THE EGYPTIAN PROBLEM
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Mixed Tribunals—an institution which dates consideral further back than the Occupation—would merely de£< any proposals for the drastic revision of thtf Capitulatio which it would be the first duty of Great ^ritain to J)r forward in discharge of her new responsibilities. It at any rate of good omen that Mr. Hurst's project merging the jurisdiction of the Consular Courts into t] of the Mixed Tribunals—the one result of its labo which the Miner Commission made public before leavi Egypt—has been received very favourably. .
The form to be given to such a settlement, and 1 name that the new relationship between Britain a Egypt should bear, may seem much less important tt the substance. But we ought not to make light Egyptian sentiment, which is now almost universa embittered against the word Protectorate and its t fortunate Arabic version Jiimayat, however elastic practice may be the interpretation we are ready to pi; on it. Is it worth while for us to insist upon a word tl in itself has even less meaning than the formula complete independence upon which the Egyptians ins; to our thinking, so unreasonably ? As to the form settlement, it might be embodied in a new Orgca Statute which would receive the approval of the Brit Government, or, as the Egyptians themselves woi probably prefer, in a formal Treaty of Alliance, witl preamble placing on record as the object of Brit policy an ever-enlarging measure of self-"government Egypt with, as its final goal, her national indcpendei in perpetual amity and association with the Brit Empire. Either form would probably bo more accepta to the Egyptians than the substitution for the P tectorate of a mandate from the League of Natio which they might construe into an attempt to releg; them to the position of inferiority which such manda appear generally to connote. On the other hand, tl would doubtless welcome as a spontaneous pledge good faith our willingness to communicate to the Lea| x ior self-government. But we are pledged to *andfor the protection of their