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310 THE EGYPTIAN PROBLEM OH. xvn
for this is a course to which we are committed not only by our traditions, but by all our professions before and during and since the war. There are dangers in this course too, but none so great as in a breach of our plighted faith. When, but not until, we have redeemed our own promises, can we hold the Egyptians responsible, if they reject all overtures for a settlement by mutual consent and persist in their endeavour to defeat an honourable solution of the Egyptian problem which should satisfy their sense of separate nationhood and give them at the same time such an assurance of security as, in this period of world-travail, they can hardly hope to find elsewhere than in close association with the great commonwealth of nations? that we call the British Empire.
Just as these last pages are going to press it is officially announced that Saad Pasha Zaghlul has arrived in London with several members of the Egyptian Delegation and other political friends, in response to an I invitation from the Miner Commission, and that • T negotiations have begun with a view to finding a basis of friendly agreement. The mere fact that such negotia- i tions are taking place is a welcome proof that British ) Ministers as well as the leaders of the Egyptian Party \ of Independence have definitely abandoned the unbending attitude which has kept them too long, and unwisely, apart. Though much patience and good will may still be required to overcome, not only the difficulties inherent to the problem, but also the reactionary influences which, in Cairo as well as in London, will not want to see them overcome, one may reasonably hope that a settlement by consent is now actually in sight.
THE END. We are not free, and we have not the right, to r*.*-i-* .1 • ^ a large and progressive measure of self-gevcnan it, /our willingness to communicate to the Lea| x ior self-government. But we are pledged to *andfor the protection of their