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VOL. XVII— No. II Tolal 726 



Socialist Party Conventioit Reaffirms 
Need For Continued Electoral Action 

DETROIT — A resolution favoring continuation 
of' straight Socialist electoral activity on as broad 
a scale as possible was adopted by the 27th na- 
tional convention of the Socialist Party here last 
week by a vote of 64 to 42. The resolution pro- 
posed by a majority of the old national executive 
committee which called for limitation of electoral 
activity was defeated by a vote of 70 to 37. 

The convention majority, headed by Darling- 
ton Hoopes, Raymond Hofses, Samuel H. Fried- 
man, Jasper McLevy and Robin Myers, and un- 
expectedly supported by a compromise group 
headed by Irving Barshop, insisted that partici- 
pation in national campaigns was necessary for 
"our political survival as an entity which attracts 
some measure of journalistic and popular atten- 
tion, and for the educational opportunity it 

The- majority, however, cautioned against "a 
futile running of candidates as a ritual" and de- 
cided that "the national convention should de- 
^'Tcide on presidential campaigns, state bodies in 
consultation with the national executive com- 

mittee on state offices and so down to the low- 
est offices." 

"No local, state or national committee shall be 
permitted under any circumstances., to endorse" 
or support any candidates running on either the 
Democratic or Republican tickets or in their pri- 
maries, insisted the majority. 

The minority, headed by Norman Thomas, 
Aaron Levenstein, Maynard C. Krueger, Tucker 
P. Smith and Harry Fieischman, cited past elec- 
toral failures of the party and insisted that the 
party could convert labor to Socialism and cap- 
italize on the recent wholesome interest of labor 
in pohtics "only as we are able to work with 

The minority would run party campaigns "only 
where circumstances make campaigns specifical- 
ly and practically advantageous" and called for 
party members "to function loyally" in A.D.A. 
CIO's P.A.C., the AFL's Labor League for Poli- 
tical Education, etc., in cases where the Socialists 
had no candidates. 

The minority would have even permitted the 

party to use the official primaries of other par- 
ties when unusual circumstances required such, 
action and the party committees approved. 

Said the minority; "This new electoral orien- 
tation will release Socialist energy and funds for 
a more intensive canapaign of organization and 
education for Socialism" and will make it pos- 
sible "for us to increase party membership and 
to spread, in constantly widening circles, the ac- 
ceptance of Socialist ideas." 


The national executive committee, which was 
elected unanimously, contains eight members of 
the majority group including Darlington Hoopes, 
who was re-elected national chairman; Seymour 
Steinsapir and Samuel H. Friedman of New 
York; Alfred Tong of New Haven; Jerry Ray-' 
mond, Detroit; Caleb Smith, Wilmington, Ohio; - 
William O. Hart, Badger, Wise; and Harvey 
Taylor, Cedar Lake, Ind. 

Irving Barshop, of New York, was also elected 
(Continued on Page 3) 

The Resolution On Electoral Activity 
Adopted By The Socialist Party Convention 

Ours is a great responsibility. Believing as we 
do that capitalism is a negation of democracy, 
we must strive to build a Socialist organization 
capable of offering to ever increasing numbers 
of Americans a real and positive alternative to 
capitalism and its political manifestations. The 
program here proposed is an attempt to equio 
the Socialist Party with the tools required to do 
that job. 

If we have failed as Socialists it is in setting 
our sights too low, not in setting them too high. 
Within the past twenty years, most of what was 
once the immediate program of the Socialist 
Party has been accepted, in word if not fully in 
action: social insurance, civil rights, housing, 
minimum wages, the right of labor to organize. 
■ If alL we had to offer in the face of capitalist 
i^jrruption, of continuing economic distress in the 
Richest country of the world, of the wasting away 
|Df our natural resources, of the renewed threat 
)f atomic war was dissent; if all we did was to 
^eep a possibility of change alive, that contribu- 
lon to society would be great. 
^^But we are not only dissenters. We are So- 
cialists, and as Socialists we must present a posi- 
''tive program which offers a real alternative to 
■capitalist exploitation. 


j| We view the struggle of workers for an ad- 

Rfancing standard of living and for security in 

Jaeir daily lives, as part of this program and will 

lontinue, as in the past, to aid in that struggle. 

Our alternative to capitalism must transcend 

the basic appeals of 'bread and butter' unionism 
and of the welfare state. Socialism must be 
shown to offer an essentially different relation 
of the worker to his job, not just a higher wage. 

While we continue to advocate such immedi- 
ate necessities as government housing, health 
care, and advancing wage minimums, these 
things in themselves cannot ehminate the basic 
evil of ^uman exploitation, but rather are sub- 
stitutes for justice and threats to human freedom 
in a class society. 

We, therefore, rededicate ourselves and our 
Party to the building of a socialized economy by 
actions on the political and all other fronts, 
which challenge the class objectives of the par- 
ties of capitalism. 

There is no half-way house. Either we are So- 
cialists who believe in democracy or we are not. 
To the best of our ability, we must offer a so- 
ciahst program to the American people in the 
electoral as in other arenas. 

Our work, in union, cooperative, anti-discrim- 
ination, and similar activities, goes on from day 
to day. We measure its success both by its im- 
mediate ends gained and by the socialist mean- 
ing we have been able to give to it by the sup- 
port for Socialism that is its logical conclusion. 


The pressure of the times calls for a restate- 
ment of Socialist Party aims and goals and a re- 
affirmation of our belief in the establishment of 
a Socialist economy through democratic political 

We therefore adopt the following program as 
a basis and guide for socialist electoral activity: 

1. We must, if possible, run a national cam- 
paign in presidential years. This is necessary for 
our pohtical survival as an entity which attracts 
some measure of journalistic and popular atten- 
tion, and for the educational opportunity it 
brings. The only qualification that we can admit 
is one of strength and ability. 

Whether or not we may alienate certain union- 
ists, liberals, or progressives, cannot be the de- 
termining factor. This directive is not meant to 
encourage a futile running of candidates as a - 
ritual. j 

Since activity that is rewarded in some local- 
ities may be impractical in others, each group, 
affected should make the final decision whether 
o;- not, at a given time, it should engage in a 
specific electoral campaign designed to elect so- 
cialists to public office. Thus the National Con- 
vention should decide on presidential campaigns, 
state bodies in consultation with the NEC on 
state offices and so down to the lowest offices. 

2. The National Executive Committee is charg- 
ed with the duty of launching an intensive edu- 
cational campaign centered about America's need 
for a new Party independent of the old parties. 
Socialists are urged as party units and as indi- 
viduals, and also acting within labor, coopera- 
tives, and liberal groups, to agitate and campaign 
for the Socialist Party and for the formation of 
a new Party based upon a break with both the 

(Continued on Page 2) 

f Page Two 


Friday, June 9. 1950 ^ 

Minority Resolution On Electoral Actioni 

Our Socialist Party- exists lo advance the cause of socialism. We are dedicated to the 
idesl of the cooperative commonwealth: to a Socialist America in which democracy and 
social-economic planning are combined to achieve dignity and security for man. Through 
democratic socialism alone lies the road to the strengthening of political freedoms, the 
possibility of permanent peace and an increasing level of material well-being. 

Such is our ideal. We exist as a party to achieve it. 

Our success requires a change in political strategy: A calculated risk to meet difficult 
problems and dangers inherent in the American ,pitua±ion. This change in strategy invol- 
ves neither change in purpose nor repudiation of our own past and its substantial 

It is a change necessitated by the following facts: 

1. Thanks in part to ever increasing legal difficulties in getting on the ballot, and in 
part lo other historic factors, our party has year by year found itself less and less able 
to place full tickets or any thin g< 
like full tickets in the field. It 
is a simple fact that only in a 
fiew cities and states, do Socialists 
have for themselves or present 
to others an opportunity to vote 
the Socialist ticket except in 
Presidential years, and even 
then since 1932, we have been 
unable to place our national tic- 
ket on the ballot in some of the 
most important Atnerican states. 
' We cannot reasonably ask our 
adherents to refrain from all 
voting under these circumstances 
nor can we promise them im- 
mediately to put socialist tickets 
in the field. No party can hold 
any large number of people 
when it cannot give them advice 
and direction about the best 
practical use of their ballot. 


2. It is no longer true that in 
America as a whole the differ- 
ences between the rival parties 
and their candidates is always 
and everywhere merely the dif- 
ference between Tweedledum 
and Tweedledee. In part that 
is because in varying degrees, 
state and local parties and can- 
didates have adopted and pushed 
forward many of our own social- 
ist immediate demands. 

In the achievement of a great 

many things for which socialists 
have worked such as public 
housing, full employment and 
greater social security, the dif- 
ference between better and 
worse is of enormous import- 
ance. In foreign policy it may 
mean the difference between in- 
viting or averting a third world 

3. With increasing clarity large 
sections of the American public 
have recognized this fact even 
though they have lamentably 
turned deaf ears to our full so- 
cialist message. The only way in 
which organized labor, the pro- 
gressive farmers, and liberals 
will learn _the inadequacy of 
their pragmatic and piecemeal 
proposals and advance to a so- 
cialist philosophy will be through 
a process of political experience. 

If we cannot convince the men 
and women who are in farm 
organizations, labor unions, co- 
operatives and liberal movements 
of the necessity for democratic 
socialism we shall never con- 
vince the American people as 
a whole. 


Of particular importance to us 
is the recent political develop- 
ment of organized labor. Since 

the great depression of the thir- 
ties the trade unions have grown 
bolder in their efforts to achieve 
legislative and political objec- 
tives. The development of such 
agencies as the Labor's League 
for Political Education (AFL) 
and the Political Action Com- 
mittee (CIO) is evidence of a 
new attitude towards political 
action. To the extent that it 
represents a departure from the 
policy of transient and casual 
endorsements of individuals and 
the beginning of permanently es- 
tablished political organization, 
this is. a great and heartening 
development for which socialists 
have worked and hoped for fifty 

But it is not enough for or- 
ganized labor or liberals or farm- 
ers to become merely political. 
They must become politically so- 
cialist. It is our business to con- 
vince them of this fact. 

We shall convince them, how- 
ever, only as we are able to 
work with them — as indeed we 
have long worked v/ith them on 
many specific proposals.^ It has, 
however, proved impossible to 
assert the influence that we 
ought in labor unions and other 
(Continued on Page }) 

Conventim Mesalutmni 
On Point Four Prograi 

Point Four will not and cannot succeed unless it becomes. 
part of an overall international program of universal disarma- 
ment, with this program of aid through international coope- 
ration as the constructive alternative to the suicidal aims 
race and ajrms economy. 

The announcement by President Truman of a "bold new 
program" of aid lo the jjeoples in the underdeveloped, areas 
of the world brought forth from these peoples expressions of i 
hope and expectancy. Since that annotmcement was made, 
the hope felt by these people has materially diminished. The i 
administration has failed to present to Congress and the people ! 
either a bold or a new approach. This was inevitable, since, 
as we Socialisls have maintained, there can 'be no effectivei 
program of aid to the underdeveloped areas so long as we i 
are wedded to an atomic and hydrogen bomb program, and an ■ 
armaments race. 

Many conceive of this program as another weapon against ^ 
expanding communism; we, while recognizing thai this is true^ 
do. as Socialists emphasize that the primary obligation is the ; 
welfare of the people. We criticize the Point Four Progren* ; 
as now ptit forth by the administration, as being: 

1. Inadequate in financial commitment. 

2. Dangerously close to being a "bold, new venture" i» \ 
a form of government subsidized American imperialism, which 
can do the peoples oi Ihese areas no great good for their i 
political and economic emancipation, and which plays into the 
hands of Communist propagandists. ' 

We therefore propose that an adequate Point Four Program i 
should be based upon: 

1. The formation of an international public authority for ; 
the financing of this program, rather than the encouragement 
of private investment capital exclusively. 

2. An appreciation of those positive values present in 
native cultures, and respect for cultural differences, 

3. Constant consultation with, and i>articipation by, demo- l 
cratically elected representatives of the peoples native to 
each area. 

4. Rapid consummation of political and economic freedomi 
for these peoples, is mandatory. 

5. The education for, and development of, labor organiza- 
tions along with the development of agricultural, natural end 
industrial resources. 

6. The program must be integrated through the United 

The Resolution On Electoral Activity 
Adopted By The Socialist Party Convention 

(Contimied from Page 1) 
Republican and Democratic Parties, tending tow- 
ards Socialist ideals and committed to democrat- 
ic processes. 

■ 3. No local, state, or national committee shall 
be permitted under any circumstance to endorse, 
enter into a coalition with, campaign for, or in 
any other manner assist in the election of can- 
didates running on either the Democratic or Re- 
publican tickets or in their primaries. 

4. No individual Party member shall be per- 
mitted to endorse or campaign for candidates of 
any other political party in general elections or 
in primaries. These provisions shall apply wheth- 
er or not the Socialist Party has candidates in 
any particular election. 

Electoral or non-electoral activity must be a 
clear choice between Socialist electoral action or 
other education for Socialism, and not a blanket 
permission to scatter our small resources to the 
four winds. 

5. State and local executive committees, and, 
where and when necessary, the National Execu- 
tive Committee, shall consult with our members 
in Uberal and labor organizations to establish 
and implement the understanding that the basic 
role of Socialists in such organizations is educa- 

tional, with main emphasis on the idea of inde- 
pendent political action. 

It is equally important that our members in 
these organizations meet with each other to dis- 
cuss mutual problems and the ways ih which 
the idea of independent political action may be 
advanced. Socialists in these organizations may 
not support any candidates running in any of the 
capitalist parties. They may, however, remain 
part of the organizations (e.g. not rupture their 
tie with the group). 


Socialist activity in the electoral field is only 
one part of our work. We urge also a party- 
buildipg program to include: 

1. Internal discussion on THE ROAD TO SO- 
CIALISM IN AMERICA is to be initiated to 
guide future program and activities. 

2. Steps must be taken to strengthen the ed- 
,ucational and research functions of the Socialist 
Party. The N.E.C. is instructed to set up a stand- 
ing committee on research and education which 
.shall regularly issue pamphlets, booklets, study 
outlines, etcetera, periodically arrange confer- 
ences, seminars and tours, supervise research 
studies, and plan expansion of the CALL Associ- 
ation as an educational instrument. 

3. A public affairs committee shall be set up 

to work in close concert with the research and 
education committee, prepare legislative propo- 
sals for instruction to federal, state, and local 
bodies, and to initiate campaigns of importance 
to the people on a community level, such as 
housing, health, education, welfare activities, etc. 

4. THE CALL can be made into a much more 
effective instrument to serve Socialist ends. The 
material we need seems to fall into four broad 
categories: (a) Interpretation of important cur- 
rent events; (b) Theoretical articles on relevant 
Socialist subjects; (c) News of Socialist move- 
ments abroad, and (a) News of and suggestions 
for Party and individual activities, 

By and large ineffectual stabs have been made 
at providing all these types of .material, but a 
departmental CALL along these lines— rigorous- 
ly edited to provide such material—in a more in- 
teresting format— is possible without additional 

The need for Socialist principles and objectives 
becomes greater, not less, as an administration 
committed to the preservation of class exploita- 
tion attempts to bolster a disappearing "free' 
economy by measures intended to make class 
inequalities tolerable. The Socialist Party must, 
therefore, continue to offer its program for se- 
curity with freedom. 

iFriday, June 9. 1950 


Page Three ^ 

The Minority Resolution 
On SP Electoral Action 

(Continued from 'Page 2) 
iorganizations in which we work 
|so long as we are obliged as 
socialists to refrain from the 
electoral action which these or- 
ganizations presently undertake, 
This resolution is designed to 
remove that barrier from, effec- 
tive socialist work. 

By no means does this change 
in our policy imply any endorse- 
ment of the Republican or Dem- 
ocratic parties nor any nomina- 
tion of Republicans or Democrats 
on socialist tickets. Our new 
strategy, moreover, requires more 
vigorous effort than before to 
present our own platforms and 
specific proposals regularly as 
yardsticks for the use of labor 
and liberals in raeasuring the 
performance of the old parties. 

In working up this yardstick 
for labor, individual socialists 
should be required to act co 
operatively and in a coordinated 
fashion in situations where to- 
day they are left to follow their 
own devices and in the process 
are usually lost to the party. 

Obviously this program and 
strategy require special empha- 
sis on socialist education and 
propaganda. But these cannot be 
divorced in the minds of citizens 
of democracy from participation 
in popular elections. Therefore, 
the Socialist Party pledges itself 
to the following program in re- 
lation '^0 electoral activity: 

1. U will diligently continue 
its efforts to bring about a new 

policy. This principle of course 
applies to the presidential elec- 
tion of 1952. 

The Socialist Party will not 
offer its own candidate for the 
presidency unless improbable 
and as yet unforeseen develop- 
ments make it seem wise to the 
national convention of that year. 


Where the Socialist Party it- 
self runs no candidates it will 
expect its members to function 
loyallj- in organizations like the 
AFL's LLPE, the CIO's PAC, 
and ADA. 

In thus functioning with Party 
approval Socialists must take 
every opportunity in open and 
friendly fashion to point out 
the respects in which labor's 
present political action falls 
short of socialist standards: That 
is to say, falls short of labor's 
possibilities of achieving peace, 
plenty and freedom. 

In unusual circumstances the 
Socialist Party may see fit to 
use the official primary appara- 
tus of other parties but only 
after official approval by the lo- 
cal or state bodies involved and 
with consent of the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee. 

Socialist organizalional activi- 
lies. This new electoral orienta- 
tion will release Socialist energy 
and funds for a more intensive 
campaign of organization and 
education for socialism. The in- 
tent of this policy is to make it 
possible for us to increase party 
membership and to spread; 

political alignment and the- crea- I constantly widening circles, the 
acceptance of socialist ideas. 
These purposes will not be 
achieved automatically with the 
adoption of this policy but can 
follow only from the re-direction 
of socialist activities into more 
fruitful channels. The National 
Executive Committee is there- 
fore instructed to initiate pro- 
grams along these general lines: 
I — Extend Socialist research 
on fundamental questions invol- 
ved in the reorganization of 
II— Develop new programs for 

tion of a strong mass party con- 
sciously d'evoted to socialist ideas. 
2. It will run its own candi- 
dates only where circumstances 
make campaigns specifically and 
practically advantageous. Ob- 
viously this win continue to be 
the case in such places as Bridge- 
port and Norwalk, Conn.; Read- 
ing, Pa.; Milwaukee, Wise. Of 
the conditions which would 
, make Socialist campaigns under 
the Socialist Party emblem a 
definite contribution to socialist 
progress, the appropriate regional 
governing bodies must be the 
judges on the basis of party 

legislative action 

problems and investigate the 
problems of trade union policy 
and action. 

Ill — Increase the volume and 
improve the quahty of Socialist 
literature and publications. 

IV — Launch a program of lea- 
dership training for Socialist 
Party members to increase their 
effectiveness as Socialists and as 
members of other organizations. 
V — Initiate action programs 
and campaigns on immediate is- 
sues confronting the American 

Machinery lo implement Ihis 
program. The National Execu- 
tive Committee and the state and 
local Party bodies are instructed 
to set up the following commit- 
tees to function in the areas in- 

1 — Research Committee — to 
map out projects for Socialist 
study and to carry out such 

2— Publicity Committee — to 
publicize Socialist Party activi- 
ties and keep the party's pro- 
gram before the attention of the 

3 — Educational Committee — 
to conduct internal educational 
activities and to train party 
members for roles of leadership 
in the party and mass organiza- 
tions;, to set up and direct a So- 
cialist Speakers' Bureau. 

4 — Committee on Publications 
— to supervise the preparation 
of pamphlets, leaflets, etc.; to 
direct the building up of THE 
CALL, which becomes, now, of 
ever increasing importance to the 

5 — Committee on Activities and 
Organization — to map out cam- 
paigns of action and to super- 
vise Socialist activities in mass 
organizations. (This , committee 
should work in close contact v/ith 
all other committees.) 

6 — Committee on Finances — 
to raise the funds needed for 
carrying out party activities. 
Launching the Program. The 
National Executive Committee is 
instructed to proceed immediate- 
ly with the task of launching 

Fleisihmm To Resign 
As Nationul Secretary 

To AH Socialist Party Members: 

economic 1 this program. The following mea- 

Dear Comrades: i 

Writing this letter is one of the most painful tasks I 1 
have ever had to do. 

I have served as national secretary of the Socialist Party ; 
for more Ihan eight years. The work has been difficult and ofen i 
heartbreaJcing in view of the tremendous job' to be done and I 
our wholly inadequate physical and financial resources. • 

Nevertheless I have greatly enjoyed my work. 1 have i 
found many compensations in the warm comradeship an^ I 
fraternity of a host of our members and friends, and in the i 
genuine spirit of sacrifice so many have displayed. And much , 
of our work has borne fruit. 

But since the national convention has rejected the views I 
on electoral action which I. along with many other comrades, i 
consider the most effective road at this time toward a socialist I 
society, I have had to resign as national secretary. , 

First of all, I believe in Party responsibility. The new 
majority must assume the responsibilities of Party administra- 1 
lion. A major responsibility is the national secretaryship. . 

Secondly, our Party is a democratic organization. I propose ' 
to use my efforts in the time ahead lo help make the present ' 
minority become a majority in the ranks of the Party. I could i 
not do that with good conscience while serving as national I 
secretary. i 

I appreciate the spirit behind Sam Friedman's motion in i 
the new national executive conunlttee to reject my resigna- 1 
tion, but my decision is final and I am glad the NEC has ' 
recognized that fact. 

I have agreed lo remain as national secretary until the i 
next meeting of the national executive committee, August 12-13 ' 
in Reading, Pa., both to give the NEC tinie to pick a successor I 
and for me to train him in the problems of my post. 

Of course I intend to continue to be as active as I possibly i 
can- in all Party work. I shall remain on the national aclion : 
committee, and if requested to. shall serve as an associate i 
editor of THE CALL. I shall continue to speak and write for : 
the Parly wherever I can, but it will have to be as a rank- J 
and-iiler rather than as the Parly's chief executive officer. 

I want to express my heartfelt thanks Jo ihe thousands of ; 
good comrades who have helped make my work fruitful and i 
enjoyable in the past. X hope they will cooperate equally : 
with my successor, whoever he may be. 
Fraternally yours, 


sures should be adopted at once: 
1— A series of regional sum- 
mer conferences should be in- 
augurated for weekends to bring 
Socialists together for the dis- 
cussion and development of more 
effective techniques and for the 
working out of policy questions. 
2— The National Executive 
Committee should set up an in- 
ternal organ for policy discus- 
sion and for the pooling of ideas 

on Socialist organizational mea- 

3— The national officers should 
be instructed to tour the main 
Socialist centers in the country 
and party speakers should be 
regularly routed through the ma- 
jor cities. 

4 — A membership drive should 
be launched immediately on the 
basis of the policy contained in 
this .resolution. 

SP Reaffirms Need For Continued Electoral Action 

(Continued from Page 1) 

to the N.E.C. and Seymour Kopilow remains as 
representative of the Young People's Socialist 
. League. 

: The three minority ^members of the N.E.C. are 
Norman Thomas and Aaron Levenstein of New 
Ifork and Maynard C. Krueger of Chicago. 
I Alternates to the national executive commit- 

je, in the order' elected, are Harry Fleischman, 
|y Fish, Charles Taibi, Joseph G. Glass, Mark 
Brown, Martin Diamond, Irving C. Freese, Bill 

iiggs, Nathan Sadowsk>, Emanuel Muravchik, 
|urt Beck and Hans Peters. 
I A 1950 Congressional Platform vi^as adopted, 
h were resolutions on Full Production, Produc- 
pon for Use and Point Four. 


v A resolution was passed unanimously which 
'■mphasized that despite passage of the resolu- 
fein on electoral policy, Norman Thomas remain- 
'i"the spokesman for American Socialism." Im- 
*"tant as the issue under debate was considered, 
|ie convention emphasized that the respect and 

affection of Socialists for Thomas had not de- 
clined. V 

Broadcasts originating from the convention in- 
cluded Norman Thomas on "Why Am'ericans 
Should Be Socialists" over the Mutual Broadcast- 
ing System, Maynard Krueger on "Socialism— 
the Answer to Capitalism" over the American 
Broadcasting System, Norman Thomas and Harry 
Fleischman in an interview with W. W. Chaplin 
over the National Broadcasting System, and Nor- 
man Thomas and Darlington Hoopes on "Social- 
ism—The Answer to Communism," over the Col- 
umbia Broadcasting System. 

Thomas' address in the opening session of the 
convention emphasized that "Life is not static; 
socialism cannot be static. We Socialists ought to 
re-examine our own policies and programs but 
never can we admit that the question who ought 
to own what is unimportant. The commanding 
heights must be socially owned if there is to be 
effective democratic ^naanagement, and if the 
principle of cooperation is to prevail. But no so- 
cial ownership will automatically solve all the 
problems we nioderns face. For us Socialists it is 

the spirit which giveth life— and that spirit of 
comradeship is our great offer to mankind." 

Krueger declared that "the air of . American 
politics is always a bit murky. But lately the tog 
has been thicker than usual. The more reaction- 
ary politicians have learned a new word. The 
new word is SOCIALISM ... I don't know why 
they call our present government the welfare 
state. Judging by the Federal Budget, I can see 
good reason to call it the military state, or the 
veterans' state, or the interest-paying state. But 
so little of the government revenue is spent on 
welfare measures that even Governor Dewey, 
who used the term himself until recently, now 
says that it must have been a very clumsy Re- 
publican indeed who invented the phrase *the 
Welfare State'." 

In his keynote address, Thomas characterized 
the Truman Welfare State as being actually a 
"warfare state," because the present national 
boom was dependent to such a large extent on 
huge military expenditures on the part of the 

Page Four 


Friday, June 9, 1950 

Point Four Program Must Be Socialized 

medicine men. Witness our re- 
cent experience in sending arms 
to China — only to have them 
sold by our "friends" to the Com- 
munists. The viciousness of ex- 
ploiters is usually in direct ra- 
tio to the weakness of their vic- 
tims. Most backward areas 
abroad not only have copied our 
worst sins but have a rare col- 
lection of native vices which our 
people would not tolerate at 
home. Fighting graft, like insti- 
tuting birth control, will require 
firm leadership and integrity 
among the imported technicians, 
backed by stiff compulsions at 

A large share of this foreign 
aid, at least for the tirst decade, 
must be rendered in the best 
missionaxy tradition, with no ex- 
pectation of cash return or even 
too much native gratitude. The 
givers are doing penance for 

past sins, serve their brothers 
patiently and devotedly — hoping 
by this process partially to 
cleanse their own culture of a 
fatal overdose of greed and sel- 
fishness. While this writer be- 
lieves that the absence of such 
a program can have serious ec- 
onomic and fatal political effects 
at home, thereby presenting us 
with great losses, he doubts if 
any positive economic gains will 
appear to seem to compensate us 
for the cash outlay. 

In other words, our economic 
and political conditions will de- 
teriorate dangerously if the pro- 
gram fails, but our financial po- 
sition will not appear to benefit 
greatly by its early successes. 

For these reasons it should be 
sold as a political and spiritual 
process rather than as a cash 
investment. We are going to be 
good neighbors to these folks 
for two reasons: (1) virtue car- 

It Will Take More Than Money 
To Make Point Four Succeed 


Point Four is a tardy recognition of the fact thai the backward peoples are no 
longer areas to be exploited, but have changed into a real threat to peace, democracy 
and even Western security. They are explosively on the move, with totalitarianism their 
destination unless the rest of the world, and especially the United States, takes unusual 
measures and has unusually good luck in carrying through its program. We say un- 
usual luck because there is little in modern history to indicate»we have the moral or in- 
lellectual capacity to do the necessary minimum. 


Unless we are willing to sup- 
ply enough funds over decades 
of time it is better not to begin. 
The Public Affairs Booklets sug- 
gest $520 billions be spent in 50 
. years, about half of it to come 
from outside the lands aided — 
with some $7 billions per year of 
outside aid for the opening deC' 
ade (after a five year program of 
get ready study and planning). 

This sum is supposed to indus- 
trialize one quarter of the people 
of areas with an estimated popu- 
lation of 1.625 billions in 1950 
and 2.972 billions in the year 

Much good can be done with 
$7 billions per year, but a few 
figures will indicate that the es- 
timate may be dangerously low. 
In 1948 the United States de 
voted about $45 billions to capi- 
tal outlay. Business Week has 
just estimated that in 1950 Am- 
' erican industry will devote $13 
14 billions to plant expansion 

Professor Harris, in Public Af- 
fairs Booklet 7, reminds us that 
Canada, from 1900-13 absorbed 
annually about $450 millions (in 
1950 dollars), for a population of 
' some seven and a third million 
in 1913. If the backward areas 
absorbed capital at the same 
\rate, Harris estimates it would 
take $75 billions per year. In 
this connection it is well to re 
call how strenuously Congress 
objected to President Truman's 
initial request for $35 millions 
: for the initial studies and tech- 
nical aid. 

It is clear that we should be 
prepared to expect (a) that what 
appeared to be real sacrifices 
w-ill be required of Americans to 
finance the program; (b) that 
programs must call for a maxi- 
mum of know how and self-help 
instead of capital; (c) that we 
shall probably not be able to 
duplicate our mechanized system 
in other lands but must seek 
to help the natives attain a 
good life by other patterns; and 
^d) that much time and patience 
will be required. 


' On the score of time, how- 
ever, we must realize that two 
dangerous counter forces ope- 
rate, each demanding speed: (1) 
many of these peoples are in 

• no mood to be patient, and the 
Gommunists promise them quick 
and great gains; and (2) unless 
industrialization and urbaniza- 
tion cut down the birth rate fast- 
er than improved agriculture and 
health increase population, tlie 
program may fail. This writer 
guesses that sums required of 
tis will be so great as to require 
at least two major changes in 

■0ur economy: (1) complete aban- 

^donment of armament spending; 

•and (2) greatly increased pro- 
ductivity per man hour and in 
toto, to keep our standard of liv- 
ing from suffering too much. 

One of the major difficulties in 
Such a program will ba circum- 

'irenting and eUmitiating native 

'|frafters« poJitxciBxtA and such 

ries its own rewards; and (2) 
sins of past exploitation are com- 
ing home to plague us and will, 
henceforth, cost us rather than 
reward us. The capitalist defini- 
tion of "service" '..ill have to 
be abandoned in favor of the 
biblical import of that term. 


All of which line of reasoning 
shows that this is no job for 
capitalistic, private enterprise. 

No Invisible Hand will weld in- 
to a sublime and beneficent har- 
mony the individual projects or 
schemes of private investors. An 
unprecedented degree of wisdom, 
care and selflessness must go in- 
to local, regional and world plan- 
ning to bring anything but chaos 
out of a program so delicate and 

A glance at the Congressional 
Record or the Washington news 
shows how much of a revolution 
may be required to lift this pro- 
gram out of the grab bag at- 
mosphere there. 

The use of the Communist- 
coming - out - from - under - the 
- bed type of motivation, with 
Congress or the public, is most 
apt to defeat the program. This 
program is delayed recognition 
of what decent men do by na- 


Now that President Truman's bold new pro- 
gram of economic aid to underdeveloped regions 
has got away to an exceedingly timorous start 
by Congressional authorization of $35 millions, 
it is worth while to examine what such a pro- 
gram ought to be and what it conceivably might 

We live in. a world where two-thirds of the 
people are not properly nourished and half the 
people hover close to the line of starvation. In 
many very poor areas in Asia the population is 
increasing "as if by explosion," partly because 
the introduction of the most elementary public 
sanitation drastically reduces infant mortality 
and checks — as recently in Egypt — cholera and 
other epidemics. 

In spite of the doubts of neo-Malthusians, 
troubled both by the increase of population and 
the exhaustion of the soil, most experts believe 
that we know enough to about double the world's 
food supply. Some of them believe, on the basis 
of past history, that by a transfer of the excess 
rural population to industrial work the increase 
of population can be checked. (I agree with those 
who say that it will also be necessary to en- 
courage voluntary birth control not well repre- 
-sented in these books.) 

All this will cost money, and more than money. 
There are all sorts of national prides and pre- 
judices and social customs which must be con- 
sidered. War against hunger must be a cooperative 
task of the nations which will require intelli- 
gent planning and competent and well-trained 

These facts are recognized and the difficulties 
stated in Willard R. Espy's well written Bold 
New Program. They are more adequately rec- 
ognized and dealt with in a series of 8 related 
pamphlets published by The Public Affairs In- 
stitute, Washington,- D. C, under the title Bold 
New Program Series. 

Neither the book nor the series of pamphlets 
faces a fact which I think vital — namely, that 
the costs of worldwide war against hunger can- 
not and will not be met by the U.S. and other 
nations which every year feel themselves com- 
pelled to spend more and more on the arms 
race. On the other hand — a fact which is partial- 
ly recognized in the pamphlet series — if the arm- 
ament race were suddenly to be stopped there 
would be economic panic in America unless there 

were plans for corresponding expenditures in the 
war against poverty at home and abroad. 

Mr. Espy deserves praise for doing so compe- 
tent a job by himself in so difficult a field. He 
gives at least verbal recognition to most of the 
difficult problems we face, but is somewhat su- 
perficial in dealing with them. 

He is particularly superficial in considering 
where the money is to come from. Here his mind 
seems to be bound by the homage Americans 
now feel it necessary to pay to "free enterprise" 
and private investment, even at a time when 
they practice both so imperfectly. 

At this point Morris S. Rosenthal does a much 
more adequate and intelligent job in the eighth 
pamphlet of the series. His bold conclusion is: 
"Assuredly a nation and people, as wealthy and 
as powerful as we are, can and shoUld properly 
risk a ^further $10 billion of our credit in the 
hope and expectation that a steadily rising stand- 
ard of living among the hundred millions of 
people, who are now underfed, ill clothed, badly 
housed and illiterate, will give them a driving 
urge for democracy and peace." 

All the 8 pamphlets of the series belong to- 
gether 'as if they were a book. Especially im- 
portant are the first, in which Dewey Anderson 
and Stephen Raushenbush set forth "A Policy 
and Program for Success;" the second, in which 
Harold R. Isaacs vividly discusses the economic 
and psychological state of that two-thirds of the 
world which must be helped; the fourth in which 
James Rorty gives vivid pictures of what the 
few "engineers of world plenty" have accom- 
plished; and the eighth to which I have already 

Both Mr. Espy's book and the pamphlets de- 
serve wide circulation and thoughtful discussion. 
The world's hope — its only hope — lies in ending 
the arms race and undertaking a cooperative 
war against hunger. Better than most of our 
lawmakers. Senator McMahon seems to have 
envisaged that fact in recent speeches. 

It is profoundly to be hoped that he will pre- 
sent some proposal around which public opinion 
can be organized. I repeat: the program will re- 
quire money, but more than money. What that 
"more" is, the book and the pamphlet series 
will help us to understand. 


stitute, Washington, D. C, $230. 
BOLD NEW PROGRAM, by Willard R. Espy, Harper's, $3.00. 

ture. It will demand sacrificesa 
and real spiritual regeneration! 
of both giver and receiver ofl 

It is social democracy coming 
to be — or brotherhood in prac- 
tice. Men are capable of such^^ 
quality only when they aban- 
don the travesties on nature in- 
volved in a dollar culture. Un- 
less we are genuine in our mo- 
tives, those we approach will 
hate us for what we are and 
for what we pretend to be. We 
begin this process under a dark 
cloud of accumulated prejudice,, 
fear and hate on the part of 
former colonials. 

This cannot be a military 
strategy to save capitalism 
against communism. In place of 
a military defense of the status 
quo it must be a spiritual off 
fense toward a higher, social be- 

A persistent effort should ba 
made to include the Stalinized 
areas in the plan, both as active 
participants in the United Na- 
tions which should be strength- 
ened to administer it, and as re- 
ceivers of substantial aid. This 
writer fears that failure to do 
so may either prevent the plan 
being adopted or change its na- 
ture so grievously as to make it 

Our reasoning runs as iq^ ows: 
(1) the history of Western i^ela- 
tions with Russia may suggest 
but they do not prove that it is 
impossible to get Russia to go 
along on substituting world de-^ 
velopment for armament (we can"^ 
offer tremendous gains for Rus- 
sia under such an arrangement, 
which she can well use); (2) the 
existence of the cold war keeps 
Americans from moving toward ' 
socially democratic thinking — 
thereby dooming us to lose the 
cold war; (3) we can not win 
a hot war; (4) we cannot finance 
a cold war and the program; (5) 
there is no .hope of moderation 
of the Soviet dictatorship in face 
of war — but real likelihood of 
change under peace; and (6) ec-. 
onomic planning, especially for 
Europe and Japan, would be 
greatly simplified by removal of 
the iron curtain. 


When we say persistent effort, 
we mean both a proposal ob- 
viously genuine, and constant 
promotion of it, for years if 
need be.. 

What should earnest citizens 
do about it? Unfortunately this 
proposal is not like many of 
the (largely unearned) gains of 
the New Deal, Fair Deal Era. 
Old ag^ pensions, aid for un- 
happy (pressure) groups, etc., can 
be wrung from an incompetent 
Congress by a determined Presi- 
dent when people "want some- 
body to do something about it," 
but haven't bothered . to figure 
out what. 

Neither the President nor the 
Congress will come up with a 
workable program unless some- 
thing new is added to / merican 
politics. An informed, aroused 
and energetic movement of citi- 
zens must fight, not only for a ; 
program, but for the right pro- 1 

Our alternatives are: (1) forgetj 
it — with sad consequences; or (b)- 
seek to enlist now an informe{^| 
movement for Point Four and,! 
its companion piece, Universal f 

Friday* June 9, 1950 




Associate Editors 

Contributing Editors: Lewis Corey, Erich Fromm, Patrick 
___^Gorman, Donald Harrington, Harry W. Laidler 

THE CALL, oflficial organ of the Socialist Party, is pub- 
f'u!^ ^bi-weekly by the Call Association, Inc., a non-profit 
foundation dedicated to the creation of a cooperative com- 
monwealth, at 303 Fourth Ave., New York 10, N. Y. 

Telephone: GRamery 3-4286 
rf Tnf r'^xff '^^' do not necessarily represent the opinion 
s£ THE CALL or of the Call Association, Inc 

Calling The Shots 

Mr. Lie And Mr. Stalin 

I ♦ "In the middle of May, a thrill of new hope ran 

around the world. Trygve Lie, Secretary General of the 
Uni ed Nations, had gone on a pilgrimage to the chief 
world capitals in the interest of peace. Moscow was the 
fourth capital to be visited, after which Lie promptly 
arranged to visit the other three (Paris, London and 
Washington) for a second time. He has not, as this is- 
sue of the New Republic goes to press, revealed the 
contents of his talk with Generalissimo Stalin yet 
everyone is asking: Is there a real chance of ending the 
cold war? And if so, on what terms?" 
' This is the beginning of a lead editorial in the New 
Republic for June 5. 

Although the New Republic modestly admits that it has 
^410 mside pipeline to the Lie-Stalin talks, it is ready to take 
^^ chance on telling its, readers what might have occurred. 

TTM "^u^^'"" ^^!^ ^""'"'^ ^""^^ "°^ ^^^^ ^° withdraw from the 
UN. The walkouts will stop the instant the Chinese Com- 
munists are seated. Russia does not want a shooting war. 
She would be happy to have the cold war end " 
U'lJ^l ?^^ ^^P^blic then goes on to question the possi- 
bility that Russia might not want to end the cold war but 
this harsh conclusion is dismissed as unworthy. The New 
Republic decides, "On the whole, the Russians might there- 
fore well believe that their crusade would advance better 
Without the cold war than with it." 

' Lie^ wanted to bring back Stalin's assurance that there 
was a simple way to bring Russia and the satellite countries 
back into att'.Ciance at the UN: Yield to the Russian 
demand that Communist China be admitted 
^ ^ While it is likely that a technical case 'in international 
I law for admitting Chinese Communist delegates can be 
made, what this has to do with peace in the world is cer- 
tainly obscure. 

_ Moreover, a much stronger argument can be made for 
the fact that Russia is not interested in ending the cold 
, war. The Russian economy is on a war footing. 
; ; Even before the United States had begun on its expan- 
KSive war budget of the peace epoch, the Stafin regime had 
» embarked on a heavy armaments program. The Russian 
stake^m a cold war had been established early in the post- 
i war decade, and represents no new development. 
; And for Russia, as in the case of capitalist countries 
armaments is an easy way out for distracting domestic prob- 
^ms. In a session of the UN Economic Commission for Eu- 
rope, held in Geneva, the French economist, Andre Philip 
m week pointed out that in Russia and in the satellite 
countries, surplus populations living under sub-standard 
conditions and producing at low levels are the equivalent 
Of mdustrially-unemployed in capitalist countries. 

Moreover, the slave labor camps of the Stalin regime, 
;with their waste of human lives and disregard of humane 
^values, are indications of the vast uncertainty of the Soviet 
I.economy and point to the residue of dissatisfaction with the 
Stalin regime. 

^The cold war is an economic necessity for Stalin, and 
ae's blithe recital of food stocked in Moscow shops un- 
happily does not change the nature of the Soviet war 


Page Five 

The BLP Takes Stock: Speedup 
Or Slowdown For Nationalization? 


is noTSf ™de^t?rf pr:?^^^^^^ *! Tt" "' "^^ ^^"^^"^ ^^"^ ^-'^ 

at the next election. ^^- ^°'^^^ °"* ^^'^ ^"1 be put before the voters 

encouragement will probfbly brjiven to co onera ,nn °^"°"f ^^«°" ™^«™res, and more 
is also U.el. to contain .Z^J. ': ll.Z^tZ^'ot ^^, "' social ownership. It- 
All these points were discuq^pH hxr -. r^.^• + ^ Aivmg. 

Movement at ^Beatrice Wetrruse' VorC^'surrTv "" °' '"'^" °' '"^ ^^"^ 

No decisions were reached at* ^' 

this conference, but the various 

views expressed there are being 
taken into account by the Na- 
tional Executive Committee of 
the Labor Party, which is now 
holding meetings to draw up 
the detailed election manifesto. 

The view that another general 
election would take place in the 
autumn has been widely held, 
but now the belief is growing 
that it will not take place until 
the spring of 1951, or even later 
in the year after the end of the 
Festival of Britain exhibition 
and celebrations. 

During these policy discussions 
the most controversial topic will 
be whether to postpone further 
extensive nationalization mea- 
sures until the present nation- 
alized industries are on a firmer 
basis or put forward a bold 
policy of further nationalizations. 
Socialists realize that mistakes 
have been made in practice but 
not in principle, and it is fully 
realized that there are many 
things in the nationalized in- 
dustries which are not yet as 
they should be. 

But while Socialists realize 
that these defects are only tem- 
porary features of the difficult 
transitional periods a large sec- 
tion of the electorate now seems 
to believe that they are per-' 
manent features of the nation- 
alized industries. 


So a view now widely held 
is that if Labor is to avoid losing 
the support of the people by get- 
ting too far ahead of them, there 
should be a pause so that we can 
concentrate on making these na- 
tionalized industries so obviously 
efficient and satisfactory that 
even the capitalist press cannot 
convince people otherwise. Then 
the electorate will be ready for 
more nationalization measures. 
This, I believe, will prove to 
be the majority view of the 

On the other hand, there are 
those who believe that it is dan- 
gerous for a party like the La- 
bor Party to stand still, and who 
advocate that a bold programme 
of further nationalization should 
be put before the electors. 

They fear that while a pause 
in nationalization policy may win 
votes back from wavering elec- 
tors who are not convinced So- 
cialists it may damp the enthu- 
siasm, and probably lose the 
votes or at least the assistance 
as voluntary workers for the 
Movement, of those more eager 
to advance speedily along the 
road to Sociahsm. 

It is also feared that while 
such key industries as banking, 
chemicals, shipbuilding and 
heavy engineering remain in 
capitalist hands the Labor Gov- 
ernment's work may be jeopar- 
dized by capitalist attacks from 
these important strongholds. 

Changes In EditorlaP~ 
Emphasis And Format 
Scheduled In The Call 

for iVcT^' °' '"'"'" '" =**°"^ '-"Phasis and In format 
beg.n wuh Ihe Labor Day issuo of the cST '*«'"'«' " 

Ihe new society. These articles will seek to deal wilh ihl 
means by which socialism caa meet the ne^ds of TL^t 

;firL c^'^f^r^ "^ ^^"^P^^-*^- P'^-rny sul qu s 
tTe .^.^ ^ *^^"^ discovering the necessity of changing 
ihe e„,phasis of socialism so thai it coincides wit? the demS^ 
made on workers in the modern world. demands 

arliclei ""^nl ^^^^^ALJL increase the number of interpretative 
articles, and make this the primary element in edUing the 

(3) That the CALL seek to enlist actively the writers and 

™uirr ^^^ '"^"^^^ ^^ *^^ ^^^ ^-'^-^- -"^«- 

(1) That the Board of Directors of the Call Association 

tvJ^L'^rr 1^*^^ ""'"°' be changed *o accommodate the 

XrioTtLTr ctu- ^ T^z-ri. in: 
orrhT^se^r^iv ^='''— -— ---r^i 

<3) That the CALL experiment with the possibilitv of^^ 
mcludmg regular, short, pungent editorials as part of a i^Ll^ 
feature on subjects of current interest. ^^ 


«.,hil"5 ^^^5-.^^^ °"^ <>f Ihe highest renewal rates among 
pubhcations of its type and probably much higher than th^ 
of any commercial publication. These renewal, from no^ 

f^ll/l T'-'r^^rT' "" ''''' -*^*^^ i^ sometimeT over, 
looked by Sociahst Party members. Moreover, they represent ' 

ThT cIll '^ '"t ^ ^'^"^"^^ *^ party members to mak" o 
than^t t *^"'"?."^''" "^"'''^""* P"* ^' Socialist acHvity 
THF rlTT^^^* ^^^'^ ""^^^*" "^ ^'idence of the fact tha^ 
THE CALL has something of importance to offer to its readers- 
It IS incumbent upon Socialist Party members to see that ihTre 
IS a wider audience to be reached by its message. 

m nl? "^'"^ proposals for a CALL DRIVE were made: 
lhat^silW%tLL *^^\— "f-"-hould recognize the fact ; 
that selling CALL subs is a primary socialist job. A mxjdest 
Shi :tZ 7"'^.^^*^ -* 1--* - «-^ent of the me^S 
ship of the Sociahst Party to get started would be a pledge 

ll!^"r ^^%r»'«="P««"- in *he next month from each 
delegate and alternate at this convention. 

(2) These contacts can be made CALL conscious by using 
the privilege of sending gift subs to the amount of mon^y 
contributed to the May Day CALL. ^ ^ 


wlih'!L^ '""-fledged subscription drive should be l^aunched ■ 
with the Labor Day issue (to run until Christmas) 

*h. \^\^ '^^^ ^?°'* '^^^^'^ ^"^ "^^^^ **» ^^* greetings for 1 

tion T^' . /♦i'?^ .f "^^^^ '' " "^^y impressive edi- i 

tion. The fact that gift subscriptions can be sent on the I 

basis of contributions for greetings should be emphasized. ' 

the hiJ^"" 77J'"'^V°?rr^**' '^^ ^'''^ ^"d l^""t around 
the theme of the CALL's 15th Anniversary Year, a series 
of dmners or conferences (with an incidental but important 
aim being to build Call Association membership) should be 
arranged m those centers where it is possible. 

(c) In connection with the previous point, the dales of 
such affairs should be arranged with the various delega- 
tions present here. »^^*^'i 



Page Six 


Friday. June 9, 1930 

Socialist Congressional Platform For 1950 
Adopted By The 27th National Convention 

Nothing could be clearer in this year of 1950 
than that the strife, poverty, hypocrisy and con- 
fusion of our times demand a Socialist solution 
—and that neither the Republican Party nor the 
Democratic Party, or any party supporting their 
candidates, can offer such a solution. 

Consider the facts: 

The 81st Congress took office with a Demo- 
cratic majority in both Houses. By the nature of 
the Democratic Platform and President Truman's 
successful campaign, it was solemnly bound by 
a popular mandate to a concrete legislative pro- 
gram. Yet by the time the primary contests for 
nominations for the 82nd Congress had begun, 
the 81st had passed none of the major legislation 
to which it was committed, except the very mo- 
dest Minimum Wage Act which had Republican 

For this alarming failure — this breakdown of 
our democracy — there were many causes, of 
which the Republican-Southern Democratic co- 
alition \s only the most obvious. The fact is that 
so-called free enterprise cannot provide plenty, 
-peace, and freedom for the common people. 

The liberals who promise— as they have prom- 
ised—to get these things through the old parties 
are false prophets doomed to failure, for they 
support an economic system and political ma- 
chines that prevent performance of their prom- 

Meanwhile, as the cold war grows hotter our 

bondage to the arms economy increases. Today, 

""one^^hird of every dollar of the federal budget 

goes to preparing for the Third World War, the 

war of A, H, and X bombs and disease germs. 

Continuing the arms, race can lead only to war 
or bankruptcy or both. Yet for the, present it 
serves to stall off economic depression and to 
contribute to the enormous profits of great cor- 
porations. But this is a temporary prosperity at- 
tended by growing unemployment and a danger- 
ous increase in the national debt. 


This situation highlights the necessity for a 
democratic Socialist approach to the goal of 
plenty, peace, and freedom. 

Democratic Socialism, and only Democratic So- 
cialism, offers to the American people the basic 
principles for the progressive achievement of a 
world-wide fellowship of free men in which 
alone is the ultimate guarantee of peace and 

(1) Socialism calls for social ownership and 
cooperation in place of the insincere philosophy 
of free enterprise, which means monopoly and 
its made and wasteful pursuit of private profits. 

In place of absolute nationalism, it urges a 
steady approach to One World under a federated 
government by the increase of cooperation, eco- 
nomic and political between the peoples of the 
world through the United Nations. 

(2) Socialism, in the spirit of cooperation, calls 
for an economy planned for the benefit of the 
people, a rounding out of welfare legislation, and 
an increase in productivity. This requires a broad 
extension of social ownership under Democratic 
control. It is our answer to the present chaotic 
intervention of government in behalf of special 
interests. Only by Democratic Socialism can 
there be security and freedom. Only so can un- 
employment and poverty be conquered. 

America today needs the creation on the elec- 
toral field of a mass party consciously dedicated 
to the democratic socialist goa]. This is our 
answer to the irresponsible party government 

under which we live and the insane economic 
system which it supports. 

We pledge our candidates to the following pro- 
gram for peace, for plenty, and for freedom and 
democracy. This program we shall untiringly 
urge not only on the 82nd Congress but on the 
legislatures of our States. 


The long coal strike and the present state of 
the coal industry underscore the merit of our 
demand for the socialization of coal and other 
national resources. Under private ownership the 
wastes are enormous and both men and mineral 
wealth are outrageously exploited. 

This idea of social ownership and control must 
be extended to banks which by creating credit 
actually create money. It must also be extended 
to monopolies and semi-monopolies; that is, to 
the public utiHties and to the steel industry 
which by its arbitrary increases of the price of a 
basic necessity has exercised a power which only 
a democratic government should have. 

In addition, industries must be socialized when- 
ever and wherever private operation does not 
serve the public interest. They must be demo- 
cratically administered and operated to furnish 
all needed public service regardless of whether 
they show what is known as "a profit." 

A variety of forms of public enterprise, so set 
up as to be free from political influence, and with 
direct representation of employees, technicians, 
and consumers, would be encouraged. 

These will include public authorities like TVA, 
Regional and Municipal Ownership and Opera- 
tion, and governmental bureaus. It must be ein- 
phasized that socialist public industry would not 
be run politically and undemocratically like> the 
U.S. post office. 

Such jpublic authorities would .be set up, for 
example, in the great river valleys of America in 
order to end conflict between government agen- 
cies and waste and robbery by private interests. 

Family farm ownership and operation must be 
protected on the basis of occupancy and use. 
Absentee ownership should be prevented in town 
and country by the progressive application of the 
principle that society should take by taxation 
the rental value of the land (aside from improve- 
ments) which value society creates. 

Clearly, the providing of food for the hungry 
of the world cannot be left to the gamble of the 
market economy. We believe, however, that — 
given the present system of society— a properly 
administered plan of subsidies to maintain farm 
income at a fair level will be better and cheaper 
than the present so-called parity system, under 
which half a billion dollars of public money was 
spent to produce potatoes destined to be des- 
troyed. Such farm subsidies should be directly 
related to the proper conservation of the soil and 
to the feeding of a hungry world. 

Socialists were the first to call for— as they 
still demand — a broad program of social security, 
including adequate unemployment compensation, 
genuine, old-age pensions, and a comprehensive 
health insurance plan, all extended to cover the 
classes of workers now excluded from even the 
minimum benefits so far established. 


Our immediate and central task is to end the 
arms race, which can lead only to destruction, 
and to transfer the conflict against dictatorship, 
whether communist or fascist, out of the realm 
of war to that of ideas and economic organization. 

To this end we insistently urge the President 

and Congress to make a bold appeal to all gov- 
ernments and peoples for the effective disarma^ 
ment of all nations down to a police level under 
the supervision and control of a strengthened 
United Nations. 

Simply making the appeal, granting that at 
first it may be rejected by the men in the Krem- 
lin, will recapture an intitiative for peace which 
the United States is losing with dangerous rap- 

This appeal for universal disarmament should 
be accompanied by a pledge that the United 
States, in cooperation with other nations, under 
the general control of an improved United Na- 
tions, will invest a large part of the billions sav- 
ed in arms for the improvement of industry and 
agriculture throughout the world. We cannot af- 
ford not to make this investment in peace and 
plenty. Even to maintain American employment 
at its present too low level will require a plan- 
ned program of war against hunger and poverty 
at home and abroad, lest the end of the arms 
program bring on a panic in America. 

This broad program of cooperative war on 
hunger and poverty is a necessary successor to 
the Marshall Plan. It must be so carried out that 
it will bring more direct help to masses of peas- 
ants and workers than did the Marshall Plan in. 
Europe, where economic recovery was not fol- 
lowed by a sufficient rise in their standard of 
living. . . 


We denounce the effort to tie freedom to* cap- 
italism as contrary to history and logic. Freedom 
is inseparably bound up with peace and plenty 
and with the ending of the robbery of the many 
by the few. 

We denounce the failure of both old parties to 
live up even to their own weak platform prom- 
ises concerning civil rights, and we pledge our- 
selves to active support of Fair Employment, 
anti-lynching, anti-discrimination and anti-segre- 
gation legislation in states and in the nation. 

In the interest of freedom, democracy and fair 
play we renew our demand for a constitutional 
amendment for the direct election of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, with uniform, just and 
reasonable qualifications for voters throughout 
the nation. 

We denounce the Lodge-Gossett constitutional 
amendment which passed the Senate, not only 
as an improper substitute for direct election, but 
as a blow to civil rights by reason of its deliber- 
ate failure to abolish race discrimination in 

We recognize that the conspiratorial tactics of 
the Communist Party are a menace to democ- 
racy, but so, too, are the tactics of many of those 
who in the name of fighting Communism would^^ 
destroy our democratic liberties. "#'^ 

We renew our complete opposition to such 
measures as the Mundt-Ferguson-Nixon Bill, to 
special loyalty oaths exacted from teachers and 
others, and to hysterical and politically-moti- 
vated attacks on individuals by enemies of all 
progress cloaked in Congressional immunity. 

The most effective way to fight Communism 
is to end the profit system, to abolish poverty, to 
banish fear of war, and to keep and extend our 
democratic freedoms. No capitalist party can or 
will do these things. Only Socialism can do i 
and in this campaign, as in previous campaigns, 
we pledge ourselves to unceasing battle for a 
Socialist society. 

■Friday. June S. 1950 


Page Seven 

lie NecessRy For A Full Production Bill 

(Resolution adopted by the Socialist Party convention) '^ 

?/hiIe ihe American eco.nomY is still near l!ie high point of employing some sixty | 

mllion ^vorkers, unmistakeable signs of large scale unemployment darken the present 

>icture. 3,500,000 to 5,000,000 workers are unemployed. 

I Many localities have been particularly hard hit. Many Industries have suffered se- 

\rere declines, and may be headed for permanent difficulties. The relief applicant load xs 

psing at unprecedented rates. State unemployment insurance funds are threatened and 

'Biay have to be bailed out by the federal government. xjr&nrn 

The fear of unemployment again stalks the land. The question, ARE WE HEADED 

FOR A MAJOR DEPRESSION?, is on the li ps of workers everywhere. In the present 

situation, three groups of work-<S>- 

J ers have been particularly disad- 
pVantaged in the contracting job 
FJnarket: the young workers, who 
are entering the job market for 
the first time, the middle-aged 
jK- and older workers who lose their 
' yobs as a result of layoffs and 
ind that employers want young- 
: men because of pension ar- 
rangements and because of a 
liistaken notion that younger 
ifflrkers are more productive. 


In a very real sense, the next 
depression is here now even 
though in 1950, we may well 
produce the largest peacetime 
national income in our history. 
Economic strains and maladjust- 
toents have set in which tend to 
produce a depression in our priv- 
ate-profit, capitalist economy, 
even in this period of high prof- 
its and brisk business activity. 

The labor force is growing at^ 
a greater rate than the ability 
of the economy to absorb work- 
ers. Each year, over a million 
new workers enter the labor 
^rce. It becomes increasingly 
Jifficult to absorb new workers 
as the economy fails to expand 
Bnd as the rate of productivity 
ler worker goes up. 
J, Private capitalism cannot ex- 
pand at the rate made necessary 
by an increasing labor force, nor 
will it supply all the goods and 
services America and the world 
leeds for a rising and improved 
^.tandard of living. Only plan- 
led production for use — not for 
profit— can provide full employ- 
Imcnt and an ever-increasing liv- 
ing standard. 

But short of a full program of 
;,3ocialization and planning of pro- 
iduction, the Socialist Party urges 
' le adoption of its FULL PRO- 
lUCTION BILL as a means of 
iStaving off econorpic stagnation 
Eor the United States— and for 

the many nations dependent up- 
on us. 

Economic life is so integrated 
that this creeping depression here 
will bring about even more ser- 
ious economic disturbances 
throughout the western^ world. 
Briefly this bill provides for the 
injection of capital into the ec- 
onomy to stimulate production 
and employment through the use 
of socially-owned corporations 
and cooperatives. 


The Full Production Bill not 
only recognizes that the provi- 

sion of jobs is a social responsi' 
bility and a concern of govern- 
ment, and requires an annual 
job budget or estimate of the 
probable number of persons who 
will want work and the probable 
number of available jobs, but 
provides for a Full Production 
Finance Authority which would 
report to Congress and the people 
on the job outlook, make con- 
structive recommendations for 
legislation, and itself do some- 
thing about putting men to work. 
Qn the basis of reports from 
its research agency it would des- 

SP Coiiventioii Reaffirins 
Faith In Neriian Thomas 
gs Socialist Spokesman 

The questions discussed at convenii.on sessions devoted io I 
electoral aclivily involved an analysis o£ our role as a party in 
winning the American people to socialism. This discussion was 

part and parcel of our tradition of full and free democratic ; 

participation of the membership to arrive at parly decisions, j 

This was but one issue before us. ■ 

No repudiation of Normeji Thomas' leaderShip was in- ] 

volved, nor, on the other hand, was the disbanding of the | 

Party contemplated by supporters of the view on electoral 1 

policy which did not prevail. ' 

We affirm our faith in the democratic process of party \ 

discussion to reach decisions openly and freely. In this process : 

we may reject ideas but we do not reject our faith in the | 
capacity of comrades for leaxJership. 

We reaffirm our faith in Norman Thomas as the spokesman 
for American Socialism. 

Increase in "Base" Price of Steel per net iwi\ 

. Total 

OPA Price , 

per ton 

ignate areas of investment, in- 1 discrimination in employment 

dustries and regions where men 
can be put to work by establish- 
ing or expanding non-profit en- 
terprises of all sorts. 

These non-profit, public corpo- 
rations and cooperatives would 
be permitted to borrow money 
from the Authority at a low 
rate of interest. In this way the 
nvestment needed to maintain 
full production and full employ 
ment would be provided even 
though profit seekers, fearing 
that their swollen returns to 
which they are accustomed 
would not be obtained, refused 
to invest. 

These democratically operated, 
non-profit organizations whose 
nature is carefully described in 
the Bill may become members 
of the Authority. The member 
corporations will elect six direc- 
tors and the President of the 
United States three, to constitute 
a board of nine. 


The Bill provides in necessary 
detail for the proper manage- 
ment of the- Authority and for 
the protection of loans to mem- 
ber corporations against bad 
management. It guarantees the 
rights of collective bargaining, 
freedom from racial and other 

and a proper level of minimum 
wages in the corporations. 

Reports of the Authority would 
be referred to the Joint Com- 
mittee of the Senate and the 
House on the Economic Report. 
The Authority would recommend 
to the Committee and to the 
country a proposed division of 
the national income between im- 
mediate consumption goods and 
investment in plants, machinery 
and other capital goods. 

Where capital enterprises do 
not make the necessary invest- 
ment the Authority through its 
members and on the basis of its 
research would make the invest- 
ment for the production of goods 
and services that the Americans 
people want and need. 

This whole process would not 
require an elaborate price-setting 
machinery and would eliminate 
many of the bureaucratic con- 
trols that war objectives made 

The Full Production Authority- 
Bill would destroy no , private 
enterprises that can meet the 
competition of growing coopera- 
tive and non-profit public corpo- 
rations. It would bring about 
full production and also more 
equitable distribution to the 
people of America. 

PrnduOhii for Use As An AppKed Jomula 


(Resolution adopted bv the 
Socialist Parly Convention) 

Production for use rather than 
? for profit (or for wages) should 
become a more central concept, 
.^JJ? oth for socialist study groups 
j^^Knd for the message which so- 
cialists want to bring to non- 
socialists. While the formula is 
hot new in socialist circles, it is 
frequently pushed aside for con 
sideration of what appear to be 
more pressing matters. This con- 
vention urges all socialists to 
devote more attention to study- 
ing the implications and appli- 
cations of the principles of pro- 
duction for use, and to promot- 
ing wider understanding of the 

Many factors combine to make 
such study imperative: 
(1) There is and will continue 

to be for seme time a world- 
wide shortage of goods and serv- 
ices basic to human progress. In- 
creasing demands for socially- 
financed social security, expenses 
of the cold war, the needs for 
aid to under-developed lands, and 
even a precarious American 
standard of living require great- 
er productivity per man hour 
and in toto than Western man 
has yet achieved. 

(2) The prevalence of "hold 
the volume down and keep the 
price up" policies in both man- 
agement and labor thinking 
blinds many to- the real func- 
tion of production. 

The last depression gave work- 
ers a burning fear of working 
themselves out of a job, which 
frequently centers all attention 
on the existence of a job, in 

lieu of a healthy realization of 
the nature and function of pro- 
ductive effort. 

In like manner, management 
increasingly turns to cartel poli- 
cies in a shortsighted effort to 
meet the problems of poor dis- 
. tribution. 

(3) The complete failure of 
ihe "free enterprise," automatic, 
competitive 'pricing mechanism 
to keep costs or prices down 
and volume up, throws this prob- 
lem into the area of deliberate 
and careful planning. 

(4) Modern psychological and 
sociological studies of men on 
the job are revealing the short- 
comings of profits and wages as 
the only incentives of or motiva- 
tion for production and are forc- 
ing personnel planners to ex- 
plore the human values in the 
productive process, in PRODUC- 


Some engineers are convinced 
that the mass-production tech- 
nique has been pushed into many 
situations where it is not even 
efficient production — thus reopen- 
ing the entire question of pro- 
duction techniques, monotony, 
creativeness, social values, etc. 
for reconsideration. 

(5) Socialist and Labor Gov- 
ernments in power or move- 
ments exercising great influence 
throughout the democratic world 
find this area to present their 
greatest unsolved problems. 


(6) The decline of the role of 
owners and the rise of manage 
ment in business make mana- 
gerial policies the chiel concern 
of socially -minded students 

Managerial policies must be 
the backbone of any socialist 
program. Neither socialist nor 
capitalist thinkers have really 
digested this fact nor incorpo- 
rated it jadequately into their 

Past experience and theory 
can supply neither capitalists. 
nor socialists with effective man- 
agerial policies. New analysis 
must devise new policies. 

Careful attention to this area 
by socialist theoreticians andl 
students will help clear up many- 
blind spots in the contemporary 
programs of farmer, labor and 
other groups interested in social 

the formula, the concept under 
which such exploratory work 
may best be done. _ , 

Page Eighl 


Friday, June S. 195€ 

Aspects Of Tie Ameriean EetiOiiy 

Capitalism's Boom Rides To M Major Crisis 


Perhaps ironically, convention 
time for American socialism 
found the American economy at 
least momentarily enjoying the 
best of economic health. 

Yet at almost the same time, 
•warnings of the profound prob- 
lems and tendencies towai-ds 
crisis lurking beneath the cur- 
rent surface prosperity were 
sounded by economic observers 
in labor, government, and busi- 
ness itself. 

It was almost as if these warn- 
ings were meant to confirm the 
Socialist analysis— IShe develop- 
ii;sg capitalist crisis — at a time 
when socialism stands on the 
threshhold of its greatest con- 
quests on the consciousness of 
American labor. 


Perhaps the unemployment 
situation is the best single index 
to this anomaly. This past win- 
ler the total of jobless rose to a 
postwar high of 4.7 million in 
February. It fell to 3.5 million 
.in April. The May figure may 
be down to three million, and 
the actual total right now is 
likely down to less than three 

Two factors have reduced un- 
employment by almost two mill- 
ion in a few months. One is the 
seasonal upswing in agriculture, 
construction, lumbering, and 
other outdoor work. 

Second is the surge of the 
.business boom over the past few 
months. Seasonally, the jobless 
total will go up again during the 
summer when youngsters vaca- 
tion from school and temporarily 
join the ranks of the job seekers 
— and seasonally, the number of 
idle should drop off again in the 
fall when they return to school. 
;So for the next few months 
— so long as business stays as 
good as it is- — unemployment will 

lisiness Magaziie 
lata Is Argumeit 
For iigher Wages 

Washington (LPA) — The big- 
gest argument yet for higher 
wages has been provided by 
Business Week, a magazine that 
certainly is not partial to labor. 
It is a report that productivity 
of labor is rising "spectacularly," 
and is the cause of the growing 
■ unemployment. 

To back up its report that 
productivity is rising "spectacu- 
larly," Business Week notes that 
the output of goods in 1949 was 
about the same as in 1948, but 
was accomplished with three 
per cent less workers. It con- 
firms thi^' overall study by a 
check of individual plants. 

One midwestern manufacturer 
reports that output per man has 
gained 15 to 20 per cent in the 
past year. Another ended 1949 
with employment 1600 under 
1048 and sales volume $10 mil- 
lion higher — about a 10 per cent 
shift each way. 

Even in agriculture, the maga- 
zine reports, the increase in pro- 
ductivity is "striking." Since 
1047 employment on farms has 
been dropping, but production 
is as high as ever. 

go up and down but will pose no 
problem of crisis. 

For the longer-term, however, 
unemployment remains just as 
worrisome as before. Late last 
month the Federal Reserve Board 
placed a semi-official statistical 
seal on facts which already have 
become fairly widely known: 
That new machinery has increas- 
ed the man-hour efficiency of 
labor rapidly in the last couple 
of years, displacing many hun- 
dreds of thousands of jobs an- 
nually — and that nationally, the 
labor force has been growing 
rapidly, by perhaps one million 
job seekers a year. These trends 
operate to increase unemploy- 
ment over the long term. 

Philip Murray, at the same 
time, took cognizance of this 
long-range danger when he told 
the American Clothing Workers 
convention; that unless the pres- 
ent trend was checked unemploy- 
ment would rise to as many as 
11 million by 1956. "Five million 
is menacing. Six million is dan- 
gerous. Seven million is depres- 
sion. Eleven million is riots and 

Murray's forecast, predicated 
on added unemployment of a 
million or so a year arising from 
increased productivity and' more 
job seekers, assumes that the 
peak business levels of 1948 and 
1950 will be naaintained. 

Unemployment can be held 
down only if business and pro- 
duction volume continually ex- 
pand. Unemployment will shoot 
up much faster if business ac- 
tivity lets down. 


And last month, too, banker- 
economist Murray Shields, for 
one, told California bankers that 
the nation may now be in the 
last phase of the early postwar 

boom "with the risk that a sim- 
ultaneous setback would initiate 
a decline in business substantial- 
ly more serious than was ex- 
perienced in 1949. Until the basis 
on which our prosperity rests is 
strengthened we are entitled to 
be apprehensive as to the out- 

Then he came east and was 
joined by four top economists at 
the American Management Asso- 
ciation conference in predicting 
a business downturn in 1951. 
They traced the" present boom 
to temporary factors and regard- 
ed a recession next year as "in- 
evitable." The only question 
among them was how much 
deeper the 1951 recession would 
go than it had in 1949. 

In plain words, this means that 
business' own observers cannot 
quite see how long the nation 
can absorb production of autos 
and trucks at the current rate 
of nine million a year, construc- 
tion of homes at the rate of IVz 
million a year, and business in- 
vestment in new plant anS 
equipment at the present pace 
of nearly $20 billion annually. 

There is no question but that 
business in 1950 is turning out 
much better than originally ex- 
pected, particularly by business 
itself. The improvement, cumu- 
lative, has fed upon itself. Not 
only has consumer buying held 
up but business also has begun 
again to expand its inventories 
and has revised upwards its 
spending on new plant and 
equipment both because profits 
have been high and demand 
strong. In turn, renewed activity 
in steel, construction, machinery 
have helped to expand employ- 
ment, payrolls, and consumer 

All this has built up confid- 

ence in business prospects for 
the second half of the year. The 
boom is expected to keep rolling 
for perhaps another six months 
if for no other reason than its 
own sheer momentum. 

Meanwhile, signs of strain arid 
pressure have newly appeared in 
the form of a broadening price 
advance which, while smaller 
than the inflationary proportions 
of the rise in 1946-1948, none- 
theless begins to threaten the 
foundations of the prosperity in 
consumer buying. Mounting costs 
of home building and home fur- 
ni.shings in particular may cut 
the ground under housing de- 

Thus the factors that concern 
the business observers may ap- 
pear as early as the beginning 
of 1951. Buying of autos may let 
down simultaneously with home- 
building, as backlogs of demand 
held over from the war years 
are rapidly being eaten away 
by high output. Then buying for 
inventory would give way to 
inventory retrenchment if sales 
weakened. Stimulus of the vet- 
erans' insurance dividend will 
meanwhile have played itself 
out over the next several months. 
And plant capacity will have 
expanded further and productiv- 
ity will have advanced, displac- 
ing more jobs. 


Should the "more serious" re- 
cession which thus threatens ap- 
pear in 1951, the problems cited 
by Murray would become serious 
— five years earlier than fore- 
cast. The recession of 1949 
brought unemployment up to 
four million. Meanwhile, the fac- 
tors summarized by the Federal 
Reserve Board would by 1951 
have operated to increase it by 
another three or four million. 

"TlieDeatli IHarcli'^ 

So a serious business dip next 
year could readily increase un- 
employment well beyond seven 
millions — though it might not ap- 
proach Murray's "riots and blood- 
shed" proportions. :, 

Perhaps the single main fac- 
tor which might stand in the 
way of such a recession would 
be the increased armament costs 
arising from the cold war. How- 
ever, the defense budgets now 
planned or even contemplated 
would act only as a cushion 
against a business letdown. Only 
a sharp step up in defense pre- 
pararations — as in 1940-1941 — 
could insm-e sustained employ- 


In the face of these potential 
problems, labor leaders already 
are toying with proposals that 
go far beyond the Fair Detal ^pro^r 
grams which the Democratic 
Congress has so blithely ignored. 
Reduction of the work-week as 
a way to spread jobs — if unem.- 
ployment threatens — is one such 
labor proposal. That a cut in the 
work-week would still beg the 
question of using idle industrial 
capacity is less important than 
the fact that labor's thinking is 
already going beyond the Fair 
Deal program. 

Hence labor's dissatisfaction 
with the two-party system is be- 
ginning to be felt not only ?* 
the Democrats' inaction but in- , 
creasingly at their inadequacy &s" 
well. This is perhaps the strong- 
est spur today behind the move- 
ment towards AFL-CIO unity. 

In short, the tendencies tow- 
ards crisis inherent in capitalism 
are working their effects on the 
political programs of the labor 
movement, whether or not tht>se 
tendencies are realized actually 
or immediately in a recession. 
And that trend in labor is 
strengthened as the obvious 
props to the early postwar boprn 
begin to weaken and the fear 
of a really serious recession 

And it is that perspective — 
rather than the temporary boom 
of ' today — that guides Ameri- 
can Socialism in its new and 
reinvigorated tasks following the 

Sidney Vyorst • Apent 

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