•st
VOL. XVII— No. II Tolal 726
NEW YORK,
PRICE FIVE CENTS
Socialist Party Conventioit Reaffirms
Need For Continued Electoral Action
DETROIT — A resolution favoring continuation
of' straight Socialist electoral activity on as broad
a scale as possible was adopted by the 27th na-
tional convention of the Socialist Party here last
week by a vote of 64 to 42. The resolution pro-
posed by a majority of the old national executive
committee which called for limitation of electoral
activity was defeated by a vote of 70 to 37.
The convention majority, headed by Darling-
ton Hoopes, Raymond Hofses, Samuel H. Fried-
man, Jasper McLevy and Robin Myers, and un-
expectedly supported by a compromise group
headed by Irving Barshop, insisted that partici-
pation in national campaigns was necessary for
"our political survival as an entity which attracts
some measure of journalistic and popular atten-
tion, and for the educational opportunity it
brings."
The- majority, however, cautioned against "a
futile running of candidates as a ritual" and de-
cided that "the national convention should de-
^'Tcide on presidential campaigns, state bodies in
consultation with the national executive com-
mittee on state offices and so down to the low-
est offices."
"No local, state or national committee shall be
permitted under any circumstances., to endorse"
or support any candidates running on either the
Democratic or Republican tickets or in their pri-
maries, insisted the majority.
The minority, headed by Norman Thomas,
Aaron Levenstein, Maynard C. Krueger, Tucker
P. Smith and Harry Fieischman, cited past elec-
toral failures of the party and insisted that the
party could convert labor to Socialism and cap-
italize on the recent wholesome interest of labor
in pohtics "only as we are able to work with
them."
The minority would run party campaigns "only
where circumstances make campaigns specifical-
ly and practically advantageous" and called for
party members "to function loyally" in A.D.A.
CIO's P.A.C., the AFL's Labor League for Poli-
tical Education, etc., in cases where the Socialists
had no candidates.
The minority would have even permitted the
party to use the official primaries of other par-
ties when unusual circumstances required such,
action and the party committees approved.
Said the minority; "This new electoral orien-
tation will release Socialist energy and funds for
a more intensive canapaign of organization and
education for Socialism" and will make it pos-
sible "for us to increase party membership and
to spread, in constantly widening circles, the ac-
ceptance of Socialist ideas."
NEW N.E.C.
The national executive committee, which was
elected unanimously, contains eight members of
the majority group including Darlington Hoopes,
who was re-elected national chairman; Seymour
Steinsapir and Samuel H. Friedman of New
York; Alfred Tong of New Haven; Jerry Ray-'
mond, Detroit; Caleb Smith, Wilmington, Ohio; -
William O. Hart, Badger, Wise; and Harvey
Taylor, Cedar Lake, Ind.
Irving Barshop, of New York, was also elected
(Continued on Page 3)
The Resolution On Electoral Activity
Adopted By The Socialist Party Convention
Ours is a great responsibility. Believing as we
do that capitalism is a negation of democracy,
we must strive to build a Socialist organization
capable of offering to ever increasing numbers
of Americans a real and positive alternative to
capitalism and its political manifestations. The
program here proposed is an attempt to equio
the Socialist Party with the tools required to do
that job.
If we have failed as Socialists it is in setting
our sights too low, not in setting them too high.
Within the past twenty years, most of what was
once the immediate program of the Socialist
Party has been accepted, in word if not fully in
action: social insurance, civil rights, housing,
minimum wages, the right of labor to organize.
■ If alL we had to offer in the face of capitalist
i^jrruption, of continuing economic distress in the
Richest country of the world, of the wasting away
|Df our natural resources, of the renewed threat
)f atomic war was dissent; if all we did was to
^eep a possibility of change alive, that contribu-
lon to society would be great.
^^But we are not only dissenters. We are So-
cialists, and as Socialists we must present a posi-
''tive program which offers a real alternative to
■capitalist exploitation.
BREAD AND BUTTER ISSUES
j| We view the struggle of workers for an ad-
Rfancing standard of living and for security in
Jaeir daily lives, as part of this program and will
lontinue, as in the past, to aid in that struggle.
Our alternative to capitalism must transcend
the basic appeals of 'bread and butter' unionism
and of the welfare state. Socialism must be
shown to offer an essentially different relation
of the worker to his job, not just a higher wage.
While we continue to advocate such immedi-
ate necessities as government housing, health
care, and advancing wage minimums, these
things in themselves cannot ehminate the basic
evil of ^uman exploitation, but rather are sub-
stitutes for justice and threats to human freedom
in a class society.
We, therefore, rededicate ourselves and our
Party to the building of a socialized economy by
actions on the political and all other fronts,
which challenge the class objectives of the par-
ties of capitalism.
There is no half-way house. Either we are So-
cialists who believe in democracy or we are not.
To the best of our ability, we must offer a so-
ciahst program to the American people in the
electoral as in other arenas.
Our work, in union, cooperative, anti-discrim-
ination, and similar activities, goes on from day
to day. We measure its success both by its im-
mediate ends gained and by the socialist mean-
ing we have been able to give to it by the sup-
port for Socialism that is its logical conclusion.
RESTATING GOALS
The pressure of the times calls for a restate-
ment of Socialist Party aims and goals and a re-
affirmation of our belief in the establishment of
a Socialist economy through democratic political
processes.
We therefore adopt the following program as
a basis and guide for socialist electoral activity:
1. We must, if possible, run a national cam-
paign in presidential years. This is necessary for
our pohtical survival as an entity which attracts
some measure of journalistic and popular atten-
tion, and for the educational opportunity it
brings. The only qualification that we can admit
is one of strength and ability.
Whether or not we may alienate certain union-
ists, liberals, or progressives, cannot be the de-
termining factor. This directive is not meant to
encourage a futile running of candidates as a -
ritual. j
Since activity that is rewarded in some local-
ities may be impractical in others, each group,
affected should make the final decision whether
o;- not, at a given time, it should engage in a
specific electoral campaign designed to elect so-
cialists to public office. Thus the National Con-
vention should decide on presidential campaigns,
state bodies in consultation with the NEC on
state offices and so down to the lowest offices.
2. The National Executive Committee is charg-
ed with the duty of launching an intensive edu-
cational campaign centered about America's need
for a new Party independent of the old parties.
Socialists are urged as party units and as indi-
viduals, and also acting within labor, coopera-
tives, and liberal groups, to agitate and campaign
for the Socialist Party and for the formation of
a new Party based upon a break with both the
(Continued on Page 2)
f Page Two
THE CALL
Friday, June 9. 1950 ^
Minority Resolution On Electoral Actioni
Our Socialist Party- exists lo advance the cause of socialism. We are dedicated to the
idesl of the cooperative commonwealth: to a Socialist America in which democracy and
social-economic planning are combined to achieve dignity and security for man. Through
democratic socialism alone lies the road to the strengthening of political freedoms, the
possibility of permanent peace and an increasing level of material well-being.
Such is our ideal. We exist as a party to achieve it.
Our success requires a change in political strategy: A calculated risk to meet difficult
problems and dangers inherent in the American ,pitua±ion. This change in strategy invol-
ves neither change in purpose nor repudiation of our own past and its substantial
achievements.
It is a change necessitated by the following facts:
1. Thanks in part to ever increasing legal difficulties in getting on the ballot, and in
part lo other historic factors, our party has year by year found itself less and less able
to place full tickets or any thin g<
like full tickets in the field. It
is a simple fact that only in a
fiew cities and states, do Socialists
have for themselves or present
to others an opportunity to vote
the Socialist ticket except in
Presidential years, and even
then since 1932, we have been
unable to place our national tic-
ket on the ballot in some of the
most important Atnerican states.
' We cannot reasonably ask our
adherents to refrain from all
voting under these circumstances
nor can we promise them im-
mediately to put socialist tickets
in the field. No party can hold
any large number of people
when it cannot give them advice
and direction about the best
practical use of their ballot.
IMMEDIATE DEMANDS
2. It is no longer true that in
America as a whole the differ-
ences between the rival parties
and their candidates is always
and everywhere merely the dif-
ference between Tweedledum
and Tweedledee. In part that
is because in varying degrees,
state and local parties and can-
didates have adopted and pushed
forward many of our own social-
ist immediate demands.
In the achievement of a great
many things for which socialists
have worked such as public
housing, full employment and
greater social security, the dif-
ference between better and
worse is of enormous import-
ance. In foreign policy it may
mean the difference between in-
viting or averting a third world
war.
3. With increasing clarity large
sections of the American public
have recognized this fact even
though they have lamentably
turned deaf ears to our full so-
cialist message. The only way in
which organized labor, the pro-
gressive farmers, and liberals
will learn _the inadequacy of
their pragmatic and piecemeal
proposals and advance to a so-
cialist philosophy will be through
a process of political experience.
If we cannot convince the men
and women who are in farm
organizations, labor unions, co-
operatives and liberal movements
of the necessity for democratic
socialism we shall never con-
vince the American people as
a whole.
LABOR AND POLITICS
Of particular importance to us
is the recent political develop-
ment of organized labor. Since
the great depression of the thir-
ties the trade unions have grown
bolder in their efforts to achieve
legislative and political objec-
tives. The development of such
agencies as the Labor's League
for Political Education (AFL)
and the Political Action Com-
mittee (CIO) is evidence of a
new attitude towards political
action. To the extent that it
represents a departure from the
policy of transient and casual
endorsements of individuals and
the beginning of permanently es-
tablished political organization,
this is. a great and heartening
development for which socialists
have worked and hoped for fifty
years.
But it is not enough for or-
ganized labor or liberals or farm-
ers to become merely political.
They must become politically so-
cialist. It is our business to con-
vince them of this fact.
We shall convince them, how-
ever, only as we are able to
work with them — as indeed we
have long worked v/ith them on
many specific proposals.^ It has,
however, proved impossible to
assert the influence that we
ought in labor unions and other
(Continued on Page })
Conventim Mesalutmni
On Point Four Prograi
Point Four will not and cannot succeed unless it becomes.
part of an overall international program of universal disarma-
ment, with this program of aid through international coope-
ration as the constructive alternative to the suicidal aims
race and ajrms economy.
The announcement by President Truman of a "bold new
program" of aid lo the jjeoples in the underdeveloped, areas
of the world brought forth from these peoples expressions of i
hope and expectancy. Since that annotmcement was made,
the hope felt by these people has materially diminished. The i
administration has failed to present to Congress and the people !
either a bold or a new approach. This was inevitable, since,
as we Socialisls have maintained, there can 'be no effectivei
program of aid to the underdeveloped areas so long as we i
are wedded to an atomic and hydrogen bomb program, and an ■
armaments race.
Many conceive of this program as another weapon against ^
expanding communism; we, while recognizing thai this is true^
do. as Socialists emphasize that the primary obligation is the ;
welfare of the people. We criticize the Point Four Progren* ;
as now ptit forth by the administration, as being:
1. Inadequate in financial commitment.
2. Dangerously close to being a "bold, new venture" i» \
a form of government subsidized American imperialism, which
can do the peoples oi Ihese areas no great good for their i
political and economic emancipation, and which plays into the
hands of Communist propagandists. '
We therefore propose that an adequate Point Four Program i
should be based upon:
1. The formation of an international public authority for ;
the financing of this program, rather than the encouragement
of private investment capital exclusively.
2. An appreciation of those positive values present in
native cultures, and respect for cultural differences,
3. Constant consultation with, and i>articipation by, demo- l
cratically elected representatives of the peoples native to
each area.
4. Rapid consummation of political and economic freedomi
for these peoples, is mandatory.
5. The education for, and development of, labor organiza-
tions along with the development of agricultural, natural end
industrial resources.
6. The program must be integrated through the United
Nations.
The Resolution On Electoral Activity
Adopted By The Socialist Party Convention
(Contimied from Page 1)
Republican and Democratic Parties, tending tow-
ards Socialist ideals and committed to democrat-
ic processes.
NON-SUPPORT
■ 3. No local, state, or national committee shall
be permitted under any circumstance to endorse,
enter into a coalition with, campaign for, or in
any other manner assist in the election of can-
didates running on either the Democratic or Re-
publican tickets or in their primaries.
4. No individual Party member shall be per-
mitted to endorse or campaign for candidates of
any other political party in general elections or
in primaries. These provisions shall apply wheth-
er or not the Socialist Party has candidates in
any particular election.
Electoral or non-electoral activity must be a
clear choice between Socialist electoral action or
other education for Socialism, and not a blanket
permission to scatter our small resources to the
four winds.
5. State and local executive committees, and,
where and when necessary, the National Execu-
tive Committee, shall consult with our members
in Uberal and labor organizations to establish
and implement the understanding that the basic
role of Socialists in such organizations is educa-
tional, with main emphasis on the idea of inde-
pendent political action.
It is equally important that our members in
these organizations meet with each other to dis-
cuss mutual problems and the ways ih which
the idea of independent political action may be
advanced. Socialists in these organizations may
not support any candidates running in any of the
capitalist parties. They may, however, remain
part of the organizations (e.g. not rupture their
tie with the group).
NON-ELECTORAL ACTION
Socialist activity in the electoral field is only
one part of our work. We urge also a party-
buildipg program to include:
1. Internal discussion on THE ROAD TO SO-
CIALISM IN AMERICA is to be initiated to
guide future program and activities.
2. Steps must be taken to strengthen the ed-
,ucational and research functions of the Socialist
Party. The N.E.C. is instructed to set up a stand-
ing committee on research and education which
.shall regularly issue pamphlets, booklets, study
outlines, etcetera, periodically arrange confer-
ences, seminars and tours, supervise research
studies, and plan expansion of the CALL Associ-
ation as an educational instrument.
3. A public affairs committee shall be set up
to work in close concert with the research and
education committee, prepare legislative propo-
sals for instruction to federal, state, and local
bodies, and to initiate campaigns of importance
to the people on a community level, such as
housing, health, education, welfare activities, etc.
CALL CHANGES
4. THE CALL can be made into a much more
effective instrument to serve Socialist ends. The
material we need seems to fall into four broad
categories: (a) Interpretation of important cur-
rent events; (b) Theoretical articles on relevant
Socialist subjects; (c) News of Socialist move-
ments abroad, and (a) News of and suggestions
for Party and individual activities,
By and large ineffectual stabs have been made
at providing all these types of .material, but a
departmental CALL along these lines— rigorous-
ly edited to provide such material—in a more in-
teresting format— is possible without additional
expense.
The need for Socialist principles and objectives
becomes greater, not less, as an administration
committed to the preservation of class exploita-
tion attempts to bolster a disappearing "free'
economy by measures intended to make class
inequalities tolerable. The Socialist Party must,
therefore, continue to offer its program for se-
curity with freedom.
iFriday, June 9. 1950
THE CALL
Page Three ^
The Minority Resolution
On SP Electoral Action
(Continued from 'Page 2)
iorganizations in which we work
|so long as we are obliged as
socialists to refrain from the
electoral action which these or-
ganizations presently undertake,
This resolution is designed to
remove that barrier from, effec-
tive socialist work.
NO ENDOHSEMENTS
By no means does this change
in our policy imply any endorse-
ment of the Republican or Dem-
ocratic parties nor any nomina-
tion of Republicans or Democrats
on socialist tickets. Our new
strategy, moreover, requires more
vigorous effort than before to
present our own platforms and
specific proposals regularly as
yardsticks for the use of labor
and liberals in raeasuring the
performance of the old parties.
In working up this yardstick
for labor, individual socialists
should be required to act co
operatively and in a coordinated
fashion in situations where to-
day they are left to follow their
own devices and in the process
are usually lost to the party.
Obviously this program and
strategy require special empha-
sis on socialist education and
propaganda. But these cannot be
divorced in the minds of citizens
of democracy from participation
in popular elections. Therefore,
the Socialist Party pledges itself
to the following program in re-
lation '^0 electoral activity:
1. U will diligently continue
its efforts to bring about a new
policy. This principle of course
applies to the presidential elec-
tion of 1952.
The Socialist Party will not
offer its own candidate for the
presidency unless improbable
and as yet unforeseen develop-
ments make it seem wise to the
national convention of that year.
WORKING IN PAC, LLPE
Where the Socialist Party it-
self runs no candidates it will
expect its members to function
loyallj- in organizations like the
AFL's LLPE, the CIO's PAC,
and ADA.
In thus functioning with Party
approval Socialists must take
every opportunity in open and
friendly fashion to point out
the respects in which labor's
present political action falls
short of socialist standards: That
is to say, falls short of labor's
possibilities of achieving peace,
plenty and freedom.
In unusual circumstances the
Socialist Party may see fit to
use the official primary appara-
tus of other parties but only
after official approval by the lo-
cal or state bodies involved and
with consent of the National Ex-
ecutive Committee.
Socialist organizalional activi-
lies. This new electoral orienta-
tion will release Socialist energy
and funds for a more intensive
campaign of organization and
education for socialism. The in-
tent of this policy is to make it
possible for us to increase party
membership and to spread;
political alignment and the- crea- I constantly widening circles, the
acceptance of socialist ideas.
NEW ACTIVITIES
These purposes will not be
achieved automatically with the
adoption of this policy but can
follow only from the re-direction
of socialist activities into more
fruitful channels. The National
Executive Committee is there-
fore instructed to initiate pro-
grams along these general lines:
I — Extend Socialist research
on fundamental questions invol-
ved in the reorganization of
society.
II— Develop new programs for
tion of a strong mass party con-
sciously d'evoted to socialist ideas.
2. It will run its own candi-
dates only where circumstances
make campaigns specifically and
practically advantageous. Ob-
viously this win continue to be
the case in such places as Bridge-
port and Norwalk, Conn.; Read-
ing, Pa.; Milwaukee, Wise. Of
the conditions which would
, make Socialist campaigns under
the Socialist Party emblem a
definite contribution to socialist
progress, the appropriate regional
governing bodies must be the
judges on the basis of party
legislative action
problems and investigate the
problems of trade union policy
and action.
Ill — Increase the volume and
improve the quahty of Socialist
literature and publications.
IV — Launch a program of lea-
dership training for Socialist
Party members to increase their
effectiveness as Socialists and as
members of other organizations.
V — Initiate action programs
and campaigns on immediate is-
sues confronting the American
people.
Machinery lo implement Ihis
program. The National Execu-
tive Committee and the state and
local Party bodies are instructed
to set up the following commit-
tees to function in the areas in-
dicated.
1 — Research Committee — to
map out projects for Socialist
study and to carry out such
studies.
2— Publicity Committee — to
publicize Socialist Party activi-
ties and keep the party's pro-
gram before the attention of the
people.
3 — Educational Committee —
to conduct internal educational
activities and to train party
members for roles of leadership
in the party and mass organiza-
tions;, to set up and direct a So-
cialist Speakers' Bureau.
4 — Committee on Publications
— to supervise the preparation
of pamphlets, leaflets, etc.; to
direct the building up of THE
CALL, which becomes, now, of
ever increasing importance to the
Party.
5 — Committee on Activities and
Organization — to map out cam-
paigns of action and to super-
vise Socialist activities in mass
organizations. (This , committee
should work in close contact v/ith
all other committees.)
6 — Committee on Finances —
to raise the funds needed for
carrying out party activities.
PROGRAM TO BE LAUNCHED
Launching the Program. The
National Executive Committee is
instructed to proceed immediate-
ly with the task of launching
Fleisihmm To Resign
As Nationul Secretary
To AH Socialist Party Members:
economic 1 this program. The following mea-
Dear Comrades: i
Writing this letter is one of the most painful tasks I 1
have ever had to do.
I have served as national secretary of the Socialist Party ;
for more Ihan eight years. The work has been difficult and ofen i
heartbreaJcing in view of the tremendous job' to be done and I
our wholly inadequate physical and financial resources. •
Nevertheless I have greatly enjoyed my work. 1 have i
found many compensations in the warm comradeship an^ I
fraternity of a host of our members and friends, and in the i
genuine spirit of sacrifice so many have displayed. And much ,
of our work has borne fruit.
But since the national convention has rejected the views I
on electoral action which I. along with many other comrades, i
consider the most effective road at this time toward a socialist I
society, I have had to resign as national secretary. ,
First of all, I believe in Party responsibility. The new
majority must assume the responsibilities of Party administra- 1
lion. A major responsibility is the national secretaryship. .
Secondly, our Party is a democratic organization. I propose '
to use my efforts in the time ahead lo help make the present '
minority become a majority in the ranks of the Party. I could i
not do that with good conscience while serving as national I
secretary. i
I appreciate the spirit behind Sam Friedman's motion in i
the new national executive conunlttee to reject my resigna- 1
tion, but my decision is final and I am glad the NEC has '
recognized that fact.
I have agreed lo remain as national secretary until the i
next meeting of the national executive committee, August 12-13 '
in Reading, Pa., both to give the NEC tinie to pick a successor I
and for me to train him in the problems of my post.
Of course I intend to continue to be as active as I possibly i
can- in all Party work. I shall remain on the national aclion :
committee, and if requested to. shall serve as an associate i
editor of THE CALL. I shall continue to speak and write for :
the Parly wherever I can, but it will have to be as a rank- J
and-iiler rather than as the Parly's chief executive officer.
I want to express my heartfelt thanks Jo ihe thousands of ;
good comrades who have helped make my work fruitful and i
enjoyable in the past. X hope they will cooperate equally :
with my successor, whoever he may be.
Fraternally yours,
HARRY FLEISCHMAN
sures should be adopted at once:
1— A series of regional sum-
mer conferences should be in-
augurated for weekends to bring
Socialists together for the dis-
cussion and development of more
effective techniques and for the
working out of policy questions.
2— The National Executive
Committee should set up an in-
ternal organ for policy discus-
sion and for the pooling of ideas
on Socialist organizational mea-
sures.
3— The national officers should
be instructed to tour the main
Socialist centers in the country
and party speakers should be
regularly routed through the ma-
jor cities.
4 — A membership drive should
be launched immediately on the
basis of the policy contained in
this .resolution.
SP Reaffirms Need For Continued Electoral Action
(Continued from Page 1)
to the N.E.C. and Seymour Kopilow remains as
representative of the Young People's Socialist
. League.
: The three minority ^members of the N.E.C. are
Norman Thomas and Aaron Levenstein of New
Ifork and Maynard C. Krueger of Chicago.
I Alternates to the national executive commit-
je, in the order' elected, are Harry Fleischman,
|y Fish, Charles Taibi, Joseph G. Glass, Mark
Brown, Martin Diamond, Irving C. Freese, Bill
iiggs, Nathan Sadowsk>, Emanuel Muravchik,
|urt Beck and Hans Peters.
I A 1950 Congressional Platform vi^as adopted,
h were resolutions on Full Production, Produc-
pon for Use and Point Four.
THOMAS STILL SPOKESMAN
v A resolution was passed unanimously which
'■mphasized that despite passage of the resolu-
fein on electoral policy, Norman Thomas remain-
'i"the spokesman for American Socialism." Im-
*"tant as the issue under debate was considered,
|ie convention emphasized that the respect and
affection of Socialists for Thomas had not de-
clined. V
Broadcasts originating from the convention in-
cluded Norman Thomas on "Why Am'ericans
Should Be Socialists" over the Mutual Broadcast-
ing System, Maynard Krueger on "Socialism—
the Answer to Capitalism" over the American
Broadcasting System, Norman Thomas and Harry
Fleischman in an interview with W. W. Chaplin
over the National Broadcasting System, and Nor-
man Thomas and Darlington Hoopes on "Social-
ism—The Answer to Communism," over the Col-
umbia Broadcasting System.
Thomas' address in the opening session of the
convention emphasized that "Life is not static;
socialism cannot be static. We Socialists ought to
re-examine our own policies and programs but
never can we admit that the question who ought
to own what is unimportant. The commanding
heights must be socially owned if there is to be
effective democratic ^naanagement, and if the
principle of cooperation is to prevail. But no so-
cial ownership will automatically solve all the
problems we nioderns face. For us Socialists it is
the spirit which giveth life— and that spirit of
comradeship is our great offer to mankind."
Krueger declared that "the air of . American
politics is always a bit murky. But lately the tog
has been thicker than usual. The more reaction-
ary politicians have learned a new word. The
new word is SOCIALISM ... I don't know why
they call our present government the welfare
state. Judging by the Federal Budget, I can see
good reason to call it the military state, or the
veterans' state, or the interest-paying state. But
so little of the government revenue is spent on
welfare measures that even Governor Dewey,
who used the term himself until recently, now
says that it must have been a very clumsy Re-
publican indeed who invented the phrase *the
Welfare State'."
In his keynote address, Thomas characterized
the Truman Welfare State as being actually a
"warfare state," because the present national
boom was dependent to such a large extent on
huge military expenditures on the part of the
Government.
Page Four
THE CALL
Friday, June 9, 1950
Point Four Program Must Be Socialized
medicine men. Witness our re-
cent experience in sending arms
to China — only to have them
sold by our "friends" to the Com-
munists. The viciousness of ex-
ploiters is usually in direct ra-
tio to the weakness of their vic-
tims. Most backward areas
abroad not only have copied our
worst sins but have a rare col-
lection of native vices which our
people would not tolerate at
home. Fighting graft, like insti-
tuting birth control, will require
firm leadership and integrity
among the imported technicians,
backed by stiff compulsions at
times.
NO CASH RETURN
A large share of this foreign
aid, at least for the tirst decade,
must be rendered in the best
missionaxy tradition, with no ex-
pectation of cash return or even
too much native gratitude. The
givers are doing penance for
past sins, serve their brothers
patiently and devotedly — hoping
by this process partially to
cleanse their own culture of a
fatal overdose of greed and sel-
fishness. While this writer be-
lieves that the absence of such
a program can have serious ec-
onomic and fatal political effects
at home, thereby presenting us
with great losses, he doubts if
any positive economic gains will
appear to seem to compensate us
for the cash outlay.
In other words, our economic
and political conditions will de-
teriorate dangerously if the pro-
gram fails, but our financial po-
sition will not appear to benefit
greatly by its early successes.
For these reasons it should be
sold as a political and spiritual
process rather than as a cash
investment. We are going to be
good neighbors to these folks
for two reasons: (1) virtue car-
It Will Take More Than Money
To Make Point Four Succeed
By TUCKER P. SMITH
Point Four is a tardy recognition of the fact thai the backward peoples are no
longer areas to be exploited, but have changed into a real threat to peace, democracy
and even Western security. They are explosively on the move, with totalitarianism their
destination unless the rest of the world, and especially the United States, takes unusual
measures and has unusually good luck in carrying through its program. We say un-
usual luck because there is little in modern history to indicate»we have the moral or in-
lellectual capacity to do the necessary minimum.
CONDITIONS OF SUCCESS
Unless we are willing to sup-
ply enough funds over decades
of time it is better not to begin.
The Public Affairs Booklets sug-
gest $520 billions be spent in 50
. years, about half of it to come
from outside the lands aided —
with some $7 billions per year of
outside aid for the opening deC'
ade (after a five year program of
get ready study and planning).
This sum is supposed to indus-
trialize one quarter of the people
of areas with an estimated popu-
lation of 1.625 billions in 1950
and 2.972 billions in the year
2,000.
Much good can be done with
$7 billions per year, but a few
figures will indicate that the es-
timate may be dangerously low.
In 1948 the United States de
voted about $45 billions to capi-
tal outlay. Business Week has
just estimated that in 1950 Am-
' erican industry will devote $13
14 billions to plant expansion
alone.
Professor Harris, in Public Af-
fairs Booklet 7, reminds us that
Canada, from 1900-13 absorbed
annually about $450 millions (in
1950 dollars), for a population of
' some seven and a third million
in 1913. If the backward areas
absorbed capital at the same
\rate, Harris estimates it would
take $75 billions per year. In
this connection it is well to re
call how strenuously Congress
objected to President Truman's
initial request for $35 millions
: for the initial studies and tech-
nical aid.
It is clear that we should be
prepared to expect (a) that what
appeared to be real sacrifices
w-ill be required of Americans to
finance the program; (b) that
programs must call for a maxi-
mum of know how and self-help
instead of capital; (c) that we
shall probably not be able to
duplicate our mechanized system
in other lands but must seek
to help the natives attain a
good life by other patterns; and
^d) that much time and patience
will be required.
WHAT IS NEEDED
' On the score of time, how-
ever, we must realize that two
dangerous counter forces ope-
rate, each demanding speed: (1)
many of these peoples are in
• no mood to be patient, and the
Gommunists promise them quick
and great gains; and (2) unless
industrialization and urbaniza-
tion cut down the birth rate fast-
er than improved agriculture and
health increase population, tlie
program may fail. This writer
guesses that sums required of
tis will be so great as to require
at least two major changes in
■0ur economy: (1) complete aban-
^donment of armament spending;
•and (2) greatly increased pro-
ductivity per man hour and in
toto, to keep our standard of liv-
ing from suffering too much.
One of the major difficulties in
Such a program will ba circum-
'irenting and eUmitiating native
'|frafters« poJitxciBxtA and such
ries its own rewards; and (2)
sins of past exploitation are com-
ing home to plague us and will,
henceforth, cost us rather than
reward us. The capitalist defini-
tion of "service" '..ill have to
be abandoned in favor of the
biblical import of that term.
NO PRIVATE ENTERPRISE
All of which line of reasoning
shows that this is no job for
capitalistic, private enterprise.
No Invisible Hand will weld in-
to a sublime and beneficent har-
mony the individual projects or
schemes of private investors. An
unprecedented degree of wisdom,
care and selflessness must go in-
to local, regional and world plan-
ning to bring anything but chaos
out of a program so delicate and
critical.
A glance at the Congressional
Record or the Washington news
shows how much of a revolution
may be required to lift this pro-
gram out of the grab bag at-
mosphere there.
The use of the Communist-
coming - out - from - under - the
- bed type of motivation, with
Congress or the public, is most
apt to defeat the program. This
program is delayed recognition
of what decent men do by na-
By NORMAN THOMAS
Now that President Truman's bold new pro-
gram of economic aid to underdeveloped regions
has got away to an exceedingly timorous start
by Congressional authorization of $35 millions,
it is worth while to examine what such a pro-
gram ought to be and what it conceivably might
do.
We live in. a world where two-thirds of the
people are not properly nourished and half the
people hover close to the line of starvation. In
many very poor areas in Asia the population is
increasing "as if by explosion," partly because
the introduction of the most elementary public
sanitation drastically reduces infant mortality
and checks — as recently in Egypt — cholera and
other epidemics.
In spite of the doubts of neo-Malthusians,
troubled both by the increase of population and
the exhaustion of the soil, most experts believe
that we know enough to about double the world's
food supply. Some of them believe, on the basis
of past history, that by a transfer of the excess
rural population to industrial work the increase
of population can be checked. (I agree with those
who say that it will also be necessary to en-
courage voluntary birth control not well repre-
-sented in these books.)
All this will cost money, and more than money.
There are all sorts of national prides and pre-
judices and social customs which must be con-
sidered. War against hunger must be a cooperative
task of the nations which will require intelli-
gent planning and competent and well-trained
leaders.
These facts are recognized and the difficulties
stated in Willard R. Espy's well written Bold
New Program. They are more adequately rec-
ognized and dealt with in a series of 8 related
pamphlets published by The Public Affairs In-
stitute, Washington,- D. C, under the title Bold
New Program Series.
Neither the book nor the series of pamphlets
faces a fact which I think vital — namely, that
the costs of worldwide war against hunger can-
not and will not be met by the U.S. and other
nations which every year feel themselves com-
pelled to spend more and more on the arms
race. On the other hand — a fact which is partial-
ly recognized in the pamphlet series — if the arm-
ament race were suddenly to be stopped there
would be economic panic in America unless there
were plans for corresponding expenditures in the
war against poverty at home and abroad.
Mr. Espy deserves praise for doing so compe-
tent a job by himself in so difficult a field. He
gives at least verbal recognition to most of the
difficult problems we face, but is somewhat su-
perficial in dealing with them.
He is particularly superficial in considering
where the money is to come from. Here his mind
seems to be bound by the homage Americans
now feel it necessary to pay to "free enterprise"
and private investment, even at a time when
they practice both so imperfectly.
At this point Morris S. Rosenthal does a much
more adequate and intelligent job in the eighth
pamphlet of the series. His bold conclusion is:
"Assuredly a nation and people, as wealthy and
as powerful as we are, can and shoUld properly
risk a ^further $10 billion of our credit in the
hope and expectation that a steadily rising stand-
ard of living among the hundred millions of
people, who are now underfed, ill clothed, badly
housed and illiterate, will give them a driving
urge for democracy and peace."
GOOD SERIES
All the 8 pamphlets of the series belong to-
gether 'as if they were a book. Especially im-
portant are the first, in which Dewey Anderson
and Stephen Raushenbush set forth "A Policy
and Program for Success;" the second, in which
Harold R. Isaacs vividly discusses the economic
and psychological state of that two-thirds of the
world which must be helped; the fourth in which
James Rorty gives vivid pictures of what the
few "engineers of world plenty" have accom-
plished; and the eighth to which I have already
alluded.
Both Mr. Espy's book and the pamphlets de-
serve wide circulation and thoughtful discussion.
The world's hope — its only hope — lies in ending
the arms race and undertaking a cooperative
war against hunger. Better than most of our
lawmakers. Senator McMahon seems to have
envisaged that fact in recent speeches.
It is profoundly to be hoped that he will pre-
sent some proposal around which public opinion
can be organized. I repeat: the program will re-
quire money, but more than money. What that
"more" is, the book and the pamphlet series
will help us to understand.
THE BOLD NEW PROGRAM SERIES, Public Affairs In-
stitute, Washington, D. C, $230.
BOLD NEW PROGRAM, by Willard R. Espy, Harper's, $3.00.
ture. It will demand sacrificesa
and real spiritual regeneration!
of both giver and receiver ofl
aid.
It is social democracy coming
to be — or brotherhood in prac-
tice. Men are capable of such^^
quality only when they aban-
don the travesties on nature in-
volved in a dollar culture. Un-
less we are genuine in our mo-
tives, those we approach will
hate us for what we are and
for what we pretend to be. We
begin this process under a dark
cloud of accumulated prejudice,,
fear and hate on the part of
former colonials.
This cannot be a military
strategy to save capitalism
against communism. In place of
a military defense of the status
quo it must be a spiritual off
fense toward a higher, social be-
ing.
A persistent effort should ba
made to include the Stalinized
areas in the plan, both as active
participants in the United Na-
tions which should be strength-
ened to administer it, and as re-
ceivers of substantial aid. This
writer fears that failure to do
so may either prevent the plan
being adopted or change its na-
ture so grievously as to make it
still-born.
Our reasoning runs as iq^ ows:
(1) the history of Western i^ela-
tions with Russia may suggest
but they do not prove that it is
impossible to get Russia to go
along on substituting world de-^
velopment for armament (we can"^
offer tremendous gains for Rus-
sia under such an arrangement,
which she can well use); (2) the
existence of the cold war keeps
Americans from moving toward '
socially democratic thinking —
thereby dooming us to lose the
cold war; (3) we can not win
a hot war; (4) we cannot finance
a cold war and the program; (5)
there is no .hope of moderation
of the Soviet dictatorship in face
of war — but real likelihood of
change under peace; and (6) ec-.
onomic planning, especially for
Europe and Japan, would be
greatly simplified by removal of
the iron curtain.
GENUINE PROPOSAL
When we say persistent effort,
we mean both a proposal ob-
viously genuine, and constant
promotion of it, for years if
need be..
What should earnest citizens
do about it? Unfortunately this
proposal is not like many of
the (largely unearned) gains of
the New Deal, Fair Deal Era.
Old ag^ pensions, aid for un-
happy (pressure) groups, etc., can
be wrung from an incompetent
Congress by a determined Presi-
dent when people "want some-
body to do something about it,"
but haven't bothered . to figure
out what.
Neither the President nor the
Congress will come up with a
workable program unless some-
thing new is added to / merican
politics. An informed, aroused
and energetic movement of citi-
zens must fight, not only for a ;
program, but for the right pro- 1
gram.
Our alternatives are: (1) forgetj
it — with sad consequences; or (b)-
seek to enlist now an informe{^|
movement for Point Four and,!
its companion piece, Universal f
Disarmament.
Friday* June 9, 1950
THE CALL
CALL
^ HARRY FLEISCHMAN, Edilot
Associate Editors
AARON LEVENSTEIN. HERMAN SINGER. NORMAN THOMAS
Contributing Editors: Lewis Corey, Erich Fromm, Patrick
___^Gorman, Donald Harrington, Harry W. Laidler
THE CALL, oflficial organ of the Socialist Party, is pub-
f'u!^ ^bi-weekly by the Call Association, Inc., a non-profit
foundation dedicated to the creation of a cooperative com-
monwealth, at 303 Fourth Ave., New York 10, N. Y.
Telephone: GRamery 3-4286
rf Tnf r'^xff '^^' do not necessarily represent the opinion
s£ THE CALL or of the Call Association, Inc
Calling The Shots
Mr. Lie And Mr. Stalin
I ♦ "In the middle of May, a thrill of new hope ran
around the world. Trygve Lie, Secretary General of the
Uni ed Nations, had gone on a pilgrimage to the chief
world capitals in the interest of peace. Moscow was the
fourth capital to be visited, after which Lie promptly
arranged to visit the other three (Paris, London and
Washington) for a second time. He has not, as this is-
sue of the New Republic goes to press, revealed the
contents of his talk with Generalissimo Stalin yet
everyone is asking: Is there a real chance of ending the
cold war? And if so, on what terms?"
' This is the beginning of a lead editorial in the New
Republic for June 5.
Although the New Republic modestly admits that it has
^410 mside pipeline to the Lie-Stalin talks, it is ready to take
^^ chance on telling its, readers what might have occurred.
TTM "^u^^'"" ^^!^ ^""'"'^ ^""^^ "°^ ^^^^ ^° withdraw from the
UN. The walkouts will stop the instant the Chinese Com-
munists are seated. Russia does not want a shooting war.
She would be happy to have the cold war end "
U'lJ^l ?^^ ^^P^blic then goes on to question the possi-
bility that Russia might not want to end the cold war but
this harsh conclusion is dismissed as unworthy. The New
Republic decides, "On the whole, the Russians might there-
fore well believe that their crusade would advance better
Without the cold war than with it."
' Lie^ wanted to bring back Stalin's assurance that there
was a simple way to bring Russia and the satellite countries
back into att'.Ciance at the UN: Yield to the Russian
demand that Communist China be admitted
^ ^ While it is likely that a technical case 'in international
I law for admitting Chinese Communist delegates can be
made, what this has to do with peace in the world is cer-
tainly obscure.
_ Moreover, a much stronger argument can be made for
the fact that Russia is not interested in ending the cold
, war. The Russian economy is on a war footing.
; ; Even before the United States had begun on its expan-
KSive war budget of the peace epoch, the Stafin regime had
» embarked on a heavy armaments program. The Russian
stake^m a cold war had been established early in the post-
i war decade, and represents no new development.
; And for Russia, as in the case of capitalist countries
armaments is an easy way out for distracting domestic prob-
^ms. In a session of the UN Economic Commission for Eu-
rope, held in Geneva, the French economist, Andre Philip
m week pointed out that in Russia and in the satellite
countries, surplus populations living under sub-standard
conditions and producing at low levels are the equivalent
Of mdustrially-unemployed in capitalist countries.
Moreover, the slave labor camps of the Stalin regime,
;with their waste of human lives and disregard of humane
^values, are indications of the vast uncertainty of the Soviet
I.economy and point to the residue of dissatisfaction with the
Stalin regime.
^The cold war is an economic necessity for Stalin, and
ae's blithe recital of food stocked in Moscow shops un-
happily does not change the nature of the Soviet war
regime.
HERMAN SINGER
Page Five
The BLP Takes Stock: Speedup
Or Slowdown For Nationalization?
By KENNETH RATHBONE
is noTSf ™de^t?rf pr:?^^^^^^ *! Tt" "' "^^ ^^"^^"^ ^^"^ ^-'^
at the next election. ^^- ^°'^^^ °"* ^^'^ ^"1 be put before the voters
encouragement will probfbly brjiven to co onera ,nn °^"°"f ^^«°" ™^«™res, and more
is also U.el. to contain .Z^J. ': ll.Z^tZ^'ot ^^, "' social ownership. It-
All these points were discuq^pH hxr -. r^.^• + ^ Aivmg.
Movement at ^Beatrice Wetrruse' VorC^'surrTv "" °' '"'^" °' '"^ ^^"^
No decisions were reached at* ^'
this conference, but the various
views expressed there are being
taken into account by the Na-
tional Executive Committee of
the Labor Party, which is now
holding meetings to draw up
the detailed election manifesto.
The view that another general
election would take place in the
autumn has been widely held,
but now the belief is growing
that it will not take place until
the spring of 1951, or even later
in the year after the end of the
Festival of Britain exhibition
and celebrations.
During these policy discussions
the most controversial topic will
be whether to postpone further
extensive nationalization mea-
sures until the present nation-
alized industries are on a firmer
basis or put forward a bold
policy of further nationalizations.
Socialists realize that mistakes
have been made in practice but
not in principle, and it is fully
realized that there are many
things in the nationalized in-
dustries which are not yet as
they should be.
But while Socialists realize
that these defects are only tem-
porary features of the difficult
transitional periods a large sec-
tion of the electorate now seems
to believe that they are per-'
manent features of the nation-
alized industries.
A PAUSE
So a view now widely held
is that if Labor is to avoid losing
the support of the people by get-
ting too far ahead of them, there
should be a pause so that we can
concentrate on making these na-
tionalized industries so obviously
efficient and satisfactory that
even the capitalist press cannot
convince people otherwise. Then
the electorate will be ready for
more nationalization measures.
This, I believe, will prove to
be the majority view of the
party.
On the other hand, there are
those who believe that it is dan-
gerous for a party like the La-
bor Party to stand still, and who
advocate that a bold programme
of further nationalization should
be put before the electors.
They fear that while a pause
in nationalization policy may win
votes back from wavering elec-
tors who are not convinced So-
cialists it may damp the enthu-
siasm, and probably lose the
votes or at least the assistance
as voluntary workers for the
Movement, of those more eager
to advance speedily along the
road to Sociahsm.
It is also feared that while
such key industries as banking,
chemicals, shipbuilding and
heavy engineering remain in
capitalist hands the Labor Gov-
ernment's work may be jeopar-
dized by capitalist attacks from
these important strongholds.
Changes In EditorlaP~
Emphasis And Format
Scheduled In The Call
for iVcT^' °' '"'"'" '" =**°"^ '-"Phasis and In format
beg.n wuh Ihe Labor Day issuo of the cST '*«'"'«' "
Ihe new society. These articles will seek to deal wilh ihl
means by which socialism caa meet the ne^ds of TL^t
;firL c^'^f^r^ "^ ^^"^P^^-*^- P'^-rny sul qu s
tTe .^.^ ^ *^^"^ discovering the necessity of changing
ihe e„,phasis of socialism so thai it coincides wit? the demS^
made on workers in the modern world. demands
arliclei ""^nl ^^^^^ALJL increase the number of interpretative
articles, and make this the primary element in edUing the
(3) That the CALL seek to enlist actively the writers and
™uirr ^^^ '"^"^^^ ^^ *^^ ^^^ ^-'^-^- -"^«-
TECHNICAL CHANGES
(1) That the Board of Directors of the Call Association
tvJ^L'^rr 1^*^^ ""'"°' be changed *o accommodate the
XrioTtLTr ctu- ^ T^z-ri. in:
orrhT^se^r^iv ^='''— -— ---r^i
<3) That the CALL experiment with the possibilitv of^^
mcludmg regular, short, pungent editorials as part of a i^Ll^
feature on subjects of current interest. ^^
PROMOTION
«.,hil"5 ^^^5-.^^^ °"^ <>f Ihe highest renewal rates among
pubhcations of its type and probably much higher than th^
of any commercial publication. These renewal, from no^
f^ll/l T'-'r^^rT' "" ''''' -*^*^^ i^ sometimeT over,
looked by Sociahst Party members. Moreover, they represent '
ThT cIll '^ '"t ^ ^'^"^"^^ *^ party members to mak" o
than^t t *^"'"?."^''" "^"'''^""* P"* ^' Socialist acHvity
THF rlTT^^^* ^^^'^ ""^^^*" "^ ^'idence of the fact tha^
THE CALL has something of importance to offer to its readers-
It IS incumbent upon Socialist Party members to see that ihTre
IS a wider audience to be reached by its message.
m nl? "^'"^ proposals for a CALL DRIVE were made:
lhat^silW%tLL *^^\— "f-"-hould recognize the fact ;
that selling CALL subs is a primary socialist job. A mxjdest
Shi :tZ 7"'^.^^*^ -* 1--* - «-^ent of the me^S
ship of the Sociahst Party to get started would be a pledge
ll!^"r ^^%r»'«="P««"- in *he next month from each
delegate and alternate at this convention.
(2) These contacts can be made CALL conscious by using
the privilege of sending gift subs to the amount of mon^y
contributed to the May Day CALL. ^ ^
SUBSCRIPTION DRIVE J
wlih'!L^ '""-fledged subscription drive should be l^aunched ■
with the Labor Day issue (to run until Christmas)
*h. \^\^ '^^^ ^?°'* '^^^^'^ ^"^ "^^^^ **» ^^* greetings for 1
tion T^' . /♦i'?^ .f "^^^^ '' " "^^y impressive edi- i
tion. The fact that gift subscriptions can be sent on the I
basis of contributions for greetings should be emphasized. '
the hiJ^"" 77J'"'^V°?rr^**' '^^ ^'''^ ^"d l^""t around
the theme of the CALL's 15th Anniversary Year, a series
of dmners or conferences (with an incidental but important
aim being to build Call Association membership) should be
arranged m those centers where it is possible.
(c) In connection with the previous point, the dales of
such affairs should be arranged with the various delega-
tions present here. »^^*^'i
'i
I
Page Six
THE CALL
Friday. June 9, 1930
Socialist Congressional Platform For 1950
Adopted By The 27th National Convention
Nothing could be clearer in this year of 1950
than that the strife, poverty, hypocrisy and con-
fusion of our times demand a Socialist solution
—and that neither the Republican Party nor the
Democratic Party, or any party supporting their
candidates, can offer such a solution.
Consider the facts:
The 81st Congress took office with a Demo-
cratic majority in both Houses. By the nature of
the Democratic Platform and President Truman's
successful campaign, it was solemnly bound by
a popular mandate to a concrete legislative pro-
gram. Yet by the time the primary contests for
nominations for the 82nd Congress had begun,
the 81st had passed none of the major legislation
to which it was committed, except the very mo-
dest Minimum Wage Act which had Republican
support.
For this alarming failure — this breakdown of
our democracy — there were many causes, of
which the Republican-Southern Democratic co-
alition \s only the most obvious. The fact is that
so-called free enterprise cannot provide plenty,
-peace, and freedom for the common people.
The liberals who promise— as they have prom-
ised—to get these things through the old parties
are false prophets doomed to failure, for they
support an economic system and political ma-
chines that prevent performance of their prom-
ises.
Meanwhile, as the cold war grows hotter our
bondage to the arms economy increases. Today,
""one^^hird of every dollar of the federal budget
goes to preparing for the Third World War, the
war of A, H, and X bombs and disease germs.
Continuing the arms, race can lead only to war
or bankruptcy or both. Yet for the, present it
serves to stall off economic depression and to
contribute to the enormous profits of great cor-
porations. But this is a temporary prosperity at-
tended by growing unemployment and a danger-
ous increase in the national debt.
SOCIALIST APPROACH
This situation highlights the necessity for a
democratic Socialist approach to the goal of
plenty, peace, and freedom.
Democratic Socialism, and only Democratic So-
cialism, offers to the American people the basic
principles for the progressive achievement of a
world-wide fellowship of free men in which
alone is the ultimate guarantee of peace and
plenty.
(1) Socialism calls for social ownership and
cooperation in place of the insincere philosophy
of free enterprise, which means monopoly and
its made and wasteful pursuit of private profits.
In place of absolute nationalism, it urges a
steady approach to One World under a federated
government by the increase of cooperation, eco-
nomic and political between the peoples of the
world through the United Nations.
(2) Socialism, in the spirit of cooperation, calls
for an economy planned for the benefit of the
people, a rounding out of welfare legislation, and
an increase in productivity. This requires a broad
extension of social ownership under Democratic
control. It is our answer to the present chaotic
intervention of government in behalf of special
interests. Only by Democratic Socialism can
there be security and freedom. Only so can un-
employment and poverty be conquered.
America today needs the creation on the elec-
toral field of a mass party consciously dedicated
to the democratic socialist goa]. This is our
answer to the irresponsible party government
under which we live and the insane economic
system which it supports.
We pledge our candidates to the following pro-
gram for peace, for plenty, and for freedom and
democracy. This program we shall untiringly
urge not only on the 82nd Congress but on the
legislatures of our States.
I. FOR PLENTY
The long coal strike and the present state of
the coal industry underscore the merit of our
demand for the socialization of coal and other
national resources. Under private ownership the
wastes are enormous and both men and mineral
wealth are outrageously exploited.
This idea of social ownership and control must
be extended to banks which by creating credit
actually create money. It must also be extended
to monopolies and semi-monopolies; that is, to
the public utiHties and to the steel industry
which by its arbitrary increases of the price of a
basic necessity has exercised a power which only
a democratic government should have.
In addition, industries must be socialized when-
ever and wherever private operation does not
serve the public interest. They must be demo-
cratically administered and operated to furnish
all needed public service regardless of whether
they show what is known as "a profit."
A variety of forms of public enterprise, so set
up as to be free from political influence, and with
direct representation of employees, technicians,
and consumers, would be encouraged.
These will include public authorities like TVA,
Regional and Municipal Ownership and Opera-
tion, and governmental bureaus. It must be ein-
phasized that socialist public industry would not
be run politically and undemocratically like> the
U.S. post office.
Such jpublic authorities would .be set up, for
example, in the great river valleys of America in
order to end conflict between government agen-
cies and waste and robbery by private interests.
Family farm ownership and operation must be
protected on the basis of occupancy and use.
Absentee ownership should be prevented in town
and country by the progressive application of the
principle that society should take by taxation
the rental value of the land (aside from improve-
ments) which value society creates.
Clearly, the providing of food for the hungry
of the world cannot be left to the gamble of the
market economy. We believe, however, that —
given the present system of society— a properly
administered plan of subsidies to maintain farm
income at a fair level will be better and cheaper
than the present so-called parity system, under
which half a billion dollars of public money was
spent to produce potatoes destined to be des-
troyed. Such farm subsidies should be directly
related to the proper conservation of the soil and
to the feeding of a hungry world.
Socialists were the first to call for— as they
still demand — a broad program of social security,
including adequate unemployment compensation,
genuine, old-age pensions, and a comprehensive
health insurance plan, all extended to cover the
classes of workers now excluded from even the
minimum benefits so far established.
II. FOR PEACE ,
Our immediate and central task is to end the
arms race, which can lead only to destruction,
and to transfer the conflict against dictatorship,
whether communist or fascist, out of the realm
of war to that of ideas and economic organization.
To this end we insistently urge the President
and Congress to make a bold appeal to all gov-
ernments and peoples for the effective disarma^
ment of all nations down to a police level under
the supervision and control of a strengthened
United Nations.
Simply making the appeal, granting that at
first it may be rejected by the men in the Krem-
lin, will recapture an intitiative for peace which
the United States is losing with dangerous rap-
idity.
This appeal for universal disarmament should
be accompanied by a pledge that the United
States, in cooperation with other nations, under
the general control of an improved United Na-
tions, will invest a large part of the billions sav-
ed in arms for the improvement of industry and
agriculture throughout the world. We cannot af-
ford not to make this investment in peace and
plenty. Even to maintain American employment
at its present too low level will require a plan-
ned program of war against hunger and poverty
at home and abroad, lest the end of the arms
program bring on a panic in America.
This broad program of cooperative war on
hunger and poverty is a necessary successor to
the Marshall Plan. It must be so carried out that
it will bring more direct help to masses of peas-
ants and workers than did the Marshall Plan in.
Europe, where economic recovery was not fol-
lowed by a sufficient rise in their standard of
living. . .
III. FOR FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY \A'
We denounce the effort to tie freedom to* cap-
italism as contrary to history and logic. Freedom
is inseparably bound up with peace and plenty
and with the ending of the robbery of the many
by the few.
We denounce the failure of both old parties to
live up even to their own weak platform prom-
ises concerning civil rights, and we pledge our-
selves to active support of Fair Employment,
anti-lynching, anti-discrimination and anti-segre-
gation legislation in states and in the nation.
In the interest of freedom, democracy and fair
play we renew our demand for a constitutional
amendment for the direct election of the Presi-
dent of the United States, with uniform, just and
reasonable qualifications for voters throughout
the nation.
We denounce the Lodge-Gossett constitutional
amendment which passed the Senate, not only
as an improper substitute for direct election, but
as a blow to civil rights by reason of its deliber-
ate failure to abolish race discrimination in
voting.
We recognize that the conspiratorial tactics of
the Communist Party are a menace to democ-
racy, but so, too, are the tactics of many of those
who in the name of fighting Communism would^^
destroy our democratic liberties. "#'^
We renew our complete opposition to such
measures as the Mundt-Ferguson-Nixon Bill, to
special loyalty oaths exacted from teachers and
others, and to hysterical and politically-moti-
vated attacks on individuals by enemies of all
progress cloaked in Congressional immunity.
The most effective way to fight Communism
is to end the profit system, to abolish poverty, to
banish fear of war, and to keep and extend our
democratic freedoms. No capitalist party can or
will do these things. Only Socialism can do i
and in this campaign, as in previous campaigns,
we pledge ourselves to unceasing battle for a
Socialist society.
■Friday. June S. 1950
THE CALL
Page Seven
lie NecessRy For A Full Production Bill
(Resolution adopted by the Socialist Party convention) '^
?/hiIe ihe American eco.nomY is still near l!ie high point of employing some sixty |
mllion ^vorkers, unmistakeable signs of large scale unemployment darken the present
>icture. 3,500,000 to 5,000,000 workers are unemployed.
I Many localities have been particularly hard hit. Many Industries have suffered se-
\rere declines, and may be headed for permanent difficulties. The relief applicant load xs
psing at unprecedented rates. State unemployment insurance funds are threatened and
'Biay have to be bailed out by the federal government. xjr&nrn
The fear of unemployment again stalks the land. The question, ARE WE HEADED
FOR A MAJOR DEPRESSION?, is on the li ps of workers everywhere. In the present
situation, three groups of work-<S>-
J ers have been particularly disad-
pVantaged in the contracting job
FJnarket: the young workers, who
are entering the job market for
the first time, the middle-aged
jK- and older workers who lose their
' yobs as a result of layoffs and
ind that employers want young-
: men because of pension ar-
rangements and because of a
liistaken notion that younger
ifflrkers are more productive.
DEPRESSION HERE
r^ij
In a very real sense, the next
depression is here now even
though in 1950, we may well
produce the largest peacetime
national income in our history.
Economic strains and maladjust-
toents have set in which tend to
produce a depression in our priv-
ate-profit, capitalist economy,
even in this period of high prof-
its and brisk business activity.
The labor force is growing at^
a greater rate than the ability
of the economy to absorb work-
ers. Each year, over a million
new workers enter the labor
^rce. It becomes increasingly
Jifficult to absorb new workers
as the economy fails to expand
Bnd as the rate of productivity
ler worker goes up.
J, Private capitalism cannot ex-
pand at the rate made necessary
by an increasing labor force, nor
will it supply all the goods and
services America and the world
leeds for a rising and improved
^.tandard of living. Only plan-
led production for use — not for
profit— can provide full employ-
Imcnt and an ever-increasing liv-
ing standard.
But short of a full program of
;,3ocialization and planning of pro-
iduction, the Socialist Party urges
' le adoption of its FULL PRO-
lUCTION BILL as a means of
iStaving off econorpic stagnation
Eor the United States— and for
the many nations dependent up-
on us.
Economic life is so integrated
that this creeping depression here
will bring about even more ser-
ious economic disturbances
throughout the western^ world.
Briefly this bill provides for the
injection of capital into the ec-
onomy to stimulate production
and employment through the use
of socially-owned corporations
and cooperatives.
FINANCE AUTHORITY
The Full Production Bill not
only recognizes that the provi-
sion of jobs is a social responsi'
bility and a concern of govern-
ment, and requires an annual
job budget or estimate of the
probable number of persons who
will want work and the probable
number of available jobs, but
provides for a Full Production
Finance Authority which would
report to Congress and the people
on the job outlook, make con-
structive recommendations for
legislation, and itself do some-
thing about putting men to work.
Qn the basis of reports from
its research agency it would des-
SP Coiiventioii Reaffirins
Faith In Neriian Thomas
gs Socialist Spokesman
The questions discussed at convenii.on sessions devoted io I
electoral aclivily involved an analysis o£ our role as a party in
winning the American people to socialism. This discussion was
part and parcel of our tradition of full and free democratic ;
participation of the membership to arrive at parly decisions, j
This was but one issue before us. ■
No repudiation of Normeji Thomas' leaderShip was in- ]
volved, nor, on the other hand, was the disbanding of the |
Party contemplated by supporters of the view on electoral 1
policy which did not prevail. '
We affirm our faith in the democratic process of party \
discussion to reach decisions openly and freely. In this process :
we may reject ideas but we do not reject our faith in the |
capacity of comrades for leaxJership.
We reaffirm our faith in Norman Thomas as the spokesman
for American Socialism.
Increase in "Base" Price of Steel per net iwi\
. Total
Average
OPA Price ,
$47.92
per ton
ignate areas of investment, in- 1 discrimination in employment
dustries and regions where men
can be put to work by establish-
ing or expanding non-profit en-
terprises of all sorts.
These non-profit, public corpo-
rations and cooperatives would
be permitted to borrow money
from the Authority at a low
rate of interest. In this way the
nvestment needed to maintain
full production and full employ
ment would be provided even
though profit seekers, fearing
that their swollen returns to
which they are accustomed
would not be obtained, refused
to invest.
These democratically operated,
non-profit organizations whose
nature is carefully described in
the Bill may become members
of the Authority. The member
corporations will elect six direc-
tors and the President of the
United States three, to constitute
a board of nine.
MINIMUM WAGES
The Bill provides in necessary
detail for the proper manage-
ment of the- Authority and for
the protection of loans to mem-
ber corporations against bad
management. It guarantees the
rights of collective bargaining,
freedom from racial and other
and a proper level of minimum
wages in the corporations.
Reports of the Authority would
be referred to the Joint Com-
mittee of the Senate and the
House on the Economic Report.
The Authority would recommend
to the Committee and to the
country a proposed division of
the national income between im-
mediate consumption goods and
investment in plants, machinery
and other capital goods.
Where capital enterprises do
not make the necessary invest-
ment the Authority through its
members and on the basis of its
research would make the invest-
ment for the production of goods
and services that the Americans
people want and need.
This whole process would not
require an elaborate price-setting
machinery and would eliminate
many of the bureaucratic con-
trols that war objectives made
necessary.
The Full Production Authority-
Bill would destroy no , private
enterprises that can meet the
competition of growing coopera-
tive and non-profit public corpo-
rations. It would bring about
full production and also more
equitable distribution to the
people of America.
PrnduOhii for Use As An AppKed Jomula
9
(Resolution adopted bv the
Socialist Parly Convention)
Production for use rather than
? for profit (or for wages) should
become a more central concept,
.^JJ? oth for socialist study groups
j^^Knd for the message which so-
cialists want to bring to non-
socialists. While the formula is
hot new in socialist circles, it is
frequently pushed aside for con
sideration of what appear to be
more pressing matters. This con-
vention urges all socialists to
devote more attention to study-
ing the implications and appli-
cations of the principles of pro-
duction for use, and to promot-
ing wider understanding of the
ime.
Many factors combine to make
such study imperative:
(1) There is and will continue
to be for seme time a world-
wide shortage of goods and serv-
ices basic to human progress. In-
creasing demands for socially-
financed social security, expenses
of the cold war, the needs for
aid to under-developed lands, and
even a precarious American
standard of living require great-
er productivity per man hour
and in toto than Western man
has yet achieved.
MANAGEMENT PLAN
(2) The prevalence of "hold
the volume down and keep the
price up" policies in both man-
agement and labor thinking
blinds many to- the real func-
tion of production.
The last depression gave work-
ers a burning fear of working
themselves out of a job, which
frequently centers all attention
on the existence of a job, in
lieu of a healthy realization of
the nature and function of pro-
ductive effort.
In like manner, management
increasingly turns to cartel poli-
cies in a shortsighted effort to
meet the problems of poor dis-
. tribution.
(3) The complete failure of
ihe "free enterprise," automatic,
competitive 'pricing mechanism
to keep costs or prices down
and volume up, throws this prob-
lem into the area of deliberate
and careful planning.
(4) Modern psychological and
sociological studies of men on
the job are revealing the short-
comings of profits and wages as
the only incentives of or motiva-
tion for production and are forc-
ing personnel planners to ex-
plore the human values in the
productive process, in PRODUC-
TION AS A WAY OF LIFE.
Some engineers are convinced
that the mass-production tech-
nique has been pushed into many
situations where it is not even
efficient production — thus reopen-
ing the entire question of pro-
duction techniques, monotony,
creativeness, social values, etc.
for reconsideration.
(5) Socialist and Labor Gov-
ernments in power or move-
ments exercising great influence
throughout the democratic world
find this area to present their
greatest unsolved problems.
DECLINE OF OWNERS
(6) The decline of the role of
owners and the rise of manage
ment in business make mana-
gerial policies the chiel concern
of socially -minded students
everywhere.
Managerial policies must be
the backbone of any socialist
program. Neither socialist nor
capitalist thinkers have really
digested this fact nor incorpo-
rated it jadequately into their
thinking.
Past experience and theory
can supply neither capitalists.
nor socialists with effective man-
agerial policies. New analysis
must devise new policies.
Careful attention to this area
by socialist theoreticians andl
students will help clear up many-
blind spots in the contemporary
programs of farmer, labor and
other groups interested in social
progress.
PRODUCTION FOR USE is
the formula, the concept under
which such exploratory work
may best be done. _ ,
Page Eighl
THE CALL
Friday, June S. 195€
Aspects Of Tie Ameriean EetiOiiy
Capitalism's Boom Rides To M Major Crisis
By SIDNEY PORTER
Perhaps ironically, convention
time for American socialism
found the American economy at
least momentarily enjoying the
best of economic health.
Yet at almost the same time,
•warnings of the profound prob-
lems and tendencies towai-ds
crisis lurking beneath the cur-
rent surface prosperity were
sounded by economic observers
in labor, government, and busi-
ness itself.
It was almost as if these warn-
ings were meant to confirm the
Socialist analysis— IShe develop-
ii;sg capitalist crisis — at a time
when socialism stands on the
threshhold of its greatest con-
quests on the consciousness of
American labor.
JOBLESS FIGURES
Perhaps the unemployment
situation is the best single index
to this anomaly. This past win-
ler the total of jobless rose to a
postwar high of 4.7 million in
February. It fell to 3.5 million
.in April. The May figure may
be down to three million, and
the actual total right now is
likely down to less than three
.million.
Two factors have reduced un-
employment by almost two mill-
ion in a few months. One is the
seasonal upswing in agriculture,
construction, lumbering, and
other outdoor work.
Second is the surge of the
.business boom over the past few
months. Seasonally, the jobless
total will go up again during the
summer when youngsters vaca-
tion from school and temporarily
join the ranks of the job seekers
— and seasonally, the number of
idle should drop off again in the
fall when they return to school.
;So for the next few months
— so long as business stays as
good as it is- — unemployment will
lisiness Magaziie
lata Is Argumeit
For iigher Wages
Washington (LPA) — The big-
gest argument yet for higher
wages has been provided by
Business Week, a magazine that
certainly is not partial to labor.
It is a report that productivity
of labor is rising "spectacularly,"
and is the cause of the growing
■ unemployment.
To back up its report that
productivity is rising "spectacu-
larly," Business Week notes that
the output of goods in 1949 was
about the same as in 1948, but
was accomplished with three
per cent less workers. It con-
firms thi^' overall study by a
check of individual plants.
One midwestern manufacturer
reports that output per man has
gained 15 to 20 per cent in the
past year. Another ended 1949
with employment 1600 under
1048 and sales volume $10 mil-
lion higher — about a 10 per cent
shift each way.
Even in agriculture, the maga-
zine reports, the increase in pro-
ductivity is "striking." Since
1047 employment on farms has
been dropping, but production
is as high as ever.
go up and down but will pose no
problem of crisis.
For the longer-term, however,
unemployment remains just as
worrisome as before. Late last
month the Federal Reserve Board
placed a semi-official statistical
seal on facts which already have
become fairly widely known:
That new machinery has increas-
ed the man-hour efficiency of
labor rapidly in the last couple
of years, displacing many hun-
dreds of thousands of jobs an-
nually — and that nationally, the
labor force has been growing
rapidly, by perhaps one million
job seekers a year. These trends
operate to increase unemploy-
ment over the long term.
Philip Murray, at the same
time, took cognizance of this
long-range danger when he told
the American Clothing Workers
convention; that unless the pres-
ent trend was checked unemploy-
ment would rise to as many as
11 million by 1956. "Five million
is menacing. Six million is dan-
gerous. Seven million is depres-
sion. Eleven million is riots and
bloodshed."
Murray's forecast, predicated
on added unemployment of a
million or so a year arising from
increased productivity and' more
job seekers, assumes that the
peak business levels of 1948 and
1950 will be naaintained.
Unemployment can be held
down only if business and pro-
duction volume continually ex-
pand. Unemployment will shoot
up much faster if business ac-
tivity lets down.
BANKER WORRIED
And last month, too, banker-
economist Murray Shields, for
one, told California bankers that
the nation may now be in the
last phase of the early postwar
boom "with the risk that a sim-
ultaneous setback would initiate
a decline in business substantial-
ly more serious than was ex-
perienced in 1949. Until the basis
on which our prosperity rests is
strengthened we are entitled to
be apprehensive as to the out-
look."
Then he came east and was
joined by four top economists at
the American Management Asso-
ciation conference in predicting
a business downturn in 1951.
They traced the" present boom
to temporary factors and regard-
ed a recession next year as "in-
evitable." The only question
among them was how much
deeper the 1951 recession would
go than it had in 1949.
In plain words, this means that
business' own observers cannot
quite see how long the nation
can absorb production of autos
and trucks at the current rate
of nine million a year, construc-
tion of homes at the rate of IVz
million a year, and business in-
vestment in new plant anS
equipment at the present pace
of nearly $20 billion annually.
NEW CONFIDENCE
There is no question but that
business in 1950 is turning out
much better than originally ex-
pected, particularly by business
itself. The improvement, cumu-
lative, has fed upon itself. Not
only has consumer buying held
up but business also has begun
again to expand its inventories
and has revised upwards its
spending on new plant and
equipment both because profits
have been high and demand
strong. In turn, renewed activity
in steel, construction, machinery
have helped to expand employ-
ment, payrolls, and consumer
buying.
All this has built up confid-
ence in business prospects for
the second half of the year. The
boom is expected to keep rolling
for perhaps another six months
if for no other reason than its
own sheer momentum.
Meanwhile, signs of strain arid
pressure have newly appeared in
the form of a broadening price
advance which, while smaller
than the inflationary proportions
of the rise in 1946-1948, none-
theless begins to threaten the
foundations of the prosperity in
consumer buying. Mounting costs
of home building and home fur-
ni.shings in particular may cut
the ground under housing de-
mand.
Thus the factors that concern
the business observers may ap-
pear as early as the beginning
of 1951. Buying of autos may let
down simultaneously with home-
building, as backlogs of demand
held over from the war years
are rapidly being eaten away
by high output. Then buying for
inventory would give way to
inventory retrenchment if sales
weakened. Stimulus of the vet-
erans' insurance dividend will
meanwhile have played itself
out over the next several months.
And plant capacity will have
expanded further and productiv-
ity will have advanced, displac-
ing more jobs.
SERIOUS RECESSION
Should the "more serious" re-
cession which thus threatens ap-
pear in 1951, the problems cited
by Murray would become serious
— five years earlier than fore-
cast. The recession of 1949
brought unemployment up to
four million. Meanwhile, the fac-
tors summarized by the Federal
Reserve Board would by 1951
have operated to increase it by
another three or four million.
"TlieDeatli IHarcli'^
So a serious business dip next
year could readily increase un-
employment well beyond seven
millions — though it might not ap-
proach Murray's "riots and blood-
shed" proportions. :,
Perhaps the single main fac-
tor which might stand in the
way of such a recession would
be the increased armament costs
arising from the cold war. How-
ever, the defense budgets now
planned or even contemplated
would act only as a cushion
against a business letdown. Only
a sharp step up in defense pre-
pararations — as in 1940-1941 —
could insm-e sustained employ-
ment.
LABOR PROBLEMS »
In the face of these potential
problems, labor leaders already
are toying with proposals that
go far beyond the Fair Detal ^pro^r
grams which the Democratic
Congress has so blithely ignored.
Reduction of the work-week as
a way to spread jobs — if unem.-
ployment threatens — is one such
labor proposal. That a cut in the
work-week would still beg the
question of using idle industrial
capacity is less important than
the fact that labor's thinking is
already going beyond the Fair
Deal program.
Hence labor's dissatisfaction
with the two-party system is be-
ginning to be felt not only ?*
the Democrats' inaction but in- ,
creasingly at their inadequacy &s"
well. This is perhaps the strong-
est spur today behind the move-
ment towards AFL-CIO unity.
In short, the tendencies tow-
ards crisis inherent in capitalism
are working their effects on the
political programs of the labor
movement, whether or not tht>se
tendencies are realized actually
or immediately in a recession.
And that trend in labor is
strengthened as the obvious
props to the early postwar boprn
begin to weaken and the fear
of a really serious recession
grows.
And it is that perspective —
rather than the temporary boom
of ' today — that guides Ameri-
can Socialism in its new and
reinvigorated tasks following the
convention.
Sidney Vyorst • Apent
Farm Bureau
Mutual Insurance Companies
Home Office — Columbus 16, Ofcio
OVER 20% RATE REDUCTION
ON AUTO INSURANCE!
Savings Ct Service on all Insur&ncel
23 West 45th Street
NEW YORK CITY
JUdson 6-2633
Luxemburg 2-1930
Affiliated Co-op Leagrue U.SJ>i..
5th GENERATION OF TRADITION,
INTEGRITY AND CHARACTER
J. J. MARKS
Jewelry, Watch & Clock
Repairing, Sales & Service
22 West 48th Street
New York 19, N. Y.
PL. 7-1333
(Bring this ad for special con-
sideration and discount to lead-
ers of THE CALL. Mail orders
solicited.)