Socialist Call XXV #1-2 Jan.-Feb. 1957

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THE LIBRARY

Jan.-Feb., 1957

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u >»e XXV No. 1-2

Socialist Party

Social Democratic

Federation
Unity Convention

Issue

254

t

The Whys and Wherefores of the CALL

• This issue of the SOCIALIST
CALL, as the readers will have gath-
ered, contains the resolutions, formal
statements and talks given at the So-
cialist Party-Social Democratic Federa-
tion Unity Convention held in New
York during the week-end of January
18-19, 1957.

• As convention statements and
speakers made clear, it was their feel-
ing that one of the most important re-
sults of socialist unity would be
the spontaneous desire of individuals
to join the new organization and help
in building a revitalized socialist
movement in the United States.

• We would like to report that this
development did occur and was an-
nounced at the convention itself.
From a group of Socialists in Los An-
geles, the convention received the fol-
lowing message:

• "We the undersigned are sending
our hearty and friendly greetings to
the Unity Convention, which will be
of great historical significance in the
rebirth and rejuvenation of a unified
Socialist movement in the United
States. We pledge our support."

• H. Schneid, Chairman, Jewish So-
cialist Verband; S. M. Oshry, Chair-
man, Jewish Labor Bund; H. Ruben-
stein, National Director Workmen's
Circle, 1956-57; M. Charnofsky, Na-
tional Director Workmen's Circle,
1954-55; Leo Walt, Vice-Chairman So.
District Committee Workmen's Circle;
D. Goldman, Secretary, So. District
Committee Workmen's Circle; A. Fill-
er, Financial Sec'y, So. District Comm.;
W. Herman, Recording Sec'y, Jewish
Socialist Verband; Max Mont, Direc-
tor, Anti-Discrimination Dept., Jewish
Labor Committee; M. Holfstein, Re-
cording Sec'y Jewish Labor Coram.;
Mollie Oshry, Vice-Chairman, West-

THE SOCIALIST CALL

HERMAN SINGER, Editor. HARRY
FLESSCHMAN, MAURICE J. GOLD-
BLOOM, AARON LEVENSTEIN. BEN-
JAMIN MILLER, ROBIN MYERS.
ERNST PAPANEK, NORMAN THOMAS,
Associate Editors. ERICH FROMM,
HARRY W. LAEDLER, Contributing
Editors.

THE SOCIALIST CALL, official organ
of the SP-SDF, is published bi-monthly
by the Cell Association, Inc., a non-
profit foundation dedicated to the
creation of a cooperative common-
wealth, at 303 Fourth Ave., New
York 10, N. Y. Telephone: GRa mercy
3-4286. J

Signed articles do not necessarily
represent the opinion of THE SOCIAL-
IST CALL or of the Call Association.
Inc.

Re-entered as second class matter
November 2, 1953, at the Post Office
at New Yorfc, N. Y„ under the act of
March 3, 1879. Subscription: $3.00 a
year.

CONTENTS
SOCIALIST UNITY IN AMERICA

A Statement of the SP-SDF Unity Convention * I
SOCIALISM AND THE AMERICAN SCENE

Frank P. Zeidler J

THE POLITICAL ASPECTS OF UNITY

Louis P. Goldberg " J

SOME COMMON PROBLEMS OF OUR TIME

Herman Singer 12

TOWARD SOCIALIST ORGANIZATION

THE EISENHOWER DOCTRINE U

Norman Thomas 15

SUPPORTING THE FORCES OF FREEDOM

Hugh Gaitskell 19

GREETINGS TO THE SP-SDF CONVENTION ,„

THE AFTERMATH OF THE REVOLUTION f

Anna Kefhly 23

HUNGARY DURING THE REVOLUTION

Farkas Kelso *5

HUNGARY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION „

Russell Bell 27

THE ASIAN SOCIALIST CONFERENCE ,«

Adolf Scharf «

ASIAN SOCIALISTS LOOK AHEAD *.

U 3a Swe **

BACKTALK ^

THE SOCIALIST CALL ^ 41

Volume XXV JANUARY-FEBRUARY. 1957 Number , j "

side Women's Group, Jewish Labor
Comm.; A. Ranen, Workmen's Circle
Division, J.L.C.; Minnie Levit, Wom-
en's Division, Jewish Labor Comm.;
M. Rubin, Chairman, Medem Branch
655 Workmen's Circle; S. Kingston,
Vice-Chairman, Medem Branch 655,
W.C.; B. Weintraub, Financial Secy!
Medem Branch 655, W.C.; H. Deb-
nekop, Executive Board, Medem
Branch 655 W.C.; I. Silverstein, Fin.
Secy Debs Branch 590 W.C.; Ph.
Weinstein, Sec'y Med. Dept. Work-
men's Circle; J. Ofman, Financial
Sec'y, Capmaker Local 22; M. Antler,
Chairman, Zygman Branch 689, W.C.;
H. Rosenfeld, Recording Sec'y Zyg-
man Branch, W.C.; L. Gelpar, Chair-
man Vladeck Branch 443, W.C.; B.
Segal, Exec. Board, Vladeck Branch,
W-C; I. Finkelstein, Chairman, Jew-
ish Survivors from Concentration
Camps; Mary Debnekof, Sec'y, Men-
delson Women's Group; Rose Rubin,
Recording Sec'y Mendelson Women's
Group; Bela Berman, Exec. Board,
Local 58 I.L.G.W.U.; Faye Finkel-
stein, Exec. Board, Local 58 I.L.G.
W.U.; E. Dorin, Lecturer, Writer; S.
Nutkievitz, Lecturer, Writer,; Lilka
Maisner, Lecturer; and J. Litewka.

© From a group of midwest Socialists
the convention received the following
message:

© "Success in achieving effective uni-
ty. May what you do here realize the
rebirth of a vigorous Socialist move-
ment so imperative in these times."
© I. J. Adland, M. V. Halushka, Hil-
da Anderson, Jacob Kratovil, Ivar A.
Anderson, Marcia J. Lyttle, Anton
Camboni, L. Clemente, Jess A. Crip
Morris Waldman, Fred Frese, Spent
K. Binyon, Morris L. Polin, J«
Braun, Morris Beskind, Joseph Bru
berg, Anna Stettner, Paul Stettn
Anne Williger, Benj. Williger, Henry
Duel and, Frank P. Zeidler.
© The international importance of
the Socialist unity convention was em-
phasized too in a cablegram received
from Bjarne Braatory, Secretary of the
Socialist International. Braatoy wired,
"Congratulations, wonderful news. Sta-
tus waiting for Congress July but
Bureau March 1st taking cognizance.'
This cable refers to the fact that, with
the unity of the two organizations, th c
Socialist Party-Social Democratic Fed-
eration will be eligible for full dele-
gate status in the Socialist Interna-
tional.

The Socialist Call

JANUARY-FEBRUARY. 1957

Number 1-2

Socialist Unity in America

A Statement of the Unity Convention

FOR MORE THAN two decades American So-
cialists have been divided into the Social Dem-
ocratic Federation and the Socialist Party. Now,
after long negotiations, unity has been achieved and
democratic socialism again emerges as a vital social,
political, economic and educational force on the
American scene.

This historic decision is not merely the achieve-
ment of individuals or organizations; it is primarily
the result of our turbulent era— profoundly changed
social, economic and international developments-
just as the original split between the Socialist Party
and the Social Democratic Federation itself grew out
of events of twenty years ago. In 1936, in the con-
fusion of a world still grappling with economic de-
pression and rushing headlong into war, American
Socialists had lost a unity of attitude on immediate
issues and tactics— although they continued to share
in common the ultimate aim of establishing a gen-
uinely democratic society based on freedom and so-
cial justice. Today, the reasons for the split remain
a tragic chapter in history. But in the years that fol-
lowed World War II, events and circumstances have
made unity between the S.P. and the S.D.F. not only
possible but imperative.

The Philosophy of Socialism

The democratic socialist movement has never
exacted uniformity of opinion from its members, but
it does require the sharing of a common purpose.
Both the S.P. and the S.D.F. have believed in dem-
ocratic socialism. They are fully in accord with the
Socialist International's program. They represent in
the United States the heritage of the party of Eugene
Victor Debs, Morris Hillquit, Algernon Lee, Victor
Be *ger and Norman Thomas.

The course of events in the United States has con-
vinced democratic socialists that minor differences

* A "UAkY-FEBRVARY, 7957

must be submerged if our own society is to be re-
constructed along rational and moral lines. For dem-
ocratic socialism is not a compromise between com-
munism and capitalism, but a group of ideals, a way
of life vastly superior to both. It is the doctrine and
movement which holds that the practice of freedom,
equality and fraternity requires conscious planning
for efficient and democratic controls both of natural
resources and of the great aggregation of tools and
skills for the common good.

Democratic socialism is an historic and ethical
force which stands for a synthesis of social and eco-
nomic democracy and political freedom. It advocates
the development of all those opportunities which en-
able people to live in freedom and fellowship and
enrich the meaning and content of life.

The Age of Automation

As Socialists we believe that it is no longer suffi-
cient to repeat slogans and adhere strictly to theories
—even Marxism— of a half century ago, but to find
a fresh and realistic approach to the problems of our
age, the nuclear age, the age of automation.

The first task of democratic socialists therefore is
to visualize the effects of automation which are
bound to come. How will it affect the worker in the
factory and office, the farmer, the intellectual? What
changes will automation bring to custom, educa-
tion, unionism, politics, family life and culture?

Democratic socialists, who believe in progress and
ever greater economic and cultural opportunities for
the wage earners, are not against automation. But
what we want is a well-planned change from the
old industrial forms to the new. We want safeguards
to channel and control the surging flood of the sec-
ond industrial revolution.

We, democratic socialists, believe that America,
economically the most powerful country in the world

and the most highly industrialized, can become the
leader in this new industrial revolution and pave the
way for a society based on freedom, justice and the
economic well being not only of the American people
but of humanity everywhere. It is an America as a
leader of economic progress and human decency, rath-
er than an America as a mighty military power, that
will be the greatest threat to communist slavery.

The communist assault on the most elementary
rights of human beings has demonstrated that dem-
ocratic socialists were right in their assessment of
Leninist-Stalinist totalitarianism. And the latest shifts
in Soviet foreign policy, especially following Moscow's
bloody suppression of the authentic Hungarian rev-
olution, confronts the free world with problems more
fearsome than before. For no communist double-
talk, however disguised or sugar-coated, can obscure
the fact that Russia under communism is a dictator-
ship dynamically engaged in a totalitarian process
of expansion.

We, democratic socialists, have been for many
years in the forefront in the struggle against Com-
munist dictatorship. Our fellow-Socialists, like all
freedom-loving men and women, have been jailed,
tortured, exiled and assassinated wherever the Krem*
lin rulers and their fifth columns gained power. Their
fiercest struggle is directed against the democratic so-
cialists whom they justly regard as their most prin-
cipled opponents. No hypocritical pleas from Stalin's
heirs for united fronts between Communists and So-
cialists is likely to lead us to forget Lenin's cynical
dictum that Communists will "support Social Dem-
ocrats like a rope supports a hanging man."

Our idea of socialism, rooted firmly in the dem-
ocratic process and the moral precepts of civilized
mankind, is incompatible with the so-called "social-
ism" advocated by the Communists, and thus we do
not consider the Communist regime in Russia, Con*
munist China and the other satellite countries as

cm-

«ni-
ides
tun.

LA5Z-LO

socialism. As Karl Kautsky, the great theoret" *
democratic socialism, warned more than tw *** °^
ago, "The conflict between Moscow and th T^ m
ist and Labor parties is not based on misund
ing but is deeply rooted in their respective n^'
and is just as insoluble as is the contradicti
tween dictatorship and democracy."

As democratic socialists we believe in de
for ourselves and for others. Our comrades in r^
Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Holland th
Scandinavian countries, as well as in Asia and L*
America, have gained power and lost power by T
democratic process, but have always respected ^
protected that process, remaining firm in their <W
ocratic socialist principles.

In Europe and Asia, including the Soviet-do
nated satellites, democratic socialists, despite decaiT
of persecution, continue to command the mass sun.
port which the Communists would like to win over
for Moscow's imperialist objectives. The loyalty of
the subjugated workers behind the Iron Curtain to
democratic socialism has not faltered for a moment

Thus, anti-Socialists or non-Socialists in the free
world who do not understand the difference between
democratic socialism and communism are unwitting.
ly playing into Moscow's hands.

The Socialist Goal

As democratic socialists we are unalterably opposed
to imperialism and colonialism. We believe that no
people must be allowed to oppress or exploit an*
other. The wealth of the world is at present dan-
gerously concentrated in a few fortunate peoples,
and must be more equally distributed unless the
world economy is to break down. Every help must
be given to the new nation-states of Asia and Africa.
If world peace is to be preserved all means of eco-
nomic cooperation between the nations must be used
as instruments for economic progress— for raising the
standards of life throughout the world.

The trade union movement, a vital force in Amer-
ican life, grown in political consciousness, today
shares with Socialists the obligation of working out
democratic solutions to these problems. The goals
of freedom, democracy and equality, and the means
of their achievement, are shared jointly by Socialists
and trade unionists. We invite all democratic &> j
cialist groups and individuals to join with us * n [
helping to make real the concept of human felloe*
ship in freedom. For, to defeat human misery by
human genius is the goal of the united organization
of the Socialist Party and the Social Democratic
Federation.

The SOCIALIST C*&

T

prove

HE OCCASION OF THIS gathering may not

be the most momentous political event this

year in the United States. But it certainly should

one of the most constructive. The consolida-

< on °£ two P" 01 ^ °^ P eo P* e dedicated to the devel-

pment of a humanitarian and democratic socialist
society in the United States, and to the development
of such societies throughout the world, is a matter
for rejoicing.

Small though we be in number compared to the
number of people residing in this nation, neverthe-
less because of our idealism and the correctness of
our principles as a guide for governments and peo-
ples alike, we have been far more influential in the
shaping of political policy than our numbers would
otherwise have warranted.

The great social legislation of this country has been
derived from our philosophy and from the measures
which we advocated. There is scarcely an important
piece of legislation in social security, in labor protec-
tion, in workmen's compensation, in unemployment
benefits, in housing, which doesn't have some of the
earmarks of socialist thinking in it.

The same holds true for agricultural benefits, for
conservation, and for the protection of natural re-
sources. The great fight against ignorance, want,
squalor, disease, and unemployment received much
of its source of strength from the ideas advanced by
socialist thinkers, writers and speakers. In view of
the state of the world today, there is much that needs
to be contributed additionally from our principles.

Adopting Socialist Principles

We may regret the smallness of our numbers and
toe weakness of our organizations at this moment,
when in other parts of the world socialist organiza-
tions are making lasting contributions to their own
countries and to the peace of the world. There are,
owever, substantial reasons why this condition pre-
v *ils. Here in the vast areas of this nation, there
eXlst man Y diverse political opinions so that a politi-

aott k P * 2erdlerf Social «st Mayor of Milwaukee, was named
oboI chairman of the Socialist Party-Social Democratic

erafion at the Uni+v Cnnvontmn whot-A Ua #f A llu<u» A #f Ma

k «YBote

the Unity Convention, where he delivered the
speech published here.

American Scene

The Practicality of Planning

By Frank P. Zeidler

cal party to be effective must somehow continue to
bring into its fold blocs of voters, including some
blocs that have opposing ideas. This has given the
major political parties sufficient flexibility to em-
brace everyone and everything in order to win elec-
tions.

As a result, when the advocating of socialist prin-
ciples appeared to be achieving results among the
voters, the major parties took over these principles
and enacted some partially socialist measures, as I de-
scribed before. While expressing ethical disapproval
of the word "socialism," political leaders of other
parties were busy enacting measures on the basis of
socialist principles. It is ironic that the socialist move-
ment which contributed so much to the welfare and
progress of the people should be so small and the
amorphous major political parties with so little con-
sistency of philosophy could have profited so greatly.

Perhaps there is a subtle principle of political sci-
ence which escapes us at present why this should
be so, but we ought not to be too unhappy about
it; for indirectly, by our existence and our preach-
ments, we have induced the major parties to follow
a course which has produced some benefits for the
people, even though we might have done much more^

The Contribution of Socialism

This fact is the great reason why there must be
a democratic socialist political organization— or party
—in this nation. It must serve as a factor in produc-
ing better legislation and better social organization
and as a constant prod on society to move ahead
in dealing with the great problems that confront the
United States and the world today.

We are meeting today at a time when two great eco-
nomic systems, misnamed "communism" and "capi-
talism," face a smash-up because of irreconcilable
hatreds and badly mistaken philosophies of life which
require the stimulus of the threat of war to hold
peoples together. I say that the systems "communism"
and "capitalism" are misnamed because the former
is really a system of dictatorship by bureaucratic
elite, and the latter is really a system of protected
private enterprise sheltered from free competition
behind a shield of favorable laws.

JmA ***mUARY, 1957

The first system Is so despotic and arbitrary that
it would fall apart if it did not constantly drive into
its people a threat of being attacked in order to jus-
tify a huge military establishment. The system of
sheltered and protected private enterprise depends
for its existence on the confidence of the private in-
vestor that he can get a good rate of interest on his
invested money; and the only thing that seems to
give him confidence is the fact that the government
is going to spend huge sums for military equipment.
Take this expenditure away, and the system would
collapse because the investor's confidence would col-
lapse.

The Equivalents of War

Thus in both Leninism and the system of shel-
tered private enterprise there seems to be no moral
equivalent to war to keep the systems going. Hence
the threats of war and the blustering, which if it is
kept up long enough, will explode into a nuclear
warfare that will result in the death of tens of mil-
lions of people and misery such as the world has
not yet experienced to this date.

This is a sobering and almost dismaying fact of
present day life to contemplate, and one to which
every socialist organization in the world must address
itself. The task which we must accomplish is whether
we can substitute for these systems another system
that is based on a greater justice, on the desire for
peace and cooperation among peoples, on a better
distribution of the world's scarce goods, and on the
desire to attack the frontiers of ignorance, disease,
and death. Any social system which encompasses these
principles is socialist in character. We in the United
States must remember that while our organization
seemed to falter, these principles did not; and the
necessity to develop a political system to carry out
our principles has hardly been met.

Many of us have been in the socialist movement
for more than a quarter of a century. Our hope for
a world of cooperating commonwealths has not been
fulfilled, but the need for such an arrangement is
greater than ever. Our basic concept of a social or-
ganization in which the basic means of production
and distribution are democratically owned and man-
aged becomes even more valid as the population of
the globe continues to expand at an astonishing rate,
and as the supply of the world's resources is pressed
upon ever more heavily.

At this juncture, it is most important to stress the
basic belief that as socialists we are not enamored
of public ownership for its own sake, but rather as
a useful device to advance the public welfare. With-

out democratic controls, public ownership can
come a cruel and despotic device and a thing- t
abhorred. To see this we have but to observe ST
regime of Hitler or the present countries where I
inist notions prevail.

Reclaiming the Socialist Name

One of the greatest tasks the socialist moveme
all over the world faces is the reclaiming of the nam
and meaning of "socialism" from the control of th
Leninists and the variety of sects which have been
spawned from that doctrine of how to seize the pm*.
er of government. The Leninists describe their sys-
tem and practices as "socialism" whereas those who
hold and have held that doctrine were really inter,
ested in gaining power, and the whole artificial fa-
cade of Leninist philosophy was merely a cover be-
hind which naked power politics were operated.

The deep and fundamental source of the socialist
philosophy, however, was and is the desire for broth-
erhood among men, the desire to re-arrange society
to alleviate suffering, and to promote security, jus-
tice, and cultural development by cooperation and
mutual assistance. This is a philosophy worlds apart
from the violent methods of Leninist opportunism.
It is, therefore, no wonder that while Leninism has
flourished into a powerful and oppressive military
system, it has not produced socialism, or mutual con-
fidence or trust anywhere.

Whenever, therefore, a spokesman for a Leninist
state or organization talks of "socialism," we must
find a method of pointing out the false claim and
the erroneous use of the word.

For the United States, I can see some great and
practical changes that face a socialist movement and
a need for the development of an improved and
modernized program.

Toward Equal Opportunity

What can we do to assist people of whatever race
to enjoy equal opportunity for development in
nation? This problem racks our nation at present and
needs specific and careful answers.

What can Socialists do to preserve and protect the
natural resources of the nation, the precious water
resources, the oil and coal supply, the forests, an
the fields and farms? Our nation's natural resourca
are being horribly and irreplaceably wasted in jp^
instances by private exploitation.

What shall be our policy on the control and J
velopment of atomic energy and atomic resoi
Shall this new field be abandoned to private own
ership and monopoly?

roe socMOsr e*u

What shall we do about the problems of our cities;
. 2 ac k of financial resources, their need for traffic

Yd f° r i m P roved "tili^^ f° r slum clearance, for
h using? D° we Sociansts nay e specific proposals? We

ve many such proposals upon which I can not ex-
pand here.

What shall we do about the need for schools and
for higher education? What shall we do about bet-
ter recreational opportunities for the youth of Amer-

Again, can we advance better measures for health
improvement, for medical training and research?

Do socialist measures and public ownership have
any validity for solving the transportation problem
and traffic slaughter? Of course, they do, even though
I can not spell them out here.

Toward the Cooperative Idea

Can we not also advance the progress of the co-
operative movement? Here we can give a practical
demonstration of our ideas. There is need for our
thinking, our advice, our philosophy in many fields
and we should organize to express it. Let me here state
that I hope our organization will include the word
"party" in its title. It seems that the American pub-
lic is more responsive to a message when it is spoken
by a group actively interested in campaigning than
in one that merely advocates certain ideas. In some
states socialists will want to stand for office and for

legislative bodies as a means of promoting their con-
cepts.

It is my hope, too, that there will develop a strong
press to spread our ideas. This press is indispensable
to socialist development.

It is my hope also that the United States socialist
movement will develop strong fraternal ties around
the globe. I believe we have some unique contribu-
tions to make to socialist thought and also to action.
We can help to contribute to lessened world tensions
and to disarmament. These are not impractical con-
cepts. These are vitally needed actions lest our civil-
ization perish in an atomic holocaust.

With these great goals, we should move ahead with
serious purpose and with determination. Our enthu-
siasm at this moment ought not to be that of the
sprinter, but of the long distance runner who knows
he has a long way to the goal and many obstacles
to overcome. We should eschew division whenever pos-
sible and also methods which of themselves destroy
our integrity and people's belief in our good will
toward them.

Most of us who are here have been tried by years
of experience and adversity, but our regrets for past
difficulties should diminish to insignificance before
the task of world peace and brotherhood which we
set before us.

On to our task, then, with cheerfulness and confi-
dence. Whatever truth is in our cause for a dem-
ocratic social order shall ultimately prevail.

The Political Aspects of Unity

Trade Unionism and Socialism

By Louis P. Goldberg

WE ARE ABOUT TO WITNESS the birth
of a new Socialist organization. Its success
cannot depend on the combined strength

* its sponsors-the Socialist Party and Social Dem-
°aatic Federation. We rather rely on the conscious

* subconscious desire of human beings for a better
and more cooperative society. We hope we can
waken and stir that universal desire. We shall at-

empt to clarify the misconceptions which have stood
™ the way of such awakening.

3^ °? of them is that the comparatively high stand-
„, I hvin & enjoyed by Americans has already given

^at for which Socialists have striven,
our K ^ haS undoubt edly been the main cause of
rapidly becoming a nation of "Conformists," the

4 *«*ww«Mtr. ,957

characterization by social psychologists, or as one
speaker crudely, but expressively, put it "contented

cows.

Prosperity and Well Being

As a result of wide-spread material satisfaction, we
have lost the passionate urge, so prevalent in the last
century, to attack injustice, corruption and the ten-
dency towards economic monopoly and exploitation.

Too many are afraid to be with the minority, to
be independent in thought and action, to criticize
and to make the cause of the wronged our business.
It has been said "we have confused 'prosperity' with
well being."

The evidence is overwhelming that with the great
increase in our productive capacity and national
wealth, greed and avarice, the drive to "get places,"
to reach a desired goal by hook or crook has been
intensified, encouraged and enshrined. Graft and cor-
ruption, through "give-aways" to the favored few, is
rampant in the higher political echelons.

There is need for a political organ, composed of
of idealists, which would reject the policy of oppor-
tunism, cleave closely to principles, broadly criticize
social complacency, attack corruption and public
venality and re-awaken a high respect for decencies
and fairness on political, economic and social levels.

The Democratic Party cannot possibly fill this bill.
Undoubtedly, it has within its leadership, and in its
rank and file, many of high integrity, liberal think-
ing and upright character. However, when confronted
with social problems, they too often choose the op-
portunistic course.

But a more devastating thought is that when they
achieve power, the possibility of thorough improve-
ment is impeded by the appointment of those unable
and disinclined to carry through such reforms.

The result is that, in practice, the laws as enforced
have no resemblance to those which were enacted.
Reforms can only be effectively implemented by
those who sincerely believe in them. This we cannot
expect from any of the existing political parties.

The Role of Existing Parties

Even the New York Liberal Party, which came
into being with the fervent hope of so many of us
that it would fill the political vacuum (and which
I have loyally supported since its inception) , pays
more attention to obtaining immediate job rewards
than to crusading against the evils from which our
political and economic system is suffering. Its main
redeeming aspect is that some of the most liberal
unions are its main support.

As to the Republican Party, the less said the bet-
ter. Undoubtedly some liberals, afflicted with ethical
inertia, remain in it, though increasingly they have
lost the ability or desire to battle against the cor-
porate agents in control of the Party. There are few,
if any, potential LaFollettes or Wayne Morses still
there.

The American Labor Party, which could have play-
ed a significant role had it not come under control

Louis P. Goldberg, formerly national chairman of the Social
Democratic Federation, was named vice-chairman of the
SP-SDF. This talk was given at the Unity Convention of
the SP-SDF.

of Communist apologists, has passed into obi* '

Whatever remains of the Socialist Labor Par l^'
been for decades moribund in thought and *d

The Trotskyist splinter groups, falsely ^dy
themselves Socialists, cannot hide their Coram ^
identity. ' Umst

A real social-democratic organization— a new
ist party— is a crying need in this country. \mj .
to form it?

There are those who honestly believe that ft-
the labor movement, and without the aid of a soc ^i
ist party, there will ultimately arise a political law
party, with a trend toward a socialist program
ideology.

We wish we could join in such a belief. It woi
make the task simple for us. We could sit back
be free of the frustrating, difficult and pitifully sic
process of education— of changing the thinking habit
of the people.

Socialism and Laborism

But history and experience have demonstrated that
no labor movement has brought a socialist organiza-
tional force into being. Rather the contrary has hai
pened.

In practically everyone of the modern states wl
have effective labor movements, the pattern has
the appearance first of a political socialist party
as a result of socialist propaganda, the emergence
a labor movement. In the countries of ContUH
Europe, that pattern caused the labor and
movements to develop coterminously, as allies.

In Great Britain, however, the labor movement,
though with; the inestimable aid of the Indepenck
Labor Party, the socialist organization, grew inc
endently of the socialist movement. Labor genei
supported the British Liberal Party, just as presently
in the United States labor, in the main, leans
w r ards the Democratic Party.

Organizing the Labor Party

Decades of constant and intensive pressure uj
labor to venture into the political field indepenc
ly, first bore fruit in 1900 when the Labor Represent
tation Group was formed, establishing cooperation
between labor members of Parliament elected on the
Liberal Party ticket and the Socialist M.P/s elected
by the Independent Labor Party.

In 1906, the next step was taken— the organization
of the British Labor Party. Powerful unions, w|p
included the miners, railway workers and others stav-
ed aloof, continued to cooperate with the liberal

The SOCIALIST CA*

d elected Lib-Labs (Liberal-Laborites) . It
f&V rs before these unions were won over.
t0( * ^ finH that in Great Britain, the Socialists did
- t for organized labor to mature sufficiently
n0t ^ point of recognizing the importance of in-
t0 dent labor political action. It may well be con-
de Pf n , that had the Socialists sat by and waited for
lCn C to take the initiative, uninfluenced by a So-
lab ^t Party, there may not have been a labor party
• ia Great Britain, even to this day.
m Another illustration of a socialist party succeeding

•thout the initial support of organized labor is the
** c F i n Canada, which controls the province of Sas*
vatchewan and has about 25 members in the Can-

dian Parliament. The Canadian labor movement
las not come to the point of publicly recognizing
the need of a labor party or wholeheartedly support-
ing the Socialist C.C.F.

These two instances support the conclusion that
a socialist movement can develop without the im-
mediate sympathetic aid of organized labor.

Spurring Independent Political Action

A socialist movement should and will develop, if
for no other reason than that it would serve as a
leavening agent to spur the labor movement into
independent political action.

A socialist movement is so necessary to labor that
reason dictates that its leaders should cooperate in
forming a socialist organization where there is none.
This they cannot yet see, but they will realize it as
the new party grows and proves of help to labor in
the future as the Socialist Party did in the past.

The third misconception is that all is well in the
United States in the present phase of capitalist de-
velopment.

I will not burden you with indigestible figures.
Many books have been written in the past few years
on the point that real power, political as well as
economic, lies in a few corporations and not in the
democratically elected governmental representatives.
Corporate power, to an ever increasing extent, in-
fluences our national life, eliminating small business
and creating a condition that cannot realistically be
characterized as free enterprise.

A. A. Berle, Jr., in his illuminating book on mod-
ern corporations, says that the modern corporation
brought a concentration of economic power which
can compete on equal terms with the modem State.
Since corporate power is no longer merely economic,
bu t political as well, Berle's conclusion is that the

uture rnay well see economic organisms typified by

iA *WARY-nBRUAkY, 7957

the corporation superseding the State as a dominant
form of social organization. Berle makes a plea for
control of this power and argues that it must be
made responsible not only to investors, workers and
consumers, but to all Society.

Owners of the G.O.P.

This corporate combine owns the Republican Par-
ty. Too many of the powerful leaders of the Dem-
ocratic Party are tied to that economic class or to
fragments of it or, for their own personal advantage,
would like to be so tied. The Liberal Party, by too
often giving the Democratic Party carte blanch sup-
port, may be termed a "fellow traveler" in this anti-
social coalition.

Of course the dominant economic group can afford
to give the people some charity in the form of in-
adequate social reforms— and they do. But this is not
a new idea. It was most effectively tried by Bismarck
in Germany about 80 years ago and was called by
publicists "Benevolent Despotism."

Shall we be satisfied with "Benevolent Despotism"
because our stomachs are temporarily filled? Should
we be contented when it is possible, through the
exercise of our collective power, to obtain immeas-
urably more without any kind of despotism, bene-
volent or otherwise?

Nol Americans are entitled to more than mere
bread, some comforts, a measure of gadgets and
the right to worship "the hand that feeds us." We
are entitled to the right to rule ourselves and deter-
mine our destiny, economic, political and social. Be-
ing ruled by persons who are guided mainly by spe-
cial interests and an unquenchable avidity for profits
is not a lot for a free people.

The Country's Economic Situation

It is a myth that "they"— meaning the ruling clique
—gave us the boasted high standard of living. If it
had been left entirely to them all the workers would
probably now be living on bread and water. The im-
proved standard of living was forced by the workers
and the middle class at the cost of blood, sweat, tears
and lives, against the bitter and ferocious opposition
of big business.

But while we are talking about the comparative
well being of most of the organized workers, we must
not forget that the unorganized workers whose wages
often are not influenced by those of union workers,
are still living from hand to mouth. Neither should
we forget the many millions of families, variously
estimated at between five and 10 million, affecting

about 20 to 40 million persons, who are existing on
less than f 2,000.00 per year, per family, which at the
present high cost of living is grossly inadequate.

And what about the plight of small business men,
which big business has been gradually eliminating
from the economic arena?

A well known columnist on economic matters re-
cently said that there is only a 50-50 chance of sur-
vival for two years for a small new business-one out
of three chances of lasting four years and the chances
of existing 10 years sink to one out of five.

We are on the threshold of vast productive and
economic changes as a result of automation and the
nuclear age. Things are going to be run differently
than before. Innovations are already appearing in
practically every phase of our existence.

Whether all this is to spell good for the people
will depend upon how well they can organize them-
selves to obtain the benefits of the new developments.

■ - - - - - .- . . ■ #

An Age Running Mod

In my research, I came across a very interesting
quotation from Dr. Johnson several centuries ago
which reads: ■ -- .

"The age is running mad after innovation: all
the business of the world is to be done in a new
way; men are to be hanged in a new way; Tyburn
itself is not safe from the fury of innovation.*'

It seems that in all ages material improvement did
not constitute an unmixed blessing.

The fourth fallacy is that a socialist political party
would in some way constitute a challenge to organ-
ized labor.

We are not organizing in opposition to labor in
any field. Traditionally and idealistically we are
wedded to the concept that we must help the work-
ers gain greater and greater influence-for themselves
personally in the economic field-for the people gen-
erally on the political field-ultimately through an
independent labor party.

We do not aim to interfere with or hamper any
efforts of organized labor to. realize these aims. We
hope to help labor, as we have in the past, to achieve
its goals.

Our loyalty to the labor movement has been proven
through the 55 years of our existence. At various
times the responsible labor leaders have acknowl-
edged their indebtedness to us for the service we
rendered, especially during the darkest days of the
struggle to organize the workers. We expect no re-
ward. Our service to labor was and is as instinctive

as breathing is to man, for our entire phfi
based upon helping labor develop its power^ u

It was so recognized in Samuel Gornper's
to Marx: "He grasped the principle that ifcf*^
union was the immediate and practical agen ^ ^
could bring wage earners a better life. Marx . ^
consistent in all his writings, but his influeiT^ *"
tributed to emphasize the necessity for organ'
of wage earners in trade unions and the develo ^
of economic power prior to efforts to establish^ ^
government through political methods." * ^

We helped unionism grow. When the labor
ment grew strong we rejoiced as much as tba"
necessary, we will throw all our strength u^
effort to make the labor movement even stronge
more secure. b "

Some of those who have abandoned us ratio
their defection by the statement that labor lea
do not want a strong socialist movement and
efforts to strengthen the socialist movement const*
tute opposition to labor. There is no reason
this attitude. It ignores the basic distinction betw
a socialist movement and organized labor.

The socialist movement is composed of persons wl
are idealistic. They join the movement not to
vance their material conditions, obtain personal
er and influence or social position. They volun
give their time, energy, financial contributions
abilities to spread the philosophy and principl
socialism. They realize that if they desire p
advancement, other circles offer far better op
tunities.

Trade Unionists as Diplomats

Organized labor, on the other hand, pi
draws its membership from those who desire to bel
their economic conditions. It is an unfortunate
that a considerable proportion of organized lal
members became such through economic pressi
which they resisted. Many of them still resent
compelled to pay dues and assessments and
subjected to orders and discipline. I do not state
in criticism. But we must recognize this problt
which has haunted the labor movement for genera-
tions, often forcing it into actions which on the
surface appeared undemocratic, but which were nec-
essary against the attacks of anti-union minded mem-
bers. Nor have we a ready remedy for this situation
other than constant education of those who joined
the union reluctantly until they shall become union-
minded.

We must also keep in mind that organized labor
is involved in a daily "bread and butter" struj

les

10

The SOCIALIST CA&

,. j t undertakes or does, must be with
n d every facfc unions cannot and do

cons

t e ye on that
3 11-out in an attack upon the evils of our

n0t S ° • svstem because they must constantly deal

oflu c s y

wi*

economic >*" obtain benefits for their mem

the empi°) Ci:> . .

They must at all times be practical. As one c
5 ' rades remarked, "Labor must be diplomatic.

1 ^hey must at all times be practical. As one of
our co]
The Force of Ide0lism

the primary bases of socialism are ethical,

Si and idealistic concepts.

Here in the United States, as well as m many
&£ parts of the globe, the people have been suf-
° r nff from lack of faith in ethical and moral princi-
ples or perhaps in the application of them in their
drily lives, politics, social contacts and behavior. The
present comparative material well being of a great
proportion of our people has lulled them into a
feeling that it would be a grievous mistake to probe
into ethical and moral principles, which are the basis
of all idealism, while material life is so pleasant.

The biblical observation that man does not live
by bread alone is just as wise and applicable now
as it was when first spoken or written. History has
established beyond any possibility of successful con-
tradiction that material well being cannot long con-
tinue in a society in which the chief slogan is "every-
one for himself and the devil take the hindmost."
The lack of idealism in public life in this country
plays right into the hands of the extreme conserva-
tives and reactionaries. Unfortunately, there is no
organized force to awaken within the people their
idealistic instincts which have lain dormant for too
long.

Labor's Political Program

We are organizing a new political party which is
pledged by our unity agreement not to rush rashly
into the electoral field. We cannot do so if we want-
ed to and we should not if we could.

However, no socialist movement worthy of the
name, can exclude the possibility of electoral action
at the appropriate time. But we must have an interval
to become accustomed to working, acting and think-
ing together. We need also a period for an organ-
izational drive. We shall try to reach all our discour-
aged friends in every nook and cranny of the nation
and try to transfer to them some of our newly-found
enthusiasm, zeal, hope and energy.

The expression of fear in some corners that a new
socialist party would interfere with labor's political
action is unfounded. Carrying out our document on

political action, we will nominate for public office
candidates in opposition to those endorsed by the
legitimate labor movement. While we shall do all
we can to help the labor movement, it in turn should,
at least in its political ventures, consider our party
as a consistent friend and ally. It should not take
action or nominate candidates which w^ould shock
the conscience and sensibilities, not only of social-
ists, but of mature labor leaders over the world.

When our new party shall decide to enter the pol-
itical field on any of the levels, we feel it will be for
the benefit of the labor movement. It often happens
that labor unions are forced into taking a political
position with obvious reluctance. That happened
some years ago when they endorsed the candidacies
of the late Supreme Court Justices Cropsey and Mc-
Cooey who had attained the unenviable reputation of
being the worst labor-hating judges on the local bench.
Would it not be a positive comfort for labor to know
that there was an existing political body which could
take steps to nullify any benefit to the person or or-
ganization exerting the pressure or coercion?

I feel certain that responsible labor leaders under
such circumstances would applaud opposition to such
candidates by a socialist organization.

All of us at some time in our lives have been social
dreamers.. Like the prophets of old we dreamt of a
world in which swords will have been turned into
plowshares and poverty will have been conquered.

Let us not be ashamed of such dreams.

Nor should be we ashamed that we were moved
by the immortal words of James Russell Lowell,
which I hope still inspire us:

They are slaves who fear to speak
For the fallen and the weak.
They are slaves who dare not be
In the right with two or three.

Building a Better World

We have a philosophy which has stood the test of
time. We have principles which are the only hope
for a better world. We have the ethical approach
which prevents the degrading of human beings and
ennobles them. We have a faith in our fellow men.

Let us shed all doubts in the ultimate victory of
socialism. Let us act in the spirit of the wise words
of Franklin D. Roosevelt that "We have only to
fear, fear itself."

Let us go on with the work of building a better,
a cooperative, a more peaceful world where there
will be freedom— freedom from fear.

UHUAkY-FEBRUARY, 1957

11

Toward Socialist Organization

A Resolution Adopted by the Unity Convention

This Unity Convention marks a first step in the
rejuvenation o£ the socialist movement in the United
States. But while socialist unity is vital, unless this
historic meeting is followed by an intensive campaign
to gather together all democratic Socialists into our
organization, our present enthusiasm may be wasted.

The interval between the present and the time of
convening the first convention of our organization in
1958 should be mainly devoted to organizing and
building.

Accordingly, the incoming National Executive
Committee is directed to give top priority to the
recruiting of new members on the widest possible
scale and to the involvement of our present member-
ship in an expanding program of Socialist activity.
During the coming year our specific goals are: 1) to
triple our combined membership and the circulation
of the SOCIALIST CALL; 2) To place a number of
organizers in the field; 3) To double the number of
functioning locals; 4) To increase the paid person-
nel in the national office; and thereby bring our
united organization to a new peak of activity and
influence. Thus we can take the first steps to build
that mass Socialist organization which will again play
an important role in national and international
affairs.

Wherever even a small number of Socialists exist,
a local must be organized with a planned program

ROBOT REVOLUTION

The Implications of Automation

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303 Fourth Ave., New York 10, N. Y.

14

o£ activities. Individual isolated members must K*
urged to recruit their friends to organize a Iqqi
which will participate in Party drives and projects
under the guidance of the National organization
Every former member of both the Social Democratic
Federation and the Socialist Party must be urged to
rejoin the united movement.

Members of trade unions, cooperatives and frater-
nal organizations must be approached to the same
end. All locals and branches should hold regular
meeings open to the public and urge non-members
to participate in their work.

During the past year thousands of inquiries were
received regarding the Socialist or Social Democratic
program and printed material was sent in response
to each inquiry. At this time every person who was
sufficiently interested to inquire must be followed up
and invited to join the united organization.

In view of the importance of membership work,
we recommend to the National Executive Committee
that it formally establish the position of National
Membership Secretary with the responsibility for all
correspondence with locals, members, and prospective
members, relating to membership matters. This Na-
tional Membership Secretary shall be responsible for
the publication of the Socialist Bulletin and shall
be an ex-officio member of the National Action Com-
mittee.

READ

THE SOCIALIST CALL

REGULARLY

The Socialist Call
303 Fourth Ave.
New York 10, N. Y.

Enclosed please find $3.00 to pay for a one year
subscription to the Socialist Call.

Name

Address ...•*•

City Zone State . . .

The SOCIALIST CAU>

Xhe Eisenhower Doctrine

fSy

N A WORLD WITH MANY DANGEROUS,

I war-breeding trouble spots, the Middle East today
offers the chief danger of the kind of war that
more probably than not would grow into the devas-
tation of World War III. That danger has been
somewhat abated by the UN and in the strengthen-
ing of that organization lies great hope. Neverthe-
less, it is not today in a position to enforce a just
peace. It will scarcely develop a program, now lack-
in°- for such a peace, except with American leader-
ship and assurance of American support.

In their relation to the complex of problems pres-
ented by the Middle East no government and no
people can claim either perfect wisdom or perfect
virtue. However grave may have been sins of omis-
sion all around, the problems we confront have deep-
er roots than the relative crimes, blunders or short-
comings of Khrushchev, Mollet, Eden, Ben-Gurion,
Nasser, assorted Arab leaders, Acheson and Dulles.
The conflicting forces are the remnants of old
imperialism, the drive of communist imperialism, the
passionate nationalism of new nations, ancient reli-
gious differences, need for petroleum from an area
whose underground wealth is badly distributed, and
great differences in social standards and stages of de-
velopment.

Saving the UN

Our approach to a policy must concern itself with
these forces rather than wrangling over what might
have been. Nevertheless, some judgment must be
made of the past to guide future policy. We Amer-
icans should start by recognizing at least this: What-
ever Mr. Dulles' errors— and he made many, especial-
ly in dealing with Nasser, the Aswan Dam and the
Suez Canal— the Eisenhower stand with the UN
against military aggression saved the UN and with
it peace for the world.

Today a desirable policy for our government to
press, in the knowledge that it is neither omnipotent
nor omniscient, divides itself under three heads.

First, security against military aggression, the chief
danger coming from Soviet aggression, either direct
°r indirect. Here as a preliminary step, I should ac-

UHUARY-FEBRUARY. 1957

cept the Eisenhower doctrine as embodied in the
Congressional resolution as making for lesser rather
than greater risk, provided that a reasonable time
limit is put on the powers granted to the President.
In the military field, the President really asks for no
more power than he has, and it is to the good that
he wants to consult Congress about it. It is also to
the good that he asks this power to deal only with
overt military aggression by communist or commu-
nist-controlled nations. The more likely indirect ag-
gression by the Soviet cannot be dealt with by any
grant of great military power to the President.

The Acheson Alternative

I doubt if the substitute Mr. Acheson suggested
in his thoughtful testimony would present a lesser
risk— not if the President will wisely use the economic
aid which he has asked Congress to grant, develop
other parts of a constructive Mid-East policy and
press toward disarmament. Here I welcomed the Pres-
ident's offer to enter a "reliable agreement" for inter-
national control of "outer space" missile and satel-
lite development.

I welcome also Mrs. Roosevelt's proposal that the
U.S. ask Russia and all other nations to agree to sell
no arms in the Mid-East. This, as Mrs. Roosevelt said,
would at least put Moscow on the spot. I think it
would be necessary, if no arms are to be sold, to
provide for a continuing UN police force in the
area pending further constructive peace agreements.
As far as possible, economic aid should be admin-
istered through the UN and political pressure for
peace exercised by it.

Second, the problem of the Suez Canal. Obviously,
the process of clearing the Canal which at the mo-
ment is proceeding well must go forward unimpeded
by political quarrels or wrangles over who shall pay
the costs. Once the Canal is open, Israeli ships and
ships of all other nations must have its use on the
same equitable terms. Ownership of the Canal may
well be vested in Egypt, which did operate the Canal
surprisingly well before the attack on her. There
should be an international overlordship of control
of operation.

I myself would warmly second James P. Warburg's
suggestion that the United States say to Nasser that
it would accept an application of the same principle
of ultimate international control of operation as it
urges upon Egypt— a proposal that Nasser would find

(Continued on page 18)

15

Pictorial Highlights
of SP-SDF Unity
Convention and Dinner

Row A (left to right) : Judge Jacob A. Panken, Norman Thomas, Samuel
H. Friedman.

Row B (left to right) : Anna Kethly, leader of the Social Democratic
Party of Hungary; Mary Saran, representing the Socialist International.

Center: Louis P. Goldberg and Darlington Hoopes shake hands, symboliz-
ing unity between the Social Democratic Federation and Socialist Party.

Row C (left to right) : Austen Albu, British Labor Member of Parliament-
National Chairman Frank P. Zeidler, Mayor of Milwaukee; Alsing Ander-
sen, Vice-Chairman, Danish Socialist Democratic Party.

Row D (left to right) : U On Sein, Member, Burmese Delegation, U N •
Delegate S. Fanny Simon; Jules Moch, French delegate, U.N. Disarmament
Comisston representing the French Socialist Party; Herman Singer

'■'■:■':'■■ .■

■■K

i£

Bottom row: Convention sessions, Friday evening, January 18, and Satur-
day, January 19.

(Photos by Arthur and Julius Bernstein. Mass. Delegates to Unity Convention.)

THE EISENHOWER DOCTRINE

(Continued from page 15)

it hard to refuse. It is, moreover, a proposal in line
with the international control of international water-
ways toward which the world should work.

The Jews in Egypt

The U.S. and the UN should insist that Nasser end
deportation of Jews and any mistreatment of Jews
in Egypt. There is no justification, but some excuse
for Egyptian conduct in the fear that war breeds,
such fear as for instance led the U.S. to evacuate all
Japanese and Japanese-Americans on the West Coast
during World War II. The contention of some Zion-
ists that all Jews are at least potentially Israeli citi-
zens can easily be exploited by Nasser and other
Arab leaders.

As for Nasser himself, he has disappointed the
hopes with which he began the new government in
Egypt and talks like a demagogue. Comparisons be-
tween him and Hitler, however, may be misleading.
The objective situations are different and no foreign-
er and, to the best of my knowledge, no Egyptian
has proposed a desirable alternative to Nasser. The
jealousies between the Arab nations, which in many
ways militate against a good settlement in the Mid-
dle East, make less likely any success for Nasser in
obtaining hegemony throughout a large part of the
Moslem world. Clearly, the Tunisian leaders don't
want it.

Egypt desperately needs help to solve her economic
problems which arise in part from overpopulation.
Here competition with communism means that we
must offer a better type of economic cooperation.
Finally, it must be said that any peace settlement
must include guarantees to Israel against depreda-
tion by any variety of Egyptian fedayeen.

The Israeli-Arab Conflict

Third, the feud between the Arab nations and Is-
rael. An uneasy truce must be turned into peace with
reasonable delimitation of boundaries and guarantees
against raids and counter-raids across them. A plan
must be made and put into operation for resettling
the 900,000 Arab refugees in Israel's borders. The
process will be made easier by Israel's recognition of
the right of repatriation, even although, practically,

BOUND VOLUME

1956 SOCIALIST CALL

NOW AVAILABLE

AT $5.00

few Arabs can be satisfactorily settled in Israel. On
the basis of the right of repatriation, generous com-
pensation must be made to Arabs who owned at the
time of their flight so large a part of Israel's arable
land. Difficulties in resettlement have, of course, arisen
from the selfish policies of Arab states with which a
constructive policy must deal.

There can be no successful resettlement or any ex-
tensive improvement in Middle East economy with-
out a cooperative development of water supply. Ideal-
ly there should also be a regional plan for a general
sharing of some of the profits of rich oil wells now
divided between Western exploiting companies and
governments, usually of a most undemocratic sort.
The whole Middle East should benefit to some degree
from these oil reserves.

In carrying out this sort of program, the UN and
the U.S. must depend upon persuasion more than
force. But it would be highly desirable, as I have
said, to develop on proper lines a United Nations
police force which could stay in the area pending set-
tlement.

The U.S. has not only an obligation of humanity
but of duty to aid very generously not only in eco-
nomic development of the Middle East, but in sup-
plementing what Israel can pay by way of compen-
sation to Arab refugees. The U.S. and the UN were
greatly concerned in the establishment of the state
of Israel. Even the USSR voted recognition of it. The
State of Israel provided refuge for victims of Western
anti-Semitism. The West therefore has a moral re-
sponsibility to help both Israel and the Arab states
resolve the feud which so greatly hinders the proper
development of the Middle East and so gravely threat-
ens the peace of mankind.

m*

18

The SOCIALIST CALL

Supporting the Forces of Freedom

The Socialist Challenge to Communism

1AM EXCEEDINGLY SORRY that I cannot be
present in person at the Socialist Unity dinner
but political changes in England have obliged
me to cut short my visit to the United States and
to return to London several days earlier than I had
intended. I can assure you that I would not have
done this if I had not felt it to be absolutely neces-
sary in view of the resignation of the former Prime
Minister Sir Anthony Eden, and the establishment
of a new government. However, this modern device
of the tape recorder enables me at least to send you
my warm greetings and to express the sincere hope
that you will have a very enjoyable and successful
evening.

Mr. Chairman, I think this is a very appropriate
moment for the reassertion of our democratic social-
ist faith and I have no doubt that is what you will
all be doing this evening. In particular, the events
in Hungary, in the heroic struggle which has thrilled
the world, is the fact that the leadership was taken
oppressed peoples living under Soviet totalitarian
dictatorship are turning increasingly against commu-
nism.

Perhaps the most impressive development of all
in Hungary in the heroic struggle which has thrilled
the world, is the fact that the leadership was taken
in this revolution by the young people. One might
have supposed that older men and women who re-
membered the days of democracy in the past, and
who were less subject to communist indoctrination
would have been the people most closely concerned.

The Passing of a Nightmare

But the fact is that it was the young workers and
the university students who threw themselves into
this struggle, the very people who had been most sub-
ject to communist propaganda and pressure. This is
surely an event of immense significance for the whole
world. It has lifted from our hearts and minds a bur-
den which I must frankly admit had settled there
ve *y heavily in recent years.

h ! » fc the text of the Hugh Gaitskell talk, given by record-
* a * *he Unity Convention dinner. Hugh Gaitskell is
■"■a* of the British Labor Party.

' A »UA*Y*EBRUA RY ,

1957

By Hugh Gaitskell

There was a feeling that the apparatus of a mod-
em totalitarian dictatorship was so powerful that a
people, in time, could not struggle against it. There
was a feeling, indeed, that so great was the monopoly
of education and propaganda, and the terror as well,
that in time people would even come to lose the
love of liberty itself. Well, now we know that that
nightmare is past.

We know we were wrong. We know that it is im-
possible to crush the desire for freedom. We know
that the people of Hungary and the people of Poland
and, we believe, the people of Russia itself, are them-
selves as anxious for freedom as we are too. We know
that they have turned against the doctrines of com-
munism and that the ideals of democracy are the
things that they really care about as much as we do.
With all its weaknesses democracy, parliamentary
democracy and liberty, as we have learned to appre-
ciate it in the West throughout these years, remains
their aim as much as it is ours.

Aiding the Revolt

What the heroic Hungarians have done also is by
the very fashion in which they forced the Soviets to
intervene is to demonstrate to the whole world in
an unmistakable way the cruelty and the ruthless-
ness of the Soviet Union. By this they have done
very great harm to the communist cause throughout
the world, done more harm to it indeed than any
amount of propaganda from the West could have
done. They have also brought new hope and set a
fine example to the other peoples in the satellite
countries.

For most of us it was, of course, a great shame and
frustration that we could not do more to help the
Hungarian people. Yet, I think they realized just
what the situation was. We felt that we could not
have gone to their help with force, without running
the very grave risk of a Third World War and we
believe that they too would not wish that to happen.
They too would suffer as much as we would, as much
as everybody else would. But because we were un-
able to go to their help in this way there is all the
more reason for doing everything else that we can,

19

short of the threat, short of the risk, of war in help-
ing them.

I myself believe that more should have been done
and could still be done in the way of relief through
the International Red Cross. We certainly should not
in any way give up the struggle in the United Nations
to get observers admitted and to have reports sub-
mitted to the Assembly, as to what is going on in-
side Hungary and I believe, too, the time has come,
for which we should all of us begin to think serious-
ly, about the prospect of a new diplomatic approach
to the Soviet Union whereby, perhaps, as a result
of a general neutralization area in Central and East-
ern Europe the Soviet forces could be withdrawn
from the satellite countries.

Well, it is not an appropriate moment for me to
discuss these matters in detail here and some of you,

of course, may not agree with everything I have said
but I would like to pay a special tribute to one of
your visitors in the United States, Anna Kethly, wh
is with you tonight. I had the privilege of introducing
her to the labor members of Parliament in the House
of Commons and whenever I have heard her speak-
ing, this woman of indomitable courage and firm
faith has made a very deep impression indeed.

Comrades, on behalf of the British Labor Party
I salute you this evening and send you our greetings
and our best hopes for the future. May I also ex-
tend my best wishes to the other comrades from other
countries who are present here tonight and who, un-
fortunately, I shall also miss. I hope the dinner is
a great success and I hope that the new united party
in the United States will make great progress in the
days and months ahead.

Greetings to SP-SDF Convention

Socialist Parties Throughout the World Hail Unity

Morgan Phillips, Chairman

Bjarne Braatoy, Secretary

Socialist International

Entire International fervently awaits unity devel-
opments from your conference and extends solidarity.

# * *

Morgan Phillips, Secretary

British Labor Party

On behalf of the British Labor Party, I have very
great pleasure in sending you our congratulations
on the occasion of the Unity Convention of the two
socialist parties of the United States.

The need for strong, democratic socialist forces in
the world at the present time has been underlined
by the acts of aggression committed against Egypt
and Hungary. We in the Labor Party have recently
been involved in a strenuous and successful campaign
to halt the Tory Government's war against Egypt.
We are grateful for the support we have received
from American socialists in this campaign.

Socialists all over the world will welcome the
strengthening of socialist forces in the United States
that your Unity Convention represents. The uniting
of your two parties is particularly significant coming
as it does within a few months of the unification of
the two powerful trade union bodies in your country.

We are convinced that this convention will be a

20

landmark in the struggle of the progressive forces
in the United States for peace, freedom and social
justice.

# * #

U Ba Swe, Chairman

U Hla Aung, Secretary

Asian Socialist Conference

On behalf of the Asian Socialist Conference, we
very heartily welcome the Runion of Socialist forces in
America. We have been in close contact with the So-
cialist Party and Comrade Norman Thomas since the
very beginning of our new movement in Asia. More-
over, we have extended our contacts both in Canada
and Latin America and we are quite sure that a solid
united force of Socialists in U.S.A. will greatly
strengthen the growing socialist forces in the West-
ern Hemisphere.

As you all are aware of the recent developments
in West Asia, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, it is
not necessary for us to remind you that sooai^c 3
is being challenged with the dangerous forces of pov<*
er politics, diehard colonial expansionists and rut
less communism. We on our part are quite conficen
of the success of the world socialist movement an
we eagerly look forward toward closer consultancy
and sincere cooperation for better understanding
mutual solutions among us.

The SOCIALIST CA*

Comrades, once again we extend our sincere con-
gratulations and hearty greetings on this happy oc-
casion of the Unity Convention of the Socialist Party
and the Social Democratic Federation.

Long live Socialism and long live Peace.

Erich Ollenhauer, Leader
Social Democratic Party of Germany

Dear Comrades, the Social Democratic Party of
Germany salutes the unification of the Socialist Party
of America and the Social Democratic Federation and
sends its fraternal greetings to this convention.

Mankind is threatened with tumbling into a new
form of barbarism unless all forces are combined
which aim at envisaging a steady road to peace and
democracy. It is up to the democratic socialists to
show the people the way toward these goals and
we are convinced that a united Socialist Party in
the U.S.A. will be in a good position to lead this
struggle.

The German Social Democratic Party wishes your
convention and your efforts lots of success.

Alsing Andersen, Vice-Chairman
Social Democratic Party of Denmark
It is with the greatest pleasure and high expecta-
tions that the Executive Committee of the Social-Dem-
ocratic Party of Denmark has learned of the decision
to hold a joint conference of the Socialist Party and
the Social Democratic Federation in order to estab-
lish unity among all democratic socialists of the
U.S.A.

We beg to extend to the delegates of the Unity
Convention, to the working class and to all demo-
cratic socialists of the U.S.A. the sincere wishes and
the hearty congratulations of the Danish Party.
• * *

Sven Aspling, General Secretary
Social Democratic Party of Sweden
The Social Democratic Party of Sweden greets with
acclamation the message that the democratic social-
ist groups in the United States will reunite. Organ-
izational strength is one of the essential bases for
success. Your Convention, which we give our frater-
jj^ greetings, will mean another milestone in the
ustory of the American socialist movement and we
Jle c °nvinced that it will lay a solid basis for a
stronger socialist force in your country. We look for-
v ara to a more effective and near cooperation be-

Ueen ^ e American and the Swedish socialist move-
ments.

* AHUA *r*mVARY. 1957

Sveriges Socialdemokratisk Arbetareparti wishes
the Convention success!

Krishna Menon, Joint Secretary
Indian Praja Socialist Party
On behalf of the Praja Socialist Party, I send greet-
ings to the Convention called for January 18-20,
1957, for reuniting the Socialist Party, U.S.A. and
the Social Democratic Federation. We welcome this
unity of the two great democratic socialist forces of
America as heralding a mighty advance to socialism
and democracy that would reach beyond America
to democratic socialist parties all over the world.
It has added significance at this time when ugly dis-
tortions of Socialism are getting exposed and civil-
ization is taking a new turn to realize what is es«
sentially human, free and just.

• .-'•;#

Sutan Sjahrir, Secretary
Indonesian Socialist Party
Our heartfelt congratulations for reunion Socialist
Party, U.S.A. and Social Democratic Federation. We
are convinced prospects for democratic socialism in
U. S. hence will improve. Though eager to send fra-
ternal delegates for happy occasion of reunification,
must apologize for not being able. Fraternal greet-
ings from Socialist Party of Indonesia and best
wishes.

• * •

Humberto Maiztegui, Secretary
Latin American Secretariat, Socialist International
This Secretariat wishes the Congress for the Uni-
fication of the U. S. Socialist Party and the Social
Democratic Federation the best of success. We are
sure that this unification will make possible the or-
ganization of a powerful U.S. Socialist Party, to
which we extend our warm greetings and with whom
we are anxious to maintain very friendly relations.

• * *

Alicia Moreau de Justo, Secretary of Foreign Relations
Socialist Party of Argentina

We have received the gratifying news of the Con-
vention you are going to hold, during which the
democratic socialist groups in America— separated 20
years ago— will become reunited.

The Executive Committee of the Argentine Social-
ist Party wants to extend herewith its congratulations
and its best wishes to both groups. We sincerely hope
that this merger will contribute to the growth of the
democratic socialist movement and the spread of our
common ideals in the United States.

21

We also hope that our movement— that has now
recovered its legality after 12 years of persecution by
Peron's regime— will be able now to resume and
strengthen its links with your party and all other
democratic socialist groups in the world.

We realize that one of the many issues

uniting

your members is their solidarity with the people h
hind the Iron Curtain and their struggle for freed
and independence. This is being warmly appreciated
by Eastern European Socialists both in their cou
tries and in exile.

Mobarek Sagher, Secretary-General
Pakistan Socialist Party

Thanks for your kind invitation to the forthcom-
ing Unity Convention of the Socialist Party, U.S.A.
and the Social Democratic Federation. We wish every
success to this historic congregation of your great
country, and hope the grand task of achieving unifi-
cation of the socialist forces in the American Conti-
nent will not only strengthen the national movement
but will also prove to be a valuable asset to the great
international cause of democratic socialism all the
world over.

We would have, indeed, loved to send a fraternal
delegation to the auspicious Convention of yours,
but due to time schedule and vast distance separat-
ing -our two countries it could not.be possible to
arrange the journey at such a short notice. We regret
to miss the great opportunity of meeting all you com-
rades; and wish you to kindly convey our fraternal
greetings to all friends attending the Convention.

Leopold Gratz, Secretary
. : International Union of Socialist Youth

It was with great pleasure that we received the
news ; that the Socialist Party of the U.S.A. and the
Social Democratic Federation are to be reunited. This
is, indeed an important and great step for the Amer-
ican Socialists and those of the world. For it is only
through unification and cooperation of Socialists
throughout the world that we can really achieve
world peace and happiness.

We wish the Convention great success in this
coming year and for the years to come, so that the
American Socialists, as America in the world today,
will play a leading part in creating a peaceful and
socialist world.

Vilem Bernard, Secretary
Socialist Union of Central-Eastern Europe

We wish to convey fraternal greetings to your Con-
vention and to salute all Socialists in the United
States on the occasion of their re-unification.

22

Robert Pontillon, Secretary International Affairs

French Socialist Party
Greetings on your unification Convention.

# * *

Dr. George Petkoff, President
Bulgarian Social Democratic Party in Exile

We present to you in the name of the workers in
enslaved Bulgaria and in our name our congratula-
tions and wishes for success and new achievements
to the united socialist movement in the United States

Vaclav Majer, Chairman

Executive Committee Czechoslovak Social Democratic

Party in Exile

It is a great honor for me to greet your Unity Con-
vention in the name of the Czechoslovak Social Dem-
ocratic Party in exile.

I am sorry that due to my illness I am unable to
be with you at this great event but a delegation of
our party will be present.

I wish to the Convention every success and I am
sure it will be a new force of democratic socialism
not only in United States but throughout the world.

AVAILABLE: MORE THAN A HOME

We wanted more than a home. We wanted a
good buy, pleasant surroundings, friendly neigh-
bors and a spirited community. Finding all this
and more for our family in Concord Park, our
only regret was to have to leave it when Bob's
transfer to New England came through. Our
comfortable 3-bedroom ranch on 14 acre in this
integrated development in Lower Bucks County
is left with Stuart Wallace to sell. Phone htoi
Elmwood 74356, or write, Concord Park Homes,
Old Lincoln Highway and Street Road, Tre-
vose, Pa. — Bob and Pat Lyon.

The SOCIALIST CAM-

Ihe Aftermath of the Revolution

Hungary and the United Nations

By Anna Kethly

WE HAVE REACHED a new phase of the
Hungarian problem. The United Nations
Organization has appointed a Fact-Finding
Commission because all its resolutions, as well as the
proposed visit of the Secretary-General to Hungary,
were ignored or rejected by the Soviet puppet regime
of Tanos Kadar. This Commission will examine all
the facts and events hitherto hidden behind the
smoke screen put up by the present Hungarian regi-
me. This screen included Imre Horvath, the Hun-
garian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Hungary's
delegate to the United Nations, who boasted of the
strong ties between the Hungarian and other dele-
gations at the United Nations. The puppet Minister
of Foreign Affairs brazenly stated that Mr. Hammar-
skjold understood and accepted the rejection of his
visit by the Hungarian regime.

We know perfectly well— and our information is
based on reliable news from Hungary— that com-
pletely different reasons were behind Kadar's reluc-
tance. If Hammarskjold could have reached Hungary
at the time, he would have met the Workers Coun-
cils, chosen by free elections by the workers them-
selves; the Councils could have furnished the Sec-
retary-General with all the necessary data concerning
events in Hungary. Undoubtedly the Workers Cen-
tral Committee, substantiated by the provincial work-
ers committees, would have given such information
to the Secretary-General and his colleagues as to dem-
onstrate that any statement interpreting our revolu-
tion as a counter-revolutionary, fascist movement is
a lie.

The Fate of the Councils

In the meantime, the Workers Councils have been
Partly dissolved, partly re-organized, their democratic
leaders have been either imprisoned or sentenced
and executed, and in their posts Communists have
been placed by force.

*** Kethly, l eac i er of the Social Democratic Party in

ngary, and Minister of State in the short-lived Nagy

As **' fook an «etive part in the Hungarian Revolution.

, cerit| ePreSentatrVe ° f the free Hun 9 arian People, she re-
C«*/. fesfified ^fore the United Nations Fact-Finding
Amission 0n Hungary.

4ANUA *Y*EBRU ARYt 1957

The Kadar regime hopes that when the Secretary-
General finally arrives in Hungary the country will
be calm and silent— like a graveyard.

But those who escaped deportation, the terror of
the newly organized AVO, the secret police, and the
returning Stalinists, will not permit the question of
Hungary to become an inter-satellite matter. We shall
do everything possible to keep the Hungarian ques-
tion on the agenda of the United Nations; one valu-
able result o£ our efforts was the establishment of
the five-member U.N. commission. The commission
includes the delegates of Australia, Ceylon, Denmark,
Tunisia and Uruguay. At these hearings I emphasized
that the government of Imre Nagy, which has been
established by the democratic parties and by the rev-
olutionary forces, is still the only legal, constitutional
government of Hungary. The puppet Kadar admin-
istration was put into power by the Soviet military
forces; consequently, it does not represent anything
or anyone, certainly not the masses of revolutionary
workers and farmers, as the Communists assert
through their controlled press.

The Principle of Leninism

According to the statement made by the puppet
Kadar regime on January 6, 1957, in the future it
would follow the principles of the dictatorship of
the proletariat laid down by Lenin, that is, the prin-
ciple which says that a "dictatorship must be based
on the masses of the workers." This statement clearly
shows that, contrary to the wishes of the democratic
parties and revolutionary forces, the puppet regime
wants to enforce its dictatorship. But the basic ele-
ments of this dictatorship are not the working masses
but the terror organization, the returned old Stalin-
ists and, primarily, the arms of the foreign occu-
pant, the colonial rulers of Hungary.

In the controlled Hungarian press, which has no
place for free thought, no mention has been made
of the demands presented to the Kadar regime by the
democratically-elected Workers Councils. Neither was
any mention made of the resolution adopted by these
representatives of the masses and submitted to Janos
Kadar on November 6, 1956.

23

The Workers Councils Demands

Their resolutions demanded:

1 . Immediate withdrawal of Soviet forces from Buda-
pest, their gradual withdrawal from the country.

2. The complete dissolution of the AVO, and the
trial and punishment of the secret police who
committed crimes against the people.

3. A newly organized armed force whose members
should be selected by the revolutionary commit-
tees; to strengthen these forces a workers militia
should be organized to safeguard the workers in-
terests.

4. Free elections with the participation of all dem-
ocratic parties.

5. The case of Imre Nagy should be publicly dis-
cussed and clarified.

6 . Permission should be given to Mr. Hammarskjold
to visit Hungary.

7. Possibilities for the start of full-scale production.

8. The right of the workers to strike.

9. To seek a loan from the West in order to rebuild
the country.

Toward Hungarian Democracy

Some of these demands were incorporated in the
Hungarian Peace Treaty and are likewise to be found
in the Charter of the United Nations Organizations.
They represent the wish of the overwhelming major-
ity of the country's population.

The above memorandum comprises the wishes of
the broad Hungarian masses, while the pogram of
the Kadar regime— which calls itself the true repre-
sentative of these masses— stands for and lives by the
following policies in practice:

1 . The presence of the Soviet troops represents the
source of its power.

2. The AVO, political police, is not to be dissolved
but, on the contrary, is to be used as a comple-
mentary force to the occupation troops. No trials
will be held of the Communist terrorists, but sen-
tences, often the death penalty, will be applied
against the participants in the revolution.

3 . No armed forces will be established in accordance
with the demands of the revolutionary commit-
tees, but in accordance with the instructions re-
ceived from the foreign interventionists. No arm-
ed workers militia is to be organized. Instead, all
armed worker units which do not lay down their
arms face extinction.

4. No opportunity for the clarification of Imre
Nagy's position; instead, he is continually de-
nounced.

24

6. Having continually rejected and disregarded
repeated United Nations resolution, it has ghT"
no opportunity to the Secretary-General and th
United Nations observers to visit Hungary.

7. Concerning production, it wishes to mainta'
the work methods introduced by the dictatorshi

8. Instead of according the right to strike, it im
poses the death penalty against strikers.

9. Instead of seeking the suggested loan from West-
ern powers to rebuild Hungary, it binds our land
with new obligations to the Soviet bloc countries

The Total Puppet

If we add to all this the fact that the Kadar regime
has proclaimed martial law, that the leader of the
Independent Small Holders Party had to retire from
political life, and that the Petofi Party had to dU-
solve itself, it is quited evident that this regime is
not supported either by the workers or the farmers.
The people of Hungary persist in their will to dem-
ocracy, but the Kadar regime does not wish to serve
the interests of the people; it follows only the armed
aggressor's instructions.

Consequently, it is not the people's will which
prevails in Hungary. It is a regime put into powei
by foreign armed intervention which rules the coun-
try and exercises tyranny. This is a brutal violation
of existing international law, the principles laid
down in the United Nations Charter, and the Hun-
garian Peace Treaty. And this was only made pos-
sible by the invading armed Soviet forces.

Before the United Nations Commission we talked
about the dictatorship of the past and about the
events which preceded and caused the revolution.
Here is the statement of the erstwhile great Commu-
nist prophet, Stalin, who said: "A revolution can
only break out where a revolutionary soil exists." We
discussed before the Commission the political, eco-
nomic and moral bankruptcy caused by the eight
years of one-party dictatorship.

The Hungarian Socialist Workers Party, which has
been set up to serve as the Soviet-type administration
exercised by the puppet Kadar regime, has the fol
lowing to say about the depredations of the Com-
munists:

"In the administration of the Party and the State
as well as in management of the economic Me, l
[the Party] established a dogmatic policy and an n*
perious bureaucratic system. Their detrimental met
ods led us to severe failures and incorrigible error
They prevented the broadening of party democratize
tion and gravely sinned against the socialist P r '
The policy which was forced upon the people

TJ»e SOCIAUST CA*

ke the economic potentials of the country into
n ° 'deration and hampered increasingly the living
C ° riard. Insulting Lenin's thesis on voluntary prin-
s a ^y made the production-cooperative ridicul-
*n the eyes of the greater part of farming com-
ities. By copying slavishly the Soviet example
10 d misinterpreting Soviet-Hungary friendship, they
vely erred against Hungarian interests and tradi-
ns Through all this, they severely injured the
tional and patriotic feelings of the Hungarian peo-

Their Indictment Confirmed

Many of these facts appear daily in the official or-

gan of the Kadar regime; consequently, they cannot
be denounced by the Communists as counter-revolu-
tionary, fascist propaganda. The soil of Hungary was
ripe for revolution, and we wanted to change the
soil by democratic means. We wish to talk about all
this and about the tragic, illegal aggression commit-
ted by the brutal Soviet intervention. We expect that
those forces of the free world represented in the
United Nations Commission will come to the con-
clusion that the democratic revolution, the revolu-
tionary coalition government of Imre Nagy, and its
actions were justified. And we hope that this will
hasten the day when Hungary will regain its free-
dom, independence and sovereignty.

Hungary During the Revolution

The Early Days of Freedom

By Farkas Kelso

WE HAVE LIVED THROUGH some tragic
weeks. By now the whole world probably
knows and sympathizes with the Hungar-
ian cause. Since 1948 this is the first time that the
world knows who the Hungarians are and where the
country actually is.

In my own words I will tell you what has been
happening.

For several months we have felt there was some-
thing in the air. When we got rid of Rakosi in July
the papers began to write openly about all the misery
and oppression that we have gone through during
these years and which has now finally produced the
revolution.

On October 23rd after completing a difficult opera-
tion I was on my way home from the hospital. The
trolley stopped suddenly and I saw hundreds of stud-
ents and workers marching with a red, white and
green flag, singing Kossuth songs. It was a tremen-
dous demonstration, the people demanding demo-
cracy. Simultaneously, posters appeared on the walls
, with similar democratic demands. I had a great deal
of trouble getting home. Everyone seemed to be on
the streets, people with tears in their eyes singing the
national anthem and other national songs.

When I woke the next morning I heard shooting
in the streets. The Radio said there had been a rev-
olution and that the Russians had been called in by

wkas Kelso is the pseudonym of a surgeon who served in
* Budapest hospital during the Hungarian Revolution.

**MARY-FBBRUARY. 1957

the Government to assist. I left for the hospital feel-
ing I would be needed there.

What was on the street? I had taken a few steps
when I saw a lorry loaded with 12 and 13 year old
children with guns, grenades and bottles of gasoline
with wicks. They asked me, "Mister, have you seen
any Russians around?" Not much further on, in a
Soviet book store, I saw a crowd burning Soviet pub-
lications and pictures of the Soviet leaders.

In other buildings people were removing the red
star which we have all over Budapest. In front of the
National theatre, Stalin's enormous statue was in
pieces and kids were dancing all over it, doing things
which I leave up to your imagination. On Rakoczi
Avenue I encountered the first Russian tanks. They
were moving about crazily.

Finally I got to the hospital. In all my years in
medicine, in concentration camps and encountering
human misery I have never seen such tragic sights.
Screaming little boys without arms or legs, with open
stomachs, chests with holes and lacerated bodies.
They were screaming, even praying. I mean it literal-
ly when I say the steps of the hospital were slippery
with blood. But this was only the beginning of what
I was to see in the next few days.

The work still goes on, more and more casualties.
Radio Budapest says that participants are fascists,
looting rabble and has declared martial law. Mean-

25

time we have heard rumors at the hospital that the
Hungarian army and police force have come over to
the patriots. I know this to be true, because we have
had casualties from both and they have said so.

Fifteen and 16 year olds with guns and gasoline
bottles have been attacking the tanks and have
knocked out quite a few of them. Many Russian tanks
have gone over voluntarily to the patriots.
# # #

The Radio says there is looting going on but I can
tell you I have seen shops with broken windows
loaded with wares. A civil guard was posted in front
of them but I know what no one had any intention
of stealing anything.

The next few days I spent in the hospital work-
ing continuously. We have not enough medicine, es-
pecially some of the drugs which are essential to pre-
vent infection. We have run out of anaesthetics and
have had to amputate without it. But we have
squeezed the Russians out of the city. Rumors are
that the whole country is against communism.

The last days of October we had battles between
the AVO and the patriots. I have seen some very
sorry sights. I believe they treated them very cruelly
(the S.S.) but you must realize that they were mur-
derers.

One of the surprising things is the attitude of the
peasants. I have seen them bringing their buried food
and their livestock through the fighting to the capi-
tal from as far away as 50 kilometers and giving it to
the hospital.

Finally we have got rid of the police and the Rus-
sians too, all over the country. Now I must tell you
something because I am sure that there are opinions
abroad which may differ. There were stories of anti-
Semitic outbursts by former fascists and other right-
ist elements.

I was told from a very reliable source that certain
groups were marching down one of the main avenues
shouting, "Down with the Bolshevik Jews." The
shouters were almost lynched by the population who
feel very strongly that they must not make the same
mistake of that in 1920; that this is a revolution of
free people and neither Jews nor any other religious
group will suffer in it.

* # #

Sunday morning the tragedy occurred. Around 3
in the morning we heard cannons and we knew it
was the end. Soon afterwards hundreds of tanks be-
gan pouring into the city. The battle began all over
again. They say there were over a thousand tanks
in Budapest that day. The hospital was in chaos; no
medicine, few doctors.

26

My friends and I went down into the
give aid at least to those who fell around fllT t0
pital but there was little we could do, even f < ^
inside. About 20 or 30 yards from us* we saw^ ^
sian tank coming with its guns blazing. Alt*
we had on white coats with red cross armbands^ **
kept shooting in our direction. I saw the sid
turn to dust around us. A patient who was hal/ 1 ^
was hit again, this time for good. We jumped 1^
the nearest window but the idiots kept shootin 111
our direction. We lay there for about an hou/^
fore they finally left. ut '

Well, as you know, so far the Russians have won
The city is in ruins. Budapest is a horrible si Knt
No trains, no electric lights and not enough food
but we are lucky to be alive. One thing I am confi!
dent of; we have shown the world what the Soviets
really are, and the little people of the world wfll
realize who the benefactors of humanity really are
To think that anyone could have fallen for such an
idea as communism!

A great number of Russians deserted to our side
in the battle and a friend of mine has spoken to
some of them. I predict that if this whole thing ever
comes to a real showdown we'll find a number of
them are on our side.

Meanwhile there are the sad realities. The best
part of our youth killed, thousands homeless, the
streets in ruins, full of bodies sprinkled with lime.
Now we have the strike. The workers will not work
for this Government.

What will become of this country? Who knows?
Who can tell what tomorrow will bring?

The SOCIALIST CAU-

FLgary Before the Revolution
An Eyewitness Description of Dictatorship
- By Russell Bell

A

S I LOOKED AT THE MASSIVE metal and
and concrete statue of Stalin standing in
Budapest's Stalin Square I thought to myself,
-There is one thing the de-Stalinization program
't be able to wipe out for a long time." But to-
day we know that ropes, blow torches and sledge
hammers have brought down even this mighty sym-
bol of Russian preeminence.
I got to Budapest by mere chance. I had happened

strike a period when ordinary visa requirements
were waived to permit people in Austria to attend
the international Austrian-Hungarian football match-
es on two successive week-ends. I didn't care about
the football games, but I seized the opportunity to
go to Budapest and see this part of Russia's empire
for myself. I had full freedom to go where I pleased,
to take pictures, and as far as I know
lowed.

My first impression— and it was an overwhelming
one-was of drabness: drab, grey-looking clothing
worn by men, women and children; drab stores;
street after street of dark, crowded, old stone build-
ings in which the people live. As you walked along
some of the streets you could clearly see the drab
interiors with ancient, worn-out drab furniture. As
a British embassy official said to me: "What this
city needs most is several thousand tons of paint."

The Hungarian Living Standard

The second thing that impressed me about Buda-
pest, (shocked is really a better word) was the in-
tolerably low living standard. There was evidence of
this on every hand— in the poor clothing, the deterio-
rating buildings, the shoddy and impoverished stores,
the complete lack of automobiles and the very few
bicycles.

I wandered in and out of countless shops through-
out the city and pitied the Hungarian housewife who
had to visit them. Everything bespoke the low living
standards— the poor, dingy and dilapidated condition
)f the stores themselves, the lack of choice in the
goods displayed, the poor quality and the high prices
compared with wages. A Hungarian student I spoke

ttell Bell is research director of the Cooperative Com-
m «wealth Federation of Canada.

iAHUA *Y-nBMARY, 1957

with told me that the very ordinary dress she was
wearing cost 700 forints. This compared with the
average workman's wage of about 1,000 forints ($35)
a month.

Later in Vienna I spoke with a man who had been
a Socialist member of the Hungarian coalition cabi-
net of Socialists and Communists until the latter
seized control in 1948. He told me that in Vienna
the people of that city had been worse off at the end
of the war than were the people of Budapest at that
time. The contrast between the two cities today made
this comparison almost impossible to believe— condi-
tions in Vienna now being so much better in every
conceivable way. The contrast today was a contrast
of day and night.

t r . ™* ftj The City of Soldiers

I was not rol- *

My third impression of Budapest was of oppres-
sion and lack of freedom, of a people hemmed in
and denied those basic rights which citizens of West-
ern European and North American countries take for
granted. This impression came to me more slowly.
I had noticed at once, however, the soldiers. Nowhere
else in Europe had I seen so many soldiers. But in
Budapest there were soldiers everywhere— whether
Russian or Hungarian I could not distinguish.

The repression and yearning for freedom I was not
aware of until I had the opportunity to speak to a
number of the people. The first indication came in
an incident which took place as I arrived. With me
on the bus from "Vienna had travelled a middle-aged
lady who had seized the opportunity to visit her
niece, an attractive girl in her early thirties. The
tearful reunion between aunt and niece was moving.
Luckily the girl spoke English and I had a chance
to talk with her.

Her mother and all her relatives were living abroad
and she alone of all her family remained in Hun-
gary. She had not seen her aunt for ten years but
under no circumstances would the government allow
her to leave the country. In all those years she had
not been permitted to go to Vienna even for a week-
end to visit her relatives.

Another person making the same trip with us was
a Danish girl who was taking this opportunity of

27

getting into Budapest to see her fiance, a translator
in the Hungarian government. On a former occasion,
the details of which I had never learned, she had
been in Budapest and had become engaged. Her
Hungarian fiance had tried repeatedly to obtain a
passport to leave the country but without results.
There appeared at that time to be no solution to
their problem because it was clear that the Danish
girl was ready to sacrifice her marriage rather than
permanently leave the freedom of Western Europe for
Budapest.

The City of Hostages

Then there was the maid at the United Kingdom
Embassy, a woman whose mother was desperately ill
in Yugoslavia. She had sought permission to visit her
mother and permission of the Hungarian authorities
had at long last been granted— on condition that she
leave her child behind in Budapest as a hostage!

I got glimpses of the smoldering unrest in spite
of the evident reluctance of many people to talk
freely with a stranger like myself. One of the most
surprising admissions came from a Hungarian gov-
ernment employee whom I cannot identify for ob-
vious reasons. In halting English and a cynical voice
this person said to me, "We have lots of democracy,

we have lots of freedom, lots of money and I

leisure— so the newspapers tell us— but I don't t^ °^

where these things are." n ° w

In contrast, there was the head-waiter

in

cafe

along the banks of the Danube who spoke E r
quite well. He was most friendly and chatted aW v^
until I began to turn the conversation around Ii
government, politics, etc. At that point he abru >
ended the conversation and hurriedly excused I*
self. He was being more cautious than the go ^
ment official.

Obviously the Russians here were sitting on tot)
a powder keg. Discontent was evident. There was
growing awareness of the difference between condf
tions in their country and the outside world. It stru J
one at once that a major reason for the impoverish
ment of the people was the upkeep of the huge mili*
tary establishment so much in evidence at every hand

Another contributing factor, of course, was the em-
phasis, in the Russian fashion, of building up heavy
industry at the expense of the production of con-
sumer goods, plus the rigid bureaucratization of Hun-
gary and the shaping of the Hungarian economy to
a certain extent to meet Russian requirements with-
out regard to the economic interests of Hungary it-
self. ° '

The Asian Socialist Conference

Impressions of a Western Socialist

By Adolf Scharf

EARLY IN NOVEMBER, the Asian Socialist
Conference held its Second Congress in Bom-
bay, the Indian city of eight million inhabi-
tants. As a delegate of the Socialist International I
attended this Congress at which delegates from al-
most every non-Communist country in Asia were pres-
ent. In addition, there were delegates from Europe
and America and also from Africa.

When this Congress assembled, news of the Suez
crisis came like a bombshell. The action of France,
Britain and Israel was unanimously condemned while
all parties appreciated the clear stand taken by the
British Labor Party. As regards events in Hungary,
ideas were rather hazy. It was possible for me and
other European representatives to show in our talks

Adolf Schorl, Yice-Chancellor of Austria, is Chairman of
the Austrian Socialist Party.

28

with the Asian Socialists the true character and sig-
nificance of Soviet intervention.

The Russian Communists have been presenting
themselves to the peoples of Asia and Africa as fight-
ers for national independence against the colonial
imperialism of European and American powers, and
until now this picture has only too often been ac-
cepted at its face value. However, the attempts staged
by some followers of the Russian line present at the
Bombay Congress to excuse Soviet action in Hungary
or to interpret it as justifiable from a "Socialist point
of view" failed.

We were glad to be able to explain the back-
ground of events in Hungary and of Soviet poliq
in many meetings of the Bureau, of the various sub
committees and the plenary session of the Congress,
as also in the discussions that took place in the various
seminars which were part of the Congress program*

The SOCIALIST CA&

Stand of Burma and Ceylon

w were very happy indeed when, after the Bom-
Congress, tne Socialist Prime Ministers U Ba
nf Burma and Bandaranaike of Ceylon— both of
h m attended the Bombay Congress— took a deter-
* ed stand against Soviet oppression in Hungary
the important discussions held in New Delhi among
leading statesmen of the South-East Asian States.
This was in striking contrast to the pro-Russian at-
"tiide previously shown by Nehru, and undoubted-
ly had certain repercussions in the United Nations,

too.

Even if what I was able to achieve by my visit to
yuia had been no more than this contribution to the
enlightenment of world opinion on Soviet action in
Hungary, I should have been satisfied.

However, my journey proved most useful in other
respects, too. It gave me many opportunities to be-
come acquainted with the economic and social con-
ditions in several Asian countries, through first-hand
observations and by my talks with many politicians,
scientists and representatives of social and economic

life.

It provided invaluable opportunities for improving
relations and establishing new contacts with Asian
friends all of which, I hope, will help to foster greater
unity and develop ever closer cooperation among So-
cialists throughout the world. The slogan I put for-
ward in my address to the Bombay Congress, "So-
cialists of all Continents, unite!" evoked a warm re-
sponse.

Asian Socialist Unify

The Asian Socialists are very anxious to develop
their contacts with the young movements of the col-
ored peoples of Africa which are sympathetic to so-
cialist ideas, and many representatives of these move-
ments were present in Bombay. The Asian Socialists
feel a special sense of unity with all colored peoples,
and they are trying to draw the Arabs into their orbit.
But as in the Near East so in large parts of Africa,
especially those with Muslim populations, the re-
moval of European rule has not led to a breaking
up of the old feudal system.

On the contrary, representatives of these classes
often place themselves in the forefront of national
or nationalist freedom movements. It is their aim
to maintain their former privileges as members of
the ruling class even within the freer conditions which
are being established in these countries.

In several countries of Africa socialist movements
are beginning to develop, especially in territories be-
longing to the British Commonealth such as Northern
Rhodesia, Nyasaland, Kenya, Nigeria and West Africa.

In the vast regions of which I have spoken, social-
ism is a spiritual force of considerable importance.
It is so strong that even classes whose interests are
not represented by socialism recognize its superiority
and are seeking to utilize those of its ideas that might,
in their opinion, be reconciled in one way or another
with their own class interests.

Everywhere in the world, among the best and the
noblest men of all continents, the forward-looking
forces are rallying to build the future of their peo-
ples on the foundations of democratic socialism.

Asian Socialists Look Ahead

Excerpts from the Chairman's Report

By U Ba Swe

I

T WILL BE RECALLED that the First Congress
of the Asian Socialist Conference met in Rangoon
"* 1953, three years ago, when the power blocs
were engaged in a cold war aimed at widening their
°wn spheres of influence. It was the time when the
World had become dangerously divided into two hos-
J te camps in spite of the repeated warnings of So-
cialists who had all along made efforts to widen the
'area of peace."
The 14-point "Principles and Objectives of Social-

ef *° SWe " * he Prime Minister of Burma, is chairman
* h * Asian Socialist Conference, which recently held its
*•■* Congress in Bombay.

* mA *Y*BBRUARY, 1957

ism," as laid down at that conference, together with
other resolutions such as those relating to "Asia and
World Peace" and "Common Asian Problems" have
served to provide Asian socialism with a clear and
definite course for the benefit of the people striving
for peace, unity and general progress. In other words,
the Asian Socialist Conference, since 1953, has, in-
deed, given new strength to socialist thought and
action.

Asian socialism further attaches great importance
to freedom movements in the world in view of its
firm belief that "freedom is indivisible." The tasks
of socialist reconstruction can make a good start only

2t

after the dependent peoples have won their full in-
dependence on the basis of the right to self-deter-
mination. We know only too well that there can be
no real peace without freedom.

In the field of world politics the Asian Socialist
Conference has made many a valuable contribution
in widening the "area of peace" and in mobilizing
world opinion every time world peace was at stake.
Moreover, the Asian Socialist Conference has con-
demned the use of atomic and thermo-nuclear weap-
ons, even for test purposes, and, on the other hand,
has sponsored the use of atomic energy for peaceful
purposes.

It has further welcomed all attempts aimed at dis-
armament among military powers in order that funds
saved thereby might be diverted to help underdevel-
oped countries through the Special United Nations
Fund for Economic Development (SUNFED) . It has
always been a strong adherent of the United Nations
Charter and has many times reaffirmed its faith in
the ability of the United Nations to preserve inter-
national peace, to develop an equitable distribution
of the world's wealth and, above all, to champion
the happiness of mankind.

Awakening Interest in Socialism

At this juncture it may be useful to take note of
the interim developments in the world, due largely
to the awakening of peoples to socialism based on
democratic principles. The Bandung Conference of
twenty-nine Asian and African countries in 1955 is
an example. In Geneva, at the meeting of the big
military powers last year, efforts were made to find
ways and means of ending the cold war and of in-
troducing a system of disarmament.

UN is doing a fine job on the whole and well de-
serves a tribute. It has succeeded at least in reducing
world tension and increasing its membership on the
basis of universality. It has made efforts to raise the
standards of living and health of the mass of the
people through remarkable specialized agencies like
FAO, WHO, UNESCO, ILO, UNICEF, etc. It has
upheld human rights and basic freedoms. The U.N.
Charter contains the seeds of international coopera-
tion as against satellitism, and social justice as against
colonialism.

Comrades, I should certainly be failing in my duty
if I did not make a few observations on the sensa-
tional developments which have suddenly flared up
in West Asia and East Europe. Not only Socialists
but all peace-loving people in the world will, no
doubt, view these developments with grave concern
and feelings of dismay. It is a sad commentary on

30

the statesmanship of the world in the middle f
20th century that war is still being employed
instrument of national policy, an

The Situation in East Europe

I should be failing in my duty again if I <|id
mention also the developments in Eastern E Ur ° l
particularly Poland and Hungary. **'

Our attention of late has been attracted by tK
spontaneous outbreak of violence by workers wK
revolted against the miserable working conditions :
Poznan in Poland. Though at first this revolt by th
workers was attributed to counter-revolutionaries wh
exploited the economic difficulties of the country th
convicted accused were later released wholesale. Thf
was followed by the struggle of the Communist parties
and Governments of Poland and Hungary for free,
dom and independence of control from Soviet Russia.

Though in the case of Poland Soviet Russia de-
sisted from imposing a government of its own choice
after a show of threat by movements of Russian
troops and naval units, in Hungary Soviet soldiers
shot down hundreds of people whose only guilt was
to ask the Russians to leave Hungary. In spite of
the insistence of the Government and the people of
Hungary to withdraw her troops, Soviet Russia per-
sisted in stationing them.

We Socialists have persistently urged that foreign
troops should not be allowed to be stationed in a
country without the consent of the government con-
cerned, as they would inevitably give rise to tension
in the particular area.* But for a big power to station
its troops without the consent of a small country and,
what is still worse, to suppress people and to impose
on the helpless government its own puppets and
stooges, is the most despicable form of colonialism.
Yet this is exactly what has been happening in Hun*
gary, which has now appealed to the United Nations
for help.

In the circumstances, it is imperative for the gov-
ernments and the people of all countries to strengthen
the hand of the United Nations in combatting such
acts of domination and persecution. The United Na-
tions must have sufficient strength and resources to
combat such acts.

Both Britain and France, on the one hand, and
Soviet Russia, on the other, motivated by identical
objectives are jointly scuttling the United Nations
which they had helped to build, and to which the
fear-ridden people of the world are now looking witfc
hope and prayers.

These, then, are the problems facing Asian Socia
ism which this Congress is to discuss. Long live |°*
cialism.

The SOCIALIST CA*

r..

HACK TALK

f the Editor:

please permit me, as one of the old-
est Socialist refugees from Hungary,
call the attention of the Socialist
^blic of America to a very urgent
need of the day. The Hungarian ref-
ugees have been forced to flee from
Jree ruthless dictatorships in succes-
sion: the Horthy reactionaries, the Na-
2j s and the Communists.

I believe the 170,000 refugees of
today need an appropriate organ pub-
lished in the Hungarian language.
There is a strongly political Hungar-
ian press in this country and also in
Europe, mostly weeklies. First, the
Nazi, the most lively and aggressive
publications, directed and written by
well known, openly declared Hungar-
ian Nazis. Second the nationalistic, re-
actionary press, even monarchistically
inclined, are stragglers of the Horthy
era. Last, there are the periodicals
which support Jewish and Zionist in-
terests in the Hungarian language.
These are maintained and backed by
interested circles. Naturally, then, they
do not echo the spirit of the most re-
cent revolution— of workers, students
and intellectuals in Hungary— and
therefore they embitter even further
the tens of thousands who resisted
heroically, and now in America feel
lost and completely discouraged in
strange surroundings.

It is the task of the Socialists of
the world to give the Hungarian ref-
ugees and the cause of the Hungarian
revolution a suitable press. This does
not require vast funds; a weekly would
be enough. But the cost of production
and distribution, even of a weekly, is
today so high that no private financ-
ing would suffice.

The uncommonly high and well-
deserved prestige of Anna Kethly in
all parts of the world should be used
to create this highly important Hun-
garian organ. It should be published
under her direction and in her name.

For many reasons this periodical
should appear in the United States;
it should be directed by Socialists but
should not be a party paper. The
Hungarian refugees long ago became
^sgusted with party emphasis; the
word "party" has so often been mis-
used for Communist purposes. Besides,
± e Hungarian revolution has shown
K *? re national unity of spirit, all
snades of liberal opinion, all religious
/ lUl £-Catholic, Protestant, Jewish-
JSPF? si de by side for freedom, free
ei or a nd free thought against a for-

gn tyranny. Even Communist Party

mbers died in the streets in the

iA "UARy.FS B RUARY t 7957

battle against that inhuman totalitar-
ian dictatorship.

This spirit should be mirrored in
the new publication. There is now
an abundance of talented, valuable
writers among the refugees, men and
women burning to speak freely at last
on all questions of the past and the
future, on political, cultural, literary
questions, in all the nuances of lib-
eral opinion, concerning their impres-
sions, their feelings, their sufferings
and passions, in the beautiful, expres-
sive Hungarian language. All refugees
will greet such a publication as a long
lost friend after the stale, meaning-
less jargon of the Communist press.
The paper would, of course, have to
discuss the daily problems and diffi-
culties of the refugees in their new
homeland, but its main purpose would
be to remind them in all their strug-
gles, in their job-hunting and success-
hunting, of what they still owe their
fatherland and themselves after their
historic deeds, and what they owe the
cause of liberty all over the world.

New York, N. F.

PAUL KERI

To the Editor:

I am writing this letter to whomso-
ever it may concern, i.e. you. The Span-
ish Civil War ended eighteen years ago.
There are still between 150 and 200
thousand exiles who will not go back.
Franco has solemnly promised to am-
nesty all those who would come back.
Why amnesty them when they had com-
mitted no crime? Those who have come
back— a handful— have sometimes found
that Franco's promises are not to be
trusted. Lieutenant Colonel Beneyto, for
instance, who was shot on November
19th, 1956.

Most of the exiles have made good.
They have acquired an independent posi-
tion sometimes in difficult circumstances;
and in some cases— in Mexico, for in-
stance—they have powerfully contributed
to the culture and prosperity of their
adoptive abode.

But the handicapped ones— by lan-
guage, trade, age, illness, or other cir-
cumstance—have been and are living a
hard life.

The Spanish Refugee Aid, Inc. (80
East 11th Street, N.Y.C. 3), founded four
years ago, is taking care of them. The
Committee needs your help. This con-
cerns you for you are a free citizen of
a free country. Help.

SALVADOR DE MADARIAGA

Oxford, England

^—^^*»

TRADE UNION
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their life work. The 8th
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31

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