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Full text of "Students fight war."

STUDENTS 
FIGHT WAR 




Published by 

NATIONAL STUDENT LEAGUE 



Five Cents 



■^^Mmammam 



m ii» t»t mm 



-yf^- 



DEPARTMENT OF EDLiCATION 
THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
PARK AVENUE AND S9TM ST. 

September 18, 1918. 

the accomuanyxng High School Syllabus of the 
World far should be taugnt during tne term 
ending JanuarvSlst, 1919, in the most efficient 
and rnspiring' manner, to all the pupils m your 
school .otice wixl be sent later m reference 
to' the teaching of this subject during 
eubsequent terms- ., -, j. 

r leave to vour j'l'igment tne determina- 
tion of thp amoun-' cf ti.iie to be devoted to_ 
this subject and the teachers by wnorc it is to 

be taught. ^^ ^ ^ ^ 

Opportunity should oe afforded for re- 
production of the subject matter by pupils as 
well as for presentation by the teacher. The 
subject matter included in this syllabus may be 
Bupplemented by additional data as the war pro- 
gresses. All such, material, however, should be 
approved by the Principal of the school before 
it is uaed in the classroom. 

In addition to imparting a correct intel- 
lectual understanding of the causes, events and 
issues of the war, our teachers should inspire 
the pupils with a love for the ideals and an 
appreciation of the sacrifices o-*^ our country. 
The American Army of the future, both men and 
women, are m our schools to-day. Never before 
have our teachers had so grave a responsibility 
or so wonderful an opportunity. 

"History should be taught so that a 
deep enotional appeal shall be made in 
all topics. A lasting effect can be 
produced on the ideals, purposes and 
emotions of the child only by arousing 
deep feeling in connection with the pre- 
sentation of the subject matter. When- 
ever possible the emotional appeal should 
be positive by citing illustrations of 
the wonderful progress of our country, 
the courage and moral character of our 
great men and the patriotism and sacri- 
fices of the people in time'of war." 
(Page 17, Syllabus in History and Civics, 
for use in the Elementary Schools) 



Sufxrinttndtnt of School, 



m 



STUDENTS FIGHT WAR 

/^PPOSITION to war on the American campus is not new. 
^^ Sporadic outbursts of objection to military training have 
occurred here and there. Spontaneous movements protesting war 
preparations have arisen from time to time but without a sense 
of direction. What is significant in the present anti-war move- 
ment IS its breadth, the character of its action, its program. 

The twenty-five thousand students who answered the strike 
call on April 13, 1934, pledged never to support the United 
States government in any war it may conduct. Student con- 
ferences have pointed out that war is fomented by the hunt for 
markets, by the scramble for profits, by the inexorable workings 
of our present economic system. Resolutions have stressed the 
connection between fascism and war, that fascism drives nations 
to war at a quickened speed. Our resolutions have hailed the 
peace policies of the Soviet Union. They have called for the 
abolition of the R.O.T.C. because it is an arm of the war de- 
partment. They have prescribed cooperation with the basic force 
in the anti-war movement, the working class. 

In brief, student opposition to war has become realistic. 
Anti-war conferences have planned immediate actions simul- 
taneously, pointing out root causes. 

Three important factors have determined the trend of the 
anti-war movement: 

First, the economic crisis has forced students to re-examine 
traditional values and to look deeply into fundamental problems. 
Ninety-five per cent of the architects are unemployed; ninety 
per cent of the engineers, and seventy per cent of the chemists. 
Two hundred and fifty thousand teachers and five thousand 
college instructors are without jobs. Students, when they can 
complete their course of study, face the embittering prospect of 
never being able to practice their specialized skills. Shaken by the 
war danger they have sought the causes of war and have in- 



dieted the same ccx)nomic 5>^tem which has shattered their am- 
bitions and hope for economic 5ecurit\. 

Second, the respectable pacifist movements have confessed 
their own banlcruptcy. Organizations Hke the Carnegie Peace 
Foundation are endowed by fortunes accrued through war prof- 
its. At worst thev have actuallv fostered and engendered im- 
periahst schemes. Pacifism collapsed at the outbreak of the 
World War. \X''e must look elsewhere if we seriously intend to 
stop war. 

Third the general dissatisfaction of students has found or- 
ganizational and programmatic expression in the National Stu- 
dent League. The National Student League has been the leading 
spirit in the organization and militanc)- of the student anti-war 
movement as well as the medium responsible for the almost 
uniform comprehensiveness of its program. 

It is appropriate that the first pamphlet outlining the aims 
and aaivities of the students' anti-war movement should be 
issued hv the National Student League. 

The Student In the World War 
The last war saw the University the most efficient of war 
machmes. a^ernight the domain of "objective truth"' was con- 
verted mto a huge military camp where lethal poisons were manu- 
tactured by eminent chemists, where more subtle poisons were 
prepared for the edification of young soldiers, where those who 
could not bear arms were trained as auxiliaries. What an in- 
congruous transformation! On one day there were erudite lec- 
tures on the beauties of the classics, on the future glories to be 
a tamed by humanity as a result of scientific achievement. The 
nex. was marked by harangues on the moral turpitude of the 
enemy, by nfle and bayonet praaice. The trustees had to be 

studtt'vtr^t "^''^"^ "^'^ '^' "°^^ °^ ^^^ Y.M.C.A. and the 

out" f t^^^^^^ """"^"^ ?^ ''''-''''^ -- -ay glean an ac- 

coun^of the technique m mobilizing students. The book und 




,er 



* J. R. Mo„, For the MUlions of Men ^^o. Under A 

4 



^mmi 



rms. 



man students participating in the war as a "love 7ift'' 
mailed to 4,000 students and "one may La r^e t w eTf 
brotherly love that flows back and forth, prompnng the hea^ 
at home and stirrmg the emotions of our university'men in th 
ranks of the armies." The content and plan of the book are 
extremely gratifymg contaimng pithy remarks by men from all 
walks of life from philologists to counts. '^Some of the contri- 
butions are so short that they may be read between the explosion 
of two English shells." 

The touching solicitude of the German Students'" Federation 
did not put the Austrian Movement to shame. "Of the Vienna 
University alone, 7,000 students were mobilized. . . ." Fort- 
nightly bulletins were issued by the Student Movement in Vienna 
to 12,000 students in the trenches. They dealt with ''the prob- 
lem of suffering, moral problems, especially the problem of 
vice''. The major articles were written by prominent professors. 
Another gift of the Austrian movement was even more eSective 
in cheering the hearts of warrior-students. It was a volume called 
Light in Darkness, which contained illuminating treaties on the 
subject 'of "Light of Truth", "Light of Love", "Light of Life". 
English and French students also joined hands in this sin- 
gular Student Federation. 

And wbiie men were blowing one another up for God and 
coimtry, the American bankers and munition makers enjoyed 
the fruits of a neutral capitalist power. The German armies 
were harassing the Allies with great discomfort to our bankers 
who had loans of twenty billions at stake. Waiter Flines Page, 
United States Ambassador to Great Britain, cabled President 




mm 




Wilson, March 5: "The pressure of this approaching crisis . . . 
has gone beyond the ability of the Morgan financial agency for 
the British and French governments. ... It is not improbable 
that the only way of maintaining our present pre-eminent trade 
position and averting a panic is by declaring war on Germany." 
The time had come when it was imperative to realize that "the 
right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the 
things which we have always carried nearest our hearts, for 
democracy ... for a universal domination of right by such a 
concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all 
nations and make the world itself at last free". (From Wilson's 
War Address to Congress, April 2, 1917.) 

The United States with its model e£5ciency immediately in- 
volved every conceivable resource in the building of its war 
machine. Under the supervision of the War Department a 
committee on Education and Special Training set up a Student 
Army Training Corps according to the Selective Service Act 
of August, 1918. The object of the Corps was "to utilize the 
organization of colleges for selecting and training officer-candi- 
dates ^and technical experts for service in our existmg emer- 
gency . The cumculum was divided into three main heads. 
"SdTrr "IS'^^r '^^^''y ^"^«^^- Then came the 

-aslrdirtattsf rv°'"""^ ^'--^ — -- 

Training Co^on tj;'' ^°'^'"'"°" °f ^ Student Army 
merely to accept the i^Ian !!^^" j ^"'"'"^'a was not content 
"■es e„thusiasL% I i"'^ ^^^^^^ '^^ -'--r -thor- 
«^1. a radio airC^'^ir" I f "^"'^ ^^ ^"^'"^ 
"aval section, and a UnitedT' "" '"^°°' °^ photography, a 
" . wiucea 5tates war Kr.c.^.v-i ._._l 




* Columbia War Work , 

KKor^^a pamphlet. 



-es war hospital were cstab- 



S-a„?i hl'Tf "" ''''^'-'- -- --' - ^- 
houses. On the Lib a:v ^ \^'" ''""'^"^ '" ^^^'^^^y 
students andbstri^c 2 Ta f"'' °" ^P"' ''' 1934, 2,000 
States govemm nt ?n Lv '° '^"^P"" '^' "^^^^^ 

student'body ::"i t" b7ri918 Tl "^'"'t"'. '""^ '«- 
to the fiag in a delirio^ ll^^^ ^tt^^^^ 
Seventy-two mstructors dedicated their services to "^h 

joined the Gas Service Corps Frr the ""'"^ •'^^P^"'"^"^ 
ment seven professors JoLTd\L ^n ^^70^ fT" 
directed the Educational Department' 07 he i W C A 2 

HaTr" l'^hT ^- "•,''^^" ^"^^^^^ - "applicable" -restch 
dClJn' '/°"'"S"°«'^ investigated the mental fitness of sol- 
diets (for ti,e first time the Intelligence Quotient of the cann'n 
fodder was of great importance) . The other 36 found work in th^ 
particular application of their respective fields of specialization 
Dissenters were treated summarily. Professors James Mc- 

fhe°" ?"f "i ""r'^- ^- ^^"^ ^y ^^«"""g ^° ™"demn 
by the Board of Trustees to have ". . . done grave injury to the 
Un versity by their public agitarion against the war". The two 
world-famous scholars were expelled. 

Columbia was not an isolated example. At Princeton by the 
tail of 1918 there were only sixty non-service men in college, 
twenty-seven of whom were physically disqualified for service, 
the remaining being under age. 

Headlines appeared in the national press such as "Harvard 
Crew Disbanded— Rowing Goes by the Board as Call to War 
Is Heard", "Cornell Athletics Cease, Game Scheduled ancelled 
Because of War," etc. 

Even the girls' colleges were mobilized for the war machine. 
The courses offered were taught in their relation to the prac- 

w?l. T"^^*"*^" ^ '" instance, the physics department at 
Wellesley offered wireless telegraphy, while the geology depart- 

7 



nautical astronomy, home cconon cs (- ^^„^i therapy. 

farm management, surgtcal '^^^fJ^J.i tUe campus At 
The war economy penetrated to the nea ^^^^ y.^.book at 

Vassar. the Jumor P~-"\"'"^^;jl7;i;eatless and meatless 
Goucher was suspended. A /V' "^ J^ /,,,her college, notably 
days was observed at Mount Hol^^k- ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 
Vassar, cared tor gardens ^o ^"PPl^j^f ^^^ ,,„ied on, a quota 
A campaign for war rehef funds w ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ 

five official causes of the war: ^^ernment. 

1. The autocratic nature ot the merman g 

2 The character of the Kaiser. 

3 The estabUshment by the German government of a mighty 
army and navy, and the growth of a powerfu -U^-^-^f ^• 

4 The aspirations of the Germans to dommate the world. 

5' The constant instiUing into the minds of the German 
people of ideas which made them wiUing tools o their leaders^ 

And in the introductory paragraph to the chapter entitled 
"The U. S. in the World War" it declared, "Our teaching 
should inspire the pupils with the gigantic part America is plan- 
ning to play, without desire to gain, except the gain resulting 
from the establishment of justice and fair dealing among the 
nations of the world". , 

This was our educational system of 1917-18, bent to the 
needs of the military, mobilized to serve the war-makers. 

About 6,500 American students were killed in the nineteen 
months of the United States' participation. Tens of thousands 
were wounded. We were told, "The mood in which all was 

8 




man 



borne was such as becometh the gentleman. The college mau 
fought at Cambrai and Chateau-Thierry, and with determination, 
discrimination, and exultation. ... He wore his crown of 
thorns, as one has said, as if it were cap and bells . . . free from 
the hate for his enemy, but determined to punish him for his 
ill-doings, serving his native land, yet remembering he was a 
soldier of humanity; true to the human brotherhood, yet not 
forgetting the divine Father." * But we have heard it said since 
then ". . . the only way of maintaining our present pre-eminent 
trade position . . ." was to declare war on Germany, And when 
the armistice was signed there were 22,000 more millionaires 
in the United States. 

The Nature of War and the War-Danger _ 

It has been the habit of politicians, militarists, and some 
college professors to blame the war on the nature of man himself. 
In a "we hate to say it but it's true" tone they spring the ante- 
diluvian argument on us that the aggressive instinct which every 
man inherits makes war inevitable. Curiously enough, the pres- 
ent thesis is only served out during peace time. Apparently after 
war is declared the enemy retains the wicked biological urge 
which we immediately throw off in lieu of bigger and higher 
things. So in the last war, while the Germans were just being 
wolfish we were defending democracy, preserving civilization, etc. 
For the most part this argument has been enfeebled by the find- 
ings of scientific psychology and anthropology, and has been 
replaced by more "ingenious" causes for war. 

Some time after the World War much public grumbling 
was heard from diplomats, historians, and others about the colos- 
sal impudence of some undersized, insignificant countries, specit- 
ically in the Balkans, which persisted in cutting capers, thereby 
embroiling the whole world. The gentlemen in question pomted 
their accusing fingers at these midgets with due self-righteous- 
ness; the countries were set down in history textbooks as incor- 

"^hwing, c/., The Ameriam Colleges a^td Vnirersities in the Great 

War, New York, 1920. 

9 




.gible brats that required the watchful eye of the d.gmfied real 

nations The historian, have never offered to explain just why 

rmTsbehavior of the Balkans brought world conflict in 1914. 

[istory cannot justify such absurdities. 

Nor can the "greed of some nations" argument be acceptable, 

for. stated in these terms, we can be certain that greediness will 

always be characteristic of the opposing side. 

Rather, greediness for sources of raw materials, for markets, 
is a natural property of every capitalist country and is not pecu- 
liar to any single one. To redivide the globe and to redistribute 
colonial markets is the battle cry of world imperialism. 
■I With the expansion of home industry conflicting with the 
decreasing rate of profit, the need for further markets of capital 
investments becomes more pressing. But today the existing col- 
onies are already gobbled up and exploited by competing powers. 
The conflict of imperialist powers for occupied world markets 
bring the development of new and ever more severe forms of 
economic warfare a step closer to actual warfare. 

It follows that the solution of the economic crisis of capital- 
ism — mass unemployment, mass impoverishment, the operation 
of great industrial enterprises at a fraction of their productive 
capacity — is sought for in war. The official theorists of Wall 
Street corroborate this analysis. "That there is a large possi- 
bility of a European war in the very near future can hardly be 
denied. We were lifted from a business depression in 1914 
by the outbreak of a great war. It would be a curious repetition 
of function if another war should come to our industrial 
rescue." ^ 

But Ufting the crisis of capitalism through war is a forlorn 
business as the last war proved. A business revival ensued. The 
present conition of the capitalist world, however, testifies to 
the short life of these revivals, that the disparity between pro- 
duction and buying power mcreases. Versailles could not erase 
the^onomic antagonisms which initiated a world slaughtering 

S* The Annalist, New York, March 17, 1933. 
■ 



advent 



^ure It did not settle Germany. It 



1 



and the United States Tr .. ^l A 7 ^"^Penalist Britain 
sprang up; since tCalliat^^ t^^ ^7 T f -- 

An imperiahst war cannot soTe,^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
the advance of new wars. ^^^ ^^'^^"^ 

Nevertheless, the imperiahst powers are preparing for war 
now at a more rapid pace than prior to the outbreak o'f th fir 
world war. France has surpassed her 1913 level of milita y et 
penditures by 25.8 per cent, Great Britain by 48.8 pe cent, 
taly by 2 3 per cent, the United States by 190.9 per c'e nt, and 
Japan by 28.8 per cent. Germany, despite the restrictions placed 
on her war budget by the Treaty of Versailles, is within 43.3 
per cent of her 1913 mark.* The Roosevelt administration has 
inaugurated an era of unprecedented militarism through direct 
appropriation as well as indirect application of P.W.A. funds. 
(The President's proposed budget to the 74th Congress demands 
for national defense ^792,484,205 for 1936 as compared with 
an outlay of ^12,285,790 for 1935, and ^479,694,308 for 1934. 
"In addition to the regular appropriation for 1934 and 1935, the 
army and the navy have received more than ^373,000,000 from 
the Public Works Administration under the authority of the 
National Industrial Recovery Act.") 

The upswing in the manufacture of arms has resulted in a 
boom for big business. In 1933, steel production in the United 
States was increased by 3,800,000 tons, of which only 1,000,000 
were used for automobiles, canning, or building. It is not hard 
to trace the 2,800,000 tons to the munitions industry. Likewise 
in France the output of pig iron and steel rose 24 per cent, while 
the output of the engineering industry rose only 8 per cent. In 
Germany the output of steel increased 48 per cent, while the 
index of production in the engineering industry barely rose at 
all (from 34.2 to 39.5) . So conspicuous was the increased out- 

* Foreign Policy Reports, November, 1934. 

11 



put in industries related to armaments that its effect loomed 
monstrous on the surface of the world economic crisis. 

The great armament manufacturers, Krupp, Bethlehem Steel, 
the duPonts, England's X'ickers-Armstrong, Schneider-Creusot 
(French), Czechoslovakia's Skoda (really French) win hand- 
some returns on the imperialist rivalries which bring war. Inter- 
national in scope, thev know no patriotism. 

X'ickers, besides its major plant in England, has its factories 
in Roumania, Italy, Spain, Japan, Canada, Ireland, Holland and 
New Zealand. The duPonc corporation has an interest in such 
companies as South American Explosives, Italian Celluloid 
French Duco, and the German I.G. Company. Schneider-Creusot 
controls 239 armament and allied enterprises outside France. 
Krupp gets the bulk o^ its business from South America and 
the Far East. It is clear how throughout the last war English 
and French industries maintained to Germany a steady stream 
of glycerin (for explosives), nickel, copper, oil and rubber; how 
Germany returned the compliment by sending France iron, steel, 
and magnetos for gasoline engines. 

The alliance between armament makers and government 
apparatus ca^ be seen m the instance when French munitions 
mtere^ sold Flungary arms and Hungary defaulted on the 
bill. The Frend. munitions makers suffered no anxiety about 
the mtentions of the bad customer; they merely persuaded the 
French government to lend Hungary enough money to set le th 

thi t"^ U '" ^'^u '"^ ^^^ Departments have proved 
themselves to be more able munitions salesmen than the com 
pany s professionals. That munitions makers violate treatie Xn 
they sell their goods to many countries is not to be lookedTnto 

w r ' ''°' ^ ' ^'^'' Departments.* 

When a Senate investigating committee a few months back 
W bare some of the saUent facts relative to the act'Sies of 
the Amencan munitions industry, thinking people were sta, 
gered The expose, considerably expurgated for the sake of the 

* Mui^idons Industry Hearings, September, 1934. 

12 




pubhc's feelings and finally called nff k l r. 
mayed even the politicians on th ^ '^'' ^''''^''''^ ^'' 

well grounded in'cyni i m. Se a;;re'"' "'^^n^ ^^"^^^^^ 
He proposed government ownX o .f "' " 'T^^' 
as a guarantee against the ne rn i' l munitions industry 

factuLs and ^r^^ tS^';:::'^''^ ^^ '''r^^ 
made by hundreds ofjhonest HbeXELyttrr ^^^^^^^ 
of the munitions makers and various governmental ag no '^^^^^^ 
agreed that the scandalous situation warranted immXte T 
tion. But in their haste to find a solution those who favored 
governmental ownership fell into a fundamental error They 
assumed that the intrigues of the munitions makers cause wars 
Munitions makers cause wars in the same sense that under- 
takers cause death. Neither is a cause; both are effects. War 
IS an inherent device of capitalist society and the munitions indus- 
try comes in for a large share of the booty. True, they have 
often been able to prolong wars by bribing officials and exerting 
pressure upon high authorities. Yet, essentially, they are vultures 
who get their victim after the real damage is done. Government 
ownership of the munitions industry can only mean the con- 
ducting of war on a more efficient scale. 

In all this, our liberals totally ignore the cardinal point. 
Whether the munitions industry is in the government's hands 
or privately owned does not minimize the danger of war itself. 
In either case the maintenance of peace rests with the woricers 
both in the munitions industry and out — the extent of their 
organization against war, and with that of their allies — the stu- 
dents, technicians and farmers. 

On the one hand, a tremendous spurt in armament industrial 
activity and, on the other, increased appropriations for war equip- 
ment, are clear indications of open preparation for war on the 
part of the imperialist powers. At the same time, in another 
realm of war preparations, we discern the internal political and 
economic crises^ of the capitalist countries resolving themselves 
in desperate nationalism, in external political rivalries, and in 



international alliances. 



u 



P^ Xhe adveiTof fascism in most countries of the world is elo- 
quent evidence of the war danger. Because fascism is the most 
violent expression of broken-down capitalism^ it necessarily sig- 
niiies war. With its suppression of all working class organiza- 
tions and hheral and radical opinion, with its attempt to solve 
the problem of unemployment by means of the^ intensive mili- 
tarization of labor in concentration camps, fascism is a direct 
part of capitalist war preparations. A stream of propaganda is 
set in motion to arouse extreme national chauvinism, and the 
minority nationalities suffer. The war psychology is created. 

The spokesmen for German and Italian fascism frankly de- 
fine the war-role of fascism. Mussolini states, "Fascism believes 
neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. , 
War alone brings up to its highest tension all human energy and 
puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the cour- 
age to meet it" * and "Fascism provides the best form of poHtical 
organization to meet the exigencies of war".** Hitler chants, 
"In eternal warfare mankind has become great — in eternal peace 
mankind would be ruined".*** 

But these marks of fascism are not peculiar to fascism alone; 
they are more or less common to all imperialist states- 
England and the United States are already engaged in armed 
conflict fought vicariously by their South American holdings. 
Bolivia controlled by Rockefeller interests' is battling with Para- 
guay (backed by British Royal Dutch Shell) over the sea outlet 
which Rockefeller needs for his Bolivian oil deposits. 
rh Tt • "5 T '^ '^ ^•^•^- ^^ ^^l^^ '^^ economic crisis in 
onfl^ \ ^f? ''^""^^''^ '^' W^^^ch of imperialist 

a Sir -^^^^fy that the Roosevelt government is now 
faa^rt?h^ K^ "^ '^' '^'' ^'' ^^^ preparation. Over 12,000 
tin; 11 tZ ^^^^^^^^^^ -d -PP-ved by the War Depart- 
n-nt^as ready to begin war production at a moment's notice. 

PubLwr^^ '"^ ^"''' ^"^'''"^ ''"^ ^^'^^ Revolution, International 






H 



m^n^mif'fi' 



m^liUi 



War preparations bills tn uur^U i 

new airplane flotillas oIS a <w"'" T""^'' '" ^''^'^^ 
flooding Congress. The New Deal l7 T"^ '°,"°"^"' "^■' ^'^ 
ize the nation for war' '' '^°"'= "^"'^'"S l'"* -"obil. 

Meanwhile the Unhf-A ^t^*-^ • t 
its colonies. The navyTt ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ - 

to insure the safety of he L m^^^^^^^^ "^^^ "^^^ ^^^-^^ 

01 barons. Our marines are kept in readiness to proterRoS 
fellers interests m South America. In the Phili^pinrs str£ 
. of impoverished workers are put down in blood In Ch^r 
American miperialism comes into sharp conflict with England 
and Japan. ^ 

Japanese imperialism makes no secret of its need for colonial 
expansion, at the expense of China and principally of the Soviet 
Union. In Japan's plan for a war against the Soviet Union it 
finds allies particularly in Germany and Poland, and generally 
in all the imperialist nations. Not only do these countries look 
to Soviet terrtiory as a field for the colonial expansion without 
which they cannot maintain their present systems of esqjloita- 
tion, but primarily they see in the mounting strength and pres- 
tige of the Soviet Union a threat to their existence as representa- 
tives of decaying capitalism. 

The anti-war movement, though it is growing by leaps and 
bounds, might appear to some as puny and quixotic in a world 
bristling with final preparations for war. Such underestimation 
of our eflicacy is unwarranted in the face of the successes met 
with by vigorous opposition to war in the past. England's part 
in the War of Intervention (Siberia, 1919) was rudely inter- 
rupted by the actions of the English working class. Moreover, 
the movement possesses as an ally the most powerful of anti- 
war forces, the Soviet Union. The overthrow of capitalism in 
the Soviet Union means the extinction of the economic factors 
which make for war. There is no class in the Soviet Union that 
stands to profit by imperialist domination beyond its borders. Its 
all-absorbing concern is the establishment of a society free 

15 



-^t ii'^^iii¥^^5f^ii^ ^ ir';e^'^'wiiif¥^^i<^{^^^i^^,mfi^^smmmM 



, . • »A rlnsses and guaranteeing security to the 
f.om explo.at.on and classes, .^J^^^ ^^ disarmament confer- 

whole population^ ^^^^^^^ ^,^pl,,e disarmament pro- 

;:rth':: "z^s^I^^ -^^ ^^ ^^- ^-t ""''rr b 

' Ir h s concluded non-aggression pacts w.th its neighbors. By 
entering the League of Nations the Soviet Union will be m an 
even better position to expose the war plans of the imperialist 
powers and to utilize their rivalries in order to postpone the 
armed conflicts that threaten Europe. By supporting the peace 
policies of the Soviet Union, student conferences have incurred 
the serious obligation of opposing the constant jingoist propa- 
ganda and the armed intervention which threaten the U.S.S.R. 
Vital to the success of the anti-war movement is the revolt 
of the oppressed colonial pepoles. Their uprisings have been 
leveled against foreign invasion and imperialist suppression. Their 
struggles for liberation assume great importance to us because 
they must be viewed as one of the major forces in the fight 
against imperialist war. Aiding these struggles by anti-war move- 
ments attacks the war-makers at a vulnerable point. 



^ 



^ 



In the foregoing discussion we have shown how modern war 
is fought for the conquest of new markets, for economic expan- 
sion. Clearly, then, the hypothetical question, "What will we 
do in case of a defensive war?" is entirely removed from reality. 
A defensive war, if it has any meaning at all, can simply be a 
defense of holdings previously grabbed by one group of finan- 
ciers against another group. It is impossible to say that one is 
against war and still talk of defending one's country from in- 
vaders. As students who have lost our economic security and 
chance for employment we have little reason to defend the eco- 
nomic system which has shown itself opposed to our interests. 
1 he choice between the rule of one group of imperialists and 
another presents no dilemma. It becomes irrefutable that only 
the abolition of capitalism can solve the ultimate as well as imme- 
diate problems of the student body and the masses of people. 

16 ^ 



aii 



The world has never witnessed war preparations of such stu- 
pendous magnitude. A war has never been so imminent Any 
signal may serve to set off a second world war. The Saar Basin 
which French and German imperialism have "amicably" settled 
is still a tender spot, or the Balkans, where a dozen European 
powers play for supremacy, may give the spark. 

The hope of the anti-war movement lies in the organized 
strength and the organized opposition of the people who fight 
wars — primarily, of course, the industrial population. 

R. O. T. C. 

Together with the intensive activity of our militarists in 
every phase of life is the growth of military training in the 
schools. During the Civil War, the Merrill Land Grant Act 
was passed which specified the injection of military training 
into the curricula of all land grant colleges. By 1912, 57 insti- 
tutions furnished military training. 

In 1916, as one of the preliminaries to our entry in the 
World War, the National Defense Act, providing for the estab- 
lishment of the Reserve Officers' Training Corps and the Citi- 
zens' Military Training Camps, was passed. As a result the 
number of institutions offering military training shot up from 
57 to 115 during the first year, 1916; to 280 in 1927, to 313 
in 1931. One hundred and fifty-nine schools, among them such 
"liberal" institutions as Cornell and Wisconsin (until 1926) 
had compulsory R.O.T.C. In 1933, 299 schools had military 
units, of which 156 were compulsory. The marked increase in 
the number of enrolled students has doubtless enchanted the 
bombastic occupants of the War Office in Washington: 

1912 29,979 1931 H7,009 

1923 „... 103,894 1933 117,013 

1930 145,902 . , r j i 

During the ten-year period from 1921-1931 the federal gov^ 
emment spent ^106,965,041 for R.a-TC. f^^'^^^ ^^.J 
^6,000,000 was apptt>priated for R.O.T.C and C M.T.C wxth^ 
out including the pay of commissioned officers and enlisted men 
in charge of these activities. 



Although juicy propositions arc not altogether essential to 
induce universities and school boards to institute military train- 
ing, still in most cases the War Department makes attractive 
gifts. Money-saving material equipment in the way of drill 
grounds, c^'mnasia, band instruments, horses, are promised. Ex- 
penses are further cut by supplanting the schools' necessary 
physical education and hygiene course with a more heroic activ- 
ity! The War Department has also introduced a special rating 
system based on the presence of military facilities. This satisfies 
the universities' hunger for publicity; so, all in all, not a bad 
deal for the school administrations. 

One of the seasonal cliches of the regular army officers who 
head the R.O.T.C has been: "The R.O.T.C builds men". Rot! 
In reaHty, the R.O.T.C. builds a war machine on the campus. 
Its body building claims are merely offered as a blind for its 
existence in the schools. Dr. Jesse F. Williams, former presi- 
• dent of the American Physical Education Association, has said, 
"Military training in the colleges never has provided and in my 
opinion never can provide the kind of developmental activity 
essential to the organic development of young men". 

The R.O.T.G was created "for the purpose of providing a 
reserve of officers available for military service when needed".* 
Its avowed purpose has not been too successfully achieved since 
there is a tremendous amount of waste. Of 103,894 students 
enrolled in 1924, only 3,317 became commissioned officers and 
746 graduated with certificates. There are, however, compen- 
sating features. Along with the practical training must come 
also the dissemination of those ideas which will facilitate its most 
effective use. An important component of war preparedness is a 
relevant political orientation — practice and theory are insepara- 
ble. We quote here from the theory expressed in official manuals. 
Jefferson notwithstanding, democracy is defined as "a govern- 
ment of the masses. . . . Results in mobocracy. . . . Results in 
demagogism, license, discontent, anarchy".*''' Internationalism i 



15 



♦National Defense Act, 1916. 

** Citizenship, an official manual of the War Department. 

IS 



iism 



succinctly described as "impractical and destructive idealL 
being P^oP^gf'^d by certain foreign agitators and is being echoed 
and reechoed by many of the nation's "intellectuals' " The 
problems of social legislation, of child labor, unemployment in- 
surance and the like ate curtly dismissed: "The problems of 
capital and labor, employer and employee, cannot be solved by 
unrepublican methods. The suggestion of special legislation is 
socialistic and communistic and wholly repugnant to American 
character. . . ." 

The instructor is told, "This inherent desire to fight and kill 
must be carefully watched for and encouraged, . . ." 

Bits of technical information are inserted. In the manual of 
1925 we read that, "To finish an opponent who hangs on or 
attempts to pull you to the ground, always try to break his hold 
by driving the knee or foot to his crotch and gouge his eyes out 
with your thumbs. . . ." 

The 1926 Manual was recalled because of student protest, 
chiefly at the College of the City of New York. Some of the 
more sadistic bits were expunged. These changes were, of cour«, 
not changes in the policy of the War Department, but they do 
indicate the efficacy of student action. 

For some time after the war, military trammg on the cam- 
pus underwent a slump. The recent disaster was too fr^h m 
the minds of the students, and militarism and J-S--;- - 
bad taste. In 1922 at a conference of -^-';^';^'^^f:^^2 
aad army officers the following seven-pmn scheme was 
trived to make the R.O.T.C more attractive ^^ 

1. Expensive, "chic" uniforms rangmg from ?2^ ? 

be given\ee. (Regular army ;^^\Z,ZMsL. of 
Graduate students to receive, m addition, 

^100 a year. „^ernment treat for students in the 

2. Summer camps— a governm 

army division. .-, , r students in the naval 

3. Summer cruises provided 

R.O.T.C . ,„. they will do most good, for 

4. Issuing polo pon.es where they 




.Here .re Bin schcx.b that would not have tlu- R.O.T.C. wete 
,; „ot for the horses th.u are provided tor the amuse.nent of 

rhrs-c vouHki men . . i i i i 

s. Bands tullv uniformed and equipped to add snap to col- 

lev:e functions and games. 

^ 6 Prizes for competitions and sham battles _^ 
- Pretty girls to be appointed honorary ofccers. 
The ri.ht a..ainst the R.O.T.C. has often beeti misdirected 
in the pas^. Student objectors to miUtarism haye allowed them- 
.elve. to become entangled in non-essentials and have, as a con- 
^.equence, ^von hollow yictories. For example, student opinion 
^vas sharplv raised m ihc case of a vicious manual and the 
nianual was recalled. But the R.O.T.C. remained on the campus. 
The War Department can learn to do its work a little less 
obtrusively. It is quite satisfied to make such concessions so long 
as the R.O.T.C. is kept in the schools. Our campaign, then, 
must be directed against the R.O.T.C. as an institution. The 
recent decision of the Supreme Court sustaining the right of 
land grant colleges to have compulsory military training shows 
at once the necessity for such a campaign and the inadequacy 
of the feeble efforts of pacifist students. 

The position of the Student League for Industrial Democ- 
racy on the R.O.T.C, exhibits a serious fallacy which has its 
origin in an erroneous analysis of the relation of the university 
to society. "This institution has no place in an academic com- 
munity, especially when it is dedicated to a philosophy of 
peace." We trust that the material in this pamphlet will make 
ic abundantly clear that the academic community is not de- 
voted to a philosophy of peace. It is devoted to a philosophy 
of those who control it. The L.I.D. declaration completely sep- 
arates the section on the R.O.T.C. from that on war. It fails to 
recognize that opposition to the R.O.T.C. can have meaning only 
as a fight against war and the forces that make for war. 

From its beginning the N.S.Ll has given clarity to the fight 
against the R.O.T.C. The N.SX. demonstrated at the start 

that in order to abolish the R.O.T.C. it will be necessary to 

20 



our 

*ers 



^in the support of students who are enrolled in the course. Our 
efforts are not aimed against students taking the R.OT.C, o 
enemy is the institution. For this reason the N.S.L. member; 
frequently enrolled in the R.O.T.C. so that the fight will b 
conducted from the inside as well as from the outside. 

To those who have confined their protest to the compulsory 
feature of the R.O.T.C, and have argued, make the R.O.T.C. 
optional or elective, the National Student League has always 
answered, abolish hte R.O.T.C. It is obnoxious because it is 
the tool of the War Department, because it is a part of the 
creneral propaganda for war. We have pointed to the propa- 
ganda character of the R.O.T.C. both for those who take the 
course and for those who do not. Its functions on the campus 
can be abolished only when it is eliminated from the campus. 

The Trustees 
It is common knowledge that the influence exercised by 
American educational institutions over the minds of their stu- 
dents and the teachings of their instructors represents the mter- 
ests of the war-makers. This is especially apparent in the case 
of our colleges which, as we have seen, were turned into smooth- 
running war machines overnight. 

BecLe they are private instttutions most ^o^c^^J^^^^ 
versmes depend upon the "generostty" of S;^-; ^a^k^^^^^^^ 
dustnaUstsfot^aintenanceJ-^^^^^^^ 
ttngent upon the pohtical beh s ot he .^^ 

textbook used, the efficiency with which tne ^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ 

presses student movements '^'^"""^| """"^ of contact between 
the universities, benefactors, etc. e P ^^^ .^ ^ institution 
finance capital and ^'1"""°'' "f^ ,rees Its membership is 

known generally as the Bo«<l of j/Jof industry, bankers^ *^ 
graced with such personages as captains ^^^^ ^.^^ j„ 

governmental puppets of big business, 

occasional minister or educator. ^ ^^^^^ we have 

To illustrate the workings of the Board 
selected a few examples * .^al at o"^^'^'^- 

-TsFace limitations forbid includm| a^^l J^^^^^ f„„„ fc, ^ NSi- 
Much of the material will be puW^hed m 



21 




During riic vcar 1934, seven students were expelled from 
Ohio State for refusing to take R.OT.C. on religious grounds. 
Is it the ofhcial policy of Ohio State to smother so vehemently 
the anti-militar\' sentiments of its students? In answer let us 
examine the composition of the Board of Trustees of Ohio State. 
Its prize trustee is Newton D. Baker, a corporation lawyer and 
Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of War. His life has been de- 
voted to the cause of rallying all forces to the defense of capi- 
talism. His behavior today does not indicate a change of heart. 
At the Brown Commencement, June 1934, he cried for more war 
preparedness. Baker has become head of a National Citizens' 
Committee which is preparing for "national defense" to meet 
anv "emergency". A few of his connections are: director of the 
Cleveland Trust Co., of the Mutual Life Insurance Co., of the 
General Electric and General Motors (dominated by Morgan 
interests) , of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of the Radio Cor- 
poration of America, etc. In short, Mr. Newton D. Baker, a 
high class agent of Rockefeller and Morgan interests, symbolizes 
the endeavors of the capitalist world to extricate itself from the 
crisis by means of war. Among others on Ohio State's Board of 
Trustees is Edith Campbell, on the National Council of Defense 
during the World War and J. F. Stone head of a war-related 
metal combine. So at Ohio State objecting to militarism is 
highly conducive to abruptly terminating your academic career. 

In 1934 Nazi Ambassador Luther was officially received at 
Columbia University. President Butler refused to endorse the 
student anti-war strike. Fascism was encourageci by President 
Butler's refusal to investigate Casa Italiana. Here are a few of 
the trustees of Columbia with their corporation affiliations. 

Marcellus Hartley Dodge, Chairman of the Board of Rem- 
ington Arms, which produces one third of U. S. war armaments, 
sits with Percy Rockefeller on the Board of Directors of Bethle- 
hem Steel Joseph P. Grace of the Grace Nitrate Co. busy 
transporting war materials from Chile to the U. S., is a director 
in Grace National and National City Bank. David F. Houston, 



a friend of the late Richard Mellon, and a colleague of I P 
Morgan, is on the board of the First National Bank Clarence 
M. Woolcy meets with the duPonts, Junius Morgan, and Jacob 
Raskob (a Morgan lieutenant) on the Board of General Motors 
We give a few more correlations between trustees' af&liations 
and university policies. 

On May Day, 1934, a group of University of Michigan 
students journeyed from Ann Arbor to Detroit to participate 
in the May Day parade of Detroit workers and mtellectuals. 
These students were brutally attacked by Detroit police. The 
University authorities expressed no indignation at the vicious 
treatment meted out to their students. Rather, it was plainly 
hinted that disciplinary action was forthcoming. This incident is 
consistent with the fact that every prominent Regent of the 
University of Michigan including Murfin, Bodman, Dwight 
Douglas, Bennet, and Shields is connected with the automobile 
industry in one way or another. 

During the week of July 15, 1934, the administration of the 
University of Chicago issued a case against the N.S.L. warning 
the League that if it continued to fight against Negro discnm- 
mation and Jim-Crowism, its charter would be revoked. The 
decree was not the impartial judgment of an Olympian educa- 
tional institution. The administration's order plainly bore he 
rubber stamp of U.S. Steel, Swift -^^ .^'^'\f^^^^^ 
dard OU, who value Jim-Crowism as an a.d to -jke-bre jci g^ 

The University of Pennsylvania fired Scott Ne^ g ^^^^ 

daring to attack Billy ^fy^^^^^^';.^ Gas 
was called by Upton Smclair- the ^^^'''^^^^ Morgan-con- 
Improvements", because so many direc^o ^^ ^^^ 

trolled 841 million dollar "^^^^.^^^ ^^ for the 

U. of P. Sinclair in this regard has no be ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ 

set of trustees which held the -^-/J^/.i.^./strike can be 
same in 1935. U of P/s stand or^^ a^^^^^^^^^^^ 

safely predicted by a glance at its list 
~^pton Sinclair, The Goose Step. 



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versity of California for relicr;,,, u- • 

University of Ohio elfer^^^"'°'' '<> *^ R-O-T-C. The 

military training. The seven t., J "^'^^^"tious objectors to 

a mass fight fof the ih:z:fs:^zrc''jr t'^^"^'^^ 

reinstatement. Thev rai-^f^rl -, f j '^'^' ^^^ ror their own 

varsity. In all thrle it the^Ns^ °' " TV''''' ™'- 
students, and at the same timT., ' j '"PP°«^<1 *= expelled 
considered R.O.T.C. a mat^r T °"? t^ " ^"'^S as they 
obscuring the real issL Sv ^ PJ^Ci I^IT t^ ^"' 
petual e.pulsions re.g, twent^ttS^': ^^^^ S^; 
leading a demonstration against Tinanno., u f^^^^^ ^^f 
mUitary parade was held J ^^^d^^^S^; ^ ^^ 
were nor reinstated, the case was fought as an anl-war .sue and 
student opinion was rallied to their defense. There was mam- 
fested at City College md.tancy and support that was lacking 
in the previous cases. 

By the Fall of 1933 a new and decisive weapon was con- 
tributed to the student struggle against war in the form of the 
local campus anti-war conference. These conferences were able 
to involve great numbers of students even in the most isolated 
universities and college. There was hardly a single conference 
that did not follow the main programmatic line of the Chicago 
Student Congress. Everywhere N.S.L Chapters were active 
participants in the preparations and proceedings. More than half 
the conferences affiliated to the American League Against War 
and Fascism. In this way the local conferences were linked to 
the nation-wide movement. The conferences have been engaged 
in strenuous activity. They have mobilized the students tor 
demonstrations. They published bulletins. They have distrib- 
uted anti-war literature. They have become an miporiaia: haor 
in campus life throughout the country. Tlic oaufcrmccs laid 
the ground for the nation-wide anri-war strike in April, 19M. 

The entire week from April 6 to 13 bad been popabri«d as 
student anti-war week, in fitting oomowiiotanoo of Amma s 
entrance into the World War. Theie were pteparatncy demoo^ 



27 



i^ifaHlK 



day diat war breaks out we will not make an about face. We 
S not dedde that the brief heroism of a few can tnumph 
over the frenzied forces of capitalism jockeyed up by war. The 
^n-..r movement must then redouble its efforts to spread and 
orc^anizc war opposition. 

\^n exammation of the past student actions against war will 
indicate the Erection we have taken. 

The first step toward coordinating the f -^^^^^ .^^^^^^^ 
ment on a national scale was taken at the Student Anti- War 
Coneress, held in Chicago, December 1932. The Chicago Con- 
er^sTwas called by the World Congress Against War and Fas- 
:-,^ at .Amsterdam in September, 24, of the same year. Several 
r^onths before, the National Student League held its first na- 
tional convention in April 1932. The umfication of militant stu- 
dents into one national body presaged a new era for the Amer- 
ican campus. It was largely due to the initiative of the Nationa. 
Student League that over 600 delegates from nearly every state m 
-he union and every sort of political belief met in Chicago. 

The program of the Chicago Student Congress declared its 
purpose to be the formulation of a plan of student struggle 
against imperialist war. It proclaimed capitalism to be the cause 
of war. It provided that anti- war committees be elected in each 
school for the prosecution of the united front against war. The 
Congress proposed a national campaign to be conducted against 
the R.O.T.C. together with mass anti-war demonstrations. 

The resolutions stressed above all else that the workers were 
the roost effective force in the anti- war movement; students, it 
added, must support the working class and follow its lead. 

The pacifist delegates accepted this program. They were de- 
termined not to further waste their energies by trying to fight 
imperialist war via "The Angels of Peace". They agreed the 
Congress had adopted a minimum program, excluding no group. 
LHiring the year following the Congress there were frequent 
lc>cai actions against war and military training. Students were 
expelled from the University of Maryland and from the Uni- 

26 



i^ 




A„.n fi In New York several hundred students 
STlZ^l — nt of the etcnal Hgh. and took 

''^AilweSL thousand students took part in the stnke. 
In NeTVork City alone there were fifteen thousand students 
ut on strike. Brooklyn College had four thousand students of 
a total enrollment of five thousand in a parade subsequent mass 
meeting. There were practically no classes m session: no scab- 
bing because the Association of Instructors and Tutors had voted 
to support the strike. At City College where many students 
had been suspended and expelled for similar demonstrations 
fifteen hundred students defied the strike ban. In spite of elab- 
orate threats the disciplinary action taken was the reprimand 
of the strike leader. This was popularly considered as a joke 
in the light of past history. 

The strike in New York City was distinguished by evidence 
of the progress of anti-war expression in the high schools. In 
New Lots Evening High School where the strike was conducted 
on the night of April 12, eleven hundred striking students 
and an equal number of workers who later came to their assist- 
ance were attacked by several emergency squads and police. At 




Police attacking students of the City College of New York who 
demonstrated and called a one-hour strike against war on April 13, 1934. 

28 




room by several m^LZ l^tTVu^'^ ""^ '"^ ''^ '"^^'y 
thousand students wl" gaVeLd^ hfh Tt °^" ^° 
that all exits had been lock d in A ^^" ^'"''^'°°'^ ^^""^ 
going out on strike. Th° id not 1" i' T'"' '^"^ ^'°^ 
room was converted into ' trt L 1 tI: '^'"- ''^'""^'■ 
cheers mingled with cries of n^i • ? "^''^ 'P''^^^' ^"^^ 

the adminiftration ''^'^"'°" " '^' ^«-«^ '^^en by 

At Johns Hopkins University the strike was carried off with 
flying colors. Although cksses begin on the half hour at H p. 
kins several classes left their classrooms at eleven sharp The 
entire sophomore history class walked out. The attempt by some 
R.O.T.C. students to disrupt their meeting merely succeeded in 
consolidating the campus anti-war sentiment. Syracuse Uni 
versity in spite of the administration's ban on all publicity found 
that three hundred students came out on strike. 

At the University of Southern CaHfornia, previously noted 
for its football teams, the administration was forced to grant 
rhe stiidonts the school auditorium for the strike meeting. In 
conservative New England the strikes had considerable success. 
At Amhcnst students left their classes and marched to the 
Massachusetts State campus. At Clark University the strike was 
one hundred per cent effective, the professors participating and 
no classes in session. The most serious opposition was met with 
only at Harvard where a group of fascist students, dressed in 
boy scout uniforms and night gowns, carried banners denouncing 
peace and the National Student League. 

The April 13 strike was conducted jointly by the National 
Student League and the Student League for Industrial Democ- 
racy. These two organizations also cooperated in a series of 
Armistice day activities November 9 to 11, 1934. Regional con- 
ferences were instituted. Among the latter events was an anti- 
war conference in Baltimore which attracted many new schools. 
The University of North Carolina had nearly the entire student 
body represented at a conference. In Newark several hundred 

29 




high .^h^l stuJcnr. fought Tfrr-TF-WWn^^totlH. sJu>ol ImuM- 
ings to ,oin .strtkmg .students from Pat.a (ollc^o. 

IVrhap. the ,no.. iar-rcuhmg event ^^ the .tudent^ anti-war 
tcld was the lntern.uu>n.l Student Cot.gress Agamst War and 
FasciMn held .. l>n.>oi. IWn.kr -> ro > I ^^>4. Hundreds 
of students were assembled representuig ail countries of the 
world and all shades of anti-war opmion. 1 he mam concern 
oi the (\Migres.s was to unifv the student anti-war movement the 
world over. One of its n^.iior tasks was the preparation of a 
world wide anti.war strike for April 12, 1935. The Ititernational 
Socialist Student Congress has already declared itself m favor 
of a struggle for that date. Although the I.S.S.C. took no 
stand on the International Student Congress many of its larger 
national sections participated; among them, the French move- 
ment and the American affiliate, the S.L.I.D. 

The program formulated by the International Congress was 
sweeping and distinctive. It set itself against retrenchment in 
education, against fascism and the destruction of culture and 
progress, "against the militarization of youth . , . against mili- 
tarization of sport, against chauvinist propaganda". It denounced 
"publicly the use of laboratories to prepare for the war of 
tomorrow by research in aviation, chemistry, bacteriology, and 
other tieids". Finally, it proceeded to integrate the student anti- 
war movements of all the nations represented. 

The problem of relating the student movement to the main 
stream of anti-war action is crucial. Unless such coordination is 
achieved, we are in grave danger of missing the wider implica- 
tions of the various issues that arise, and on this account check 
our forward march. It is precisely for this reason that the N.S.L. 
has constantly supported the American League Against War 
and Fascism in all its activities. The N.S.L, has always urged 
anti-war conferences to affiliate to the American League because 
It is the only organization to unite groups of diverse political 
alignment and of differing social composition against imperial- 
istic war. The fact that the American League is tooting itself 
more m the working class makes our cooperation imperative. 



wm'j^ffi:^-,^-:^:^.^ _. 




As the suulrnr .um-war movonnu ,,ui..s s^renpth mAmT 
partiapants f.el d.e need U . ca.pus or^an^.-uL wlJe 
progrnm IS more inclusive. They becom. nnprcs.scd w,th the 
ramd.cations of the anti-war fight. As tin- .xternnl wori<l presses 
harder on the student the issues he m.ers on the campus grow 
more distmct and their connection, more demonstrable. Thus 
they find an array of such issues as trustee domination, increased 
tuition lees, mihtary training on the campus, expulsion of mili- 
tant students and instructors, abrogation of student's rights 
etc., all mterrelated. They discover that what appears to be an 
attack by the admmistration upon the students' orgamzation 
fighting for students' rights is indeed an offensive carried on 
against the entire student body. To students who sincerely oppose 
war the National Student League offers a definite program. To 
students who seek an organization to give expression to their 
needs, the N.S.L. is their organization. 

During the two years of its existence the N.S.L. has made 
rapid strides forward. It is gaining a vast influence in the high 
schools where intensive organization is a requisite for building a 
powerful student movement. 

The N.S.L. is playing a leading role on the American campus 
today. It is reaching out to the broad sections of the student 
body for support of the anti-war movement. The future of the 
American student, the future of the student anti-war movement 
is inextricably bound up with the progress of the National 
Student League. 



Issued March, 1935, by the National Executive Committee of the 
National Student League^ 31 East 27th Street, New York City. 

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