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W O R K c R 5 ■ A R i ■ 


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Published by 


114 West 14th Street, New York 11, N. Y. 

For the 


Set up, printed and bound by union labor 

What Do the Socialists Want? 

Vy HAT is socialism? What do the socialists want? 

The simplest way to find the answer to these questions is to ask 
yourself: "What do / want? What do the tens of millions like me 
throughout the world want?" 

Everyone has different tastes, different ambitions, different 
hopes. But almost all are agreed in wanting durable peace in a 
world free of the scourge of war; security and prosperity in place of 
unemployment and low standards of living; freedom and equality 
in place of special privileges, special rights and special powers for 
the minority, in place of the rule of the many by the few. 

These are just the things that the socialists want and that social- 
ism aims to achieve. The socialists differ from all others who want 
the same things, or say they want them, in three respects. First, be- 
cause they show why we do not have peace, security, prosperity, free- 
dom and equality today and why we cannot have them for the great 
mass of the people so long as the present social order exists. Second, 
because they show just what the great mass of the people have to do 
in order to get what they want. Third, because they work unceas- 
ingly to bring together in'an organized, systematic way all those who 
are able and willing to fight for the things we want. 

The social system under which most of the people of the world 
live today is known as capitalism. It; is based on the ownership of 
the big industries banks, sources of raw materials and means of 
transportation by a few gigantic monopolies and trusts, and the 
production of goods for profit. 

Socialists do not hide the fact that they are consistent enemies 
of capitalism. They aim to replace capitalism by socialism not only 
because it is possible to do so but because it is absolutely necessary 
to the maintenance and the progressive development of society. We 
hold that capitalism has outlived its usefulness. We are convinced 
that if capitalism is allowed to continue, we will be plunged into 
barbarism. In a word, we hold that capitalism is bankrupt and that 
if humanity is to. advance it must move on to socialism. 

Before we examine the question of what a socialist society 

would be like and how it would satisfy the wants of the people, let 
us see what evidence there is of the bankruptcy of capitalism. 

The Bankruptcy of Capitalism 

Take, first of all, the question of durable peace* Nobody but 
a madman wants war for the sake of war, bloodshed lor the sake of 
bloodshed. Surely, not even the capitalist world is ruled and con- 
trolled by madmen in the literal sense of the word, that is, by men 
who are mentally diseased and perverted to such a degree that they 
deliberately sit down to plot war after war because they delight in 
seeing millions killed, millions more suffer, and cities and whole 
countries ruined* We are not ruled by madmen— at least not by that 
kind of madmen. 

Yet, in 1914, we had the first big World War, with countless 
dead and wounded, with frightful sufferings and enormous losses 
of wealth. When the war finally came to an end, all the rulers 
swore solemnly that there would never be another war, that they 
were determined to unite all their energy and power to prevent it, 
thereby assuring the people of the world a permanent peace* But 
the world knew no real peace even after 1918, Year after year, there 
was a war on a large or small scale in one part of the world or an- 

Then in 1939, less than a generation after the outbreak of the 
First World War, every important country was hurled into the 
most colossal and most destructive global war in history. It differed 
from the First World War in that this time there was even more 
devastation, more wreckage, more thoroughgoing ruin of cities ami 
whole countries, more killed and maimed, more intense suffering by 
many more people. 

How could such a monstrous slaughter take place? I,et us as- 
sume, for a moment, that the war was unleashed by German fas- 
cism. In a sense, that is true. But then we woidd have to ask; Who 
and what permitted German fascism to come to power and to grow 
so strong that it endangered the peace of the world? Why did the 
rulers of the other countries, representing more than ninety per 
cent of the world's population, fail to preserve the peace? 

The causes of the Second World War are basically tin* same as 
the causes of the First World War* Just as every capitalist tries to 
expand his profit and power at the expense of every rival capitalist* 
so every capitalist nation tries to expand its power and ride at the 
expense of every rival capitalist nation. Every one of them seeks to 
hold on to its colonies, its "spheres of influence," its sources of raw 
materials and cheap labor, its fields of profitable investment, its con- 


trol of foreign trade. Every one seeks to acquire more and more of 
them. They are in continual rivalry and conflict, one with the 
other. When "peaceful" methods of stealing; from each other no 
longer work, they resort to armed force. Then we have war* Mil- 
lions are put into uniforms, armed to the teeth with every modern 
device of destruction, and ordered to blow the other side to bits in 
order to decide which capitalist power will be highest on the list of 
world rulers, which will be next highest, and -so on down the line. 

We see this most clearly after the "enemy" has been defeated, for 
that is when the victors fall out among themselves and start the 
open struggle to determine who is to get the greatest share of the 
loot* Anyone with eyes in his head could see that in 1918, at the end 
of the First World War, and he can nee it again now that the Sec* 
ond World War is aver. 


Capitalism Means War 

During the war, when the people are bitter over the thought 
of their disrupted lives, the slaughter and ruin into which they 
have been flung, the air is thick with promises of the lasting peace 
that will follow the war. Once the war is over, the air thickens with 
preparations for the war to come. Each power once more jockeys 
for favorable position; each one trains and prepares its army and 
navy; each one concentrates on developing more diabolical means 
of warfare; each one scrambles for allies against the others for the 
next, inevitable battle. 

In less than one generation we have had two World Wars. The 
threat of war is always present. Solemn promises about peace, sol- 
emn documents in favor of peace, even if signed by every nation in 
the world, eloquent speeches against war— these represent no seri- 
ous guarantees. They not only do not bring the dead back to life, 
but they give no assurance whatsoever that the child born today is 
not growing up to perish in another "war to end all wars." The peo- 
ple have been given such promises and documents and speeches be- 
fore- But the Second World War broke out nevertheless. And, so 
long as capitalism exists, with its feverish hunt for more profit and 
greater profit, with its irrepressible rivalry between capitalists and 
between big capitalist powers, so long will the peoples of the world 
be cursed with imperialist wars in which they are destroyed or im- 
poverished. Durable peace is a myth under capitalism. A social 
order that cannot assure peace to a single generation is a bankrupt 
social order. High time it were destroyed, before it destroys all hu- 

Security and Prosperity 

Or take the question of security and prosperity. Subject capi- 
talism to the test, not in some small or backward country, but in 
the most powerful, most richly-endowed, most advanced country of 
the world, the United States. To say that capitalism has failed in 
a country like Bulgaria or Portugal because it has not brought se- 
curity and prosperity to the people, might be answered with the 
argument that the example is not a fair one. But if it is shown that 
capitalism has failed to provide security and prosperity to the peo- 
ple of a. mighty country like the United States, it can safely be said 
that capitalism cannot succeed in this aim anywhere. 

In 1929, the United States fell into the grip of a severe indus- 
trial and financial crisis. Banks collapsed, production declined every- 
where and in some plants came to a complete standstill; millions 

were thrown out of work for years, the living standards o£ the work- 
ers, the farmers and the middle classes fell eatastrophically. Was the 
crisis the result of the Hoover Administration? It would certainly 
be a superficial conclusion to come to, if only because practically 
every capitalist country in the world suffered from the same crisis 
to one extent or another. It was a crisis of capitalism, of capitalist 
production, of production for profit, and not a crisis of this or that 
government administration. 

First under the Hoover Administration and then under the suc- 
cessive Roosevelt Administrations, the best brains of capitalist so- 
ciety—industrialists, bankers, economists, scientists, statesmen— tried 
their skill at solving the crisis, You would think that the solution 
was a comparatively simple and easy one. On the one hand you had 
all the necessary (and very modern and efficient) machinery and 
tools and plants, the raw materials, and millions of workers able 
and anxious to produce. On the other hand, you had tens of mil- 
lions of people who wanted and needed the most elementary prod- 
ucts of industry, such as food, clothing and shelter, to say nothing 
of better educational, medical, transportation and cultural facilities. 
Open the idle factories, put the unemployed to work at decent 
wages, produce the goods needed by the people! If more than 
enough can be produced by the working force ami the modernized 
methods of production, then cut the working day of all workers so 
that they can have more free time to devote to themselves! 

Capitalism Means insecurity 

This simple and easy solution did not, however, occur to the 
best brains of capitalism, and if it did* it could not be applied under 
capitalism. Capitalism produces only when there is a profit for the 
owner of capital* When there profitable market for his prod- 
uct, the capitalist will not produce, no matter how great and urgent 
the need of the people for work, for food, for clothing and shelter, 
for a decent living standard, for security. 

Under Hoover, representing one type of capitalist statesman, 
we had millions of unemployed, apple-selling, "Hoovervilles," and 
the shooting of World War I veterans in Washington. Under Roose- 
velt, representing another type of capitalist statesman, we had heavy 
governmental subsidies to the big corporations, we had organized 
scarcity in the form of "'■plowing under" in order to encourage profit- 
able-production, we had better relief for the unemployed— but the 
unemployed still counted in the millions and the crisis remained 

How was the crisis finally "solved"? How was unemployment 

completely overcome? How did every factory and mine and rail* 
road get into motion again? Only with the outbreak of the war and 
the shift to war production! 

Here is something to think about and think about deeply. 
When millions were unemployed in the richest country of the world, 
when millions were uncertain about their next meal, the next 
month's rent; a new outfit of clothes to replace the wornout rags, 
when all the industry was available to produce food, clothing and 
homes in abundance— capitalism and all the statesmen of capital- 
ism were helpless in dealing with the situation. Millions of tons of 
food were deliberately destroyed, with the government paying pro- 
ducers to destroy them! Factories remained closed, or opened up for 
partial production only when assured of a profit or a government 
subsidy; Millions of men and women willing to work could get no 
work and had to be content with government relief which was just 
about enough, in the best of cases, to keep body and soul together. 

Capitalism Produces for War, Not Peace 

But— as soon as the country was sent into war, all those who 
were not drafted were soon absorbed into production. Not only the 
former unemployed, but millions of men, women and young people 
who had never been employed before were taken into industry. Not 
only were the idle plants of yesterday opened, and put on a full-time 
or double-shift or even a round-the-clock schedule, but the govern- 
ment poured billions of dollars into setting up new plants and in* 
dus trial enterprises all over the country* Unemployment came to 
an end! The crisis was overl Production reached its highest former 
peak and then went 'way above it to a height never before known 
in the history of any country! 

What xnade this economic miracle possible when it had seemed 
so impossible before? A new Administration? No, the same Admin- 
istration held office in the country before the war began as well as 
afterward. All that changed was this: the country was organized for 
war-production ; and the most profitable war-production imagin- 

The exceptionally important significance of this should be clear 
to everyone. When it was necessary to produce such things as food, 
clothing and shelter for the hungry, the ragged and the homeless, 
when millions wanted work just in order to live, the machinery of 
production could not be brought into full operation either by Hoo- 
ver, Roosevelt or any other champion of capitalism. Full produc- 
tion became possible only when all economic life was arranged to 
provide the means of killing and destroying on the vastest scale ever 


known. To maintain life, capitalism could not be made to work. To 
spread death, capitalism worked at full blast. And now that the war 
is over, and production can no longer be concentrated on battle- 
ships and bombers, rifles and flamethrowers, uniforms, and artil- 
lery and other means of death and destruction, millions are again 
faced widi unemployment, insecurity and poverty. 

What more damning indictment of capitalism could be made 
than it has already given of itself! In peacetime, wholesale insecu- 
rity, wholesale destitution. In wartime, wholesale death, wholesale 
destruction. These are the marks of the bankruptcy of capitalism. 



Freedom and! Equality 

Take, finally, the question of freedom and equality. Where 
wealth is concentrated, power is concentrated. The wealth of our 
society is made up mainly and primarily of the means of producing 
and distributing the necessities of life. Whoever has this wealth has 
the power to rule society and dominate the life of all others. The 
longer capitalism lives, the more this wealth and power are con* 
centrated in the hands of fewer and fewer monopolists, the giants 
of industry and finance. Every day the lives of millions and hun- 
dreds of millions, the workers, the farmers and even the middle 
classes, become more and more dependent upon these powerful 
few, the tiny minority of capitalist monopolists. 

Where such power is in the hands of a ruling, exploiting, op- 
pressing minority, all talk of genuine freedom is nonsense. All talk 
of genuine equality between those who have the power and those 
over whom they exercise this power, is likewise nonsense- With the 
economic and political power they have at their disposal, they con- 
trol the newspapers, the radio, the screen; the schools, the churches, 
the legislatures, the courts, the police, the main political parties, 
and all other means for shaping the minds and controlling the 
bodies of the people. 

What is worse is that the longer capitalism is allowed to exist, 
the greater becomes the inequality— social, economic and political 
—and the lesser becomes the freedom of the people in general and the 
working class in particular. 

The more discontented the masses of the people become over 
the conditions to which capitalism reduces them/ the more deter- 
mined are the capitalists to rule over the people, to keep them docile 
and silent. The more desperately workers fight for a better living 
standard, or against a worsening living standard, the more violently 
the capitalists seek to maintain their power and their profits. The 
more hopefully the oppressed peoples and nations, especially in the 
colonial countries, fight for freedom and self-government, the' more 
viciously they are brutalized by their foreign capitalist taskmasters. 

Capitalism Nurtures Fascism 

That is why, in country after country, capitalism has given 
rise to fascist or other reactionary dictatorships/ That is why you 
always find capitalists and whole capitalist groups stimulating and 
financing reactionary and fascist movements* That is why even the 
democratic capitalist countries adopt more and more reactionary 
social legislation, anti-labor laws, restrictive laws on democratic 





rights. The older and more degenerate capitalism becomes, the more 
reactionary it gets, the crueller its attacks on freedom, the greater 
Inequality it introduces. 

While profits such as they never dreamed of before flowed into 
the pockets of the big corporations of the United States during the 
war, one after another of labor's rights were abrogated. Its wages 
were frozen; its jobs were frozen; its draft status was at the mercy 
of the employer. This is only a beginning, and it is not confined to 
wartime. What is in store for labor and all other working people 
can best be seen in other capitalist countries. Labor *s right to organ* 
Ize and strike is first whittled down; then it is abolished. The right 
to vote, the right to representative government, the right to free 
speech, free press and free assembly, are at first whittled down, and 
then abolished. For ten per cent of the American population, the 
Negroes, these rights do not exist todayl Anti-Semitism, Jim Crow, 
all sorts of vicious racial, national and religious discrimination and 
antagonism are tolerated, then promoted, then officially enforced. 

On an international scale, capitalism is reaction rampant. It 
robs more and more people of their most elementary right, the right 
to govern themselves, the right of self-determination. It reduces 
free peoples to slavery and keeps the slave people in subjugation. It 
makes concentration camps out of whole nations or transports mil- 
lions from one land to another like cattle. It takes innocent peoples 
and makes forced-labor slaves out of them. It punishes the oppressed 
for the crimes of the oppressor. What the Hitlerites did to so many 
nations and peoples of Europe, the Allies now seek to do not only 
to the defeated countries but even to some of the victorious ones. 
Capitalism reeks more and more of the slave-market. Every day it 
lives it brings us a step closer to barbarism. It is a decaying monster 
that can be kept alive only by feeding on the life, liberty and happi- 
ness of the millions. It will destroy us unless we destroy it* 



Socialism Is An Ideal — But 
Also A Necessity! 

ogialism means peace, security, prosperity, freedom and equal- 
ity—all the things that the working people, the little people of so- 
ciety, have always wanted and longed for. Decades ago, socialism 
could be looked upon as a noble ideal, but nothing more than a 
noble ideal. Today it is more than an ideal, it is an urgent neces- 

What is this ideal which is also a necessity? 

Socialism is the common ownership of the means of production 
and exchange and their democratic organization and management 
by all the people in a society free of classes, class divisions and class 
rule. Socialism is the democratic organization of production for use, 
of production for abundance, of plenty for all, without the exploita- 
tion of man by man. Socialism is the union of the whole world into 
an international federation of free and equal peoples, disposing in 
common of the natural resources and wealth, the highways and sea- 
lanes, of our earth. 

Can this great ideal ever be realized? 

It can and must be realized if society is to be maintained and 
advanced to the new, high level of. historical development that lies 
before it. It can be realized because it is capitalism itself that has 
prepared the two main and indispensable conditions for socialism. 

The first condition is such a highly developed industry, such 
a highly developed technique of production,, such a highly devel- 
oped social (instead of individual) way of producing the means of 
life, that it is now possible to organize our economic life to produce 
in abundance for all in a minimum of working time. The second 
condition is the development of a modern working class whose. in- 
terests are so diametrically opposed to the interests of the capitalist 
class that it is compelled, in sheer self-defense, to replace capitalism 
by a rational socialist society, and which is so numerous and 
mighty that it is able to replace capitalism by socialism. 

Capitalism has already established the great industrial plant, 
the highly-centralized machinery of production and distribution. 


It is only necessary for the working class, in the name and interests 
of society as a whole, to take the huge monopolies and trusts out of 
the hands of the capitalist monopolists and place them into the 
hands of the nation as a whole led by this same working class. Ihe 
nationalization of the big monopolies and trusts is the first neces- 
sary and indispensable step toward the common ownership and 
democratic organization of the means of production, that is, toward 
socialism itself. 

Can socialism organize production and distribution in the in- 
terests of society as a whole, providing abundance, security and free- 
dom for all? 

Yes, socialism and only socialism! Under socialism, production 
is organized for use, -not for profit. Production is carried on in a 
planned, centralized, .democratically-controlled way, not on the 
basis of whether or not the private capitalist can make a profit on 
the market. Where production is planned, all the needs and com- 
forts of society can easily be provided for, year in and year out. 
Every new invention, every improvement and advance in the held 
of production, would mean not only a higher standard of living 
for all, but a constant reduction in the working-day, that is, m the 
work-share that every member of society contributes to the com- 
munity. Every increase in the leisure time of the people would mean 
an increase in the time to be devoted to art and science, to the cul- 
tural and spiritual development of each and of all. The machinery, 
the raw materials, the working force, the skill required to produce 
abundance for all, is already available. It is only necessary to free 
them from the paralyzing hand of capitalism and production-for- 




profit in order to organize them in a rational and democratic man- 

Socialism Means Abundance far All 

Where there is abundance for all, the nightmare of insecurity 
vanishes* There are jobs for all, and they are no longer dependent 
on whether or not the employer can make a fat profit in a fat mar- 
ket. There is not only a high standard of living, but every industrial 
advance is followed by a rising standard of living and a declining 

I working-day* 

) Where there is abundance for all, and where no one has the 

| economic power to exploit and oppress others, the basis of classes, 

class division and class conflict vanishes. The basis of a ruling state, 
of a government of violence and repression, with its prisons and po- 
lice and army* also disappears, Police and thieves, prisons and vio- 

! lence are inevitable where there is economic inequality, or abun- 

dance for the few and scarcity for the many. They disappear when 
there is plenty for all, therefore economic equality, therefore social 

Wlxere there is abundance for all, and where all have equal 

: access to the fruits of the soil and the wealth of industry, the mad 

conflicts and wars between nations ami peoples vanish. With them 
vanishes the irrepressible urge that exists under capitalism for one 
nation to subject others, la rob it of its rights, to exploit and op- 
press it, to provoke ami maintain the hideous national and racial 
antagonisms that cling to capitalism like an ineradicable blood- 

Abundance fat All Means Fteedarn 

Where man is free of economic exploitation, of economic in- 
equality, of economic insecurity* lie is free for the first time to de- 
velop as a human being among his fellow human beings* free ta 
contribute to the unfolding of a new culture and a new human race, 
which recalls the capitalistic war of all against all only as a sordid 
and horrible memorv of mankind's iiidv childhood. 

To the achievement of this noble ideal which is a burning ne~ 
}- ■ cessity* socialism addresses itself firstly and above all to the mem- 

| hers of the working class. History has given them the lofty task of 

I making a reality out of the ideal* They are the most numerous class 

f in present-day society. They are the best organised and best trained 

class, and the most democratically representative of all the people 
****Ied by monopoly capitalism, But not only that* The conditions of 


existence to which capitalism condemns them, forces them, day in 
and day out, to fight against these very conditions. This fight cannot 
be conducted consistently nor, in the long run, successfully, unless 
it becomes a conscious fight against the whole rotten foundation of 
capitalism and for laying the foundation of socialism. 

"^M-eSEDE 33 " 

C*»*& jr 



The Workers Party and 


W e of the Workers Party— which is a party o£ revolutionary, 
international socialism— are organized to make the working class 
conscious o£ its historical mission, of the great part it must play in 
leading and reorganizing society itself. We are part and parcel of 
the working class and the labor movement, fighting not only for its 
great future, but also for its present, for its interests and demands 
of today. 

That is why we appear in the New York municipal election-— 
as in every election campaign in which we are able to participate— * 
not only as the party of socialism, but, precisely because we are so- 
cialist working men and working women, as the party which has a 
platform that represents the immediate needs, the immediate inter- 
ests of labor. 

We do not -say to the workers: "Fix, your eyes so rigidly on the 
socialist future that you ignore the needs and battles of the day." 
Rather, we say: "Precisely because socialism is the future, because 
it is the solution of the social problem, we support every light and 
every demand of labor today which strengthens the working class, 
which gives it a stronger position in society, which increases its self- 
confidence and militancy, which pits it against its mortal enemy- 
capitalism and the capitalist class—which strengthens its indepen- 
dence, and which, therefore, brings it a step further along the road 
of struggle for the socialist future." 

We are not the conservative brand of "socialist" of the Social- 
ist Party type, which constantly wavers between working class-poli- 
tics and action and capitalist politics. Neither are we partisans in 
any way of the so-called "Communist*' Party which merely seeks to 
bring the labor movement and the working class under the despotic 
sway of the totalitarian bureaucrats of Russian "socialism," that is, 
of the Stalinist reaction. We are for the militant, working class, rev- 
olutionary socialism of the great founders and teachers of the scien- 


tific socialist movement, for working-class democracy, for socialist 


We do not believe that a well-cast vote will solve the problems 
facing the working class. If we appear in this municipal campaign 
with a platform and a candidate for the office of Mayor of New 
York City, it is first of all with the aim of presenting our views to 
the widest possible sections of the working class, and with the aim 
of winning and recording in the elections their support for these 


That is what a vote for the platform of the Workers Party, and 
for its candidate for Mayor, means in this election. It means record- 
ing yourself in favor of the fighting labor demands of our party. It 


means recording yourself in favor of our main watchword through- 
out the land at present: "Jobs for All! A Guaranteed Minimum An- 
nual Wage for Every Worker! An Independent Labor Partyl A 
Workers' Government in the United States!" 

It means more than this, however, It means also recording your- 
self clearly for the Workers Party as the party of socialism. It means 
that you join, in so far as an election ballot permits you to do so, 
with those other working men and working women who wish to 
record their opposition to the capitalist social order of war, exploi- 
tation, oppression, poverty and misery, and at the same time their 
allegiance to the great catise of socialism and freedom 1 

Vote for the platform of the Workers Partyl 

Vote your socialist convictions! 

Vote for Max Shachtman, candidate of the Workers Party for 
Mayor of the City of New York I 

This speech, delivered by Max Shachtman, candidate of 
the Workers Party for Mayor of New York City* Is pub* 
lished in pamphlet form for national distribution* The 
question discussed Is one of general interest* 

We m$k you fo turn the page* Fill out the blank for fur* 
fher Information* for a subscription to our paper, LABOR 
ACTION* and for purchase of our other publications. 


Workers Party Program for Organized! Labor 


1* Full Unemployment Insurance 

Full unemployment insurance beginning with $30 a week for sin- 
gle men and women and graduated upward for dependencies to all 
workers for whom government and industi^y do not find jobs* 

Z* Less Hours<— More Pay 

Absorption of all workers thrown into unemployment during re- 
conversion by reduction of the work-week with no reduction in 
weekly take-home pay. 

3* Jobs and Full Opportunities for Yeterans 

Two years' base pay grant to all demobilized veterans, with the 
option of trade school and higher educational facilities at govern- 
ment expense, guarantee of adequate family maintenance and guar- 
antee of decent jobs. 


4* Jobs For All at a Guaranteed! Annual Living Wage 

A job for every worker with a guaranteed minimum annual wage 
of |2,500 per year- A rising standard of living, by means of govern- 
ment planning to insure the highest national production and in- 

5* A Planned Rise in National Income 

A guaranteed $5,000 annual income to all workers* families by 
means of a planned rise in the national income and a thirty-hour 
maximum work week* 

6. For a Democratic Peace 

Against peacetime military conscription of American youth t For a 
truly democratic peace, which means no land-grabbing under any 
pretext; no reparations; no slave labor* Complete independence 
for all colonies and subject peoples and the right of all people, to 
democratically decide their own future. 

7. Full Social. Political and Economic Equality for Negroes 

Complete democratic rights. The right to vote, to run for and hold 
any elective or appointive office, North and South. The right to 
equality in employment; to hold any job, skilled or unskilled. The 
right to be free from insult, segregation and Jim Growism; any* 
where and in any place; North or South. 



8. Clear the Slums 

A $250 billion five-year program to provide decent housing for all, 
extensive public works, rural electrification and modernization. 

9. Nationalize Big Business 

Nationalization of the banks, big industrial monopolies and trans- 
portation systems, and no handing over of government-built and 
owned plants and facilities to private ownership. 

10. Raise the Money by Taxing the Profiteers 

A 100 per cent tax on all war profits above a five per cent maximum 
on invested capital; a $25,000 ceiling on total individual income, 
and a graduated capital levy on all accumulated wealth over $50,000 
to cover war costs and provide post-war security for labor. 


11* Workers* Control of Production 

Control of production by democratically-elected workers* commit- 

12* An independent tabor Party and a Workers* Government 

For a Socialist America with Plenty For All! 

Make the machines that now produce only for war and capitalism 
produce for the needs of all the people! 





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The Meaning of Socialism 


A Popular Presentation of the 
Socialist Viewpoint 

Why There Is an Age of Plenty 

Why There Is Poverty in This Age of Plenty 

Who Controls the Wealth Labor Produces 

Why There Are Rich and Poor 

What an Equitable Society Is 

How It Can Be Achieved 

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Request Date: 13-OCT-2009 

Expiration Date: 16-OCT-2009 

ILL Number: 


"S € 

ILL Number: 3453550 

Call Number: N/A ~ Q / q 

Format: Monograph 

Author: Schachtman, Max, 

Title: Socialism, the hope of humanity. 

Pub. Place: New York ; Workers Party, 1945. 

Interlibrary Loan 

Patron Name: Wright, Jonathan 

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Delivery Method: Library Mail 

Request Note: FAX/ARIEL:512-245-3002/Ariel OCLC Req. Ex. Source: 

Need by Date: 12-NOV-2009 

Verification Source: <TN:194056> OCLC 

Supplier R rf ,™c,:| i|i ||||| ii| || 

Supplier Reference: ILLNUM:58563412 
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t 12L 

TGQ or OCLC #: 

TGQ or OCLC #: 58563412 


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Service Type: Loan 
Max Cost: USD50 
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