Official Paper of the Communist Party of America
Vol. 1, N«- 7
CHICAGO, ILL,, SATURDAY, AUGUST 30, 191d,
Fhre CemU
Forward to Mexico!
"An evident principJ*' ran» through th«
whole pTojrram I have oatlined. It is the
pj^„ciple of justke to all peoples and nationaj-
itie'. and their ri^ht to live on equal tcTm* of
liberty and safety with one another, whether
they h* weak or stron^r. Unles* this principle
lie made its foundation, no part of the atroc-
ture of intennationaJ justice can stand. Th«
|,eopIc »f til* Un:t«<l St«l«» eowW act upon |
p» oil«r prloeipl*; and to the vindication of j
this principle they are willinp to devote their ,
lives, their honor, and everythin;? they pos- ;
g^^," From Woo<lro\v Wilson'* fourteen j
]K>intiu ',
•'We shall fipht for the prjvikjre of men ;
everywhere to choose their own method of j
life and obedieme."— Wilson's war message. [
"Self-determination is not a mere phrase. -.
It is an imperative principle of action, which |
statesm^rn will henceforth ijmore at their |
p^i-n."— Woodrow Wilson, Feb. 18, 1918. t
"The setUement of every rjuestion, whether
of territory, OT soveruiprnty, of economic ar- \
rangeTTicnt, or of political relaiioiiFhip, npon j
the basis of free aL-reptance of that settle-
ment by the people in-mediately concerned, ,
and not upon thd basi^ of the material inter- j
' eat or advantage of any other nation or peo- j
pie which may desire a different Bettlement for ;
the sake oi »t« ow^ exterior influence or i
mastery." — Woodrow Wilson, July 14, 1918.
A visitor from Mars who could read
the ideological and high .sounding
phrases of the spokesmen of the United
States government would conclude that
the one reason for the existence of this
government w to entablish self-determi-
nation of all peoples of the earth. Should
the [visitor then pick up a capitalist pa-
per and peruse its headlines he would be
^^ startled by frenzied shrieking for inva-
^ftsion of Mexico, obviously against the will
^Bof the Mexican people and their govern-
^Bment. Meanwhile Mr. Wilson, the
^Bspokesman for the government, says
f nothing and permits his cabinet mem-
bers to do hm talking for him.
For several years war clouds have
been lowering along the Mexican bor-
der. The financial interests of the coun-
try, centered at Wall Street, have had
deaigns upon Mexico because of the mar-
velous supply of minerals and oil within
the confines of that country. The in-
trigues indulged in by American imperi-
ali.».ts went to the extent of deliberately
hiring Pancho Villa and his gang of cut-
throats to make raids across the Amen-
can border in order to provoke a dec-
laration of war against Mexico, Every-
thing ,va;? being carefully prepared in the
sprinjf of 1!>16 for annexation of Mexico,
when the larger interests of international
capiuli.'»>m detracterl the attention of the
govi-rnment to the ?:uropean situation.
In orfier to concoal the sordid motives
of American imperialism which plunged
the country into the European whiHpooJ,
it wait necf-KKary for Proffv^^or WilHon.
ihi' f q.iTi phrar;t-mun/«-r. to furnjnh the
perfection. His talk about freedom, de-
mocracy, self-determination, liberty and
justice was used to browbeat the man-
hood of America into the ranks of a con-
script army, without ever asking their
consent. It was also used by i^fnorant
and vicious federal prosecuting attorneys
to inflame the minds of juries and secure
convictions, carrying with them long
terms in American federal prisons, the
vilest on earth, for mildly criticizing the
war policy of American imperialism.
After depriving the people who live in
this countr>^ of all the so-called "inalien-
able rights" such as "free speech, free
press and free apsemblage," while the
European war was on, the .<*ame ruling
clique desire.*? to perpetuate its censor-
ship, because it ha? other imperialistic
conquests in store.
No sooner had the armistice been
signed with Germany than the propa-
ganda for inter%ention and control of
Mexico was renewed. The renewal of
the propaganda wan accomp'^nied by an
immediate ri.se of Mexican securities on
the New York .stock exchange. The large
financiers invested millions of dollars in
order to take advanUge of the Mexican
"opportunities." The capitalistic press
of the entire nation, artificially stimulat-
ed by the Wall Street plunderbund, is
demanding that the government pacify
Mexico and protect the lives of American
citizens within the borders of that na-
tion. These citizens who have fallen
victims in the Mexican dv.^orders were
fully aware of the danger involved while
attempting to live in a country kept in
the throes of civil war by the capitali.^ts
of the United States. They were not
there representing the United States gov-
ernment, but their own interests; most of
them were land owners and there for the
purpose of exploiting the Mexican peons.
After treating these mi.serable, half-
star\'ed slaves with the utmost brutality,
one of them would attack and kill an
American owner, then the reptile Mor-
ganized press would again deliriou^'ly
howl for an invasion of Mexico.
The last move on the part of the Amer-
ican imperialists for conque.st of Mexico
Vv-as the case of the two aviators who are
alleged to have been captured by Mexi-
can bandits and held for ran.som. After
a few days a sum of money was paid to
someone and the aviators released un-
har^ned. The incident should have
closed, and would have cIoh^^mI, hati it
not been for the financial interests at
stake in Mexico.
The Mexican situation has also as-
piimcd complicatioiiM with the- British
impcrialiHts, who hold billions of dollars
- orth of Mexican properiy rich in ojU
an(5 rr.intralh, if we are to believe the
list prt;>H. ThL' truth oi the matter
(lid \fi KUpi^iii
is that the British holdings are no more
in danger than they ever were before,
but the British imperiali-sts realize the
fact that American soldiers are to be
sent to Mexico in the interest of Wall
Street and .so they v/ant to have a hand
in the annexation of Mexico in order to
prevent the Jjnited States capitali«t« en-
croaching upon their possessions.
The American press has been com-
plaining that America "gets nothing'* out
of the European peace settlement. While
as yet, Ameriee has only succeeded in
protecting the loans of American capi-
talists to the Allies in Europe, we seem
to be about to grab Mexico as the Amer-
ican share of the world plunder.
No intelligent person can doubt for a
moment but that Mexico is doomed to
fall under the sceptre of Wall Street and
that the lives of the young men of the
country will be sacrificed to achieve that
end.
We wonder what phrases Mr. Wilson
will coin in order to cloak this act of
international brigandage. Perhaps he
will tell us that the invasion of Mexico
is really a move to liberate the people of
Mexico, who "subconsciously desire'* to
be under the domination of the capitalist
class of this country and that it is the
duty of this nation to arouse that desire
to full consciousness. Perhaps that is
the method of reasoning he uses toward
Porto Ricans, Philippinos, Santo Do-
mingan?^, Nicaraguans, Virgin Islanders
and Haiteins.
Sentimentalists and petty bourgeois will
protest against the annexation of Mexico
as an international crime, bat the revo-
lutionist must keep in mind the fact that
history has decreed the doom of small na-
tions under capitalist imperiali.sm, be-
cause imperiali.«;m must constantly ex-
tend, constantly encroach upon new and
undeveloped territory. Since 1898, the
date of the entrance of this government
into the war with Spain, the foreign and
domestic policy of the American govern-
ment has been imperialistic. Eveiy year
saw the constant extension of this impe-
rialism, until today it is one of the fore-
most imperiali-*;tic nations of ths earth.
American soldiers are now in Mexico
without a ilcclaralion of war for the pur-
pose of provoking retaliation on the part
of the Mexican people as an excuse to
completely subdue that nation to Wall
Street and London capitalists. The only
pL'ople in thiy country who will profit by
a war against Mexico will be the rulinjf
class. But tho.se who do the fighting
will be the working class. When the
reports of the casualties arrive from Mex-
ico we will never trud of the delicate
carcass of John D. Rock<*f('l)cr Jr., dan-
gling upon a barb wire "ntungli'ment be-
(r'.'it.njrti or] P.. if h*
^|P The Communi«t Party of America
comei into existence under entirely new
conditiomi in this country; new condi-
tions produced by the tfarhtening of c aas
lines and the intensification of the class
struggle, with the ruling class taking
ever more drastic steps in the suppres-
sion of class movements opposed to ite
regime. The time has forever passed
for the revolutionary movement to be
able to continue its quiet, uninterrupted
organization and educational propagan-
da. The conquest of markets and the
enormous extension of the American im-
perialists' sphere of influence has result-
ed in an enormous accumulation of capi-
tal in the hands of the capitalists of this
country and in order to protect this trea-
sure they will resort to any means for
the purpose of crushing opposition. The
imperialistic hydra of this nat'on, clothed
in military paraphenalia from head to
foot is ready to crush every semblance of
opposition to its brutal dictatorship, in
order to carry on unhamperetl its murder-
ous annexation policies.
The Communist Party of America
comes into existence at a period of crisis
brought about by the imperialistic war;
a crisis which produces an ever increas-
ing unrest in the ranks of the workers.
Hand in hand with the crisis in the Amer-
ican Socialist movement, just as the same
conditions in Europe brought to a crisis,
resulting in new tactics and policies, the
socialist movements of Europe. We are
today entering a period of tremendous
Bocial upheaval in this country. Strike
waves convulse the country from coast to
coast. The slogan of "general strike" be-
comes the slogan of the masses of orga-
nized workers. It is only a step from the
slogan of an industrial general strike, to
that of a general political strike ; the ac-
tivity of the state in suppression irresist-
ibly forces an understanding of the his-
torical necessity of the political strike;
against capitalism, against war and
against imperialism. This heralds the
climax of the class struggle in this coun-
try. The imperialists and their henchmen
I are using the old tried methods to crush
I this movement; prisons become the
homes of thousands upon thousands of
politcal offenders; papers are suppres-
sed, others held for months in the mails
before delivery; people active in the
movement who happen to have been born
in other countries are deported; even
race hatred is brought to the fore by the
ruling class; every method of publicity
is used to inflame the workers against the
revolutionary movement. Spies and
provocateurs in the employ of imperial-
ism everywhere permeate and endeavor
to vitiate the workers movement.
Kven these drastic measures cannot
prevent the workers fulfilling the mission
to which history has called Ihem. The
rulmg class in Kurope h failing to stem
the riHmg tide and they will fail to «tem
It here. But the fact that history is
working for the freedom of the workers
doe. not justify the Communista minimiz-
mg the neccsMlty for revolutionary action.
i he enemy iu Btrong and pitiless. The
broad maKses of the proletariat are un-
tonscioua and poorly organized for the
purpoH.. of roping with the highly of-
hci^nt cHpitalist machiiu- of Kuppref^slon
hiH period of darkcHt reaction cannot
THE COMMUNIST
Mk l»tf.
The Conquest of Power
By Alexander Stolditsky
and mutt not hinder the work of the
Communist Party. The immediate pro-
blem of the party is to overcome all th«
barriers of repression and carry our mes-
sage to the maAsea of the working clasa.
We must get our me8sag« before them in
order to convince them of the correct-
ness of our principles and tactics. This is
ft very responsible duty imposed upon us ;
a duty we must not shirk at any hazard.
Those who feel themselves weak or lack-
ing in courage are not wanted for this
tremendous task. **Only a class that
marches along its road without hesita-
tion, that does not become dejected and
does not despair on the most difficult and
dangerous crossings, can lead the toil-
ing and exploited masses. We do not
need hysterica! outbursts. We need the
regular march of the iron battalions of
the proletariat.*' (Lenin, Soviets at
Work.) Every revolutionist who has at
heart the best interests of the movement
will admit the necssity for courageous
action. It is the Communist Party of
America that must marshal the forces in
this country into that "regular march of
the iron battalions of the proletariat."
We must rid ourselves of all petit bour-
geois elements and hesitating slaves with
bourgeois psychologies. We must elimi-
nate those who worship the fetish of
pseudo-democracy and organize the
workers for the conquest of power.
Our Communist Party must have a re-
sponsible head that is able to call the
masses of the proletariat into action.
That head must be the Central Executive
Committee; not a committee composed
of well advertised names, but of men and
women who have studied the problems
of the workers and who have sufficient
historical foresight to enable them to re-
cognize a revolutionary crisis; in addi-
tion they must have sufficient courage to
act honestly in such a crisis. To select
this committee we should not resort to
the pseudo-democracy of a party referen-
dum. This form of "democracy** sounds
very well when mouthed by politicians,
but as a matter 9f fact is only a cumber-
some machine v.-here names and not abi-
lity is selected. Under the old system
many comrades have voted for people
with whom they have never come in con-
tact, persons who are known only by
name and who may have none of the
qualifications necessary to lead a revolu-
tionary movement, . The old national ex-
ecutive committee of the socialist party
is a horrible example of this sort of *'de-
mocracy." Our central committees should
be elected at party conventions and only
there. Every delegate elected to the con-
vention is there because the group which
elects him has confidence in his ability
to intelligently select the most efficient
material for the central executive. The
same system must be applied to state and
district or federation central committees.
These committeea must be empowered to
at all times keep in touch with all the
problems of propaganda and organiza-
tion, in addition to carefully guaging the
strength of the enemy. The old form of
the central committees functioning mere-
ly as executives has become obsolete and
incapable of reHponding to the ehangra
that are taking place in the world of
labor and of captUHwn-
Within th« orgraniza-tion the widest
possible range of criticism must be ad-
mitted. No official muflt ever be consider-
ed immune from criticism and discipline,
but when we are outside the meeting*,
and facing the enemy every person must
be controlled in hia actions by a strict
discipline. No matter what the personal
opinions of an individual may be or how
persistently he may express his opinions
regarding principles or tactics he must
submit to the will of the Commanist
membership when facing: the enemy in
the struggle, or he must quit the orsrani*
zation.
We are aware that many of the **6id
guard**" of the movement, who are tem-
peramentally individualistic, will hurl
the charge of fanaticism against us. But
was the discipline in the ranks of the
Bolsheviki on the question of Brest-Li-
tovsk fanaticism? In the delegate caucus
meeting where the problems arising out
of the conflict with Germany were being
discussed by delegates of the Bolshevik
party, preliminary to placing it before
the Soviet convention the vote stood eight
hundred for the treaty to about three
hundred against, but when the Bolshe-
viki party went into the convention of
Soviets they voted a solid eleven hundred
for the treaty. If this condition had arisen
in the old socialist party the vote in tho
convention would have been divided, be-
cause Menshevik organizations do not
have party dii^cipline. As stated in the
opening paragraph of this article we
must adopt new tactics to new conditions.
The tactics of the Communists in Amer-
ica must be built on the same principle's
of democratic centralization and party
discipline as in Europe.
There is no use shedding tears o\*er
the broken idol of bourgeois democracy.
It is a delusion in the ranks of the pro-
letariat equally as much as it is in the
hands of a ruling class.
Rally to the call of the Third Inter-
nationale and do your duty as revolu-
tionists!
Putting aside for the moment all this
extrava-ant language about revolution
the aims of the communists may be re-
duced to this elemental proposition:
That each member of society Khali
take part ui the general nece-isary labor
and m return shall receive the full re-
ward of his effort, having an equal voice
in the management of the community of
which he forms a part.
It seems strange indeed that this should
not find favor with intelligent men. Ob-
viously, there is an abundance of worldly
goods; there is plenty for all— and na-
Wap^ldr"^^^^ '*^" - '^' -^^
Ytt men cannot see It. The law of tha
Zf/'"' P'-^^'""' ""O men tear anS
.slrujrjfle-_tl,o cltt«h of aims— Iho
uurr' \"" '^'■'"""' "^ 'ho wounded-
"n.iii ri'lly in iho fruiia of tho earth.
I
I
AuffUii ao, 19i».
THE COMMUNIST
The "Labor Party" is Born
oftheAmcmante<Jer*UonofUborcuU support their bill to compel bake™ i^
ininated on Aug, 18th in a conference of f "^ smaller holes in the doughnut^ H
executive committeemen representing the *^e Democratic party wanted to kend
lune atates now having organized Labor
Parties, held in the city tsf Chicago. At
this meeting the committee decided to
holdtlie first convention in Chicago some-
time in November, for the purpose of de-
termining the policy of the party.
The leaders of the party in Illinois are
men who were formerly affiliated with
the old reformist socialist party. No doubt
some members of the so-called socialist
organization will accuse them of *'be-
traying the party," but a perusal of the
statements issued by prominent laborites
convinces us that they stand just where
they did while in the socialist party, as
it nex'er was anything but a laborite and
pett>' reform organization. • Now that
such men as Duncan McDonald and John
H. W»!ker, both prominent in the United
Mine Workers of America and co-work-
ers with Adolph Germer, present secret-
ary of the socialist party, have thrown
their'support to the labor party they will
undoubtedly be able to line up all the
former trade union fakers who supported
the old party. That will leave the social-
ist party nothing but its appeal to middle
class elements, as the new labor party
will be a much more efficient instrument
for the purpose of deluding the workers
into believing the road to emancipation is
paved with "labor" laws. It is quite prob-
able that the politicians no\v prominent
in the defunct socialist party will also
line up with the laborites.
The program of this aggregation does
not as yet include participation in presi-
dential elections, but rather to endeavor
to secure the "balance of power" in the
congress that will be chosen in 1920. To
strive for the balance of power is quite
in keeping with the petty bourgeois psy-
chology of these fakirs. Briefly stated
the balance of power means a sufficient
number of "labor representatives" in the
houses of congress to defeat legislation
proposed by either of the two parties un-
less they accede to the demands of labor;
then the party that agrees to support the
demands of the Labor Party will receive
the 9Ui>port of the Labor Party when it
has some piece of legislation to put over,
A tiublime program and one that should
appeal strongly to the slaves !
A noteworthy feature of the conv«n-
tion was the fraternal delegate from the
•'committee of forty-eight/' which is a
combination of sentimentalists and freaks
who met two days before for the pur-
pose of discussing the advisability of
launching a new national partv which
would be opposed to both profiteers and
bolshevists. Probably the forty-eighters
will be able to reach an amicable under-
standing with the labor partj', so their
support can also be relied upon. With the
labor skates afilliated with the numerous
slate federations of labor, the remnants
of the old socialist party «nd the commit-
tee of forty-eight the support of the pro-
hibitionists should also be secured and
the contest for balance of power begun.
After the election they could control the
balance of power and if the Republican
party wanted an appropriation of ten
Inillion dollars to build » dam over a
Bome hungry politician, who had failed
of election, on a roving trip to Europe to
Btudy the decoration on public-buildings
the Labor Party outfit could hold up the
proposition until the democrats consent-
ed to support a bill prohibiting the "pre-
datory rich" from purchasing diamond
collars for their poodle dogs. Thus it can
be readilly seen that the policy of the
balance of power would be « great vic-
tory for labor. The Labor candidates
could them be re-elected upon their re-
cords and get eome moije balance of
power.
While this would not in any way as-
sist in securing the emancipation of the
ligent member of the working claagTi i
be deceived thei^by. It ^y ^^^^
18 mcapablc of independent polHical ae.
tion so the moment the criticfcmi ol the
revolutionary worker, alienates the sup-
port of the unconscious organized work-
ers who have pledged their support to ft
the Ubor Party will cease to eitot '
Meanwhile the Communist Party, tte
party of revolutionary socialism, the par-
ty of the Third International^ wl/^
lentlessly carry on its propaganda and
organization against every other politteal
party of capitalism, whether alCd U-
ZJ ,^^*>^«dJy capitalist, and expose
them ahke as tools of reaction and ser-
vants of capiUlism.
We welcome the fakirs of the Ubor
working class, at least it would be great Party and will JnLl*^ - **f ^^'
for the labor-skates and relieve them of AlthLth tw ^^l ^!™ *" ^*»* ^^
the necessity of exeHing themselve^x- of^ ^orl^Mt t^d "^.^.IHZlit ^
cept a few weeks before election.
We shall await their platform and con-
stitution and then apply the searchlight
of Communist criticism to their combined
idiosyncrasies. No doubt the Labor Party
tide
revolt and perpetuate this iy»-
tem, the revolutionary workers of the
world, over the dead body of aH kbor
parties, will plant the flaming flag of the
Communist Internationale upon the r«m.
parts of capitalism.
ON WITH THE WAR!
In these days of trouble and strife in
the labor movement, when controversy
and counter-controversy fills the columns
of the socialist papers and demands al-
most the entire time of our deliberative
assemblies, let us not forget the duty
we owe the unenlightened of our class.
Matters of policy and tactics must be
and will be thrashed out, to the end that
the "sheep may be divided from the
goats" — and that labor's march to eman-
cipation r-hall be impeded neither by
false friends in the labor movement — ^nor
by the failure to reckon and remove ob-
stacles on the outside. And it is well
that, in particular, American socialism
should undergo a thorough houseclean-
ing. The historic land of enterprise, ini-
tiative and mechanical cunning and in-
genuity, it was to be expected that Amer-
ica's contribution to the family of social-
ist and labor movements should be both
many in number and bizarre in character.
And so the expedients with which the
American worker would either palliate
the evils of capitalism or overthrow it are
known around the world.
It would be a waste of time at this
late day to enlarge on the condition
which gave birth to the "Greenback"
movement, the "Populist" craze, or the
Bryan frenzy of a jeneration ago, when
they discovered that labor was being
"Crucified upon a Cross of Gold!"
That Imported monstrosity which
thrived so well west of the Atlantic ocean
the American Federation of Labor —
together with the Gompers* tradition
which accompanies it needs only pass-
ing mention. The American Federation
of Labor, with its allies in the now dis-
credited Socialist Party of America—
have faithfully done their share to con-
fuse and betray the working class of
America to their enemies.
But a new epoch greets us, a breaking
HP the old— and alignment of the new
And just before the flcw line up of
forces in America is brought into being— >
a line-up, let us hope, that will be fit and
ready to assist the workers to accomplish
their historic mission in society, let us
sound an alarm lest amid the glamor of
party and sectarian strife we forget
some vital principles. The socialist owea
a duty to the unenlightened member of
the working class the fulfillment of
which takes precedence *ver any other
activity.
Let us preach the class war with in-
creasing vigor!
Let us never forget that our ntesaage is
— to the discontented proletarians of
whatever color or language, creed or sex.
In case they should not be discontent*
ed (miracles in this day and age) it is
our duty in our own interests and theirs
to create a healthy discontent by the re-
cital of the mere facts of these decadent
days of capitalism.
Let us bend to the task of reaching an
ever greater circle of workers with the
revolutionary message.
From the soap-bax — ^in personal talks,
and by the printed word let the work
gain impetus.
To accomplish our ends the revolution-
ary party must have a greater grip on—
and a greater support from the
Amcrlc "n working class than it ever has
had in the past. So the party must be
made worthy of the support of the work-
ers, the misleaders must be discredited,
the pitfalls of reform-mongering must be
avoided, so that when the decisive hour
strikes and the White Terror raises its
hand in the land — the mass of the work-
ers will see in the revolutionary battalion!
bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh, it
will instinctively support and be
guided by the new power which Js
even now forming, to the end that
tho American movement may mea-
sure itself up to the full standard of
(Conttnu*d an Fift f)
^
Faur
THE COMMUNIST
Auftint 30, 1919.
^..JL^hS^^^^^^^^SL^^
DENNIS K BATT .
M. M. WICKS
...Eiiitor
3. KOPNAGEL J^ n JOHNSON
DENNIS E. BATT, Secretmry
ALEXANDER STOKLITSKY. 0r«»ni««-
J V. STILSON. Tr««sur«r
$2.00 per year
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MORE PLEDGES
We have had enough pledges in the past few ycArs from
.Uitosmen to fill a good sized joke hook. "Open covenants
opciilv arrived at" and "self-determination" have taken their
phice'in the joke column and now we have another candidate
for entrance. ^ , , , . ,
Japan pledges home rule in Corea. Although it may be
taken seriously for a time by the innocent, eventually it will
take il-^ place in the limbo tragic of farces along with "making
the world .<afe for democracy. japan*s idea of what con-
stitutes a humane rule is not mentioned in the du?patches, but
we may assume that it is the same as that which has prevailed
in Coiva up until now.
Girls will be stripped and flogged in the streets the same as
ever in order that the exploitation of the Korean working
class by the capitalist class of Japan may continue. Hundreds
will be executed if they dare to raise their voices in protest at
the exploitation. Maybe not quite so openly as has been the
caj=e in tho past. Perhaps the Japanese capitalists will learn
a lesson fnm their American brethren and cloak their deeds
of violence behind a .screen of democracy. But behind it all
will be the ruthless exploitation of the workers.
We are informed by Premier Kara that "the government is
now decided to carry out various refonns in Corea, and it is it.s
fixed dt termir.ation to forward the progress of the country in
order that all differences between Corea and Japan proper in
matters of education, industi*>* and of the civil service may
finally be altogether obliterated.
The government is, moreover, confidently looking forward
to the eventual adoption in Corea of a system if provincial and
municipal ad m in i.^i ration similar to that in operation in Japan
proptr. as far as circumstances will permit." There we have
it. li^vLiything i> going to come out nicely in Corea now. The
Japanese Empire will make Japs of the Coreans. Perfectly
lovely — for the Japanese capitalist. They will continue to
exploit the w<irkers of Japan. The Japanese \vorkei*s are so
nli^erable that they are on the verge of a revolution now.
The Japant-se jrovernmcnt further pledges that its .'ttay in
Corea i.< or.Iy temporary. She will not stay there any longer
th; n J? alv-^olutely necessary. Japan will, of course, determine
how loj.g is necessary. In 1882, England entered Egypt with
the same promise. It is still necessary for her to remain there.
So, loo. will it be with Japan in Corea.
The Japanese government will hold the workers of Corea
in subjection in the interest of Japanese capitalism until such
time a5 >-.he is thrown out. When the workers of Japan, Corea
and the balance of the world realize that their interests are
or.*', the pow»r will then generate, not only to throw the eapi-
talis^t out of Curea, but to dispoK-ss them completelv all over
the world.
"WHY ARE OUR BOYS IN SIBERIA?"
The othcT day the duwntown section of Chicago was sud-
ilenly started by the appearance of" over five thouj^and fathers
and mothers, sisters and wives of soldiers stationed in Siberia,
canyjnif bfinners ami fairly shrieking for the immediate with-
drawal of troops from Russia. The occasion for the demonstra-
tion wa.< the dcpa/ture of a deU-.^aiion for Washington to in-
Urvit'w President Wilson to prcst-nt demands that their rela-
tive? we ordered home.
Many banners bearing the qu.My, "Why Are Our Boys in
b:l.ona.- were wattere<l through the parade. We wonder
i ih-o.-.- V ho paraded really eKpev\ Professor WUaon to truth-
fulO- in [>ly to that (lue.tion. If they do they are doomed to
• *«««f fnr a Wilson even conaenta to see them he
^mrverBpl'cialy prepared evaston ex<,uisitely concealed
hlimrhis expert action: so that at the time ha .pe.ke they
^wn think he is Baying eomething, but after they have been dk-
misdfnd carefully conaider the .ords of the Princeton pro-
TeZr ?hev will find they know exactly aa much about the
cSn of intervention in Russia as they did when they p».
raded the streets of Chicasro in the rain.
If thev really want an answer to the question we can give
it to 'hLt two words: .'CAPITALIST IMPERIAUSM."
The spokesmen of this imperialism consoled the relatives of
these boys when they were sent to Siberia with the deliberate
falsehood that Russian intervention was necessary in order to
prevent material assistance to Germany. These simple people
thought their "boys*' were sent ot Siberia in order to help es-
tablish "democracy" in the world. It has already been proved
thousands of time that Allied intervention, which included the
presence of American troops in Siberia, was not a move against
Imperial Germany, but against Free Russia. That is why
they are fighting: To throttle the workers* government in Rub-
sia. They are not there in order to free the world, but to as-
sist in crushing the only people on earth who are really endeav-
oring to establish a government that represents the people*
The success of the Russian revolution furni.shes an example of
liberty to the balance r the world that is exceedingly distaste-
ful to the imperialists, so they are using American troops to
fight their battles. American troops will remain in Siberia
until they are driven out by the force of arms of the Russians,
or until the workers of the w orld force the Allied governments
to withdraw them.
American .soldiers are fighting Soviet Russia, in the interest
of the American and Allied imperialism without a declaration
of war, because a declaration of war would lay bare their sin-
ister motives against the workers of Russia and the rest of the
world.
The ruling class of the entire world is convulsed with rage
at the spectacle of the red flag of the proletarian revolution
floating over the former palaces of the Czar;^, and they realize
that unless they destroy the revolution, th^ revolution will de-
stroy them.
It is at last dawning upon the minds of the rulers of earth.
that Soviet Rus.^ia is here to stay, and they are now trying to
devise means of preventing its spread to other nations. In
this attempt, also, they are doomed to disappointment, for the
revolution that has conquered in Ru.ssia has already taken root
and before another decade has passed the vrorkers of all the
world" under the crimson emblem of the Communist Interna-
tional will end for all time the nightmare of captaiist imper-
ialism.
Until then, sons, hu.sbands and brothers of the working class
will continue to be herded like cattle in foreign lands to fight
the battles of imperialist capitalism that the capitalist class
itself is too damned cowardly to fight.
M
CZARISM IN AMERICA
The more or less peaceful citizens of the city of Chicago were
startled Monday by the glaring headlines of the daily press
announcing that a revolution had been nipped in the bud the
previous night by the police force, that valiant upholder of
"I^w and Order," According to the yellow press, the 1. W. W.
invaded the loop district and immediately proceeded to start
a riot, when the police opened fire upon them and after a
heroic struggle succes.sfully disperaed the "reds."
The facts are that the waiters' union, amiiated with the
I. W . W., held a meeting on Sunday evening and voted a strike
of the members in a number of chains of restaurants. The
strike was to be called immediately, so u number of delegates
started to make the rounds of the restaurants in a motor truck
m order to inform the membership of the decision. A stool
Tmnr" *^^^.;?."^P»oj*^rs had attended the meeting and his
employer.H notified the police of the move, so when the dele-
saiued Tv'f u '''' ''''1 ^-^'^^^"^^'^^ ^^^y -'-^'- >n«t and as-
women fL' '.?'""* ^^*"*' ^*^^*"^« ^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^
Tmst '"""^'''' ^^ '^' ""^*»" '"'^'^ P^^^^<^ "'^der
Po^ld'aUemnf^tr.*^!.'' ^''" '^""^'^ ^^ regarding the "pro-
thnre Torrr to n^n 1 revolution" and the reporters were
X';rsinLVma?i;^^^ ''^'^^ '"^^ ^-^^^ f- the benefit of
^^^'r'^^^^^^^ brutality ,s only an-
*'ity. Htate and naticm are „»* ^A *'^^^'''^*'" of government,
obtain anything for themsoI^OH u'u "m '''^•'*^^" '^"^'""^ ''
iHrn of the I. W W 1 hT u . ^' ^*'**"*** "'«^ *«**^h the mem-
• w. that the state is not a myth, but a very
i
4
d
AuKitrt so, jei».
THE COMMUNIST
P«Bt Flv«
real instrument of opprcaaion in the hands of the maftter claas,
and Ihat it ia used without any scruples whenever occasion
demands. While it is nocesnary to organize into economic
groups for the immediate Btrugr^le against the encroachment*
of the capitalist c!as;!<, it is alao necessary to wagre the etrugrgle
for the conquest of the powers of state, in order that those
powers may i>e used for the benefit of the working class; that
iii::*.rument of oppression must be wrested from the hands of the
ruling class and used as an instrument of emancipation in the
hjinds of ihe workers.
FOOL OR KNAVE?
It is not often that we find prominent capitalista making
aiach ignorant statements a.«« that recently made by James A.
SiJllman, president of the National City Bank, New York.
In speaking of improvements he says: ''All the improve-
mer;ti* in industry by invention and the accumulation of cap-
ital, work for the benefit of labor." Of course, his making
that statement is no sign that he himself believes it. One
who would accept that statement ^as true would have to be
ignorant indeed— even more so than a bank president or an
aiutomobile manufacturer.
Anvthing more than a superficial examination of the facta
of the case will plainly demonstrate that improvements in in-
du>try do not work for the benefit of the working class. It
has been a well known fact that improvements in produc-
tion under capitalism have brought misery' to the workers
everywhere. ThiE was so during the earliest development of
the capitalist system, and it is so today.
With the introduction of machinery into the textile industries
(-f England in the early days of capitalism the effect upon the
working class was horrible. The advent of machine produc-
tion first made itself felt in the world through the miserj' of
the workers. If one doubts this let him read Gibbon's 'In-
dunrial of England." The workers, because of the suffering
ami ignorance, were led to the mistaken action of breaking
the machinery. The phrase "machine breakers," which desig-
naifcd the groups orj^-anize'd for that purpose, has become a
byword.
Nor have conditions changed with the modern development
of capitalism. Each new improvement in industry brings more
suffering for the workinif class. Piece work systems, more ef-
ficient machinery, and so on, chc apen production and produce
more commodities with less labor power, but this does not
bt:nefit the workers under capitalism. The effect ia just the
opposite. Fewer workers are required to produce the same
amount of commodities and the alternative generally is to
lay ofT some of the workers. Each worker produces more
wealth for the ?ame amount of wages, consequently the ratio
of hid robbery ).<? increased. Nor are the.'se all the evils that
a.-e brought upon the working class by improvements in cap-
i'.ii!i.-!tic production. Through improved production the needs
of the world market are more quickly supplied and conse-
quently the periodical crises that occur in the capitalistic sys-
em come more frequentb'.
The remedy ia not to follow the lead of the early "machine
breakers" by fighting against the development of production
uhdtr capitalipm. Fighting piece work pystems, as does the
A. F. of L., will not solve the problem. The solution lies in
ar.olher direction. If we fijrl^l these improvements in pro-
duction ue place ountelvca on a par with the stupid reactionary
"machine breakers." We niust take over the industries in the
namt' of the working class and then the improvements will be
a benefit to the workers. We will then produce for use and
the workers will consume the product.
Possibly James A, Stillman ia ignorant of these facts. Pos-
sibly his statement was handed out to be consumed by the
gullible workers who think that just because a man is a buc-
cfi.^ful capitalist only pearls of wisdom can drop from his
mouth. At any rate, when' we compare his statement with the
economic facts, v.c must conclude that Mr, Stillman is cither a
fool or a knave.
The German capitalists have taken advantage of the pay-
chological moment to seek another alliance with the ItalUn
capitalists. Obviously, such an alliance has two purpogei:
First, to break the iron ring which has been forged around
Germany by the Allies; second, to endanger English-French
hegemony upon the Mediterranean, in Northern Africa and
Asia Minor. This alliance would apoil the well-laid plana
of the Entente and make the "Hun" a menaee again. In
the north, Germany is seeking an economical agreement with
Soviet Russia and in the east she is trj'ing to strengthen her-
self by unity with Austria. And yet theae are only plant, but
the possibility of their being put into practice is auct a menaee
that the Entente is already compelled to take defeniive meaK
urea.
Two steps are proposed by the spokesmen of Entente capi-
talists to prevent this German-Italian alliance. One would be
to help Italy in her present financial and economic criaia. The
other would be to award to Italy such spoiU in Africa and Afia
as the peace conference has at its disposal.
If the peace conference fails to take these atepa it must riak
the German-Italian alliance and the revival of German im-
perialism. If the peace conference takes the steps it will
advert the German-Italian alliance, but it will not insure the
world against war.
To strengthen Italy will onlx place her in a position to be a
stronger competitor in the imperialistic race. Her military sys-
tem will have to be built to maintain the colonies that have
been awarded to her. A fit condition to breed future wars.
By the time the capitalists have finished the work of di-
viding the spoils and the new spheres of influence have been
determined, war conditions will have again extended to the
entire capitalist world.
There is only one way in which peace may be kept. That is
to transform capitalist production into communist production.
There is only one road that leads to real peace and that is so-
cial revolution.
THE WAY TO PEACE
Kuropi-an nr vss prrnistently reports that the defeat of the
haiian dipiomatn ut Paris creates a fertile field for pro-Ger-
man ftgitation among the Italirtii cuipiraHMlx, Tho ItaJiana have
not rf'ceived what lh**y rxpected. They failed in their attempt
to ^fcure nupr^-macy over the Adriatic. They have occupied
Alliania, but Ihiir fofithold in inMTure. In Anla .Minor they
f;».d lhvm»4.1ve8 in conflict with the ambiliona of Greece', of
France and England. By Iht- llmo \hv npo'i^n were divided
lh.'n- whn nothinij h-ft for Uu-m. nulancinvf up thrlr account
«f" r ihr: v/&r, *hf J'ab'ima find lht'ii;^flv( « the ]oM*m.
MARRIAGE IN RUSSIA
Again for the ten thousandth time a capitalistic reporter has
been forced to admit that he could find no cxidence proving
the nationalization of women in Russia. It is hardly neces-
sary to return to thi."» subject as it is no longer a debatable
question. If it were not for the fact thpt certain ignorant
newspaper ediors keep harping on the subject we would de-
vole no further space to it. Driven on by their intense hatred
of any .succei^ses on the part of the working class, they contin-
ually rehash this malicious lie about the nationalization of
women in Russia. It will therefore not be out of place to
comment on the latest news that comes from Russia.
Lsuac Don Levinc, a special correspondent of the Chicago
Daily News, writing from Russia, confes.'tes that there is abso-
lutely no foundation for the tale. One of the questions thai
wa.s uppermost in hi.'i mind upon hi.s arrival in Russia was to
ascertain the truthfulnes.s of this story. He informs us that
tiie people in Russia were very much surprised to find that
this story had been taken seriously. by the world. The Rus-
sians themselves refused to take it .seriously and laughed at
him or anyone else who believed it.
He say.«?, in reference to the origin of the tale: "There was
a humorous weekly in PetrograH. It was hostile to the Bol-
yheviki and to the Soviets. It had some clever writers on its
f^taff. One of them, upon the promulgation of the Soviet de-
cree simplifying marriage, conceived the idea of going a lit-
tle further and outlining a decree for the nationalization of
women. This product of the fertile imagination of a clever
humorist was duly carried abroad and translated and pub-
lished in Great Britain as an authentic government procla-
mation. . , r» - J
"Perhaps from the point of view of the old Russian order
of life, the Soviet marriage decree was a startling novelty.
But from the American point of view there was nothing rad-
ical about it."
It is. of course, hopeless to expect that the pen valeU of ihe
ttpitalisl-* will repudiate their former statements on the mar-
riage <|ueslion in Russia. The matter is not discussed here for
thitr purpose. They will undoubtedly continue to publUh their
lies about the situation. The entire matter has been made so
ri<licuiouH that some papers, such as the one quoted above.
h'.ve bfcn obliged to tell the truth about the matter. It will
hi noliKMl. howi'vcr. that the truth is told in a much more in-
,.,nM.i< uouH plar<> in tht-ir paper than wa« given to the original
li. AH of which proves the contention that we have long
n>:ulf ihi.t thr c apilaiiM pr.'Hs Is the prostitute of tho cnpitaliKt
clHti.
P«re lie
THE COMMUNIST
Interviewing Haywood on the Communist
\Vc have heretofore hmd occAJ»ion to
remark that the hr.ck writers on the cap-
ilalsflt preM ncrr hesitate when ordered
Jo commit a dcfenrrate act at the behest
of their mh^en.
A reporter for the Chicago Tribune
v.ho ir.lcrxlexved "BiU" JUywood last
x.ccK clenrly jualified that charge. The
excuse for the interview was the at-
tj-nip'«?d 5irike of ihe waitera' union, af-
f;:;ared with the I. W. W. After a few
f]jp?*:on5 relative to the strike the fol-
lo'^lng convcr?ation ensued (according
to the reporter) :
R^porier— "ri th; I. W. W. cofin«€te<i m »ny
way with tJ*e CommunisU who »re (^iuir to iry
^ t,M ■ c«wvenei«n in CIijcbko the first of Scp-
R«7wo«(i — "WeH, y«o s**, theni CorarauTiistJ
axT i»Tt of the oH SoeiiUst rMitf. Bot wbat
we're tiyioiE to d« is t« isaise tnon«y to ftet oar
Reporter — "Bat ar* ymar people connecKd
with this barch that wants a revolution right
B^ay, witls a sorjet povemmerit and all that?"
JlajTTcod— "Well, d'yn know, I don't know
Bjoch »bo3t tHi« Communist proposition. Ill
hi»ve to look It cp."
Note carefully the atrocious grammar
attributed to Haywood: "Well, you see,
them Communists," etc. Although no
one has ever accused Haywood of being
an intellectual, still he is not an ignora-
mus, and is quite capable of haBdling the
English language as well as the reporters
for the Tribune. Such tactics on the part
of the pen va!et« of capitalism seem to
be in vogue recently. When the capital-
ist press accuses the labor leaders of igno-
rance and illiteracy no one pays any at-
tection to it, so they ngw resort to the
contemptible tactiea of alleged quota-
tioTF wherein language is butchered.
This is done in order to convey the idea
that the spokesmen of the workers are
a bunch of driveling fanatics, not to be
taken M'rioujily by "intelligent people,"
but xvho ?*hould ncverthelew be sup-
prei^cd because of their ^£f.<^\"P^" ;'^y
[gnorant working claw. Th;B fa merely
another method of fighting the working
claaa, ,
While taking a rap ^t Haywood and
the I. W. W., the reporter, or the desK
man who prepared the article for pub-
lication, also took occaj-ion to refer to tne
Communist Party as a "bunch that wants
a revolution right away." The mtent
here is to convey to the public the idea
that the Communists are a gang of tcr-
roriata who are going '^o lead a revolu-
tion." A perusal of our literature makes
clear our position, which is to g^'t the
MAJORITY of the workers to accept our
position as correct, then to take control
of the powers of government in the inter-
est of the workers.
We do not comment upon the tactics
of this miserable scribbler and the institu-
tion he represents in order to induce the
capitalist press to change its conrse.
This comment is merely for the benefit of
the working class organizations, so they
will refuse to give information to any
reporter. When the Communist Con-
vention is called in Chicago on September
1st we will have our own newspaper rep-
resentatives and the emissaries of capi-
talist journalism will find the doors
barred to them. We will not permit
them to inflame the minds of the public
in order to cloak official brutality on the
part of the ruling class. It is plain that
such is the motive behind the newspaper
talk about the Communist Convention,
This convention is called only for the
purpose of organizing the political ex-
pression of the tiass conscious prole-
tariat of the United States and we do not
propose to be misrepresented by degen-
erates, hence our refusal to extend them
the hospitality of our convention.
DANGER! LOOKOUT!
Senator Thoma* of Colorado Un
ed the Congreaa of the United 8Ut«,
go on strike and stop legislatir.f, Y^
workers of America^ do you n^}h% Ji^w
great a danger you face shoilW e^nifi^^
go out on strike? Just imagln*! Th^
would be no one to m^ th« mm etpio*.
age law, do you proletiiriansTemiij^ wJhj^
that means? The master cUm, without
an espionage law, may find icin« dif.
ftcuKy in railroading clasa conacio^n
workers into prison. It will mean th«t
there will be no money appropriiit^kd lof
the upkeep of the secret service and the
army. Well may the wage alavea tremble
for the master class may b« iwithoot
means of suppressing your strikes tad
deporting your leaders. Kaw will "w^"
declare war on Mexico? Who wHl send ^
the boys into Mexico to prcferve 1aw|H
and order"? ^^H
There is yet another danger. If the
Confess goes on strike what gaaraatee
have we that the Judiciary will not 1<^ M
low suit? Awake, ye siavcal If tke V
judges go on strike, who thea will iasQ^
in j unctions against you ? Who will seat,
ence a Mooney or Debs or Billings to the
penitentiary? Who will deal oat '^jmm^
tice" to the L W. W.?
But there is no such danger; we need
not worry about it. The bosses, who are
always for "law and order," are lookaig
out. And the master class, ualike tie
proletarians, is united and will gee that
their hirelings in Congress and amosg
the judiciary do not play any tricks which
might endanger property rights. Uxyht
Senator Thomas was only joking.
The Plumb plan for joint control of
the railroads is startling" in its aimplici^.
The idea is to have the unions and the
government combine against the capftak
ists.
I
Prepare Now for the
Next War
There is no need to argue about it. Your personal observa-
tion of the trend of events must have convinced you that it is
only a matter of months or pcrhans weeks before this country
will be at war with Mexico. Likewise, you are aware that the
world aituation is such that greater wars are a certainty within
a very short time.
Wliat are you totef to- do about it?
Are yoii bujlding air castles, dreaming about what you will
do w'nen the next crisis arrives, or are you laying the foundation
aew for effective work later?
^B^t BOW there is unlimited opportunity for lining up the
prw^Mtire eaiwon fodder. The Plunderbund is busy pre-
»«risg tbe mmds of \he workers, quietly and insidiously the
asBiUnaU are laying tfaefr plans.
We eaanot stand idly by and allow this to go on. Our op-
l>«te»jty for iNreaeBtiBg tfae prvletaxian iricwpoint to the man
MtiiesUneet Bad tlie worker In the shop wf]! not laat long. We
■Mat take advamage of the iireaeiit situation. To do other-
wa«e w««ld be to play iofo Ow hm^ ol the oaorny
ti^^^^^'!::^'^'^ There »«th«g more effeetire
Z^.^Ir!^^'^^^^*^ puMeiHatkw of o«r program, and thk
bmS^SIy? "^ '"^ "^^ ^**~"^" --^ -«-
ApMjt yowielf a committee of mm with full power to a^rt
J^ *all Cor yom^ local or branch— YOU ACT '
2J««A«. FAILURK S TliE ONLY CRIME!
WHU UnUy for a book of mj
Socialism Debated
Dennia E. Batt va. H. H. Nhnmow
A sixty-four-pag pamphlet containing a debate which
appeared in the Detroit Saturday Night, Feb. 15 to May
8, 1919. All phases of socialism are discussed. We have
only a few hundred of these on hand. While they last
the prices are:
Single copy, 10 centa
la JoU of ten or more, per copy, 7 cento
Send orders to
UTEMTURE DEPAKTKENT, CQMmm flXH
1219 Blue I,]«nd Aye.. Chicago, Ul.
4
I tl,, aiui ^^^•"'^ ""^^ ^^ AM£JUCA
f ^ * cWaimaJKSrVS^^ "»* «««Mity f« th« aer«^£?
«*«bT m1» m^^ff^ ^5^, Monday. SepUmbar Ul. »»*
^^ ^^^ m«mi»€rifaip in laid party.
Namo .
^**T%imfj
B Attri
AttriKi S9, 1919.
THE COMMUNIST
r««c Scv«n
Pacifism or Marxism?
In theM turbulent times, when the
whole civlUzetl world seethes with revo*
lution, it i* hut natural that there should
be much discusHion and argumentation
on the part of the learned and near-
learned concerning the methods and
means whereby the cause of human pro-
grew may best be ser\'ed. Ideas and
philosophiea long disredited and dis-
carded are everywhere being revived,
renovated and twisted to fit modern con-
ditions- The air is made oppressive with
the vast concounie of voices raised by ex-
ponents of all manner of isms and olo-
giep, each insisting that his is the very
latest and only true gospel of salvation.
However great may be the workers need
of the material things' of life, surely
there is a plentitude of advice and coun-
sel.
Comes Scolt Nearing, sometime pro-
fessor of economics, pacifist, socialist,
neo-Christian and foremost American
exponent of Non-Resistance (since Clar-
ence Darrow turned militarist), with a
pamphlet entitled "Violence or Solidar-
ity, or Will Guns Settle It," wherein is
set forth in j?io\\ing terms and up-tc-
the-minule illustrations the doctrines of
the lowly carpenter of Nazareth, and
extolling the etlicacy of all-embracing
love as a remedy for the ills of war-
weary humanity.
The burden of the learned doctor's
contention is that the use of force or
violence is at all times and in all places
unethical ; that violence has in every in-
stance failed to crush ideas and move-
ments; that force when invoked to ad-
vance the cause of labor has always
failed to accomplish the ends sought.
Last but not leaat it is argued that the
use of force is "against human nature."
In his own special field Scott Nearing
enjoys something of a reputation as a
man of science. In his class-room only
that which will stand the test of analy-
sis and demonsLralion is accepted as evi-
dence. But, like many another, Nearing
discards the scientific method upon leav-
ing the portals of the universily Tlie
scientist gives way to the dreamer; in
support of his contentions he cites not
sociologists and economists but po<U and
idealitit-.- Walt Whitman. Tom Paine,
Jegus. Debs—and a single disconnected
sentence from Nicolai Lenin!
Violence and the Supprewicn of Ideas
"Violence can have no effect on the
ideas people hold and promulgull ex-
cept to stimulate propaganda ami ad
vertise the cause against which violence
is directed," says Nearing. This is in-
deed a comforting thouL'ht, but it is
true?
The idea with which wc are at present
moiil deeply concerned, namely, the cb-
taUishmcnt of a communintic socioty, is
not new. It was the idea back of Plato's
ideal lepublic; it wan current among the
early Chrintians and attained wide circu-
lation in Centjal ICurope during the
Middle Age^, several attempt! being
mude to eutablinh tommunititic commun-
ities. Promin»-r)t among those were the
THb(iritt:ji, the iiuHMilc/i. the Anabapti*»t(j
and tno ill-faled movt mint lod by Thom-
iifi Munzt-r, Huimi met with a temporary
HUc'ieJiK. but qH ^v»ro in thii rnd crutihfd
by (he superior hntc-i of the fuedul no-
A Reply to Scott N«armc
bility, assisted by the Popes. In his ex-
cellent work. "Communism in Central
Europe," Karl Kautsky describes the rise
and fall of these movements, and makes
the following rather interesting com-
ment
"It is commonly asserted that ideas cannot
b« Blampe*! out by violence. There lire many
proofs of the truth of this dictum, nnii it is com-
fortmif to «n who are perRccutcd ; but in this
unqualified form it is not true. Admittedly, an
Idea itself cannot be annihilated by violence;
but by iti*elf nlone on idea is a mere shadow,
without any effective force. The Htrenjcth to
which a social ideal atlnins — and it is only this
kind of an ideal which is under ponaiderntion —
IS dependent upon the individuals who uphold
it — i. e., upon their power in society. If it is
possible to annihilate a claaH which upholds a
Kiven idea then that idea will periah with its
advocates."
The history of the Paris Commune
furnishes but another illustration to dis-
prove the assertion that ideas cannot be
crushed by violence. Let Lissagaray tell
how it was done.
*'Tw'enty-five thousand men, women and chil-
dren killed darinjf the battle or after; three
thousand at least dead in the prisons, the forts,
the i>ontoons, or in consefju^nce of maladies con-
tracted durlnst their captivity; thirteen thousand
i.CTen hundred condemned, mo.st of them for life;
seventy thousand women, children and old men
deprived of their natural supporters or thrown
out of France; one huntlred and eleven thousand
victims at least; — that is. the balance sheet of
the bour^coiT ven;r£ance for the solitary resur-
rection of the 18th March."
Thus were the workers of Paris
crushed in 1671; even today they have
not recovered from the blow. Clemen-
ceau, premier of France, was a memb.ir
of the Assembly which from Versailles
directed the massacre of the Commun-
ards. Will violence crush ideas and move-
ments? Ask "The Tiger" !
Violence in the Labor Movement
Dynamite placed in the hands of a
child or an irresponsible person will
wreak death and destruction; a knife in
the hands of an enraged maniac results
in murder. Yet it cannot be argued that
knives or dynamite are in themselves evil
and dangerous. On the contrary they
render valuable service when properly
used. The same may be said of force;
it may in one case be used to suppress
and enslave mankind, in another it may
serve as the instrument of liberation.
Dr. Nearing contends that the use of
force is at all times immoral; that the
taking of humr.n life is unjustifiable.
Speaking of the revolutionary movement
in Europe he says:
"The RuA.sians won their point Ihroutrh eco-
nomic justice at home, proptiranda and opeu
diplomacy . , ,"
". . . If they fail the Red Army %vill help
them fail. If they win the Red Army will Btand
in the way of the tliim: they wish lo ntcompJisn.
It will be 11 liability, not an asset."
"The cause for which the Spartacan.'* are fiKht-
inc in Germany will triumph, not betause Ihey
are ftuhtinK, but beuiu."«« their triumph is m-
evitabUs . ." ."
Gun.H will not nettle any of the/e questions . . .
Even when Uhed to n Kood purpobc they lend to
a bad end."
"Why?
Because the theory behind the une of K'uns
irt bused upon iin utter nuHCoiueplton of human
nature."
Here we have it. Man in rH.sontially
a good, noble, aUrul,*tii- being; gentle
an*l loving- Such wua the Icui-hing of
the gi'iitle Naz-arenu; nuih in the teach-
ing of t'vt^ry pacifiHt before and Hince.
llul rvi'u the >illghli'«l ai'ciuaiuUnce with
human liiKtory prtAcs how i«illy i« thi"
conception. Even the most superficial
observer of the revolutionary movement
in Europe must be aware that had not
the Bolshevik i, the Spartacana ami the
Hungarian communists had the courage
of their convictions and backed up their
ideas with armed force their attempts to
establish proletarian domination would
have been still-born,
From time immemorial men have set-
tled their quarrels through bloodshed,
and until such time as conclusive evi-
dence is produced to show that *'human
nature" has been fundamentally changed
in recent times, we shall be inclined to
believe that force will play its part in
the struggle of the workers against their
present masters.
We are just as much opposed to the
injudicious use of force as is Dr. Dearing.
We fully agree that guns are no substi-
tute for solidarity (which implies class
consciousness). But there is a real and
fundamental difference between the pac-
ificism which says *The use of force is
at all times wrong** and the purely expe-
dient tactic which declares "Force at
this time is inadvisable; we are not
ready." In the proper time and place a
regiment of revolutionary soldiers have a
part to play — providing, of course, that
they have knowledge in their heads aa
well as guns in their hands.
The whole matter of force or Violence
in ihe labor movcmenl is not a question
of ethics at all, but is determined by the
force of circumstances, by necessity. The
entire argument put forth by Nearing
falls to the groumi the moment we exam-
ine its foundation; it is basically un-
sound. All that is necessary is to remove
it from the moral field and examine it in
the light of historical materialism. Be-
ing an ideali.'^t, Nearing does not accept
the Marxian philosophy. This in itself
should be sufficient to brand him as un-
fit to pass judgment upon (luestions of
proletarian tactics. — A. J. AI.
Chicago policeman, to friend on car:
"Yeah, that's the red's hangout. Print
a paper there, and hold meetings to
preach free love.
"The*-.! XX! !!!X@**!
"Huh?
**Oh. yes, still living at the same place.
Gonna move soon. Rent raised again.
"Yeah, everything'.s gone up. Uh-huh.
"S'long."
For men to settle their dilferenccs and
arrange amicably their relations would
be "agin human nature."
I
ON WITH THE WAR!
(Continued from V»lic U)
itH po.'^Kibilities on the day when it de-
cides that the capitalist system with iU
horrors to our class and its ever- accom-
panying blighting network of artificial
starvation and famine which it crcatcji.
Khali pa.'^.H away from the earth I
AKuin and again let u» insist upon the
"reading of many books the earnest con-
Hideralii.n of over many subjects" which
directly lie in our path. ,
Hut above all spread the glad tiding*
of proletarian emauctiiation to all
.John Vii\
AuiruBt 80, 1019.
COMMUNIST
lire Biiriit
THE COMMUn.^ • • 1 J
The Hireling Who Failea
The move we anticip
ated two weeks
i.t adventurer «nd >» ^ebn^ of Al hed nn
n^vialLsm, has materialized and this ne
?o^ defender of the faith haa uncere.
Znioully moved from the form- seat
Z his government. Omsk, to Irkutsk,
thirteen hundred miles away. When
Kn rhak first became a factor agamst the
BotheWki"^he -tire capitalist press o
this nation. adminUration and anti- ad-
'ministration alike hailed h- - f/^
savior of the world. As month after
month passed and the R^d Army c6n-
tinued unchecked agamst him the atti-
tude of the anti-administration papers
has changed from one of loyal support
and unstinted praise to vituperative de-
nunciation.
The only exception to this attitude on
the part of the capitalist class was that
of such publications as the "Nation , the
"Dial" and the "New Republic." These
publications represented the interests of
the small manufacturing capitalists of
the United States who wanted to estab-
lish economic relations with Soviet Rus-
sia in order to dispose of their products.
They cloaked their material interests un-
der the guise of desiring "self-determi-
nation of peoples.'* Speaking for the pet-
ty bourgeois they were unable to com-
prehend the fact that the success of the
proletarian revolution in Russia meant
the spread of the Bolshevist propaganda
to other countries and threatened not
only the existence of the large imperialist
capiUlists, but of the capitalist class as
a whole. Other publications, frankly re-
presenting imperialism, advocated a de-
claration of war against Soviet Russia, in
order to help Kolchak establish a capital-
ist government in Russia. The only thing
that prevented a declaration of war on
the part of the Allies was the fear of
arousing the masses of workers in their
own countries against the Allied govern-
ments. The Wilsonian policy of interven-
tion and aggressive warfare without the
preliminary of a declaration of war was
carried to the utmost extreme. The his-
tory of Allied intervention in Russia is a
history of infamy and the statesmen who
conspired against Soviet Russia have writ-
ten into the pages of history a record
of shame for themselves that all the pan-
egerics of the pen valets of imperialism
can never efface.
Now that the hireling, Kolchak, has
failed and his army dispersed before the
onward sweep of the Bolshevist army,
under the crimson emblem of Communist
Internationalism, the reptile press, or
that portion of it representing the anti-
administration forces, true to its snake
nature has turned upon this Imperialist
failure and is stabbing him to death with
its venom. The Chicago Herald-Examin-
er, a publication which devotes columns
to denunciation of the rcvolutionista in
the United States, now speaks against the
intervention of the United States army in
Russia in an editorial which appeared in
the issue of Aug. 20th, under the caption
'•Worse than a Crime":
Kotchitk -huB ithtfUd his h^adquartera back
from Ornxk to Irkutsk. Kelther name convcyi
miu-h to most of us. But whtn the map shows
that Irkutsk is nearly thirteen hundred miles
fsrihur from Moscow than Omvk, the cas* la
rkjiftir. I*. Is u* if Kolchak, huvlnii ilrtiiKns on
Wshhinifion, fhifteJ his tenter of opfrutlons
M
from Chicajro to Suit Lake C
move is explained ns « 'norm
healthy cQuse.**
of the udmmistration
' or me F" " - ^®*^** **^ ^^^>
ity. Thi-^ strnicKic Siberift; ^.y,ildren who are auspected
rmal setback to n ^7'^^" ^" ,^ Bolsheviki sympathies, but
how mnny P«o-
ple in the United States can
explanation? How many are
not been convinced
there who have
for months that Kotchok.
._ „. r"-'i5->«-^-ur:s
And if he is
Americans alternately burn-
what.ver he r;;re.ent^and what he^ represent.
secma very dark a
by the Russians? J
on earth ai* younff Am«»«»M„ -";--^. -j^ ^^jth
Sng a litUe wbila and treciSng^ ^""ZtT^Tln his
intervals of being .hot and bayonetted, in
"rJn'the GallipoH camp.i^. was Jhc^-^-t
the only obiections to the ^'^IHPfJ'^--^^^^^^^^^
were that.it was badly conceived «"f/5ri;^^^^^^
ported. Our Russian-or, rather, our S.ber.an
f . .t ^-ning stupidity oi
successful, would
of court martial investipaUon in England.
Venture adds to these the crowning stupidity
ipectoclt
being a campaign which, if
have b«en unvtr^lcome.
It « hoped that Japan enjoys the
of young America being pacriftced to a sprit
tl proud to stop fighting. For it saddens and
disgusts everybody else-
Had Kolchak been successful, no mat-
ter what he really represented, he would
have been lauded by the Herald-Exam-
iner and every other paper, and the Wil-
son administration's attitude toward h:m
would have been justified in the columns
of the entire plute press. That would
have necessitated an attack by the anti-
administration organs upon some other
phase of his policy. The only crime one
can commit is to fail. Kolchak is not de-
nounced because of the death train of
^StTcaZ'»^« ^'^"^*'- He failed be.
^""^ .he could not marshal sufficient
JoTes to crush the BolahevikU His weak.
CO nroved that he was wrong. Had h«
rernvXlouahewouldhaveb^^^^^
^^^^"he victor iB always right, because
back of him is the power that has made
possible the victonj.
"Might ifl RiK^tl"
Alight has been right thraughout all
pr;vious history of the world; it U right
today and it will be right in all the aeons
of ages that stretch before us in the un-
known future. Whatever elie history
may hold in iU bosom for mankind, we
know there will (Jnly be one wrong, and
that will be failure, and only one right,
and that will be might.
The ruling class is begmning to recog-
niae the fact that Bolshevism is right
for Russia, because it is capable of de-
fending itself, while it U wrong in all
other countries because it has not yet
acquired siifficient tpower. '(r,When the
workers of all countries, like those of
Ru£«Fia, have raised themselves to the
position of the ruling class and pro-
claimed the Dictatorship of ! the Prole-
tariat of the world, anything they do will
be right, because they will have the
might to enforce it
THE INVISIBLE CLUB
Terrible is the weapon used by the
master class. Death through stan^ation
is awful, but is there any way out of it
under the present system of society. Will
submission to the exploiters save us from
starvation? No. Hungary submitted, the
Hungarian workers lost courage and sur-
rendered, and what happened? The hire-
lings of capitalism (the Roumanian
army) is laying bare fertile Hungary and
misery has increased ten-fold. Did the
German workers save themselves from
starx'ation by submitting to slavery? Do
the American workers save themselves
from starvation by submission. No. They
only make the process longer.
So long as there is wage slavery so
long will the workers be ever on the
verge of starvation. For the master class
controls all the necessities of life and
they can shut off the food supplies at any
time. Only by destroying the system of
wage slavery can the workers become
masters of their own lives. But wage
slavery will not be abolished by strikes of
separate unions or by one big union. To
be organized economically is not enough,
they must be organized politically to gain
control of the State, using its powers in
their great struggle to rid themselves of
the iM>cial parasites who at the present
time control the means of production and
the goods for distribution.
"Liberty, -Fraternity, Equality" was
the rallying cry of the revolutionary
bourgeoisie at the cradle of capitalism;
the slogan "Make the World Safe for
Democracy" is the litany chanted at the
brink of its grave.
The only criticism we find of the Hun-
garian workers is that they did not fight
until the last man fell rather than sub-
mit again to the dictatorship of capital-
ist imperialism. But even out of this de-
feat a lesson has been gained-; that !«*--
son is to never let any sentimental scrup-
les interfere with the iron dictatorship
of tire proletariat once again they ff«in
supremacy.
FORWARD TO MEXICO!
(Continued from Page 1)
tween two trenches; yet it is to protect
his oil interests that American soldiers
will be there. Nor will we read of the
carcass of William Randolph Hearst fur-
nishing a banquet for buzzards upon the
bleached plains of Mexico while protect-
ing his land interests; yet sons of the
working class will die for him.
One loKson the workers must learn is
that thiH HtHire of capltallatit develop.
ment is essentially warlike and that wars
will continue just as long as capitaliw*
lasts. The defeat of Germany wo not
the end of all wars, as we were told It
would be, and the defeat of Mexico will
not end imperialistic aggression, but only
accelerate It.
In the Htruggle for imperialistic iu-
premacy the workers have nothing to
Kum. Their InteresU Is not to subdue
Mexico, but to destroy capitaHfcm.
i
I