and the 


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election was reconsidered and he was elected. The discord 
did not cease, however, and Cabet finally proposed a sepa- 
ration, one faction to go to Iowa. The anti-Cabet faction got 
control and internal war broke out, the civil authorities 
having to intervene to prevent bloodshed. Cabet tried to bring 
about the dissolution of the colony in the state courts, but 
the plan failed. He also tried to get the legislature to annul 
the community's charter but the vote resulted unfavorably, 
55 to 9. 

Nov. 1, 1856, Cabet, with 180 followers, left Nauvoo. Seven 
days later he died of apoplexy in St. Louis. His little 
band established a colony at Cheltenham within a few miles 
of St. Louis. They were prosperous for a time, but finally 
reverses came, and in January, 1864, the Cheltenham experi- 
ment came to an end. 

The community at Nauvoo was greatly weakened by the 
split. Finally in 1860 the members removed to the Iowa 
domain. The new land was in Adams county. In 1863 
there was a debt of $15,500 hanging over the members' heads. 
When the war of the Rebellion broke out it sent up prices 
and this came at an opportune time for the Icarians. They 
cleared large sums on their crops and by giving up some of 
their land reduced their debt to practically nothing. They 
still lived in a squallid way, however, although a few years 
later they built better homes, a dozen small white cottages, 
arranged on the sides of a parallelogram, with a large central 
unitary kitchen and dining room. 

Icaria now seemed to flourish, but underneath the surface 
a new strife was developing. The younger people were pitted 
against the older ones in demanding a change in the scope 

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and an expansion of the work and influence of the commu- 
nity. They wanted to do more propaganda work. In 1876 
the younger members asked fdt a separation. It was refused 
and finally the matter got into the courts. 

On August 17, 1878, the circuit court declared the colony 
charter forfeited, and the upshot was that the domain was 
divided, the young members getting the original village site. 
The young folks were vigilant and got a charter in the origi- 
nal name, forcing the older members to incorporate as the 
*'New Icarian Community.'' Later some Icarians removed 
to a new domain in California, which was short lived. 

In 1892 the new Icarian community had twenty-two mem- 
bers, with 950 acres of land, which was valued at $14,250. 
The net capital was $26,525. 

The end of the Icarian experiment came in 1898. On Oct. 
31, Judge Towner, in the district court of Coming, wound up 
its affairs officially at the request of the members. In a let- 
ter written recently, E. F. Bettanier, the liast president of the 
Icarians, says that it was not financial embarrassment that 
caused the dissolution. Each family occupied its separate 
house, and lived well and enjoyed life. The number of mem- 
bers was too small, and some had children living outside, 
whom they wished to be with. Moreover, he says there 
were some selfish ones who forgot the purpose for which the 
community was organized. Thus ends what has been aptly 
termed ^*The sad story of Icaria." 


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CHAPTER V. — ^The Pioneers of Scientific Socialism. 

The steady influx of German immigrants following the 
political disturbance of 1848 made it possible as early as 1850 
to found Turner societies in this country, and it is an inter- 
esting fact to Socialists that all these early Turner organiza- 
tions were avowedly socialistic. 

Their influence on the succeeding growth of the Socialist 
movement in America is hard to estimate, for that growth 
was very slow. For years it seemed as if it would never take 
root among the native Americans. This fear finally caused 
great anxiety among the leaders, and many of them lost heart 
because of it and dropped out of the fight. 

As a matter of fact the Turners were not organized as So- 
cialists so much for propaganda on this side of the ocean as 
they were for the purpose of supplementing and encouraging 
the movement in Germany. It is true, however, that this 
condition wore off" and that the Turners did their share in 
trying to get Socialism established on American soil. 

The first Socialist Turn Verein convention was held at 
Philadelphia, Oct. 5, 1850. Several societies sent delegates, 
among them Baltimore, Boston, New York and Cincinnati, 
which were the strongest. The name, American Gymnastic 
Union of North America, was chosen, but this was changed 
the following year to the Socialistic Gymnastic Union. It 
had at that time seventeen local societies, with large mem- 
berships. When the war of the Rebellion broke out, most of 
the Turners went to the front to fight against negro slavery. 

When the war was over the Turner Societies reorganized as 
the North American Gymnastic Union, and ceased to be dis- 
tinctively Socialistic. In 1876 a Socialistic Turner Society 
and turn school existed in New York City, but it had no in- 
fluence with the other societies of the country. Many of the 
old Turners have become RepubUcans as a legacy of the war, 
while others, have become large employers and grown con- 
servative by reason of their changed class interests. 


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In the spring of 1852, Joseph Weydemeyer, a friend of 
Karl Marx, began to disseminate the teachings of Marx and 
Engels as set forth in the Communist Manifesto. 

In order to do this the better, he began the publication of 
a monthly magazine i n the German language, which he called 
* ' The Re volution." The first number was especially notable 
through containing a specially contributed article by Marx. 
The magazine could not well have been more short lived, as 
the second number never made its appearance. Weydemeyer 
had the financial assistance of a German mere hant named H. 
Meyer, but the magazine was found too expensive to continue. 
Weydemeyer was an engineer under Fremont during the 
war and built the fortifications round St. Louis. He died in 
that city. 

In 1853 Weitling's Arbeiter Bund dissolved, and for several 
years thereafter the Socialists in New York were unorganized. 

In 1857 i club of Commun ists was founded in New York 
by German revolutionists of 1848. It did considerable pro- 
paganda work and on the following year arranged a memorial 
meeting in honor of the Paris June revolution of 1848, with 
an attendance of 1,000 men of various nationalities. 

In 1865 enough followers of Lassalle were located in New 
York for an attempt at organization. They were not able to 
hold together, however, and did not succeed until three years 

In 1866 a congress of national labor organizations was held 
in Baltimore and a Socialist delegate named E. Schlegel, 
who was elected vice president of the congress, made an un- 
successful effort to create a political labor party. 

During the year following, several members of the club of 
Communists together with some members of the labor organ- 
izations in New York and in coalition with a newly formed 
club of Lassallites, issued a call for a mass meeting for the 
purpose of starting a prolitarian political party. The meeting 
was held Jan. 20, 1868, in the Gcrmania assembly rooms on 
the Bowery and was well attended. An organization known 

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Editor "Social Democratic Herald." 


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as the Social Party was effected and a platform adopted which 
embodied the principles of the International of Marx, together 
with several positive demands for the laboring class. 

During the following summer an address was sent to the 
central body of the International at Geneva, Switzerland, by 
the temporary central committee of the party, and signed by 
its president, F. A. Sorge. 

During the same year the National Labor Union, which 
had previously held aloof from politics, reconsidered the 
matter and formed the Labor Reform party. The members 
of the Social party did not wish to in any way obstruct this 
class-conscious action of the trade organizations and so ceased 
all agitation under their party name and gave the new move- 
ment all their strength. The result was that the new politi- 
cal party sent a delegate to the congress of the International 
which was held that year at Basl6, Switzerland. The name 
of the delegate was A. C. Cameron. W. H. Sylvis who 
served as one of the presidents of the Labor Reform party, 
was one of the hardest working Socialists. 

In 1869 the Social party took on new life and was strength- 
ened by an aflSliation with the International through its Lon- 
don office. Soon the International became international in 
fact, by the formation of sections in the various cities of the 
United States, which sections did a valuable work by keeping 
in close fellowship with the various labor unions. 

During all this time the "respectable'' people of the United 
States had increased their apprehension as to Socialism and 
Communism. The foreign news was full of lurid accounts of 
the ''new social terror," which the American capitalist edit- 
ors took good care to supplement with denunciatory and fore- 
boding editorials. This ''respectable" element breathed a 
little easier in 1870, when Judge Thomas Hughes, the Chris- 
tian Socialist, and anther of "Tom Brown at Rugby," and 
"Tom Brown at Oxford," made a lecture tour through the 

The year 1871 was notable for the arrival of a number of 


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French refugees, the Paris Commune having just been sup- 
pressed. These people ** brought with them a spirit of vio- 
lence/' Prof. Ely says. During this year '^The Arbeiter 
Union" was estabUshed, with the honored Socialist and rev- 
olutionist, Dr. Adolph Douai, as editor. The following year 
Victoria Woodhull, prominent along cognate lines, espoused 
the International and ** Woodhull & Claflin's Weekly" took 
on a sociaUstic flavor. Mrs. Woodhull Martin is now editress 
of *'The Humanitarian," of London, a magazine that num- 
bers among its contributors such notable Socialists as Grant 
Allen, E. Belford Bax, Prof. Caesar Lombroso, Bernard Shaw, 
Prof. Alfred Russell AVallace, J. A. Hobson and the like. 

The year 1872 was an important one for the cause in Amer- 
ica for it witnessed the removal to New York of the head- 
quarters of the Marx International. This came about in this 
way: There had been a growing feeling between the two 
wings of the organization. On the one side were those who 
believed in the ballot, headed by Marx, on the other the follow- 
ers of Bakounine, w^ho were Anarchists. It was felt that the 
Anarchists must be got rid of at any cost and so the congress 
of the International for 1872 was held at The Hague, where 
Bakounine could not come from Switzerland, because he 
would have to cross countries where he would be arrested. 
This gave the Marxites control, and to make their victory 
more lasting the headquarters were removed from London to 
New York. Bakounine held a congress of his own at Geneva 
and thus two Internationals took the place of one. By the 
removal of the headquarters to New York, the struggle be- 
tween the Socialists and Anarchists re-appeared on the new 

The first proclamation from the new headquarters was an 
appeal to workingmen to emancipate labor and to eradicate 
all national and international strife. The disastrous times of 
the following year helped its agitators and it made no little 
headway. During 1872 a socialist congress was held in New 
York with 22 sections represented by delegates. 

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In 1874 the Socialists founded the Social Democratic Work- 
ingman's Party at a convention held at Philadelphia. A. 
Strasse, a cigarmaker and a representative of the practical 
American labor movement, was made secretary. Two reso- 
lutions were passed ; one to unite all Socialist groups in the 
country, and the other to place the matter in the hands of 
the executive officers. Representatives of the United Work- 
ers, an English speaking organization and of the International 
held conferences and in 1876 succeeded in uniting on the 
federative principle. A general labor 'convention was called, 
which was held at Pittsburg. There were 106 delegates, only 
twenty of whom were Socialists. The latter managed to 
dominate the convention, but the meeting was a failure and 
accomplished nothing. 

This was in effect the end of the International. It had 
done wonders in. getting the advanced laboring people out of 
the hands of the capitalistic politicians. It also caused 
several valuable papers to be published, the *'Vorbote'' of 
Chicago and the * ^ Labor Standard, ' ' among others. It was 
helpful to the unions ^nd kept them in touch with the other 
trade organizations. 

Later, in 1876, another labor party was started, the Work- 
ingman- s Party of the United States. It was soon internally 
disturbed, the new comers from Gennany disagreeing with 
those of longer residence over tactics. The former wanted to 
follow on the same lines as the party in Germany. Many of 
the Marxists of longer residence left the party, but the times 
were so bad that it nevertheless made considerable headway, 
especially as a result of the serious railway strikes of 

In 1876 J. P. Maguire, an excellent speaker, made a nota- 
ble agitation tour of the country. Several papers soon after 
began to exist, among them the ^'Chicago Arbeiter Zeitung, " 
founded by Paul Grottkau, Joseph Brucker's ^^ Milwaukee 
Socialist, ' ' daily, and also an English weekly a year later, in 
Milwaukee, called ^'The Emancipator." In Chicago, Albert 

— 3— 


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Parsons and G. A. Schilling were at the head of an English 
speaking section. 

In 1877 the Workingman's party met at Newark, N. J., 
abandoning the International, or what was left of it, to the 
Communistic Anarchists. The trades unions had already 
left it. 

At the Newark meeting the name of the party was changed 
to the Socialistic Labor party. 

In 1877 the Socialists cast their lot with the Greenback 
Labor Party, owing to its advocacy of certain labor reforms. 
This party got quite a vogue with laborers and farmers, who 
were caught, some of them, by its '^unlimited paper money" 
dream, while others endorsed the spirit of the party. This 
was the forerunner of several similar parties including the 
late lamented People's Party, and was bitterly opposed to sil- 
ver as well as gold money. In the November election in New 
York a vote of 1,365 was run up and considerable voting 
strength was manifest all over the country for a year or so. 
In 1877, also, a labor ticket in Cincinnati polled 9,000 votes, 
but it fell back to 1,500 a year later. In 1879 four labor 
candidates in Chicago were elected to the city council and the 
labor candidate for mayor got 12,000 votes. Three men were 
elected to the Illinois legislature, but they were in no sense 
class-conscious. In 1878 the labor candidate for governor of 
Ohio received 12,000 votes. 

It was at about this time that the Anarchists began to show 
strength. The line between Anarchism and Socialism was 
not at this time sharply dra^n in the Socialist organizations, 
in spite of the fact of their being opposites. Both being crit- 
ics and denouncers of the present system, however, they 
were able to work together. 

As a result of the brutalities of the militia and regulars in 
the railway strikes of 1877, a new plan was devised by the 
Chicago agitators. This found expression in the Lehr and 
A¥ehr Verein (teaching and defense society), an armed and 
drilled body of workmen pledged to protect the workers 


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against the militia in the case of a strike. But a Commune 
anniversary festival was held in 1879 in Chicago, and the 
Lehr and Wehr Verein paraded. Instantly the capitalists 
were taken with a panic. The result was the prompt pass- 
ing of a law forbidding any company of men to drill or bear 
arms without a state permit. A test was made of the consti- 
tutionality of this law, but both the state and the national 
supreme courts considered it wise and upheld it. The arms- 
bearing tactics were opposed by the executive committee of 
the S. L. P., the secretary of which was PhiUp von Patten. A 
fight ensued between the *'Verbote,'^ which was the weekly 
edition of the ''Arbeiter Zeitung," 6f Chicago, and the ^* La- 
bor Bulletin," the ofiicial party organ, which Patten edited. 
Grottkau was not an Anarchist, but he had resented the as- 
sumption of authority which the executive board displayed 
and had given his support to the extreme wing, even becom- 
ing a member personally of the Lehr and Wehr Verein. 
Matters led on till the S. L. P. convention, held in New York 
in 1881, at which several members of the extreme wing were 
excluded because they did not acknowledge the * ^ authority ' ' 
of the party. The use of the word ** authority ' ' incensed 
some of the Anarchistic members and one section in New 
York rebelled and tried to start a more radical organization. 
One of the leaders was Justus Schwab, and an English 
monthly paper was arranged for, called *'The Anarchist." 
The new party was called the International Workingman's 

In 1882 Johann Most, the Anarchist firebrand, came to 
this country and tiie Anarchists became more dominant than 
ever. Grottkau, however, realizing the way things were 
tending, began to occupy middle ground. Things in Chicago 
were growing warm, and he tried hard to bring back the 
former conditions. In the East matters were much the same 
and when the S. L. P. convention met in 1883 at Baltimore 
the Anarchists were given the cold shoiilder, it being decided 
not to aflBUate in any way with their organization, which 


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Agitator and Author of several pamphlets. 


by Google 


had been perfected at Pittsburg a month earlier in the 

Grottkau was now thoroughly enlisted against the Anarch- 
ists, realizing that they were inimical to the true interests of 
the proletarian movement. He fought valiantly for his view of 
the matter arid wrote and spoke ardently, but the ground he 
had himself prepared was against him. He held a notable 
debate with Most in which he had decidedly the best of the 
argument and achieved an intellectual and argumentative 
victory; but not so thought the crowd, which was still filled 
with his previous teachings. A few weeks later he was forced 
to retire from the **Arbeiter Zeitung" and to turn over the 
editorial pen to August Spies, the former business manager, 
and a man more to Host's liking. Spies remained at that 
post and it brought him to the gallows — unjustly, as all hon- 
est men must admit — and that same fate might possibly have 
come to Grottkau had he remained in charge. 

The New York Volkszeitung, the German Socialist daily, 
which was started in 1879, studiously ignored Most, because 
he had been expelled from the Social Democratic party in 
Germany. Not so the ' 'Labor Bulletin. ' ' It tried to fight 
him, but failed, as Most used ridicule for argument and was 
more agile than his opponent. Patten, the editor, finally 
gave up in disgust, taking refuge in a government job. He 
was not the only discouraged Socialist, for the movement 
during the years 1880-5 was at a very low ebb. 

And then came the memorable year 1886. The agitation 
for an 8-hour work-day, which Grottkau had helped start 
had grown to large proportions. An united demand was to 
be made May 1, for the change in hours. In Chicago the 
excitement was high. The McCormack reaper works, where 
the men were out on strike, was visited by a crowd of excited 
people. There was a conflict with the police and one of the 
rioters was shot. A meeting of protest was held at the Hay- 
market on the evening of May 4, about 350 Anarchists and 
laborers being present, A. R. Parsons had finished speaking 

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and Samuel Fielden was holding forth, when seven companies 
of police appeared atid commanded the crowd to disperse. 
Some unknown person threw a bomb which exploded with 
terrible effect, causing the death of five ofiicers and wounding 
some sixty others. August Spies, A. R. Parsons, Louis 
Lingg, George Engel, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Adolph 
Fischer and Oscar Neebe were tried for the affair and the 
trial was such a travesty on justice that the Socialists put 
aside their feeling of hostility to the Anarchists and held 
indignation meetings all over the country. Capitalism in 
Chicago had been long uneasy over the hysterical threatenings 
of the Anarchists, both at their street meetings and at their 
halls. The police frequently broke up their meetings and 
brutally clubbed the members. 

The result was that the Anarchists were even more bitter 
toward the police than they were at the capitalist system it- 
self, and they used most vengeful and threatening language, 
which the police and the capitalistic newspapers were quick 
to give publicity to. The people of Chicago were whipped 
into a state of terror by the newspapers and when once the 
leaders of the Anarchists were in the meshes of the law, cap- 
italism did a popular thing when it demanded their blood. 
Judge Gary plainly showed his anxiety that they should suf- 
fer the death penalty, and men were admitted to the jury 
who made no secret of their feeling toward the men on trial. 
'^Chicago Hangs Anarchists,'' declared the capitalistic ^^ Chi- 
cago Tribune ' ' during the trial, and it soon became clear that 
Anarchy was on trial and that a failure to prove the connection 
of the prisoners with the mysterious bomb thrower would not 
stand in the way of hanging them. As to the bomb thrower, 
it was quite clear that he was some fellow who had been 
moved to revenge himself on the police for their past brutali- 
ties. The upshot of the trial was that Spies, Fischer, Engel 
and Parsons were hung. Lingg, who would also have hung, 
committed suicide in his cell, or at least it is claimed he did. 
Schwab, Fielden and Neebe were sent to prison and after- 
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ward pardoned by Gov. Altgeld in a document showing the 
utter unfeimess of the trial. 

Nor was Chicago the only storm center of the 8-hour agita- 
tion. In Milwaukee there was also rioting and the accom- 
paning misrepresentation of the capitalistic press, the invent- 
ive reporters making good use of the fact that many of the 
leaders spoke a foreign tongue. Thus Paul Grottkau, who 
was then editor of the ^ ^Milwaukee Arbeiter Zeitung," made 
speeches to the crowds, urging them, as a Socialist naturally 
would, to give up violence and redress their wrongs at the 
ballot box. His attitude was misrepresented, his words 
falsely translated, and he himself arrested as an instigator of 
the rioting. He was afterward found not guilty. At Mil- 
waukee, also, the militia was ordered out by the governor, 
and in a conflict near the rolling mills several Polish strikers 
were brutally shot down. 

Naturally these labor disturbances had their effect politi- 
cally and in the fall election in Milwaukee a newly formed 
Un\on Labor party, started by the money-reformers, caught 
the labor vote and elected its entire ticket. Most of the men 
elected turned out to be mere politicians, however, and gave 
the city a disgraceful administration. In other cities labor 
parties also sprung up and made considerable showing on 
election day. 

Iq New York, where Henry George's tax reform ideas had 
gotten many supporters, George was nominated for mayor by 
the United Labor Party. The S. L. P. united with the new 
party and George polled 67,000 votes. 

In 1887, George, who was an Individualist, decided to 
throw the Socialists over, and at the Syracuse convention, at 
which he was nominated for governor, the coUectivists were 
fiummarily turned down. They organized the Progressive 
Labor Party and cast 5,000 votes. In 1888 they cast 2,500 
v6tes, and the party gave up the ghost. 

From 1888 to 1891 the S. L. P. remained out of politics. 
Lucian Sanial says that Socialism was never at so low^an ebb 

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Delegate of the Social Democratic Party to the International 
Congress at Paris in 1900. 


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in this country as in 1888, after the collapse of the George 
movement and the hanging of the Chicago Anarchists. The 
latter occurrence, it may be added, or rather, the Anarchist 
ascendency in Chicago, did the cause lasting harm there, it 
having to the present day remained in the hands of the An- 
archists, who have been able to some extent to thwart all ef- 
forts at successful Socialist lodgment. 

CHAPTER %. — The Gestation of American Socialism. 

We now turn a bright page in the history of Socialism in 
America, for at this point the clouds of dispair and failure 
begin to lift and the sun of promise and final triumph shines 
forth. As has been said, the earlier revolutionary Socialism 
was ' practically wiped out by the civil war. After the war 
immigrants from Germany and France made almost tireless 
efforts to re-establish it, but their agitations being carried on 
in a foreign tongue and of necessity among foreign residents 
the American people were not attracted by it, but on the con- 
trary, their apprehension was only increased. Socialism was 
by them confounded with Anarchism, and was believed to be 
synonymous with spoliation, incendiarism, and general dis- 
order. Even as late as 1887 an American party was organ- 
ized at Philadelphia for the purpose, among other things, of 
excluding from citizenship '* anarchists, socialists, and o^Aer 
dangerous characters P^ Laurence Gronlund has said that in 
1880 he could count the native born American Socialists on 
the fingers of one hand. Had the foreign bom residents 
suddenly left the country they would have practically taken 
Socialism with them. In 1880 Judge Thomas Hughes, the 
Christian Socialist, founded a profit-sharing, semi-commun- 
istic colony at New Rugby, in the Cumberland mountains of 
Tennessee, and delivered several lectures in the larger cities. 
A year later this colony had nearly 300 members and enjoyed 
a short-lived prosperity. 

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The American awakening to Socialism began with the ap- 
pearance of Edward Bellamy's ^^ Looking Backward'' in 
1888, although in 1884 Laurence Gronlund's '^ Co-operative 
Commonwealth" was the first book to place the new theory 
before American readers in a popular way. This had a very 
fair sale and set many prominent men to thinking along 
new lines — and among them probably the novelist Edward . 
Bellamy himself. ^^ Looking Backward" was not at all 
scientific in its conception of Socialism or the probable So- 
cialistic state, but it came as a great message to the American 
people, nevertheless, and its success was phenomenal. In 
the succeeding few years over 600,000 copies were sold and 
for a time it had a record of sales of over 1,000 a day. Still 
it must be noted that the word SociaUsm nowhere appeared 
in the book. 

Bellamy and his converts at orice organized clubs, which, 
with a cowardice that was perhaps justified, they called Na- 
tionalist clubs, and they persisted in calling their Socialism 
Nationalism. The first club was formed in Boston, Decem- 
ber 1, 1888, with Charles E. Bowers as president. Others 
sprang up all over the country, at one time their number • 
being recorded as 162. Some went into politics, and one 
candidate in California polled 1,000 votes. In Rhode Island 
a Nationalist state ticket was put in the field. In May, 1889, 
the Nationalist club of Boston began the publication of the 
' ' The Nationalist Magazine, ' ' and some idea of its literary 
merits may be had from hese names which were among its 
official list of contributors: Edward Everett Hale, Mary A. 
Livermore, Col. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Jennie June, 
Helen Campbell, Sylvester Baxter, Henry Austin, and Lau- 
rence Gronlund. Another contributor was Daniel DeLeon — 
this being his start in the Socialist movement, although he had 
previously participated in the George agitation. In 1891 
Bellamy published a paper called the ^' New Nation." In 
1889, the Christian Socialists were also encouraged to organ- 
ize, the Rev. W. D. F. Bliss being the moving spirit.- Their 


party has never had more than a nominal existence. At 
about this time, too, the Knights of Labor developed great 
Btrength, but its undoubtedly Sociahstic tendencies were 
nullified by Grand Master Workman T. V. Powderly, who 
kept the members out of emancipatory political efibrts. In 
later years he became a RepubUcan poUtician and was given 
a snug berth at Washington as a reward for his nrevious 
** services." 

This year, 1889, was a notable one with the S. L. P. The 
meagre showing made by the Progressive Labor party had not 
strengthened the standing of the daily ^^Volkszeitung" witli 
the advertising pubUc, and it set itself squarely against a 
continuance of distinct Socialist candidates in succeeding 
elections. This raised a storm and the national executive 
committee declared for political tactics. Great bitterness en- 
sued, and the upshot was that the committee was dispossess- 
ed by force. The party became split in twain, the ^ * Volks- 
zeitung'' people, led by Alexander Jonas and Sergius Sche- 
vitch, having twenty-seven large sections back of them, and 
the poUtical action faction, led by W. L. Rosenberg the na- 
tional secretary, having twenty-three small ones. The Jonas- 
Schevitch-Sanial faction held its convention in Chicago Oct. 
12, 1889, and began what it called its * ^aggressive policy,'' a 
policy which began as an uncompromising attitude toward 
reforms and ^ ^confusionism, ' ' but which developed into boss- 
rule and a petty terrorism that drove the better element from 
the party. A month previous, the Rosenberg faction held its 
convention in Chicago, also. Its official organ was the 
*'Volks Anwalt,'' a paper which is still publishing. 

In spite of these troubles there was a sort of revival of ac- 
tivity in 1889, which was due undoubtedly to the stimu- 
lus of Bellamy's book. It practically saved the S. L. P. 
from extinction. The Sanial faction now had seventy sec- 

But there was an odd sequel 'to the split of 1889. The 
Sanial faction went back on its determination to keepnout^d^j^ 


politics, and just one year later put up an S. L. P. ticket. 
In Chicago in 1891 the two factions agreed to a temporary 
armistice and nominated Thos. J. Morgan for mayor. He 
got 2,500 votes. 

In 1891 the ^'Workingman's Advocate,'' which had been 
published at New Haven, was moved to New York and its 
name changed to ^'The People." Sanial's eyesight was fail- 
ing and it was planned to make a berth for DeLeon, who 
was regarded as a great acquisition to the party. During 
this year Sanial was sent as a delegate to the Brussels con- 

In 1892 the New York faction put up a candidate for 
president, a comrade named Wing, who received 21,224 votes. 
In New York the party cast 17,958 votes', 1,337 in New Jer- 
sey, 898 in Pennsylvania, 676 in Massachusetts, 333 in Con- 
necticut and 22 in Florida. 

At Cincinnati, in May, a National Reform Conference, 
the forerunner of the People's party, convened. The follow- 
ing year the People's party met at Omaha and adopted a 
semi-Socialistic platform, one however that also contained a 
superabundance of erroneous, middle class economics. 
During this year the famous Homestead strike occurred, a 
strike which showed the wonderful powers of resistance ot 
the higher class of organized workmen, the Amalgamated 
Association of Iron and Steel workers. 

The efforts which were made in 1892 to reunite the two 
S. L. P. factions came to naught. At the convention of the 
Sanial faction at Chicago in 1893, 113 sections were reported, 
and Lucian Sanial was sent as a delegate to the Zurich con- 
gress. The Rosenberg faction, although strong at the start, 
lacked the sustaining strength of a daily newspaper such as 
the ^^Volkszeitung," and its subsequent career was uneven 
and showed a gradual loss of virility. It came to be called 
the ^ traveling faction," owing to its frequent change of its 
headquarters. This *^ party on wheels," as it was also 
dubbed, moved first to Cincinnati, then to Baltimore, then to 

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Social Democratic member of Massachusetts Legislature. 
Reelected in 1899. 


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Buffalo, then to Cincinnati again, then to Chicago, and finally 
to Cleveland. It then changed its name to the Social Demo- 
cratic Federation and kept up a merely nominal existence 
until 1898, when it was merged into the then already ex- 
isting Social Democracy. 

The year 1893 was notable in many ways. Bellamy's 
^'New Nation'' suspended publication, but the Yankeefying 
of Socialism was given an immense advance by the founding 
of the **Coming Nation" at Greensburg, Ind., by J. A. Way- 
land. It had an unique style and elements of popularity 
which began to run its circulation up as by magic. Ariother 
notable fact was the founding of the American Railway Union, 
by Eugene V. Debs, who showed his comprehension of the 
solidarity of labor by originating this plan of superseding 
the various single craft organizations by one general, mutually 
helpful and mutually protective one. His plan was an un- 
conscious contribution to the Socialist movement. Within 
one year the A. R. U. had won one of the greatest railway 
strikes in the history of the American labor movement — 
the Great Northern Railway strike. 

The year 1894 , began with the developing of the Coxey 
movement. Jacob S. Coxey was a well-to-do horse breeder 
at Massillon, Ohio, who was a money reformer and w^ho had 
devised a * ^non-interest bearing bond" scheme, which was 
warranted to bring on the millennium for the middle class, 
and, "of course." be of great benefit to the working class 
in consequence. To draw attention away from the tarifi* 
agitation of the two capitalist parties, he organized a Com- 
monweal army of the unemployed — a "petition in boots," 
that was to march to Washington, D. C. , and demand relief. 
In the latter part of March they started, 120 strong, and they 
were to get signatures en route for the bond and good roads 
schemes. They finally reached Washington, but Capitalism 
dealt with them very easily — it arrested the leaders for walk- 
ing on the grass! Other armies which started firom various 
parts of the country soon disbanded. 


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Interest in the Commonweal army had scarcely died away 
wKen the memorable Pullman strike broke out, followed by 
the almost complete tie-up of the railroads of the United 
States by the A. R. U. The first quadrennial convention of 
the order was held at Chicago in June, the reports showing a 
membership of over 150,000 men. At that time the strike 
of the unfortunates at the *' model'' industrial town of Pull- 
man was in force, it having begun May 11. The operatives 
there were being paid scandalously low wages, yet were held 
in town by debts owing to the company for rentals ($70,000 
in all, Geo. M. Pullman claimed I) which the masters refused 
to lower to correspond with that of surrounding property. 
The matter came before the A. R. U. convention and the 
Pullman company was asked to arbitrate the strike. It pre- 
emptorily refused, declaring that it did not propose to have 
any interference with its business operations and that there 
was '^ nothing to arbitrate. " After due negotiation, the A. 
R. U. declared a boycott on Pullman cars, the members of 
the organization throughout the country being ordered to 
refuse to move trains 
that had not cut off 
their Pullmans, until 
the rights of the Pull- 
man employes were 
granted. True to their 
class feeling, the rail- 
roads refused to cut oft 
the Pullman coaches, 
and so a gigantic battle 

It opened Tuesday 
noon, June 26. Mr. 
Debs was in charge oi 
the strike, assisted by 
Sylvester Keliher, the 
general secretary, and debs and his lieutenants. 

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the other officers. By sunset the first day the strike 
had been felt upon the Illinois Central system and other 
lines as far west as St. Paul. On the second day fifteen 
lines of railroad were tied up, and 5,000 members of the 
union had quit work. Traffic was paralyzed in Colorado, 
New Mexico, California and on both Northern and Southern 
Pacific systems. On the third day over 40,000 railroaders 
were out. The battle amazed everyone. Neither passengers 
or freight could be carried on any of the important railroads 
west of Chicago, while the eastern lines were also crippled. 
All California and adjoining country was train-bound. 
Transportation had been brought to an end. The power of 
union was manifest, but the railway managers declared they 
would fight to the bitter end. A General Managers' Associa- 
tion was formed on the fourth day, to crush out the A. R. U. 
The latter had kept within legal bounds, but the railway 
magnates conceived the idea of calling the power of the gov- 
ernment to their aid. On the fifth day J. R. Sovereign, of 
the Knights of Labor, pledged the co-operation of his order. 
The strike was now felt on the Gould system, the Union Pa- 
cific, the Monon, and elsewhere. The Illinois Central called 
on the authorities for help, claiming that its property at 
Cairo was in danger. Go\'^mor Altgeld sent three companies. 
Labor organizations throughout the country began to swing 
in line. The general managers were desperate, for so long 
as they fought fairly they were out-generalled. Attorney 
General Olney and President Cleveland came to the rescue, 
however, by sending General Miles and a regiment of regu- 
lars to Chicago without being requested to do so by Governor 
Altgeld. The state officials declared this move to have been 
unnecessary, and, in fact, unconstitutional. Public order 
had not been in danger, and the presence of the U. S. troops 
was looked on as a delicate attempt to inflame the mob and 
incite it to disorder. 

The general managers now boasted of success. On the 
seventh day, July 2, Judges Woods and Grosscup, at Chicago, 


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issued a sweeping omnibus injunction and Debs and his asso- 
ciates were enjoined from further prosecution of the boycott. 
On the tenth day some of the sympathizers with the strikers 
became more or less demonstrative and there were evidences 
that the railroad companies intended employing disguised de- 
tectives to incite the crowds on to overt acts in the hope of 
gaining public sympathy and thus hastening an end to the 
tie-up. The tenth day witnessed so much disturbance that 
Gov. Altgeld was moved to telegraph the president to with- 
draw the federal troops. The request was denied. In Cali- 
fornia five companies of militia declared their sympathy with 
the strike. In Colorado Gov. Waite took sides with the 
strikers. A serious strain was manifest at all points, although 
the A. R. U. members used all precautions to prevent their 
cause being hurt by violence. On the twelfth day there was 
bloodshed, two volleys being 'fired into a Chicago crowd of 
sympathizers. The federal authorities now began to treat the 
strike as an insurrection. Later it leaked out that they con- 
templated declaring martial law at Chicago, when it would 
have been an easy matter to take the strike leaders to the 
lake front and shoot them down. 

Passing over the succeeding days, with their strain and 
turbulence, the shooting to kiU by the regulars on the thir- 
teenth day, the firing into a crowd of men, women and 
children at Hammond, Ind., the suspicious burning of freight 
cars, the partial resumption of business on some few roads, 
with the help of the intimidation of the courts, the procla- 
mations of the Capitalistic tool, Cleveland, we come to the 
fifteenth day, when Debs was arrested upon indictment by a 
federal grand jury. Two days later the labor leader proposed 
to the general managers, through the mayor of Chicago, to 
end the strike on condition that the unionists be restored to 
their places, excepting those who might have been proven 
guilty of illegal conduct. This was contemptuously refused, 
and other measures were tried. By the 17th of July traffic, 
after a fashion, had been, resumed on the railroads. On this 


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day Debs, Keliher, and two other officers were imprisoned 
for alleged contempt of court. The next day the troops were 
withdrawn from Chicago. On the 19th forty-three other 
strike participants were imprisoned, under excessive bail. 

In September. Debs and his fellow-officials were tried, a 
jury being denied them, and nearly three months later Judge 

Woods sentenced Debs 
to six months and his 
lieutenants to three 
months in Woodstock 
jail. The case was 
carried to the Supreme 
Court, which sustained 
the lower court. The 
imprisonment began 
in May, 1895. The 

WOODSTOCK: JAIE. . , /-rx i , i , 

trial of Debs had been 
a travesty on justice, as Capitalism succeeded in saving the 
general managers from being brought into court, so that it 
could be shown who really broke the law and destroyed 
property. Out of this came Debs' famous aphorism: '* Gov- 
ernment by Injunction." 

But let us get back to the Socialist movement itself. At 
about the time these stirring scenes were being enacted, J. A. 
Wayland was perfecting plans to begin a communistic ex- 
periment near Tennessee City, Tenn., a domain of 1,000 
acres being secured there. The wonderful growth of his paper 
encouraged him to make the attempt. The colony was be- 
gun in July, a modem perfecting printing press and outfit 
being moved down into the woods. Of course there were 
many eager to join, and the result was what might be ex- 
pected. There was little real harmony. It was an eye- 
opener for the Socialist editor, and in less than a year later 
he withdrew, leaving the press, pap^ and other things be- 
hind him. The colony continued the publication of the 
paper and thus continued to make many converts to abstract 


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Socialism, although Wayland's editorials were missed from 
its columns. 

In 1895 the Rev W. D. P. Bliss organized an American 
Fabian Society at Boston. It began a paper, ** The American 
Fabian,'' calculated to interest a. certain class in Socialism. 
In S. L. P. circles the year was marked by a clash between 
the New York *' People" and the St. Loiiis ^' Labor," edited 
and published by Gustave Hoehn and Albert Sanderson. 
* ^ Labor ' ' was printed in many editions for various localities, 
with its name slightly altered to give it a local look. It had 
been authorized by the Chicago convention of 1893, but the 
**aggressive" policy of the **powers that be" in the party 
meant to maintain control of the party press, and when 
^* Labor" seemed to be a dangerous rival to the /Teople," 
a quarrel was started which ultimately, it is claimedj caused 
the discontinuance of the Socialist newspaper unip^ at St. 
Louis, and '^Labor," as well. In August, 1895, Mr.Wayland 
re-established himself at Kansas-City^ and began the publica- 
tion of the ^ ^Appeal to Reason," moving later to Oirard, 
Kansas, where rents were lower. His paper at once achieved 
a large circulation and has continued to gtow in itifluence 
until to-day it has over 80,000 paid subscribers, a^d is in- 
creasing the Socialist strength as it was never increased be- 
tore. In November of this same year Debs' ijnprisonment at 
Woodstock came to an end and a multitude of admirers as- 
sembled to escort him back to Chicago. The ovation given 
him was most remarkable and it culminated in a monster 
meeting in Central Music Hall, at which his famous speech 
on **Liberty" was delivered, and the world at large began 
for the first time to realize his practical conversion to Social- 
ism. On the stage were several Socialists. During his in- 
carceration Debs had read all the Socialistic works sent him 
and thus prepared himself for the work that he intended 
taking up when his time had been served. 

The ninth convention of the S. L. P. was held at New 
York July 4-10, 1896. There were ninety-four delegates 


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Reelected Social Democratic Mayor of Haverhill, Mass. 


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present. State organization was reported in California, Con- 
necticut, Illinois, Iowa, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Rhode 
Island. The sections numbered 200. Charles H. Matchett 
was nominated for the presidency and Mathew Maguire for 
the vice presidency, and a platform adopted. Perhaps the 
most notable piece of legislation undertaken by the conven- 
tion, in the light of subsequent developments, was the en- 
dorsement of the newly started Socialist Trade and Labor Al- 
liance. This was done by resolution which declared among 
other things that the A. F. of L. and the K. of L. had ** fallen 
hopelessly into the hands of dishonest and ignorant leaders." 
It is doubtful if any of the seventy-one members who voted 
for this measure realized the injury it was destined to work 
to Socialist propaganda or to the standing of the S. L. P. 
among American workingmen. This new trade organization 
was started by Daniel DeLeon, after he had failed to control 
the Knights of Labor. Following the New York convention 
the leaders of the S. L. P. began an indiscriminate campaign 
of villification against non-Socialist labor leaders, which grew 
in bitterness year by year, and made enemies for Socialism of 
many well-meaning laboring men. 

The unattached, or independent socialists remained with 
the Peoples party up to the time of its national convention 
at St. Louis in 1896. When that convention threw over its 
SociaUstic leanings and came out for the free silver craze, the 
Socialists gave up hope of carrying on further propaganda 
within the party, and severed their connection with it. One 
of the delegates to the St. Louis convention was Victor L. 
Berger, of Milwaukee, who helped straightway to organize a 
boom there for Mr. Debs for President. The Chicago conven- 
tion of the Democratic party had come out for free silver and 
Ixominated Bryan and the plutocratic Sewell. The Populists 
were willing to endorse Bryan, but they could not go Sewell. 
The middle-of-the-road men succeeded in reversing the order 
of nominations so that a candidate for Vice President was 


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selected first, Sewell was ** rolled" and Thos. E. Watson 
of Georgia chosen. Meantime the Debs forces worked like 
beavers. They secured 412 written pledges out of a total of 
1,300 delegates, and Congressman Howard agreed to make 
the nomination speech. It was even claimed by a local paper 
that twenty-two states were in line for Debs, with sixteen of 
them pledged. On the evening on which it was expected a 
nomination would be made. Debs stock was high, and the 
Bryan shouters began to talk compromise. Mr. Debs' forces 
were asked if they would be satisfied with second place on the 
ticket. There is no kn owing what might have happened but 
for a trick of the Bryanites who turned ofif the gas and forced 
an adjournment till morning. In the morning Henry D. 
Lloyd read a telegram to the convention from Mr. Debs, (who 
had all along insisted that he did not want a nomination), 
asking that his name be withdrawn. Bryan was then nomi- 

In the 1896 Presidential election, the S. L. P. candidate? 
Matchett and Maguire, polled 36,564 votes, among these 
being the ballots of the independent Socialists. 

CHAPTER 7.— Social Democracy. 

Social Democracy is but another term for democratic So- 
cialism. In this sketch of the development of the Socialist 
movement in America, we have seen first the Utopian forms 
of Socialism, Communistic Socialism, and finally, in the 
Socialist Labor Party, a kind of Socialism, or rather of So- 
cialistic propaganda, in which a hierarchy ruled, and which, 
besides heresy-hunting among its own members, instinct- 
ively stood for a Socialist state in which the administration 
of affairs would, to say the least, be bureacratic. Such an 
administration would be quite apt to develop into a despot- 
ism. Presented in such a spirit. Socialism had little attrac- 
tion for the Yankee lover of freedom, and so it had to make 

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way historically for a truly democratic type — for a party 
standing for social democracy. The party which had this 
mission to perform was fonned during 1897, reconstructed 
the following year, and is to-day the leading Socialist party 
of the United States, while the Socialist Labor Party, auto- 
cratic and boss-ridden, is split in twain and poisoned unto 
death by its own virus. Its mission is past and its demise 
will not be mourned. 

On January 2, 1897, Eugene V. Debs issued a card to the 
Associated Press, announcing his conversion to Socialism, 
and his conviction that, apart from political action, trade 
unionism was inadequate to accomplish the emancipation of 
the working class. He showed the fallacy of frefe silver or 
mere money reform, and said that the issue was between 
Capitalism and Socialism, and that from thenceforth his labors 
would be in the Socialist ranks. This practically commit^ 
the A. R. U. to Socialism. Mr. Debs, however, did not join 
the S. L. P., but was in correspondence with several inde- 
pendent Socialists who believed the S. L. P. too hopelessly 
narrow and boss-ridden to ever achieve success in the United 
States, and who tried to enlist his sympathy toward starting 
a new clear-cut party, standing for democratic rather than 
autocratic Socialism. For the time being nothing came of 
these negotiations. 

These independent Socialists were stronger and more active 
in Milwaukee than anywhere else, were locally organized 
into a Social Democratischer Verein, and had the added 
strength of a daily Socialist newspaper in the German lan- 
guage, edited by Victor L. Berger. This paper, the ^Tor- 
waerts," had the distinction of being the oldest established 
Socialist daily in the United States, but had in its earlier 
days weathered brief periods of suspended animation and on 
two occasions a change of name. The Milwaukee independ- 
ents had kept up their organization for years, successfully 
standing the onslaught of the S. L. P. and confidently ex- 
pecting that the time must soon come when a national Ameri- 

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can party, having like aims, would make its appearance and 
crowd the imworthy S. L. P. fix)m the field. The verein was 
made up in part of old S. lu P. men, and they were most of 
them not only trade unionists, but leaders in their respective 
unions. Among them were the editor of the **Vorwaerts,^' 
John Doerfler, Jacob Hunger, Joseph Roesch, who had been 
a personal convert of Weitling, George Moerschal, Charles 
Dipple, Ernest Kuehnel and others. Latterly they made up 
a wing of the local Peoples party, not as Populists, but as 
recognized Socialists. In this way they made propaganda 
and made some valuable converts. 

At about this time a Brotherhood of the Co-operative Com- 
monwealth was organized through the **Coming Nation' ' 
and Mr. Debs was made its organizer. It had a rather 
Utopian scheme of planting colonies in some western state 
with a view to the political capture of the state. The mem- 
bers of the A. R. U. finally decided to merge that organi- 
zation into the B. of the C. C. , and a convention of the two 
was called at Chicago, June 18, 1897. 

The denouement was quite unexpected to the rank and file 
of both the A. R. U. and the B. of the C. C, for it was 
nothing less than the launching of a national political, So- 
ciaUst party, with the colonization scheme relegated to the 
rear. This was the result of work on the part of several sci- 
entific Socialists, headed by Victor L. Berger. The work of 
perfecting the organization was done in a committee which 
met evenings, during the convention, at McCoy's hotel. In 
this committee, besides Messrs. Debs, Keliher and the A. R. 
U. officers, were Victor L. Berger, Jesse Cox, Seymour Sted- 
man, Charles Jl. Martin and Frederic Heath. Messrs. Ber- 
ger and Heath, owing to business demands, were forced to 
be at their home, Milwaukee, during the day time, and so 
made the trip to Chicago every evening during the week, and 
returning on an early train each morning — a round trip of 
some 170 miles. 

A clear cut Socialistic platform and constitution were 


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Social Democratic member of the Massachusetts Legislature. 


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adopted and these were promptly accepted by the conven- 
tion. The national executive board chosen was composed 
of the old A. R. U. officers: E. V. Debs, James Hogan, 
Sylvester Keliher, R. M. Goodwin and Wm. E. Burns — 
*nhe five prisoners of Woodstock." Headquarters were 
established at 504 Trude building in^ Chicago, and Mr. 
Debs' old * ^Railway Times" removed thither and re-chris- 
tened 'The Social Democrat." The first issue appeared 
July 15th, in four-page fonn, six columns to the page. Dur- 
ing this time the Capitalist press had been rather friendly to 
the movement, mistaking its true significance. The colon- 
ization plan, which was supposed to be the main object, was 
looked on with favor; for Capitalism, unable itself to deal 
with its most embarassing class of victims, the unemployed, 
would be pleased, indeed, to have that class enticed away to 
some colony in the wilderness, thus being relieved of the 
burden of its support. But a concerted march to the polls 
by the proletariat was quite a different matter, and the news- 
papers soon changed their attitude to one of apprehension 
and attack. 

The Social Democracy began at once a vigorous campaign, 
being badgered in various ways by the less orderly members 
of the S. L. P. Mr. Debs made his first speech for the new 
party at Milwaukee July 7. He had a monster audience, and 
a few evenings later the first Wisconsin branch was formed. 
But loud calls were now coming from the great miners' 
strike at West Virginia, and he hurried to the coal fields and 
gave the strikers tlie benefit of his counsel. While speaking 
bare-headed at noonday near a mining camp, he was over- 
come by the heat, the effects of his sunstroke being with him 
all summer, and obliging him to cancel various engage- 
ments. The other members of the executive board visited 
various parts of the country on organizing tours and made 
good headway. 

The "Social Democrat" appeared promptly each week. 
The first issue contained congratulations from the veteran 

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labor leader, John Swinton, from Laurence Gronlund, and 
also from a committee of St. Louis ministers headed by 
H. G. Vrooman. The second issue announced the forma- 
tion of branches in sixteen states and also the conversion of 
the North Side Populist Club of New York City, which 
joined in a body. All over the country, well known Social- 
ists who had not been able to agree with the tactics and 
spirit of the S. L. P., took up the cause of the new party, 
and in New York an entire Jewish district organization of 
the S. L. P. voted to join outright. 

The third number announced the appointment of the colo- 
nization commission; the appointees being Richard J. Hin- 
ton, of Washington, D. C, W. P. Borland of Michigan, and 
Cyrus F. Willard of Boston. The colonization scheme now 
became a bone of contention, a good many members being 
decidedly opposed to it. This feeling grew as the import- 
ance of the colonization feature increased in the party work 
and it was evident that it would sooner or later lead to 
almost open rupture. One phase of it was peculiarly dis- 
tressing. It gave Anarchists an opportunity to take active 
part in the party work and to voice their sentiments at meet- 
ings and in the party press. Thus, shortly after the party 
was established, Johann Most, in his "Freiheit" advised his 
readers to join, and other Anarchist papers also appeared 
friendly. And sathe colonization scheme was approved by 
the Utopian Socialists and the Communistic Anarchists 
within the party, and opposed by the scientific Socialists. 
The colonization commission itself increased the feeling by 
ignoring the party's recorded intention and went about the 
country examining various properties. Among the places it 
visited were Tennessee, Colorado, New York, Washington 
and Idaho. At one time it had even oflfered to undertake 
the building of a railroad in Kentucky. 

In its attitude toward the organized labor movement the 
party was at all times consistent. At a Labor conference, 
held at St. Louis, to discuss the miners' strike, in the latter 

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part of August, members of the party took a leading part, 
Mj. Debs being one of the signers of the call, and the reso- 
lutions passed by the body being drafted by two members of 
the party, Victor L. Berger and G. C. Clemens, of Kansas. In 
the fall of the year Mr. Debs made a tour of the East, holding 
big meetings everywhere. In January he went through the 
South. In March Messrs. Debs and Keliher went together 
through the East and one of the results of the tour was the 
decision of two large sections at Haverhill, Mass., to join the 
Social Democracy. With them came James F. Carey, whom 
they had previously elected to the city council. 

In February the Social Democracy began its first political 
battle. At Milw^-ukee, which was one of its strongholds, a 
convention was held on February 1, and a complete city 
ticket nominated. It was headed by Robert Meister, a ma- 
chinist, as candidate for mayor, and a strong local platform 
was adopted. The Milwaukee campaign, which was vigor- 
ously waged, was looked on with great interest by the mem- 
bers of the party, who helped in such ways as was possible. 
The labor unions assisted in the campaign and it was par- 
tially through their contributions that the local managers 
were able to bring Paul Grottkau from California to make 
addresses in German. His telling speeches were a feature of 
the canvass. Addresses in English were made by Mr. Debs, 
Jesse Cox, Seymour Stedman and others. When the votes 
were counted it was found that the Social Democracy had 
cast over 2,500 votes, while the long-established S. L. P. only 
managed to get 423 into the ballot boxes. 

At Sheboygan, Wis., the Social Democracy elected two 
aldermen, Fred Haack in the fifth ward, on a vote of 171, 
and Oscar Mohr in the seventh ward, on a vote of 106. In 
Richmond, Ind., where a ticket was also put up, the candi- 
date for mayor received 89 votes. 

The elections over, attention was again attracted to the 
party's incubus, the colonization plan, and as the date of the 
June convention of the party approached, the feeling against 

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it was more marked and outspoken. Utopian and fantastic, 
the colony idea drew support from gullible people from all 
classes and no trouble was experienced in getting contribu- 
tions for it. It appealed to the romantic instinct and 
Robert Owen himself could not have enlisted people any 
more readily. By March the colony fund reached $1,419.01. 
In April it was $2,289.38. All this time the commission 
was moving about mysteriously. Finally, in May, it an- 
nounced that the party would establish colonies in Tennes- 
see, Washington, and Colorado, as a part of a gigantic plan 
to be announced in the future. Just before the convention, 
word was given out that the colony would be established in 
Colorado, in the Cripple Creek region. The commission had 
been caught by a gold-brick promoter! At about the same 
time it was announced in the *' Social Democrat'' that Secre- 
tary Willard had gone to Denver and closed a contract by 
which the party was to get 560 acres, on which was a gold 
mine of " the deeper you go, the richer the ore" variety! He 
had arranged to pay $3,000 in sixty days, $2,000 in ninety 
days, and to give the owners $95,000 in 5 per cent bonds, 
and for the balance to issue $200,000 in first mortgage 
bondsj those of the owners to be a part thereof.. "Then if 
we sold the entire amount of bonds," said the commission, 
"we would have $100,00 after paying for the property, and 
could use, \siy $25,000, to develop the mine, ^nd the balance 
to establish the colony. Who will get bond No. 1?" (!) 

The national convention was opened Tuesday morning, 
June 7th, at 9 o'clock, in Uhlich's hall on North Clark street, 
Chicago. This is an historic hall, having been the birth place 
of the A. R. U., as well as the place in which the great railway 
strike of 1894 was declared. There were 70 delegates, rep- 
resenting 94 branches, present. Chairman Debs presided. 
Outwardly the meeting presented a picture of a pleasing and 
harmonious gathering, creditable to the Socialist movement. 
Under the surface, however, there was a hostility that meant 
almost certain rupture. The presence of such well-known 


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Anarchists as Mrs Lucy Parsons, wife of one of the vic- 
tims of the outrageous Haymarket trial, Emma Goldman, 
the common-law wife of Berkman, who shot Manager Frick 
at the time of the Homestead strike, and others, all enlisted 
under the colonization wing, the members of which were 
now using the phrases of the Anarchists at sneering at polit- 
ical action, showed that a parting of the ways must come. 
It rapidly developed that the colonization forces had organ- 
ized to get control of the convention and had even gone to 
the length of hastily organizing local "branches on paper" 
within three days before the convention, in order to increase 
its list of delegates and make its control a certainty. These 
branches had been organized by William Burns and the 
other members of the national board, with the exception of 
Messrs. Debs and Keliher. When the convention had come 
to order, and after a credential committee had been 
elected, consisting of J. Finn of Chicago, J. C. DeArmand 
of Colorado, and W. L. Johnson of Kansas, Secretary 
Keliher announced to the convention that eleven branches 
in Chicago had been organized under such suspicious 
circumstances that he had withheld charters from 
them, preferring' that the matter be dealt with by the con- 
vention itself. He was convinced, he said, that they were 
organized solely for the purpose of packing the convention, 
and that they had no existence in fact. This caused some 
turbulence and when the credential committee reported in 
favor of admitting the "fake" branches, the excitement in- 
creased, the debate lasting all day. In the evening the ma- 
jority of the national board met and granted charters to the 
eight branches, the delegates of which were seated next 

A committe on rules was elected, consisting of C. F. Wil- 
lard of Chicago, Isaiah Frank of New York and Frederic 
Heath of Milwaukee. The other committees were as fol- 
lows: On resolutions — Frederic Heath of Milwaukee, A. S. 
Edwards of Ruskin, Tennessee, and J. S. Ingalls of Chicago. 


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On constitution — Isaiah Frank of New York, L. L. Hopkins 
of New Jersey and W. P. Borland of Michigan. On ways 
and means — F.- G. R. Gordon of New Hampshire, George 
Koop of Chicago and Jacob Hunger of Milwaukee. On or- 
ganized labor — G. A. Hoehn of St. Louis, Hugo Miller of 
Indianapolis and Joseph Barondess of New York. On offi- 
cers reports — Wm. Butscher of New York, T. Phillips of 
New York and Anna Ferry Smith of California. On plat- 
form — John F. Lloyd, Victor L. Berger and Margaret Haile. 
Auditing — W. Winchevsky of New York, J. Grundy of 
Pittsburg and Seymour Sted man of Chicago. President 
Debs, Margaret Haile and C. F. Willard were appointed to 
draft resolutions on the death of Edward Bellamy, to be tele- 
graphed to a memorial meeting being held in Boston. The 
message sent was as follows: 

'* The first national convention of the Social Democracy of 
America pays tribute to the memory of Edward Bellamy, 
first to popularize the ideas of Socialism among his country- 
men and last to be forgotten by them." 

At the close of the second day when scarcely anything had 
been done, save talk, it became apparent that the "gold 
brick" faction, as it was called, was trying to prolong discus- 
sion so that those from a distance would have to leave before 
the convention was concluded. This would give them a 
clear coast, as their strength was mainly local and made up 
in no small part by Chicago Anarchists who had come in by 
means of the "fake" locals. More and more it dawned on 
the Socialists that they were pitted against a conspiracy that 
would hesitate at no desperate move to maintain its suprem- 
acy. On the third day, Thursday, National Committeeman 
Hogan made sweeping charges against Secretary Keliher, ev- 
idently with the intention of prolonging the "do-nothing" 
tactics. The charges were afterward found to have no founda- 
tion in fact. 

C. F. Willard read the report of the Colonization Commis- 
sion and the facts it presented only increased the determina- 

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tion of the antis to sever all connection and responsibility 
with the affair. To put it mildly^ they felt that the party 
had been engaged in securing money on false pretenses. In 
the evening the antis held a caucus and resolved to fight col- 
onization uncompromisingly. 

During the early hours of Thursday Chairman Debs made 
his report. It showed that on his Eastern tours he had ad- 
dressed 143 public meetings in seventy-seven days. Secre- 
tary Keliher's report showed that the total receipts for the 
year were $8,965.88. Disbursements, $8,894.44. 

On Friday afternoon the committee on platform reported, 
Committeeman Lloyd submitting a minority report in the 
interests of the "goldbrick" faction. A protracted and ani- 
mated debate followed. The feeling ran high. The anti- 
colonization people were incensed at the way in which the 
time of the convention had been frittered away, and were, 
moreover, without hope of wresting the control from the 
hands of their opponents. It was finally decided to debate 
the platforms to a finish and then permit a vote upon*them. 
Afterwards they would quietly abandon the convention and 
organize a new party. The debate lasted until 2:30 o'clock 
in the morning, and a vote was then taken on the minority 
report. It resulted in 53 for and 37 against. There was an 
exultant yell from the "goldbrick" faction, but their joy 
turned to uneasiness when those of the opposition were seen 
quietly leaving the hall after a motion to adjourn had been 

Across North Clark street was the Revere house, where 
most of the delegates stayed, and* where the anti-coloniza- 
tion faction had held its caucus the evening before. 
Thither they went and soon assembled in Parlor A. A 
strange coincidence it was, but it was in this very room 
that the jury that hung the Anarchists came to their blood- 
thirsty decision I It was a sort of retribution which made 
that room also the birthplace of the coming great national 
party of Revolutionary Socialism. Every one present was 

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alive to the importance of the step, and the proceedings were 
carried on with despatch and in as subdued voices as possible, 
so as not to disturb the guests of the hotel. Frederic Heath 
was made chairman and F. G. R. Gordon secretary. The 
platform reported by the majority of the committee in the 
Uhlich hall convention was adopted, the name "Social Dem- 
cratic Party of America" chosen, a temporary national com- 
mittee, composed of those present, constituted, and an ad- 
dress to the membership of the Social Democracy ordered 
prepared. The meeting adjourned at 4 o'clock, just as the 
rays of a bright sunrise began to bathe the window panes. 

Later in the day the delegates reconvened at Hull House, 
on South Halsted street. Jesse Cox presided and William 
Mailly acted as secretary. The following national executive 
board was elected: Jesse ^ Cox, Seymour Stedman, Eugene 
V. Debs, Victor L. Berger and Frederic Heath. Resolutions 
on the death of Edward Bellamy and Paul Grottkau were 
passed and the resolutions on organized labor, drafted by 
Messrs. Hoehn, Miller and Barondess, re-enacted. A. S. Ed- 
wards was made national organizer and Jacob Winnen made 
a tender of the affiliation of the Social Democratic Federa- 
tion, which was favorably listened to and the members re- 
ceived into full membership. 

Shortly after the convention, the national board met in 
Chicago and revised the platform. A constitution was pre- 
pared and an address drawn up. This latter, which stated 
the facts regarding the split, was mailed to all members of 
the old Social Democracy. The circular also announced the 
opening of headquarters in Chicago and the appointment of 
Theodore Debs as national secretary and treasurer. The 
motto of the party was stated as: Pure Socialism and no 

Meantime those left in the Uhlich hall convention adopted 
the Lloyd platform and elected the following National com- 
mittee : James Hogan, W. P. Borland, R. M. Goodwin, John 
F. Lloyd, L. L. Hopkins, I. Frank, C. F. Willard, R. J. Hin- 

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ton and G. C. Clemens. They became a colonization party, 
pure and simple. Being in possession of the National head- 
quarters and the official organ they were able to mak6 a show- 
ing for a few weeks, but the fact that their strength was local 
soon began to tell, and with the third issue under their 
charge the '^Social Democrat" succumbed. A fourth issue 
was in type, but the printer demanded cash in advance. 
Their only hope was to actually colonize. In August Messrs. 
Willard and Ingalls went prospecting and finally found a 
location at the head of Henderson Bay in the State of Wash- 
ington. A number of members began the pioneer work and 
in time a colony was in full swing, nourished and cheered by 
money paid in by non-resident members for the purchase of 
shares. The colony is still in existence, with 110 members, 
and a little paper, the " Co-operator" is published each week. 
In the state of Washington, also, is the Equality colony of 
the old Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth. It 
is located at Edison, and has had a hard time of it. N. W! 
Lermond, its leading spirit, is no longer with it. Its mem- 
bers live in log houses, and have not had time thus far to 
even think of the old dream of capturing the state of Wash- 
ington through the ballot. 

On July 9, the Social Democratic party issued the first 
number of the " Social Democratic Herald." It was of four 
pages, four columns to the page. A. S. Edwards was editor. 
The third issue announced the selection of a national 
headquarters at Room 66, 126 Washington street, Chicago, 
directly opposite the city hall. The paper was issued under 
the most trying circumstances, the split having disheart- 
ened many Socialists, so that the party grew very slowly. 
It was not until fully a year after that real headway began 
to be made, outside of a few party strongholds like Massa- 
chusetts, Milwaukee and St. Louis. In November the place 
of publication of the paper was changed to Belleville, 111., as 
a measure of economy. It remained there until June of the 
following year (1899), when it was brought back to Chicago 

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and issued in larger page form — five columns instead of 

In spite of the set-back the movement had received, the 
party went into the fall campaign at several points. In 
Wisconsin a full state ticket, headed by Howard Tuttle of 
Milwaukee, for governor, was nominated. The Massachu- 
setts members nominated Winfield P. Porter of Newbury- 
port. In New Hampshire, Sumner F. Claflin was at 
the head of the ticket. Nominations were made in five as- 
sembly districts in New York. Missouri nominated Albert 
E. Sanderson for judge of the supreme court and made sev- 
eral congressional nominations, and a local ticket was put up 
at Terre Haute, Ind. 

In its issue of Saturday, November 12, the "Herald" 
brought the glad tidings of victory in Massachusetts — the 
election of two members of the state legislature from the 
Haverhill district: James F. Carey and Lewis M. Scates. 
Mr. Debs had helped in the campaign there and had had a 
record-breaking meeting, with an overflow. The party made 
a good showing in the other states where there were candi- 
dates. In Wisconsin it had more than twice as many votes 
as the S. L. P., and the same was the case in St. Louis, a 
former S. L. P. stronghold. 

Scarcely had the joy over the Massachusetts victory died 
away than that state presented the party with another sur- 
prise. On December 6th the Social Democrats of Haverhill 
succeeded in electing John C. Chase, mayor; Charles H. 
Bradley and J. W. Bean, aldermen; Joseph Bellefeuille, 
James W. Hillsgrove and Albert L. Gillen, councilmen; 
Newman W. Wasson, school commissioner; and Frank S. 
Reed, assistant assessor. 

In December, members of the Social Democratic party 
created quite a stir by making Socialism an issue at the con- 
vention at Kansas City of the American Federation oi Labor. 
The trades unions of England had come out for Socialism 
as the wage workers' only hope, and while there was no rea- 

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son to believe that success could be had all at once in the A. 
P. of L. owing to the old party predilections of certain of its 
most influential leaders, yet a beginning could be made— in 
fact a beginning had been made in former of the federation 
conventions. Among those who went to Kansas City were 
James P. Carey of Haverhill, Wm. Mahon of Detroit, John 
Tobin of Boston, Victor L. Berger and Seymour Stedman. 
The S. L. P. was represented among others by editor Max 
Hayes of Cleveland. The result was that an interesting de- 
bate was precipitated which was duly telegraphed to the 
daily papers all over the country and which caused a good 
deal of talk in union circles. The vote taken showed more 
strength than the Socialists were supposed to have in the 
body — 493 for the Socialistic resolution to 1,971 against. 

In the spring election of 1899, a local ticket was put up in 
Chicago, with Thos. G. Kerwin at the head. At Spring Val- 
ley, 111., the Socialist miners also put up a local ticket. 
Their candidate for mayor was James Beattie. At Pacific, 
Wis., a local ticket was nominated, and nominations were 
also made at St. Louis and Baltimore. And out of this 
came a victory, too, the party ticket at Pacific making a clean 

In June, 1899, the Socialist Party of America, an inde- 
pendent organization having headquarters in Texas, oflScially 
joined the Social Democratic party, as the result of a confer- 
ence held between its president, W. E. Parmer of Bonham, 
Texas, the members of its executive board, and Mr. Debs, 
who was in the South on a lecture tour. 

During June the S. L. P., which had long been filled with 
internal dissention, experienced a split of the most disin- 
tegrating sort. Two factions were warring for the mastery 
in New York city, where the national executive committee 
was located. One was led by DeLeon, Sanial and Hugo Vogt, 
and the other by the. proprietors of the New York "Volks- 
zeitung." The despotic sway of DeLeon had not been rel- 
ished and bad feeling existed all over the country. Some 

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were jealous of it, otheni were disguated by it. Of these 
latter was Eugene Dietzgen of Chicago, whose father, Joseph 
Deitzgen had been a compiatriot with Karl Marx. Dietzgen 
saw how DeLeonism was perverting the movement and re- 
belled against it. He had been friendly to the Social Dem- 
ocratic party, and this was made a pretext by some of De- 
Leon's henchmen in Chicago to prefer charges and to ulti- 
mately expel him. He issued a pamphlet in March against 
DeLeonism under the title " Leze Majesty and Treason to the 
^Fakirs' in the Socialist Labor Party," and sent it to every 
section of the party in the country. This, in conjunction 
with a weekly onslaught on DeLeonism which Wayland's 
"Appeal to Reason" was making in the interests of a united 
socialist movement, had some effect. 

At a meeting of the general committee of Section Greater 
New York, at the Labor Lyceum on East Fourth street, 
held on the evening of July 8, a pitched battle took place. 
It was the first meeting after the semi-annual election of new 
delegates, and the DeLeon faction had discovered that a ma- 
jority of the new committeemen were hostile to it. It was 
therefore on its guard. The DeLeonites controlled the Na- 
tional Executive Committee of the party, a committee which 
the other side intended to depose in a summary manner. The 
meeting had scarcely begun before the two factions came to 
blows. The following from the account of one of the eye- 
witnesses will give some idea of the scene that followed : 
" This act of violence on the part of Keep was the signal 
for an outburst of passion seldom witnessed in any political 
meeting, much less in a meeting of Socialists. The dele- 
gates pummelled each other until blood was seen flowing 
from many wounds. Men were sprawling upon the floor, 
others were fighting in the corners, upon the tables, chairs, 
and upon the piano, Hugo Vogt having climbed upon the 
latter, yelling and fairly foaming from the mouth," etc. 
Finally the DeLeon contingent withdrew. On Monday 
evening, July 10, another fight took place. The " Volkszeit- 


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ung" faction had held a meeting, deposed the National com- 
mittee and elected one in its stead. A committee was sent 
to the office of the " People " to demand the party property. 
They attempted to force their way in and were repulsed by 
DeLeon and others, who were in possession, with clubs, 
bottles and other weapons. The police were called in 
and obliged the intruders to retire. In the morning, 
still under police protection, the DeLeon people re- 
moved the oflBce efiects to another location which they 
had rented. As a result of the split, two S. L. P.s took 
the place of one. Each faction issued a weekly " People,'' 
and printed many columns of denunciation of the other 
side. Throughout the country the small party bosses in 
the main took sides with DeLeon, while the strength of the 
" Volkszeitung" faction came from San Francisco, Chicago 
and Philadelphia. Many sections, disgusted with the turn 
affairs had taken, joined the Social Democratic party out- 
right. The quarrel in New York soon got into the courts, 
where the DeLeon party was given official recognition. The 
same was true in Massachusetts and other states, and the 
other faction was thus left in a bad plight. In their di- 
lemma the rank and file turned to the Social Democratic 
party, making overtures, which at the pi'esent time, seem to 
indicate a coming together of the two bodies under the S. 
D. P. banner within a few months, provided the leaders still 
hold out. 

During the Spring of 1899 the so-called " farmers' program " 
in the platform of the Social Democratic party, was the sub- 
ject of considerable debate. Socialists whose Socialism was 
static rather than dynamic, charged that this part of the 
platform was reactionary. Those who supported it held that 
concentration was not taking place in the rural districts as 
the early fathers of the Socialist movement had predicted 
and that this fact had to be reckoned with if the party wished 
to show itself scientific. The fact that the S. L. P. singled out 
that part of the platform for attack and ridicule had its 

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effect, however, and finally at a party conference held in 
Chicago July 6, it was decided to eliminate the farmer 
demands subject to referendum vote of the party. This 
vote, which was afterward taken, sustained the action of 
the conference. This conference, which was called by the 
national executive board, also fixed on the first Tuesday 
in March, 1900, as the time for the party convention 
for the choosing of nominees for the national cam- 
paign, and Indianapolis was chosen as the convention seat. 
^ The national board held monthly meetings in Chicago 
during the year. One of its notable acts was the appoint- 
ment of Eugene Dietzgen (who had meantime become a 


member of the party) as the party delegate to the Inter- 
national Socialist congress to be held at Paris in 1900. 
Mr. Dietzgen left for Europe soon after with the intention of 
remaining until the congress. In October the national board 
passed adversely upon the action of the branches of the 
party in New York city in afiiiliating with a newly organ- 
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ized Independent Labor party, which grew out of the Brook- 
lyn trolley strike. It was found that the I. L. P. was not 
only not a class-conscious party, but also that it was being 
controlled by capitalistic politicians. The branches were 
reminded of the constitutional provision against fusion with 
any other party and ordered to withdraw from the compact, 
which was done, the party candidates being also withdrawn. 
For this reason the party was not represented in the Fall 
election in New York. 

New courage came to the party in 1899 in the November 
and December elections. There was an increased vote at all 
points where tickets were .put up, and in Massachusetts 
James F. Carey was reelected to the legislature from the 
Haverhill district and Frederic 0. McCartney from the 
Plymouth district. In the local elections in December John 
C. Chase was reelected mayor of Haverhill over a combina- 
tion of Republicans and Democrats — in short, the battle was 
between Socialism and Capitalism — and the party main- 
tained its position in the city council. At Brockton, C. H. 
Coulter, one of the hardest working Social Democrats in 
Massachusetts, was fleeted mayor with 1,500 plurality, two 
aldermen being also elected. 

We have traced the history of Socialism in America 
from its earlier phases, down through the years until we now 
see it clarified and resolute and ready for the great political 
battle of 1900. It is already in the first flush of victory, it 
being only in recent years that the Socialists have been able 
to elect any of their candidates. The times are changing, 
the need of Socialism is every day more and more apparent 
and the people themselves are beginning to understand it as 
it really is, and therefore to w^nt it. The movement is now 
entirely native to the soil. Nothing can prevent it from 
"making history '^ in the years that are just before us. 


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America's First Socialist Agitator. 


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Albert Brisbane was the first native American to become a 
Socialist agitator. Socialism was his ruling passion and he 
consecrated his active years to propaganda efforts that never 
knew discouragement or quailed at the assaults of calumny 
and ignorant prejudice. He was an enthusiast, but a steady- 
going one; a man with a high mission. Robert Owen told 
the people of England in 1845 that Brisbane was America's 
greatest orator, and his strength in speaking came from the 
purity of his motives and the grandeur of the ideal he sought 
to communicate. Of course a Socialist of that early pre- 
Marxian day w^as not precisely the same as a Socialist of to- 
day, for the science was not then so developed as now, but 
the spirit was the same. In later years, when the Commun- 
istic manifesto of Marx and Engles had lighted up the situ- 
ation confronting the dispossessed as never before; Brisbane, 
although his active work was over, gave it his endorsement. 

Brisbane was above the necessity of earning his own living 
and it was a contemplation of this fact that led him into so- 
cial science and a career devoted to the effort to overthrow 
the capitalistic system of exploitation. His first awakening 
came in this wise: 

^ Who pays for all I have? My father. But where does 
he get the money? From the farmers of Genessee county. 
Does my father work to produce what he gets? No, he owns 
land and other property from which he derives an income. 
That income comes out of the labor of the farmers and the 
working classes. It is they, then, who are in reality paying 
for what I have! Do I give an equivalent? No. Then I 
get their labor for nothing. ' ' The idea of this injustice shaped 
his future career. This was but one of his many self-accusa- 
tions. His was the natural Socialistic bent of mind. In 
speaking of the above incident, he says: 

*The idea of this injustice struck me. I pondered over it 
and although at the time it led to no serious ulterior reflec- 


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tions, it was deeply impressed on my mind that a certain 
class in society lived on the labor of the masses ' 

Brisbane was born in 1809, at Batavia, N. Y. His father 
was a Quaker of Scotch descent, who grew to be a skeptic. 
His mother was English. At the age of 19 young Brisbane 
went to Europe to complete his studies, going first to France. 
In May, 1829, he went to Berlin, his visit being notable for 
a call on the poet Goethe. Among others in Berlin whose 
acquaintance he made was Prau Varnhagen von Ense, the 
subject of the ^^ Memoirs of Rahel." She was of brilliant 
and independent mind, and had rare social qualities. Her 
scathing criticisms of the shams and pretensions of society 
awakened great interest in Brisbane, his mother having been 
critical in a similar way. They became great friends. She 
was a radical and an innovater. 

He also visited frequently of evenings at the home of Jo- 
seph Mendelssohn; which was a literary gathering place, and 
there frequently met the great philosoper, Hegel. Hegel was 
then about 60 years old, nearly 6 feet high and portly. 
Brisbane attended Hegel's lectures all one winter. He after- 
ward traveled extensively and on returning to Paris found an 
old Berlin fellow-student, Jules Lechevalier, who was now 
enlisted in the St. Simonian movement, then in full flower. 
After the July revolution a body of young and energetic men 
in France had begun the open and zealous propagation of 
the St. Simonian doctrines, had bought a daily paper, 
'*Le Globe," and had set a vigorous propaganda on foot. 

^'To this energetic propagation, " says Brisbane in his auto- 
biography, ^4s due the gigantic social movement that is now 
going on all over the world. Thus we see how in individual . 
and national affairs an idea or an event may decide destinies.'' 
The paper was put about at all points of vantage and eagerly 
read. Missionaries were sent out all over France, Lechevalier 
being one of them. Enfantin and Bazard were at the head 
of the society. Brisbane entered into it, declaring his belief 
that their principles were fundamentally true, and his con- 


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viction ^Hhat a great sociaL revolution must take, place; 
. . . . fragmentary reform cannot alleviate the miseries 
of humanity. ' ' He was, however, a severe critic of the St. 
Simonian religion, as it was derisively called, in its entirety. 
At their meetings he met the great poet, Heine. The latter 
was a man of small stature, wiry and thin, with a swarthy 
face and very black hair. He was sarcastic and analytical, 
and also reserved. He had not then won renown. He and 
Brisbane criticized St. Simon alike. Brisbane also met 
Liszt at the meetings. Brisbane not being able to wholly 
support the principles finally concluded to go to England. 

Gradually he got back to Berlin. It was there he chanced 
upon a book of Fourier' s. He was charmed and overwhelmed 
by it. It held him captive and thus was begun his future 
career as an associationist. 

During this time, however, he took LeGlobe and placed it 
in the principal coffee-house of the city. It created no little 
interest and was read for some time before the police became 
aware of it and supressed it. This act on Brisbane's part 
was one most pregnant of results. At a. later time he was told 
by a resident of that city: ^^Do you remember * LeGlobe' 
which you put in Stehle's coffee-house, and which remained 
there for a few months before it was suppressed by the police? 
And of course you remember the discussions and controver- 
sies going on at that time at Vamhagen's? Well, that paper 
and those discussions were the commencement of the Social 
movement in Germany. Some men in Silecia read that 
paper; ardent converts were made — among others Wilhelm 
Weitling, a tailor — who going back to their native places began 
to spread the ideas among the operatives of the manufactur- 
ing towns ; and this gave rise to a popular conception o£ com- 
munism which spread throughout the whole region, out of 
this has come the great Socialist movement of Germany." 
How little Brisbane had dreamed ot the value of his agitation 
at the moment I 

While in Berlin the police kept close watch of Brisbane, 


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at first* without his knowledge. In May, 1832, he left that 
city for Paris, anxious to meet Fourier in person. A circle of 
Pourierists had been formed and a paper, '' La Reforme In- 
dustrielle," started, with an office at No. 5 Rue Joquelet. 
Brisbane there met his old friend Lechevalier, who on the 
disruption of the St. Simonian Society had joined the Fourier 
movement, and who took him in to an inner office and intro- 
duced him to Fourier. *^I found a man about 60 years of 
age,'' Brisbane says, ^^of medium height, slenderly built, 
though broad across the shoulders. . . . He had much 
the physiognomy of Dante. It was more massive, with less 
of that Italian delicacy which we see in the poet. . . . 
Fourier had a large grey eye, the pupil of which was so small 
that it seemed a mere pin point. This gave great intensity 
to his look. The nose was rather aquiline, and the corners 
of the large mouth curved downward — ^the lion mouth. This, 
with a strong, firm chin, completed a fixed, abstract, settled 
expression of countenance. The head was remarkably round, 
almost a sphere; the brow large, slightly retreating, formed a 
regular arch. The ensemble of the face expressed great inten- 
sity; and I may remark here that during the subsequent three 
years of my association with Fourier I never saw him smile. ' ' 

Brisbane took private lessons from him in his theories 
twice a week — twelve in all — paying five francs a lesson. 
Fourier was not in affluent circumstances, the fortune he had 
inherited when young was lost in the French Revolution. 
When his father died he had invested in colonial products. 
When the city of Lyons was besieged, his goods were confis- 
cated and he was drafted into the army. He served through 
the terrible drama and just escaped being numbered among 
its victims. It was this experience that turned his mind to 
social science. 

Brisbane returned to the United States in the spring of 
1834. His health was poor, with symptoms of nervous pros- 
tration. Four years were devoted to recuperation, in antici- 
pation of beginning the great work of his life. 

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In 1838-39 his work of agitation for Fourierism was well 
under way. He secured quite a band of earnest adherents 
and rented a large room on Broadway near Canal which was 
an organizing center, and where lectures and discussions were 
held. In 1839 he got out his first book: '' Brisbane on As- 
sociation.' In preparing the book he got an editor, Parke 
Benjamin, to go over the proof sheets and Benjamin suggested 
in rather facetious language that probably a man like Horace 
Greeley would be *'just damned fool enough to believe such 
nonsense.' ' Greeley was than a young man editing the weekly 
^^New Yorker," in a little room up a long flight of stairs in 
the building they were at that time in. Off went Brisbane 
to hunt up Greeley. Greeley said he was too busy to read a 
book, but finally consented, as he was going to Boston that 
night, to take the book along and glance through it. Greeley 
returned to New York an enthusiastic convert. Together they 
got out a prospectus of a weekly called **The Future," and 
sent out a circular in the form of a first number, all over the 
country! Brisbane had run the paper about two months when 
Greeley opened his weekly to the idea, and promised to give 
space to it in a prospective daily which he was about to 

When the '* Tribune" appeared therefore and made a big 
success, the ** Future" was dropped, and Greeley gave Bris- 
bane a column each day to promulgate his ideas in. Thus 
was spread broadcast the ideas of Fourierism, and adherents 
were gained on all sides, especially among the laboring and 
farmer classes. The times were then bad, the country being 
in one of its periodical crises, so that the propaganda was un- 
dertaken at an opportune moment. A friend of Brisbane's, 
a journalist named John Moore, started a small daily paper 
called the ^^ Chronicle," and Brisbane offered to edit the 
paper if he were given a city editor. The bargain was closed 
and in four months the circulation was run up to 4,000. 
The paper was devoted to new^ ideas and was fearless and 
free. It was sharply critical and soon had many wordy duels 


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on its hands, some of which became bitter and afterward re- 
grettable from the point of view of the success of the propa- 
ganda. Besides this Brisbane contributed constantly to 
various papers. In speaking of his motives in it all, and 
after giving his general aims, etc., he says: '^ To me personal 
success was nothing. The ambitions of the men around me 
seemed small; the fierce struggles then going on for partial 
reform, like temperance and abolition, seemed to be frag- 
mentary and secondary; the policies, the conflicts of parties 
for merely personal ends, for money, or for honors, seemed 
positively vile and degrading. ' ' 

Brisbane was attacked freely in the press, and the enemies 
of Greeley saw their opportunity and used it. The new 
Socialism was painted as a thing vile and demoralizing, and 
Brisbane found himself in a conflict that threatened to jeopar- 
dize the movement itself. To use his own words, he found 
himself * ^ in worse than a forest of hornets' nests. ' ' Knowing 
the editors personally and in his simplicity believing their 
attacks to be due to honest convictions and misapprehensions 
he would call on them personally and e'ndeavor to put the 
movement before them in its true light — with the only result 
that the attacks were more vehement than before. Finally, 
in exhaustion and dismay, he ceased trying to defend himself 
and from necessity accepted the character these malevolent 
spirits fastened on him. 

But the propaganda meetings went on, not only in the cities 
but in the interiors, and the enthusiasm increased. Various 
motives brought people into the movement and these hetero- 
geneous memberships soon began to find expression in actual 
communal experiments, until at least forty of these experi- 
ments were at work or on the way. * * I was quite unprepared 
for this phase of the movement,'* writes Brisbane, *^for I had 
contemplated years of patient, careful propagation before the 
means for a single association could be obtained. ' ' He coun- 
selled the most methodical preparations, but the groups were 
impatient, the principles seemed to them so simple that fail- 


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ure was scarcely dreamed of and Brisbane makes this apology 
for the short lived period of the actual experiments : 

^^They possessed, none of them, either adequate capital or 
adequate numbers; they did not take time, even, to perfect 
the material part of their organization — to put up buildings, 
to acquire the elements of an industrial system, etc. The 
result was: men and women brought together under very im- 
perfect conditions; diversities of opinion and the discords 
conseqent thereon were soon engendered and these little as- 
sociations, after running through a brief existence, came to 
an inglorious end. The members separated, each going back 
to the isolated life from which he came. . . ." etc. But 
he must have seen sooner or later that society would never be 
revolutionized in any such way. 

In his autobiography Brisbane is surprisingly silent with 
regard to these various experiments, although he must have 
visited a number of them and have had many recollections 
regarding them. Only cursorily he speaks of the North 
American phalanx at Red Bank, N. J., and generalizes to the 
extent of a page or two on Brook Farm. 

In 1842 he visited Washington and there got into a heated 
general discussion with Calhoun, at the latter' s place of resi- ^ 
dence, on general topics of government. Among other things 
Calhoun said was this: ^*With us the capitalist owns the 
laborer and his interest is that the laborer be well cared for. 
In the North the capitalist owns the instruments of labor, 
and he seeks to draw out of labor all the profits, leaving the 
laborer to shift for himself in old age and disease. This can 
only engender antagonism; the result will be hostility and 
conflict, ending in civil war, and the North may fall into a 
state of social dissolution. ' ' Commenting on this, Brisbane 
says: ^^I may now say that the prophecy of Calhoun re- 
garding the dissolving movement of the great democracy of 
the North is being verified by the Socialist movement of to- 
day. What he foresaw then is coming about; labor and 
capital are arrayed against each other, and a battle is immi- 


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nent which will shake society to its very foundation, and in 
the end destroy the old economic system, causing a recon- 
struction on new principles. Calhoun looked forward to this 
social conflict with fear, hut it will turn out to he a beneficent 
necessity; for if men have not the intelligence and philan- 
thropy to establish justice on the earth, then it must come 
through blind intuition, through any means by which it can 
be accomplished — even revolutionary." 

Brisbane used to meet Garrison. He used to say to him : 
'^Mr. Grarrison, we have slaves in our kitchens, in our mines, 
and in our manufactories. What are we going to do for these 
slaves? The rich are living by their sweat and toil; our great 
capitalists here see young girls descendants in some degree, 
perhaps, of their own ancestors, working fourteen hours a 
day amid the din of machinery and the cotton filaments of a 
great manufactory where I would not stay for one hundred 
dollars an hour. But what I said produced little effect ; his 
mind was too much engrossed in the vital question of the 
hour; he would reply: ^ Yes, it is very bad; it is horrible! 
That will be the next question that will come up.' " 

The result of the Fourieristic failures in the United States 
drove Brisbane back to France, there to study the volumin- 
ous manuscripts left by Fourier, who died in 1837. There he 
threw himself into the Parisian Fourierite movement with the 
zest of past recollections. The Fourier MSS. were sacredly 
guarded and would have made five or six volumes of 500 
pages each, if printed. He met many notables — Eugene Sue, 
who was tainted with Fourierism ; Balzac; Lamennais; Ra- 
chel; Liszt, who was a St. Simonian ; Victor Hugo. He re- 
turned to the United States in 1844. He found the country 
in bad condition from the panic and the Fourier experiments 
all ''gone glimmering.'' Society was again wholly made up 
of ' ' miserable toilers on the one hand and greedy money- 
grabbers on the other." 

In 1846 he had completed a renewed and very thorough 
restudy of Fourier, with the added light of his copied manu- 

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scripts. In 1848 he went back to Europe. Louis Phillipe 
had been dethroned and he went to Paris to see the effect. 
He reached there June 23. An insurrection was just break- 
ing out or was in fact at its height. It was a terrible affair 
with its barricades and its slaughter. Later, he left France 
and moved about the European countries. When he reached 
Begium he went to Cologne and there found a great popular 
agitation, a reflex of the French revolution. 

*'I found there Karl Marx, the leader of the popular move- 
ment. The writings of Marx on Labor and Capital and the 
Social theorist he then elaborated, have had more influence 
on the great Socialistic movement of Europe than that of any 
other man. He it was who laid the foundation of that mod- 
em collectivism which at present bids fair to become the 
leading Socialist doctrine of Europe. He was then just rising 
into prominence; a man of some thirty years, short, solidly 
built, with a fine face and bushy black hair. His expression 
was that of great energy, and behind his self-contained reserve 
of manner were visible the fire and passion of a resolute soul. 
Marx' supreme seiltiment was a hatred of the power of capital, 
with its spoliations, its selfishness, and its subjection of the 
laboring classes. " 

^ ^Briefly stated, as represented by the collectivism of today, 
his doctrine demands the abolition of individual ownership 
of the natural wealth of the world, — ^the soil, the mines, the , 
inventions and creations of industry which are the means of 
production, as well as of the machinery of the world. This 
wealth, furnished by nature or created by the genius of hu- 
manity, is to be made collective property, held by the state 
(collectivity) for the equal advantage of the whole body of 
the people. Governments are to represent the collective in- 
telligence of the nation; to manage, direct and supervise all 
general operations and relations of an industrial character, as 
they now manage the postal and telegraph system, the army 
and navy, the administration of justice. In England this 
idea of collective property is called the Nationalization i^f the 

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Land. In order to arrive at this system of collectivity the 
upper classes are to be expropriated. In the great revolu- 
tion of 1789, say the Collectivists, the ftoitr^^ome expropriated 
the church and the aristocracy, taking their possessions 
themselves; they now possess the greater part of the wealth 
of France, once in the hands of the nobility and the clergy. 
Now it is the people's turn; the producing classes must expro- 
propriate the bourgeoisie and render its wealth collective 
wealth, administered by a collective intelligence in the inter- 
ests of aU." 

* *Marx did not advocate any integral scientific organization 
of industry .... but he saw the fundamental false- 
ness of our whole economic system; he saw the immense 
power accumulated wealth gave to the few who wielded it, 
and he saw how helpless labor was without combination, 
without unity of thought or action, and oppressed by the 
capitalists' oligarchy. He unfolded the radical falseness of 
this system, presenting it clearly to the minds of advanced 
thinkers, and out of this has grown the great movement now 
deeply agitating the progressive thought of Europe. The in- 
dications are that it is destined before long to revolution- 
ize the whole economy of our civilization. It will in- 
troduce an entirely new order of society based on what 
we may call capitalist equality — the proprietary equality 
of humanity and the equality of industrial rights and priv- 

'^As I remember that young man uttering his first words of 
protest against our economic system, I reflect how little it 
was imagined then that his theories would one day agitate the 
world and become an important lever in the overthrow of. 
time-honored institutions. How little did the contempor- 
aries of St. Paul imagine the influence which that simple 
mind would produce on the future of the world I Who could 
have supposed at that time that he was of more importance 
than the Roman senate or the reigning emperor — ^more even 
•than all the emperors of Christendom to follow? In modern 

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times Karl Marx may have been as important in his way as 
was St. Paul in his." 

-Brisbane next went to Frankfort, meeting Froebel; then to 
Berlin, thien to Vienna, then to Italy, then to France. He 
met Proudhon, under whose banner Leehevalier had enlisted; 
believing that Fourier would come also. The following year, 
1849, Brisbane was expelled from France for making a speech. 
He returned to the United States. 

His father died in 1851 involving him in business cares 
from which he had before been free. Brisbane himself died 
in this country in 1890. 


I presume the Socialists of this great land of promise are 
as curious about Editor Wayland and his remarkable "Ap- 
peal to Reason," as I was, and so I will try to give them a 
squint at him in his native haunts, through my optics. 
When the idea of a year book for Social Democrats began to 
take shape, the Editor decided that one of the features must 
be a writeup of the sage of Girard. When the time came 
for the preparation of " copy" he posted me off double-quick 
for the purpose indicated. 

Before I got my head again the cars had set me down in 
the little town of Girard, way down in the southeast portion 
of "Bleedin' Kansas." You may be sure I was glad to 
stretch my legs again after a ride across four states, but I for- 
got my fatigue in the feeling of romantic interest that stole 
over me as I gazed about in the modern Mecca of Socialism. 
I was on the tip-toe of expectancy, for within a few brief mo- 
ments I would be clasping the hand of one of the greatest 
Socialist-makers this world of woe ever produced. The little 
brown depot was on the outskirts of the town, but I soon 
reached the business center — four streets enclosing a publicjp 


square with a court house in the center. I passed along one 
of these streets and soon found myself in front of a brick 
store building, without the wooden awning that was charac- 
teristic of most of the others. On the windows were the 
words, "Appeal to Reason," and as I passed inside I beheld a 
man seated at a typewriter just outside an inner office en- 
closed with glass. Let me describe the man, for it was none 
other than the "One Hoss Philosopher" himself. Tall, a 
trifle stoop-shouldered, complexion neither light or dark^ 
smooth shaven with the exception of a rather close-cropped 
moustache, glasses, and what I cannot better describe than 
as a pleasant frown. About 45 years old and as vigorous as 
a boy. 

Well, we became brother confessors at once. The paper 
for that week was printed and mailed and Wayland insisted 
that he had plenty of time to visit. He showed me over the 
plant, of which I will speak later. Then we sat down in his 
private office and talked Socialism and Social Democracy 
till dinner time. We talked of how it was going to come, 
among other things, and he said he felt that we would get 
public railroads and the like from the ballot, but that it 
seemed as if democracy's full habiliment must come through 
a cataclysm, with a reconstructive period after it. I asked 
him about his work on the " Appeal " and he said he wrote 
without efiort, frequently grinding out the first page in a 
forenoon. He gets his inspiration from Ruskin, a set of 
whose works are at his elbow. "The Appeal editorials are 
simply Ruskin turned into the language of the common peo-^ 
pie," said he. 

But the noon whistles were now blowing, and we started 
for the " farm." Wayland's farm covers about a half block 
of land at the outskirts of Girard. It is a farm in minia- 
ture, with a pasture, several rows of fruit trees, and a fine 
front yard, with the inevitable row of catalpas at the street 
front. The house is a large and homelike one, and there is 
a large barn with a chicken yard and a berry pateh. After 

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dinner my host still insisted that he had plenty of time, and 
as he smoked his after-dinner cigar, he told me of how he 
came to be in the Socialist movement. I'll try to give it to 
you secondhand. Years ago (in 1891) he was a successful 
business man and property holder of Pueblo, Col. He was 
looked on as a hardheaded Republican. When he built a 
house he avoided union labor, and his mind was centered in 
profit-making. Besides owning some of the choicest real 
estate in the city he was a member of the largest printing 
establishment there. He was democratic in manner and On 
easy terms with all with whom he came in contact. 

On his way to business each day he passed a little shoe 
shop on a principal thoroughfare. - It was kept by an old 
man named Bredfield, who scraped up an acquaintance with 
Way land and began cautiously to proselyte him. His victim 
was unsuspecting and finally stopped as he passed the little 
shop and listened attentively when the old fellow would 
pick up a book and read a passage or two from it. Then 
they would discuss the matter under consideration and 
finally Way land . took the book home and read it. It was 
one of John Ruskin's. One evening as Wayland was going 
home from business the old fellow slipped another book 
under his arm. On his way home he looked at it. ^^The 
Co-operative Commonwealth, by Laurence Gronlund,'' he 
read on the cover. Then he turned to the title page and 
read, "An Exposition of Socialism." Wayland was aroused 
in a minute. He was indignant. The capitalist newspapers 
always spoke of Socialism as something seditious and inde- 
cent. The old man had taken a mean advantage of him, 
and he at first thought to pitch the book in the gutter. He 
took it home, however, and after supper went into his library, 
and, with a guilty feeling, began to read the book. The 
more he read the more his interest grew. He was over- 
whelmed, astounded. Finally his feelings overcame him 
and he flung the book down, exclaiming in the excitement of 
a great discovery: "By God! Its politics!" 

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A new light had broken in on him. Saul had become 
Paul. Next morning he hastened to Bredfield and plied 
him with questions. Wasn't it polities? Couldn't it be 
brought about by a political movement? The old man's 
eyes twinkled and he nodded his head. Then Wayland 
learned some things he had not known before. The old 
man told him about the People's party and that it even pub- 
lished a local paper — a paper actually printed on Wayland's 
presses! There was a campaign coming on and Wayland 
plunged in. He was a changed man. He had everything 
he came across reprinted, and flooded the town. On two 
different occasions he bought 60,000 copies each of 
"Ten Men of Money Island" and " Seven Financial Con- 
spiracies," and had them mailed to every address in the 
state he could obtain. People thought he had lost his wits 
and bantered and bluffed him. They pressed him into tak- 
ing all kinds of bets on the coming campaign — and when 
election day came the People's party candidates made such 
a good showing that he won every single bet! 

In the winter of 1892 Mr. Wayland and his wife were in 
Florida, and he had been doing some reading and thinking. 
He became convinced that a panic was coming on. He 
grew uneasy, for a panic wo did have caused him the loss of 
most of his fortuKe. Finally he made a flying trip to Col- 
orado and began to sell his real estate for what he could get 
for it at forced sale. The people thought he was crazy. A 
few months later, when the panic of 1893 was upon them, 
they changed their estimate of his mental condition. He 
rode the financial storm like a duck, and many a fellow 
townsman, who had laughed at his warnings, went down to 
ruin. After he had disposed of his real estate he took 
editorial charge of the local paper without pay and made it 
so hot for propaganda that it became a power in the state. 
In the state populist convention he insisted on the nomina- 
tion of Gov. Waite and the convention did not dare refuse 
it. He knew that Waite stood for more than mere inoney 

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reform, ancTBe was working for the future of the movement 
when it would break away from some of its confusions. 

When Ruskin colony was started, as a result of the suc- 
cess of the "Coming Nation", which Wayland began at 
Greensville, Ind., he sent money down to a few people who 
were first to arrive on the ground, and one of them who was 
a sort of self-constituted agent, kept writing for more, alleg- 
ing that various work was under way and being rushed for- 
ward. When Wayland appeared on the scene, he found 
nothing had been done, but that the pioneers were quartered 
at a hotel at Tennessee City, living in luxury on the money 
he had forwarded. From the start, Mr. Wayland says, there 
was no social life at Ruskin. I asked him if he thought he 
could do better if he should try again. He said he knew of 
one way to make such a colony succeed, and that would be 
to hire people to live in it and pay them a salary for living 
there 1 

Before going to Ruskin Wayland had read none of the 
books on the history of American communities. But even 
reading of their failures would not have deterred him, he 
says. 'He had to find out by actual experience the impossi- 
bility of all-around success in such undertakings. 

I tried to get a photograph of my host for the year book, 
but he shook his head, laughingly, *'I have refused to give 
out my picture for psy- 
chological reasons," he 
said. People imagined 
what he looked like from 
his writings and it was 
better not to destroy their 
imaginary picture by 
presenting the real one. 
And to show how some 
people regard him, I 
will give you this little 
anecdote I heard while wayland's house at 



in Girard. Mr. Wayland's son went visiting in the state 
of Arkansas. He was introduced to a young man, who was 
instantly struck by the name. "You come from Kansas, 
eh?" he said, "you aint any relation to the Way land that 
edits the Appeal to Reason over there are you?" ''Yes, he's 
my father." "You don't say! why my father prays to him 
every night!" 

Office of the " APPEAL TO EEASON," at Girard, Kansas. 

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Way land finished his cigar and then showed me his library 
-;-a small one, for he says he hates to keep books idle as long 
as he can find any body willing to read them. He also ex- 
hibited a framed picture of his house in Ruskin, which I 
took the liberty of copying. On the way down town we 
stopped in the postoffice and helping him carry his mail 
over to the oflBce, I looked on while he opened it. It was a 
sight worth seeing, and I could see how his correspondents 
kept him on the jump tending to .all their needs. 

The Appeal to Reason occupies the entire building, of 
which a view is herewith shown. On the first floor are the 
mailing clerks, the oflBce, then a large space filled with paper 
rolls for the big press — a warehouse overflow — and back of 
them the two presses, the job presses, the gas engine, etc. 
One of the big presses is a perfecting one and rips ofi" 10,000 
papers an hour. On the floor above is the type-setting de- 
partment and the assistant editor's sanctum. The compos- 
ing room is presided over by an ex-Ruskinite, and the as- 
sistant editor is now Comrade F. G. R. Gordon, but when I 
was there it was Comrade Dodge, better known to readers of 
the paper as "Pilgrim," and also a former Ruskinite, by the 

After supper, in the evening, we started out for a stroll 
and talked and talked, as only two red hot Socialist enthusi- 
asts can talk. When he was warmed up to his subject, I 
almost imagined it was Debs talking to me, and I am will- 
ing to go on record as saying that if Wayland went at it he 
could make as big a hit as a speaker as he has as an editor, 
and that is certainly saying a great deal. We talked about 
tactics, about Socialist newspapers, and what not, and Way- 
land meantime pufied away at his cigar till it glowed like a 
Bengal light. He's an awful smoker, and says if he didn't 
have at least four cigars a day he'd be so nervous there would 
be no living with him. 

With genuine sadness I started to the train next day. 
Wayland insisted on going to the depot with me and before 

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we left the oflSce filled me up with pamphlets, and then the 
train came puffing along and the time for saying farewell 
had come. I thought as I gazed at his receding figure "on 
the platform how little the townsmen about him realized his 
true worth to humanity or the deep, world-saving signifi- 
cance of his self-sacrificing activity, his consecrated labors. 
And I want to say in addition that J. A. Wayland is de- 
cidedly my kind of a good fellow. 



As the agitation for a single tax on land values still con- 
continues, owing largely to the activity of a rather restricted 
number of advocates rather than to any general yearning on 
the part of the people for it, the following translation of a 
letter written by Karl Marx to Comrade F. Sorge of Hoboken, 
N. J., shortly after George's Progress and Poverty appeared, 
will be found to be live reading and valuable for reference. 

London, June 20, 1881. 

* * * * Before your copy of Henry George's 
book had reached me, I received two other copies. * * * 
For the present I must limit myself to expressing very 
briefly my opinion of the book. The man is far behind the 
times in his theoretical views. He knows nothing about the 
nature of surplus-value, and so wastes his time, after the 
English manner, and in speculations which the English 
have left behind, about the relations of profit, rent, interest, 
and so on. His fundamental idea is that everything would 
be all right if ground rents were paid to the state. (You 
will find that kind of payment mentioned in the Communist 
Manifesto, among transitional measures.) This view origin- 
ated with the bourgeous economists, and it was next as- 
serted — if we overlook a similar demand at the end of the 


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XVIIIth century — by the first radical followers of Ricardo, 
soon after his death. I expressed myself in regard to it in 
1847, in the book which I wrote against Proudhon: *We 
know that the economists, such as Mill (Mill senior, not his 
son, John Stuart Mill, who has also repeated it, but in a 
somewhat modified way), Cherbulliez, Hillditch and others, 
have demanded that rent should be paid to the state so as 
to serve as a substitute for taxes. This is a frank statement 
of the hatred felt by the industrial capitalist for the land- 
owner, who seems to him to be a useless, unnecessary mem- 
ber in the organism of Capitalist society." 

As already stated, we inserted this appropriation of ground 
rent by the state among our many other demands, which, as 
also stated in the Manifesto, are self-contradictory and must 
be such of necessity. 

The first to turn this demand of the radical English bour- 
geois economists into a Socialist panacea, to declare it as the 
solution of the antagonisms inherent in the present system 
of production, was Colins, a Belgian by birth, and formerly 
an officer of hussars under Napoleon. In the latter days of 
Guizot and in the early days of Napoleon "le petit" (the 
little) he rendered the world happy by pouring out on it, 
from Paris, thick volumes upon this "discovery'' of his, as 
well as on the other discovery he made, viz: that there is no 
God in existence, but an "immortal" human soul, and that 
animals have no gift of perception. For if they had one, he 
argued, they would also have a soul, and we would be canni- 
bals, and then no kingdom of justice could be established on 
earth. His "anti-land ownership theory" as well as his soul 
etc. theory has been preached for years in the Paris month- 
ly, "Philosophic de TAvenir (Philosophy of the Future), by 
the few surviving followers of his, mostly Belgians. They 
call themselves "rational coUectivists" and have commended 
Henry Gebrge. 

After them, and along with them, this "Socialism" has, 
^mong others, been threaded out into a thick volume by a 


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blockhead by the name ot Samter, a Prussian banker, and 
formerly collector of lotteries. 

All these "Socialists," including Colins, have this in com- 
mon, that they let wage labor, and with it, capitalist pro- 
duction, stand as before, and want to deceive the world that 
by turning ground rent into a tax paid to the State, all the 
evils of the Capitalist system will disappear of themselves. 
The whole is merely a Socialistically fringed attempt to save 
the rule of Capitalism, and to establish it in fact on a still 
larger foundation than it has at present. 

This cloven hoof sticks out in a manner not to be mistaken 
in all declarations of Henry George. He is still less to be 
forgiven since he should have asked himself the question: 
" How is it that in the United States, where, in comparison 
with civilized Europe, the land was more accessible to the 
great masses of the people, and to a certain degree still is, 
that in this country the Capitalist system and the consequent 
servitude of the working class, have developed faster than in 
any other country? " 

At the same time, George's book and the sensation which 
it has created in your country have this significance, that it 
is the first, even if unsuccessful, attempt made to cut loose 
from the orthodox political economy. 

Henry George seems, moreover, to be entirely ignorant of 
the history of the American Anti-Renters.* Otherwise he is 
a writer of talent (he has also a good talent for Yankee pufl) 
as his article on California in the "Atlantic Monthly" shows. 
He also has that repugnant arrogance and conceit which is 
so characteristic of all panacea-hatchers of this kind. 

With fraternal greeting, yours, 
Karl Marx. 

*The Anti-Renters were settlers in the State of New York, who refused to pay 
rent aU the time to the *' legal " owners, who based their ownership on old parch- 
ment, deeds and laud grants. They numbered thousands in the most fertile parts 
of the state. The so-called owners consisted practically of two old families— the 
so-cflJled Knickerbockers. When the courts decided in favor of the " owners " the 
Anti-Renters took up arms and shot down the officers. The Anti-Renters also car- 
ried on a lively campaign and turned the scale in many elections. The struggle 
lasted for nearly two decades, in the thirties and forties, and was brought to an 
end by compromiaes.— F, Sorge. 


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The appearance of the thirteenth annual report of the U. S. 
Bureau of Labor, in two volumes during the year, was hailed with 
exultation by the Social Democrats of the United States. The 
volumes dealt with machine and hand labor and presented some 
exceedingly valuable statistics on the subject, figures which being 
authorative will be used by the Socialists with good effect. The 
following facts gleaned from it by the editor of the " Appeal to 
Reason" show its value to the Socialist propaganda: 

For producing 26 pounds of rice, one cent in wages is paid in the 
United States ; Landslide plows, cast iron, oak beams and handles, 
79 cents ; 14- tooth steel gardeii rakes, one cent ; 12- tooth, 2-bow, 
wooden rakes, bent handles, one-half cent ; men's fine grade, calf, 
welt, lace shoes, single soles, box toes, 74 cents ; finest ladies' kid 
shoes, 54 cents ; cheap kid, 18 cents ; producing .crackers cost less 
than half cent per pound. What is the difference between the cost 
of flour and crackers? 100 feet of 9-inch sewer pipe cost 38 cents 
in labor; No. 6 house broom, wire wound, 3 12-inch bands, 20 lbs. 
corn per doz., 4 cents each for labor ; for producing 100 gross 4-line 
Yankee buttons, labor is paid 20 cents ; for producing one yard of 
the finest body Brussels carpet, labor is paid 9 cents. 

At the request of the editor of the Red Book, Mr. Isador Ladoff 
has prepared a brief digest of the report, as follows: 

** The report does not attempt to explain the effect of the use of 
machinery operated by women and children upon wages and upon 
the question as to whether changes in the creative costs of pro- 
ducts are due to a lack or surplus of labor or to the introduction 
of power machinery. It leaves undecided the problem whether the 
increase (we mean the total not the relative increase) in wages 
since the introduction of power machinery and the employment 
of women and children is due absolutely to the use of machinery, 
or to higher standard of living, or to the increased productivity of 
labor supplemented by machinery, or to all these causes com- 
bined, or to other causes. The commissioner however admits that 
machinery tends to lower the cost of production. He however 
does not touch the question of what part of the benefit of the 
lowering of the costs of production, if any, falls to the toilers. In 
general the commissioner of labor seems to be rather a pessimist 
in respect to the labor problem and the ways and means oi its solu- 
tion. Here we have Mr. Wright's hopeless verdict on the labor 

1. All solutionis thus far tried and advanced are valueless. 

2. Factory inspection, which was advocated as a panacea for all 
ills of workingmen, has not lessened their discontent. 

3. Fewer hours of work were recommended and they were re- 
duced in some cases from 13-8, but while workingmen are more 
intelligent than they were, the labor question is more discussed 
than ever. 

4. Arbitration, which has been urged as a cure-all, he says, '' in 
no wise lessens the fundamental struggle." 

5. Legal or compulsory arbitration he denounces and says : ''It 

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would lead to the militarism which existed in the ages we have 
happily passed." 

6. Cooperation is put to one side as impossible. 

7. He has no more faith in profitsharing than in cooperation ; 
and finally 

8. Prohibition will not solve the problem, for he says : '* It will 
throw back on the farmers sixty millions of bushels of grain, re- 
move a million men from their positions and take a thousand mil- 
lions of dollars out of the channels of trade." 

In short, Mr. Wright ran into a blind street and does not see 
any way out of it. Such is the inevitable fate of all middle-class 
sincere investigators. Only the ideas of Socialism are a power 
to penetrate through the seemingly hopeless Egyptian darkness of 
the labor problem and to show a clear road from the industrial 
Egypt into the promised land of true freedom, fraternity and 
equality. Individualism is the real source of pessimism. But its 
opposite — RACEis-M, or Socialism, is an inexhaustible source of op- 
timism, indistructible — of faith in the dignity, worth and bright 
future of humanity in general, and the unredeemed toiling masses 
in particular. Confessions like that of the XJ. S. labor commis- 
sioner are the best testimony of an approaching crisis in the point 
of view of sincere investigators and observers of industrial life and 
strife. It is not natural for men to prefer to remain long in dark- 
ness when floods of light spread around them. Socialistic thought 
is spreading rapidly everywhere and the day is not far when anti- 
Socialists will be just as rare as anti-abolitionists now are in the 
United States. 

• The report embraces all kind of industries and is quite complete 
in itself. We rearranged the figures of the report for the sake of 
comprehensibility, so as to contain under one single heading all 
operations of manufacture, which were subjected to^the same con- 
traction of time in consequence of introduction of machinery, as 
follows : 

The time of production was shortened under machine labor 
comparatively with hand labor to about : % in the manufacture of 
fiowerpots, ^in the manufacture of pocketbooks, }4 iii the manu- 
facture of neckties, brooms, collar and cuff boxes, fiask cartons, 
shoe brushes, jars, clock cases, corks, scyths, designing (engrav- 
ing], dried prunes, hammocks, kindlingwood, labels, cupplungers 
(leather); kidleather, saddles, saws, soup^^ureens (silver), cups 
(tin), tobacco (chewing), shovels, awnings, flags, tents, and in the 
mining of bituminous coal ; J^, men's hats, sewerpipe, brick, but- 
tons (vegetable, ivory), divanframes, tops (carriages), sleighs, 
hatchets, mantels, engraving, boxes, (suspender) , woodcuts, dia- 
mond cuttings, chairs, electroty ping, lockets (gold), faucets, sheet 
music, breadpans (tin) and sails; Ji, bags (other than paper), 
bookbinding, buttons (bone, brace), wagons, barrels, shotguns, 
bureaus, (furniture), desks, pins (gold), ladders (wooden), marble 
(cutting), blinds, screens (window), saucepans, washbasins (tin), 
screwdrivers, chemises (woman's underwear), typewriting (copy- 
ing), quarrying (granite); i, shoes (men's brogans), buggies, 
watchcases, shears, handkerchiefs, chairframes, bolts (iron), nuts 
(steel), cuffbuttons, lasts, brown prints, milkpans (tin), cans (tin, 
tomatoe), chisels and spokes (wheel) ; i, rakes (steel) , shoes (wo- 

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men's), boxes (tobacco), springs, hooks (bush) , cleavers, lounces, 
chains (gold) , granite (grooving) , netting, doors, harness, under- 
skirts and windowguards (springs) ; f, gold leaf (cutting), boxes 
(shoe), collars, brackets, teaspoons (silver) , wire (gold), tables, 
matrasses (spring) , rods (fishing) , springs (furniture, measures 
(tin) ; J^, shoes (man's calf), buttons (brass), carpets and boxes 
(pill) ; J, button molds, boots (man's, pegged), boots (women's 
cheap) , carpet (sewing), combs, riflestocks and tips, sideboards, 
hats (woman's) , hairpms (silver) , airchambers and- floatballs, to- 
bacco (smoking), nailclippers, wheels and shirts; ^, boxes (ba- 
kingpowder) , files, rings (gold) , marble urns and vases, posters and 
(man's) clothing; tV> gravel transportation; ^^y, rakes (wooden), 
boots (woman's fine), rivets, type and butter ;-i^, bags (paper), 
railroad tickets (printing), axles (carriage), washers, granite 
(dressing) , hymnbooks (printing) , shingles and hammers ; yV> ®^- 
velopes, bedsteads, ooflfee pots (tin) ; ^^ spring clips, and spring 
hangers ; j\y seals, pitchforks, collarbuttons, threading pipe, can- 
ning fruit, cigars, dash boards, and iron pipe, wrought. And so 

Machinery has lowered the cost of production; but the hand 
method of production is still extensive, though steadily going 
out of use. Some comparisons are made as follows : Ten plows, 
which cost $54.46 by hand labor, and which employed two men for 
1,108 hours, cost, when made by machinery, $7.90, employing 52 
men, for 37 hours 28 minutes. One hundred blank books cost, 
when made by hand, $219.79, and employed 3 men for 1,272 hours ; 
they cost, when made by machinery, $69.97, employing 20 men for 
245 hours. Kuling 100 reams of paper cost, when done by hand, 
$400, and employed 1 person 4,800 hours ; when done by machinery 
it cost 85 cents, and employed 2 persons for 2 hours 45 minutes. 
One hundred pairs of men's fine boots, when made by hand, cost 
$566.27, and employed 1 person 2,225 hours ; when made by ma- 
chinery they cost $74.39, and employed 140 men for 296 hours. 


The coal strike at Pana, 111., with the strife between the union 
miners and the imported non-union negroes gradually quieted 
down so that by March 25th the last of the state troops were with- 
drawn. The grand jury failed to find any indictments. On April 
11 another riot broke out in which the deputy sherifif took part. 
Six persons were killed and eight wounded. The trouble was 
finally adjusted by the mine owners agreeing to recognize the 
union and to send away the non-union men. 

On May 5 the Buffalo grain shovellers' strike began. Some 1,500 
shovellers objected to a new schedule of wages forced on them by 
W. J. Conners, who had a contract with the Lake Carrier's Asso- 
ciation for the unloading of grain. They demanded that the 
association deal with them direct. They also objected to>receiY| 


ing their wages in saloons under a saloon-boss system that required 
them to take part pay in drinks. The strike extended to others 
and on May 31 2,000 freight . handlers struck against inhuman 
loads. The men practically gained all points save as to abrogation 
of Connors' contract. • 

A capitalistic infamy that will long be remembered was the 
brutalities following the Wardner, Idaho, riots of April 29. On 
that date the miners, goaded to desperation by the tyranny of the 
Bunker Hill .& Sullivan Company, brought to the mines sixty 
heavy boxes of dynamite and blew the works into a mass of rub- 
bish. The men were desperate and knew of no, better way to re- 
dress their wrongs. About $250,000 worth of property — the com- 
pany claims — was destroyed. About 1,0Q0 men took part in the 
lawless act. The sheriff of the county, alleged to be in sympathy 
with the miners was disregarded and martial law declared by the 
government, Gen. H. C. Merriam and his troops aiding the federal 
authorities in placing many men under arrest. Gren. Merriam 
with characteristic despotism declared the Western Federation of 
Miners a criminal organization and provided that no miner could 
get employment in that territory unless he signed a declaration 
admitting that the federation was a criminal b<5iy. This declara- 
tion had to be approved and countersigned by (Sen. Merriam be- 
fore the miner could secure employment. Over 1,200 men were 
corralled in a stockade, known as the ** bull pen*' and cruelly and 
outrageously treated by the soldiers. They were held months 
without trial, and are still so held. 

The Cleveland street railway strike began June 10, and a settle- 
ment was effected June 24, by which a system of arbitration was 
put in force and most of the strikers taken back. The strike par- 
alyzed traffic and was characterized by riots and disorder, in 
which sympathetic citizens took part. The strike grew out of a 
refusal by the street car company to recognize the union. 

On July 17, the Cleveland street car strike was renewed, as the 
company failed to keep its agreement with the men. It then 
lasted two months, with great disorder, and with the sympathy of 
the people on the side of the men. The presence of the militia 
and an extensive boycot, not only of the cars, but of those who 
dared ride on them, were features. The cost to the city was about 
$5,000,000. The strike ended in September, the company agreeing 
to take the men back as soon as possible. 

A street car strike at Wheeling, W. Va., lasted from early spring 
till June 29. It was for a restoration of wages and took the form 
of a boycott on the cars, which ran empty, with heavy loss to the 
company. The matter was ended by compromise. 

The coal miners of Colorado struck June 16, 30,000 men being 
idle. A new state law reduced the work day from 12 to 8 hours, 
and the men demanded that the reduction m wages be one-sixth 
instead of one-third. The matter got to the courts and was com- 

Among the other strikes of the year was that of the street la- 
borers at Rochester, N. Y. The men demanded the old pay for 
eight hours and finally won. 

The close of the year witnessed the continuance of an extensive 
strike of printers on the N. Y. Sun. It began Aug 5. 

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The death of Laurence Gronlund in 
New York City, Oct.l6, 1899, caused wide- 
spread mourning among American So- 
cialists. He was at the time an associate 
editor on the New York * 'Journal." For 
years he had led the life of a wanderer, 
literary work giving him but the poor- 
est of livings. Too unflinching ana con- 
sistent to prostitute his talents, he was 
frequently without a bed and without a 
^ crust. Since his death the pathetic side 
of his life has been brought forth and it 
is known that he frequently slept in 
city parks and on more than one occa- 
sion slipped out of a hall where he had 
delivered a lecture on Socialism to 
crawl under the steps of the same build- 
ing for a night's repose. When some 
measure of success had come to him and he was no longer haunted 
by lack of employment, death claimed him. The following ac- 
count of his career was furnished the editor Of this volume last 

*' I was born in Denmark in 1846 and after getting my degree of 
A. M. at the University of Copenhagen, came to this country in 
1866. I was admitted to the bar in Chicago the next year and 
practiced law there till 1879, when I became a full fledged Social- 
ist. I really started on the road to Socialism in 1876 by reading 
Pascal's Thoughts {Lea Pensees) , and formed gradually a scheme 
of my own, which in 1879 I found out was plain Socialism. Then 
I wrote a dialogue *The Coming Revolution,' of which I have not 
for many years seen a copy, but I occasionally see quotations from 
it, lately one by Dr. Heber Newton. Then came, in 1884, * The Co- 
operative Commonwealth.' Ely says I was a young lawyer when 
I wrote it. I gave up entirely law, when I became a Socialist, and 
— in 1884 — I was private secretary to a millionaire (one E. M. 
Davis, son-in-law of Lucretia Mott) who helped me publish the 
first edition. At least 100,000 copies have been sold — say 60,000 in 
this country and 40,000 in Europe, mostly England. 

** I then went to England and France, where I stayed three years 
and wrote *Ca Ira, or Dan ton on the French Revolution j^-decidedly 
my favorite, but the one that has sold worst. I returned in 1887 
and then I entered the Socialist Labor party, and became member 
of their national executive committee. Then I wrote two pamph- 
lets on * Socialism and the Single Tax,' published by the party. 
But I could not stand them long. They certainly were as intoler- 
ant as now ; they would speak only Grerman at the meetings of the 
national committee, even when matters from English branches 
were pending, and when they resolved to lease a whole building for 
their business — devoting the basement to a saloon from the profits 
"of which to defray the party expenses, I resigned. I went to Bos- 
ton and became connected with the Nationalists (Bellamyites), 
and then wrote my book *Our Destiny,' for the 'Nationalist.' Then 

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I became connected with the U. S. Department of Statistics of 
Labor, under Carroll D. Wright (misscalled Labor Department) . 
After remaining there four years I made leisurely a trip through- 
out the continent to Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, Harvard, 
Yale, visiting all the colleges on my way, often invited by the 
chancellors and professors, hoping to impress the students and 
organize them. Lastly comes the * New Economy ' which I really 
believe is my most mature book. I hope this will be followed by 
another, which I trust will be my masterpiece — at least I know the 
book is needed." 

The death in London, Oct. 25, 1899, of 
Charles Grant Blairfindle Allen, removes 
one of the most valuable of the working 
literary Socialists of England. His loss 
will be felt indeed. He was 51 years of 

Grant Allen, as he preferred to be called, 
was especially notable among the follow- 
ers of Herbert Spencer and his individual- 
istic teachings, who afterward turned 
collectivists and embraced the Socialist 
cause. He was born at Kingston, Canada, 
Feb. 24, 1848, and his boyhood was passed 
on the banks of the St. Lawrence river. 
He had in his veins French, English, 
Scotch and Irish blood, which, with his 
wild boyish life may have accounted for 
his versatility. He was an intense lover 
of nature, as his writings showed. He got 
his education at New Haven, at Dieppe, France, and at Oxford, 
England. His success as a student was remarkable. His first 
writings were of a scientific nature, but much of this was written 
in a popular style, especially his '* Evolutionist at Large," which 
has been gotten out in cheap editions within the reach of the peo- 
ple it was written for. Another interesting work is the ** Half 
Century of Science," written by Huxley and Allen. His first 
scientific work was called ** Physiological Esthetics." He paid 
for its publication himself and got neither fame nor money out of 
it. Still, it attracted the attention of many scientists, including 
Darwin. It was some time before success came to him. 

In his earlier life he devoted several years to the ill-paid drudg- 
ery of schooMeaching and when in 1883 he turned his attention to 
novel writing this experience found expression in his Socialistic 
novel, Philistia. He wrote many novels, the most famous being 
"The Woman Who Did." Perhaps his best known work in the 
field of science was his **Life of Charles Darwin," which was also 
written in popular style. 

In his later years he was in poor health. When he settled down 
at Hindhead, in Surrey, not far from Tennyson's old home, he had 
the renowned Socialist, William Morris for a neighbor, Herbert 
Spencer was also one of his close associates and they spent much 
time together. He delivered many lectures and did some editorial 
work for the London Daily News. 


by Google 


A glimpse of Mr. Allen's Sooialistio condition of mind is had in 
the following brief excerpt from a magazine controversy which he 
had a few years ago with a well known English individualist : 

" I was born a Socialist. I remember that when I was four or 
five years old how I saw two tenants come to pay their rent. I 
had seen them working in the fields and I knew that they had 
raised the harvest ; and I asked for an explanation. The theory of 
rent (not Eicardo's) was promptly explained to me. I thought it 
at the time an obvious injustice, and 1 never ceased to think it so. ' 
The land is all men's." 


"When Mayor Jones of Toledo identified himself with the old 
Social Democracy in 1897, and followed this up by quoting Wil- 
liam Morris in his speeches and writings, there was a nope that he 
might, in one sense, become to the movement in this country, 
what Morris was to that in England — ^its manufacturer-Socialist. 
What the future has in store no one can say, but thus far the above 
hope has not been realized. Mr. Jones, however, has probably 
gone as far as his light would permit. 

In the spring Mayor Jones sought a nomination for re-election 
as Mayor from the Republican party, but he came into collision 
with the Hanna crowd and was turned down in a convention 
marked by disorder. Mr. Jones ran independently on a socialistic 
platform of his own making and was re-elected by a vote more 
than double that of the combined votes of the Republican and 
Democratic candidates. The total vote polled was 26,000, of which 
Mr. Jones received 17,700. This was the more remarkable because 
every newspaper in the city was against him. 

Encouraged by this triumph, he entered the lists as an inde- 
pendent candidate for governor in the fall election. He made a 
hard campaign. The result was as follows : 

1899 1997 

Republican 417,199 420,9i5 

Democratic 8«8,176 401,760 

Jones, non-partisan 106,721 . . . 

Socialist • • 2,485 4,242 

Scattering , 12,828 19,062 

Total vote 907,869 854,969 

Republican plurality 49,023 28,166 

The Social Democratic Party, not being well organized in Ohio, 
did not put up a ticket, but left ius members free to vote for the 
candidate of the S. L. P. (Bandlow) if they saw fit. The candi- 
dacy of Mr. Jones was not looked on with favor, partly because he 
ignored the existing Socialist parties, and partly because the in- 
terests of the movement demand that candidates be chosen by the 
Socialists themselves and be responsible to the party for the in- 
tegrity of their principles when elected. 


by Google 



When the Dreyfus case in France took such a hold on the peo- 
ple there and assumed such a serious aspect that the safety of the 
republic was imperiled, the Social Democrats, led by Jean Jaures, 
decided to play a part to the end that the nation should take no 
backward step. They therefore threw their influence into the bal- 
ance in the interest of a fair trial for Dreyfus and when the new 
president, Loubet, had almost failed of getting a cabinet, yielded 
a point and helped Waldek-Eousseau in forming one, two Socialists 
accepting portfolios, Millerand as minister of commerce and 
Pierre Baudin as minister of public works — the latter, by the way, 
thus finding himself at the head of the Paris exposition. In jus- 
tification of this step Millerand said: "The Republicans have 
concluded an armistice in order to meet the enemies of the repub- 
lic and to restore things to their proper places in the army, the 
magistracy and the administration." Particularly was the con- 
duct of the two Socialists censured by the Socialist wing under 
Jules Guesde, because of the presence in the cabinet of Gren. de 
Gallifet, as minister of war, his conduct in the commune being 
held agamst him. Jaures defended the conduct of his colleagues 
with marked ability and was himself a conspicuous figure at the 
Dreyfus trial, having" been largely instrumental in bringing it 
about. For months, however, the controversy among the Social- 
ists continued, the leading Socialists of Germany and other coun- 
tries being called on for their opinions. These opinions as a rule 
endorsed the efforts of the French Socialists to save the^republic, 
but looked rather ruefully at the presence of Millerand and Baudin 
in the cabinet. 

The matter came up in the Congress of French Socialists held in 
Paris in December. It was hotly debated. On December 7, the 
matter was disposed of in an equivocal way by the declaration (by 
a vote of 818 to 634) that ** the struggle between the classes bars 
Socialists from accepting any but elective ofl^ices," which was fol- 
lowed (by a vote of 1,145 to 245) by the qualification that " under 
exceptional circumstances this might be permissible." Both, 
Guesde and Jaures hold that this was a victory for their own par- 
ticular side. 

The American Capitalistic press frequently refers to an alleged 
split or impending split in the Social Democratic party of (&r- 
many. It has reference to what is known as the Bernstein con- 
troversy. Of course the wish •is father to the thought, as the 
solidity of the ranks in Grermany is in no way threatened. All 
talk of a division over the subject of taking up reforms and toss- 
ing revolution overboard is the merest rubbish. 

The facts are these. In 1897-98 Eduard Bernstein, formerly one 
of the leading Marxists, if not the leading one, a man who has 
been in exile in England for several years and who was formerly 
editor of the ** Neue Zeit " of Berlin, contributed several articles 
to that journal in which he held that several of the axioms of the 
Marx theory had not been borne out by the actual development of 
Capitalist society since Marx' day, and that Social Democracy 
should acknowledge the fact and conduct itself accordingly. This 

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contention was bitterly attacked by well known German Social 
Democrats and Bernstein defended his position in a book which 
appeared in the spring of 1899. Bernstein has some notable ad- 
herents in such men as Auer, Volmar, Dr. David and others, while 
on the other side are Kautsky, Bebel, Liebknecht and others of 
standing. Heated as the discussion has been, it has been merely a 
controversy between the intellectual leaders of the party, the rank 
and file knowing scarcely anything of it. In a recent conference 
the subject was debated and Kautsky had a majority, who decided 
not to materially change the tactics of the party in Gtermany. That 
the Bernstein view is slowly gaining ground cannot be denied. 

Among the American Social Democrats, the subject of special 
demands for farmers was debated by members of the Social Dem- 
ocratic Party for several months. Finally, the party by referent 
dum vote dropped the farmers' demands from its platform. They 
were as follows : 

The Socia] Democratic Party of America does not hope for the establishment of 
social order through the increase of misery, but on the contrary expects its com- 
ing through the determined, united efforts of tbe workers of both cit^ and conntrr 
to gain and use the political power to that end. In view of this we adopt the fol- 
lowing pUtform for the purpose of uniting the workers in the country with those 
in the city: 

1. No more public land to be sold, but to be utilized by the United States or the 
Btat) directly for the public benefit, or leased to farmers in small parcels of not 
over 640 acres, the state to make strict regulations as to improyement and cultiva- 
t on. Forests and waterways to be put under direct control of the nntion. 

2. Construction of grain elevators, magazines and cold storage buildings by the 
nation, to be used by the farmers at cost. 

8. The postal, railroad, telegraph and telephone services to be so united that 
every post and railroad station shall be also a telegraph and telephone center. 
Telephone service for farmers, as for residents of cities, to be at cost. 

4. A uniform postal rate for the transportation of agricultural products on all 

6. Public credit to be at the disposal of counties and towns for the improvement 
of roads and soil and for irrigation and drainage. 

During the early months of the year and prior to the split of 
June 10, the S. L. P. papers got into a controversy over the ques- 
tion as to whether the working class paid the taxes. As the con- 
troversey appeared to be raised from ulterior motives, it need not 
be further spoken of in this connection. 


On Oct. 13 Prof. Greorge D. Herron resigned from Iowa college, 
and will hereafter devote himself to lecturing on Applied Christi- 
anity. In severing his connection with the institution he relin- 
quished to the college all claim to the endowment of the chair of 
Applied Christianity which he occupied. The chair was endowed 
especially for him and he could have held the endowment, but pre- 
ferred to be " magnanimous." For this he has been criticised in 
some Quarters, it being held that he was in possession of a strate- 
getical position which he should have held in the interest of 
Socialism. The college, however, was in a peculiar position. 
Capitalism refusing to contribute very liberally to it while Prof. 
Herron remained, and on the other hand. Prof. Herron's endow- 
ment being necessary to its maintenance. 

Prof. Herron's Socialism is of the Christian Socialist sort, and 

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therefore has lack of clearness— as i? shown by his advocacy of the 
reactionary Single Tax, but he never-the-less has been doing a 
wonderful work in showing people what true Christianity means. 
Everywhere he has crowded halls and is greatly in demand. 

George D. Herron was born in Montezuma, Ind., in 1862. As a 
youth he was gentle and thoughtful and a constant companion of 
his father, who was a man of great piety. From 13 to 20 he strug- 
gled with poverty, working in a newspaper oflBce and studying for 
the ministry. For three years he was engaged in city mission 
work in Ohio, after he was 20, and for the following five years had 
village pastorates in Wisconsin and Minnesota. While pastor at 
Lake City, Minn., he delivered his first public message to the Min- 
nesota congregational club, " The Message of Jesus to Men of 
Wealth." It echoed from ocean to ocean. While a pastor in Iowa 
he* was called to the Chair of Applied Christianity at Iowa college 
(1893) which was especially endowed for him. Since that time he 
has studied in Europe, has lectured from Maine to California, 
turning people away at all points. Under the National Citizenship 
league in 1898 he delivered eight lectures under the title, **Between 
Caesar and Jesus," and repeated them in the spring of 1899 at the 
Central Music hall in Chicago to most remarkable noon audiences. 
They created a sensation and one of his converts was Dr. H. W. 
Thomas of the Peoples' church, who publicly announced his es- 
pousal of Socialism. Prof. Herron goes to Europe in January, 
1900. Will visit Tolstoi and Krapotkin and go to Egypt. In the 
fall he will return to resume his lectures. 


(Air : " The Hardy Norseman.") 
Saith man to man, We've heard and known 

That we no master need 
To live upon this earth, our own, 

In fair and manly deed. 
The grief of slaves long passed away 

For us hath forged the chain. 
Till now each worker's patient day 

Builds up the House of Pain. 
And we, shall we, too, crouch and quail 

Ashamed, afraid of strife. 
And lest our lives untimely fail 

Embrace the Death in Life? 
Nay, cry aloud, and have no fear, 

We few against the world ; 
Awake, arise I the hope we bear 

Against the curse is hurled. 
It grows and grows — ^are we the same, 

The feeble band, the few? 
Or what are these with eyes aflame, 

And hands to deal and do? 
This is the host that bears the word, 

A lightning flame, a shearing sword, 

A storm to overthrow. — William Morris, 


by Google 



VICTOR L.. BERGER, editor of the " Vorwaerts," one of 
the oldest German Socialist papersnn this country, and a member 
of the national executive board of the S. D. P., was born in Neider- 
Eehbach, Austro-Hungary, Feb. 28, 1860. He received private in- 
struction and afterward attended the gymnasium and the univer- 
sities of Budapest ^nd Vienna. His parents losing their fortune, 
he emigrated with them to America. He went West and being 
unable to speak English, became gradually reduced to the verge 
of trampdom, doing all sorts of work, from repairing wash boilers 
to puncning cattle. Returning to New York he learned the trade 
of metal polisher. He afterward became a teacher and was prom- 
inent in turner circles, being at one time a verein president and 
later at the head of district of Milwaukee, a district in which the 
turner normal school of the United States is located. 

In December, 1892, he resigned from the Milwaukee schools to 
become editor of the local struggling daily Socialist or^n, he 
having long been an advanced thinker along radical lines. During 
the A. R. if. strike he took an active part in Milwaukee and was 
made an honorary member of the order in recognition thereof. 
In 1896 he was a delegate to the Peoples' party convention at St. 
Louis, and with the help of delegates from Ohio and other states 
organized the Debs element in the convention. They met with 
more success than the outside world suspects. Mr. Debs' positive 
refusal to accept a nomination blocked their plans. Mr. Berger 
took a leading part in the formation of the Social Democracy and 
it was he who proposed the name. At the party's first convention 
in 1898 he took a leading part and was one of those who organized 
the Social Democratic party after the old organization had to be 
abandoned to the Colonizers and Anarchists. He was elected a 
member of the national board and has served ever since. In 1899 
Mr. Berger had the honor to be elected a member of the American 
Academy. 614 State street, Milwaukee. 

JAMES F. CAREY was born in Haverhill, Mass., Aug. 19, 1867, 
and went to work early in life in the shoe factories of his city, re- 
ceiving his early education in the public schools. He was always 
active as a trade unionist and took a prominent part in the thir- 
teen weeks' strike. in the winter of 1894-5. In 1897 he had the 
honor of being the first Socialist ever elected, to political office in 
New England, being elected in December of that year a member 
of the Haverhill Common Council, polling 909 votes in a total of 
1,400. His vote was 200 in excess of that ever given a candidate 
in that ward. He was elected president of that body, and making 
a record that surprised the city. Following upon that came his 
election to the legislature from the fifth district by a large ma- 
jority where, with Representative Scates new records were made. 
His speeches upon child labor, the right of trial by jury for con- 
tempt of court and other important measures introduced by him- 
self and Scates are acknowledged to be gems in their line. In the 
past two years he has done an enormous amount of work for the 
Social Democratic party, there being hardly a town or city in the 
state which he has not visited and spoken in. In 1895 Mr. Carey 

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was chairman of the great shoemakers convention in Boston at 
which three national bodies were amalgamated. He formed the 
first Nationalist club in Haverhill and in 1894 was one of the trio, 
Swift, Casson and Carey, that carried on the tremendous unem- 
ployed agitation on Boston Common. Mr. Carey has won laurels 
as a debater, his debate with U. S. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge re- 
sulting in a magnificent victory. On Dec. 5, 1899 he was reelected 
to the Massachuseits legislature by a greatly increased majority. 
Haverhill, Mass. 

JOHN C CHASE, mayor of Haverhill, Mass., was born in 
Gilmonton, N. H., May 27, 1870. When one year old the parents 
of Mr. Chase removed from Gilmonton and took up their residence 
in Ossippee, N. H., where Mr. Chase's father met with an accident 
which resulted in his death. This left young John and three 
brothers and one sister to be provided for by the mother. The 
mother soon located in Milton Mills, N. H., where they remained 
for ten years. John went into the woolen mills at the age of nine 
to help gain a livelihood for the family. The next move was to 
Sanford, Maine, where they resided for one year, going from there 
to Barnstead, N. H., where John entered a shoe factory, which 
trade he followed there for eight years, attending school a part of 
the year and educating himself by the best means available. 

In 1890 John with his mother and sister removed to Haverhill, 
Mass., where he took up his trade of shoemaking. He soon be- 
came an active worker in the labor movement, following it through 
all its developing phases until he found himself an ardent worker 
in the cause of Socialism. He became unable to hold his position 
in the factory on account of his activity in the labor movement, 
and accepted a position in a co-operative grocery store, of which 
he was one of the founders, and was in that position when elected 
mayor on the Social Democratic party ticket. 

SUMNER FRANKLIN CL.AFL.IN, was bom Nov. 28, 1862, 
in Auburn, New Hampshire, descended on maternal side from 
Puritan and on father's side from Scotch stock. He attended the 
common schools at Lynne and Columbia, N. H.,and the Colebrook 
N. H. Academy, and early developed a literary turn of mind, his 
most prominent efforts being the editing of the Concord, N. H. 
Tribune (Republican) for ten years or until he finally cast his lot 
with the Socialist movement. In 1890 he issued a pamphlet on the 
subject of Nationalism, the matter of which had alreaay appeared 
in the Manchester Telegram. He dates his conversion to Social- 
ism from reading ** Looking Backward" by Bellamy in that year. 

In 1892 he was nominated a candidate for elector by the People's 
party at its first convention in New Hampshire. In 1894 he ran 
for Mayor as a Populist but upon a distinctly Socialist platform, in 
Manchester, N. H., and in 1896 he was renominated for Mayor by 
the Socialist Labor party, which he helped to organize in New 
Hampshire in that year, upon the same platform as before. The 
tactics of DeLeonism driving him from the S. L. P. in 1897 he 
joined the S. D., and May 1st, 1898 had the honor of being nomin- 
ated at Nashua, N. H., the first candidate for Governor ever 
nominated under the party name of the Social Democratic party 
over a month before the convention at Chicago of June 11th, 1898, 

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developed the Slocial Democratic party of America. Believing in 
the *' Social" ownership and "Democratic" control of all the 
means of production and distribution, he has devoted his life to 
the popularizing of those principles, and desires to leave to his 
family a consistent record as a Socialist believer in the brother- 
hood of men and the fatherhood of God. Mr. Claflin owns a pleas- 
ant home in the suburbs of Manchester and is a newspaper agent. 
He was one term Master Workman of the K. of L. and belongs to 
the Grange. Has always favored labor unions and the rights of 
labor. Is now state organizer of the S. D. P. for New Hampshire. 

JCSSC COX was born in Burlington, New Jersey, October 
29th, 184B. * His parents removed from Burlington to Philadelphia, 
Pa., when he was about six months old. He lived in Philadelphia 
until January, 1873, when he removed to Chicago, Illinois, where 
he has resided ever since that time. He was admitted to the bar 
in Philadelphia in 1865, and has been from that time to the present 
engaged in the practice of law. He'was married in 1869, and has 
a family of four children, all of whom are now of mature age. 

He became interested in the Socialist movement in 1877 ; was a 
candidate of the United Labor Party for City Attorney of Chicago 
in 1887, and in 1894 was a candidate of the Peoples Party fox County 
Judge of Cook County, Illinois. He has been actively identified 
with the Socialist movement for the last fifteen years, helped form 
the Social Democratic party and was chosen chairman of its national 
board. 108 LaSalle street, Chicago, Ills. 

EUGENE VICTOR DEBS was born in Terre Haute, Ind., 
in the autumn of 1855, and at the age of 15 years began his work 
as a railway employe in the Vandalia car shops. Soon after he 
obtained a position as fireman on a freight engine, in which ca- 
pacity he served some years, and soon attracted attention in the 
councils of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, of which he 
had become a member. He was 22 years old when that organiza- 
tion made him editor of its- magazine, and from that day forward 
he has been unable to escape for a moment the exacting cares of 
leadership. Quickly following this entrance to official life he was 
made general secretary and treasurer of the organization, and saw 
it grow rapidly from infancy to national proportions. In this 
position he was custodian of literally millions of dollars of organ- 
ization funds. 

In 1892 Mr. Debs founded the American Railway Union, which 
was the first organization in the railway world to admit to mem- 
bership every employe, from the section man and engine- wiper to 
the conductor and engineer. Its central idea was complete and 
universal organization. Under his guiding hand it speedily 
reached colossal proportions. Its first great strike was called on 
the Great Northern Railway. The road was successfully tied up 
from St. Paul to the Pacific ocean and the company forced to re- 
store the wages of all employes, amounting in the aggregate to 
many thousands of dollars a month. 

Scarcely was the Great Northern Railway case out of the way 
than the Pullman strike claimed attention. Thoroughly alarmed 
at the invincible strength of the new union built on the ** universal 
brotherhood '' plan, the General Managers' Association resolved 

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to force a general fight with the hope of crushing it in its infaucy. 
The organization was less than one year old when the gereral 
managers began the assault. Employes were discharged simply 
for holding membership in the American Railway Union. The 
Pullman trouble was brewing at the same time and Pullman's em- 
ployes, who were members of the organization, had had their 
wages cut fully 50 per cent. The public was led to believe that 
Mr. Debs could have avoided the Pullman strike and that he de- 
liberately plunged into it. This, of course, was not true. He 
clearly understood the scope of the conspiracy against the life of 
the organization and knew the struggle could not be avoided. 
The Pullman matter was the most flagrant wrong at hand, and he 
took it up first, offered to submit the question to arbitration, and 
meeting with an emphatic refusal, ordered the members of the 
union to handle no Pullman cars. The battle was on and within 
two days scarcely a car of any description was moving between 
the Mississippi valley and the Pacific coast. Within a short time 
the commerce of the nation was practically paralyzed. 

So long as ths general managers fought fairly and proceeded as 
in all other strikes they were completely outgeneraled. Finally 
realizing this they appealed to the courts and found one willing to 
ignore the rights of man as guaranteed by the constitution of the 
nation and issued an edict suspending the freedom of speech. Mr. 
Debs was forbidden to send messages, letters or telegrams from 
headquarters to the members. This meant just what it would 
mean if a general on the battlefield was deprived of the right to 
speak or write. Of course he refused to submit and within a few 
days Mr. Debs and his lieutenants were behind the prison bars. 
Released later, when the strike was dead, there followed a long 
and hard-fought legal battle to test the new principles sought to 
be established, but the United States Supreme Court dodged the 
real question at issue. 

In 1892, when Mr. Debs resigned his positions in the Firemen's 
Brotherhood, he was receiving $4,000 per year. The convention of 
over 400 delegates by unanimous vote refused to accept his resig- 
nation, and offered any salary he might name. When it was 
found he could not be induced to change his mind, the convention 
by acclamation voted him a gift of $2,000, with which to go i>o 
Europe and recuperate his somewhat broken health. This he de- 
clined. On January 1, 1897, Debs issued a circular* to the members 
of the A. R. U., entitled ** Present Conditions and Future 
Duties," in which he reviewed the political, industrial, and 
economic conditions, and came out boldly for Socialism. Among 
other things he said : ** The issue is. Socialism vs. Capitalism. I 
am for Socialism because I am for humanity. The time has come 
to regenerate society — we are on the eve of a universal change." 
When the A. R. U. met in national convention in Chicago, in June, 
1897, that body was merged into the Social Democracy of America, 
which organization was perfected on June 21, 1897, with Mr. Debs 
as chairman of the National Executive Board, to which he devoted 
his means, energy, and splendid talents. After the split at Chi- 
cago in 1898, Mr. Debs was made a member of the National Execu- 
tive Board of the Social Democratic Party, a position he still fills. 


He has just completed a lecture tour of the Pacific coast which 
was nothing short of phenomenal. Terre Haute, Ind. 

AL.FKED SHENSTONE EDWARDS is of Welsh decent, 
and was born in Birmingham, England, October 23, 1848. Came 
to the United States in 1867. He is a printer by trade, and has 
always been identified with progressive movements; connected 
with the K. of L. for years and member of the old North Star 
Labor Club (L. A. 805) at Minneapolis, Minn. ; speaker and writer ; 
associated with the labor movement and social reform organiza- 
tions for a dozen years before he was chosen editor of " The Com- 
ing Kation " in August, 1805. " The Coming Nation" was one of 
the best Socialist papers printed In the United States, and had 
subscribers in nearly every English-speaking country, where it 

kept up an interest in the colony at Kuskin, Tenn. In March, 
1898, Mr. Edwards with three companions made an agitation trip 
to Chicago, holding meetings on the way and arriving in time for 
the Social Democratic convention. In that convention he t^ook 
sides with the bolters and severing his connection with the wagon 
mission, assumed editorial charge of the new paper the " Social 
Democratic Herald," a position he still retains. Mr. Edwards has 
written under the name of "Seven Oaks." Koom 56, 126 Wash- 
inston street, Chicago, 111. 

W. E, FARMER was bom in Jefferson county, Georgia, in 
1851. Came to Texas in the winter of 1870-71 and settled in eastern 
Texas near Longview. He was educated in the schools of Stella- 
ville, Ga. On reaching his majority he became a volunteer fighter 
in the ranks of labor. He first affiliated with the (Jrange in 1872, 
when he was a farmer by occupation as well as by name. He 
joined the Greenback movement in 1878, and entered the campaign 
as a speaker and did valiant service. He joined the Knights of La- 
bor in 1885 and was soon afterwards elected Master Workman D. A. 
78, of Texas, and lectured and campaigned ^11 over the state. He 
became a member of the Union Labor party as against the two old 
parties, and on the organization of the People's party in 1891 he 
cast his lot with it, and applied his force and energy to rallying 
the people to its ranks. He campaigned in more than a dozen 
states and met the champions of both old parties, carrying the flag 
of victory to all points. 

He was a member of the 103 who refused to be compromised at 
St. Louis in 1896. Came back to Texas and joined the Socialists 
and began the publication of the Social Economist at San Antonio 
in January, 1898. He moved to Bonham, Texas, in February, 1899, 
and consolidated the Economist with " The Farmers' Review," 
under the name of " Farmers Review," as a straight Straight 
Social Democratic Journal. 

Mr. Farmer is now a member of the Social Democratic party and 
as editor of the** Farmers Review" is dealing telling dIows at 
capitalism. The " Farmers Review " is the only Socialist paper in 
Texas, and is published at 50 cents per year. Comrade Farmer 
has been, and is, one of the world's benefactors. He has spurned 
offers of worldly honors and wealth, and has chosen to battle for 
the rights of man and suffer persecution and poverty rather than 

compromise with capitalism for preferment. No man l^ing will 


have a better right to rejoice at the overthrow of capitalism which 
is sure to come, than comrade W. E. Farmer, and we hope he may 
be one of the elect who will be permitted to live to see this grand 
transformation. His address is Bonham, Texas. 

F. G. n. GORDON, was born i^ Walden, Vt., Sept. 4, 1860. 
Lived in Iowa for four years. Is self educated. Became a Green- 
backer in 1878, one of the first K. of L. in New Hampshire and 
helped organize the Peoples party in that state, being secretary of 
the state committee for two years. Was a member of the second 
Nationalist club in Boston. By trade a shoemaker, is a member 
of the International Boot and Shoe Workers union and was secre- 
tary of the great shoe worker's convention at Boston in 1895. Was 
a member of the S. L. P. for two years but disliked its spirit and 
joined the Social Democracy in December, 1897. Was present at 
the Chicago convention and participated in the bolt, serving as 
secretary of the organization meeting of the S. D. P. Mr. Gordon 
is^a tireless worker, a ready writer and invaluable as a street 
speaker. His pamphlet, " Hard Times, Cause and Cure," has had 
a phenomenal sale. Girard, Kansas. 

MARGARET HATLiE made her first appearance before the 
public as editor of a woman's column in the Providence (R. I.) 
"Justice," in the spring of 1894, which she conducted throughout 
the lifetime of that paper, and has since contributed frequently to 
the Socialist press, both in prose and verse. Served as state sec- 
retary of the S. L. P. in RhcKle Island for some two years. Moved 
back to Boston in 1896 and took an active part in the struggle then 
going on to reform the S. L. P. from within. Realizing the futil- 
ity of the struggle, joined the S. D. A- upon its organization in 
1897, and was first secretary of the Boston city committee and of 
the Massachusetts state committee of the S. D. A. Was chosen 
delegate, along with Carey, to represent Massachusetts at the na- 
tional convention in Chicago in June, 1898, and was one of the 
** bolters" who orgianized the S. D. P. Upon the reorganization 
of the party, was again elected secretary of the Boston city com- 
mittee and served until October, 1899 ; and also as state secretary, 
which position she still holds. Was secretary of the campaign 
committee in the Massachusetts state campaign of 1899. Is a 
speaker as well as writer ; taught school and is now recognized as 
one of the most accurate verbatim reporters in the city of Boston. 
Comrade Haile has been an all-around worker in the movement 
in Massachusetts and almost more than anyone else has been re- 
sponsible for its remarkable growth. She has done a vast amount 
of work and at no time worked harder than after the split at 
Chicago, where many of the Massachusetts comrades were dis- 
couraged. Almost single handed she got them back into line and 
together with Mrs. Konikow raised the funds and organized and 
directed the forces in the campaign which resulted in the first 
victory, the election of Carey and Scates to the state legislature. 
She speaks, writes and organizes with equal facility and is char- 
acterized by one of the Bay state comrades as the **co-ordinatine 
force of the Massachusetts movement." She knows the needs oi 
the movement intuitively, prepares the addresses to voters and 
leaflets, plans campaigns, and knows just who to call on when there 

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is some special service to be done. 5 Glenwood Ave., Roxbury, 

FREDERIC FARIES HEATH was born September 6, 1864, 
at Milwaukee, and has had a common school education. In 1881 
was apprenticed to a wood engraver, but afterwards became an 
artist. Meantime, to gratify a taste for literary work he published 
an amateur editorial paper, and in 1884 was made president of the 
National Amateur Press Association. In 1886 he removed to Chi- 
cago and a year later went to Florida to publish the ^* Florida 
Fruit Grower." In 1888 he returned to Milwaukee and did repor- 
torial work on the ** Milwaukee Daily Sentinel." In 1890 he again 
went to Chicago and became editor of the ** Chicago Photo," an 
illustrated weekly. To this he contributed a series of reports of 
the doings of an alleged Bellamy club. Returning to Milwaukee 
in 1891 he took charge of the " Sentinel's" art department, a posi- 
tion he still holds. Mr. Heath was one pf the early subscribers to 
Way land's "Coming Nation," when it was published at Greens- 
burg, Ind., and became a militant Socialist about that time. He 
participated in the meeting that inuagurated the Social Democracy 
of America and helped formulate its platform. When the split 
occurred at Chicago a year later, he was chairman of the meeting 
of seceders at the Revere house when the Social Democratic party 
was formed and was made a member of the national executive board, 
in which position he still serves. He writes freely for the *.* Social 
Democratic Herald " and other papers under various pen names. 
Mr. Heath is open to conviction on all subjects, and was one of the 
founders of the Milwaukee Ethical Society and for several terms 
secretary of its directors. He believes strongly in the trade union 
movement, being a member of the I. T. U. 182 Mason street, Mil- 

WILLIAM MAILLiY, editor of the ** Haverhill Social Dem- 
ocrat," was born in Pittsburg, Nov, 22, 1871, moving with his pa- 
rents to Scotland two years later. Went to school in Liverpool 
and became errand boy and later a clerk. In July, 1889, he re- 
turned to the United States, working around the coal mines of 
Illinois, in brick yards and as a railway section hand; In 1890 
went to Alabama and worked in the coal mines of that state. Be- 
came a union man that year and was in the state strike of miners 
1890-91, the union being broken up. Took a leading part in the 
Alabama five-months' strike of 1894, being afterward elected state 
secretary and organizer of the unions. In May, 1896, became as- 
sociate editor of the ** Birmingham Labor Advocate," serving one 
year. Moved to Nashville and in December, 1898, went to New 
York City and then to Haverhill, there to serve as secretary of the 
S. D. P. state and municipal campaign committees, besides issuing 
the local paper. Was a delegate to the A. F. of L. convention at 
New York in 1895, voting for every socialistic measure proposed, 
and a year later was a delegate to Cincinnati. Mr. Mailly has 
held many ofiices in the trade union organizations. Was vice 
president of the Birmingham Trades Council and for three terms 
secretary of the Nashville Trades and Labor Council, being presi- 
dent of that body at the time of his removal to New York. He 
was secretary of the Tennessee Federation of Labor and was for 


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several months editor of the "Nashville Journal of Labor." 
While in Birmingham was a member of the A. R. U., and presided 
at a meeting held there in celebration of Debs' release from Wood- 

He first took active part in politics in 1894, when he was made a 
delegate to the Peoples Party state convention in Alabama, and 
was afterward recognized as a staunch middle-of-the-roader. He 
left the Peoples Party in 1896 and helped organize a section of the 
S. L. P. in Nashville, it being short lived, however. In July, 1897, 
he assisted in organizing a branch of the Social Democracy and 
was its representative at the Chicago convention in 1898, being one 
of the "bolters " and one of the founders of the S. D. P. Mailly 
got his radical ideas by reading Nunquain's articles in the Man- 
chester, Eng., ** Sunday Chronicle." In 1898 he came across some 
Socialist literature, which determined his future course. Has 
written under various noms-de-plume and is looked upon as an 
jill-round worker. Haverhill, Mass. 

CHABLiES R. MARTIN was born at Clyde, Sandusky, Co., 
Ohio, in 1856. He began his career as a bread winner at Tiffin, O., 
as a messenger boy. Later he learned the trade of creamery but- 
ter making and followed it for a number of years, being finally ob- 
liged to give it up because of rheumatism. He became interested 
in political reforms in 1877. In 1883 he joined the Knights of 
Labor and served almost continuously as recording secretary of 
his assembly. Was also several terms treasurer of District As- 
sembly No. 72, with headquarters at Toledo. He represented this 
district at the St. Louis session of the general assembly and also 
at the Philadelphia session. He was a delegate to the New Orleans 
session, at which he was one of those that were ** locked out." 
When the Independent Order Knights of Labor was organized he 
was made general secretary-treasurer, serving till the demise of 
that organization. In 1894 he was the candidate of the Populists 
for secretary of state in Ohio and polled 49,495 votes. In 1896 he 
was a delegate to the St. Iiouis Populist convention and was one of 
the Debs boomers. He was present at the Chicago convention at 
which the Social Democracy was born, and a year later was one of 
the bolters who formed the present Social Democratic party. Mr. 
Martin is prolific and witty as a writer, and has contributed to 
"John Swinton's Paper," the ** Social Democrat" and "Social 
Democratic Herald" over the signature of Jonas Harrison. In 
1898 he published the " Historical Handbook of the I. O. K. of L," 
a book of great value to Socialists. Box 389, Tifiin, O. 

elected representative from the Fourth Plymouth district, to the 
Massachusetts legislature, was born in Prarie Du Chien, Wiscon- 
sin, Nov. 2, 1864, and is the son of A. E. MacCartney of Denver ,^ 
Colorado. Mr. MacCartney entered the Iowa College at Grinnell 
Isle, Iowa, the college from which Prof. Greorge D. Herron, the 
celebrated Christian Socialist, has just resigned. Mr. MacCartney 
graduated from the Iowa College in 1889 and then entered Andover 
theological seminary, where he fitted himself for the ministry. 
He graduated from Andover in 1893 and in the same year he left 
the Congregational churqh to join the Unitarian denomination. 

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He was immediately appointed assistant minister of the Second 
church of Boston. He remained there one year and was called to 
the pastorate of the Unitarian church of Rockland, Massachusetts, 
in 1894, and remained as the settled pastor until July 15, 1899, 
when he resigned to accept the secretaryship of the Industrial 
Peace Society, which position he now holds. He has always been 
interested in politics and when the Social Democratic party sprang 
into existence he became much interested in the work. During 
the past five weeks he has been stumping the state in the interests 
of the Social Democrats. This is his first political office. He is a 
literary man and a deep thinker. He is also a writer of consider- 
able ability and articles from his pen have appeared in some of the 
best magazines. Rockland, Mass. 

WINFIEL.D PARK PORTER. Bom in Westboro, Mass., 
October 7, 1866. Graduated from high school of that place. Was 
for over three years the general secretary of the WestDoro Young 
Men's Christian Association, which he, with others, had organized 
In 1892 was called to occupy same position in the Y. M. C. A. or 
Hyde Park, Mass., from which place he was called in 1894 to a sim- 
ilar position in Newburyport. Was at one time chairman of the 
Prohibition city committee of Newburyport. Resigned from asso- 
ciation work in 1896. First attracted to the principles of Social- 
ism by reading Bellamy's ** Iiooking Backward," afterward often 
telling his friends that though the name of God did not appear in 
that book, it nevertheless contained more real, practical gospel 
than a thousand average sermons. Carefully investigated the 
claims of Socialism from many standpoints, soon becoming satisfied 
of the righteousness of Socialist principles and the crying need for 
their immediate application to the world's activities. Was largelv 
instrumental in organizing a party branch in Newburyport, which 
has enrolled more than one hundred members. Has contributed 
many Socialist articles to various papers, and spoken in many 
towns and cities. Nominated for governor of Massachusetts by 
Social Democratic party in 1898 and again in 1899. Newburyport, 

ALBERT E. SANDERSON, was born in New York City, 
June 11th, 1853, of New England parents, and graduated in the 
public grammar schools of that city, accompanying the family 
west in 1868. They settled on a farm in Missouri, near St. Louis, 
where he devoted some time to horticulture. He still continued 
his studies, however, and graduated from Washington University 
in 1876 with the degree of Bachelor of Arts, receiving the degree 
of Master of Arts in 1880. 

He entered the St. Louis Law School but left before graduating, 
and was admitted to the bar at Grant City, Mo., in the spring of 
1881, during his term as principal of the Albany High School. In 
1886 he became secretary, and, later, president of the Communist 
Association known as the Altruist Society. In 1887 he aided in 
organizing, and became secretary of the Puget Sound Co-operative 
Colony, located on the harbor of Port Angeles, Washington. In 
1888 he was president of the Co-operative Commonwealth at Grass 
Valley, Cal. In 1890 he returned to St. Louis and engaged in the 
reform publishing business. In December, 1892, he l^came an 


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active member of the Socialist Labor party, and in the spring of 
1893 he was the candidate of that party for mayor of St. Louis. 
Afterward being its candidate for various offices. 

In May, 1893, in St. Louis, he organized and managed an aggre- 
gation of thirty-five Socialist weekly newspapers, known as the So- 
cialist Newspaper Union which did considerable effective work for 
the cause of Socialism by the publication of its ** World of Labor" 
page in hundreds of Populist newspapers printed at the same 
establishment. In 1896 he removed the headquarters of the Social- 
ist Newspaper Union to Ruskin, Tenn., and joined the Ruskin Co- 
operative Association. Because of the repeated attacks made by 
Editor DeLeon, of the " People," on those connected with the 
publication of these local propaganda newspapers whose columns 
were open to the free discussion of party matters, the Ruskin Co- 
operative Association declined to continue their publication, and 
all were suspended after four years of energetic propaganda work 
in the principal cities of the United States. He joined the Social 
Democratic Federation in 1897, and the Social Democratic party 
in August, 1898, being the candidate of the party for Judge of the 
Supreme Court of Missouri in the fall of that year. This was the 
first campaign of the S. D. P. west of the Mississippi river, and it 
polled votes in all but four counties of the state, receiving an 
aggregate of 1645. In April, 1899, he was a candidate for member 
of the City Council of St. Louis, 4225 North Newstead avenue, St. 
Louis, Mo. 

LiOUIS M. SCATES, who represented the Social Democrats 
of Haverhill, Mass., in the Massachusetts legislature in 1898-9, was 
born in Greorgetown, Mass., Jan, 17, 1863. He received a common 
school education and then went into the shoe factories. After 
eleven years of shoe making, he became a conductor on the Lowell, 
Lawrence & Haverhill Railway, serving for three years. He lost 
his position through a strike against the tyranny of the road. He 
was elected to the legislature from the third Essex district, and 
served his constituents well, doing steady, substantial committee 
work, and watching with patient vigilance all measures affecting 
the interests of labor. Haverhill, Mass. 

SEYMOUR STEDMAN, born July 14, 1871 at Hartford, 
Conn., of revolutionary ancestors. Moved to Solomon City, Kan- 
sas, herded sheep — ** protected industry '' — for $5.00 per month ; in 
1881 went to Chicago and worked for Crane Brothers Mfg. Co. 
(Iron Works), later worked for the Western Union Telegraph Co., 
went out on a strike of telegraphers when the signal. (General 
Grant's dead) stopped the tickers in 1883. Studied law graduat- 
ing in 1891. Served as secretary of campaign committee in Demo- 
cratic party of Cook County, Chicago, was candidate for city at- 
torney of People's party and later for States attorney for the same 
party. Represented the Fifth Illinois Congressional District in 
St. Louis People's party convention and addressed the National 
Committee representing the Anti-fusion delegation of Cook Coun- 
ty, also before the Committee on Credentials. It was this contest 
upon which the Fusionists and Antis measured their strength for 
the convention floor. He voted against Bryan and fusion, when 
the local People's party joined Democratic party, but continued 


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with it, tacitly supporting free silver and wind and then assisted 
in organizing the Social Democracy and drafting its declaration of 
principles in 1897 and at the convention of 1898 assisted in discard- 
ing the colonization feature and organizing the Social Democratic 
Party, also assisted in drawing declaration of principles,' was 
elected to Executive Committee and by that committee elected 
its secretary. 519 Sixty-sixth ave., Chicago, Ills. 

HOWARD TUTTLrE was born in Philadelphia in 1858. At the 
age of ten he secured employment in millionaire Stewart's store in 
New York, and later served as elevator boy iir several Philadelphia 
hotels. Naturally inclined toward art he finally left the city on a 
freight train and moved about the country making pastel portraits. 
From this he naturally drifted into scene painting, and has pursued 
his trade in the principal theaters from New York to San Francisco. 
Eight years ago he located in Milwaukee. Mr. Tuttle has an hon- 
orable record as an organized workman, being a charter member 
of the National Alliance Scenic Painters of America No. 38 of New 
York City. He is a member of the Stage Employes' union in his 
city. He has organized unions in various parts of the country and 
is a delegate to the Trades Council of his city, having been a 
member also of its executive board. Mr. Tuttle is a Knight of 
Pythias, an Odd Fellow, A. O. U. W., T. M. A., and has lately 
joined the Masons. In 1897 he was the S. D. candidate for trea- 
surer in the Milwaukee spring election, and in the fall of the same 
year was made the nominee of the Social Democrats for Governor 
of Wisconsin. 3320 Lisbon avenue, Milwaukee. 

JULIUS A. WAYL.AND, the '' One Hoss Philosopher," was 
born in Versailles, Ind., in 1854, being the youngest of a family of 
three. His father dying when he was three months old, poverty 
'was his most intimate relative. After about a year's schooling in 
the village school he had to enter the struggle for bread. When 
about 17 he got a place as *' devil " in the office of the village paper 
and there grew up into printerdom. In 1873 he acquired the pa- 
per by the aid of friends, and made as much a success of it finan- 
cially as is usually possible with a country paper. He moved to 
Harrison ville, Mo., in 1877, where he re-engaged in the paper bus- 
iness and where he was postmaster under the Hayes administra- 
tion for a year, when he resigned and returned to Indiana in 1881, 
repurchased his original paper, and remained with it for about a 
year. Becoming dissatisfied, he moved to Pueblo, Col., in 1882, 
where he engaged in the printing business, owning at different 
times several papers, one being a daily. He quit the paper busi- 
ness in 1891, devoting himself to commercial printing, building up 
a large business in printing, lithographing and binding. When 
the boom struck the town of 7,000 in 1887, he invested in real es- 
tate and was very successful. He sold out his printing interests 
and devoted himseK to the real estate business. In 1891 he be- 
came interested in social problems and began the study of social 
science, which led him to establish "The Coming Nation," at 
Greensburg, Ind., in April, 1893, and through it he founded the 
colony now located at Ruskin, Tenn. The paper and printing out- 
fit was moved to Tennessee in July, 1894. The bringing together 
of people who had never been acquainted resulted in such4riction 



and strife that Mr. Wayland withdrew. After a rest he began the 
publication of the ** Appeal to Reason," at Kansas City, Mo., in 
August, 1895, and in February, 1897, he issued it from Girard, 
Kans., where he established a complete printing and publishing 
plant. Mr. Wayland is devoting his time and means to propagate 
Socialism through pamphlets and books at nominal cost, and the 
** Appeal," which is the most spicy Socialist paper in the United 
States. Girard, Kans. 


Jan. 1.— Spani^ sovereignty in Cnba ceased. United States debt, less cash in 
treasury, f .129, 176,286. A Labor Church is established by Denver Socialists. 

Jan. 2.— Mayor Chase of Haverhill, Mass., takes oath of office. 

Jan. 17.— A trial of Gen: Eagan for his attack on Gen. Miles is ordered. Chauncey 
Depew elected Senator from New York. 

Jan. 24.— A third request for recognition of the Filipino Republic is received at 

Jan. S».— Gen. Eagan sentenced to dismissal from the army. New York Social 
Democrats form a central organization. 

Jan. 80.— The Rev. Myron Winslow Reed dies at Denver, aged 68. 

Feb. 1.— Walter L. Vrooman, an American, establishes a college for labor leaders 
at Oxford, England, called Ruskin hall. 

Feb. 4.— War between the U. S. and the Philippines is resumed. 

Feb. 6.— Peace-treaty with Spain ratified by Senate, 

Feb. 7.— President McKinley commutes sentence of Gen. Eagan, to supension 
from rank and duty for six years with pay for six years. At the end of six years he 
is to po 071 retired list, with half pay. 

Feb. 15.— Tolstoi writes a letter condemning the Czar's peace proposals. 

Feb. 16.— Pres. Faure of France dies of apoplexy. 

Feb. 18.— M. Loubet chosen President of France. 

Feb. 20.— Employes of the Standard Oil Company hurriedly remove from Ohio to 
other states to avoid the official investigation of alleged unlawful practices of the 

March 1.— A Union Reform party, to include various shades of " reformers" Js 
started at Cincinnati. Bill to pay Spain (20,000,000 under the terms of Peace treaty 
passes the House. 

March 4.— W. R. Merriam made director of the 12th census. An increase of 
wages granted various mill hands in New England by which former rates are par- 
tially restored, will prevent threatened strikes. 

March 5.— Mayor Samuel Jones defeated for Republican nomiaation for re-elec- 
tion, at Toledo, announces he will run independently on a Socialist platform. 
Herbert Casson resigns as editor of "Coming Nation." 

March 6.— Jason Spofford, Social Democrat, elected selectman at Amesbury, Mass. 

March 7.— The governor of Illinois signed the bill repealing the notorious 
Allen law, which gave city councils the right to grant fifty year street car fran- 
chises with five cents as the minimum fare. The new law restricts new grants to 
twenty years. 

March 8.— George Rice, of Marietta, O., an independent oil refiner who was 
forced out of. business, alleges that the Standard Oil Co. tried to bribe Atty.-Gen. 
Monnett of Ohio, to head oft' official investigation into the company's methods 
Mr. Monnett admits that $100,000 was offered him, and that |200,000 was offered his 

March 11.— Judge Chetlain of the Superior Court at Chicago holds the state anti- 
department store law void. Lydia Eingsmill Commander and Herbert Casson are 
married at Ruskin colony, Tenn. 

March 16.— Chief Sargent of the Brotherhood, of Locomotive Firemen, testifies 
before the labor committee of the Industrial commission, that had Judge Jenkins 
of Wisconsin not issued the famous injunction to restrain the Northern Pacific 
employes from striking, in 1894, there would have been no strike. 

March 20.— The Rev. Father Ducey, pastor of St. Leo's church, New York, active 
supporter of the Lexow investigation of municipal rottenness, is retired. 

March 23.-6,000 workmen at Pitstburg strike for a raise of 10 per cent, at Fox 
steel plant. 

March 25.— Troops removed from Pana, His. The grand jury failed to find in- 
dictments against the miners and negroes who participated in the riots. 


March 27.— American Telegraph and Telephone increases its capital stock to 

April 2.— Prof. Albion Small, head of the department of Sociology at Chicago 
University, declares that capitalism is the country's menace and that the best "way 
t<> solve the social problem is to frankly acknowledge that the present system is 
altogether wrong. 

April 3.— 1,1100 operatives at the Ponemah mills at Norwich, Conn., strike for a 
10 per cent raise in wages. 

April 6.— In an interview, "Tom" Johnson, the erratic street car magnate of 
Cleveland, declarev that " the time is coming when the people will ride free upon 
the street cars." 

April 8 —The Mazet committee of the New York assembly begins investigation 
of New York City administration. 

April 10.— Mihers' riot at Pana, Ills. 

April 16.— The counsel of the Standard Oil Co. denies the stories of attempted 

April 17.— The Rev. H. W. Thomas, at Chicago, pastor of the People's church, 
makes a public announcement of his conversion to Socialism. 

April 18).— The fake workingmen's JeflTersonian dinner takes place at New York. 

April 21 —Senator Quay is acquitted of charge of conspiracy. 

April 25.— During March and April, a general rise in wages in Eastern industries 
to head off contemplated strikes, took place. In many cases the wage increase 
was not sufficient to restore wages to the rate paid in 1897. 

April 29.— Riot of the miners at Wardner, Idaho. The work of dismantling the 
model town of Pullman, Ills., is begun, as a result of a decision of the state, su- 
preme court denying the right of the Pullman company to conduct a municipality. 

April 80.— Pres. Krueger announces that the Transvaal is the leading gold pro- 
ducing country of the world. Eugene Dietzgen appointed delegate of the Social 
Democratic party to the International congress at Paris in 1900 by national 
executive board S. D. P. 

May 2.— The postmaster general excludes all anti-imperial pamphlets from the 
mails for the Fhilippines, claiming they are seditious. 

May 4.— Labor Commissioner Powers of Minnesota testifies before the Industrial 
commission that a greater proportion of farmers own their own land than fifty 
years ago. The tendency was toward small farms, he said. Mayor Jones of Toledo 
announces himself an independent candidate for Governor of Ohio. 

May 5.— The Marlboro strike in Massachusetts comes to an end, the operatives re- 
turning to work. It lasted twenty-five weeks, during which time about 5,000 men, 
women and children removed from the city. On account of the foreclosure of 
mortgages some of the operatives will lose their homes. 

May 6.— Rioting at Pana. Ills., between union miners and imported non-union 
negroes results in six deaths and a long list of injured. Andrew Carnegie retires 
from active business life and announces that he will fight trusts. 

May 7 —Report of beef inquiry court is made public. Serious street car strike at 
Duluth, Minn. 

May 10.— Prof. A. 8. Mitchell of Wisconsin testifies before the Pure Food Com- 
mi<«ion that butchers embalm scraps of meat for use in Hamburger steaks. 

May 11 .-James W.Lee of Pittsburg testifies, before the Industrial Commission 
that the Standard Oil Co. crushed his companies and then tried to buy them. In- 
dustrial Commission begins its investigation of trusts. 

May 13.—" €^«n." Jacob S. Coxey tells a Chicaso paper that the trusts are a bless- 
ing as showing " that the entire control of any Industry can be centered under one 
head;' ' 

May 17.— Mayor Jones begins his campaign for governor on an anti-party crusade. 

May 18.— Letter carriers in Paris strike for more pay. Peace congress at the 
Hague opens. 

May 27.— U. S. offer to pay Cuban ex-insurgents to lay down their arms &dls mis- 
erably. Only seven appear to accept pay from the fund of $3,000,000. 

May 28 —About 100 Cubans are persuaded to apply to the fund. 

May 29.— Dreyfus revision hearing begins at Paris. 

June 2.— Count Esterhazy. a fugitive in London, confesses to having written the 
Dreyfus Bordereau, under orders from his superiors. 

June 8.— W, H. Clark of Ohio testifies before the Industrial Commission that the 
Standard Oil Co., for whom he formerly worked, made it a practice to draw four 
alleged different grades of oil from one and the same tank. 

June 12.— French cabinet resigns. 

June 14.— Havemeyer of the sugar trust testifies before Industrial commission. 
President Krueger announces that he will " concede no more to England." 

June 15.— Rioting in the Cleveland street car strike. 

June 16.— Standa*^ Oil Co., increases its capital stock to fll0,O0O,00O. 

June 22.— M. Waldek-Rousseau completes a cabinet for France, containing two 
Socialists. Cr\r\ci\o 

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June 28.— Gov. Pinffreeof Michigan announces in a public statement an alliance 
with Secy. Alger, in me latter's canvas for U. S. Senator. The Italian government 
decides to decree a force bill, to drive out Socialists. 

June 24.— Centrists and Liberals unite with the Socialists in the German reich- 
stag to defeat the strike bill of the government. Geoi^e K. Holmes of the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture testifies before Industrial commission that the average per 
capita earnings of farm laborers in the United States amounts to S226 per annum 
without board, compared with $227 to people engaged in domestic service, $420 
paid to miners, and 9445 paid those engaged in the mechanical arts A statue of 
Thomas Hughes, author and Christian Socialist, is unveiled by the Archbisl^op of 

June 26 —Troops withdrawn from Pana, His. 

June 28.r-Continued disturbance in Brussels. Conference of Reformers opens at 

June 29.~Socialist and Liberal rioting in Brussels over passage of obnoxious 
franchise arguments in the Belgian Chamber of Deputies I^ployes in Governor 
Pingree's shoe factory at Detroit go on a strike, owing to the factory discarding 
the union label. 

June ao.—The Boston & Albany R. R. is leased to the New York Central for OW 

June 30 —Dreyfus is brought back to France from Deyil's Island. 

July 8 —Socialists in Liege and BrusseL protest against Electoral bill. 

Julv 5.— The Michigan supreme court declares law under which Detroit was to 
buv Its street railways, unconstitutional. 

July 10.— The U. S. refuses to arbitrate the claims of the Austrian government 
for damages arising from the death of Austrian subjects in the Hazleton shooting 
in 1897. 

July 15.— Admiral Dewey files his claims for prize money for destroying Spanish 

Julyil6.'-Brooklyn street railway strike begins. 

July 17.— Cleveland street car strike reopens, owing to bad faith on part of com- 

July 18.— Brooklyn strike ezteods to New York. 

July 21.— Troops called out at Cleveland. 

July 24.— Trouble at Cleveland grows more serious for the street car people and 

July 25.— Messenger boys and newsboys strike at Cincinnati. 

July 27.— Two thousand brickmakers strike at Chicago. 
July 28.— The Ruskin colony domain of 1,700 acres is sold. 

July 31.— The Pennsylvania railway establishes a system of old age pensions for 
its employes. 

Aug. 7.— Second trial of Dreyfus begun at Rennes. France. 

Aug. 10.— Edwin Markham's book. *'The Man with the Hoe, and other Poems." 
meets with a big sale. The "Man with the Hoe" does effective propaganda work. 

Sept. 4.— Trades union congress opens at Plymouth, England. 

Sept. 9.— Dreylus seutencedf to ten years imprisonment. 

Sept. 12.— Cornelius Vanderbilt dies, aged 56. 

Sept. 18 —Trust conference at Chicago. 

Sept. 19.— Dreyfus pardoned by French cabinet. 

Sept. 20.-12,000 workmen at Havana strike. 

Sept. 25.— Several judges admit paying heavy assessments to i>olitical parties, in 
New York Mazet investigation. Great lakes engineers secure increase of 20 per 
cent in wages. 

Oct. 9.— The German Socialists meet in Berlin and arrange for International So- 
cialist congress to be held in Paris in 1900. 

Oct. 12.— War is declared between Great Britain and the iioers. 

Oct. 16.— Laurence Gronlund, Socialist author, dies in New York City. 

Oct. 17 —Anti-imperial conventionlin Chicago. Socialists expect to soon control 
the Belgian government. 

Oct. 25.— Grant Allen, scientist, author and Socialist, dies in England. 

Oct. 26.— The will of Cornelius Vanderbilt makes Alfred, the second son. the 
principal heir. He will get about $50,000,000. The other children get about $7,500,- 
000 each. 

Nov. 9.— Nina VanZandt, of Anarchist trial fame, reported dving. 

Nov. 20.— Admiral Dewey transfers the house presented to him to his wife. 

Nov. 23.— Domestic rates of postage are extended to Puerto Rico, the Philippines 
and Guam. 

Nov. 28.— The lower house of the Georgia legislature rejects by an overwhelming 
vote the bill to disfranchise the negro voter. Harper <& Brothers, publishers, fail. 

Nov. 80.— A 11,000,000 steel mill is opened at Birmingham, Ala. 

Dec. 1.— Fall River manufacturers consent to a 10 per cent, advance in wages. 

I ec. ^— For the first time in American history Socialism and capitalism stand 


face to face at the polls. The municipal election at Haverhill results in the trium- 
phant election of John C. Chase, Social Democrat, over the capitalistic combina- 
tion of Eepblicans, Democrats and Prohibitionists. C. H. Coulter is elected mayor 
of Brockton, Mass., carrying every ward in the city. 
Dec. ©.—John Wanamaker testifies before Industrial Commission. 
Dec. 11.— Nineteenth convention of Amencan Federation of Labor meets at De- 
Dec. 13.— Moritz E. Ruther, S. L. P., defeated for re-election as alderman at 
Holyoke, Mass. 

Dec. 14.— Five members of United Metal Workers* Association sentenced at 
Chicago for violating an injunction restraining them with interfering with non- 
union men. . , ^ ^ . 
Doc. 20.— The board of directors of the N. Y. Volkszeitung have passed « vote of 
censure on the editor of the paper for an editorial criticising the S. T. A L. A. and 
the policy of maintaining airival organization to the A. F. of L. 


In 1890 Ezekial Williams, as candidate of the Workingman's party for Governor 
of New York, received (about) 3,000 votes. 

In 1877 the Qxeenback Labor party, with which the Socialist Labor party was 
affiliated, polled 1,366 votes in New York. In Cincinnati the labor ticket polled 
0,000 votes. 

In 1878 the Labor candidate for governor of Ohio got 12,000 votes. 

In 1879 four labor candidates were elected to the common council in Chicago. 
The candidate for mayor received 12,000 votes. 

In 1801 Thos. J. Morgan received 2,600 votes for mayor of Chicago. 

BOCIAIiIBT VOTE IN U. 8. FBOM 1890 TO 1897. . 

California cast 1.611 votes for the Socialist candidate for president in 1800; and 
1,726 (local) in 1807. 

Colorado cast 100 votes in 1806. In 1896 there were 168 votes cast in an election in 
Denver, in 1807 it cast 1,444. 

Connecticut cast 329 Socialist votes for president in 1892. In 1804 it cast 870. In 
1896 it cast 1.228. 

IlUnois cast 1,147 Socialist votes in 1816. 

Indiana cast 824 votes in 1806. 

Iowa cast 537 votes in 1894 and 458 in 1896. In 1897 it cast 910. 

Kentucky cast no Socialist votes up to and including 1896. In 1897 it cast 68 votes 
locally in Louisville. 

Maine cast 83 votes in a local election (Rockland) in 1895. 

Maryland cast 816 votes in 1802. 408 in 1896 and 687 in 1806 ; 606 in 1807. 

Massachusetts cast 1,420 votes in 1891 ; 676 in 1892 ; 2,083 in 1803 ; 8,104 in 1804 ; 3,240 
in 1896 ; and 2,114 in 1896. In 1897 it cast 6,301. 

Michigan cast 358 votes in a local election (Detroit) in 1896 and 207 in the same 
kind of an election in 1806. In 1897 it cast 2.166. 

Minnesota cast 867 in 1806. 

Missouri cast 1,681 votes (St. Louis) in 1808; 1,587 in 1804, and 606 in 1890. 

Nebraska cast 186 votes in 1896. 

New Hampshire cast 228 votes in 1806. 

New Jersey cast 472 votes in 1801 ; 1,888 in 1802 ; 2,018 in 1808 ; 6,300 in 1804 ; 4,147 
in 1896; 8,086 in 1896. In 1897 it cast 4,360. 

New York cast 13.704 votes in 1890: 14,661 in 1891; 17.966 in 1892; 19,984 in 1898 ; 
16,868 in 1804 ; 21,497 in 1806 ; and 17,667 in 1896. In 1897 it cast 20.864. 

Ohio cast 470 votes in a local election (Cleveland) in 1804 ; 1,867 in 1896 and 1,167 
in 1806; In 1807 it cast 4,242. 

Pennsylvania cast 808 in 1892; 1,783 in 1894 ; 1,829 in 1896; and 1.688 in 1896. In 
1807 it cast 5,048. 

Rhode Island cast 592 in 1804 ; 1,780 in 1805 ; 668 in 1806 ; 1,886 in 1897. 

Vermont cast 48 voies in 1806. 

\ irginia cast 108 votes in 1896 ; .628 in 1897. 

Wisconsin cast 1,8U in 1806. 


by Google 


Milwaukee Iiocal Election. Spring, 1898. 

For Mayor— Robert Meister 2,440 

(8. L. P.— 428.) 

For City Treasurer— Foward Tuttle 2,2a') 

For Comptroller— Thos C. P. Myers 2.329 

For City Attorney— Richard Eisner 2.267 

The vote by wards for Mayor was as follows : 1st, 85 ; 2d. 185 ; 8d, 3 ; 4th, 80; 6th, 
46; 6th, 121; 7th, 89; 8th, 73; 9th, 247; 10th, 215; llth, 182; 12th, 105; 13th, 143; 
14th, 50; 15th, 99; 16th, 13; 17th, 86; 18th, S6; 19th, 282; 20th, 284; 21bt, 216. 

Sheboyean, 'Wis., Spring, 1898. 

For Alderman : 

Second Ward— Gust. Bartels 26 

Third Ward— Oscar Loebel 27 

Fourth Ward— Henry Kohlhagen 128 

Fifth Ward— Fred Haack 171 

Seventh Ward— Augrust Mohr 106 

Eighth Ward— Chas. Dehling 100 

Bichmond, Ind , Spring, 1898. 

For Mayor .89 


"Wisconsin, Fall, 1898. 

1st Manitowoc Assembly Dist.— D. R. Giblia 22 

2d Manitowoc Assembly Dist.— Arnold Zander .... 46 

1st Milwaukee Assembly Dist —David White 5L 

2d Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— E. Krupp 102 

8d Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— Geo. Landwehr 45 

4th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— Louis Firnges 80 

5th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— John Heymann 81 

6th Milwaukee Assembly Dist —Edward ZeiRler 98 

8th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— And. Longstad 54 

9th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— P. RonneberKcr 141 

llth Milwaukee Assembly Dist — Jas. Sheehan 118 

12th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— Emil Seidel 404 

16th Milwaukee Assembly Dist.— Jos. Braun 15S 

15th Senatorial Distrint— Abraham Andrews 74 

(Calumet and Manitowoc counties.) 

Wisconsin, Fall, 1898. 

For Governor- Howard Tuttle (S. D. P ) 2 544 

Henry Reise (S. L. PJ • • 1,478. 
Lieutenent Governot— E. P. Hassinger (S. D. P.) 2,535 

H. C. Gauger (S. L. P.) . . . 1.548. 
Secretarylof State— Thos. C. P. Myers (S. D. P.) 2,540 

E. B. Bartelt (S. L. P.) . . 1.550. 

State Treasurer- August Mohr (S. D. P.) 2,591 

C. Emmerich (S. L P) . . . 1,552. 
Attorney General— Richard Eisner (S. D. P.) 2,608 

J Anderson (S. L. P) 1.560. 

State Superintendent-R. O. Stoll (S. D. P.) 2.538 

F. R Wilke (S. L. P 1,566. 

Railroad Commissioner— Chas. Richter (S. D. P.) 2,554 

A. Griefenhagen (S. L. P.) . . .1,579. 
Insurance Commissioner— Eugene H. Rooney (S. D. P.) 2,559 

R. Koeppel (S. L. P) 1.564. 

Fourth Congressional Dist— Louis A. Arnold (S.D.P.) 993 

(S. L. P.) 500. 

Fifth Congressional Dist.— Cteo. J. Eckelman (S. I5, P.) 1,088 

CS.L.P.) 342. Cr\r\ciii 

Digitized by VnOOv It 


Masaachusetts, November, 1898. 

For Governor— Wlnfield P. Porter 8.749 

For Lieutenant Governor— T. M. Skinner 6,899 

For Secretary of State— C. H. Bradley 9,285 

For Treasurer— C. W. White 6,302 

For Auditor— C. S. Grieves. 6,823 

New Hampshire, November, 1808. 

For Governor— Sumner F. Claflin 268 

Haverhill, Mass., November, 1898. 

ForStateSenator, Fourth Essex Dist— J. C.Chase 1,110 

For Representative, Third Essex Dist.— L. M. Scates 674 

For Representative, Fifth Essex Dist— James F. Carey 751 

For Congress, Sixth Dist.— A. L. Gillen 846 

New York City, November, 1898. 

Twelfth Assembly dist.— Jos. Barondess 846 

S. L. P 600. 

Eighth Assembly dist.— Louis MUler 128 

Fourth Assembly dist.— Meyer London • • 272 

Kansas City, November, 1898. 

Vote of S. D. P 82 

Vigo County (Terre Haute) Ind., November, 1898. 

For Sheriff— Henry Stuempfle 260 

Missouri, November, 1898. 

For Judge Supreme Court— Albert Sanderson 1,645 

8. L. P 1,056. 

For Judge Supreme Court, short term— G. A, Hoehn 1,631 

S. L. P. : 1,084. • 

For Supt. Public Schools— Ren dell • • 1 6«6 

For R. R. Commissioner— Stors 1,640 

St. Iiouis Congressional, November, 1898. 

10th Dist.— Keefer 229 

S. L. P 121. 

11th Dist.-Gebelin 149 

8. L. P 144. 

12th Dist.— Tomsen 100 

8. L. P 61. 

St. Louis local vote, 710. 

Newburyport, Mass., November, 1898. 

For Congress, Sixth Dist.— Gillen 108 

Representatives, 22d Essex Dist.— McLean, 117 ; Souther 121 

Springfield, Mass., December, 1898. 

For Common Council— S. M. Jones, 176 ; Eric M. Ericson 99 

Brockton, Mass., December, 1898 

For Mayor— C. H. Coulter 626 

Newburyport, Mass., December, 1898. 

8. D. P 301 

Whitman, Mass., March, 1899. 

For Town Clerk— D. W. Finn 212 

For Selectman— C. K Lowell • • 167 

For Assessor— A. T. Clancy 254 

For Water Commissioner— J. F. Connor 289 

For Park Commissioner— B. V. Lothrop 888 

For Constable— J. E. Burke 264 

For Constable— R. E. McDermott 

Digitized by VjOO^TC 


Amesbury, Mass., March, 1899. 

For Selectman— John Miller 414 

For Selectman—J. H. Maycock 442 

For Selectman— tiason Spofford 522 


For Overseer of Poor— John Miller S83 

For Overseer of Poor— J. H. Maycock 422 

For Overseer of Poor— Jason Spofford 482 

Assessor for 2 years— Jason Spofford 898 

Assessor for 8 years— J. H. Blackstock 472 

Board of Health- Dr J. Q. Adams 511 

School Ck)mmittee— C. S. Wingate * 686 

St. Iioois, April, 1899. 

For City Council— Gebelen, 1,049 ; Sanderson, 1,086 ; Franz, 1,021 ; Bechtold, 1,054; 
Hoehn, 1,017; Tomsen, 1,020. 
For Board of Education— Rendell,;i,292; Meier, 1,307; Putnam, 1,055; Nelson, 1,089. 

Baltimore, Spring, 1899. 

For mayor— C. B. Backman 280 

President of council— E. Jacobson 280 

Comptroller— E. H. Wenzell 291 

Faoiflo, Wis., Spring,: 1899. 

Chairman— Elected. 

Clerk— Elected. 
Treasurer— Elected. 
Justice— Elected. 

Spring Valley, Ills., Spring, 1899. 

For Mayor— James Beattie 106 

City Clerk- James Barrowman 180 

Treasurer— Malcolm Condi 825 

Police Magistrate— Henry Watts 89 

Inspector— Jos Malcor 124 

Alderman— Henrv Morgan 17 

Alderman— Wm. H. James 29 

Alderman— Joseph J. Novek 66 

Alderman— G. M. Schmidt . 42 

Massachusetts, Fall, 1899. 

For Governor— W. P. Porter 8.262 

Lieutenant Governor— T. W. Skinner 8,614 

Secretary— Chaa. H. Bradley 10,281 

Treasurer— Chas. W. White 8,648 

Auditor— Angus McDonald 10.447 

Attorney General— Addison W. Barr 10,847 

Fourth Plymouth (Bockland) District, Mass., November, 1899. 

For Representative — ^Frederic O. McCartney 708 

(Elected, 102 plu.) 

Essex CHaverhill) District, Mass., November, 1899. 

For Representative, 5th dist— James F. iCarey 909 

(Elected, 861 maj) 

Third Representative dist.— Louis M. Scates 814 

Fourth Representative dist.— C. S. Woodcock 465 

Ninth Representative dist— A. L. Gillen 580 

Fourth Senatorial dist.— Jos. W. Bean 3,526 

San Francisco, November, 1899. 

For County Clerk— Mark Bartlett 440 

Auditor— Emil Liess 321 

Supervisors— Max Block, 331 ; H. Warnke 801 

Colorado, November, 1899. 

Social Democratic party— no ticket. 

S. L. P 1,201. 

Digitized by VnOOQlC 


Haverhill, Mass., Deoember, 1899. 

For Mayor— John C. Chase 3,589 


S L P . . . . 50. 

ForAlderman—H.M. Crittenden! '.'..' 3,023 

For Alderman— G. A. Kelley 8,060 

For Alderman— Seth B. Morse 3.144 

For Alderman— P. B. Flanders 8,371 

(Elected— 311 maj.) 

For Alderman— Frank A. Seal 2,864 

For Alderman— Louis M. Scales 8,074 

(Elected— 34 plu.) 
For Alderman— Jos. W. Bean 3,40» 

(Elected— 340 maj.) 

Haverhill, Mass^ December, 1898. 

For Mayor— John O. Chase 2,203 


S L. P 68. 

For Alderman— L. Legacy 1,554 

For Alderman— G. A. Kelley 2.146 

For Alderman— S. Goldman , 1,871 

For Alderman— P. B. Flanders 8,392 


For Alderman— C. A. Frazer , 1.700 

For Alderman— C. H. Bradley 1,921 

For Alderman— J. B. Bean 2,568 

For Councilman— Jos, Bellefeuille 655 

For Councilman— Jas. W. HiUsgrove 655 

For Councilman— A. L. Gillen 847 

For School Committee— N. W, Wasson 618 

For Assistant Asseasor— F. S. Beed 641 


Boston, Deoember, 1899. 

For Mayor— John W. Sherman 912 

S. L. P 951 

For Alderman— Finestone 168 

For Alderman— Kamin 192 

S. L. P 131 

For Alderman— McCarthy 421 

"Worcester, Mass., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— Chas. W. Saunders " 184 

Alderman— Addison W. Barr » 806 

Alderman— T. M. Carpenter 418 

Alderman— Howard A. Gibbs 276 

Chelsea, Mass., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— Charles R. Green 269 

Alderman— Gimpel 897 

Alderman— Miller 486 

Alderman— Pol ack • . . . 351 

Alderman— Casey 831 

Alderman— Hondust 488 

Alderman— Taft 517 

Quincey, Mass., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— G. B. Bates 298 

Councilmen— A. W. Russell, 450; P. M. Carlson. 117: W. M. Packard, 141; G. K. 
Carter, 188; D. Desmond, Jr., 151 ; T. J. Halvoss, 248 ; H. B. Johnson, 110. 

Digitized by 



Bockville, Oonn., Deoember, 1899. 

For Mayor— Wm. P. Lonergan 240 

Cleik— McVeigh 229 

Treasurer— Spielman 228 

Sheriff— Quinlan 229 

Assessor—Gunderman 22 ♦ 

Assessor— Orcutt 229 

Assessor— Kellner ... 229 

Alderman— Pike, 13 ; Theaer, 68. 

Councilmen— Smith, 86 ; Spelmaii,68; Schlaf , 114. 

Iiynn, Mass., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— Ernest W. Timson 457 

S.L.P 380. 

For Aldermen— Gidney, 629; Hitchcock. 454; Jackson, 506; Jones, 666 ; Kilks, 479; 
Lee, 680 ; Miles, 482; Nofcal, 297; Stone, 666. 

Newboryport, Mass., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— Chas. W. Johnson 744 

For Aloerman— S. H. Noyes 248 

For Alderman— George W, Hassey 192 


For Alderman— E. C. Lang 818 

For Alderraan— A. L. Binley 802 

For Councilman— L. A. Thibault 6i 

For Councilman— D. F. Souther 166 

For Councilman— E. K. McLean 88 

For CouncUman— C. E. Preble 48 

For Councilman— T. H. Chishell . . 84 

For Councilman— F. W. Dorr .... 132 

For School Board- Mrs. Elizabeth G. Porter 


Brocton, Mass., December, 1899. 
For Mayor— C. H. Coulter 8,894 

(Elected— 1,646 plu.) 

For Alderman— W. P. Bosworth 335 

For Alderman— Chas. B. Malpas 258 

For Alderman— G. C. Brown 817 

For Alderman— Benjamin Thatcher 286 

For Alderman— Samuel 1,, Beal 651 


For Alderman— W. T. West 178 

For Alderman— Edw. T. Spear • 268 

For Alderman— KdWard D. Perry 860 


For Alderman— (Jeorge H. Sprague 244 

For Councilman— David S. Brothers 826 

For School Board— French, 1,888; Harrington, 1,809; Norling, 1,667. 
To pension firemen, 1,218 maj. 

Maryland, December, 1899. 

For Governor- Jones 482 

Comptroller— Fowler 468 

Attorney General— Backman 496 

Fort Angeles, Wash., December, 1899. 

For Mayor— David O'Brien 60 

Pairhaven, Wash.i December, 1899. 

For Mayor— John Cloak * ... 141 

Lacking but 26 votes of election. 

Ohio, Fall, 1899. 
Social Democratic party— no ticket. 

S, L. P 6016. 

Fall, 1899. 

S. L. P .Kentucky 616 

8. L. P., Maryland 420 

8. L. P., Iowa 796 

8. L. P., Massachusetts 10,778 


by Google 



National Bxeoutive Board— Jesse Cox, chainnsn, Eugene V. Debs, Victor L. 
Berger, Frederic Heath. 

National Head quartdrs— Room 66, 126 Washington St., Chicago, Ills. Theo- 
dore Debs, national secretary-treasurer. 

Official Journal—" Social Democratic Herald ,♦• A. S. Edwards, editor, 126 
Washington St., Chicago, Ills. Price, 50 cents per year. 


"Social Democratic Herald," weekly. Room 56, 126 Washington St., Chicago. 
Price 60 cents a year. 

" Api)eal to Reason," weekly. J. A. Wayland, editor, Girard, Kansas. Price, 60 
cents per vear. 

"Haverhill Social Democrat," weekly. Wm. Mailly, editor, Haverhill, Mass. 
Price, 60 cents per year. 

"Social Democrat," weekly. 614 State St , Milwaukee. Price, 50 cents per year. 

"Coming Nation," weekly. Rui^k n colony, Duke, Georgia. Price 50 cents per 

" Vorwaerts," weekly, 8 pages (German). Victor L. Berger, editor, 614 State St., 
Milwaukee. Price $2.00 per year. 

'• Die Wahrheit/' weekly. 8 pages (German). Victor L. Berger, editor, 614 State 
St., Milwaukee. Price 12 00 per year. 

*• Volks-Anwalt," Weekly (Gtrman). Gustav A. Hoehn. 22 N. Fourth St.. Room 
7, St. Louis. Price f 1.50 per year. 

" Gross— New Yorker Arbeiter Zeitung," weekly (German). 69 Gold St., New 
York City. Price $1 .50 per year. 

" Brockton Journal,'* weekly. John T. Doyle, editor, Brockton, Maf s. Price $1.00 
per year. 

"New Light," weekly. E. E. Vail, editor. Port Angeles, Wash. Price 60 cents 
per year. 

" The Farmers' Review," weekly. W. E. Farmer, editor, Bonham, Texas. Per 
year, 50 cents. 

" Sheboygan Volksblatt," weekly (German). Ogcar Loebel, editor, Sheboygan, 
Wis. Per year, f 1.50. 


James Allman, 408 Plaine St., Newark. N. J. 

Leonard D. Abbott, 886 W. 71st street, New York City. 

Louis A. Arnold, 560 Reed st., Milwaukee, Wis. 

P. P. Ayer, 230 Fifth ave,. Chicago. 

Arthur R. Andre, 1159 Mission St., San Francisco, Cal. 

Victor L. Berger, 614 State st., Milwaukee, Wis. 

Jno. A. Bruell, Pana, 111. 

Mrs. Corinne Brown, 6264 Woodlawn ave.. Chicago, 111. 

Joseph Barondess, 6 Rutgers st , New York City. 

James Beatty, Spring Valley, III. 

Addison W. Barr, Worcester. Mass. 

Chas. B. Backman, 1406 Gough st., Baltimore, Md. 

Charles H Bradley, Haverhill, Mass. 

Joseph W. Bean, Haverhill, Mass. 

William Butscher. 281 Rutlege st.. New York aty. 

W. P. Bosworth, Brockton. Mass. 

Rev. S. L. Beal. Brockton, Mass. 

J. M. Brice, 10 W. Main st , Battle Creek, Mi<ih. 

F. Braun. 381 Marvin ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 

Chas. H. Bechlhold, 705 Delta ave., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Wm Bohn,244 Addison fct., Pittsburg. Pa. 

C. A. Blodgett, 727 27th St.. Milwaukee. 


by Google 



A. B. Cornelias, 474 Chapel St., New Haven, Conn. 

James F. Carey, Hayerhill, Mass. 

Jesse Cox, 106 LaSalle St., Chicago. 

Sumner F. Claflin, Manchester, N. H. 

J. Chapman, New Whatcom, Wash. 

John C. Chase, Mayor's ofllce, Haverhill, Mass. 

Chas. H. Coulter, Mayor's office, Brockton, Mass. . 

A. B. Cornelius, 474 Chapel St., New Haven, Conn. 

Eugene V. Debs, Terre Haute, Ind. 
Theodore Debs, 126 Washington st.. Chicago 
John Doerfler, 701 Winnebago St., Milwaukee. 
Eugene Dietzgen, (in Europe), 1807 Barry ave., Chicago. 
Wm. T. Dwyer, Haverhill, Mass. 

Richard Eisner, 140 North ave., Milwaukee. 
Edward Evinger, Terre Haute, Ind. 
A. S. Edwards, 12« Washington St., Chicago, Ills 
Dr. B H. Enloe, Nashville, Tenn. 

Imqgene C. Fales, Bensonhurst, New York. 
W. £. Farmer, Bonham, Texas. 
Albert E. Forman, 141 1st ave. , Milwaukee. 
Charles Eraser, Haverhill, Mass. 
Parkman B. Flanders, Haverhill, Mass. 
J. F. Fox, 71 N. Park St., Butte, Mont. 
J. L. Franz, 1314 Walnut St., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

F. G. R. Gordon, 614 State St., Milwaukee. 
Paul Grottkau (died Milwaukee June 4, 1898). 
Thos. H. Gibbs, 1740 Welton St., Denver. 

C. S. Grieves, 9 Market St., Amesbury, Mass. 
Dr. J. H. Greer, 52 Dearborn St., Chicago, III. 
Frederick Gesswein, Red Lake Falls, Minn. 


Frank Hlavacek, 1267 Sawyer St., Chicago, Ills. 

G. A. Hoehn, 22 North Fourth St., Room 7, St. Louis- 
Jacob Hunger, 1117 Chestnut St., Milwaukee. 
Margaret Haile, 6 Glen wood ave., Rozbury, Mass. 
Eugene Hough, West Newton, Mass. 

George Howie, Manchester. N. H. 
C. W. Hewitt, Cetton Mill bldg.. Evansville, Ind. 
Henry J. Hartwig, 925 W. Franklin st.. Evansville, Ind. 
W. L. Hamilton, 82B Russell st, Nashville, Tenn. 
Frederic Heath, 182 Mason st., Milwaukee. 


Levin T. Jones, Baltimore. 

Mary G. Jones, " Mother Jones," Girard, Kan. 

Morris JoUes, 71 Poplar st., Boston. 


Sylvester Keliher, care " Indianapolis Press," Indianapolis, Ind. 
Tnomas Kerwin, 2504 Wentworth ave., Chicago. 
George Koop, 610 Claremont ave., Chicago. 
Mr. A. Konikow,1048 Washington st., Boston. 


Emil Liess, San Francisco. 

Isador Ladoff, 878 Astor St., Milwaukee. 

H. 8. Genevra Lake, Olympia, Wash. 

Mary E. Lease. 

Oscar Loebel. Sheboygan, Wis. 

J. H. Xiewis, 2818 Jane St., Pittsburg, Pa. 


by Google 



Frederic O. MeCartney, Rockland, Mass. 

William Mailley, Haverhill, Mass. 

Louis E. Miller, New York. 

Hugo Miller, Indianapolis. 

C. F. Meier, S004 Indiana ave., St. Louis. 

Cteorge Moenchal, 778 Twenty-fifth st., Milwaukee. 

Chas. R. Martin, Tiffin, Ohio. 

August Mohr, Sheboygan, Wis. 

Thos. C. P. Myers, Gen. Dellverv, Milwaukee. 

Robert Meister, 924 Mound st, Milwaukee. 

C. H. Mellen, Somersworth, N. H. 

Angus McDonald, 104 W. Springfield st., Boston. 

Cornelius Mahoney, 165 Frank St., New Haven. 

Wm. Mahoney, 40 B. Second St., Nashville, Tenn. 

James O'Neal, Terre Haute, Ind. 

J. T. Oldham, 614 Spring St., Seattle, Wash. 


I. Phillips, New York. 

Carl PankoDf, 171 Griffith St., Jersey City, N, J. 

Winfield P. Porter, Newburyport, Mass. 

Squire E. Putney, Belmont Court, Somervillc, Mass. 

E. Val Putnam, R. 7, No. 22 N. Fourth st., St. Louis. 

Al. Plerson, Jacksonville, 111. 

Mrs. W. P. Porter, Newburyport, Mass. 

Eugene H. Rooney, Bartlett st., Milwaukee. 
Gustav Richter, 781 1A% St., Milwaukee. 
Joseph H. Roesch, Bridgeport, Conn. 
Dr. J. W. Buminier, Evansvllle, Ind. 


Seymour Stedman, 04 LaSalle st., Chicago. 

Anna Ferry Smith, San Diego, Cal. 

Albert Sanderson, 4225 N. NewBtead avc., St. Louis. 

R. O. Stoll, Eau Claire, Wis. 

P. Schaffer. 1089 Main St., Hartford, Conn. 

Jason Spofford, Amesbury, Mass. 

Nicholas Schwin, Eighth St., Milwaukee. 

Isaac W. Skinner, Brockton, Mass. 

Louis M. Scates, Haverhill, Mass. 

Jno. W. Sherman, 48 Temple st., Boston, Mass. 

Frederick G. Strickland, Chicago. 

Geo. H. Strobell, 44 Hill St., Newark, N. J. 

Elizabeth H. Thomas, 267 Division St., New York City. 

Howard Tuttle, Lisbon ave., Milwaukee. 

John F. Tobin, Boston, Mass. 

Ernest W. Timson, 23 Albany St., Lynn, Mars. 

Wm. A. Toole, 861 Getting si., Baltimore, Md. 


Jos. T. Van Rensselaer, 1618Toberman st., Los Angeles. Cal- 


Jacob Winnen, 860 Blue Island ave., Chicago. 

M. Winchevsky, 144 E 52nd st, New York City. 

Chas. W. White, Winchester, Mass. 

J. C. Wibel, St. Louis. 

Frank S. Walsh, 882 W. Elm st, Brockton, Mass 

Edward Ztegler, 778 Booth St., Milwaukee. 
Julius Zom, 1814 Walnut st, C^iacinnati, Ohio. 


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(Adopfod Chicago, June 21, 1897.) 

We hold that all men are born free, and are endowed with cer- 
tain natural rights, among which are life, liberty and happiness. 
In the light of experience we find that while all citizens are equal 
in theory they are not so in fact. While all citizens have the same 
rights politically, this political equality is useless under the pres- 
ent system of economic inequality, which is essentially destructive 
of life, liberty and happiness. In spite of political equality labor 
is robbed of the wealth it produces. By the development of this 
system it is denied the means of self -employment, and by enforced 
ialeness through lack of employment, is even deprived of the 
necessaries of life. 

To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is the 
direct opposite of our democratic system of politics can be plainly 
traced the existence of a class that corrupts the government, 
alienates public property, public franchises and public functions, 
and holds this, the mightiest of nations, in abject dependence. 

Labor, manual and mental, being the creator of all wealth and 
all civilization, it rightfully follows that those who perform all 
labor and create all wealth should enjoy the fruit of their efforts. 
But this is rendered impossible by the modern system of produc- 
tion. Since the discovery and application of steam and electric 
powers and the general introduction of machinery in all branches 
of industry, the industrial operations are carried on by such 
gigantic means that but few are now able to possess them, and 
thus the producer is separated from his products. 

While in former times the individual worker labored on his own 
account, with his own tools, and was the master of his products, 
now dozens, hundreds and thousands of men work together in 
shops, mines, factories, etc., co-operating according to the most 
efficient division of labor, but they are not the masters of their 
products. The fruits of this co-operative labor are, in a great 
measure, appropriated by the owners of the means of production, 
to-wit by the owners of machines, mines, land and the means of 

This system, by gradually extinguishing the middle class, neces- 
sarily leaves but two classes in our country; the large class of 
workers and the small class of great employers and capitalists. 

Human power and natural forces are wasted by this system 
which makes ** profit" the only object in business. 

Ignorance and misery, with all concomitant evils, are perpetu- 
ated by this system, which makes human labor a ware to be bought 
in the open market, and places no real value on human life. 

Science and invention are diverted from their humane purposes 
and made instruments for the enslavement of men and the starva- 
tion of women and children. 

AVe, therefore, hold that in the natural course of social evolu- 
tion, this system, through the destructive action of its failures 
and crises on the one hand, and the constructive tendencies of its 
trusts and other capitalistic combinations on the other, will anni- 


by Google 


hilate the middle class, the basis upon which this system rests, 
and thereby work out its own downfall. 

We therefore call upon all honest citizens to unite under the 
banner of the Social Democracy of America, so that we may be 
ready to conquer capitalism by making use of our political liberty 
and by taking possession of the public power, so that we may put 
an end to the present barbarous struggle, by the abolition of 
capitalism, the restoration of the land, and of all the means of 
production, transportation and distribution, to the people as a 
collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative common- 
wealth for the present state of planless production, industrial war 
and social disorder — a commonwealth, which, although it will not 
make every man equal physically or mentally, will give to every 
worker the free exercise and the full benefit of his faculties mul- 
tiplied by all the modern factors of civilization and ultimately 
inaugurate the universal brotherhood of man. The Social Dem- 
ocracy of America will make democracy " the rule of the people," 
a truth, by ending the economic subjugation of the overwhelming 
great majority of the people. 

With a view to the immediate relief of the people, all our efforts 
shall be put forth to secure to the unemployed self-supporting 
employment, using all proper ways and means to that end. For 
sucn purpose one of the states of the Union, to be hereafter deter- 
mined, shall be selected for the concentration of our supporters 
and the introduction of co-operative industry, and then ^rsudually 
extending the sphere of our operations until the National Co- 
operative Commonwealth shall be established. 

We also make the following specific 


1. The public ownership of all industries controlled by monopo- 
lies, trusts and combines. 

2. The public ownership of all railroads, telegraph, telephone, 
all means of transportation, communication, water works, gas and 
electric plants, and all other public utilities. 

3. The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper, lead, coal, 
iron and all other mines ; also all oil and gas wells. 

4. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress 
of production. 

6. The inauguration of a system of public works and improve- 
ments for the employment of the unemployed, the public credit 
to be utilized for that purpose. 

6. All useful inventions to be free to all, the inventor to be re- 
munerated by the public. 

7. The establishment of Postal Savings Banks. 

8. The adoption of the Initiative and the Referendum, the Im- 
perative Mandate and Proportional Representation. 


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(Adopted at Chicago June, 1898, and amended by referendum vote 
August, 1899. 

The Social Democratic Party of America declares that life, lib- 
erty and happiness for every man, woman and child are condi- 
tioned upon equal political and economic rights. 

That private ownership of the means of production and distri- 
bution of wealth has caused society to split irto two distinct 
classes, with conflicting interests, the small possessing class of 
capitalists or exploiters of the labor force .of others and the ever- 
increasing large dispossessed class of wage- workers, who are de- 
prived of the socially-due share of their product. 

That capitalism, the private ownership of the means of produc- 
tion, is responsible for the insecurity of subsistence, the poverty, 
misery and degradation of the ever-growing majority of our 

That the same economic forces which have produced and now 
intensify the capitalist system, will compel the adoption of Social- 
ism, the collective ownership of the means of production for the 
common good and welfare, or result in the destruction of civiliza- 

That the trade union movement and independent political ac- 
tion are the chief emancipating factors of the working class, the 
one representing its economic, the other its political wing, and 
that both must co-operate to abolish the capitalist system of pro- 
duction and distribution. 

Therefore, the Social Democratic party of America declares its 
object to be the establishment of a system of co-operative produc- 
tion and distribution through the restoration to the people of all 
means of production and distribution, to be administered by or- 
ganized society in the interest of the whole people, and the com- 
plete emancipation of society from the domination of capitalism. 

The wage-workers and all those in sympathy with their historical 
mission to realize a higher civilization should sever connection 
with all capitalist and reform parties and unite with the Social 
Democratic party of America. 

The control of political power by the Social Democratic Party 
will be tantamount to the abolition of capitalism and of all class 

The solidarity of labor connecting us with millions of class- 
conscious fellow-workers throughout the civilized world will lead 
to international Socialism, the brotherhood of man. 

As steps in this direction, we make the following demands : 

1. Revision of our antiquated Federal Constitution, in order to 
remove the obstacles to full and complete control of govern- 
ment by all the people, irrespective of sex. 

2. The public ownership of all industries controlled by monopo- 
lies, trusts and combines. 

3. The public ownership of all railroads, telegraph, telephone, 
all means of transportation, communication, water- works, gas and 
electric plants, and all other public utilities. 


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4. The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper, lead, iron, 
coal and all other mines ; also of all oil and gas wells. 

5. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the increas- 
ing facilities of production. 

6. The inauguration of a system of public works and in^prove- 
ments for the employment oi a large number of the unemployed, 
the public credit to be utilized for that purpose. 

7. All useful inventions to be free for all, the inventor to be re- 
munerated by the public. 

8. Labor legislation to be made national, instead of local, and 
international where possible. 

9. National insurance of working people against accidents, lack 
of employment and want in old age. 

10. Equal civil and political rights for men and women, and the 
abolition of all laws discriminating against women. 

11. The adoption of the Initiative and Referendum, and the 
right of recall of representatives by the voters. 

12. Abolition of war as far as the United States are concerned, 
and the introduction of international arbitration instead. 

Note. — The Demands for Farmers, which was dropped by refer- 
endum, will be found in the article headed "Socialist Controversies 
of 1899.'' 



Which contains the pictures and biographies of German, English 
and American leaders- 
Marx, Eneels, Liebknecht, Bebel, Ruskin, Morris, Hyndman, 
Blatchford, Bellamy, Gronlund, Wayland, Stetson, Vail, Debs, 
Carey, Edwards, Gordon, Berger and others. Fifty pages 8x11 on 
plate paper. Price 25 cents, while the edition lasts. 

Box 339. CHAKL.GS R. MARTIN, Tiffin, O. 


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An up-to-date analysis of Modem Socialism. 

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PRIOE $1.25. 



With Introduction by EuRene V. Debs. 

Almost two million copies of this wonderful book 
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Terro Haute, Ind. 


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Social Democratic Herald. 


The Social Democratic Party 


Published Wcckly^ 

50 cents a yean 

Advocates the Collective Ownership and Administration 
of the Means of Production and Distribution. 

Send for sample copy. 


126 Washington St. Chicago^ Ills. 


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The Pullman Strike. 


Pastor of First Methodist Church of Pullman, Ills. 

Mr. Carwardine's book has a permanent value. The Pull- 
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Progressive Thought Library 


Liberty Debs . . 

Merrie England Blatckford 

Mumcipal Socialism Gordon . 

Prison Liibor . Dehs . . 

8o(nalit^ni and Slavery Hyndman 

Government Ownership of Railways . Gordon . 

Oration on \^oltaire Victor Hugo 

Evolution of Industry Watkim 

Hard Times; Cause and Cure .... Gordon . 
Woman: Past, Pre^^ent and Future . . Behel . . 

The Fed Light Cusmn . 

Tlie Pullman Strike Cmmardin 

Co-operative Commonwealth .... Gronlund 
Tlie New Economv Gronlund 

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Really Reference Alexander , 

locomotive Hunning and Manage- ) a^ r - 
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Digitized by VjOOQIC 

The Social Democratic Party 


A NatioDal and International Political Party which Stands 

for the Collective Ownership of the Means of 

Production and Distribution. 

The Socialist Commonwealth 

Local Branches can he organized witli 
five or more members. 

Socivilists everywhere are invited to join and extend the 
scope and power of the organization. 

Write for copy of Constitution and further informa- 
tion to 


Isational ^^ecretary, 

126 Washington St. Chicago, Hk, 

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Please return promptly. 

JUL 2 3 '56 H 



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