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Official Paper of the Communist Party of America 



Vol. 1, N«- 7 



CHICAGO, ILL,, SATURDAY, AUGUST 30, 191d, 



Fhre CemU 



Forward to Mexico! 



"An evident principJ*' ran» through th« 
whole pTojrram I have oatlined. It is the 
pj^„ciple of justke to all peoples and nationaj- 
itie'. and their ri^ht to live on equal tcTm* of 
liberty and safety with one another, whether 
they h* weak or stron^r. Unles* this principle 
lie made its foundation, no part of the atroc- 
ture of intennationaJ justice can stand. Th« 
|,eopIc »f til* Un:t«<l St«l«» eowW act upon | 
p» oil«r prloeipl*; and to the vindication of j 
this principle they are willinp to devote their , 
lives, their honor, and everythin;? they pos- ; 

g^^," From Woo<lro\v Wilson'* fourteen j 

]K>intiu ', 

•'We shall fipht for the prjvikjre of men ; 
everywhere to choose their own method of j 
life and obedieme."— Wilson's war message. [ 

"Self-determination is not a mere phrase. -. 
It is an imperative principle of action, which | 
statesm^rn will henceforth ijmore at their | 
p^i-n."— Woodrow Wilson, Feb. 18, 1918. t 

"The setUement of every rjuestion, whether 
of territory, OT soveruiprnty, of economic ar- \ 
rangeTTicnt, or of political relaiioiiFhip, npon j 
the basis of free aL-reptance of that settle- 
ment by the people in-mediately concerned, , 
and not upon thd basi^ of the material inter- j 
' eat or advantage of any other nation or peo- j 
pie which may desire a different Bettlement for ; 
the sake oi »t« ow^ exterior influence or i 
mastery." — Woodrow Wilson, July 14, 1918. 



A visitor from Mars who could read 
the ideological and high .sounding 
phrases of the spokesmen of the United 
States government would conclude that 
the one reason for the existence of this 
government w to entablish self-determi- 
nation of all peoples of the earth. Should 
the [visitor then pick up a capitalist pa- 
per and peruse its headlines he would be 
^^ startled by frenzied shrieking for inva- 
^ftsion of Mexico, obviously against the will 
^Bof the Mexican people and their govern- 
^Bment. Meanwhile Mr. Wilson, the 
^Bspokesman for the government, says 
f nothing and permits his cabinet mem- 
bers to do hm talking for him. 

For several years war clouds have 
been lowering along the Mexican bor- 
der. The financial interests of the coun- 
try, centered at Wall Street, have had 
deaigns upon Mexico because of the mar- 
velous supply of minerals and oil within 
the confines of that country. The in- 
trigues indulged in by American imperi- 
ali.».ts went to the extent of deliberately 
hiring Pancho Villa and his gang of cut- 
throats to make raids across the Amen- 
can border in order to provoke a dec- 
laration of war against Mexico, Every- 
thing ,va;? being carefully prepared in the 
sprinjf of 1!>16 for annexation of Mexico, 
when the larger interests of international 
capiuli.'»>m detracterl the attention of the 
govi-rnment to the ?:uropean situation. 
In orfier to concoal the sordid motives 
of American imperialism which plunged 
the country into the European whiHpooJ, 
it wait necf-KKary for Proffv^^or WilHon. 
ihi' f q.iTi phrar;t-mun/«-r. to furnjnh the 



perfection. His talk about freedom, de- 
mocracy, self-determination, liberty and 
justice was used to browbeat the man- 
hood of America into the ranks of a con- 
script army, without ever asking their 
consent. It was also used by i^fnorant 
and vicious federal prosecuting attorneys 
to inflame the minds of juries and secure 
convictions, carrying with them long 
terms in American federal prisons, the 
vilest on earth, for mildly criticizing the 
war policy of American imperialism. 
After depriving the people who live in 
this countr>^ of all the so-called "inalien- 
able rights" such as "free speech, free 
press and free apsemblage," while the 
European war was on, the .<*ame ruling 
clique desire.*? to perpetuate its censor- 
ship, because it ha? other imperialistic 
conquests in store. 

No sooner had the armistice been 
signed with Germany than the propa- 
ganda for inter%ention and control of 
Mexico was renewed. The renewal of 
the propaganda wan accomp'^nied by an 
immediate ri.se of Mexican securities on 
the New York .stock exchange. The large 
financiers invested millions of dollars in 
order to take advanUge of the Mexican 
"opportunities." The capitalistic press 
of the entire nation, artificially stimulat- 
ed by the Wall Street plunderbund, is 
demanding that the government pacify 
Mexico and protect the lives of American 
citizens within the borders of that na- 
tion. These citizens who have fallen 
victims in the Mexican dv.^orders were 
fully aware of the danger involved while 
attempting to live in a country kept in 
the throes of civil war by the capitali.^ts 
of the United States. They were not 
there representing the United States gov- 
ernment, but their own interests; most of 
them were land owners and there for the 
purpose of exploiting the Mexican peons. 
After treating these mi.serable, half- 
star\'ed slaves with the utmost brutality, 
one of them would attack and kill an 
American owner, then the reptile Mor- 
ganized press would again deliriou^'ly 
howl for an invasion of Mexico. 

The last move on the part of the Amer- 
ican imperialists for conque.st of Mexico 
Vv-as the case of the two aviators who are 
alleged to have been captured by Mexi- 
can bandits and held for ran.som. After 
a few days a sum of money was paid to 
someone and the aviators released un- 
har^ned. The incident should have 
closed, and would have cIoh^^mI, hati it 
not been for the financial interests at 
stake in Mexico. 

The Mexican situation has also as- 
piimcd complicatioiiM with the- British 
impcrialiHts, who hold billions of dollars 
- orth of Mexican properiy rich in ojU 
an(5 rr.intralh, if we are to believe the 
list prt;>H. ThL' truth oi the matter 



(lid \fi KUpi^iii 



is that the British holdings are no more 
in danger than they ever were before, 
but the British imperiali-sts realize the 
fact that American soldiers are to be 
sent to Mexico in the interest of Wall 
Street and .so they v/ant to have a hand 
in the annexation of Mexico in order to 
prevent the Jjnited States capitali«t« en- 
croaching upon their possessions. 

The American press has been com- 
plaining that America "gets nothing'* out 
of the European peace settlement. While 
as yet, Ameriee has only succeeded in 
protecting the loans of American capi- 
talists to the Allies in Europe, we seem 
to be about to grab Mexico as the Amer- 
ican share of the world plunder. 

No intelligent person can doubt for a 
moment but that Mexico is doomed to 
fall under the sceptre of Wall Street and 
that the lives of the young men of the 
country will be sacrificed to achieve that 
end. 

We wonder what phrases Mr. Wilson 
will coin in order to cloak this act of 
international brigandage. Perhaps he 
will tell us that the invasion of Mexico 
is really a move to liberate the people of 
Mexico, who "subconsciously desire'* to 
be under the domination of the capitalist 
class of this country and that it is the 
duty of this nation to arouse that desire 
to full consciousness. Perhaps that is 
the method of reasoning he uses toward 
Porto Ricans, Philippinos, Santo Do- 
mingan?^, Nicaraguans, Virgin Islanders 
and Haiteins. 

Sentimentalists and petty bourgeois will 
protest against the annexation of Mexico 
as an international crime, bat the revo- 
lutionist must keep in mind the fact that 
history has decreed the doom of small na- 
tions under capitalist imperiali.sm, be- 
cause imperiali.«;m must constantly ex- 
tend, constantly encroach upon new and 
undeveloped territory. Since 1898, the 
date of the entrance of this government 
into the war with Spain, the foreign and 
domestic policy of the American govern- 
ment has been imperialistic. Eveiy year 
saw the constant extension of this impe- 
rialism, until today it is one of the fore- 
most imperiali-*;tic nations of ths earth. 

American soldiers are now in Mexico 
without a ilcclaralion of war for the pur- 
pose of provoking retaliation on the part 
of the Mexican people as an excuse to 
completely subdue that nation to Wall 
Street and London capitalists. The only 
pL'ople in thiy country who will profit by 
a war against Mexico will be the rulinjf 
class. But tho.se who do the fighting 
will be the working class. When the 
reports of the casualties arrive from Mex- 
ico we will never trud of the delicate 
carcass of John D. Rock<*f('l)cr Jr., dan- 
gling upon a barb wire "ntungli'ment be- 

(r'.'it.njrti or] P.. if h* 



^|P The Communi«t Party of America 
comei into existence under entirely new 
conditiomi in this country; new condi- 
tions produced by the tfarhtening of c aas 
lines and the intensification of the class 
struggle, with the ruling class taking 
ever more drastic steps in the suppres- 
sion of class movements opposed to ite 
regime. The time has forever passed 
for the revolutionary movement to be 
able to continue its quiet, uninterrupted 
organization and educational propagan- 
da. The conquest of markets and the 
enormous extension of the American im- 
perialists' sphere of influence has result- 
ed in an enormous accumulation of capi- 
tal in the hands of the capitalists of this 
country and in order to protect this trea- 
sure they will resort to any means for 
the purpose of crushing opposition. The 
imperialistic hydra of this nat'on, clothed 
in military paraphenalia from head to 
foot is ready to crush every semblance of 
opposition to its brutal dictatorship, in 
order to carry on unhamperetl its murder- 
ous annexation policies. 

The Communist Party of America 
comes into existence at a period of crisis 
brought about by the imperialistic war; 
a crisis which produces an ever increas- 
ing unrest in the ranks of the workers. 
Hand in hand with the crisis in the Amer- 
ican Socialist movement, just as the same 
conditions in Europe brought to a crisis, 
resulting in new tactics and policies, the 
socialist movements of Europe. We are 
today entering a period of tremendous 
Bocial upheaval in this country. Strike 
waves convulse the country from coast to 
coast. The slogan of "general strike" be- 
comes the slogan of the masses of orga- 
nized workers. It is only a step from the 
slogan of an industrial general strike, to 
that of a general political strike ; the ac- 
tivity of the state in suppression irresist- 
ibly forces an understanding of the his- 
torical necessity of the political strike; 
against capitalism, against war and 
against imperialism. This heralds the 
climax of the class struggle in this coun- 
try. The imperialists and their henchmen 
I are using the old tried methods to crush 

I this movement; prisons become the 

homes of thousands upon thousands of 
politcal offenders; papers are suppres- 
sed, others held for months in the mails 
before delivery; people active in the 
movement who happen to have been born 
in other countries are deported; even 
race hatred is brought to the fore by the 
ruling class; every method of publicity 
is used to inflame the workers against the 
revolutionary movement. Spies and 
provocateurs in the employ of imperial- 
ism everywhere permeate and endeavor 
to vitiate the workers movement. 

Kven these drastic measures cannot 
prevent the workers fulfilling the mission 
to which history has called Ihem. The 
rulmg class in Kurope h failing to stem 
the riHmg tide and they will fail to «tem 
It here. But the fact that history is 
working for the freedom of the workers 
doe. not justify the Communista minimiz- 
mg the neccsMlty for revolutionary action. 
i he enemy iu Btrong and pitiless. The 
broad maKses of the proletariat are un- 
tonscioua and poorly organized for the 
purpoH.. of roping with the highly of- 
hci^nt cHpitalist machiiu- of Kuppref^slon 
hiH period of darkcHt reaction cannot 



THE COMMUNIST 



Mk l»tf. 



The Conquest of Power 




By Alexander Stolditsky 

and mutt not hinder the work of the 
Communist Party. The immediate pro- 
blem of the party is to overcome all th« 
barriers of repression and carry our mes- 
sage to the maAsea of the working clasa. 
We must get our me8sag« before them in 
order to convince them of the correct- 
ness of our principles and tactics. This is 
ft very responsible duty imposed upon us ; 
a duty we must not shirk at any hazard. 
Those who feel themselves weak or lack- 
ing in courage are not wanted for this 
tremendous task. **Only a class that 
marches along its road without hesita- 
tion, that does not become dejected and 
does not despair on the most difficult and 
dangerous crossings, can lead the toil- 
ing and exploited masses. We do not 
need hysterica! outbursts. We need the 
regular march of the iron battalions of 
the proletariat.*' (Lenin, Soviets at 
Work.) Every revolutionist who has at 
heart the best interests of the movement 
will admit the necssity for courageous 
action. It is the Communist Party of 
America that must marshal the forces in 
this country into that "regular march of 
the iron battalions of the proletariat." 
We must rid ourselves of all petit bour- 
geois elements and hesitating slaves with 
bourgeois psychologies. We must elimi- 
nate those who worship the fetish of 
pseudo-democracy and organize the 
workers for the conquest of power. 

Our Communist Party must have a re- 
sponsible head that is able to call the 
masses of the proletariat into action. 
That head must be the Central Executive 
Committee; not a committee composed 
of well advertised names, but of men and 
women who have studied the problems 
of the workers and who have sufficient 
historical foresight to enable them to re- 
cognize a revolutionary crisis; in addi- 
tion they must have sufficient courage to 
act honestly in such a crisis. To select 
this committee we should not resort to 
the pseudo-democracy of a party referen- 
dum. This form of "democracy** sounds 
very well when mouthed by politicians, 
but as a matter 9f fact is only a cumber- 
some machine v.-here names and not abi- 
lity is selected. Under the old system 
many comrades have voted for people 
with whom they have never come in con- 
tact, persons who are known only by 
name and who may have none of the 
qualifications necessary to lead a revolu- 
tionary movement, . The old national ex- 
ecutive committee of the socialist party 
is a horrible example of this sort of *'de- 
mocracy." Our central committees should 
be elected at party conventions and only 
there. Every delegate elected to the con- 
vention is there because the group which 
elects him has confidence in his ability 
to intelligently select the most efficient 
material for the central executive. The 
same system must be applied to state and 
district or federation central committees. 
These committeea must be empowered to 
at all times keep in touch with all the 
problems of propaganda and organiza- 
tion, in addition to carefully guaging the 
strength of the enemy. The old form of 
the central committees functioning mere- 
ly as executives has become obsolete and 
incapable of reHponding to the ehangra 
that are taking place in the world of 



labor and of captUHwn- 

Within th« orgraniza-tion the widest 
possible range of criticism must be ad- 
mitted. No official muflt ever be consider- 
ed immune from criticism and discipline, 
but when we are outside the meeting*, 
and facing the enemy every person must 
be controlled in hia actions by a strict 
discipline. No matter what the personal 
opinions of an individual may be or how 
persistently he may express his opinions 
regarding principles or tactics he must 
submit to the will of the Commanist 
membership when facing: the enemy in 
the struggle, or he must quit the orsrani* 
zation. 

We are aware that many of the **6id 
guard**" of the movement, who are tem- 
peramentally individualistic, will hurl 
the charge of fanaticism against us. But 
was the discipline in the ranks of the 
Bolsheviki on the question of Brest-Li- 
tovsk fanaticism? In the delegate caucus 
meeting where the problems arising out 
of the conflict with Germany were being 
discussed by delegates of the Bolshevik 
party, preliminary to placing it before 
the Soviet convention the vote stood eight 
hundred for the treaty to about three 
hundred against, but when the Bolshe- 
viki party went into the convention of 
Soviets they voted a solid eleven hundred 
for the treaty. If this condition had arisen 
in the old socialist party the vote in tho 
convention would have been divided, be- 
cause Menshevik organizations do not 
have party dii^cipline. As stated in the 
opening paragraph of this article we 
must adopt new tactics to new conditions. 
The tactics of the Communists in Amer- 
ica must be built on the same principle's 
of democratic centralization and party 
discipline as in Europe. 

There is no use shedding tears o\*er 
the broken idol of bourgeois democracy. 
It is a delusion in the ranks of the pro- 
letariat equally as much as it is in the 
hands of a ruling class. 

Rally to the call of the Third Inter- 
nationale and do your duty as revolu- 
tionists! 



Putting aside for the moment all this 
extrava-ant language about revolution 
the aims of the communists may be re- 
duced to this elemental proposition: 

That each member of society Khali 
take part ui the general nece-isary labor 
and m return shall receive the full re- 
ward of his effort, having an equal voice 
in the management of the community of 
which he forms a part. 



It seems strange indeed that this should 
not find favor with intelligent men. Ob- 
viously, there is an abundance of worldly 
goods; there is plenty for all— and na- 

Wap^ldr"^^^^ '*^" - '^' -^^ 



Ytt men cannot see It. The law of tha 
Zf/'"' P'-^^'""' ""O men tear anS 

.slrujrjfle-_tl,o cltt«h of aims— Iho 
uurr' \"" '^'■'"""' "^ 'ho wounded- 
"n.iii ri'lly in iho fruiia of tho earth. 



I 



I 



AuffUii ao, 19i». 



THE COMMUNIST 



The "Labor Party" is Born 



oftheAmcmante<Jer*UonofUborcuU support their bill to compel bake™ i^ 
ininated on Aug, 18th in a conference of f "^ smaller holes in the doughnut^ H 
executive committeemen representing the *^e Democratic party wanted to kend 



lune atates now having organized Labor 
Parties, held in the city tsf Chicago. At 
this meeting the committee decided to 
holdtlie first convention in Chicago some- 
time in November, for the purpose of de- 
termining the policy of the party. 

The leaders of the party in Illinois are 
men who were formerly affiliated with 
the old reformist socialist party. No doubt 
some members of the so-called socialist 
organization will accuse them of *'be- 
traying the party," but a perusal of the 
statements issued by prominent laborites 
convinces us that they stand just where 
they did while in the socialist party, as 
it nex'er was anything but a laborite and 
pett>' reform organization. • Now that 
such men as Duncan McDonald and John 
H. W»!ker, both prominent in the United 
Mine Workers of America and co-work- 
ers with Adolph Germer, present secret- 
ary of the socialist party, have thrown 
their'support to the labor party they will 
undoubtedly be able to line up all the 
former trade union fakers who supported 
the old party. That will leave the social- 
ist party nothing but its appeal to middle 
class elements, as the new labor party 
will be a much more efficient instrument 
for the purpose of deluding the workers 
into believing the road to emancipation is 
paved with "labor" laws. It is quite prob- 
able that the politicians no\v prominent 
in the defunct socialist party will also 
line up with the laborites. 

The program of this aggregation does 
not as yet include participation in presi- 
dential elections, but rather to endeavor 
to secure the "balance of power" in the 
congress that will be chosen in 1920. To 
strive for the balance of power is quite 
in keeping with the petty bourgeois psy- 
chology of these fakirs. Briefly stated 
the balance of power means a sufficient 
number of "labor representatives" in the 
houses of congress to defeat legislation 
proposed by either of the two parties un- 
less they accede to the demands of labor; 
then the party that agrees to support the 
demands of the Labor Party will receive 
the 9Ui>port of the Labor Party when it 
has some piece of legislation to put over, 
A tiublime program and one that should 
appeal strongly to the slaves ! 

A noteworthy feature of the conv«n- 
tion was the fraternal delegate from the 
•'committee of forty-eight/' which is a 
combination of sentimentalists and freaks 
who met two days before for the pur- 
pose of discussing the advisability of 
launching a new national partv which 
would be opposed to both profiteers and 
bolshevists. Probably the forty-eighters 
will be able to reach an amicable under- 
standing with the labor partj', so their 
support can also be relied upon. With the 
labor skates afilliated with the numerous 
slate federations of labor, the remnants 
of the old socialist party «nd the commit- 
tee of forty-eight the support of the pro- 
hibitionists should also be secured and 
the contest for balance of power begun. 
After the election they could control the 
balance of power and if the Republican 
party wanted an appropriation of ten 
Inillion dollars to build » dam over a 



Bome hungry politician, who had failed 
of election, on a roving trip to Europe to 
Btudy the decoration on public-buildings 
the Labor Party outfit could hold up the 
proposition until the democrats consent- 
ed to support a bill prohibiting the "pre- 
datory rich" from purchasing diamond 
collars for their poodle dogs. Thus it can 
be readilly seen that the policy of the 
balance of power would be « great vic- 
tory for labor. The Labor candidates 
could them be re-elected upon their re- 
cords and get eome moije balance of 
power. 

While this would not in any way as- 
sist in securing the emancipation of the 



ligent member of the working claagTi i 
be deceived thei^by. It ^y ^^^^ 

18 mcapablc of independent polHical ae. 
tion so the moment the criticfcmi ol the 
revolutionary worker, alienates the sup- 
port of the unconscious organized work- 
ers who have pledged their support to ft 
the Ubor Party will cease to eitot ' 

Meanwhile the Communist Party, tte 
party of revolutionary socialism, the par- 
ty of the Third International^ wl/^ 
lentlessly carry on its propaganda and 
organization against every other politteal 
party of capitalism, whether alCd U- 
ZJ ,^^*>^«dJy capitalist, and expose 
them ahke as tools of reaction and ser- 
vants of capiUlism. 

We welcome the fakirs of the Ubor 



working class, at least it would be great Party and will JnLl*^ - **f ^^' 
for the labor-skates and relieve them of AlthLth tw ^^l ^!™ *" ^*»* ^^ 
the necessity of exeHing themselve^x- of^ ^orl^Mt t^d "^.^.IHZlit ^ 



cept a few weeks before election. 

We shall await their platform and con- 
stitution and then apply the searchlight 
of Communist criticism to their combined 
idiosyncrasies. No doubt the Labor Party 



tide 
revolt and perpetuate this iy»- 
tem, the revolutionary workers of the 
world, over the dead body of aH kbor 
parties, will plant the flaming flag of the 
Communist Internationale upon the r«m. 
parts of capitalism. 



ON WITH THE WAR! 



In these days of trouble and strife in 
the labor movement, when controversy 
and counter-controversy fills the columns 
of the socialist papers and demands al- 
most the entire time of our deliberative 
assemblies, let us not forget the duty 
we owe the unenlightened of our class. 

Matters of policy and tactics must be 
and will be thrashed out, to the end that 
the "sheep may be divided from the 
goats" — and that labor's march to eman- 
cipation r-hall be impeded neither by 
false friends in the labor movement — ^nor 
by the failure to reckon and remove ob- 
stacles on the outside. And it is well 
that, in particular, American socialism 
should undergo a thorough houseclean- 
ing. The historic land of enterprise, ini- 
tiative and mechanical cunning and in- 
genuity, it was to be expected that Amer- 
ica's contribution to the family of social- 
ist and labor movements should be both 
many in number and bizarre in character. 
And so the expedients with which the 
American worker would either palliate 
the evils of capitalism or overthrow it are 
known around the world. 

It would be a waste of time at this 
late day to enlarge on the condition 
which gave birth to the "Greenback" 
movement, the "Populist" craze, or the 
Bryan frenzy of a jeneration ago, when 
they discovered that labor was being 
"Crucified upon a Cross of Gold!" 

That Imported monstrosity which 
thrived so well west of the Atlantic ocean 

the American Federation of Labor — 

together with the Gompers* tradition 
which accompanies it needs only pass- 
ing mention. The American Federation 
of Labor, with its allies in the now dis- 
credited Socialist Party of America— 
have faithfully done their share to con- 
fuse and betray the working class of 
America to their enemies. 

But a new epoch greets us, a breaking 



HP the old— and alignment of the new 
And just before the flcw line up of 



forces in America is brought into being— > 
a line-up, let us hope, that will be fit and 
ready to assist the workers to accomplish 
their historic mission in society, let us 
sound an alarm lest amid the glamor of 
party and sectarian strife we forget 
some vital principles. The socialist owea 
a duty to the unenlightened member of 
the working class the fulfillment of 
which takes precedence *ver any other 
activity. 

Let us preach the class war with in- 
creasing vigor! 

Let us never forget that our ntesaage is 
— to the discontented proletarians of 
whatever color or language, creed or sex. 

In case they should not be discontent* 
ed (miracles in this day and age) it is 
our duty in our own interests and theirs 
to create a healthy discontent by the re- 
cital of the mere facts of these decadent 
days of capitalism. 

Let us bend to the task of reaching an 
ever greater circle of workers with the 
revolutionary message. 

From the soap-bax — ^in personal talks, 
and by the printed word let the work 
gain impetus. 

To accomplish our ends the revolution- 
ary party must have a greater grip on— 
and a greater support from the 
Amcrlc "n working class than it ever has 
had in the past. So the party must be 
made worthy of the support of the work- 
ers, the misleaders must be discredited, 
the pitfalls of reform-mongering must be 
avoided, so that when the decisive hour 
strikes and the White Terror raises its 
hand in the land — the mass of the work- 
ers will see in the revolutionary battalion! 
bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh, it 
will instinctively support and be 
guided by the new power which Js 
even now forming, to the end that 
tho American movement may mea- 
sure itself up to the full standard of 
(Conttnu*d an Fift f) 



^ 




Faur 



THE COMMUNIST 



Auftint 30, 1919. 



^..JL^hS^^^^^^^^SL^^ 



DENNIS K BATT . 
M. M. WICKS 



...Eiiitor 



3. KOPNAGEL J^ n JOHNSON 



DENNIS E. BATT, Secretmry 
ALEXANDER STOKLITSKY. 0r«»ni««- 
J V. STILSON. Tr««sur«r 



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MORE PLEDGES 

We have had enough pledges in the past few ycArs from 
.Uitosmen to fill a good sized joke hook. "Open covenants 
opciilv arrived at" and "self-determination" have taken their 
phice'in the joke column and now we have another candidate 
for entrance. ^ , , , . , 

Japan pledges home rule in Corea. Although it may be 
taken seriously for a time by the innocent, eventually it will 
take il-^ place in the limbo tragic of farces along with "making 
the world .<afe for democracy. japan*s idea of what con- 
stitutes a humane rule is not mentioned in the du?patches, but 
we may assume that it is the same as that which has prevailed 
in Coiva up until now. 

Girls will be stripped and flogged in the streets the same as 
ever in order that the exploitation of the Korean working 
class by the capitalist class of Japan may continue. Hundreds 
will be executed if they dare to raise their voices in protest at 
the exploitation. Maybe not quite so openly as has been the 
caj=e in tho past. Perhaps the Japanese capitalists will learn 
a lesson fnm their American brethren and cloak their deeds 
of violence behind a .screen of democracy. But behind it all 
will be the ruthless exploitation of the workers. 

We are informed by Premier Kara that "the government is 
now decided to carry out various refonns in Corea, and it is it.s 
fixed dt termir.ation to forward the progress of the country in 
order that all differences between Corea and Japan proper in 
matters of education, industi*>* and of the civil service may 
finally be altogether obliterated. 

The government is, moreover, confidently looking forward 
to the eventual adoption in Corea of a system if provincial and 
municipal ad m in i.^i ration similar to that in operation in Japan 
proptr. as far as circumstances will permit." There we have 
it. li^vLiything i> going to come out nicely in Corea now. The 
Japanese Empire will make Japs of the Coreans. Perfectly 
lovely — for the Japanese capitalist. They will continue to 
exploit the w<irkers of Japan. The Japanese \vorkei*s are so 
nli^erable that they are on the verge of a revolution now. 

The Japant-se jrovernmcnt further pledges that its .'ttay in 
Corea i.< or.Iy temporary. She will not stay there any longer 
th; n J? alv-^olutely necessary. Japan will, of course, determine 
how loj.g is necessary. In 1882, England entered Egypt with 
the same promise. It is still necessary for her to remain there. 
So, loo. will it be with Japan in Corea. 

The Japanese government will hold the workers of Corea 
in subjection in the interest of Japanese capitalism until such 
time a5 >-.he is thrown out. When the workers of Japan, Corea 
and the balance of the world realize that their interests are 
or.*', the pow»r will then generate, not only to throw the eapi- 
talis^t out of Curea, but to dispoK-ss them completelv all over 
the world. 



"WHY ARE OUR BOYS IN SIBERIA?" 

The othcT day the duwntown section of Chicago was sud- 
ilenly started by the appearance of" over five thouj^and fathers 
and mothers, sisters and wives of soldiers stationed in Siberia, 
canyjnif bfinners ami fairly shrieking for the immediate with- 
drawal of troops from Russia. The occasion for the demonstra- 
tion wa.< the dcpa/ture of a deU-.^aiion for Washington to in- 
Urvit'w President Wilson to prcst-nt demands that their rela- 
tive? we ordered home. 

Many banners bearing the qu.My, "Why Are Our Boys in 
b:l.ona.- were wattere<l through the parade. We wonder 
i ih-o.-.- V ho paraded really eKpev\ Professor WUaon to truth- 
fulO- in [>ly to that (lue.tion. If they do they are doomed to 



• *«««f fnr a Wilson even conaenta to see them he 
^mrverBpl'cialy prepared evaston ex<,uisitely concealed 
hlimrhis expert action: so that at the time ha .pe.ke they 
^wn think he is Baying eomething, but after they have been dk- 
misdfnd carefully conaider the .ords of the Princeton pro- 
TeZr ?hev will find they know exactly aa much about the 
cSn of intervention in Russia as they did when they p». 
raded the streets of Chicasro in the rain. 

If thev really want an answer to the question we can give 
it to 'hLt two words: .'CAPITALIST IMPERIAUSM." 
The spokesmen of this imperialism consoled the relatives of 
these boys when they were sent to Siberia with the deliberate 
falsehood that Russian intervention was necessary in order to 
prevent material assistance to Germany. These simple people 
thought their "boys*' were sent ot Siberia in order to help es- 
tablish "democracy" in the world. It has already been proved 
thousands of time that Allied intervention, which included the 
presence of American troops in Siberia, was not a move against 
Imperial Germany, but against Free Russia. That is why 
they are fighting: To throttle the workers* government in Rub- 
sia. They are not there in order to free the world, but to as- 
sist in crushing the only people on earth who are really endeav- 
oring to establish a government that represents the people* 
The success of the Russian revolution furni.shes an example of 
liberty to the balance r the world that is exceedingly distaste- 
ful to the imperialists, so they are using American troops to 
fight their battles. American troops will remain in Siberia 
until they are driven out by the force of arms of the Russians, 
or until the workers of the w orld force the Allied governments 
to withdraw them. 

American .soldiers are fighting Soviet Russia, in the interest 
of the American and Allied imperialism without a declaration 
of war, because a declaration of war would lay bare their sin- 
ister motives against the workers of Russia and the rest of the 
world. 

The ruling class of the entire world is convulsed with rage 
at the spectacle of the red flag of the proletarian revolution 
floating over the former palaces of the Czar;^, and they realize 
that unless they destroy the revolution, th^ revolution will de- 
stroy them. 

It is at last dawning upon the minds of the rulers of earth. 
that Soviet Rus.^ia is here to stay, and they are now trying to 
devise means of preventing its spread to other nations. In 
this attempt, also, they are doomed to disappointment, for the 
revolution that has conquered in Ru.ssia has already taken root 
and before another decade has passed the vrorkers of all the 
world" under the crimson emblem of the Communist Interna- 
tional will end for all time the nightmare of captaiist imper- 
ialism. 

Until then, sons, hu.sbands and brothers of the working class 
will continue to be herded like cattle in foreign lands to fight 
the battles of imperialist capitalism that the capitalist class 
itself is too damned cowardly to fight. 



M 



CZARISM IN AMERICA 

The more or less peaceful citizens of the city of Chicago were 
startled Monday by the glaring headlines of the daily press 
announcing that a revolution had been nipped in the bud the 
previous night by the police force, that valiant upholder of 
"I^w and Order," According to the yellow press, the 1. W. W. 
invaded the loop district and immediately proceeded to start 
a riot, when the police opened fire upon them and after a 
heroic struggle succes.sfully disperaed the "reds." 

The facts are that the waiters' union, amiiated with the 
I. W . W., held a meeting on Sunday evening and voted a strike 
of the members in a number of chains of restaurants. The 
strike was to be called immediately, so u number of delegates 
started to make the rounds of the restaurants in a motor truck 
m order to inform the membership of the decision. A stool 
Tmnr" *^^^.;?."^P»oj*^rs had attended the meeting and his 
employer.H notified the police of the move, so when the dele- 

saiued Tv'f u '''' ''''1 ^-^'^^^"^^'^^ ^^^y -'-^'- >n«t and as- 
women fL' '.?'""* ^^*"*' ^*^^*"^« ^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^ 

Tmst '"""^'''' ^^ '^' ""^*»" '"'^'^ P^^^^<^ "'^der 

Po^ld'aUemnf^tr.*^!.'' ^''" '^""^'^ ^^ regarding the "pro- 
thnre Torrr to n^n 1 revolution" and the reporters were 
X';rsinLVma?i;^^^ ''^'^^ '"^^ ^-^^^ f- the benefit of 

^^^'r'^^^^^^^ brutality ,s only an- 

*'ity. Htate and naticm are „»* ^A *'^^^'''^*'" of government, 

obtain anything for themsoI^OH u'u "m '''^•'*^^" '^"^'""^ '' 

iHrn of the I. W W 1 hT u . ^' ^*'**"*** "'«^ *«**^h the mem- 

• w. that the state is not a myth, but a very 



i 



4 



d 



AuKitrt so, jei». 



THE COMMUNIST 



P«Bt Flv« 



real instrument of opprcaaion in the hands of the maftter claas, 
and Ihat it ia used without any scruples whenever occasion 
demands. While it is nocesnary to organize into economic 
groups for the immediate Btrugr^le against the encroachment* 
of the capitalist c!as;!<, it is alao necessary to wagre the etrugrgle 
for the conquest of the powers of state, in order that those 
powers may i>e used for the benefit of the working class; that 
iii::*.rument of oppression must be wrested from the hands of the 
ruling class and used as an instrument of emancipation in the 
hjinds of ihe workers. 



FOOL OR KNAVE? 

It is not often that we find prominent capitalista making 
aiach ignorant statements a.«« that recently made by James A. 
SiJllman, president of the National City Bank, New York. 

In speaking of improvements he says: ''All the improve- 
mer;ti* in industry by invention and the accumulation of cap- 
ital, work for the benefit of labor." Of course, his making 
that statement is no sign that he himself believes it. One 
who would accept that statement ^as true would have to be 
ignorant indeed— even more so than a bank president or an 
aiutomobile manufacturer. 

Anvthing more than a superficial examination of the facta 
of the case will plainly demonstrate that improvements in in- 
du>try do not work for the benefit of the working class. It 
has been a well known fact that improvements in produc- 
tion under capitalism have brought misery' to the workers 
everywhere. ThiE was so during the earliest development of 
the capitalist system, and it is so today. 

With the introduction of machinery into the textile industries 
(-f England in the early days of capitalism the effect upon the 
working class was horrible. The advent of machine produc- 
tion first made itself felt in the world through the miserj' of 
the workers. If one doubts this let him read Gibbon's 'In- 
dunrial of England." The workers, because of the suffering 
ami ignorance, were led to the mistaken action of breaking 
the machinery. The phrase "machine breakers," which desig- 
naifcd the groups orj^-anize'd for that purpose, has become a 
byword. 

Nor have conditions changed with the modern development 
of capitalism. Each new improvement in industry brings more 
suffering for the workinif class. Piece work systems, more ef- 
ficient machinery, and so on, chc apen production and produce 
more commodities with less labor power, but this does not 
bt:nefit the workers under capitalism. The effect ia just the 
opposite. Fewer workers are required to produce the same 
amount of commodities and the alternative generally is to 
lay ofT some of the workers. Each worker produces more 
wealth for the ?ame amount of wages, consequently the ratio 
of hid robbery ).<? increased. Nor are the.'se all the evils that 
a.-e brought upon the working class by improvements in cap- 
i'.ii!i.-!tic production. Through improved production the needs 
of the world market are more quickly supplied and conse- 
quently the periodical crises that occur in the capitalistic sys- 
em come more frequentb'. 

The remedy ia not to follow the lead of the early "machine 
breakers" by fighting against the development of production 
uhdtr capitalipm. Fighting piece work pystems, as does the 
A. F. of L., will not solve the problem. The solution lies in 
ar.olher direction. If we fijrl^l these improvements in pro- 
duction ue place ountelvca on a par with the stupid reactionary 
"machine breakers." We niust take over the industries in the 
namt' of the working class and then the improvements will be 
a benefit to the workers. We will then produce for use and 
the workers will consume the product. 

Possibly James A, Stillman ia ignorant of these facts. Pos- 
sibly his statement was handed out to be consumed by the 
gullible workers who think that just because a man is a buc- 
cfi.^ful capitalist only pearls of wisdom can drop from his 
mouth. At any rate, when' we compare his statement with the 
economic facts, v.c must conclude that Mr, Stillman is cither a 
fool or a knave. 



The German capitalists have taken advantage of the pay- 
chological moment to seek another alliance with the ItalUn 
capitalists. Obviously, such an alliance has two purpogei: 
First, to break the iron ring which has been forged around 
Germany by the Allies; second, to endanger English-French 
hegemony upon the Mediterranean, in Northern Africa and 
Asia Minor. This alliance would apoil the well-laid plana 
of the Entente and make the "Hun" a menaee again. In 
the north, Germany is seeking an economical agreement with 
Soviet Russia and in the east she is trj'ing to strengthen her- 
self by unity with Austria. And yet theae are only plant, but 
the possibility of their being put into practice is auct a menaee 
that the Entente is already compelled to take defeniive meaK 
urea. 

Two steps are proposed by the spokesmen of Entente capi- 
talists to prevent this German-Italian alliance. One would be 
to help Italy in her present financial and economic criaia. The 
other would be to award to Italy such spoiU in Africa and Afia 
as the peace conference has at its disposal. 

If the peace conference fails to take these atepa it must riak 
the German-Italian alliance and the revival of German im- 
perialism. If the peace conference takes the steps it will 
advert the German-Italian alliance, but it will not insure the 
world against war. 

To strengthen Italy will onlx place her in a position to be a 
stronger competitor in the imperialistic race. Her military sys- 
tem will have to be built to maintain the colonies that have 
been awarded to her. A fit condition to breed future wars. 

By the time the capitalists have finished the work of di- 
viding the spoils and the new spheres of influence have been 
determined, war conditions will have again extended to the 
entire capitalist world. 

There is only one way in which peace may be kept. That is 
to transform capitalist production into communist production. 
There is only one road that leads to real peace and that is so- 
cial revolution. 



THE WAY TO PEACE 

Kuropi-an nr vss prrnistently reports that the defeat of the 
haiian dipiomatn ut Paris creates a fertile field for pro-Ger- 
man ftgitation among the Italirtii cuipiraHMlx, Tho ItaJiana have 
not rf'ceived what lh**y rxpected. They failed in their attempt 
to ^fcure nupr^-macy over the Adriatic. They have occupied 
Alliania, but Ihiir fofithold in inMTure. In Anla .Minor they 
f;».d lhvm»4.1ve8 in conflict with the ambiliona of Greece', of 
France and England. By Iht- llmo \hv npo'i^n were divided 
lh.'n- whn nothinij h-ft for Uu-m. nulancinvf up thrlr account 
«f" r ihr: v/&r, *hf J'ab'ima find lht'ii;^flv( « the ]oM*m. 



MARRIAGE IN RUSSIA 

Again for the ten thousandth time a capitalistic reporter has 
been forced to admit that he could find no cxidence proving 
the nationalization of women in Russia. It is hardly neces- 
sary to return to thi."» subject as it is no longer a debatable 
question. If it were not for the fact thpt certain ignorant 
newspaper ediors keep harping on the subject we would de- 
vole no further space to it. Driven on by their intense hatred 
of any .succei^ses on the part of the working class, they contin- 
ually rehash this malicious lie about the nationalization of 
women in Russia. It will therefore not be out of place to 
comment on the latest news that comes from Russia. 

Lsuac Don Levinc, a special correspondent of the Chicago 
Daily News, writing from Russia, confes.'tes that there is abso- 
lutely no foundation for the tale. One of the questions thai 
wa.s uppermost in hi.'i mind upon hi.s arrival in Russia was to 
ascertain the truthfulnes.s of this story. He informs us that 
tiie people in Russia were very much surprised to find that 
this story had been taken seriously. by the world. The Rus- 
sians themselves refused to take it .seriously and laughed at 
him or anyone else who believed it. 

He say.«?, in reference to the origin of the tale: "There was 
a humorous weekly in PetrograH. It was hostile to the Bol- 
yheviki and to the Soviets. It had some clever writers on its 
f^taff. One of them, upon the promulgation of the Soviet de- 
cree simplifying marriage, conceived the idea of going a lit- 
tle further and outlining a decree for the nationalization of 
women. This product of the fertile imagination of a clever 
humorist was duly carried abroad and translated and pub- 
lished in Great Britain as an authentic government procla- 
mation. . , r» - J 

"Perhaps from the point of view of the old Russian order 
of life, the Soviet marriage decree was a startling novelty. 
But from the American point of view there was nothing rad- 
ical about it." 

It is. of course, hopeless to expect that the pen valeU of ihe 
ttpitalisl-* will repudiate their former statements on the mar- 
riage <|ueslion in Russia. The matter is not discussed here for 
thitr purpose. They will undoubtedly continue to publUh their 
lies about the situation. The entire matter has been made so 
ri<licuiouH that some papers, such as the one quoted above. 
h'.ve bfcn obliged to tell the truth about the matter. It will 
hi noliKMl. howi'vcr. that the truth is told in a much more in- 
,.,nM.i< uouH plar<> in tht-ir paper than wa« given to the original 
li. AH of which proves the contention that we have long 
n>:ulf ihi.t thr c apilaiiM pr.'Hs Is the prostitute of tho cnpitaliKt 
clHti. 



P«re lie 



THE COMMUNIST 



Interviewing Haywood on the Communist 



\Vc have heretofore hmd occAJ»ion to 
remark that the hr.ck writers on the cap- 
ilalsflt preM ncrr hesitate when ordered 
Jo commit a dcfenrrate act at the behest 
of their mh^en. 

A reporter for the Chicago Tribune 
v.ho ir.lcrxlexved "BiU" JUywood last 
x.ccK clenrly jualified that charge. The 
excuse for the interview was the at- 
tj-nip'«?d 5irike of ihe waitera' union, af- 
f;:;ared with the I. W. W. After a few 
f]jp?*:on5 relative to the strike the fol- 
lo'^lng convcr?ation ensued (according 
to the reporter) : 

R^porier— "ri th; I. W. W. cofin«€te<i m »ny 
way with tJ*e CommunisU who »re (^iuir to iry 
^ t,M ■ c«wvenei«n in CIijcbko the first of Scp- 

R«7wo«(i — "WeH, y«o s**, theni CorarauTiistJ 
axT i»Tt of the oH SoeiiUst rMitf. Bot wbat 
we're tiyioiE to d« is t« isaise tnon«y to ftet oar 

Reporter — "Bat ar* ymar people connecKd 
with this barch that wants a revolution right 
B^ay, witls a sorjet povemmerit and all that?" 

JlajTTcod— "Well, d'yn know, I don't know 
Bjoch »bo3t tHi« Communist proposition. Ill 
hi»ve to look It cp." 

Note carefully the atrocious grammar 
attributed to Haywood: "Well, you see, 
them Communists," etc. Although no 
one has ever accused Haywood of being 
an intellectual, still he is not an ignora- 
mus, and is quite capable of haBdling the 
English language as well as the reporters 
for the Tribune. Such tactics on the part 
of the pen va!et« of capitalism seem to 
be in vogue recently. When the capital- 
ist press accuses the labor leaders of igno- 
rance and illiteracy no one pays any at- 
tection to it, so they ngw resort to the 
contemptible tactiea of alleged quota- 
tioTF wherein language is butchered. 
This is done in order to convey the idea 
that the spokesmen of the workers are 
a bunch of driveling fanatics, not to be 
taken M'rioujily by "intelligent people," 



but xvho ?*hould ncverthelew be sup- 
prei^cd because of their ^£f.<^\"P^" ;'^y 
[gnorant working claw. Th;B fa merely 
another method of fighting the working 
claaa, , 

While taking a rap ^t Haywood and 
the I. W. W., the reporter, or the desK 
man who prepared the article for pub- 
lication, also took occaj-ion to refer to tne 
Communist Party as a "bunch that wants 
a revolution right away." The mtent 
here is to convey to the public the idea 
that the Communists are a gang of tcr- 
roriata who are going '^o lead a revolu- 
tion." A perusal of our literature makes 
clear our position, which is to g^'t the 
MAJORITY of the workers to accept our 
position as correct, then to take control 
of the powers of government in the inter- 
est of the workers. 

We do not comment upon the tactics 
of this miserable scribbler and the institu- 
tion he represents in order to induce the 
capitalist press to change its conrse. 
This comment is merely for the benefit of 
the working class organizations, so they 
will refuse to give information to any 
reporter. When the Communist Con- 
vention is called in Chicago on September 
1st we will have our own newspaper rep- 
resentatives and the emissaries of capi- 
talist journalism will find the doors 
barred to them. We will not permit 
them to inflame the minds of the public 
in order to cloak official brutality on the 
part of the ruling class. It is plain that 
such is the motive behind the newspaper 
talk about the Communist Convention, 

This convention is called only for the 
purpose of organizing the political ex- 
pression of the tiass conscious prole- 
tariat of the United States and we do not 
propose to be misrepresented by degen- 
erates, hence our refusal to extend them 
the hospitality of our convention. 




DANGER! LOOKOUT! 

Senator Thoma* of Colorado Un 
ed the Congreaa of the United 8Ut«, 
go on strike and stop legislatir.f, Y^ 
workers of America^ do you n^}h% Ji^w 
great a danger you face shoilW e^nifi^^ 
go out on strike? Just imagln*! Th^ 
would be no one to m^ th« mm etpio*. 
age law, do you proletiiriansTemiij^ wJhj^ 
that means? The master cUm, without 
an espionage law, may find icin« dif. 
ftcuKy in railroading clasa conacio^n 
workers into prison. It will mean th«t 
there will be no money appropriiit^kd lof 
the upkeep of the secret service and the 
army. Well may the wage alavea tremble 
for the master class may b« iwithoot 
means of suppressing your strikes tad 
deporting your leaders. Kaw will "w^" 
declare war on Mexico? Who wHl send ^ 
the boys into Mexico to prcferve 1aw|H 
and order"? ^^H 

There is yet another danger. If the 
Confess goes on strike what gaaraatee 
have we that the Judiciary will not 1<^ M 
low suit? Awake, ye siavcal If tke V 
judges go on strike, who thea will iasQ^ 
in j unctions against you ? Who will seat, 
ence a Mooney or Debs or Billings to the 
penitentiary? Who will deal oat '^jmm^ 
tice" to the L W. W.? 

But there is no such danger; we need 
not worry about it. The bosses, who are 
always for "law and order," are lookaig 
out. And the master class, ualike tie 
proletarians, is united and will gee that 
their hirelings in Congress and amosg 
the judiciary do not play any tricks which 
might endanger property rights. Uxyht 
Senator Thomas was only joking. 



The Plumb plan for joint control of 
the railroads is startling" in its aimplici^. 
The idea is to have the unions and the 
government combine against the capftak 
ists. 



I 



Prepare Now for the 
Next War 

There is no need to argue about it. Your personal observa- 
tion of the trend of events must have convinced you that it is 
only a matter of months or pcrhans weeks before this country 
will be at war with Mexico. Likewise, you are aware that the 
world aituation is such that greater wars are a certainty within 
a very short time. 

Wliat are you totef to- do about it? 

Are yoii bujlding air castles, dreaming about what you will 
do w'nen the next crisis arrives, or are you laying the foundation 
aew for effective work later? 

^B^t BOW there is unlimited opportunity for lining up the 
prw^Mtire eaiwon fodder. The Plunderbund is busy pre- 
»«risg tbe mmds of \he workers, quietly and insidiously the 
asBiUnaU are laying tfaefr plans. 

We eaanot stand idly by and allow this to go on. Our op- 
l>«te»jty for iNreaeBtiBg tfae prvletaxian iricwpoint to the man 
MtiiesUneet Bad tlie worker In the shop wf]! not laat long. We 
■Mat take advamage of the iireaeiit situation. To do other- 
wa«e w««ld be to play iofo Ow hm^ ol the oaorny 

ti^^^^^'!::^'^'^ There »«th«g more effeetire 
Z^.^Ir!^^'^^^^*^ puMeiHatkw of o«r program, and thk 

bmS^SIy? "^ '"^ "^^ ^**~"^" --^ -«- 

ApMjt yowielf a committee of mm with full power to a^rt 
J^ *all Cor yom^ local or branch— YOU ACT ' 
2J««A«. FAILURK S TliE ONLY CRIME! 
WHU UnUy for a book of mj 



Socialism Debated 

Dennia E. Batt va. H. H. Nhnmow 

A sixty-four-pag pamphlet containing a debate which 
appeared in the Detroit Saturday Night, Feb. 15 to May 
8, 1919. All phases of socialism are discussed. We have 
only a few hundred of these on hand. While they last 
the prices are: 

Single copy, 10 centa 

la JoU of ten or more, per copy, 7 cento 

Send orders to 

UTEMTURE DEPAKTKENT, CQMmm flXH 

1219 Blue I,]«nd Aye.. Chicago, Ul. 



4 



I tl,, aiui ^^^•"'^ ""^^ ^^ AM£JUCA 
f ^ * cWaimaJKSrVS^^ "»* «««Mity f« th« aer«^£? 

«*«bT m1» m^^ff^ ^5^, Monday. SepUmbar Ul. »»* 

^^ ^^^ m«mi»€rifaip in laid party. 
Namo . 




^**T%imfj 




B Attri 



AttriKi S9, 1919. 



THE COMMUNIST 



r««c Scv«n 



Pacifism or Marxism? 



In theM turbulent times, when the 
whole civlUzetl world seethes with revo* 
lution, it i* hut natural that there should 
be much discusHion and argumentation 
on the part of the learned and near- 
learned concerning the methods and 
means whereby the cause of human pro- 
grew may best be ser\'ed. Ideas and 
philosophiea long disredited and dis- 
carded are everywhere being revived, 
renovated and twisted to fit modern con- 
ditions- The air is made oppressive with 
the vast concounie of voices raised by ex- 
ponents of all manner of isms and olo- 
giep, each insisting that his is the very 
latest and only true gospel of salvation. 
However great may be the workers need 
of the material things' of life, surely 
there is a plentitude of advice and coun- 

sel. 

Comes Scolt Nearing, sometime pro- 
fessor of economics, pacifist, socialist, 
neo-Christian and foremost American 
exponent of Non-Resistance (since Clar- 
ence Darrow turned militarist), with a 
pamphlet entitled "Violence or Solidar- 
ity, or Will Guns Settle It," wherein is 
set forth in j?io\\ing terms and up-tc- 
the-minule illustrations the doctrines of 
the lowly carpenter of Nazareth, and 
extolling the etlicacy of all-embracing 
love as a remedy for the ills of war- 
weary humanity. 

The burden of the learned doctor's 
contention is that the use of force or 
violence is at all times and in all places 
unethical ; that violence has in every in- 
stance failed to crush ideas and move- 
ments; that force when invoked to ad- 
vance the cause of labor has always 
failed to accomplish the ends sought. 
Last but not leaat it is argued that the 
use of force is "against human nature." 
In his own special field Scott Nearing 
enjoys something of a reputation as a 
man of science. In his class-room only 
that which will stand the test of analy- 
sis and demonsLralion is accepted as evi- 
dence. But, like many another, Nearing 
discards the scientific method upon leav- 
ing the portals of the universily Tlie 
scientist gives way to the dreamer; in 
support of his contentions he cites not 
sociologists and economists but po<U and 
idealitit-.- Walt Whitman. Tom Paine, 
Jegus. Debs—and a single disconnected 
sentence from Nicolai Lenin! 

Violence and the Supprewicn of Ideas 

"Violence can have no effect on the 
ideas people hold and promulgull ex- 
cept to stimulate propaganda ami ad 
vertise the cause against which violence 
is directed," says Nearing. This is in- 
deed a comforting thouL'ht, but it is 
true? 

The idea with which wc are at present 
moiil deeply concerned, namely, the cb- 
taUishmcnt of a communintic socioty, is 
not new. It was the idea back of Plato's 
ideal lepublic; it wan current among the 
early Chrintians and attained wide circu- 
lation in Centjal ICurope during the 
Middle Age^, several attempt! being 
mude to eutablinh tommunititic commun- 
ities. Promin»-r)t among those were the 
THb(iritt:ji, the iiuHMilc/i. the Anabapti*»t(j 
and tno ill-faled movt mint lod by Thom- 
iifi Munzt-r, Huimi met with a temporary 
HUc'ieJiK. but qH ^v»ro in thii rnd crutihfd 
by (he superior hntc-i of the fuedul no- 



A Reply to Scott N«armc 

bility, assisted by the Popes. In his ex- 
cellent work. "Communism in Central 
Europe," Karl Kautsky describes the rise 
and fall of these movements, and makes 
the following rather interesting com- 
ment 

"It is commonly asserted that ideas cannot 
b« Blampe*! out by violence. There lire many 
proofs of the truth of this dictum, nnii it is com- 
fortmif to «n who are perRccutcd ; but in this 
unqualified form it is not true. Admittedly, an 
Idea itself cannot be annihilated by violence; 
but by iti*elf nlone on idea is a mere shadow, 
without any effective force. The Htrenjcth to 
which a social ideal atlnins — and it is only this 
kind of an ideal which is under ponaiderntion — 
IS dependent upon the individuals who uphold 
it — i. e., upon their power in society. If it is 
possible to annihilate a claaH which upholds a 
Kiven idea then that idea will periah with its 
advocates." 

The history of the Paris Commune 
furnishes but another illustration to dis- 
prove the assertion that ideas cannot be 
crushed by violence. Let Lissagaray tell 
how it was done. 

*'Tw'enty-five thousand men, women and chil- 
dren killed darinjf the battle or after; three 
thousand at least dead in the prisons, the forts, 
the i>ontoons, or in consefju^nce of maladies con- 
tracted durlnst their captivity; thirteen thousand 
i.CTen hundred condemned, mo.st of them for life; 
seventy thousand women, children and old men 
deprived of their natural supporters or thrown 
out of France; one huntlred and eleven thousand 
victims at least; — that is. the balance sheet of 
the bour^coiT ven;r£ance for the solitary resur- 
rection of the 18th March." 

Thus were the workers of Paris 
crushed in 1671; even today they have 
not recovered from the blow. Clemen- 
ceau, premier of France, was a memb.ir 
of the Assembly which from Versailles 
directed the massacre of the Commun- 
ards. Will violence crush ideas and move- 
ments? Ask "The Tiger" ! 

Violence in the Labor Movement 

Dynamite placed in the hands of a 
child or an irresponsible person will 
wreak death and destruction; a knife in 
the hands of an enraged maniac results 
in murder. Yet it cannot be argued that 
knives or dynamite are in themselves evil 
and dangerous. On the contrary they 
render valuable service when properly 
used. The same may be said of force; 
it may in one case be used to suppress 
and enslave mankind, in another it may 
serve as the instrument of liberation. 

Dr. Nearing contends that the use of 
force is at all times immoral; that the 
taking of humr.n life is unjustifiable. 
Speaking of the revolutionary movement 
in Europe he says: 

"The RuA.sians won their point Ihroutrh eco- 
nomic justice at home, proptiranda and opeu 
diplomacy . , ," 

". . . If they fail the Red Army %vill help 
them fail. If they win the Red Army will Btand 
in the way of the tliim: they wish lo ntcompJisn. 
It will be 11 liability, not an asset." 

"The cause for which the Spartacan.'* are fiKht- 
inc in Germany will triumph, not betause Ihey 
are ftuhtinK, but beuiu."«« their triumph is m- 
evitabUs . ." ." 

Gun.H will not nettle any of the/e questions . . . 
Even when Uhed to n Kood purpobc they lend to 
a bad end." 

"Why? 

Because the theory behind the une of K'uns 
irt bused upon iin utter nuHCoiueplton of human 
nature." 

Here we have it. Man in rH.sontially 
a good, noble, aUrul,*tii- being; gentle 
an*l loving- Such wua the Icui-hing of 
the gi'iitle Naz-arenu; nuih in the teach- 
ing of t'vt^ry pacifiHt before and Hince. 
llul rvi'u the >illghli'«l ai'ciuaiuUnce with 
human liiKtory prtAcs how i«illy i« thi" 




conception. Even the most superficial 
observer of the revolutionary movement 
in Europe must be aware that had not 
the Bolshevik i, the Spartacana ami the 
Hungarian communists had the courage 
of their convictions and backed up their 
ideas with armed force their attempts to 
establish proletarian domination would 
have been still-born, 

From time immemorial men have set- 
tled their quarrels through bloodshed, 
and until such time as conclusive evi- 
dence is produced to show that *'human 
nature" has been fundamentally changed 
in recent times, we shall be inclined to 
believe that force will play its part in 
the struggle of the workers against their 
present masters. 

We are just as much opposed to the 
injudicious use of force as is Dr. Dearing. 
We fully agree that guns are no substi- 
tute for solidarity (which implies class 
consciousness). But there is a real and 
fundamental difference between the pac- 
ificism which says *The use of force is 
at all times wrong** and the purely expe- 
dient tactic which declares "Force at 
this time is inadvisable; we are not 
ready." In the proper time and place a 
regiment of revolutionary soldiers have a 
part to play — providing, of course, that 
they have knowledge in their heads aa 
well as guns in their hands. 

The whole matter of force or Violence 
in ihe labor movcmenl is not a question 
of ethics at all, but is determined by the 
force of circumstances, by necessity. The 
entire argument put forth by Nearing 
falls to the groumi the moment we exam- 
ine its foundation; it is basically un- 
sound. All that is necessary is to remove 
it from the moral field and examine it in 
the light of historical materialism. Be- 
ing an ideali.'^t, Nearing does not accept 
the Marxian philosophy. This in itself 
should be sufficient to brand him as un- 
fit to pass judgment upon (luestions of 
proletarian tactics. — A. J. AI. 



Chicago policeman, to friend on car: 

"Yeah, that's the red's hangout. Print 
a paper there, and hold meetings to 
preach free love. 

"The*-.! XX! !!!X@**! 

"Huh? 

**Oh. yes, still living at the same place. 
Gonna move soon. Rent raised again. 

"Yeah, everything'.s gone up. Uh-huh. 

"S'long." 



For men to settle their dilferenccs and 
arrange amicably their relations would 
be "agin human nature." 



I 



ON WITH THE WAR! 

(Continued from V»lic U) 
itH po.'^Kibilities on the day when it de- 
cides that the capitalist system with iU 
horrors to our class and its ever- accom- 
panying blighting network of artificial 
starvation and famine which it crcatcji. 
Khali pa.'^.H away from the earth I 

AKuin and again let u» insist upon the 
"reading of many books the earnest con- 
Hideralii.n of over many subjects" which 
directly lie in our path. , 

Hut above all spread the glad tiding* 
of proletarian emauctiiation to all 

.John Vii\ 




AuiruBt 80, 1019. 



COMMUNIST 



lire Biiriit 



THE COMMUn.^ • • 1 J 

The Hireling Who Failea 



The move we anticip 



ated two weeks 



i.t adventurer «nd >» ^ebn^ of Al hed nn 
n^vialLsm, has materialized and this ne 
?o^ defender of the faith haa uncere. 
Znioully moved from the form- seat 
Z his government. Omsk, to Irkutsk, 
thirteen hundred miles away. When 
Kn rhak first became a factor agamst the 
BotheWki"^he -tire capitalist press o 
this nation. adminUration and anti- ad- 
'ministration alike hailed h- - f/^ 
savior of the world. As month after 
month passed and the R^d Army c6n- 
tinued unchecked agamst him the atti- 
tude of the anti-administration papers 
has changed from one of loyal support 
and unstinted praise to vituperative de- 
nunciation. 

The only exception to this attitude on 
the part of the capitalist class was that 
of such publications as the "Nation , the 
"Dial" and the "New Republic." These 
publications represented the interests of 
the small manufacturing capitalists of 
the United States who wanted to estab- 
lish economic relations with Soviet Rus- 
sia in order to dispose of their products. 
They cloaked their material interests un- 
der the guise of desiring "self-determi- 
nation of peoples.'* Speaking for the pet- 
ty bourgeois they were unable to com- 
prehend the fact that the success of the 
proletarian revolution in Russia meant 
the spread of the Bolshevist propaganda 
to other countries and threatened not 
only the existence of the large imperialist 
capiUlists, but of the capitalist class as 
a whole. Other publications, frankly re- 
presenting imperialism, advocated a de- 
claration of war against Soviet Russia, in 
order to help Kolchak establish a capital- 
ist government in Russia. The only thing 
that prevented a declaration of war on 
the part of the Allies was the fear of 
arousing the masses of workers in their 
own countries against the Allied govern- 
ments. The Wilsonian policy of interven- 
tion and aggressive warfare without the 
preliminary of a declaration of war was 
carried to the utmost extreme. The his- 
tory of Allied intervention in Russia is a 
history of infamy and the statesmen who 
conspired against Soviet Russia have writ- 
ten into the pages of history a record 
of shame for themselves that all the pan- 
egerics of the pen valets of imperialism 
can never efface. 

Now that the hireling, Kolchak, has 
failed and his army dispersed before the 
onward sweep of the Bolshevist army, 
under the crimson emblem of Communist 
Internationalism, the reptile press, or 
that portion of it representing the anti- 
administration forces, true to its snake 
nature has turned upon this Imperialist 
failure and is stabbing him to death with 
its venom. The Chicago Herald-Examin- 
er, a publication which devotes columns 
to denunciation of the rcvolutionista in 
the United States, now speaks against the 
intervention of the United States army in 
Russia in an editorial which appeared in 
the issue of Aug. 20th, under the caption 
'•Worse than a Crime": 

Kotchitk -huB ithtfUd his h^adquartera back 
from Ornxk to Irkutsk. Kelther name convcyi 
miu-h to most of us. But whtn the map shows 
that Irkutsk is nearly thirteen hundred miles 
fsrihur from Moscow than Omvk, the cas* la 
rkjiftir. I*. Is u* if Kolchak, huvlnii ilrtiiKns on 
Wshhinifion, fhifteJ his tenter of opfrutlons 



M 



from Chicajro to Suit Lake C 
move is explained ns « 'norm 
healthy cQuse.** 

of the udmmistration 



' or me F" " - ^®*^** **^ ^^^> 

ity. Thi-^ strnicKic Siberift; ^.y,ildren who are auspected 
rmal setback to n ^7'^^" ^" ,^ Bolsheviki sympathies, but 



how mnny P«o- 



ple in the United States can 
explanation? How many are 
not been convinced 



there who have 
for months that Kotchok. 



._ „. r"-'i5->«-^-ur:s 



And if he is 
Americans alternately burn- 



what.ver he r;;re.ent^and what he^ represent. 

secma very dark a 

by the Russians? J 

on earth ai* younff Am«»«»M„ -";--^. -j^ ^^jth 

Sng a litUe wbila and treciSng^ ^""ZtT^Tln his 

intervals of being .hot and bayonetted, in 

"rJn'the GallipoH camp.i^. was Jhc^-^-t 

the only obiections to the ^'^IHPfJ'^--^^^^^^^^^ 
were that.it was badly conceived «"f/5ri;^^^^^^ 
ported. Our Russian-or, rather, our S.ber.an 

f . .t ^-ning stupidity oi 

successful, would 



of court martial investipaUon in England. 



Venture adds to these the crowning stupidity 



ipectoclt 



being a campaign which, if 
have b«en unvtr^lcome. 

It « hoped that Japan enjoys the 
of young America being pacriftced to a sprit 
tl proud to stop fighting. For it saddens and 
disgusts everybody else- 
Had Kolchak been successful, no mat- 
ter what he really represented, he would 
have been lauded by the Herald-Exam- 
iner and every other paper, and the Wil- 
son administration's attitude toward h:m 
would have been justified in the columns 
of the entire plute press. That would 
have necessitated an attack by the anti- 
administration organs upon some other 
phase of his policy. The only crime one 
can commit is to fail. Kolchak is not de- 
nounced because of the death train of 



^StTcaZ'»^« ^'^"^*'- He failed be. 
^""^ .he could not marshal sufficient 
JoTes to crush the BolahevikU His weak. 
CO nroved that he was wrong. Had h« 
rernvXlouahewouldhaveb^^^^^ 
^^^^"he victor iB always right, because 
back of him is the power that has made 
possible the victonj. 
"Might ifl RiK^tl" 

Alight has been right thraughout all 
pr;vious history of the world; it U right 
today and it will be right in all the aeons 
of ages that stretch before us in the un- 
known future. Whatever elie history 
may hold in iU bosom for mankind, we 
know there will (Jnly be one wrong, and 
that will be failure, and only one right, 
and that will be might. 

The ruling class is begmning to recog- 
niae the fact that Bolshevism is right 
for Russia, because it is capable of de- 
fending itself, while it U wrong in all 
other countries because it has not yet 
acquired siifficient tpower. '(r,When the 
workers of all countries, like those of 
Ru£«Fia, have raised themselves to the 
position of the ruling class and pro- 
claimed the Dictatorship of ! the Prole- 
tariat of the world, anything they do will 
be right, because they will have the 
might to enforce it 



THE INVISIBLE CLUB 



Terrible is the weapon used by the 
master class. Death through stan^ation 
is awful, but is there any way out of it 
under the present system of society. Will 
submission to the exploiters save us from 
starvation? No. Hungary submitted, the 
Hungarian workers lost courage and sur- 
rendered, and what happened? The hire- 
lings of capitalism (the Roumanian 
army) is laying bare fertile Hungary and 
misery has increased ten-fold. Did the 
German workers save themselves from 
starx'ation by submitting to slavery? Do 
the American workers save themselves 
from starvation by submission. No. They 
only make the process longer. 

So long as there is wage slavery so 
long will the workers be ever on the 
verge of starvation. For the master class 
controls all the necessities of life and 
they can shut off the food supplies at any 
time. Only by destroying the system of 
wage slavery can the workers become 
masters of their own lives. But wage 
slavery will not be abolished by strikes of 
separate unions or by one big union. To 



be organized economically is not enough, 
they must be organized politically to gain 
control of the State, using its powers in 
their great struggle to rid themselves of 
the iM>cial parasites who at the present 
time control the means of production and 
the goods for distribution. 



"Liberty, -Fraternity, Equality" was 
the rallying cry of the revolutionary 
bourgeoisie at the cradle of capitalism; 
the slogan "Make the World Safe for 
Democracy" is the litany chanted at the 
brink of its grave. 



The only criticism we find of the Hun- 
garian workers is that they did not fight 
until the last man fell rather than sub- 
mit again to the dictatorship of capital- 
ist imperialism. But even out of this de- 
feat a lesson has been gained-; that !«*-- 
son is to never let any sentimental scrup- 
les interfere with the iron dictatorship 
of tire proletariat once again they ff«in 
supremacy. 



FORWARD TO MEXICO! 

(Continued from Page 1) 



tween two trenches; yet it is to protect 
his oil interests that American soldiers 
will be there. Nor will we read of the 
carcass of William Randolph Hearst fur- 
nishing a banquet for buzzards upon the 
bleached plains of Mexico while protect- 
ing his land interests; yet sons of the 
working class will die for him. 

One loKson the workers must learn is 
that thiH HtHire of capltallatit develop. 



ment is essentially warlike and that wars 
will continue just as long as capitaliw* 
lasts. The defeat of Germany wo not 
the end of all wars, as we were told It 
would be, and the defeat of Mexico will 
not end imperialistic aggression, but only 
accelerate It. 

In the Htruggle for imperialistic iu- 
premacy the workers have nothing to 
Kum. Their InteresU Is not to subdue 
Mexico, but to destroy capitaHfcm. 



i 



I