The Communist Vol. I #6 Nov. 8, 1919

Combated with "The Revolutionary Age

99

The Communist

All Power To The WorKersl

CHICAGO, ILL., NOVEMBER 8, 1919

The State — Strike-Breaker

Five Cents

nr/ORKERS, you have been told that the
W government of the United States is a
^verntnent "of the people, by the people

H:: Cot^'havc told yon that it is

a oov'emment "of the capitalists, by the cap-
italists and for the capitalists".
The proof is before you.
The "representatives of more than a halt
million coal miners met in convention in
September. They discussed the wages and
working conditions in the coal mining m-
dust rv Thev found that the capitalists who
owned the coal mines were making greater
profits than ever, but that the increased cost
of living had so reduced the buying power
of the wages of the workers that they were
barely getting enough for an existence.

The work of the miners is of a most dan-
gerous character. How often have you not
read of mine disasters which snutf out the
lives of hundreds of miners, disasters which
rre due to the fact that the capitalists in
"heir sreed lor profits refused to spend the
money necessary to safeguard the lives ot
the workers! The work of the miners is
health-destroying. They work down in the
dark places under the earth, among danger-
ous gasses. where there is no life-giving air
and sunshine.

The miners said that there were enough
miners to produce enough coal to supply all
the needs of the country, if they were em-
ployed regularly, working thirty hours per
week, in place of being kept idle part of the
time. They said thirty hours a week in the
dangerous, health-destroying places under
the earth is enough. They demanded a
ihirty hour week.

The miners are strongly organized. All
the workers in and about the mines are in
the miners union. The workers are not di-
vided into crafts, but united in one indus-
trial organization. They have power to en-
force their demands upon the capitalists.

They made their demands upon the coal
mine owners. These capitalists standing
• had no power to resist the demands
ot the workers. The workers could close the
7mm:s and prevent the capitalists from mak-
ing profits. If they were sufficiently con-
us of the way to free themselves from
■ . Nation they could even take over the
them, without paying
profits to the capitalists.

italists have- forged a
h< kerf in submi

The capitalists called in th< govei
■

• rnment was

nn secur-

' nable them to \{\ ■ and

\.'.ut- which should prevail in

...

Proclamation by the Communist
Party of America

The President of the United States de-
nounced the strike as ''illegal". He threa-
tened the mineVs with the power of the

Two Messages from Lenin

1.— To the World.

International Imperialism is making, there
is no doubt, a last and very powerful effort
to crush the Soviet Republic. We arc con-
vinced that the counter-revolutionary offeiir
.sives from West and East, the various w lute
Guard disturbances, and the attempts tc > de-
strov the railways wnich have occurred m
various places, all result from a carefully
arranged plan devised in Pans by the fcm-
tonte Imperialists. After ending four years
of capitalist warfare it was very hard for
Russia to be forced to take up arms again
in defense of the Soviet Republic.

We have all borne the heavy burden of
war; we are all exhausted by it.. If this
was is carried on'with redoubled energy and
courage it is onlv because, for the first
time In the history of the world, an army
has been raised that knows why it is fi edit-
ing- f ightinp: the 'cause of the international

proletarian Socialist Revolution.

In spite of our difficulties we have suc-
ceeded in carrying out a great work in a
short space of time.

The ruestion of organization has also
rcadilv been solved. The problem of work
on the land, and the relations between the
proletariat, when it overthrew the bouy-
^eoisie and the millions of the middle graue
of peasants, have been fully debated and a
line of action drawn up.

We are passing through hard tunes, and
the Imperialists are making a mighty effort
to overthrow the Soviet hv force. Pn* **e
are convinced that this half-year will see
the end of our troubles.

The seed sown by the Russian revolution
is bearing fruit in all Europe. It is this
knowledge that convinces us t^at en-eat
though our trials may be, international T ~>-
perialism (now in its death -throes 1 ) will be
overcome, and Communism will be victori-
ous throughout the whole world.

2. To (lie Socialist Par'y c,f Italy.

"\vanti'' prints a greeting from Lenin
and the Roumanian fugitive RakovsUy to
(he Italian comrades, to their Party, a^d to
their newspapers. In Lenin's letter, dated
Ausrust ISth, to comrades Serratti and
Laz^ari. apbears the following:

"The little we know of your movement
shows us that you are opposed to the yellow
Intel-national of Berne, which has betrayed
the cause of the workers, and that you are
in solidarity with the Communist Intel-na-
tional.

'The negotattons between the leaders of
the ye' low International and your Party
prove to us that they are merely a general
staff without an army. The dictatorship of
the proletariat and the Soviet system have
already carried off a moral vlctorv all over
the world. The material and decisive pbv-
.-ical victory must come in spite of all the
difficulties and all the blood-shed and in
spite of the White Terror of the boureeis'e.
"Down with capitalism! Down with the
]•■ in" bourgeois democracy! l.onp; Live the
World Soviet Republic!"

Government of the United States if they in-
sisted upon compelling the capitalists to

rant their demands by going on strike. The

Government has already secured an injunc-
tion to prevent the miners from usifig their
own funds and the power evf their organiza-
tion to support their strike.

The Government of the United States
through its injunction is seeking to starve
the wives and children of the miners by
preventing their organization from paying
strike benefits. All the legal machinery of
the Government is being used against the
miners, and the army, the soldiers, with
their death-dealing instruments, are ready
to prevent the miners from securing a living
wage and the hours that should prevail in
the mining Industry.

THE STATE HAS STEPPED IN!

This it did in the Steel Strike. This it
threatens to do if there is a railroad strike.
The State does not coerce the capitalists ;
it does not tell the capitalists they must
yield to the demands of the miners in order
to prevent the stoppage of the mining of
coal. The State never coerces the capital-
ists; its legal machinery is never directed
against the capitalists, except occasionally
against minor groups in the interest of the
whole capitalist class. Its army is never
used to destroy the lives of the capitalists.
The State coerces the workers. Its legal
machinery is used to enforce demands upon
the worker^. Its army is used to destroy
the lives of workers who dare demand a
living wage and a Httle more sunshine and
fresh air.

Workers, rally to the support of the min-
ers!

The capitalists are playing to establish an'
industrial slavery in which their rule will
be even greater than in the past. To make
strikes "illegal" and crush them with the
power of the state is the first move.

The Government of the United States,
which some workers have been fooled into
believing is a government "of the people, by
the people and for the people" is in reality
the government "of the capitalists, by the
capitalists and for the capitalists". It is the
instrument through which industrial slavery;
is maintained.

The workers cannot win their freedom,
they cannot win even a living wage and a
little more sunshine and fresh air, while the
capitalists control the power of the state.

The workers must conquer that power.
They must make themselves the ruling class.
They must establish in the place of the dic-
tatorship of the capitalists the Dictatorship
of the Proletariat.

Workecs, rally to the support of the min-
ers. Make their strike general. Unite for
the struggle against industrial slavery.
Take from the capitalists the power through
which they seek to increase your slavery!

NOVEMBER 7, 1917

NOVEMBER 7, 1919

Long live Soviet Russia! Long live the world proletarian revolution!

THE COMMUNIST

National Organ. CommunUt Pnrt>.

LOUIS C, KKAINA, Editor
I. K. PEBGUSON, Associate Editor

Published Weekly, and owned mid controlled,
by tlio Cotntftunitt Patty of A morion,

C, E. RUTHENBERG, Exocutivo Secretarj
LOUIS C. PRAINA, International Socrotarj

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Address all communications
121D Blue Island Ave,, Chicago, 111.

Due to print paper shortage, THE COM,-
MUNIST was compelled to miss one issue
and this issue was delayed.

The Labor Parley

THE industrial Conference has met dis-
aster. It has met disaster not because
of the uncompromising attitude of the
"labor" representatives, but because capital
would not make any concessions at all.

That "labor*' representatives should par-
ticipate in such a Conference was in itself
an indication of conservative and non-class
purposes. The A. F. of L. representatives*
first move was to introduce a resolution urg-
ing the Steel interests to arbitrate the strike.
The resoluton was decisively beafen, After
intervening days of futile talk and solemnly
hysterical protestations from Samuel Gom-
pcrs of organized labor's loyalty and patri-
otism, another test developed on the reso-
lution to approve "collective "bargaining"
This resolution indicates equally the crimi-
nally limited purposes of the A. F. of L.
and the determination of capital to make
absolutely no concessions. This is the re-
solution :

"The right of wage earners to organize
without discrimination, to bargain col-
lectively, to be represented by representa-
tives of their own choosing in negotiations
and adjustments with employers in respect
to wages, hours of labor, and relations and
conditions of employment, is recognized."

This resolution is cxeedingly mild. Its
acceptance by capital would mean little to
the working class; its spirit and purpose
condemns the workers to an eternal struggle
for more wages, emphasizing the commo-
dity struggle as against the class struggle.
The resolution, typical of the miserable
policy of the A. R of L,, means an accept
ance of Capitalism and its wage-slavery.

But the representatives of capital re-
jected the resolution!

The astute representatives of capital
realize that tin- prevailing situation is dan-
gerous. They realize that conditions are
accumulating a mass of social dyuamitc that
circumstances may ignite in a revolutionary
upflare. It is necessary, in order to main
tain the supremacy of Capitalism, that pro-
tective means be adopted. Repression is
being used, but it is not enough. The radical
spirit of the masses develops in spite of re-
pression. The astute representatives of
Capitalism, accordingly, consider it neces-
sary to supplement repression with con-
ciliation. Conciliation with whom? With
the conservative elements of labor, which
means tin- dominant representatives of the
A, P, of L.

The representatives of the A. I>\ of L, fear
a revolutionary upflare as much as capital;
at the industrial conference they held up the
Hpeclre of the "Bolshevik" spirit in the
mtiions, insisting that it was becoming dif-
ficult to "keep the lid down." Former Pres

ident Tsifl Stated the. problem from the
Standpoint of Capitalism:
"The employers' group in the Conference

i'. in greatly help the conservative labor lead-
ers If] their struggle to regain and retain con-
trol of the unions if they will recognize the
vital Importance of doing so and make
reasonable concern, us, Collective bargain-
ing. ,. .should be granted freely. . ..Recog

nition of tltC leaders to this extent strength-
ens them with their followers, instills in
them a worthy pride to fulfill their contracts
ami strengthens their conservative influ-
ence with the members of the union."

The rejection of collective bargaining bv
the representatives of capital may appear
strange. The co-operation <'i employers and

union officials, while not avowed, has been
a fact. The whole tendency of trade- union-
ism nukes for just this co-operation. More-
over, the tendency of modern Capitalism it-
self, of Imperialism, drives Laboristn and
Capitalism to closer co-operation against the
oncoming proletarian revolution.

Then why the break at the Industrial

Conference between capital at x d "labor"?

It may appear as an accidental circum
Stance determined by the particular individ-
uals chosen to represent capital, and not at
all representative. Hut the reasons are much
more fundamental.

Capitalism, the dominant interest- of Ca-
pitalism, is apparently determined to act
uncompromisingly* "It has come to a
test," they feel, "and we must meet the test."
Capitalism is provoking labor to a clash be-
lieving that the clash will find capital stron-
ger than labor. If Capitalism can provoke
this clash and conquer the workers in blood.

then Capitalism can maintain its supremacy
without making any concessions; if the si-
tuation becomes too critical, there is always
time for concessions and compromise par-
ticularly as the trades union officials will
eagerly accept compromise.

The uncompromising attitude of capital
at the Industrial Conference is not a chal-
lenge to the labor leaders: these would
sneak back willingly and continue their mis-
erable bargain counter negotiations. The
issue is much more vital: Capitalism has
issued a challenge to the proletariat, the
challenge of words at the Industrial Con-
ference and the challenge ^\ blood in Gary.
Let the proletariat answer the challenge!

The proletariat has unsuspected resources
of strength and initiative which the revolu-
tionary crisis will develop. Capital does not
sense these resources. Let the proletariat
assume the offensive: let it repudiate its
traitorous leaders and rally to the Com-
munist struggle against Capitalism,

Blockade Resolution

THE First Russian Branch of the Com-
munist Party of New York City, in de-
clining to participate with "The United Con
ference of Russian Organizations" for ac-
tion against the blockade Of Soviet Russia,
expresses its attitude in a resolution the gist
of which is:

"The blockade of Soviet Russia by the
world imperialists is an expression of Ca-
pitalism, and the question oi lifting this

blockade accordingly is part of our revolu-
tionary Struggle against world Imperialism,
thus becoming a political question. Our
branch, as a unit of the Communist Party
of America, must follow the program and
Constitution id' tin- patty, which prohibits
members or branches taking pan in any po
litical action in conjunction with organiza-
tions not accepting the principles of Com-

uumism ; moreover, the Conference of Rus
sian Organisations is composed oi mm pari

isan, Anarchist and even religions groups
which Ollly vesletday were eounlei (evolu-
tionary. The branch therefore will take
part only in the campaign against the block
ade directed by the Communist Party/*

apt.
api-

capi-

The Public

THE most amusing feature of the [ n
dust rial Conferem ,- ...... the r .

tation accorded "the public," equal to thai
oj "labor" and capital. " rhe public'' in any

event is bound to the interest! of capital'
but the particular representatives .!- .,
natcd by President Wilson are directl
pitalist

Among the representatives of "the public"
were: John I) Rockefeller, Jr., representing
super-trust capital; Elbert 11. Gan ,
Steel Trust ; Fuller E. Callaway, coti m
manufacturer and bank president; Bei
M. Baruch, stock speculator; II. p, | ,,..
COtt, director in one bank, a Trust Compam
and four industrial eoneerns. All | nn j ,
the 2\ representatives of "the public'' are
directly capitalist in affiliations.

Rut even if the representatives of "the
public" were not directly capitalist in
ation, they would still on fundamental issues
unite with the capitalist representatives.

What is "the public"? The capitalist press
ami bourgeois liberals designate "the public"
as being the great mass of the people. This
is sheer fiction. There are in modem (
talism two great social groups the (
talist class and the proletariat. Th
talist class comprises the owners of iudustn
dominantly the masters of concentrated in-
dustry; the proletariat* comprises the wage
workers, dominantly the unskilled labor in
the basic industry. In between you have
what might be designated "the public" the
small employers and investors, the profes
Sionals and intellectuals, clerks, technicians
and certain categories o\ skilled labor. The
public, accordingly, is the small bourgeoisie
either in actual social status or in ideology.
Contrary to a general superstition, "the
public" has no independent life of its own
Rower is concentrated at the two extremes,
—-the larger capitalists and the proletariat.
"The public" must vacillate between the
two; if may "favor" labor but in crucial
issues it accepts Capitalism. The psycho-
logy of the public was aptly expressed in a
declaration of one of "the public" repre-
sentatives at the Industrial Conference:
"The United States Steel Corporation is a
public nuisance and should be suppressed
And [ want to go further and say the labor
leaders who are conducting the steel strike
are a public nuisance." There you are—the
typical in-between policy of a class without
social solidity.

On every vita! issiu
tibnary. It may he

ance, but in the test of power between the
capitalist class ami the proletariat, this im-
portance dwindles. "The public" provides

the deceptive measures that are used to lead
tin- workers astray ; and in the final test of
Power "the public" will provide the ioixc^
ol counter-revolutionary soldier) precise!)

as this "public" ' has organized "guard form-
ations" in the stee! strike /.ones. Rut it
plays a siekb role, since it has no indepen-
dence of its own. being the vassal of big
capital.

"The public" is hammered equally b) the
capitalist class .-md the proletariat; it vo
dilates between the two; it provides the im-
petus for reformism, pacifism and other
Utopias, without power to realize any. The

proletariat, in its Struggle lor power, must
concern itself neither uuh capita! noi "the

public, km crush them equally as ., neces-
sary means for realizing Communism, The

Militant proletariat, moreover, must, par-
ticularly guard itself against the "radical"
representatives* 1 ^i "the public"*, since they

expreas that treacherous peltv bourgeois

ideology directly promoting disaster for the
proletariat and the proletarian revolution.

'the public" is reac-
1 an electoral import-

Words and Facts

ONE of the evils of the old Socialist
Party was its trimming- of sails to
catch every breexe of opinion that might
bring votes and members. While pursuing
a fundamental reformist and petty bourge-
ois policy, the Socialist Party wgs not un-
willing to make concessions in 'words to
revolutionary opinion. The old Socialist
Party resembled nothing so much as a mass
of dough, assuming a different shape at each
slight pressure.

You would imagine that this policy would
have ended with the revolution in the So-
cialist Party, resulting in a clear division of
the movement — the old party at the right,
the Communist Party at the left, and the
Communist Labor Party in the centre. But
there is still a group in the Socialist Party
pursuing a policy of camouflage ; this group
preens itself upon being revolutionary,
shouts ecstatically about the Communist In-
ternational and imagines it can deceive the
International into admitting a reformist
party such as the S. P.

This "Left Wing" group is apparently or-
ganized around the "Chicago Socialist", or-
gan of Local Cook County Socialist Party.
In issue after issue this paper urges affili-
ation of the Socialist Party with the Com-
munist International. But "The Chicago
Socialist" shows absolutely no understand-
ing of Communist principles and tactics.

Affiliation with the Communist Interna-
tional does not simply imply affiliation-: it
implies an acceptance and understanding of
the fundamental principles and tactics of
the International. The "Chicago Socialist"
however pursues a consistent policy of re-
formism and petty bourgeois opportunism;
it has no conception of the mass character
of the proletarian struggle; it emphasizes
votes and parliamentarism precisely as did
the old Socialist Party. There can be no
affiliation with the Communist Internatio-
nal without realization of the stern require-
ments of revolutionary Socialist reconstruc-
tion.

In its issue of October 18 the "Chicago
Socialist" in an editorial on "The Constitu-
tional Convention" says:

"The most logical place to express Class
Solidarity is at the Polls The class con-
scious vote is a real protest. When it is
small the Capitalists smile, when it grows
the Capitalists ponder; when the workers
give a united expression and prove that the
Capitalists have not the consent of majority
of the people, then the workers will take
their seats at the table."

This is clearly an acceptance of reformism
and the parliamentary conquest of power.
The gentlemen responsible for this formu-
lation have not only learned nothing during
the past five years; they have apparently
not read (at least not understood) the Ma-
nifesto of the Communist International,
since this Manifesto uncompromisingly
maintains that the conquest of political
power by the proletariat is an extra-parlia-
mentary process proceeding by means of
mass action; in this process electoral cam-
paigns and parliamentarism are neither de-
cisive nor of major importance, although
necessary.

The "Left \Ving ;> of the Socialist Party
repudiates the fundamental tactic of the
Communist International, while urging af-
filiation with the International!

Trie, emphasis on parliamentarism means
using the bourgeois parliamentary state to
introduce Socialism. That this is the re-
formist position of "The Chicago Socialist"
is manifest in its urging an amendment to
me State Constitution of Illinois (the Gate-

way Amendment) "that would give the
people a chance to alter or amend the con-
stitution at any time when a reasonable
number of voters demanded." This is the
old moderate Socialist conception of "demo-
cratizing" the capitalist state, making its
machinery "responsive to the will of the
people," and then using this "democratized"
parliamentary state to "introduce Socia-
lism".

The democratizing of the capitalist parlia-
mentary state is a sheer impossibility. The
capitalist state must necessarily under the
conditions of Imperialism -become more and
more despotic, more and more responsive,
not to "the will of the people," but to the
orders of finance-capital. The central defect
of the old moderate Socialism, out of the
miserable collapse of which has come the im-
petus for the Communist International, was
precisely this reformist conception of demo-
cratizing the state, of gradually centralizing
the means of production in this state, of bas-
ing the coming of Socialism upon the "maj-
ority of the people," which means class re-
conciliation and class co-operation. This
conception evades completely the problems
of the proletarian mass struggle for the con-
quest of power.

The Communist International makes it
clear that the capitalist state never can be
used for the introduction of Socialism; that
the task of the revolutionary proletariat is
not to capture the capitalist state but to
conquer and destroy it, the proletariat deve-
loping its own organs of state power (So-
viets). This new proletarian state, deve-
loping directly out of the industrial produc-
ers and functioning- temporarily as a dic-
tatorship of the proletariat, breaks the capi-
talist power of resistance 'and introduces
the industrial administration of the Com-
munist Republic with its abolition of the
state.

This Socialist Party camouflage spreads
be}-ond the Communist International and
includes industrial unionism. The Socialist
Party Convention recently "endorsed"
industrial unionism ; but this was merely in
words. The Socialist Party is castrating
industrial unionism by using it to designate
such organizations as the Amalgamated
Clothing Workers — which conforms to in-
dustrial unionism neither in structure nor
in revolutionary purpose.

This castration is perpetrated by the "Chi-
cago Socialist." In its issue of October 18
"The Socialist" reprints (approvingly) an
article by the editor of the "Fur Worker,"
which says: "Our's is not that industrial
unionism run mad, which a section of the
I. W. W. let loose a few years ago." This
article approves an "industrial unionism"
which in fundamentals is craft unionism,
still retaining a large measure of craft auto-
nomy, and concludes: "This, we take it, is
the principle of industrial .unionism which
the Socialist Party at its special convention
in Chicago endorsed." The "Fur Worker"
speaks for the conservative administration
of the Fur Worker's Union, against which
there is" now developing a membership re-
volt insisting upon real industrial unionism
and more radical tactics. As always, the
Socialist Party is united with the conserva-
tive elements in the unions.

The use of revolutionary w*ords will not
help the Socialist Party ; it will be strangled
by its own policy of evasion and camouflage.
The Socialist Party may use the words of
revolution; but the facts condemn it as
counter-revolutionary. A revolutionary
movement is built upon integrity, upon un-
derstanding of tactical fundamentals, and
the action corresponding thereto ; not upon
words that never become life.

The New Life In Russia

By Angelica Balabanoff from "L'Avanti"
of Italy.

YOU cannot form any idea of what is
taking place here. One witnesses daily
the miracle of re-organization of an old, de-
crepit and rotten system which only the
new regenerative forces can put life into;
one looks on at this work of constant re-
newal going on amidst attempts to boycott
it, to sabotage and blockade it in all direc-
tions. The spectacle is infinitely inspiring;
it fills you with pride ; it revivifies your faith,
in human power and in the divine potency
of the ideal. With all kinds of material de-
ficiencies and with a continuous struggle
going on again s<*fhe enemy without, a great
creative work is nevertheless being under-
taken in the domains of Science, art and the
education of the masses and the new gene-
rations.

When the history of the times comes to
be written, people will marvel how with'
such small numerical strength, we were
able to resist, to rule and to regenerate an
organism, so vast, complex, undermined and
threatened with utter ruin. As regards the
mere negative sides of the question which!
are being described to you with such abun-
dance of lying* and invented particulars, be-
lieve about a thousandth of what you hear.
Then compare it with what is happening in!
other countries, and you will see that the
consequences of the w*ar are felt much less
here than elsewhere : that, whilst under any.
other regime they would soon have led to
the complete decimation of those classes
least capable of resistance to them, they are
here supported and shared justly all around.-
Therefore, when they tell you that we are
living in the midst of terror arfd assassina-
tions, keep ever present before your minds
the fact that never before have there been'
so few of the latter, as at present; as to
the 'terror', it suffices to compare it with!
the few- days of struggle in Germany and el-
sewhere to understand that here it has been
a question of a very mild sort of struggle
indeed, and of methods of work which are
truly patriarchal. And knowing as you do
how much my temperament rebels against
violence, you may believe me when I tell
you that the W T hite terror is a thousand
times more cruel, deliberate and treacherous,
and that all the tales that you Lear about
the Red terror are just so many inventions.
They have had the effrontery, intentional of
course, to pass off as terrorism what was'
merely legitimate self defense. The Lock-
hart trial suffices to show up the attempts'
that were made to damage not only us; but
whole populations. I acted as translator in
this trial, so I know what I am talking about
— the devilish plans to blow up bridges, to
reduce tens of thousands of people to hun-
ger. It was not only a question of mere
political sabotage, but also of attempts on
the lives of people, as witness, for example,
the plot hatched against the people's com-
missaires. In the light of these facts look:
at the mildness of the sentence passed*
Those most directly concerned in the plot
escaped and the foreigner who had been'
proved guilty of espionage was allowed to
remain here. The carrying out of the sen-
tence was put off, with a view to an even-
tual exchange of prisoners. And this is the
"Red terror"!

With regard to the defects in the State
machinery, due to the lack of capable and
conscientious co-workers, a severe and re-
morseless criticism is kept up in the Party's
newspapers, constituting an aspiration to-
wards self-betterment only possible to a re-
(Continued on page 8).

1919.

P««p Poor

THE COMMUNIST

9V

to the

WEAR a red flower, tonight
This was his invitation
thousands of conscious workers who flocked
to hear Gershuni a few years ago, Gershum,
the Russian Revolutionist. who escaped
from Siberia, arrived in New York and was
to speak in Carnegie Hall that mght-but
a short while before he returned to the land
of the Tzar, to die
-Wear a red flower, tonight."
.\nd when Gershuni stood before his vast
audience in the evening:, and saw Nature
flaunting her scarlet beneath the multitude
of pale faces raised eagerly for his message,
he said :

«I wanted vou to wear this symbol of the
joy and *be beauty of life because we de-
mand not only bread, but roses."

Ye^ Bread and Roses! When the Re-
volution was successful, did our fellow
workers think only of bread? No. Great
and terrible as the need was, they lost no
time securing to themselves in the fullest
measure possible-Roses ! Roses ! The flow-
ers of Song, the Dance, the Opera, Drama.
The Sowers of Science— of Knowledge.

The Orchid of Culture, a hot-house plant
nurtured exclusively for the Few, has been
transplanted in Russia to the fields and
the' meadows, where it blooms freely as
the common daisy for all the common folk
to pluck at will.

The king and queen of Belgium visited the
United States. ' There is a great stir of in-
terest in the ranks of the exploiters. The
Opera House here makes a gala night of
their visit to that temple of music.

The Work-era take control of Russia.
Their Opera becomes the Soviet Opera.
There is a great stir among the common
folk. The workers fill the Opera House. It
is a gala night.

Just as it is natural for Capitalist Amer-
ica to give a special performance at the Me-
tropolitan Opera House in honor of the
king and queen— charging incredible prices
for seats ; so it is. natural for Soviet Rusia to
give Opera daily for the Russion worker —
where he is entitled to a seat by virtue of his
useful labor.

The masses, lovers of song, inspixers of
all .the great music that has ever been writ-
ten — it is for them that the great artists of
the Moscow Opera vie with one another
to give their best. For are they not them-
selves sprung from the people? And are
not the people at last masters of all life?
Tzars and Empresses, drainers of the peo-
ple's life-blood, -are no more! and no more
do they "grace" the "royal" box. All space
is the people's. Tkey grace the house from
pit to gallery. The sparkle of diamonds and
precious stones, symbol of tears and slavery,
have given place to sparkle of happy eyes,
new-lit with the fires of liberty.

Not alone in music may the Russian work-
er now satisfy his hunger. Imagine yourself
quitting after a halt of a short day's work
to hear a great singer of the people's songs
— in your own factory, now become a fit
place to learn and enjoy, as well as to work
in! Or to get the instruction and enter-
tainment of an ilustrated lecture; or per-
chance it is a fete where you recreate body
and spirit in the joy of the dance. Or may-
be a troupe of Soviet playeri whose itine-
rary inctodefl your factory, arrive to enter-
tain or (attract you through the drama.

This \m but a hint of what the worker-, are
doing for themselves in Soviet Russia. All
who have anything of art or science or gene-
ral knowledge or literature to giye, are giv-

Bread and Roses

By Rose Pastor Stakes

control
destiny

tag freely to the people and the people in
turn support them in security. The doors
are opened wide to the vast treasure house—
the doors that once were slammed in the
workers' face ! The priceless gifts that the
workers in bent backs have painfully piled
up, that the parasites have abused for the
creation of a false and narrow culture, are
now the heritage of all, to be used in the
creation of a true and general culture.

Libraries, traveling on swift wheels to
every village and hamlet in Soviet Russia.
Books, books, books ! brought to the doors
of all ! Traveling instructors, lecturers, pro-
fessors and teachers giving courses in even
the remotest parts, bringing knowledge to
the workers far from the permanent centers
o* learning. Traveling picturte galleries,
theatres, concerts, touching the humblest in
the land with the fairy-wand of Art. True
Art, not that tawdry, cheap thing that
parades in her name to corrupt the common
taste in every commercial country in the
world. Thus the masses, through their own
government, are developing in themselves
the highest possible conception of art, the
keenest possible appreciation of true culture.
Art institutes endowed as never before by
any government, in which the talented spi-
rits among the masses receive the training
they craved vainly for in the past ; research
laboratories open to all who show any. real
interest in using them; Universities no lon-
ger exclusively the province of the exploit-
ers son. The common school becoming the
universal school, the college and university
becoming the common school, the higher
culture the general culture. Is it any won-
der that Soviet Russia is spending more on
education than any country in the world r

Industry, agriculture, yes. Bread, se-
curity, yes. But Roses, Roses, yes, a thous-
and times yes ! Are we workers hungry for
jov and beauty, for art and culture? Today,
Russia answers for us until the clay when
we shall answer for ourselves. The worker,
starved through the centuries amidst the
very plenty he created, is satisfying his
hunger at last — in Russia. Having taken

WITHDRAW FROM RUSSIA!

INTERNATIONAL
MASS MEETING

SUNDAY, NOV. 9th, at 1.00 P. M.

Celebrating Second Anniversary of the
Bolshevik Revolution in Russia

CAR MEN'S HALL

Ashland Blvd. and Van Buren

IX

SPEAKERS
ALL LANGUAGES

Auspices: Central Executive Commit-
tee of the Communist Party — and City
Central Committee of Local Chicago

TICKETS 30c.

MUSIC

of hu own industrial a«d social
he has in that same moment grasped
with all of a creator's enthusiasm the tools
of the old bourgeois culture with which he
is already modelling for himself the art
forms that will express the new culture^
that of the Communist society, the Work-
ers' Commonwealth.

Surrounded as she is by world-capital's
armies, fighting for her very life on every
front of her vast territory, Russia is still
able, by virtue of working class rule to give
to Art, Truth, Beauty a freedom they have
not known and do not know in any other
l an{ j on the face of the earth. And we
workers are invited, by every subtle bland-
ishment, to join with our capitalist Govern-
ments in a war of extermination against our
fellow workers of Russia.

We may not do the shooting ourselves,
but we are no less guilty if their freedom is
lost through the guns we make. Longshore-
men load the guns on ships, railroad men
bring them to the piers, sailors, workers too,
carry them over seas, and soldiers, (also
workers) receive them and use them to
shoot down Bolshevist workers, (but what
workers!) fighting in the front trenches of
the world in the cause of the Social Revo-
lution that will set the world's worker- free!
Yet despite this tragedy, than which there
can be no greater in all history, the Russian
worker, wounded, bleeding, half blinded
with blood and tears, still marches erect,
bearing aloft the standard upon one side of
which is inscribed the appeal "Workers of
the world, unite!" (This side faces oucword
to the fighting front). An on the other
(facing in toward Soviet-Russia) the in-
scription "Art, Truth, Beauty!"

They are dying for us, and we are killing
them for Capitalism! If the Russian work-
ers and their culture are destroyed by us, we
shall not only have played the Judas to our
own Comrades, but we shall also by that
same act bare our backs to the lash of
exploitation for a period that Hope dare not
contemplate! A lash that will be laid on
with a more cruel hand than Master has
ever laid on Slave before. And who shall
then say that we are not receiving justice!
But this surely will not be ! Everywhere
the workers are awaking to consciousness.
In Italy the workers forced their Capitalist
Government to recall their troops from
Russia. The transport workers refused to
load the ships with goods or guns for use
against Soviet Russia. In France and in
England there is- an awakening ; here too,
though less thorough, the protest is being
made effective. There are workers every-
where who are refusing to destroy their
own. Hope of emancipation by destroying
the freedom of the Russian Working Class.
We are learning that if we rise to power,
we rise by Russia, even as Capitalism has
learned that it falls if Soviet Russia stands !.
The Associated Press and the Associated
Powers may combine to lie about the So-
viet-Government until they make old Anna-
nias sound as truthful by comparison as a
wireless message from Moscow. It will
help them not .one iota. If the Allies' work-
ers stand by Russia, Russia stands— lied
about or not. If Russia stands, Capitalism
falls and the workers everywhere rise to
power.

Stand by Russia, Workers of America
Stand by your own cause. The issue is
joined; the fight is on. Unite, use your
power. For Russia — for ourselves— For
Bread and Roses !

KoreI nber Mb.

!&!<►

THE COMMUNIST

P»***>iv»

The Red Army's Deeds

Problems of The Red Army

By Leon Trotsky,

Threo Articles Celebrating . the first Anni-
versary of the Revolutionary. Army of Russia

question of trust
If there is still

RED divisions arc over a front of vast
length. Draw a line from Moscow in
any direction, prolong it, and you will reach
some part of the Red Army which is fight-
inn- for Soviet Russia so heroically. The or-
ganization of this army is a very good
example of the efficiency of the revolution.
No wonder the war was called an exami-
nation to the people. Of course, war itself
is -a great barbarity, and all Socialists are
bent upon its extermination. But it must
be overcome;. that is, circumstances must be
changed so that war will become not only
needless but impossible. The people cannot
leap over war instantly, surrounded by the
jackals of imperialism, until the mad teeth
are jerked out of the mouths of these
jackals. And if the people are forced to
wage war, then in its capability of defense,
battle and attack all the resources of the
people are shown : its economic power, its
strength of organization, the spiritual aver-
age of its masses, the amount of material for
leadership, etc., etc.

And so, taking the question from this
angle, we may say with assurance that in
a land such as ours, worn out, despoiled and
ruined to the last degree, no other regime
could organize an army. We may now say
with certainty that an army will not be suc-
cessfully organized in Germany, neither by
Ebert or Scheidemann. Only Communists,
who have taken the power into their own
hands and shown in a practical way that this
power knows no interests, worries or
problems other than those of the working
class, will find it possible to organize an
army which will become the dependable
hedge of the Socialist "Republic.

We commenced with the divisions of the
Red Guards. Into these wc accepted work-
ers, not seldom those who took a gun into
their hands for the first time. While the task
was to overcome the fighting bourgeoisie,
junkers, white guards, groups of students,
etc., the Red Guards showed an incompar-
able excellence in their revolutionary spirit
and determination. In a very short period
Red Guard divisions spread the Soviet power
to all parts of the country. But with the
offensive of the Germans in February of
last year the condition changed immediately.
The enthusiasm of the untrained, badly
armed people proved weak before the well-
organized HohenzoUern divisions under
junker leadership. The first battle showed
this, and brought about a fall of spirits in
our divisions and armies. This fall of spirits
resulted in decomposition within the ranks.
Think of that period. The old army turned
into an armed beggary all of Russia, filled
ail Nations, cars, made direct attacks upon
the workers on the railroads, ruined railroad
property, forcefully robbed the food sup-
plies, etc. The enemy attacked us from the
vse^t, taking the Ukraine. The Cossacks
rebelled on the Don ; in the East, the Czecho-
slovaks, and in the north Archangel was
taken from us. The ring was growing
tighter and tighter. Then the Mensheviki
wrote about the '"dying COYpse" of the So-
viet power, Not only tin.- direct enemies of
the working clas:-,, but some of the friends
o; the workers thought that there is no way
out, salvation is impossible.

It was this moment of deadly danger for
the revolution which gave birth to the crisis
of lalvation, The watchword: "The Soci-

alist Fatherland is in danger" awakened the
best that .is in. the laboring masses. This
was the test of onr revolution. Now we
may say with quiet assurance that the work-
ers' revolution has passed the test.

Where are we to get soldiers? How are
we to get the- peasants into the army of
workers who have not yet had a breathing
spell since tlie imperialistic war?. Will the
people accept universal mobilization?
Where are we to get the commanding staff?
Will the old officers serve the new workers*
Russia? Each of these .questions -presented
its vexations and it seemed like the crush-

Tbe Red- Army Celebration

In February 1918 the Red Army was cre-
ated by decree- .of the Soviet Government;
in February 1919 all Russia celebrated the
first anniversary of the first- army of the
proletarian revolution. In an editorial, "A
Year of Struggle and Achievement/' the
Moscow" PjavdaV official organ of the Com-
munist Party, saicl:

"In the work of building -our army we
were faced with innumerable obstacles.

".There was the terrible weariness of the
masses tired out by the. war of plunder; an
economic break-down and a decline of labor
discipline; the decay of the old army, pois-
oning the air and hampering the construct-
ion of a new army; civil war in the whole
country, and war from without. . . . •

"We were compelled with weapons in our
hands to repel the treacherous blow of the
enemy- and -at the same time to lay the foun-
dations of a new army of the Red- Republic
Truly, that was building under a rain of
bullets ....

"Today, as we look back, we may daringly
say: The chief task has been performed.
The efforts of the enemy are m vain: the
army has been created We may be de-
feated, we may be shattered, but nothing
can succeed in killing the Communist Revo-
lution

"There is still a great deal of work ahead.

"Forward comrades — to the work, to the
struggle and victory!

"Long live the Red Army of the Revo-
lution!

"Long live World Communism!
* *■ *

The articles here printed were published
in celebration of the first anniversary of
the Red Army.

ing of all at the very beginning. But the
revolution laughed at the pessimists and
sceptics ; the youth of the proletariat of Pe-
trograd and Moscow and other cities showed
truly a wonderful transformation in the
temper of the working masses, and above
all in the red divisions, when they under-
stood that the fight. is for the life or death of
the Soviet Republic.

1 watched thischange at first hand, under
the walls of Kazan in August of last year,
later on at the southern front near Voro-
nezh and Balashov, and in other places. This
wonder can be accomplished only by the
revolution.

You know that in our army a strict discip-
linary regime was established. War is war,
an army is an army. And if we are forced
to fight then we must be victorious, and
victory is impossible without iron discipline.
But such discipline after world imperialistic
war is possible only because it finds a deep
moral response in the conscience of every
Conscious worker, peasant and Red soldier.
The conflict goes on in the name of the
existence of the Worker and Peasant Re-
public. Every conscious soldier feels and
understands that this is his fight, that de-
serters and grafters are traitors to the gene-
ral welfare of the laboring masses, that the
strictest punishment for these traitors is
just and is dictated by the revolutionary
honor of the laboring people. And there

lias long ceased, to be any
on the part of the army,
agitation and argument going on to create
mistrust it has no practical effect. The ap-
proaching conference of our party, 1 do not
doubt, will strengthen with its authority
that system which with the aid of the best
workers of the party was put into practice-
in the fiery experience of the war and "has
given until this time the very best of re-
sults.

With each new trip to the front I saw
new commanders who worked hand in hand
with the Communist commissaires, with
complete mutual trust and respect they ful-
filled their responsible work. At that time
in all our numerous officer courses and aca-
demies groups of officers were organized
out of the worker-peasant families and those
akin to them.

The question of organized equipment, of
the army was also difficult, but the hard-
ships are being overcome. They are over-
come often at the cost of the portion alloted
to the working masses of the land, this is
undebatable. This is clear to every con-
scious worker.* He knows that war is a ter-
rible poverty. He feels this in his stomach,
sees it in the life of his children, but he
knows that war is forced upon us by the
enemies of the working class and that "we
cannot defend ourselves with speeches and
articles against the cannons and shells of
imperialism.

That is why every worker appreciates the
dishonest treacherous call to us on the part
of the Mensheviki: "Stop the civil war."
The Soviet government openly declared to
the governments of all countries: "We
want peace ; we are prepared to buy this
peace at the price of great concessions and
heavy losses." To this, our direct and of-
ficial proposition, we received no answer.
At the time when the enemy continues itt
attacks and the bands of the imperialists
threaten Petrograd, the Jesuit traitors tell
us: "Unarm, stop the civil war." These
arc the same ..ones who in the moment of
deadly danger to the proletarian revolution
spoke and wrote of the "dying corpse" of the
Soviet government.

The anniversary of the Red Army comes
at a period of international and politicaTcir-
cumstances which may be called promising.
And the most important factor in the in-
ternational situation is our Red Army. It
exists, fights, chases back its enemies,
grows, unites, with the determined and
heroic support of tens of millions of workers
and peasants.

The working class which organized such
an army cannot be defeated

The Red Army and Foreign
Policy.

By G. Chicherin

UR brave revolutionary Red Army is
such a mighty factor in

\J such a mighty factor in the foreign
policy of Soviet Russia that the most re-
sounding epithets for its praise cannot be
considered exaggerations. It is needless tc
prove the simple truth that no matter what
is the foreign policy, it cannot he successful
unless it can depend upon real might. Those
of us who watch our foreign policy closely
may each day notice the degree of real in-
fluence which the strength of our Red Army
has upon our international relations. Every
military success immediately influences our
foreign standing, just as the defeats, for in-
stance the loss of Perm and Ksthonia, im-

THE COMMUNIST

November iMt, 1313.

medially are harmful to our diplomat*
Nations. We may say with certainty that
the intervention of the Allied powers would
„ot have ufcen plaee it in the *P™f ° f '*
year we had such a strong and well-organ
Ld Red Ana, as we have now ; u he Al
lied powers had not considered RttsOT i easj
Eft. which would no, cost them much ef-
fort to conquer.

* is W»™. the Czechoslovak revolt
ac fed as the indirect excuse tor the .attr-
acted as in powers. It gave a
"T'delndent a.. In one of the most
r eady d ^ nde "\ he Ru5S .; an territory, on
2 tanroad a^ which connects European
Jussta w4th Siberia. The uprising of the
Oecho-Slovaks was itself poss.ule only be-
£,»« at that time Soviet Russia was ab-
S, disarmed and the Czecho-Slovaks
W the opportunity- to take all those ,m-
£rt»t strategic points and rai.road inter-
Sction* These were taken without much
^oble "and thus they stationed themselves
near the border of European Russ.a and
Siberia- .

AH of us who have taken account of our
foreign policy after the Brest period remem-
£7Sc terihips we were forced to under-
go when month after month the hfe of the
So viet Russia hung on a ha*, when our saf-
X and independence hinged upon the good
vrill or caprice of the German victor, upon
the calculations of German capitalists who
W uld rather cheat us in a peaceful manner
than at the cost of a war of rum, upon the
de5i re of the German militarists not to dm-
de their forces and not to take upon them-
selves the responsibility for all the complex-
ities to which the occupation of vast foreign
lands would lead. We all felt every mom-
ent that the wall which separated us from
foreign occupation and incalculable misery
for the -people, with crushing blows to the
Russian revolution, was very thin and weak.
We recall those dangers as they were called
forth bv all sorts of new- moves of the Ger-
man armies within the bounds allowed, by
literal understanding of the Brest treaty, to
jthe German occupation.

We experienced and felt then what the
sword hanging over the head of Damocles
really means. But out of these hardships
Soviet Russia came forth with the mighty
arms of vouthful strength and hope— and
with the Ventures of the Red Army. The
organization of the Red Army had a great
indirect influence upon the minds, of West-
ern Europe, making them respect not only
the strength of Soviet Russia but the Soviet
power itself, which was capable so quickly
ttothwitstanding oil sorts of hardships, to
organize a strong -and well-disciplined new
army. The representatives of the German
official circles admitted to us that the orga-
nization of our army was to them an amaz-
ing surprise, revealing to them the moral
strength of the Bolsheviki. It had a great
propaganda signifigance ; it proved to the
entire world the seriousness, depth and in-
ternal might of the people's revolutionary
Russia and the outlook for the future deve-
lopment of the -worker-peasant Soviet re-
gime. Facts are more salient than words
and the existence and heroic deeds of the
Red Army were mightier propagandist fac-
tors than the countless leaflets and broch-
ures. The pathos of its organization in the
midst of untold hardships, of the new-born
regime fighting against countless foes sup-
plied with the latest instruments of mili-
tary technic and with full equipment of first
class armed power, deeply impressed milli-
ons of the onlookers of the entire world as
aomething coming out of the Russian revo-
lutionary hearth.

Our good Red Army, heroically battling
against pillagers making an effort to crush
the liberty of the working masses deeply
stirred the imagination of the laboring mas-
ses of all lands. They began to take joy
in it and to learn to love it as the vanguard
leading them in their fight for power, fight-
ing for them. The fight which we have to
wage against the entire ideology of the old
bourgeois militarism and patriotism, which
mark the strengthening of the power of the
ruling classes over the peoples, is made most
effectively through the pathos of the workers
revolution fighting for its own salvation. It
is made in the psychology of the Red Revo-
lutionary Army, the power upon which the
worker-peasant revolution in Russia depends
to ward off the attacks of world counter-
revolution from all sides.

Being the uncompromising foe of milita-
rism to the end, we distinguish ourselves
from the bourgeois pacifists, such as the
English Quakers, in that we wish to put the
bourgeois army out of existence, as the ene-
my to the working class, and to put in its
place a workers' revolutionary army.

Looking over foreign newspapers we sec
that Soviet Russia is a great power in the
world arena, occupying the minds and awak-
ening the wonder and hopes of one side and
the unbounded hatred of the other. ^ And
in the first place, in the centre of the historic
process which Soviet Russia chose, are to
be found those who lead the struggle for the
historic fortunes of Russia with their heroic
deeds and death on the field of battle, those
whose courage and revolutionary ardor
lights up one country after another with the
fire of revolutionary enthusiasm. In our
foreign policy, i. e., in the historic effort of
Soviet Russia in world events, one of the
most powerful elements of her historic ac-
tivity is the glory and pride of Soviet Rus-
sia, our young, heroic Red Army.

The Red Army and Tbe
Counter-Revolution.

By N. Bucharin.

THE war correspondent of a large Eng-
lish newspaper, "The Time", wrote:
"At the time when all the armies of the
world are decomposing and failing apart,
only one army exists which continues to
grow and develop. This is— the Red Army
of the Soviet "Government."

The bourgeois press is diligently threaten-
ing the civilians of the world with the
danger of the Red Army. In order to an-
tagonize the mass of property holders
against the revolutionary proletariat, they
continually exaggerate the strength and
size of our army. But, nevertheless, the
war correspondent of "The Times" was
quite near the truth- Where is the wonder-
ful army of Wilhelm? It has disintegrated,
disappeared. Where are the Czarists "good"
regiments? Already forgotten. Where is
the famous Hungarian cavalry? It has per-
ished. Where are the first class' artillery
divisions of Austria? They also have disap-
peared.

And this is not all. Even the victorious
Allies feel that the revolutionary germ has
infected imperialist discipline, crushing the
spirit of obedience and slavery. Already
the French and English armies are begin-
ning to pass through an experience similar
to that of the armies of the Czar, of Keren-
sky, Wilhelm and Karl. And just at the
time when the armies of the world pillagers
are falling to pieces, the Red Army springs
into being, first as volunteers, growing little
by little, and then expanding by way of

compulsory training of workmen and pea-
sants

And now it is clear to .everyone that in-
ternational imperialism did not crush us.
just because with their first blows. our army
began to grow — our army of workers and
peasants. The world counter-revolution
tried to choke the Russian workers with
the hands of that Czecho-Slovaks; in this
they did not succeed. The-counter-revolution
organized excellently in the Don—but now
that grey murderer, the hangman Krasnow,
is already shedding tears on the grave dug
for him: The fugitive bourgeois, generals,
archdukes, ministers, landowners, with
the aid of German and Allied imperialists,
will build a strong fortress of reaction in the
Ukraine.

But the Red Army did its work here too,
unsaddling the enemies of the working
class. The international reaction could
not draw us into its greedy jaws neither
from the Don, nor from the Ukraine, nor
from the Baltic Sea, nor from the Urals.

We owe this victory to the Red Army
which grew by the strength of tens of
thousands of the best comrades— workers,
who gave and are giving their revolutionary
spirit, their energy and their lives for the
organization of the Red Army.

World imperialism did not. expect such a
reception. The Bolsheviki were famed all
over as destroyers who could burn, ruin,
overthrow, but who could build or organize
nothing. And the capitalist pillagers
thought their attack upon us would be but
an easy and jolly excursion; they" thought
they could take ' the Russian proletariat
witk their bare hands, but they only suc-
ceeded in burning their fingers.- Their policy
shifted: on the one hand- they sought to de-
fend themselves against the Red Army —
on the other hand even the maddest impe-
rialists changed the subject from cannon to
a consideration 'oLdiplomatic notes.

Of course, we are not so naive as to be-
lieve in the kindness of the world gend-
armes. We know they will do all in their
power to find the opportune moment to
crush the revolution

The Russian revolution has long since be-
come an international revolution. And- the
Red Armv is a division— the largest, the
best organized and the strongest, of the
world revolution. So the German, the
Austrian, the Hungarian and the English
Communists consider it

But there is a closer tie between the move-
ment abroad and our Red Army.

When the Soviet Power organized work-
ers' regiments, not only Russians, but Let-
tish German. Hungarian and even Chines-
workers joined. The Chauvinists and the
bourgeois patriots, beginning with the i v
dets and ending with, the "left" social-revo-
lutionaries, condemned us at every point
But just that fact, that many foreign con-
rades passed the military-revolutionary
school in our country, gave to the world a
new type of supervisor-fighter. And if we
look at the movement in the West we shall
see that its leaders are our comrades, our
former "war-prisoners", who became Red
Guards, and thereby received military revo-
lutionary experience and a revolutionary
ardor in the ranks of our Red Army.

The war correspondent of "The Times
was right. The capitalist army is decom-
posing and perishing. From its mass ot
ruins the power of the workers is growing
the world over. And the stronger, the bet-
ter organized the working class, the more
powerful will its class army be. the sooner
will it crush capitalism, and drive mto its
grave the present pillaging regime.

Nov«mk«r Stk 1»1»

T«»K COMMUNIST

- • — — —

I^Mtii Herea

Collapse of Hungarian Soviet Republic

* kh-k the downfall of the rVuatro-Hun
f\ otrUn monarchy the Hungarian demo

erats, With Count Karobi and Oscar Jttty

rt t theii h«.icK cam* Into potvei m Hungary.
Xhc new govarmtteM trie! to consolidate
the remnants oi tht rotten feudal state oi
Hungary. Hut it was too late, Hungary
,s ,1 country where a handful o( feudal land
lords own three-foimfha of the land. The
different Tisaaa undermined the corrupt
governmental machinery completely,

i ho bourgeoisie of Budapest, the most
vicious in the world; was not aide to con-
solidate anything: And as always when the
structure of a state is crtfmbllng, and as

Karolyi rt.Ji/ed, there was only one solution

of the problem, and thai waa to transfer the

po

rarfki of the slum proletariat and the hood
I urns.

After the fii:<l dCCl*eCI of the Soviet < fay

ernmt*nt were Introduced the bourgeoisie
nnd the conservative Intellectuals felt them-
selves oppressed, ami the petty bourgeoisie
and the slum-proletariat her, one discouraged
heeauscd the iron discipline prevented them
from looting and exploiting the, gains of the
revolution for their own personal advant-
ages, Their movement accordingly turned

■, ( f -trw-Niuto to the Social Democrats,
who at that time were the Only organized
body in industrial Hungary

\Yith the aggressive onrush of the masses
of workingmen for better working condi-
tions, more pay and more, bread. Karolyi
slowly lost the power of government.

Meanwhile—right after the downfall of
the dual Empire-— Hungarian comrades re-
turned from Russia, where, as prisoners of
war, they participated in the revolutionary
struggle' of the Russian working class,
Among them was Hela Run, the. president
of the International Federation in Moscow.

The CqmniunlstS at once began to clear
the way among the workers of Hungary.
The 'Social Democrats, who during the war
discredited themselves, were unable to check
the wave of Communism. In order; to save
themselves, they expelled the Communists
from the party. And when the Communists
established a patty of their own and carried
on an extensive propaganda of uncompro-
mising Communism, the SOCial-patriOtS
started a merciless persecution of the Com-
munists, who were arrested and prosecuted
in masses.

But the results .oi that method brought

entirely different results than was expected.
In the economic breakdown, in the complete
inability of the corrupt bourgeoisie and the
Oligarchy, a*, well as in the treachery of the
social patriot* the workers in industry af-
ter industry abandoned the social-patriots

and went over to the Communists. This
movement was lead by the metal trade

worker,*, thr iron workers, the printing and
publishing workers, and then the railroad
and transportation workei i followed. Soon
all tin groups of workers were on the side

of the Communists, with whom already the

majority of the army Btood ttfl the armed
background "f the revolution. Then instant-
ly and unexpectedly came the ''coup" of the
"Neptza'va" (the official social-patriotic pa
per in Budapest). Though innocent, Bela

Kuu and a number of other Communists
were placed under arrest. This act of the

social-patriots aroused the workers, who
heard th< rumor that Bela Kun was badly
beaten by p vt rnment agents in prison. Fur-
thermore, there was a rumor, that the gov-
ernment planned to deport Bela Kuu to
• omc ecret place.

I" th< Flight Of March J\) > 1 the ( om«

mum i forc< , undn the leadership of Tibor
Samuelyi (who escaped from prison) equip
ped with two batterte of artillery mad. an
attack on Budapest and demanded the im-
mediate release of bela Kun and all the
Othtf I 'ornnoinists.

< ount Karolyi, confused by the imperial!-
xtif intentions of the Entente and the lust
f " r " ' " ' - 1 the ( w i ■ and the Rouma
oioni condemned and diictedfted person
ally, found it advisable to deUvei th< powei

From "Nova Istim*", (Tbe New Truth)
Official Orgnn of the Communiat Party of
Jugoslavia, Aug. 29, 1919.

of the state entirely (nto the hands ol the
Social Democrats.

THE UNITY" OF THE SOCIAL DEM-
OCRATS WITH THE COMMUNISTS.
The Social Democrats now had to choose
from three alternatives: 1) Resignation; into counter-revolutionary channels.

2) merciless war with th Communists ; and Society dames, discharged detectives,

3) unity with the Communists. counterrevolutionary officers, and nuns
Not willing to resign, and equally not driven from the convents, mingled in dis-

very anxious to play the role of KherCSehei- guise with the unconscious masses and plot"
demann-Noske, because they were the wea ted against the Soviet Republic, The Christ-
ian and therefore unable to play that role, ian Socialists took advantage of the efforts
the Socialists chose the third alternative: of Belfl Kun to accomplish the revolution
Unity with the ('omniunists. Kunfy, who in a humane way and preached sedition open-
was minister in the government of Karolyi, ly in processions, in the churches, et< ,
held conferences with Bela Run. who was This tactic of Bela Kun, of accomplishing
still in prison, (hi the basis of a platform the revolution a humane way. led to divi-
liela Kun had drawn in prison, unity of the mou on the left and on the right,
two parties was realized. The platform cal- Tin- left wing, under the leadership of Ti-
led for the arming of the people, disarming l,<>r Samuelyi, demanded radical measures
of tire bourgeoisie, expropriation and eon- an< i formed under the name "Lenin's Boys"
fiscation of large estates, and the soeialisa- a terroristic group. When Bela Kun under
Hon of the banks, the wholesale houses, the the pressure of the Entente tried to disperse
stores and the industries. On March 27, the that group and send its members to the front
wire carried the famous message that the tn ey defended themselves with machine
Soviet Republic of Huhga-ry had been pro stills in the military camps and demanded
claimed. All power was taken over by the t he repeal of the order. Through the me-
Workers', Soldiers' ami Peasants' Councils, diation of individuals serious conflicts were
who at their first convention constituted p rc ycnted
themselves as the "Hungarian Party of So-
cialist-Communistic Workers".

Thus the revolution was achieved without
disorder and bloodshed.

The news of the revolution in Hungary
was received with a certain reservation in
revolutionary circles abroad, because of the

experience that without a revolutionary tra-
dition the social revolution can not be ac-
complished! The bourgeoisie and the so-

cial-patriots saw in it only a game of the
Hungarian imperialists to save their integri
ty, In the meantime Hela Kuu issued a pro-
clamation in which he renounced the terri-
torial integrity of Hungary and affiimeo
the ethnographic principle ol self delier

mination.

Such a transformation without bloodshed

The right wing, under Kunfi, the former
right wing of the Socialists, sabotaged- in
the government and in all the Soviets as
well. With the co-operation of the bour-
geoisie they weakened the moral strength of
the proletariat to a great extent. And so
far as there was honest effort among them,
they were already too corrupt through their
SOCial-Cliauvinism to be able to fill the im-
portant revolutionary positions that they
wore holding. So the unity of the Hungar-
ian proletariat, that on March 21 was ac-
COmpJtshed bv the leaders of the Com-
munists and the Socialists was only an illu-
sion, because it contained the germ of dis-
integration.

The organization of the Red- Army was at
first a hard task, because of lack of real pro-
can only be explained by the weakness of letariau discipline. The Roumanians and
the Hungarian bourgeoisie, "Which COUld not the Czechoslovaks with the help of the
resist the aggression of the proletariat; and French troops were advancing toward Bu-
oy the apathy and the nationalism ol the dapest. At first the Red Army was defeated
petty bourgeoisie and the intellectuals. This at every point. On May 2 not only the
example certainty will not repeat itself in bovtrgeoisie but. the Communists anticipated
the world Devolution. The Hungarian in the collapse of. the Soviet Republic. Never-

tellectuuts and petty bourgeoisie, who arc theless, the Covet iimeul did not lose hope

entirely conservative and uncultured, during
the first day looked with favor on the dicta-
torship of the proletariat, because they ex-
pected from it the salvation of their nation
alism and the satisfaction of their own per-
sonal interests. Meanwhile, the Soviet Gov-
ernment cat tied on the socialisation of the
banks, the industries and the commercial
enterprises. All deposits in the banks over
the amount of 20,0<X> crowns were expro

priated and all large land holdings of over
100 acres wen- declared the property of the
Cpmmune, Because of the lack of progrcs

and courage. The Central Workers Coun-
cil ordered the mobilization of half of the
industrial proletariat. ( >ue half of the mem-
bers of the government in a noble procla-
mation called upon the workers of Hungary
to defend the Socialist Republic. In the
.boit time of ;i few weeks the Red Army
increased from 27,0<X) to 2-10,000 men. The

Roumanians were thrown back behind the
River Theiss; the Czechs suffered remark-
able losses, being compelled to give up two-
thirds of the Slovak territory, in which a

Slovak Soviet Republic was immediately

live intelligence the reform of public edU- proclaimed. The formation of workers' bat-

cation piM.red.--i very 'lowly. With the tallions raised the morale of the other for-

encrgtic measures of the revolutionary ju- nations; but when, under the pressure of

dietary, crime decreased to a minimum. The the entente, the Red Army had to withdraw

manufacturing and selling of alcoholic bev without a battle from the Czech front, the

eragei were prohibited, personal safety was spirit waned. While countei revolutionary

itiured much more than under the govern^ activity became more intense, proletarian

menl of the bourgeoisie] but the bourgeoisie class consciousness began to disappear; the

prepared th<- COUntd revolution within the working women publicly demanded that

Pag* Ei>tkt

their husbands and sons be given back to
them A further factor was the fact. t**t
although the distinction* of the officer s ; vrerc
abolished, the officer, kept all the K»b*s O
capitalistic militarism and relation* vnth the
ranks were all but comradeh.

The peasantry of Hungry, entrrd !y i e-
acnonarv, could nor pos.bh be -£*«£
the short time, because the a^ranan ques
,to„ could not be solved with the necessa»

P F ti1v the main reason for the coih^s,

Wirt Rroublic was the blockade of

Holv Alliance ot the

THE COMMUNIST

N«v*mh«r 81k WIS*.

of the

the new capitalistic

League of Xations.

The aristocratic oligarchy, the magnates
of the \usrro-Hungarian regime, who op-
prr ^xd the. Hungarian proletariat, who were
for half a century the solid pillars ot Ger-
man and Central European Imperialism-, the
gang of the kind Tisza rallied around the
Government of Szegedin, were the suppor-
ters oi the Entente in the battle against the
World Revolution, against Socialism. To-
gether with the Entente they waged a dirty
aimpaign against the Soviet Government.
The chief of the Entente mission, Lieutenant
General Romane'.H. used his couriers, pro-
tected by immunity, to keep up connections

between the counter-rev

olutionaires of Hun-

gary with the counter-revohitionaires of the

world.

BEFORE THE COLLAPSE.

At the moment when the Czechs were
beaten^ Clemenceau demanded from the So-
viet Government the withdrawal of the Red
Army from all occupied territory', at the
same' time notifying the Soviet Government,
that its representatives would be summoned
*o Paris for the purpose of concluding peace
and promising that the Roumanians would
withdraw from all occupied territory. Bela
Kun did not suspect this promise— and sub-
mitted. At the very moment when Czecho-
slovakia stood on the verge of the revolu-
tion, Kun ordered the Red Army to stop
and to evacuate the occupied territory, con-

senting to an armistice.

Thi<= was the most

futile error. In Bohemia, where under the
pressure of the "bolsbevist danger" the gov-
ernment of Kramarz, the direct counter-
revolutionary cabinet, had to resign, the re-
action was strengthened. In Austria the
verv same thing happened. And the volun-
tary withdrawal, with the negative political
results, necessarily had a demoralizing ef-
fect on Hungary itself.

The Entente used the armistice to deliver
the Roumanians tanks, machine guns and
other war material through Jugoslavia in
order to strenghten the Roumanian army,
and to start an instanf unexpected offensive
on the front of the River Theiss.

There was only one more hope left to the
revolution in Hungary. An alliance with
Russia could not be accomplished. The
Russians concentrated all their strength to
break the opposition of Kokbak in the Urals,
and were not able to extend any help to
Hungary. The hopes of Bela Kun in the mo-
vement toward the left in France and Eng-
land were not in vain as to the fact, but they
were in vam as to the tempo. The move-
ment toward the left was alive but proceed-
ed much more slowly than Bela Kun hoped.
Only the international demonstration on
July 21st could still assist the revolution in
Hungary, Doubtless, the postponment of
the demonstration by the French Confedera-
tion of Labor meant the final blow to the
Hungarian proletarian republic. Hungary
was isolated, without the hope of speedy
and effective assistance by Russia, betrayed
by the international and Hungarian social-
patriots.

And thus Soviet Hungary's offensive
against the Roumanians on July 21st, at
first successful, instantly came, to a stand-
still. .The Roumanian officers gave the or-
der on July 2$ to cross the Theiss and on
August 1 the social-patriots reported to the
People's Commissaires the demand ot the
Entente, that Kim's government must re-
sign, in which case the blockade would be
lifted and the Roumanian offensive dis-
continued. The Social Democrat Haubrich,
the commander of Budapest, described" in
the blackest colors the dissolution of the
Red Army. Bela Kun without opposition
consented to the resignation, but Tibor Sa-
muelyi, the Robespierre of the Hungarian
revolution, energtically opposed resignation
and demanded a fight to the end —"The
duty of the Hungarian Communists", — he
said "is to fight on the barricades for the
liberation of the proletariat of the whole
world" But his voice was not heard. It
was decided to summon the general assem-
bly of the 500 representatives of the prole-
tariat of Budapest and vicinity, which
should receive the resignation and name the
new government.

LAST ADDRESS BY BELA KUN
AND COLLAPSE.

With full consciousness ot the gravity ot
the hour, the representatives of the Hunga-
rian working class assembled in the after-
noon. When Bela Kun appeared he was
greated by a frantic ovation. The courageous
fighter, the soul and the brain of the Hun-
garian revolution, was very depressed. On
his. tired face, with eyes red from lack of
sleep, one could feel the whole tragedy of
this episode of the World Revolution.

The hearty ovation made Bela Kun only
more nervous. While leaning on the back
of a chair, he started to weep like a little
child. Then he became more calm and be-
gan to speak. Among other things he said:

■The dictatorship of the proletariat rested
on three fundamental factors: on the spirit
of the Hungarian proletariat ; on the possi-
bility of establishing contact with Commu-
nist Russia, and on the progress of the
World Revolution. Those three factors
partly or entirely failed to realize themsel-
ves and therefore the Hungarian Soviet Re-
public is given up to an early death." He
would like to fight on the barricades rather
than resign without a struggle. But he
knows that the majority is opposed to such
a proposition. And then the Soviet Govern-
ment resigned.

ficial bureaucracy of which Budapest has
more than enough who for four years poison-
ed the Hungarian proletariat and drove it
with the proletariat of other countries
into that terrible human butchery, the very
same cruel element sat again or. the back
of the Hungarian proletariat. Immediately
armed formations were established, com-
posed of former officers, non-commissioned
officers and non-conscious soldiers, who
fought for the defense of the old monarchy.
A terrible roundup of the Communists be-
gan m the streets and the house*. Who-
ever was caught, was shot on the spot and
his body thrown in the muddy water of
the Danube. On the first day hundreds
of our comrades were killed. The prisons
were transformed into human slaughter-
houses.

The Hungarian proletariat now feels what
it has lost. The Hungarian people never
was subdued. Even the history of Hun-
garian- Socialism does not show any serious
persecution, because it always -was social-
patriotic. This is the great difference bet-
ween the Hungarian revolution and the
Russian revolution. In Russia since the up-
rising in 1830 the sparks of the revolution
always were glowing. In the cells of the
prisons, in the icy fields of Siberia, in the
blood of the crushed strikes, and in the num-
berless insurrections— the Russian workers
developed class consciousness, revolutionary
intelligence and a revolutionary tradition.
All this Hungary lacked. For the first time
the Hungarian proletariat has to go through
all the terrible consequences of making an
error in measuring the tempo of the World
Revolution. The World Revolution is deve-
loping, but much slower than Beta Kun
supposed. Still Hungary has not lost its
revolution, but only postponed it. The
struggle Hungary was engaged in and will
have to go through again, will create the
necessary class conscious, revolutionary in-
telligence and revolutionary tradition for
final victory.

The New Life In Russia.

(Continued from Page 3.J

volutionarv Government. The crux r>! the
whole matter, in so far as internal politics
are concerned, is that the Government and
the Communists in general have to suffer
the consequences and take, the responsibility
for the acts of enemies, of traitors, of im-
postors, who find their, way into our
ranks, of employees and officials who act
Then came the short-lived government contrary to the good faith, carry out acts of

of Peidl, composed entirely- of social-
patriots, who during the whole period of
the war stirred the chauvinistic instincts of
the proletariat and were supporting Austro-
Hungarian Imperialism ; and of the bureau-
cracy of the trade unions. Peidl's govern-
ment returned the means of production,
which were expropriated by the Communists
to the former owners and established again
private ownership of the means of produc-
tion ; in short, the dictatorship oif the bour-
geoisie again come into existence. During
that time the paid hordes of the Roumanian
Boyars (feudal landlords) approached Bu-
dapest, looting and destroying everything
they got hold of.

The Government of Peidl did not exist
three days. Jn the shadows of the Rouma-
nian bayonets and in the person of Grand
Duke Joseph, the Hapsburg dynasty came
like a vampire to life again. The monarch-
ists carried out a Coup-d'etat.

The very same rulers, the same oligarchy,
speculators, officers, Christian Socialists and
their appendages, and the whole corrupt of-

sahotage and strive by every means in their
power to put obstacles in the way of normal
life.

In spite of all this the country lives and is
reconstructing itself; new organisations
spring up, although the flower of the work-
ing-class must needs- leave the work of pub-
lic administration and go to the front. If.
you but knew with what joyful spirit of
sacrifice the work of recruiting goes on here.
I have been present at meetings of "Red"
officers which, in the spirit of enthusiasm
and courage shown, were truly religious in
the best sense of that word. One always
feels the difference between the war for the
masters and this war, which is our war.

The people and their leaders are firmly
convinced that the workers of other count-
ries will not allow the Russian Revolution
to be drowned in blood, nor- the German Re-
volution either, which, through untold dif-
ficulties, is slowly steering towards victory.
At the present time the fate of the peoples
depends on the proletariat of the Entente.
Encouraging news continues to reach us.

November 8th,

THE C0MMUM8^

?age Nine

44

All Is Quiet In Berlin!

ft

J\ nistcr Sabastiany in the Paris Cham
ber of Deputies in 1S31. when the hordes of
Sirvorov. after the capture of Prague, a su-
burb of Warsaw, entered the Polish capital
8n d began their murderous suppression of
th< people in revolt.

is quiet in Berlin" declares the trium-
phant bourgeoise press, declare Ebert and
declare the officers of the "victorious
* 1Iir . ' whom the bourgeoisie mobs joyfully
greet on the streets with floating placards
and outbursts of "Hurrah". The glory of
German arms is saved before the world's
history. Defeated on the fields of Flanders
and the Argonne, they restored their repu-
tation vy winning a victory over 3000 Spar-
tacans in the building of the "Vorwarts".
The t:mcs of the first glorius entrance of
the German army into Belgium, the times
of General von Emmich, the conqueror of
[jege, ] ale before the heroic deeds of Rein-
Co. on the streets of Berlin. The
1 ; ,]K : emissaries who intended to negotiate
the surrender of the "Vorwarts", mutilated
beyond recognition by the butts of guns,
mutilated to such an extent that it is im-
possible to identify the corpses; the prison-
ers shot in such manner that the walls are
led with their brains :— looking on
th< ?< valiant deeds, who will remember the
eful defeats sustained in the war with
the Frenchmen, Englishmen and Ameri-
can-? Spartacans— that is the enemy; and
Berlin— that is the place where our officers
are victorious; the "workingman" Nbske—
that is the general who is able to achieve
, - where General Ludendorff was un-
icci sftil.

Who docs not recollect the drunken vic-
tories of those that restored order in Paris;
who does not recollect the bacchanalia of
thi urgeoisie upon the corpses of the fallen
defenders of the Commune, that same bour-
g { ie which had just capitulated ignomini-
ous before Prussia and handed over the ca-
pital to the foreign foe. What a flaming
courage inspired the bourgeos youngsters,
the gilded youth, the titled officers against
the badly armed and starved Paris proleta-
against their unprotected wives and
i n. With what an ardour these sons
of Mars, who humbly prostrated themselves
beh " the foreign foe, now displayed their
martial courage by hurling upon the helpless
prisoners and the vanquished their brutally
. e igeance.
"All js quiet in Warsaw"— "All is quiet
' -"All is quiet in Berlin".— Such
■ - thi announcements of the upholders of
lav and order, re-echoing every half century
from one world center of the struggle to the
\w\ the triumphant "victors" do
noi i tice that the order which is maintained
by -,' riodh bloody ma i acres is impelled to
ninterruptedly toward its historic
• total di rtrui tion. What dors the
parta< an v.< ek' in Berlin signify,
.;. t givi bat •<<•'■ it teach : Even
s ' gglc, amid the shrtekfl of the

tei revolution, the revolutionary prole
b*u it t.v, ■ • cunt of w hai hap-

ii i the past and all tta
■ ■ ■ . toric < ompa i 1 he

,., < annot to e tiin< , through the
o ■ .' throng ' and "de-

feat ■ ■ ■ ■< onward to it- gj eat goah

.■-.•■• ■ • oii io i ly i the
k of the fighters •>( intei national o
VVa . it poi iible in thi i i-
i n a final v'u tor) for the revolutionai ;
pr< - • o erthrow of Ebert and

By Rosa Luxembourg

Her last Article

Scheidemann and the establishment of the
proletarian dictatorship possible? Gf course
not, if we soberly consider the various mo-
ments which have a decisive effect upon
this question. The weak spot of the revo-
lution at present— the inadequate political
maturity of the soldier masses which still
permit themselves to be used by the offi-
cers for anti-working class and counter-
revolutionary purposes— is already sufficient
proof that in this clash there was no chance
of a lasting victory for the revolution. On
the other hand, the insufficient maturity of
the soldier masses is a symptom of the ge-
neral immaturity of the German revolution.
The 'village whence comes a considerable
part of the soldier masses remains as yet
little touched by the revolution. Berlin is
still quite isolated from the rest of Germa-
ny. True, the revolutionary provincial cen-
ters — in the Rhineland and the adjacent pro-
vince, in Brunswick, in Saxony, in Wurtem-
bcrg — they are heart and soul with the Ber-
lin proletariat. But there is still lacking
the co-ordination of action which would con-
siderably increase the blqw and the offen-
sive might of the Berlin working classes.
Besides, the economic struggle— this chief
volcanic source from which the class
struggle derives its energy — is as yet in the
primary stage of development.

Hence follows the conclusion that at this
moment it was impossible to expect a last-
ing victory. Does it mean that last week's
struggle was a "mistake"? Yes, if we ad-
mit the assumption of a premeditated plan
of action, of a so-called "rebellion". What
was the starting point of last week's fight-
ing? In all former cases, as the 6th of De-
cember, as the 24th of December— a dast-
ardly government provocation. Just like
the bloody bath perpetrated upon the un-
armed demonstrants on Schosasstrasse,
like the massacre of the sailors, just so now
an attempt upon the life of the chief of
police was the cause of all subsequent
events. The revolution does not operate ac-
cording to a thought-out plan, in the open
field of battle, according to a technical plan
of "strategists". Its enemies also display
initiative, they generally display even more
initiative, than the revolution.

Facing the fact of the Ebert-Scheidemanri
provocation, the revolutionary workers were
compelled to take Up anus. Yes, the honor
of the revolution demanded 1 an immediate
energetic repulse of this attack, otherwise
the counter-revolution would find courage
for a further offensive, while the revolutio-
nary lines of the proletariat and the moral
prestige of the German revolution in the
"International" would have been shaken.

An immediate resistance developed among
the Berlin working masses with such con-
icious energy that the moral victory was at
once on the side of the "street". But such
is the internal vital law of the revolution
that it must not stop at the point of an inital
.,,.,, , remaining inert and passive. The

best means of parrying is a powerful counter

blow. This fundamental law of fighting is

. p, ( tally applicable to the revolution. Jt is
iClf-evident and furnishes an irrefutable
prooj of the healthy instinct, the internal vi-
tal for* c of the Berlin proletariat, and there-
fore the vvorkei i were not latisfied with the

re in Jateinent of Eichorn, but instinctively

p led to occupy the other strongholds

ot th< counter revolution: the bourgeol i

press, the official Wolff bureau, the "Vor-
warts". These steps taken by the masses
were the result of their instinctive consi-
ousness that' the counter-revolution, too,
would not submit to the defeat which it
had sustained, but would bring about a final
test of strength between the contending
forces.

Here, too, we discover one of the great
laws of the revolution by which is shattered
into dust the clever trickery and patented
knowledge of the Independents, who in
every clash endeavor to find an excuse for
retreating. It is sufficient to formulate the
fundamental problem of the revolution —
and in this revolution it is the overthrow of
the Ebcrt-Schcidemann regime, the first ob-
stacle to the triumph of Socialism, — and this
problem will again and again reappear in
all its acutcness. Each separate episode of
the struggle, as if with the fatality of a law
of nature, places at the fore this problem in
its entirety, though the revolution might
be entirely unprepared and the existing
conditions 'utterly inappropriate. "Down
with Ebcrt-Sheidemann!" — this slogan in-
variably reappears in each revolutionary
crisis as the one unifying formula for all the
separate conflicts, and, due to its intrinsic
objective logic ,this slogan, wether you like
it or not, tends of itself to sharpen each
separate episode of the struggle.

From this contradiction .between the in-
tensity of the problem and the inadquacy
of the conditions required for its solution at
the inital phase of revolutionary develop-
ment, arises the cause wdicrefore the se-
parate episodes of the revolutionary struggle
end in formal defeats. But a revolution is
the only form of war where the final victory
culminates from a whole series 'of "de-
feats".

What is shown by the history of modern
revolutions and Socialism? The first flame
of .the class struggle in Europe: the uprising
of the Lyons weavers in 1831 ended in bitter
defeat. The Chartist movement in England
— in defeat. The rising of the Paris prole-
tariat in June 1848 ended in a terrible defeat.
The Paris Commune was brought to an end
by a crushing defeat. The entire road to
Socialism— as far as the revolutionary
struggle is concerned — is paved with de-
feats.

And nevertheless, this same history leads
uninterruptedly, step by step, to the final
victory. Where would we be without those
defeats, from which we derive our historic
experience, learning, fighting power and
idealism? Now, on the eve of the last defeat,
in the proletarian class struggle, we actually
base ourselves on those defeats which are
all supremely important for us, each one of
them forming a part of our strength and our
consciousness.

Ju this respect the revolutionary struggle
is the exact opposite of the parliamentary
struggle. We in ( iermany have had for forty
years steady parliamentary "victories", we
marched from victory to victory. But as a
result in the great historic test of the. 4th of
August 1014 —an annihilating political and
moral defeat, an unparalelled smash, an un-
precedented bankruptcy. All revolutions
have thus far given us only defeats, but
these inevitable defeats are the surest gua-
rantee of the future final victory.

True, on one condition. The question is
midei what circumstances occured each de-
feat: was it on account of the fact that the
(Continued on page 10)

The Soviet Republic in Action

MOSCOW was gray and dull. There
was a quality of tension in the at-
mosphere which may have been due, I felt,
to the presence of a strong government
Joined to an ignorance of the relation in
which at any moment one might .stand to-
wards it.

For that it is a strong government is
beyond dispute. The idea that it is com
posed of men who forced themselves into
offices for which they were entirely unfit
seems to me, after months of experience
among them, quite outside the truth. The
eighteen commissaires, or ministers, are men
of unusual intelligence — in some cases of
high technical qualifications. And however
they have been chosen they were well
chosen.

Lcninc himself, whatever opinion may be
held on his ideas, is by way of being a poli-
tical genius. Krassin, commissaire for
transports, is a highly qualified technician
and was formerly manager for all the Rus-
sias of the Siemens-Schuckcrt Company.
His organizing powers are undoubted.

Lunacharsky, commissaire of education,
is a man in love with his work and one who
has that rare quality in an educational re-
former — vision — and he labors to materialize
his vision.

Milutin, commissaire of industries, is pro-
fessor of economies at Moscow university.
Kurski, commissaire of justice, is a local
lawyer. In Tomski and Melnichansky
of the professional unions; Dr. Semas-
sko, state hygiene ; Mrs. Lebedev, doctor of
medicine of the maternity branch of the
commissairiat on social maintainence, and
Siderski of food control, not to mention
others, the government has people of solid
ability, great experience and considerable
powers for work.

Marvelous Power for Work.

The commissaires of the people form real
executives and they arc men of grip. They
recoil from no act which they consider justi-
fiable in the interests of the government.
And here is, I think, one of the secrets of
their power. Another is their capacity for
work. The stories of orgies and of self-
seeking are quite false. A London clerk
lives better than they do. Their lives
are simple, their habits and dress equally
so (I saw only one of them who was at all
well dressed), and the reality is a life of
work to which a convict's task is child's
play.

They bear marks of the strain under
which they live. I do not know what is the
average number of hours worked daily by
the commissaires, but one of them worked
regularly from lunch time to 3 or 4 o'clock
a. m. and has never been known to go out
to breathe the fresh air; another takes only
five hours sleep; still another less.

I mention this only to show the charac-
ter of the men who are in the forefront of
Bolshevism, and to put down coldly my
own experience with them. But even these
men could not hold their own without a
good organization to back them. This they
have. And the western world should realize
that politically and adminstrativcly the
organization is strong and complete.

The commissariats or ministries are well
housed, elaborately organized and highly
staffed.

Numbers of the bourgeois and former
functionaries are employed, and at first one
of the greatest dangers and difficulties was
the amount of sabotage experienced. But
this was dealt with ruthlessly and sabotage

By W. T. Goode.

A bourgeois impression— From the "M -••
Chester Guardian" (England).

was made one of the crimes answerable to

a revolutionary tribunal— the extraordinary
commjS! ion,

The head and front of the whole organi-
zation is supplied by pure Socialists f 01
munists — who have a party organization of
their own to which the leaders belong. Its
discipline, self imposed, is complete and
unique and is rigidly observed. When called
upon for some duty, however distasteful,
the professed Communist must obey with-
out hesitation. At times even the leaders
arc ordered off into the country to some
part where propaganda, explanation or justi-
fication is needed, and they go.

Punishment to Fit Responsibility.

In cases where some lapse occurs — ■
bribery or lawbreaking — if the offender be
a non-oemmunist, he is punished with
prison; if a Communist, he is shot as a
traitor to his principles. It will be seen,
then, that the Communists form the spear-
head of Bolshevism and are a formidable
weapon.

But for supervision of the whole organi-
zation of government there has been set up
a department of state control, which de-
serves a brief description. It is subdivided
and covers the whole administration, con-
cerning itself only with officials, not with
private persons, and its powers extend to all
departments, to the chief executive com-
mittee, even to the commissaires of the
people. It controls the finances and budget.
It is capable of compelling departments to
improve their work, and has authority to
stop overlapping of departments and du-
plication of work. It has suppressed de-
partments as unnecessary. If an official
does work that is unsatisfactory, it can re-
commend his removal, and it can and does
prosecute incompetent or sinning officials.

Instructs While It Governs.
And not only docs it control; it also in-

structs, and sends down officials to '
those in provincial town o local \o\ ■'

One oi the great* • '.,;":■
enced by the Bolsheviki has been in finding
competent officials for Soviets in the couji
ry. They found th< [p against the

besetting sin of old bureaucracy, and they
themselves trace many of their error to th«
character of the men they employed at
fin t But they have set out to supply them-
selves with more reliable eh roc i

In the palatial club of Moscow merchant'?
they have established a school of soviet
workers, with 700 students drawn from all
parts of Russia by the local Soviets, whose
expenses are paid, and a course of four
months provided in matters relating to local
government.

A test has to be passed at the close of the
course, and when it is remembered that these
700 can be turned out three times a year, the
influence of such a move can be understood.
In addition, in the same school the Com-
munist Party maintains a special course for
600 students, drawn from the provinces,
mostly peasants, in the methods of propa-
ganda applied to the middle class peasants.

I stayed long in the great hall where
lectures and discussions went on, and I can
testify to the deadly earnestness of the
crowd of students. They were mostly young
and of both sexes, and the lecturer to whom
I listened held them easily and initiated and
conducted the discussion with admirable
surencss.

The idea of this school is an extension of
the idea of propaganda, which is one of the
great weapons of the Bolsheviki. It is all-
embracing and constant. I have spoken
of monuments, but that is only an infinitesi-
mal portion of the program. A constant
stream of pamphlets pours out, the people
are spoken to in their own language, often
with great skill.

Posters are found everywhere, and there
arc special shops for their display. Many
are crude in conception and execution, but
others are striking and effective, and all ap-
peal strongly to the eye.

"All is Quiet in Berlin!"

(Continued from page 9.)

forward surging militant energy of the
masses encountered an insufficient maturity
of historic prc-requisites or wsas it the re-
sult of the revolutionary action being para-
lyzed by halfheartedncss, indecision and in-
ternal weakness?

Classic examples of both cases are, on
the one hand, the French February revolu-
tion, and, on the other, the German March
revolution (1848). The heroic deeds of the
Paris proletariat in 1848 became a living
fountain of class energy for the entire world
proletariat. The lifelessness of the German
March revolution is in accord with the
whole direction of modern German develop-
ment. Its stagnant influence was apparent
during the entire history of the official Ger-
man Social-Democracy till the last events of
the German revolution, the most recent tra-
gic crisis.

What does the defeat of the so-called
"Spartacan week" signify from the stand-
point of the above-mentioned historic law?
Was it a defeat born from the violent re-
volutionary energy encountering an insuffi-
cient maturity of existing conditions, or was

it the result of feebleness and half-hearted-
ness?

Both. The double character of this crisis,
the contradiction between the powerful, de-
termined militant aggressiveness of the
Berlin mass and the hesitation, tardiness and
halfheartedncss of the Berlin leaders, repre-
sents a distinct characteristic feature of the
last episode.

The leaders failed to rise to the occasion.
But leaders can and must be created by the
masses themselves and from the ranks of
the masses. For the masses arc the deter-
mining element, they are the rock upon
which will rest the final victory of th \ revo-
lution. The masses were at their best, they
have transformed their "defeat" into a link
of those historic defeats which form the
pride and strength of world Socialism. And
therefore from the defeat will blossom forth
the future victor}*. "All is quiet in Berlin."
You stupid lackeys! Your tranquility is
based on quicksand. To-morrow again the
Revolution will rise to the heigths, and, in
trumpet tones horrifying you, it will de-
clare :

I was. I am. I shall be.

veinber «th, »19

THE COMMUNISI

Page Kffey«ri

The Party Organization

C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary

1219 Blue Island Avenue, Chicago, III.

Answers to the Call of the
Workers of Russia

Trotsky negotiated with the agents of

; , a perialism at Brest Litovsk he appealed.

.- heads, to the workers of Germany to

:!.e government of their Imperiali-t

He called upon them to come to the

t hard pres.^ed workers of Russia and

: ie Russian Revolution.

\cr-r. the workers of Russia are hard pressed.

t ta Internationa! Imperialism that

trfke down the Soviet Republic of the

o Peasant-. Though the voices of

. . ; Russia may not reach us, we ma;-

fS . -..- :.z they are again calling upon the work-

the world to come their aid, to stand by

.- the struggle against the International

,"■_- talists who seek their destruction.

; aV e a way of answering this call. The

workers <'' w= country- are not yet sufficiently

. - . to use their mass power in support

I ... - .-.-. comrades. It is our work, however,

to cir . <-. the campaign of agitation and edu-

r that '"ill enlighten them and make them

c " r ^ .-_, oi the unity of their interest?.

-j^gt ;■ the aim of the "Break the Blockade of
Russia campaign the National Organization of
the Ccamrranist Party has launched in connec-
. „ - ... -;- e celebration of the beginning of the
:- .- ^ar c; die Soviet Republic. We must bring
home tc the American workers the fact that when
- • Leraarional Capitalists strike at Soviet Rus-
, ^ • -,., are striking at them, for in the triumph
Q i the -crkers of Russia lies the hope of freedom
:',. tb£ workers of the world.

Comrades of the Communist Party you must
help rzake this campaign assume formidable pro-
portions. You must help distribute leaflets. It is
through the distribution of literature that we will
r^r. the workers. We can deliver our message
-.-, ~. lions of workers by distributing the "Break
the Blockade of Russia" leaflet by the millions.

The National Organization has done its part.
7.". leaflets are ready. Every branch must or-
iez s< many as it can distribute. Call together
your organization. Send in your order quickly.
The leaflets sell at SI-50 per thousand.

There are more than a thousand branches of
f&e Cefiarjamst Party at the present time. On the
the a- trage they can distribute Five Thousand
eafletc each. That means we can speak to
} .• ? V.'..'.'.'.t. -or>er\.

Let is deliver our message to them on No%'em-
ber 7th. L/r. us use our present power to answer
the call of the comrades of Russia and develop
that power so that we can give them effective

The Organization Funds
Grows

The Organization Fund, which is to furnish the
■waas of building the fighting machine for the
'.*.'.'. t z.?z.lr.-t Capitalism in this country is in-
cresting in fine fehape.. The goal har^ been set at
$25*%. Already one-tenth of that amount has
been turned in.

The Fuad receiTed several big boosts last week.
Kggix Imsff are to com*:: £rery branch of the
psrty pgnset respond to the call and support the
keiiduig rf tfejj, f m^

I^trbg the week $100,00 was receired which
WSS collected at the meeting of Jewish Branches
*-' Detroit celebrating the foundation of the Com-

Throsjrfc the tranjOator-ieeretary of the Poii-.h
-«ti«B } the following com tribut ions were turn-
ed k :

Elizabeth, X. J, UJA; Detroit no. 8, S3.70; Wir,d-

—* Lock*, Coca. 52^5; Akron, O. $5,00; Detroit

ft, KA.23; TerryriJl*, Coon. $2^5; Two^.!own.

ft *W*J Thoaast^rB, Com. $$.75. galew, Mas*

WS#j Keaoeba Wi*. $2*jW; Troy, Keno

Total S1KJ5&

From the Ukrainian Branche* through their
translator-secretary the following contributions
were made;

Aultmann. Pa. no. 66. S10.00; Ludtow, Mas*.
$5-20; Mclntyre, Pa. $1.50; Denfco, Pa. $8.00;
Waterman. Pa. $7.50; Farrel, Pa. $4->0; Alex
Odaysky $2JK>; Warren, O. $6.50; Burnhain. III.
S5.00: Scranton, Pa. 35.00; Carnegie, Pa. 56.70;
Passaic, N. .1. Sio.oo: Syracuse, N. V. $5.85; Cle-
vefand. 0, $5J>0; Lawrence, Mass. 53,10; Endi-
cott. N. V. $£0.00; Racine, Wis. S1.00; Akron, O.
$5.53; Scranton, Pa. $8.75; Fulton Run, Pa. $8,00;
North Tonawanda, N. V. $5.55; Taylor. Pa. $5.00;
Cool Run. Ta. $0.00; Auburn, N. Y. 53.00; Chica-
go, III. 515.50: South Rend, Ind. S2.00; Binghamp-
ton, N. Y. S10 0:i: total $219.98.

On Sept. 3. the Elizabeth, N. J. Ukrainian, Bay-
onne Ukrainian, Bayonne RuBKian, Stapleton
ITkranian and Staten Island Ru^«ian branches
held a picnic and of the proceeds S17.98 were
donated to the Organization Fund of the Party.

Other contributions received are the following:
Yorkville German Br. $10.00; 1st Russian Br..
Pittsburg $7.25; Chas. Giezko S8.25; James Ber-
tulis $3.75; Plainfield, N. Y. Rti^sian $7.40; Sten-
benvlJle, O. Russian $7.25; Evanston, III. S13.00;
Kansas City Russian $21.80; Lithuanian no. 89
SU.-.?; Jewish West End Br., Boston 6,25; Rus-
sian Br. Hamtramack $33.50; Atlanta Russian $9;
Workmen Sick & Death Benefit Fund no. 25,
$10.00.

Proceeds of a picnic held by the Lettish and
Esthonian Branches of New York netted 373.83,
which was donated to the Organization Fund,

The total receipts for the Organization Fund
thus far are $2,418.36.

We have made a fine beginning. Now we must
keep the fund going.

Every Communist organization, every
Communist Party member should become
a unit in the organization for the distribu-
tion of party literature and increase the
knowledge of the party principles by plac-
ing books and pamphlets in the hands of the
workers, .To publish and distribute this
literature is one of the great functions of
our organization, for as knowledge and un-
derstanding increases among our members
and the masses, our power grows.

These Are Beady

THE PROLETARIAN REVOLU-
TION IN RUSSIA. '
By N. LENIN and L. TROTZKY.
Edited by L. C. Fraina.
Paper, 450 Page-.

Singh? copies Sl.ftO

5 copies or more, each .65

Cloth;

; $L50

~j or rr.ore, eacr. 1.00

This book contains the slory of the Ru»-
<»ian revolution as told by Lenin and Trotzky
in their articles; written as the events took
place,

'-THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION IN

GERMANY."

By LOUIS C. FRAINA.

Sfngle copies $0.15

; '. copies - 1.25

25 or more, each 10

"REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM"
By LOUIS C. FRAINA.

:...- 7 : copies $OJ>0

10 copies 4,00

'.'. ' .:.. : :- WW

Fifty or rr.ore, each JJ0

; 'Manifesto, Program, Constitution of
the Ccrr.rriUnist Party and Report to

,,t3he fcxtenaaiwaair

, ■ / i copies SO.io

25 cop;e; 2J/j

'', '';p-JiS ZJj*

•:''... ,, ,*6

Ten thousand copies of thij* pamphlet
bsere z/Tf&Ay been fold, The title speak*

for it ' *.

-- . order and re.T..'tta*ce to
]21S» Blue J*land Are. Chicago, 111.

Organization Progress

Rfdgewood, N- J. and Mt. Morrii , N. V. German
branches have joined the Communist Part

More than thirty branch** of the Jewish Com-
munist Federation were chartered la«t week,
» >?

The Ft. Wayne German Branch decided v.-ith
only one dissenting vote out of 92 to join the
Comrnuni -rt Party.

Lc-cal Lo- An^kf-;. Cal. v/as chartered at a Com-
muniMt Party local last week. The local thus
repudiated the action of their delegate* to the
Ch icago con ve n t i o n .

« * f.-

The Cleveland local is shonring other party
unit.-- how to handle leaflets. The local has a
standing- older for Forty Thousand copies of each
leaflet published.

Local Greater Nev/ York of the Comttuniist
Party has been officially organized, The local
has more than five thoa«an/l -members and vrill
soon f>e^in, publication of it? weekly paper.

Two .shipping clerks at the Communist Party
headouarters are unable to keep up with the or-
ders for books, pamphlets, leaflets and copies of
"The Communist*' which are pouring into head-
quarter.-, ever;- daj.

The German Branches of Chicago have organ-
ized a City Central Committee. The 24th Ward
Branch, the mo.-;t active German Branch of Chi-
cago decided for the Communist Party without
a dissenting vote.

Plans are being developed for a school for
Communist agitators and organizers in connec-
tion with the National Headnjnarters. Definite
announcements of a fine opportunity for young
men and women to qualify themselves for service
to the movement will soon be made,
• » *

Charters were granted to Communist Party
branches in Han Francisco, Seattle and Portland
during the week gone by. When the records are
complete it will be found that the majority of
the former Socialist Party membership in the
three V^terr: Cosot states srfll be found in the
Communist Party.

PAMPHLET NO. 2 NOW HEADY.

By KARL BADEK

The Development of Socialism. from

Science to Action,"
The development of Socialism from utopi-
anism to science has been presented in the
v/ritJng- of trie ::<r. -..■>-, 'forrr. ..aw; t.- e

principles rf Scientrfk Socialism, The Bos-

- Bevohition developed these theories on

the field of action. Karl P.a/iek I:-, one of the

foremost men ;n the Commnnist Movement

of Hu .'a. It ho represented the

Bo • l viki in German-,- during the uprising

Bpartacao . Tr.;s pamphlet by Ra-

■ k - .- .il hoid a place equal Uj Kneels "So-

cialiiTn: Utopian and Scientific."

Prices:

.Single copies $ ,10

25 copies. 2.09

150 copies zja
: 00 eopfet $/>%

"Y OUE ..SHOP"
Leaflet No. 3 dealx v.-ith the organization of
the workers to u*e their power in the ehops. It
i;-. a simple, direct appeal that will strike home.
."•, . : help build Commnnist Party Shop Bran-
and shop organizations of all the workers.
Or o'er at $1,50 per thousand.

I>eaflet No. 4.
THE STATE— HTP.IKMP.EAKER" appears
on page 1 of this issue of The Communist, First
run, 2S0 MO Should ^o over the Million mark.
f;r<:<:r at once, %1SJ) per thoosancl.

The Celebration of the Second Anniversary of the Runian Communist
Republic imposes the task of unrelenting revolutionary agitation. Break
the blockade! Long live Soviet Russia! Long live the world Revolution!

the communis:

November 3th, 191©.

The Communist International

The Communist Party of Mexico

HE Left Wing of the Mexican Socialist
tonally organized
of Mexico, with

Party is now provis

as the Communist Party

scheduled for some time

its first convention so
in November. The break occurred at the
Socialist Party Convention (almost simult-
aneously With the formal split of the Soc-
ialist Party in this country), upon the is-
sue of the seating of Luis X. Morones, the
Mexican agent of Samuel Gompers , as a
delegate in the Socialist Congress. It was
this same Morones who sat in the Atlantic
Gtv Convention of the American Federation
of Labor as a fraternal delegate while a
resolution was adopted favoring the exclu-
sion of immigrants (from Mexico also) for
a peri6d of two years at least. The issue
was Gomperism versus radical unionism.

The main feature of the Communist pro-
gram of action in Mexico is, of course, the
Tight against intervention, and insistent ap-
peal is made to the American workers to
oppose the plans of our imperialists by rev-
olutionary mass action. The Communist

Party of Mexico may soon become the maj-
ority party

So far the Communist Party of America
has had no opportunity for such contact
with the new Mexican party as to formulate
a basis for common action.

The emergence, in Mexico, of an organiz-
ation which seeks identify with the Com-
munist International is an event of great
importance — an event which may develop
crucial significance in the Communist con-
flict with American Imperialism.

The Communist Situation in
Germany

PAPERS from Germany, Communist,
Independent Socialist and social-patri-
otic, are all in accord about one feature of
the revolutionary movement there. While
Independent and Majority papers state with
a certain amount of fear, the Communist
papers state with satisfaction, the growth
of the Communist Party of Germany. It is
admitted that the Communist Party is gain-
ing ground so rapidly that a new uprising

of the Spartacans is certain during; tb
iilg winter months, or soon after.

The Spartacans issued recently a Mani-
festo to the peasants of Germany calling
upon them to unite with the Communist
Party on the basis of its Agrarian Program.
This Program proved to be what the peas-
ants of Germany were looking for, because
neither the majority Socialists nor the In-
dependents were able to offer anything for
the benefit of the rural proletariat and the
small landowners of Germany, upon which
the success of Communism is dependent to
a large extent. After issuing this program,
the Communists began to gain ground,
mostly in the village Workers' Councils.
While the Majority' Socialists are trying to
prevent the spread of Communism by sup-
pressing the Communist papers, the Inde-
pendent Socialists are lookiug with envy
upon the rapid growth of their rival on the
political field.

Both the Independent and the Majority
Socialist parties are facing the danger of
factional splits, by which the Communists
alone will profit.

Declaration on Communist Unity

To the Executive Committee and the
Members of the Communist Labor Party

Comrades: —

This statement by the Central Executive Com-
mittee of the Communist Party is in reply to
your proposal of a conference between the two
Executive Committees to see if there is some basis
for uniting the two parties.

The Communist Party earnestly desires Com-
munist unity in the United States. While there
are some elements represented in the organiza-
tion of the Communist Labor Party which have
not irrevocably severed themselves from the
Socialist Party in principle, it is our belief that
there are several thousands Gommunists who are
now identified with this party because of the cir-
cumstance that their delegates at Chicago at-
tended the Convention which created the Com-
munist Labor Party. These comrades, perhaps
five thousand in number, are particularly from
the Western States, where there was not close
contact with the Left Wing developments.

In the Eastern States there are perhaps an-
other five thousand of former members of the
Socialist Party who have been left in a state of
confusion because their delegates at Chicago
took part in the formation of a third party. In
this grotrp, however, it is not so clear that the
members thus represented are ready for the de-
tep from Socialism to Communism. In
this respect the membership situtation corre-
sponds fairly accurately with the convention sit-
uation out of which the third party arose, since
Co U B Mgnfs t Labor Party Convention were
many delegates who had not before committed
tbem*elve& to the formation of a new party.

It iz important that in so far as there are Com-
munist elements in the Communist Labor Party
that there be unity of these elements with the
Communist Party.

The question. Is aa to the practical means to
bring about unity. Will a conference between
the two executive committees be of any use for
this purpose?

We think not; and we believe that it ia more

> ■ • for our committee at once to lay

for nnfty which would necessarily

be our governing - trod wu in such conference.

The Communirt Convention acted clearly and
Chicago, with the sincere purpose
ttfcag fundamental Comrnuni*t unity. We
could not deal with the Communist Labor Party
a* a "party", though were most eager to have
with vm the delegates m that convention who
w * r * Th >' ot Com muni Et membership.

-r.ecesaar7 to review our proposal* made
** ***** time - Wherever presented fairly to tfec
Ccromamst membership, the action of our Con-
vention has been approved.

At a!! ftagu preliminary to the creation of a
WW >arty, the official representative of the

Adopted by the Central Executive Commit-
tee of the Communist Party.

Left Wing made every possible effort to head off
the conscious scheme to create a third party.
The National Left Wing Council made its appeals
to the Left Wing delegates at the Socialist Party
convention individually and collectively. In the
caucus meetings of these delegates, before and
after bolting- the Socialist Party convention,
Comrade C. E. Ruthenberg made repeated ef-
forts, in behalf of Left Wing unity, to get ef-
fective action for united building of the one Com-
munist Party. When these efforts were defeated,
by a combination of those who were not yet fully
decided upon a decisive break with the Socialist
Party and those who had come to Chicago
-purposely to start a third party, and when a
committee of the Communist Labor Party Con-
vention came o\'er to offer merger to the Organi-
zation Committee of the Communist Party, the
appeal was again made that the Communist Con-
vention be given a chance to deal with these
delegates as delegates, not as a "party", other-
wise there could be no merger.

We have charged and we now insist that the
organization of the Communist Labor Party was
a deliberate act against Communist unity, so
far as the conscious manipulators of the situa-
tion were concerned. But we repeat that this
charge only touches a minority of the delegates
of the Communist Labor Convention. We repeat
that the membership is in no way to blame for
this outcome of events at Chicago.

The membership of the Communist Labor Party
is no more to blame for the eagerness of the
National Secretary of the Communist Labor
Party to run Socialist candidates and garner
Socialist votes. The membership is taking much
more seriously the issues which divide Socialists
and Communists at this crucial time of class war-
fare. Nor is the membership to blame for any
want of clarity and precision of Communist un-
derstand in the program and constitution of the
party. Their response is to the idea of a funda-
mental break with the old Socialist conceptions
and the beginning of a militant Communist orga-
nization.

Unity is now a membership proposition, not
an affair of dickering between executive officers
The old issues which divided Left Wing delegates
et Chicago mean nothing now to the membership
\<hat interests them now is the actual creation
and work of a real Communist organization W e
are doing the bent service for Communist unity
by cm work for Communist principle:., thus prov-
ing our organization in action.

It would be folly to distract from our party
work for aimless negotiation* which could only
emirate a state of indecision. We can make as

clear a statement now to the Communist Labor
membership as we made to the "Communist Labor
delegates at Chicago. A conference could add
nothing to this statement.

We will accept Communist Labor Party
branches as branches of the Communist Party, if
these branches or locals accept our program and
constitution. This will at once give this member-
ship a "basis of equality" with (he existing Com-
munist units; and it will give this membership
full opportunity to choose their preferred del-
egates for the June convention of the Com-
munist Party. No elections or appointments in
the Communist Party go beyond this June con-
vention, so the membership will have every op-
portunity for sharing in the control of the party
at this early date. There is also immediate re-
course to referendum on any matter, or rjtfkftl of
any party official, with every opportunity for
discussion of party problems in the party press
and its forums.

In order to avoid any embarrassment on account
or work undertaken or expenses incurred, we of-
fer to liquidate the national organization of the
Communist Labor Party, to take over its work,
liabilities and assets. This would absolve the Com-
munist Labor Party membership from any
responsibility incurred by having joined the third
party.

For such purpose, we will be glad to appoint
a special committee to meet with a similar com-
mittee of the Communist Labor Party, this joint
committee to arrange for the liquidation of the
national organization of the Communist Labor
Party.

No other plan or proposal could be made in
conformity with the decisions of the convention
which are binding at all times upon this commit-
tee. We can only interpret the decisions embod-
ied in the resolutions and in the constitution form-
ulated by the controlling organ of our party-
the Convention.

We appeal to the Communist Labor Party
membership which is truly Communist to take
this situation in their own hand, and to compel
unity on a fundamental basis. The actions of the
Communist convention which bind us as a com-
mittee are the very best proofs that the Commu-
and 2S * T Ued Sirmly "P° n understanding
never I 6 ™ * * C ° mmu ™t PHncip.es. There
22?t2J any reaS ° n f ° r the ^^zution of a

artv of ?Lf 8l °^ CXCCpt a ' S !t te in t™" 1 a

h 1 Lnlnu 2 tn * m ' f ? ere ia "• WW reason for
pxceS 1, L°' thG Comwwlrt Labor Party

the ?L - P f rty ° f CfinW »m. We appeal to

abor TrtTf 9 T- thG ranks ° f th <" Communis
th<T rea^ tr'*" ?T** 1 ™ •* <>"<* where

6 Can make a rea! Communist Movement .