*§> Workers (Communist) Party // of America // Zj$$^ i Held in Chicago, III. Aug. 21-30, 1925. Published by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. f , / THE DAILY WORKER THE NATIONAL LABOR DAILY 1 ' Is the only English Communist daily newspaper in the world. Everyday it gives an honest picture of every Mep of importance in the progress of Labor the world over, — and no other newspaper does or would lare to. Besides news so essential to the thinking worker, articles on every phase of working class problems and great Labor cartoons are a daily feature. Workers' Correspondence, increasing in size, is ever becoming a more interesting section. Every Tuesday a special T. U. E. L. page gives a picture of the militant trade union activities in this country. The Saturday issue includes a magazine section —a pleasure to the worker who gives thought to his problems. $6.00 A Year SUB RATES OUTSIDE OP CHICAGO $3.50 Six Months $2.00 Three Months $8.00 A Year IN CHICAGO $4.50 Six Months $2.50 Three Months Send Remittance to The Daily Worker 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, III. The Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of America Report of the Central Executive Committee to the 4th National Convention Held in Chicago, Illinois, August 21st to 30th, 1925 Resolutions of the Parity Commission and others. PRICE 50 CENTS. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., CHICAGO, ILL. >290 LO eft TABLE OF CONTENTS Majority Report on Credentials , 4 Minority Report on Credentials .. 4.5 Rules or Order of the Convention.. 5„g Report of the Central Executive Committee 9-62 (a) The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign .".. 9 (b) The Election Campaign.. .'".""!.""!' 10 (c) The Labor Party Campaign \ " 10-11 (cl) United Front and Other Special Campaigns 10-14 _(e) Trade Union, I. W. W., Ind. Unions, etc 14-16 (f) Agrarian, Educational, Women's Negroes' and Anti- Imperialist Work , 16-21 (g) Our Party Press 'ZZZlZllZZZZlZZi 21-23 (h) Membership of Our Party !!.'."!!."."!!! 27-40 (i) The Party Publications, Different Languages 41-42 (j) Language Sections 43-51 (k) Financial Statement of the National "6fflce:!'!!!!.7.!!!!!!!!!!!!52^62 Majority Resolution on the Report of C. E. C 63-66 Minority Resolution on the Report of the C. E. C Z.J6-70 Majority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American Question.. .",...70-71 Minority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American' Question 71-72 The Present Situation and the Immediate Tasks of the Party.. ..73-81 Instructions for Labor Party Campaign '1*81-86 Resolution on Rolshevization of the Party 87-93 Resolution on the Liquidation of Loreism ZZZZ.9M5 Motion on the Expulsion of Lore from the Party 96-98 The Industrial Work of the Workers (Communist) Party 99-108 (a) Main Tasks of the Party in the Trade Unions '"" 101 (b) Necessary Organizational Measures "102104 (c) Shop Committees ._" " 104-105 (d) Amalgamation and International * 105-106 (e) Party Policies for Trade Union WorjL"!ZlZlZ..."l! 106-107 The International Labor Defense Indorsed " "!l07~108 Communist Agrarian Program and Policies ...!...."*.. ..109-114 The Amerian Negro and the Proletarian Revolution '"mi2» (a) The Negro in American History. "" ' n*vA (b) Negro Race Movements ZZZZZZZ". 121-122 Communist Work Among Women in the United States!.....! 124-127 The American Communist Struggle Against Imperialism. 128-140 Our Pledge to the Soviet Union 141-142 Resolution on the Young Workers League ZZZZZZ.Z . 143-144 Resolutions of the Appeals Committee.. "] ' i 45 .i 46 Building of the Communist Press Z.Z.. 147-151 Report of the Daily Worker, Financial, etcZZZZZZZZZZZZjS^im Election of the Incoming Central Executive CommitteeZ-!Z""!l67-168 DO Q THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS Foreword The Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party was held in Chicago from August 21 to August 81, 1925. During the period of ten days the sixty-one delegates 'present debated the various questions of policy and tactics relating to the Party life and the development of a revolutionary movement of the workers against capitalism and the winning of the leader- ship of this movement by the Party. This pamphlet contains the reports submitted to the convention and the resolutions adopted by it. For a discussion of divisions ivhich existed within the party and the development of its policies the reader is referred to the pamphlet "From the Third Through the Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Commun- ist) Party- by C. E. Ruthenberg, the General Secretary of the Party. 517553 THE LIBRARY THE UN 1TY OF TEXAS CHAPTER I. MAJORITY REPORT ON CREDENTIALS S Pa t!ip T M?l the f eC nu- delesatious be seated from the San Francisco, S',,^ U i Clucago, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Buffalo, and New Haven districts, and also the delegates from the Y. W. L., the national office territory and the agricultural district. That the contested delegations from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Clevetand majority and minority, all be seated with voice and vote on the basis of Boston 3-3, New York 7-7, Philadelphia 2-2, Cleveland 3-3 inchfdi 2 v w ?° mpositlon of *e contested D. E. C.'s be as follows, including Y. W. L. representatives and district organizers: Boston Maj 4 ° rity Minorit y New York 9 Philadelphia 11"..."..."......!!!!.......'.' 7 ~ Cleveland s ' ° 6 3. An active campaign shall be carried on for the speedy reor- KnTnTom ^ 116 , Papty ' DeW eleCUOnS in theSe ^^tricts shal be held in from four to six months on the basis of the reorganized party. MAJORITY CREDENTIALS COMMITTEE MOTION ON ASKELI Tvn J 0ti011 that . Comrade -Askeli, who presented credentials from the SSHi S ? i ratern , al del6gate t0 the W ° rkers Part ^ convention invUe'd L def?n. a \% frat !? al d6legate and that Comrade Aske » be invited to defend before the convention, during the debate on the resolution regarding the liquidation of Loreism the position he has taken in his article published in the DAILY WORKER August 22, 1925, evening session. MINORITY REPORT ON THE CREDENTIALS On the basis of the report made on the elections in the districts Propo™ ° n credentials committee submits the following 1. To seat in District No. 1 the three minority delegates elected by the convention, and the two majority delegates four'maSiSlei^tef 01 N °" * «" "^ min0rlty delegates and majonty^deKgato 1 ! **"* ^ ' ** ^ ^^ delegateS and ™ tested T ° S6at ^ D1StriCt N °' 4 the tW ° maj ' 0rity deIe S a tes, uncon- To seat in District Ne. 5 the three minority delegates, uncon- 6 the three minority delegates and 7 the two majority delegates and delegates and 5. tested. & T© seat in District No. one majority. 7. To seat in District No. one minority, uncontested. 8. To seat in District No. 8 the five majority two minority. 9. To seat in District No. 9 the five delegates as elected and un- contested. 10. To seat in District No. 12 the three delegates elected, but to declare that the action of the chairman in ruling that the minority delegate could not be nominated was an unpermissable act. 11. To seat in District No. 13 the two delegates and uncontested. 12. To seat in District No. 15 the one delegate elected and uncontested. 13. To seat the delegates elected for the National Office terri- tory, agricultural territory and Y. W. L., uncontested. 14. To seat the fraternal delegates as submitted to the con- vention, with the exception of Comrade Fisher as a minority rep- resentative from the South Slavic Federation and Comrade Askeli from the Tyomies Publishing Association. In regard to Comrade Askeli to give him the floor under the dis- cussion of the liquidation of Loreism and to defend the position taken in his article by the Superior group before the convention. This decision in regard to the credentials carries with it a recog- nition of the district executive committee in District No. 1, as elected by the convention — nine for the minority and four for the majority. In District No. 2, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In District No. 3, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In District No. 6, ten for the minority and five for the majority. RULES OR ORDER OF THE CONVENTION I. Robert's Rules of Order shall govern the proceedings of the convention when not in conflict with these rules. II. The convention shall elect a chairman and vice-chairman at the beginning of each day's session. A secretary and assistant secretary to serve during the convention shall be elected. III. The convention shall elect the following committees: 1. Credentials Committee of five members. 2. Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the party of eleven members. 3. Committee on Resolutions of seven members. 4. Committee on Finance, (a) Credentials Committee shall consist of three repre- sentatiyes of the majority and two of the minority. (t>) Committee on constitution and reorganization of the party shall consist of eight representatives of the majority, and three of the minority. (c) The Committee on resolutions shall consist of five representatives of the majority and two representa- tives of the minority. (d) The Committee on Finance shall consist of Comrades Loeb, Ruthenberg, Wagenknecht, Tenhunen and Simons. IV. Order of Business of the convention shall be as follows: 1. Election of Chairman and Vice-chairman 2. Election of Secretary and Assistant Secretary. 3. Election of Committees in the following order- (a) Credentials Committee of five members (b) Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the party, of eleven members. (c) Committee on Resolutions of seven members. (d) Committee on Finance. Report of the Central Executive Committee to be divided 4. as follows: 2. (a) Report on the Enlarged Executive Committee of the C. I. and on the American question. 1. Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Cannon; to be given one hour and forty-five minutes for present- ation and thirty minutes for summing up at the close of debate. Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone- to be given one hour for presentation (b) Report on the Present Situation and the Immediate tasks of the Party and the Political Report of the L>. hi, c. 1. Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Bittelman; to have one hour and forty-five minutes for presentation and thirty minutes for summing up after discussion. 2. Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg- to have one hour for presentation. 5. Report on the Labor Party Resolution. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty- five minutes to open and fifteen minutes to sum up (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg- thirty minutes for presentation. 6. Bolshevization of the Party (a) Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Cannon; one hour for report and thirty minutes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Be(facht; thirty minutes for presentation. 7. Liquidation of Loreism. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C. t Comrade Bittelman; one hour for presentation and thirty minutes for sum- ming up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Bedacht, who shall have thirty minutes for presentation. 8. Industrial Work of the Party. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Foster, one hour and fifteen minutes for report and thirty minutes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Gitlow; thirty minutes for presentation. 9. Defense Work. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for summing up. 10. International Workers' Aid. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes to sum up. 11. Agrarian Report. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty- five minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone; 25 minutes for presentation. 12. Negro Work. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Dunne; 1 hour for presentation and 20 minutes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Minor; 30 minutes for presentation. 13. Women's Work. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Bittelman; 30 min- utes for report and 10 minutes. for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg; 15 minutes. 14. Anti-imperialist Campaign. (a) Reporter for C. E. C, Comrade Gomez; 1 hour for report and 15 minutes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Wolfe; 30 minutes. 15, Soviet Russia. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Harrison George; thirty minutes for presentation and ten minutes for summing up. 16. Young Workers' League. (a) Reporter for the N. E. C, Comrade Williamson; forty-five minutes for presentation and fifteen min- utes for summing up. (b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Kaplan; twenty- five minutes for presentation. 17. Party Press. (a) On Editorial Phase of Press, Comrade Dunne; (for the C. E. C.h one hour for presentation and fifteen minutes for summing up. On Administration, Comrade Loeb; thirty minutes far presentation and ten for summing up. Language Press, Comrade Olgin, thirty minutes for pre- sentation and ten minutes for summing up (b) Reporter for Minority, Comrade Engdahl;' on Edi- torial Phase, thirty minutes for presentation Language Press, Comrade Lifshitz; fifteen minutes for presentation. Party Finance. (a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Ruthenberg- forty-five minutes for presentation. Report of Committees .in the following order* (a) Credentials Committee. (b) Constitution and Reorganization of the Party (c) Resolutions Committee. (d) Finance Committee. Election of the C. E. C. Adjournment of the convention. th* L, ^f 1 s * al * be limited t0 ten m ^utes for each speaker on the report of the C. E. a, the party policies, and the industrial work of the party and to five minutes for each speaker on all other points of the agenda. No speaker shall speak a second time while others who have not had the floor desire to speak. in *IL The ™ n 7 eMion sha11 °Pen at 11 a. m. each day and continue n session until 5 p. m., and then adjourn until 7 p. m. and remain in session from 7 p. m. until 11 p. m. r.« Q J^' f r011 Cal1 VOte may be deman <3ed by five delegates rep- resenting two or more districts. 18. 19. 20. 21. CHAPTER IT. REPORT OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ON PAST ACTIVITIES The analysis of the political situation, external and internal, of our party and the immediate tasks are contained in the resolutions adopted unanimously by the Parity Commission and published in the party press. We give here a record of the concrete work of the party during the past twenty months. The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign. The first big political campaign carried on by the present C. E. C. was the struggle for the formation of a Farmer-Labor Party for the 1924 elections. This campaign centered around the St. Paul con- vention which was held on June 17, 1924. The Party exerted all of its energy and resources in this fight and raised the issue thru- out the entire labor movement. The Party fought with all of its power to preserve the organizational independence of the Farmer- Labor movement and to prevent it falling into the hands of the petty bourgeois elements led by LaFollette. In the course of the campaign, meetings were held thruout the country, resolutions in- troduced into labor unions and farmers' organizations, local and dis- trict conferences of delegates were held, and all means of propa- ganda and agitation were put forth. The movement came to a climax at the St. Paul convention. There it became evident that the great mass of the semi-conscious workers and farmers, who had hitherto 'been giving a certain degree of support to the Farmer-Labor Party, had fallen under the influence of the LaFollette movement to the extent of deserting the St. Paul convention. The attempt to found a Farmer-Labor Party on a mass basis, therefore, did not succeed. The National Farmer-Labor Party, formed at the St. Paul convention, which nominated McDonald and Bouck for president and vice-president, was still-born. The sweep of the LaFollette movement was proof of the middle class ideology of the American masses. In its historical aspect, it demonstrated that the accepted leaders of the American masses are those who voice the small business men, the well-to-do farmers, the professional classes, and the upper layers of the labor aristocracy. With our immature labor movement, it was inevitable that the LaFol- lette movement would succeed in the presidential elections in swamp- ing the beginning of independent political action by the workers and poor farmers. It was the recognition of this -condition which brought our party to the mistake of the proposed third party alliance in an effort to preserve the organizational basis of the Farmer-Labor Party. In the given circumstances, and notwithstanding such mistakes as our party made, it was impossible to prevent the LaFollette move- ment from engulfing the Farmer-Labor Party movement. The W. P. National Election Campaign. evid f "7* 1 ?* July £} ^n^rence of the C. P. P. A., when it became evident that the politically unripe masses in the Farmer-Labor Party movement had deserted to LaFoIlette, we found it necessary to dis card the skeleton National Farmer-Labor Party and to launch the Workers Party into the national campaign under its own banner and with its own candidates for president and vice-president. Under the circumstances this was a difficult maneuver for our Party but it was accomplished without serious internal disturbance. This ac- tion was approved by the Comintern in it s resolution on the Ameri- can question. Our Party was the only party that waged the banner of the calss struggle in the face of the LaFoIlette movement As a consequence, and in spite of the small vote recorded, the Com- munist program was placed before thousands of workers The opportunist tendencies developed in the negation of the role of our party by many comrades, as a result of the complicated maneuvers and ^f J^r^ 01 " and LaFollette movements, were shown during and after the election campaign by the cold and unsympathetic atti- ln !i t - S ° me C0Dlrades toward the Party's first national effort in an election campaign. The Labor Party Campaign. Immediately after the election campaign, in the face of the menfThe Tf °p ^ '"T^" *™<" by the LaFoIlette move- ^nl * ,"„ ^ C - P r °P° sed that the use of the Farmer-Labor Party thaf ?hf °r V e r dlSC ° ntinUed £ ° r the imme «iate future. The charge iepV th E e ^Xt^ ^S^Wo TrS o'n ttSSZSSX Minnesota Labor party where the m ™ After the party discussion conducted in the press and in mem- bership meetings, the Comintern rendered a decision which sharpTy corrected the mistakes of both the majority and minority groups 'and pointed out clearly the basic error of attempting to form a labor" party upon any other foundation than that of tL mass organfza- ion of the workers. The decision of the Communis? Intemationi fully substantiated the fundamental conception which anTma ed the present majority of the C. E. C. in the long controversy over thP Federated Farmer-Labor Party and the August ilesilZ the con- elusion of the majority that the LaFoIlette movement had captured the mass sentiment of the semi-conscious workers during the last election campaign. The decision also corrected the erroi wMcVde veloped in the proposal of the majority of the C. E. c to temporarilv discontinue the labor party campaign tempoianly quesSnTh? C^E ^T* °* ft Cominte ™ °» the labor party question tne C. E. C. has carried on an active campaign for the labor party It elaborated a complete program for thi ? work wh ch was adopted unanimously later on by the Parity Commission This program was immediately applied in connection wST the conven tion of the Pennsylvania Labor Party, at which, although tlTcon- 10 vention was called on a week's notice, we had present a dozen dele- gates fighting for our conception of a Labor Party. In New York City, our members, under the direction of the Party, participated in the so-called Labor Fusion Conference under the slogans "For a United Labor Ticket" and "For a Labor Party." In this New York campaign, it was necessary for the C. E. C. to overrule the decision of the local committee proposing to drop the slogan "For a United Labor Ticket" and to criticise the nature of the propaganda leaflet issued which failed to sufficiently stress the revolutionary implica- tions of our program for immediate demands. In the Tri-District Anthracite Convention, a labor party resolution was introduced and adopted. In many local unions and other labor bodies, labor party resolutions have been carried. Other Election Campaigns. The party carried on a number of other election campaigns which were quite effective, especially those in Los Angeles, Michi- gan and Minneapolis. The vote cast in Los Angeles for the leading Communist candidate was 26,000, in Michigan our candidate received 7,000 votes; and in Minneapolis, 1,800. All these campaigns were carried out on a clear cut Communist program. OTHER UNITED FRONT AND SPECIAL PARTY CAMPAIGNS. Since the last convention, the party has made extensive and successful use of the united front tactic in many campaigns, as well as the campaign for the labor party. Among the most import- ant of these should be mentioned the following: Save Lanzutsky From the Polish White Terror. On the occa- sion of the trial of Comrade Lanzutsky in Poland, our party, thru its Polish section, organized united front committees in a dozen cities for protest meetings and demonstrations, in addition to the demon- strations organized directly by the party before the Polish embassy in Washington and the Polish consulates in six cities. The cam- paign generally focused the attention of the labor movement on the Polish white terror, and roused intense resentment among the workers against it and brought especially the Polish workers closer to the party, effectively breaking the isolation from which our Polish movement had hitherto suffered. Anti-Abramovitch Campaign. The attempt of Raphael Abram- ovitch, an emissary of the Second International, on his visit to the United States to mobilize sentiment among the Jewish workers against Soviet Russia, was the occasion for an especially successful series of demonstrations against the Second International, for Soviet Russia, and for International Trade Union Unity. Abramovitch's mis- sion to the United States was completely defeated, and his meetings, instead of mobilizing workers against Soviet Russia, were turned into monster demonstrations in favor of Soviet Russia. The success 11 of this campaign would have been even more complete but for re- sistance within the Party, such as in Boston, where there wa s a re- it^of a m Steeir am ° VitCh ' S ""**" "" «* Mi ™™ Unemployment. The Party has carried on an extensive camnaten ^rlT mPl0 / m : nt - A Pamphlet containing also the parS p ro fn ^. i„ 6 - SUbje f 7f S distribute <i to the number of 20,000 copies, set tw C ° al ^ a SyStem ° f ™»Ployment councils was set up. These were declared to be dual unions by the Farrington oX TJf I ™\ br0ken UP " Unem Ployment, is at present acute only m certain sections, and in industries like coal. The Partv has definite y established its program among its own members which is the best preparation for future periods of mass unemployment. of r£°™ J^ Vni0 " Unity - This issue wa s made a central slogan of the anti-Abramovitch campaign. At about the same time the news of the British delegation to Soviet Russia became available ruooortTf ^ eaV1 ! y 'r'p red iQ a " the Party preSS - Solutions in support of the Anglo-Russian Unity Commission were introduced SSS . m e ^° T Uni ° DS ' reCeivillg mucb su PP°rt, including the of Zt JT V6 ? tl0n ° f the Ca P raakers ' Union, and large numbers of miners local unions. Thru our influence an American edition of the British delegation report is being issued and the report s also being published serially in the DAILY WORKER. with A thp" C Y ' w L T ab r Campa / Sn - This campaign conducted jointly with the Y W. L. m connection with the issue of the constitutional amendment affectively educated many thousands of workers on the nJi H° na 7 '!f Cati ° ns ° f the reaI fi S ht t0 end the child labor evil 3E nth" ° f PUbUC meetmgS W6re held ' man ^ of them in conjunction SabMsheJ °™ uatu !?"' ?' S ° me United front oommittees were established The rapid action of the legislators in defeating the amendment dampened mass interest in the agitation before the or- ganizational side of the campaign had been fully developed The campaign was on the whole of great value. to c^ltf/nHon 6 7 + ? r0UCh and TrumbuM - Our P^ss was the first Ztll n I ^'^ Amencan workers to the persecution of Pri- recefvedT5rr d vr rUmb ^ 1 -. The HaWaIian labor movement also received its first inklings of the persecution by the DAILY WORKER and was moved to the defense of these comrades by our agRatfon ourTnU, k S Sen " ment a S a mst the persecution was aroused through our initiative with the result that the sentences of forty years wefe lass^;^* carapaign successfuiiy a-KTSL™ Campaign Against Wage Cuts. Our campaign against the wage cutting epidemic, especially in the textile industry, which iw i caSS out under the slogan "Strike Against Wage Cuts/ Was espZZ'ylllu- able and effective, 300,000 leaflets containing the Party manifesto were distributed in a few weeks, and, as a result, Party members and organizers played a considerable result in the strike wTvTS 12 developed. The tendency to accept these wage cuts without a fight was sharply checked and the influence of the Communists and the left wing was strengthened. Campaign For Soviet Russia. The campaign for Soviet Russia has been practically a continuous one, entering into almost every other campaign of the party. In the presidential election it was heavily stressed, as well as in the Abramovitch and World Trade Union Unity campaign, the anti-imperialist work and the "Hands Off China" campaign. The report on Russia of the British trade union delegation occupied a prominent place in meetings, agita- tion, and publications. The entire party press has carried continu- ous 'streams of news, articles, and pictures of life in Soviet Russia, as well as the position of Russia in the world situation. This work requires, however, more systematic and intense cultivation now than ever before. Lenin Memorial Meetings. The greatest mass demonstrations organized by our Party were the Lenin memorial meetings. In 1925, these were more imposing and widespread than even those of 1924. In New York meeting packed Madison Square Garden with 15,000 persons, and many thousands more were turned away. Other cities were in proportion. These meetings were made the beginning of wide-spread and systematic distribution of Lenin's work. More than 100,000 workers directly participated in these demonstrations. Sun Yat Sen Memorial Meetings. The memorial meetings on the occasion of the death of Sun Yat Sen brought the American movement for the first time into actual co-operation with the Chinese masses in America. These meetings organized from coast to coast were the first occasions in America where white, yellow, and black workers represented their separate organizations, spoke from the same platform and delivered the same message— the struggle against imperialism. Anti-Imperialist Week. This campaign in the week ending July 4th, was organized thru the All-American Anti-Imperialist League with the Latin-American parties, and was expected to stress the fight against imperialism in Latin-America. The occurrence of the revolutionary upheaval in China, however, placed the Far East in the foreground, and the campaign was conducted under the slogans -Hands Off China," and "Stand by Soviet Russia." In almost every city meetings and street demonstrations were held with great success. In dozens of meetings the W. P. had the active co-opera- tion of speakers and representatives from Kuomintang, as well as Filippinos, Hindus, Negroes, and Latin-Americans. Anti-Religious Training Campaign. Our campaign against religi- ous training in the schools reached great masses of workers. In New York the campaign was carried into the schools, and in Ohio into both the schools and unions. In some districts, as many as 100,000 anti-religious leaflets were distributed. 517553 paign and counter-meetings whirh J2L2 , y by a press cam " TRADE UNION WORK. ^oi h L^L:\:?:vT"?z ** co r unists * the ^ last convention of the Par v i^nl t ^ JUSt Previous to the had been caused by the coninn^ T^ overcome - That isolation Our break with the progre s lve an. ^ PI " inCiPal factors: < a > the ,abor p arty splitsTl" and 192 T^J^T* Si™™'* ta great strike movements of 1922 and ££' whth tefl the fr!T °* ** weakened and defeated an, u.\ ^ wnicn lett the trade unions the left wing carrTed ou t bv hi b^Jf™ 1 ^ ° f ex P ulsi °«* against collaboration program ThP b™ bureaucrac y a « a part of its class- labor party c^Sit Jl^Zrt Z^ °' "" amal S ama "on and trial movements of that n P S and 192 ,, 3 came ou t of the mass indus- feated the am% s l^tLZ\^r I f ^ movemen ts were de- defeat, as well i the noht^, tfl P ty movemen ts reflected this them up. The oroad sween of T*™* ^^ Checked and bro ^ regained, but instead hundreds of honTT' 1 ? *** mt yet been have been enlisted unde ^ the leadership T t £ "J*™™* Workers movement in the trade unions hS'.Sjj deep roo^s ThelS; ° Ur is now entering- unon * T.o« r ™ ■ ^ f r °ots. i he left wing The outstanding^, amTg Zn" o^LTTL^ achi ~t which we are entering may be cftea as Sow' "" Pen ° d tat ° Miners. The tremendous vote cast fnr tr, Q r> dates in the national miners' election e „d of W24 ITZT T^ corrupt Lewis machine tn , ft „«t " 1 924, wnich forced the votes of the unTon for the Pn™ ? ** ° ne ' third 0f the total violated the constLtL of the JnlnT ?° faCt th&t Lewis has lated report of the votes rive, ,/ refUSiDS t0 Publish a tab «' miners that the Communists wr aJ ?, UPP ° rt to the claim of the The magnificent st™S of th HlSl *S eleCt6d aDd COunted «*• ton machine, during a Period llf mmerS agalnst the Farr ^g- that is almost wfthou ^cedent mP ^7* in ^ mi ^ng industry masses of miners in Illinofq »~ « * father development. The leadership of the prog ss ve forc^ an , ^^ nnder the ide °>osical tallization of the left wing s S r "„ Pr ° Per or ^ational crys- bureaucratic machine The Z ™> prom f es soon to break the machine in open allfance witl the ^ k'k ''tb"^- '^ Farringt ° n the state machinery, as witnes ed by ^he kilHn^T^ T^ 1 " 8, *?* miner in Zeigler but a week as-o an, 7h J g ° f a Com munist on the orders of a FarSSoHi^ "^tV™***" ^^ voiding miners continue to mwTn n!l the ranks of the ™- fare is proof of the vital£ 7^" efi^ ^m^nf «* ~ gether ff SST Jf? Z £ 7* * "^ ***« 'o- which reached its high^ M^^?S^^ 14 Wagenknecht and McCarthy from the Scranton convention in 1923. In the Tri-District Convention just held, a number of resolutions of the left wing program were adopted. Extensive preparations have now been made by-the C. E. C. in anticipation of the proposed strike of the anthracite miners. Machinists. In this important industry also a strong left wing is in process of formation, and is being forged in an exceedingly bitter struggle with the Johnston machine. Here we have a striking vindi- cation of the Bolshevik tactics followed by the C. E. C. against oppo- sition of both the minority and the Loreites in the party. Support- ing and at the same time criticising the opposition group which fights against Johnston and supports some of the left wing planks, we have rallied enough strength to elect Anderson over Johnston and when Johnston stole the election, to swing this progressive block into a. real struggle to break the Johnston machine. Out of the struggle is being born a large and solid left wing movement. Carpenters. Another magnificent battle that demonstrated the growing maturity of the left wing is in the Carpenters' Union. This, one of the most reactionary unions, saw a left wing organized for the first time in its last elections where, with so-called pro- gressives also in the field, the Communist candidate polled 10,000 votes. The attempts of Hutcheson to destroy the left wing by ex- pelling and suspending left wing militants led, in Detroit, to a pro- tracted struggle in which the left wing has been victorious for more than half a year in the face of the bitterest kind of attacks by the union officials in alliance with police, the courts, and in the last weeks, the state constabulary. No£ even the use of state power against the carpenters' left wing has been able to dislodge them from their solid support in the membership. Needle Trades, In this industry the isolation of the left wing was first felt, the ensuing struggle was the sharpest, and the final break-thru against the bureaucrats has been the most dramatic. The left wing has rallied the masses behind it in the I. L. G. W. U. in one of 'the greatest inner-union struggles seen in America, which has been in an acute stage for more than two months. During the course of this fight the workers have rallied at demonstrations, at the call of the left wing, in numbers as high as 30,000; while Perlstein and Feinberg, two notorious Communist baiters, were forced to resign their positions. This struggle has been considerably hampered by opportunistic tendencies among the left wing leaders. In the Fur- riers' Union, the left wing has come back from its isolation, and taken nine-tenths of the membership from under the control of the Kaufman machine, which now holds the empty bag of the discredited International office. In other sections of the needle trades, to a lesser degree, the same kind of progress is being made. In various other unions, the steel workers, painters, barbers, etc., the left wing has succeeded in delivering telling blows against the reactionary machines and in enlisting the support of the organized 15 icy of the reactionaries ^ducted against the expulsion pol- progresfis^be reSETn brtLT ? the l ^ W ' considerable body against the nTlnteTnationSlJ ^ ^ ^ d ™* of that the Communists. Thi s has been dl l^f "£ c °-°P era «on with the Red International Affiliation cZS 7 *? ? 6 aCtiTities ° f tively into all the current ^esUon^otZTl' WW ^ T ^ f " tionary advice and encourage™ pi^ Q «ViT if' ' glven lts re ™lu- tion more and m^^^STmSb^^ a —' 1 *? overcome past prejudices. The decisive sLT? v ' aS t0 splitting tactics and court injunctions o? thf J ° agaI " St the materially in this respect. More progress L to hT n gl '° UP helped year than in all the years orevionflv f» I 6 Seen in the P ast the militants in the I W w mhs "b ?™ TL^™'* advice that completely unified Ameri^r, n ° t0 Commumsn i before a established. American Communist movement could be to a ot n ^:rZ e t?at^TT nt Uni ° DS ' the Par ^ has »»een forced tions CTiwSK. ^^ thGSe inde P en ^nt organiza- wing, and even Ttec ted s^Vr? ?T S U £ Within the left unions serve needs of 1 T * Darty ' These ^dependent the C. E. rand C wa y s **£^£P ^l?*!*. C ™ d 5 successfully combatted in otw 552" a- tendenci es have been mediate fufureTs the estabSh^eS S' A , principal task of the im- independent unions as to t^ ^T* connecti ous between the action. ° Make P0SSlble «°«ormity of policy and the pfrtv^in^ T*- , ^ t&Sk ° f educatin S the membership of LeninTsut ha TleTlfZ Z^ti™ l Co1 ™^ of Itatam- Before the last conveS, * I + * the PaSt eighteen m °nths. Pletely abLS from [he ^ y X e "T edUCatlonal ™* *« corn- been made, but thta biiX- h» B ^! n J now onI y a beginning has achievements Hundreds of , t n/ ^V* ?* W&Y t0 mUCh greatei> district circuit lecture coul 2 ° **. have been fo ™^ four dozen cities wit ^ ten lecture? elch' thTw ? r °? 8 ? C ° Vering two has been finally consolidated ? ,,S' ? Work ^s' School in N. Y. for Communist eduSf&e Neg o Sn^T , M M inst ™* for the intensive Instruction of J^^^SX^Z^^ ta and the two weeks f„n H mfl c< , s \ u . WOI ^ er& tor tne labor congress; the tremendouT^ ln Chk5ag0 this S *>™S ^owed lines in the f u urT A toMeL i f^r^^^ SCh ° 01 0n the sa ^ uiure. a problem m further extension of this work is 16 the publication of Lenin's principal works, many of which are not yet available in English. Membership Campaigns. During its term of office the Central Executive Committee was animated by a keen realization of the necessity of following up the various party activities with work to recruit new members into our party. To this end a number of or- ganization campaigns were carried out. A certain amount of suc- cess attended these. The Party needs, however, strengthening in this respect. The comrades must realize the necessity for carrying on active and constant work to bring into our Party those proletarian elements whose support we win in our various campaigns and who are ideologically ripe enough for rapid development into real Com- munists. In all our activities, we must keep constantly before our eyes the task of building the Workers Party into a mass Communist Party. Agrarian Work. Since our last convention our Party has taken the first important steps toward systematic Communist activity among the agrarian population. The Party has subsidized an agrarian de- partment, keeping two organizers in the field during the entire per- iod and publishing during a part of 1924 an agricultural paper. Sev- eral agricultural branches of the Party have been established. The first Communist legislator in America has been elected in an agrar- ian district, when Comrade Miller was elected to the legislature of South Dakota, running as a Communist on the Farmer-Labor ticket. The party has further laid the basis for future work along correct Communist lines by being instrumental in having American repre- sentation at the First International Peasants* Congress in 1924 and at the enlarged executive in 1925. The Party controls and publishes in New York Mills, Minn,, in the center of the great wheat growing district an agricultural paper in the Finnish language, which has suceeded in creating a basis for the Party among the farming ele- ments speaking that language, and which played an important part in our Farmer-Labor campaign. Women's Work. The resolution of the Parity Commission on Women's Work has finally clarified this problem for our Party, cor- recting the errors of both groups, and laying the basis for Com- munist mass organization activity, among the masses of women in America. Especially does it clearly indicate the line to be followed in our basic work among proletarian women. Carrying on Com- munist work among women is as yet in its infancy so far as our party is concerned. Only the smallest beginnings have as yet been made. This is an especially difficult field for Communist activity, but one to which close attention must be paid. Our party must de- vote more attention to this essential branch of Communist activity. Negro Work. The C. E. C. has given much of its attention to the work among the American Negro masses. A Negro comrade was sent to the Fifth Congress after which the C. E, C. authorized him to stay there for training. A special sub-committee of the C. E. C. 17 was elected to supervise our work. A Negro farmer was also sent as a delegate, to the recent congress of the Peasant International. In accord with the instructions of the Communist International, most of our work has been carried on in connection with the Ameri- can Negro Labor Congress. A two weeks' school for Negro com- rades and sympathizers was conducted in Chicago, with courses on the history of the American Negroes, on the national colonial ques- tion, and party organization, which was designed to equip them for the preliminary work for the congress and its convention period. A number of leaflets dealing with the problems of the Negro masses and popularizing the slogans' for the congress have been distributed. Two numbers of a special organ with a total circulation of 15,000 for agitation among the Negro workers and farmers have been pub- lished. A united front national committee for the American Negro Labor Congress has been organized. Leading Negro comrades have been toured thru the industrial centers with large Negro popula- tion and many successful meetings held. Party sub-committees for work among the Negroes have been set up throughout the Party and it has been the policy of the C. E. C. to have the work among the Negro masses done as far as possible by Negro comrades. A special organizer has been sent into the South and a number of local united front congress committees es- tablished. A special trade union committee for establishing contact with organized Negro workers has been set up. In the trade unions, our comrades have introduced resolutions endorsing the American Negro Labor Congress. Resolutions call- ing for the abolition of all discrimination against Negro workers in the trade unions, have been introduced by our Communist fractions and as in the Machinists' Union of Chicago, have succeeded in rais- ing the issue of racial discrimination in the entire organization. Press service has been established, which is sent regularly to the Negro and labor press in the United States. The C. E. C. has sent out a questionnaire, to a number of Negro workers, Party and non-party, and will select a limited number who will be sent to the Far Eastern University in Russia to fit themselves for Leninist work among their race in the United States, and its colonies. At the coming congress, it is hoped to have as delegates, a num- ber of Negro comrades who will be able to direct the activities of the congress along the lines that will enable it to become a mass organization in which our Party can work and establish contact with the Negro workers, farm laborers, and farmers. Labor Defense. The Labor Defense work of the party has cen- tered largely upon the appeals of the cases of Comrades Ruthen- berg and Gitlow, Our efforts in the former case have succeeded in delaying action on the part of the supreme court, whereas the appeal in the Gitlow case has resulted in a temporary defeat. The other cases which include the long-standing Michigan defendants, the numerous deportation cases of Kannasto, Zinich, Weideman and others, and the almost daily necessity of defending our street and hall speakers, form the bulk of energy extended to this work. The party has, moreover, supported the movement which re*- suited in the amalgamation of the Labor Defense Council into the much larger and more influential International Labor Defense This victory for working class defense has already brought a great deal of response from workers and working class organizations throughout the country. Appeals for aid from all sections of the labor movement have already proved not only the need for such a non-partisan labor defense organization but also the swiftly growing popularity that it is having among the workers of all political opinions. Every effort must be made by the lower and higher party units to help the In- ternational Labor Defense to become a real mass organization reach- ing into the deepest working class soil and forming a body of work- ing class support around the revolutionary movement. Anti-Imperialist Work. The Fifth Congress of the Comintern severely criticised nearly all the Communist Parties in the imperial- ist countries for not carrying on a sufficiently energetic campaign against imperialism. Under the present C. E. C. the Workers Party of America has for the first time made anti-imperialist work one of its basic activi- ties. The outstanding feature of our work against American imper- ialism is that it has entered the field of active practical co-operation with the oppressed peoples of American imperialism, the most im- portant step in this connection being the successful organization of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League. In January of this year a sub-committee was elected by the C. E. C. which assumed charge of all the anti-imperialist activities of the Party. This committee prepared material for campaigns, fur- nished articles on imperialism for the Party press, drew up manifes- toes and leaflets, and was the medium through which the party co- operated with anti-imperialist organizations in Latin-America Mani- festoes were issued to the Cuban Labor Congress held at Havana, to the International Marine Transport Workers' Convention held at New Orleans, several manifestoes to the Mexican workers and to the Filippinos, a special May Day manifesto to the workers of Latin-America, a manifesto in connection with the Tacna-Arica affair— and other manifestoes and leaflets which will be referred to later on. Direct contact with Mexico was maintained -throughout the per- iod, through the visits of Comrades Johnstone, Gomez, and Lovestone to Mexico and through steady correspondence. Comrade Wagenknecht vis- ited the Philippines and established connections there. Correspond- ence connections were also established, with greater or less success, with practically every country in Latin-America, as well as with Hawaii and the Philippines. Through our activities five Filipino dele- gates were secured for the International Transport Conference in Canton, for which our Party was commented by the Comintern. Our party has carried on a consistent campaign, both in this country and in Latin-America, against the "labor imperialism" of the so-called Pan-American Federation of Labor. Comrade John- stone attended the convention of the P. A. F. of L. at Mexico City, in November of last year, and co-operated with the Mexican Party in its strategy in connection with this convention. Comrade Gomez was sent to Mexico in April of this year and attended the convention of the C. P. of Mexico as fraternal dele- gate from our Party. During this visit plans for joint action of the Mexican Central American and United States parties against im- perialist policies of the P. A. F. of L. were adopted. Our Party was largely instrumental in the establishment of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League, which although organized only a few months ago and still in its initial stages, has aroused a real response in Latin-America, despite the miserably small funds which we were able to put into this work. The All-America Anti-Imperial- ist League was endorsed by the Comintern and the Proflntern. The league is a non-partisan international organization admitting to affiliation all groups in the Americas willing to take up the fight against American imperialism. It aims to give driving force and centralized expression to the national liberation movements in Latin- America, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, etc., in alliance with the movement of this country. The All-America Anti-Imperialist League has a special secretar- iat located in Mexico City, under whose supervision the monthly Spanish language organ of the league, which has now published five issues, is edited, as well as special manifestoes, leaflets, etc. Our party has contributed towards defraying the expenses of the monthly magazine El Libertador and towards other expenses of the Mexico City secretariat, but lack of funds has made it impossible to give adequate support in this respect. A regular section of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League has been formed in Cuba, with Julio Antonio Mella as secretary, and is extremely active, holding mass meetings, lectures, etc. Labor, peas- ant, and student organizations in Costa Rica, Panama, Salvador, and Peru have affiliated with the league, but no regular sections have been formed in those countries as yet. Contacts have been es- tablished with some of the foremost intellectuals of Latin-America, who are supporting the league and writing for its monthly organ. At the suggestion of our Party, the league sent out the call for the observance throughout America of "Anti-Imperialist Week" (June 29 to July 4), calling upon all anti-imperialist organizations in special literature, to conduct mass meetings, hold demonstrations in front of American consulates and embassies, etc. Our party published a spe- cial leaflet for Anti-Imperialist Week and actively co-operated in its observance. Tentative plans are already being laid, also at the suggestion of our Party, for an All-America Anti-Imperialist congress to be held at Buenos Aires some time next year. 20 In connection with the imperialist outrages in China, our party has consistently exposed the part of American imperialism in them and has tried to develop active protest among the workers in this country. We have issued the slogans: "Withdrawal of all American iroops and war ships from the Far East," "Abdication of all special privileges in China," etc. A large number of "Hands off China" meet- ings have been held throughout the country. A special feature of these meetings being that we connected them with the slogan of "Stand by Soviet Russia." These meetings were uniformly successful, roused our own members to the importance of anti-imperialist work, en- abled us to reach thousands of workers who would have been other- wise uninterested, and helped us to establish contact with Chinese liv- ing in this country. As a result of our propaganda in the Party press and from platforms, we have established friendly relations with or- ganizations of Chinese in almost all big cities of the country, es- pecially with local organizations of the Kuomintang Party. Our speakers have been invited to address their meetings and they have furnished speakers for our meetings. In a number of places, Chinese are applying for admission to our party. One of our important tasks in the field of anti-imperial- ist work is to create local sections of the All-America Anti-Imperial- ist League, with affiliations of Chinese, Filippinos and Latin-Ameri- cans resident in this country. Contacts already secured form a basis from which we can proceed with good possibilities of success. In all our anti-imperialist work, we have persistently raised the slogan of unconditional independence for all American colonies, withdrawal of American troops from Latin-American soil, etc. From the foregoing brief summary, it will be seen that while theoretical education has not been neglected, our activity on the anti-imperialist field has not been merely academic but has brought the Workers Party of America into the forefront of the actuai struggle against American imperialism. We intend to continue along this line in the future. A beginning in anti-imperialist work has at last been made. However, we must devote much more attention to this from now on. Our Party Press. Our daily organ, the Daily Worker, is the center of our press. The C, E. C. has tried to and has 'had consider- able success in connecting our organ with the campaigns of the Party and the Trade Union Educational League. It has been the policy of the C. E. C. for district organizations engaged in special campaigns against child labor, wage cuts, in- junctions, cossack bills, etc., to have special articles and news stories dealing with some phase of the campaign printed and the issues con- taining the articles used by the district or cities in general distribu- tion. In this way the Daily Worker is used both as a weapon against the capitalists, and as an agitational organ. Special distributions, as in the automobile industry of up to 20,000 copies at a time, have been based on special conditions of labor and the demands of the workers in the industry in our anti-imperialist campaign, the organ 21 of. the Party has specialized on various phases of imperialism and dealt in detail with its consequences for the American working- class. In the mining industry, the Daily Worker has been used with telling effect in conventions of the union, election campaigns, and in the struggles of the miners against the bosses, the bureau- cracy, and the state. The same is true in the Carpenters, Machin- ists, and Needle Trades Unions. The press service containing special articles is sent to all the language press, and altho the centralization of this portion of our press is not yet an accomplished fact, it has been drawn into the general campaigns of the Party more than ever before. The Daily Worker has organized a staff of Worker Corre- spondents that give our daily press a more proletarian character than ever 'before. It is a fact that almost two-thirds of the news carried by our daily organ is written by Party and non-party worker correspondents. The extension of this work of our press is being carried on rapidly. At present some seventy-five worker correspond- ents are listed and in the next year it is hoped to increase this number to 250. The publication and distribution of the Party literature has been centralized under the management of and in connection with the Daily Worker. This has resulted in the sale and distribution of much larger amount of literature than our Party has heretofore been able to dispose of. The Little Red Library has proven espe- cially popular and in the short time since its publication began, its sales and orders amount to some 20,000 copies. The Workers' Monthly has made its place in the field of Com- munist literature and has a circulation in excess of the former com- bined circulation of the Liberator, Labor Herald, and Soviet Russia Pictorial. As in the case of the Daily Worker, the C. E. C. has endeavored to link up each issue of the Workers' Monthly with some special campaign of the Party. Our English language press does not suffer from the depart- mentalization criticised by the Comintern as existing in some other parties. The staffs of these publications are closely connected with the life of the Party through membership on the leading and lower Party committees and the Central Executive Committee has striven to maintain and strengthen these connections. The multiplicity of language organs of our Party makes the problem of centralization difficult but of vital importance for this very reason. The lack of complete centralized control constitutes a grave danger for our Party and must be overcome. Conferences of party editors must be held regularly and this will aid in organ- izing the language press around our leading organ. But this is not enough. A central editorial bureau, a part of the Agitprop depart- ment, must be organized and instructed to follow closely the poli- tical line of the language press and correct at once any deviations that may appear. In addition to this, the Party press service must furnish regu- larly, and not spasmodically, as at present, the best material in our leading organ for use by the language press. Language editors must recognize that they are responsible officials of the Party, The C. E. C. has come to the assistance of the Freiheit, the Novy Mir, the II Lavoratore, when crises threatened these publications, and succeeded in overcoming the dangers that threatened them. A close centralization of the press will serve to reduce the frequency of such crises. The immediate step is to make our English language papers Ihe mainspring of Communist agitation and propaganda for our whole Party press and to bring the entire press under the complete political control of the leading Party committees. Young Workers' League. The Young Workers' League, during the past period, has consolidated its forces, developing from a loosely scattered organization to its present national character, participating in the struggles of the young workers. More marked than even the organizational growth has been the political development of the Young Workers' League, which today is playing an important role in the Party discussion as well as initiating and participating in a great many political campaigns, such as defense of Crouch and Trumbull, Hands off China, anti-religion, Child Labor, etc. The league has taken the initiative in many factory campaigns and industrial campaigns where they have gained the ear of the young workers by advocating specific demands of a concrete char- acter. A great deal of propaganda has been conducted thru these campaigns which have also laid the basis of factory nuclei ac- tivity, as the result of these campaigns were, in many cases, the es- tablishment of shop nuclei of the Y. W. L. Prom a period of discussion of shop nuclei, the Y. W. L. is to- day ideologically prepared for complete reorganization. Already de- finite steps forward have been made in this field, two cities, Chicago and Detroit, being reorganized on the area branch basis, (a transi- tion stage to the complete reorganization) and many nuclei are being organized in various cities. At the last national convention we greeted the establishment of a bi-weekly newspaper. The Young Worker. Since that time the league has developed this into a weekly newspaper, which is one of the best Communist organs of the Party at the present time. The publishing of propaganda pamphlets and leaflets has also been in- creased many fold during the past period. While educational activity has not been as co-ordinated as might be desired, nevertheless advances are to be recorded. The estab- lishment of training schools in different parts of the country, together with the participation of the League in Party schools, is the first step towards a deep and thorough-going Leninist educational policy. 22 2:j Other important activities include the campaign against the C. M. T. C. with the resulting expulsions from many of the camps of young workers affected by the propaganda of the league. The Junior section and the establishment of an official junior organ, The Young Comrade, has served to advance the development of a healthy Communist children's movement. The period has witnessed a growing of understanding between the league and the Party which must be further carried into effect in the future. The Fight Against the Right Wing. The Communist Interna- tional, in May, 1924, branded Lore as representing a definite right wing ideology in our Party. The majority of the Central Executive Committee attempted to secure unity with the minority in the struggle against Loreism, but was unsuccessful. The Central Executive Com- mittee conducted a campaign against Loreism in the press and in Party meetings. The Central Executive Committee authorized Com- rade Lore to attend the Enlarged Executive of the Communist In- ternational, but Comrade Lore failed to take advantage of this op- portunity to defend his views before the Comintern. In the meantime, organized expressions of Loreist tendencies developed in various sections of our party, such as collaboration with the right wing in the needle trades, the Carpenters, the Steel Workers, the Machinists, the Miners, and other unions, as well as in various language fraternal organizations, neglect to carry out the Party policy in these organizations with but feeble excuses for such failures, a contempt for the authority of the lead- ing committees of the party, and failure to consult with them before initiating important policies. In the heat of its bitter struggle against the Central Executive Committee, the minority on several occasions made the mistake of lending objective support to these tendencies and thus rendered more difficult the C E C 'a efforts to eradicate them. .... Report of C. E. C. on Past Activities. The Central Executive Committee has fought resolutely all of these deviations and has suc- ceeded in winning a large section of the proletarian elements in our Party away from the ideological influence of Loreism. This has only been accomplished in the face of determined resistance, es- pecially in the needle trades. The resolution of the Parity Commission on the Liquidation of Loreism has already brought about the reorganization of .the Ger- man bureau for the purpose of putting this policy into effect in the German section of our Party. All members of the German bu- reau who refused to support completely this resolution were removed by the bureau, which was reconstituted upon the basis of complete support of the C. I. and Party policy on Loreism. complete The resolution adopted by the Finnish Superior Branch, in- fluenced by the Askeli group in the Finnish Federation, and the aiticle by Comrade Askeli himself, published in the Party press, 24 are other indications of Loreist tendencies in our Party. The Cen- i nil Executive Committee acted immediately and after pointing out I he right wing deviations in these statements, called upon the rank and file of the Finnish membership to repudiate this leadership, with lh$ result that large sections of the Finnish membership will be won over for the policies of the Central Executive Committee and the Communist International. Definite beginnings have been made in the reorganization of l he Party into shop nuclei. In the Chicago, New York, Minnesota, Detroit, Pittsburgh and other districts, shop and street nuclei have been formed which are demonstrating to the Party membership the superiority and necessity of complete Party reorganization. In Gary, Indiana, and Zeigler, Illinois, steel and mine centers respectively, the Party is wholly on a nuclei basis. In other mining centers in Southern Illinois, such as Dowell, West Frankfort, and in the Pull- man car shop center, we can confidently expect that the reorganiza- tion will be completed in a short time. The Pittsburgh Westinghouse nucleus has issued excellent shop papers. Recently seven new mem- bers applied for membership there. The Detroit Ford factory nu- cleus has performed splendid agitatiopal and organizational work, especially with the Daily Worker. The print shop nucleus of Chicago, altho or because of being in a Party institution, has greatly stimulat- ed the T. U. E. L. activity in the Pressmen's Union, besides partici- pating fully in all Party campaigns. In Minnesota, the Party has expedited shop nuclei organization in the important Mesaba iron ore range. Several of the New York city nuclei in the food and needle industries have performed good work. Shop nuclei exist in South Bend, Whiting, Ind., Ebyde Center and other points. These are only bare beginnings, but they augur well. The Party membership is ideologically fast becoming prepared for swift shop and street nuclei reorganization. Our press has carried numerous and systemized educational and propaganda articles, but these must he increased manifold. Anti-nuclei prejudices are swiftly being overcome. The language press, with few exceptions, has not devoted sufficient attention to shop nuclei reorganization. This must be rem- edied immediately in order to ensure our entire membership, not only the English speaking elements, throwing themselves wholeheart- edly into the ensuing campaign of reorganization. The leading Party committees nearly everywhere have pushed the reorganization work. For the future, reorganization must be on a broad, swift and large scale, systematically planned out in each locality. Isolated organization of shop nuclei may have had, for the past a certain propagandist value, but it must now be re- placed with plans and a campaign which will place the majority of our party on a shop nucleus basis within the next year. There have been language, organizational, and social democratic oppositions to the shop nuclei plan, but these are 'being overcome. There are today in existence some 70 shop nuclei, with 800 mem- bers, according to reports. Reorganization is now mechanical. The 25 need for shop nuclei must be bred Into the membership and these nuclei must be brought into the struggles of the workers in the shops and unions, etc. Many nuclei that we have organized thus far in the mining and steel regions, in the needle, printing, railroad, automobile, furniture, food and other industries have conducted the shop struggles of the workers, pushed the T. U. E. L. work, put forward the party program and shown to the Party the kind of Party we must have, if it is to be a genuine Bolshevized mass Communist Party in the future. The Factional Fight— Unity. The factional struggle between the majority and minority of the C. E. C, which has continued for almost two years, developed out of fundamental differences of opinion on questions of policy, principally regarding the labor party and work in the trade unions. These differences have been liquidated by the decision of the Communist International and the unanimous reso- lutions of the Parity Commission. The present internal situation in the Party urgently demands the unity of the two leading groups in the struggle against the right wing and for the carrying out of the Party campaigns generally. The long and bitter factional strife has crippled the Party in many respects. It prevents the mobiliza- tion of all the real Communist forces in the Party into a united struggle against the right wing; it burns up in the internal strug- gle forces that are very necessary to the successful carrying on of our Party's fight against its external foes. The decisive political differences between the two leading groups have been wiped out by the decisions of the Communist International and the Parity Com- mission. One of the principle tasks of the present convention will be to follow up this work by actually liquidating the factional group- ings and the ideological remnants of the struggle between the two leading groups. This convention must take definite steps to weld our party into a monolithic whole, hewn of one piece. The Parity Commission. The Parity Commission, set up in acccordance with the instructions of the Comintern, has laid the poli- tical basis for unity in our Party by unanimously adopting reso- lutions on all the major questions confronting our Party. The work of the Parity Commission has been of great value to our Party in dulling the sharpest angles of the factional fight and in aiding our Party to avoid the widening of a serious division in our ranks, and thus enabling it to come to the convention period without an actual split. The convention must liquidate the factional struggle in our Party. The tasks of reorganization and Bolshevization of our party, our campaign for a labor party based on the mass organizations of the workers, the struggle against the right wing, demand the mobiliza- tion of the full .strength of our party. We therefore, call upon the Party to unite behind the incoming Central Executive Committee to enforce the resolutions of the Parity Commission and the decisions of the Communist International in the carrying out of our Com- munist task of preparing for the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship in America. 26 THE MEMBERSHIP OF OUR PARTY The following tables show the membership figures of our Party, since its organization: TABLE NO, 1. 1922. Membership Figures Accordnig to Dues Payments. By Language Sections. Fed. Mar. Apr. May June Czecho SI. Esthonian Finnish German Greek Hungarian Italian Jewish Lettish Lithuanian Polish Russian Scand. So. Slavic Ukrain. English 3,748 533 61 276 93 968 66 427 52 123 644 31 1,327 Totals 8,339 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 13 Unorg. 1,031 2,251 407 354 754 505 1,022 856 305 337 399 118 Totals 8,339 July Aug. Sept. Oct. 200 6,509 181 46 318 179 1,087 326 757 20 606 1,002 1,276 Nov. 276 50 7,012 740 101 293 89 982 630 834 101 547 1,236 113 1,515 Dec. 201 117 6,118 400 143 366 190 854 575 669 266 243 134 1,428 205 957 Total Average 677 167 23,387 1,854 351 1,253 551 3,891 587 2,687 439 1,519 134 4,310 349 5,075 12,507 2,031 3,185 411 707 1,163 656 1,342 1,470 381 445 498 218 By Districts, 2,443 3,608 439 756 1,140 886 1,686 1,535 571 551 634 270 1,651 3,455 31? 711 1,077 648 1,257 1,682 497 420 704 445 7,156 12,499 1,576 2,528 4,134 2,695 5,307 5,543 1,754 1,753 2,235 1,051 12,507 14,519 12,866 48,231 27 169 42 5,846 463 SS 313 138 975 397 677 110 379 33 1,077 87 1,269 14,519 12,866 48,231 12,058 1,789 3,125 394 632 1,033 674 1,327 1,386 438 438 559 263 12,058 TABLE NO. 2. 1922. New Members Admitted into the Party, According to Initiation Stamps Sold. By Language Sections. Federation Arm, Czl. Bsth. Finnish German Greek Hungarian Italian Jewish Lettish Lithuanian Polish Roumanian Russian Scandinavian So. Slav Ukrainian English F. M. M. J. J. S. O. N. D. Total 47 146 246 88 65 64 79 ISO 166 146 1,227 10 30 22 20 5 35 31 43 21 39 88 7 109 60 15 22 9 12 9 14 19 18 130 11 7 25 59 63 119 122 37 46 77 17 92 26 3 19 48 658 22 112 104 154 360 239 251 79 185 162 191 85 1,922 Total 15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 315 380 517 388 4,271 By Districts. District J. F. M. A. M. J. J. A. S. C N. D. Total 1 10 4 42 46 53 3 21 31 hi. 40 17 319 2 2 7 13 20 158 38 87 24 31 4o 65 78 569 8 5 47 18 33 29 2 6 4 15 4 18 10 191 4 1 10 2 1 14 5 2 39 23 72 42 7 18 45 43 68 37 396 6 3 65 96 70 87 57 41 40 81 22 70 24 656 7 9 60 105 2 62 40 25 6 349 8 5 34 28 14 80 29 31 16 34 57 52 380 9 32 75 153 46 43 26 44 69 88 42 618 10 29 35 8 58 10 19 28 55 41 25 308 12 5 67 32 77 6 6 11 36 37 277 13 1 4 20 8 4 3 8 11 22 7 88 15 A. D. N. O. T. 31 46 1 1 5 7 12 3 106 Total 15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 350 380 517 338 4,271 28 o H PQ < Eh CO I- Z 111 > < CL CO LU z> Q O I- o z Q o CC o CM o o> V o < T- Ll CO X LU CQ O X CO CC 111 m 2 LU 2 osrHcocoT-ftM^oqiot-cso lflMt*00«DTPI>HlOH<NH CO iH — 1 as OS on CO as LO GO ia US IO CM $0 CV a* CI iH (O iH cc. O^OOOOeSJlOOOCOC^tDCaCDiHasOSO ^O^t-OCOOOO'^LOOLQC<II>-rHTHo , at'^ O IH) c CQ » oo ^loULniAJonnQccM .owmooot-MNHwwiaoooW(M«ew 03 CO ^ OS t*< ^ ■* N M CO <M H w w °o M Q l« iH t— I tH tH iH O M ^ ^U5 IfllOHWHHHHH^OtJi +j £ t- t- as O fc oo — .£ as co o o oo o 03 t- be a ^ OO LA O CO CO LO OCOOi^OOOOJCJ few OO^tOOOiHOcoO OOOM^OONTf<THooCi COH^MOHt-HHt- Ofli0005HUSCOWl>.W tDHMMHWOMdOl LO tO ^ 00 ^ CM t- -<+! 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UJ I H O H Z a in h Q < CO or LU DO 2 UJ 2 UJ Z c o ■o a> LL >» CD "3 : w : o : ! t~ : iH r : ^ ; iH CO T-l OS iH © OS : co lo ; t-i : o : a; : Q : lo t- tH to : cq : : oo : : : cq ; ; > : o : : th ro co : ia : : «p : *, O a; m ID 51 »-s <D u .2 S ^ 'S t>- O ZD O "^ U5 t- rt< IT5 CD (M ^ (M : OO : o to tH oo : to cq co : co : to ia : as oo oo 10 : h co : co : oo : ^ co o : co o as : t- y-i th : co Cs) c<r t- 07 as o o : oo co : a* : cq o : ^ cm : in : co oo co as CD CO as o CO cd as CSJ to : : ko oo oo : ^ : co cq o CO to CO as i^ th cq CM : OS' o co oo : uq co o cq M > cc .2 6 S St M <m cq cq oo t- as U5 rH M^ I 00 us ^ ; oo <m as o oo o CO H "* H H oo ^ as o tH a> U5 CD CD oo as cq Th iH as fee cd 2 -S S3 cd ? PI .2 *S CO .2 a; ^ S3 «o £ <u S3 *rHI S3 « O S3 S3 .g I 80 a o 02 DD 2 , a oo OO OS tr- os o CD OO o 35 lOCfl^WQ?OWOOOHlOMH CO OHW^OOC5C5HW : Ci OO ^ QC to ^ ^ rH r- 1 CO OD^:OC lO P H & l-H o O o Eh «5WW^lM^fflHOTH00aiN^00 iHtHcOOCOOOt-HOOtH ! CO h w n ^ cowcoHwiNHWir: :cotH co 1—1 —J t-asco :in H H oo M< H HN^l : Cr- CO CN SO -^ OO O W "# H 5i H>t-lflHO)»QH O <M r-( (M t- LQ : 15 •* H t- W tH <£> Cji CO ^C^CO«OOtHt-!<M SO t- NNNWNaiN^N CO OOtClOlOOOt-OflJOOOOlflOOrtMO MOHNOlW^MHHfOKI HH OOSHMHM^C1MOOHI>^OON H IM « -^ 10 ^> CO ffi O N M W Q§ Iw 1 v«^ ^'J ■J.-' J h— , iH rH rH r-l <i 7^ 36 TABLE No. 7 19 2 5 (January — June) MEMBERSHIP FIGURES ACCORDING TO DUES PAYMENTS By Language Sections: Federation: Jan. Feb. March April May June* Total \rmenian no-Slovak honian Finnish Gftrman <>k Hungarian M.'ilian f swish Lettish Lithuanian Polish Koumanian Russian Icandinavian Mouth Slavic llovenian i iviainian Knglish TOTAL 77 240 68 6406 450 294 728 1601 931 726 112 1072 336 1474 545 1714 District: 1 2249 3555 471 I 610 1075 8 ................. 1244 973 8 2395 B 1847 762 690 290 AD 167 NOT 446 122 460 36 5240 470 230 523 1128 341 785 126 546 246 1178 547 1927 173 310 115 8620 220 317 345 470 1567 427 801 100 1093 293 1065 755 2700 138 385 109 7568 330 204 527 642 1281 307 892 123 240 1030 20 1151 682 2475 139 119 6056 - 300 321 471 393 1435 340 804 150 40 691 260 816 629 2292 141 255 94 4570 330 173 450 482 1668 260 882 114 786 110 970 82 576 2585 790 1769 522 38460 2100 1539 3058 1987 8680 2606 4890 725 280 5218 1265 6654 82 3734 13693 1357 2692 903 255 1178 1125 705 1622 1635 1067 590 318 25 438 2071 4311 834 775 938 1423 1517 3064 2144 749 1100 205 15 225 2310 3730 114Z 567 1037 1443 1518 2218 1934 818 738 362 40 247 1385 3912 754 601 897 1001 813 2330 1266 562 1017 197 170 351 1981 3263 751 378 822 1238 1125 2260 1149 421 689 187 273 11353 21463 4855 3186 5947 7474 6651 13889 9975 4379 4824 1559 417 1980 Aver- age 132 295 70 6410 350 256 509 331 1447 434 815 121 47 870 211 1109 14 622 2282 16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325 By Districts: 1892 3577 809 531 991 1246 1108 2315 1662 730 804 260 70 330 TOTAL 16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325 * Figures for June do not include reports from Roumanian Fed- iration and for Districts 9, 15 and Agricultural. This figure is there- to] e incomplete. 37 TABLE No. 8 19 2 5 NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING INITIATION STAMPS SOLD By Federations: Federations: Jan. Armenian Bulgarian , 4 Czecho-Slovak Esthonian ... Finnish 106 German ,. Greek 8 Hungarian 31 Italian Jewish 3 Lettish 10 Lithuanian 11 Polish Roumanian 3 Russian 26 Scandinavian South Slavic... 37 Ukrainian 2 English 474 TOTALS 715 By Districts: 1 19 2 . 137 3 71 4 5 5.... 41 6 99 7 97 8 74 9 16 12 68 13.... 33 15.. 16 AD 5 NOT 34 TOTALS.. 715 Feb. March April May 26 2 ! 52 1 35 4 10 4 7 1 309 449 35 100 33 17 26 51 66 19 26 35 26 1 14 449 2 54 2 22 16 5 15 3 357 478 28 148 35 23 14 48 2 66 29 22 35, 7 2 19 478 48 1 11 7 10 19 41 311 448 16 127 49 13 15 30 42 29 17 74 10 8 1 17 448 56 1 3 14 1 1 12 2 3 314 407 48 79 26 16 27 5 89 34 7 33 43 407 38 >RDING TO 6 Mos, June Total q 60 Ti 3 1 05 8 31 5 1 2 12 8 !)2 316 402 2sl 19 16 J 95 H 7 221 12 7<l 29 141 29 284 212 108 9 20 M2 40 2 16 38 ! I r> I . 5 nA 402 28**9 i VHLE No. 9 MEMBERSHIP FIGURES FOR 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925 (6 months) as shown by Dues Payments 1922 1923 of 17390 13412 16838 8339 16421 12370 12768 13970 12507 14623 16229 16110 14519 18146 12866 16461 12058 15395 Roumanian Section, 1925 (6 mos.) 16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* Month liiiniary nary Ii Ipril „.... fune inly LIZ. August ... •Member • >■ tober inber ' 'nvmber Average * Incomplete (reports [cultural missing.) (MILE No. 10 NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING TO INITIATION STAMPS SOLD DURING 1922, 1923, 1924 and 1925 (6 months). 1924 16875 18323 19471 17887 14730 14748 16218 15221 18292 21676 17840 17653 17377 District 16325 9, 15 and Month [Miliary ... February . larch April I ii ne Inly August Itptember October .... November December 1922 15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 350 380 517 338 1923 506 627 390 328 441 512 421 394 607 742 834 730 1924 1925 (6 mos.) 867 715 1009 449 791 478 788 448 547 407 652 402 530 o91 726 679 741 535 . ,_ rotal 4271 6532 8456 2081 The above figures on new members taken into our Party deserve earnest consideration of our whole Party organization. They show that in the 3% year period since the organization of the Workers (Communist) Party we have admitted into our Party more members 39 than we have in the Party at the present time. At the time of orga: ization of the Party, some 10,000 members affiliated with it. Sine that time according to the table of new members initiated above, vt have taken into the Party over 20,000 new members. If we had hej all of these members our Party would now have more than 30,00 members. The dues payment figures for the past six months shoi an average of approximately 16,000 and we have therefore lost 14,00 members who entered our Party in the last three and one-half yea period. These figures show the necessity of more educational wor! within our Party and also the need of assigning some activities I every Party member in order to hold him in the Party after he ha joined. The €. E. C. in the coming year must give particular attentiol to this phase of the development of our Party organization so that on Party may retain in its ranks those workers whom it wins through 1 agitation and propaganda. OUR PARTY MEMBERSHIP, BY OCCUPATION. Beginning September, 1924, our Party took an industrial reg: tration of the members. Not all of the Party branches responded to the instructions to send in their industrial registration, and therefore, no complete tab] of the occupation of the members, and their union affiliation is aval able. The registration taken covers 13,556 members. The occup tions of these members, and their union affiliations, are as follows In Industry Union Agrarian Workers Building Trades , 1,007 Needle Trades 840 Food Workers .. 231 L W. W 50 Leather Industry 108 Lumber Workers 3 Metal Trades 480 Miners 920 Miscellaneous: Barbers 70 Business Men Chemical Workers „.... Co-operative Workers Doctors and Dentists Drivers and Teamsters 30 Engineers and Draftsmen,... 3 Furniture Workers 12 Firemen and Janitors 15 Gardeners ..... Glass and Porcelain Wkrs. 6 Housewives & Dom. Wkrs. Jewelry Workers 11 40 Non Total Pet. Ill Union UnloJ 568 568 574 1,581 64 402 1,242 68 355 586 39 50 100 207 315 34 99 102 3 1,600 2,080 23 245 1,165 79 70 140 50 196 ' 196 37 37 55 55 54 54 92 122 24 22 25 12 114 126 9 71 86 17 18 18 11 17 35 2,065 2,065 1 16 27 41 Lawyers Laborers Laundry Workers Managers Marine Workers Musicians & Artists Miscellaneous Oil Workers ... Office Workers Paper Workers Photographers Porters Rubber Workers Students & Teachers Sign Painters Salesmen, Solicitors, Ship ping Clerks Window Cleaners Printing Trades Public Service Workers.... Itallroad Workers Tobacco Workers Unclassified (Occupation not specified) ... Writers, Reporters, etc 1 13 38 6 6 99 5 6 2 7 2 11 103 44 65 31 14 7 818 28 9 52 32 51 18 130 26 13 15 42 63 3 303 38 39 23 146 50 153 55 7 836 2 41 32 9 90 42 38 16 57 11 18 229 43 31 16 19 32 17 12 42 70 10 5 40 303 49 22 142 73 67 66 211 31 81 38 153 69 20 Potal Numiber of Members Registered .. f 13,556 Potal Number of Members Registered, in Unions....... 4^350 rotal Number of Members Registered, Not in Unions '. 9*206 ivr<!entage of members registered, in Unions 32.08% The above figures show that in spite of all the efforts and agita- "•-n conducted by the Party in reference to every member eligible, becoming a member of the union, only one-third of our members are BOW affiliated with trade unions, The recent instructions to our Party the Communist International emphasizes again the necessity of &ur educating the members of the Party to an understanding of the ftecessity of their joining the trade unions. Our Party must, during the coming year, change the conditions shown by the above table. in place of one-third of the membership being members of trade Unions, we can easily raise this to a minimum of 90 per cent of the members in trade unions. This is one of the important tasks before the Party organization. THE PARTY PUBLICATIONS. The Party publishes twenty-seven periodical publications. These issued in nineteen languages. Ten of these publications are daily ^•pers, one three times a week, two twice a week, eleven week! three times a month, one magazine twice a month and one monthly magazine. The combined circulation of these publications 177,250 at the time the report was made. The following table shows these papers, frequency of publication •Hi'l circulation; — 41 Paid Language, Name of Paper, Frequency Subs. Armenian— The Proletarian, Weekly 500 Bulgarian— Saznanie, 3 times a month 1,272 Czechoslovak— Obrana, Weekly 1,500 Czecho-Slovak— Delnik, Weekly i'i5o English— Daily Worker, Daily ... 14,000 English— Workers Monthly, Monthly Magazine 5^000 Esthonian— Uus Ilm, Weekly 600 Finnish— Tyomies, Daily 12,000 Finnish— Eteenpain, Daily 7^000 Finnish— Toveri, Daily * 4'oQO Finnish— Uusi Kotimaa, Semi-Weekly 6,000 Finnish — Toveritar, Women's Weekly 10^000 Finnish— Punikki, Semi-Monthly [ German — Volkszeitung, Daily .....' Greek— Empros, Weekly .. 4,000 Hungarian— Uj Elore, Daily ..! 9,000 Italian — II Lavoratore, Weekly 7,000 Jewish — Freiheit, Daily _ 4^000 Lithuanian — Laisve, Daily 7,000 Lithuanian— Vilnis, Semi-Weekly 4*000 Polish — Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly 1,200 Roumanian — Desteptarea, Weekly 1*200 Russian— Novy Mir, Daily....... , ' Scandinavian— Ny Tid, Agrarian Weekly 2,500 South Slavic— Radnik, 3 times a week 7,500 Slovenian— Delavska Slovenija, Weekly 3,500 Ukrainian — Ukrainian Daily News, Daily 3,000 Stand Total! Sale CircT 700 1,200 628 l,90l L50C 1,150 3,000 17,001 11,000 16,001 .......... 600 500 12,50(1 1,000 8,00(3 500 4,50fl 6,000 1,000 11,000 10,000 10,000 700 4,700 9,00(j| 6,500 13,50<J 18,000' 22,000 1,000 8,00fl 1,000 5,00flj 300 1,500 l,20(j 2,50<! 1,000 8,500 500 4,00(1 3,000 6,000 K. B hi II. 1 : 1 I Id. REFUSE TO FIGHT FOR THE CAPITALISTS LBO.000 TO ALL SOCIALIST VOTERS AND CLASSCONSCIO I WORKERS ... t00|000 WORK OR WAGES , 280,000 WORKERS RULE OR CAPITALIST DICTATORSHIP.... 450,000 SOVIETS VS. AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 100,000 THE CONFERENCE FOR PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL ACTION - STRIKE AGAINST WAGE CUTS 300,000 DOWN TOOLS ON MAY DAY 20o!oOO DON'T MOBILIZE FOR MORGAN LOO^OOO HANDS OFF CHINA, STAND BY SOVIET RUSSIA LOO.000 Total 116,922 60,328 177,250 3,540,000 Pamphlets. The publication of party pamphlets and books was taken ore? by the DAILY WORKER in January, 1925. The publications for mil therefore be included in the report of the DAILY WOR* Publishing Co. During the year 1924 the Party published the follow pamphlets: The Second Year — Convention Report 8,000 American Imperialism — Jay Lovestone 10,000 The Farmer-Labor United Front— C. E. Ruthenberg 7,500 Unemployment— Eart R. Browder 20,000 Parties and Issues — Alexander Bittelman „.„ lO^OOO The LaFollette Illusion — Jay Lovestone , 10^)00 LEAFLET DISTRIBUTION. During the twenty months since the last convention the national organization of the Party has issued and distributed the following leaflets: 1924. 1. FIGHT REGISTRATION OF FOREIGN WORKERS 150,000 2. STAND FAST FOR THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY 100,00<j 3. THE KEPT GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES 100,00(1 4. DOWN WITH THE CAPITALIST TEAPOT DOME! FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS GOVERNMENT 100,000| 5. CALL FOR THE ST, PAUL FARMER-LABOR CONVEN- TION . 100,00l 6. AFTER TEN YEARS. . 100,0001 7. FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS GOV- ERNMENT , 900,00Q 42 LANGUAGE SECTIONS. The following reports on their work during the year 1924 w%T* lUbmitted to the C. E. C. by the language sections: Armenian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1D22 L923 L40 1924 81 Publication: The Proletarian, Weekly, 1,200. Leaflets issued: "Crush the Plotters," Against Dashn R j 1,000. Pamphlets issued: none. Special campaigns conducted: none. Active in the following non-Party organizations: Armenian T< 1 h Rioal Aid Society. Armenian Red Cross. Various reconstruction Dleties. In all these organizations the aim of our membe mid is to gain control by carrying on Communist propaganda and to 43 get these organizations to use their funds for the reconstruction <fl Soviet Armenia instead of keeping them in banks with the illusiol of reconstructing their native villages in Turkish Armenia. Cooperatives : none. Property owned and controlled: none. Further information: Both in 1923 and 1924 the Armenian SeJ tion has had over 200 members. Dues have been collected almo3(i equal to that number but having no other source of income the BuJ reau has been compelled to spend part of the dues for the publication] of the paper; In 1923 more money has been sent to the C E. because the Bureau has had funds remaining from the Armenia! Workers Party, which have helped to a degree the publication of oin organ. (Signed) N. S. Keosseian, Sec'y. Bulgarian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 1923 70 1924 224 Publication: Saznanic, issued 3 times monthly, circulation 1,900. Leaflets published: For educational class, 2,000; Open letter tci delegates of S. L. P., 1,000; Resolution of our meeting — Protest against White Terror in Bulgaria, 1,000. Pamphlets: Red Peoples' Calendar, 2,000; Program of W. P. A J 2,000. Special Campaigns: For the fund of Saznanic, $5,201.05; Elec^ tion Campaign; Campaign against White Terror in Bulgaria and we helped Bulgarian comrades with $1,084.25. Active in non-Party organizations: Macedonian Political orgaE izations. Some of our members carry on propaganda with the banner of Balkan Federation. Cooperatives: None. Property: None. Estimate of membership on rolls: 224 in 9 branches. New branches organized in 1924: 6. New members accepted: 154. (Signed) Theo. Tsecoff, Sec'y. Czecho-Slovak Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 226 1923 431 1924 353 Papers and Periodicals: Delnik (Worker), Chicago, 111., WeeklyJ 1,150. Published since November 29, 1924; Obrana (Defense), Nev York City, Weekly, 1,500. Leaflets: About the split in our Federation, 4 page large size,] 5,000 copies. Pamphlets: None. Most of the pamphlets we have on hand were published in Czecho-Slovakia. Two pamphlets published in 1925 44 ire: The short outline of Marxism and Communism. Bedacht's new I'imphlet: The White Terrorists, etc. Campaigns: To collect funds for Comrade Vajtauer when ar- P( ted; for the new weekly paper "Delnik" (Worker), now published hi Chicago; for the starving German children (in Chicago). Active in non-Party organizations: Trade unions, sick and bene- (II societies, workingmen's Gymnastic Associations. Besides the reg- ti in r Party campaigns the above mentioned campaigns were carried on in these organizations. Cooperatives: None of the cooperatives are controlled by our i nbers, altho many participating. Workingmen Coop. Association (Chicago) and Rush Run Coop. Association (Dillonvale, O.). Property owned: Workers Printing Shop (Obrana) in New York (Jlty. About 40 per cent of this printing shop is owned by the Czecho- llovak local unions in New York, but full control is in the hands of our section. A building (hall) is under the control of our branches In Baltimore, Md. The building, about 2 years old, is owned by Our branches together with the progressive or liberal organizations. Estimated membership on rolls: 360. New branches organized in 1924: 4. Branches dissolved: 5. New members accepted: 36. Additional information: It is impossible for me to give accurate number of newly accepted members owing to the fact that some of the branches did not report correctly, as for instance the newly or- t inized branch in So. Bethlehem did not report its membership. Lately I sent out questionnaires asking branches about the number of members in good standing, etc. Most of the activities were hin- fUred on account of internal fights which existed in our section until lately/ I innish Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 5847 1923 6583 1924 7099 Publications: Tyomies, Daily, 12,000; Eteenpain, Daily, 8,000; sri, Daily, 4,000; Toveritar, Women's Weekly, 10,000; Punikki, Hatirical Semi-monthly, 10,000; Vappu, First of May periodical, 15,000; ►miehen Joulu, Christmas, 16,000. Leaflets: None because our press makes it unnecessary to pub- llnh leaflets except in special instances. Pamphlets: Finnish Workers in America, 10,000; Washington Teapot Dome, 5,000; Imperialism by Bystranski, 5,000; Science and the Working class, 5,000; Propaganda pocket handbook, 16,500; Wages mi<[ Capital (Marx), 5,000; World Trade Union Movement (Lozovsky), tooo. Special campaigns: None outside of campaigns carried on by i hr Party, but in these the Federation has been active during the vi';ir. Active in non-Party organizations: Cooperative movement. In that organization which has about 15,000 members we exercise great 45 influence and have an ideological control and have carried on a regula campaign to make it a supporter of the Communist movement. Cooperatives: The above replies to this. Our members contnj several local consumers* cooperatives throughout the country. Property owned and controlled: Tyomies Society; Eteenpai Coop. Society; Pacific Development Society. (Our three publishing concerns). The Federation controls the majority of membership stock. A number of branches own their own halls or club buildings Estimate of membership on rolls: 7903. New branches organized in 1924: 13. Dissolved: 17. New members: 1,500. Additional information: The Federation has carried on an ea tensive educational work through lecture circuits in which on the aver age 5 comrades have been engaged. The subjects the lectures ha\ contained are: Class struggles in past history; The role of the stat^ in the class struggle; Circulation of capital and profits; The role capitalism; The historic role of revolutionary working class parties; Communist parties in political struggles; Tactics of Communist Par- ties; Work in trade unions and shop nuclei; Organization form of the Comintern and affiliated parties; Practical work of Communists in Party branches. (Signed) Fahle Burman, Sec'y. Greek Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 88 1923 141 1924 203 Publications: Empros, Weekly, 3,500; 2 special strike editionaj during the Amalgamated Food Workers Strike, March 22-29, 1924J at New York, N. Y. Leaflets: What Communists want, 15,000; Fight against registrar tion of foreign born workers, 6,000; Manifesto of C. P. of Greece tcj the Greek workers in America, 15,000. Pamphlets: Critique Gotha Program, 5,000; Family under Cond munism (Kollontai), 5,000; Two enemy classes, 5,000; Outline of- Communism, 5,000; Lenin, the Strategist, 5,000; Bread and liberty (Lo^ zovsky, 5,000. Special campaigns: Against registration of foreign born. Active in non-Party organizations: Amalgamated Food Workers^ Union in New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh; Greek section in Waiter^ and Cooks A. F. of L., Detroit; Greek Language Local Waiters and Cooks A. F. of L., San Francisco; Taxicab Drivers Union A. F. Lj Los Angeles, organized by Greek Branch. Property: One Linotype machine, books (property of the Greek Workers Press, Inc. (Corp. in New York); books worth about $4,00fj Estimate of membership on rolls: 300. New branches: 6. Dissolved: 1. New members accepted: 90. (Signed) A. Boubous, Sec'y. 46 Hungarian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 311 1923 373 1924 469 Publications: Uj Elore, Daily, 9,000. Leaflets: Foreign born workers campaign, 4 pages, 40,000; Election program, 4 pages, 20,000. Pamphlets: Why every worker should be a Communist (Ruth* mi berg), 3,000; Bankruptcy of American labor movement (Foster), I 000, Special campaigns: Foreign born; several campaigns against llorthy agents and bourgeois liberals who came from Hungary; two til* campaigns for Uj Elore— result 500 new readers; two campaigns for financial aid for Uj Elore; a campaign in behalf of So. Bethlehem I Igar makers strike and union organization; amalgamation (unity) campaign among sick benefit societies. Active in non-Party organizations: Mostly in sick and benefit "ties, singing societies, dramatic societies, house associations; • \r\y Party campaign, foreign born campaign and amalgamation cam- paign. Cooperatives: None. Property owned and controlled: Uj Elore, Daily; Incorporation; 1 1. ires with the C. E. C; printing plant, 33 E. First st.; legal owner Hungarian Workers Home which is fully controlled by the section; Itveral workers homes in the country controlled by the branches. Estimated membership on rolls: 800-850. New branches in 1924: 14. Branches dissolved: 9. New members accepted: 300-350. Additional information: Organized a Party school in New York which is functioning with 20-25 members; had several times organ- ! touring the country for 3-7 weeks period; one comrade is the Uational organizer of the Sick and Benefit Society; was during the whole year on organizing tour. (Signed) D. Hajnal, Sec'y. Italian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 135 1923 412 1924 581 Publications: II Lavoratore, Weekly, 13,000. Leaflets : None. Pamphlets: None. Special campaigns: Anti-Fascist campaign. Active in non-Party organizations: Labor unions; T. TL E. L. work and anti-fascist campaign. Cooperatives: Cooperativa Operaia, W. Hoboken, N. J.; Co- Uperativa Moderna, W. Hoboken, N. J., and other Consumers coopera- 47 Property owned or controlled: Office supplies and furniture. Estimated membership on rolls: 10,000, Branches organized in 1924: ? Branches dissolved: ? New members: ? Additional information: It is difficult to give exact data becaua of the recent crisis in the federation and because we haven't tlnij books for 1924 in our hands. (Signed) Piccino Angiono, Sec'y. Jewish Section. Average membership as show r n by dues payments: 1922 973 1923 1055 1924 1368 Publications: Freiheit, Daily, 22,000. Leaflets: An open letter to Jos. Schlossberg by N. Buchwald 15,000; Not a vote for LaFollette, 15,000. Pamphlets: Resolutions and theses of the 5th congress, 3,000; Bankruptcy of American Trade Unions by Wm. Z. * Foster, 5,000} Parties and issues by Bittelman, 3,000. Special campaigns: Anti-Butchkevich campaign; Presidential elections; Anti-Abramovitch; Relief in Soviet Russia; To aid colo*J nization in Soviet Russia; St, Paul convention. Active in non-Party organizations: Workmen's Circle, Unions and Cultural Clubs of workers. Carried out above mentioned cam«j paigns there. Cooperatives: In New York our members participate in the Unitedl Workers Cooperative Association with its camp "Nitgedaiget," thej chief aim of which is to develop communal life of workers. Property owned and controlled: Building, 30 Union Square, Neii York City. Estimated membership on rolls: 2,500-2,600. . New branches organized in 1924: 6. Dissolved: 1. New members accepted: 600. (Signed) Morris Holtman, Sec'y. Lettish Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 397 1923 417 1924 443 Publications: None. Leaflets: None, Pamphlets: None, We maintain close contact with the publish^ ing houses of the Lettish section in Europe and receive large quanj tities of literature and pamphlets from abroad. Special campaigns: DAILY WORKER; Labor defense; Relief for political prisoners in Latvia by which $620.91 was raised. Active in non-Party organizations: Our members are active iij the few existing Lettish Benefit and Educational organizations, get- 1 ting mainly financial support for various campaigns of our Party. 48 Cooperatives: None. Property owned or controlled: None. Estimate of membership on rolls: 475. Branches dissolved: None. New branches organized: None. New members: 25-30. un«™„« i+« "nffi- Other information: The Lettish Bureau is publishing its offi cial organ"-"The News Bulletin" in the form of a mimeographed Bul- Sn rtSlar to the Party Press Service Bulletin. This Bulletin ap- neSa is often as necessary. It contains all Party news, decisions, ScLs encouraging various Party campaigns and Branch news. All the ^ most important Party circulars are translated and published in this mimeographed Bulletin by the Bureau. (Signed) Robert Zelms, Sec'y. Lithuanian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 671 1924 901 Publications: Laisve, Daily, 8,000; Vilnis, Semi-weekly, 6,000; Women Workers' Voice, Monthly, 3,000. Leaflets: About killing war, 20,000; Curse in Lithuania, ?. Pamnhlets: Workers almanac. 6,000 copies. Lecfal campaigns: Vilnis campaign for new subscribers ; Lai- sve campaign for new subscribers; Campaign for raising funds to helD the Communist movement m Lithuania. Active in non-Party organizations: Trade Unions and Sick and Death Benefit Societies. . , % , _ T . Cooperatives: Many of the members are active in the local Li- thuanian cooperatives for maintaining halls. Property owned or controlled: Two papers and two halls. The form of controlling these are thru cooperatives. Estimated membership on rolls: 1,000-1,100. New branches in 1924: 11. Branches dissolved: 5. New members: 70. (Signed) J. Gasiunas, Secy, Polish Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 110 1923 210 1924 165 Publications: Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly, 1,500. Leaflets: 10th anniversary of war, 15,000; Presidential election platform, 35,000; The armed insurrection in Cracow, 15,000. Pamphlets: The life of Nicolai Lenin, 2,000. ramnatens* To aid political prisoners in Poland. SveT non-Party organizations: Trades Unions and some benefit societies. 49 Cooperatives: In Neffs, O., Miners' Cooperative Store- in De- troit Detroit Workmen's Restaurant Cooperative, International Work- ers Home Ass n. Property: None; have debts. Estimated membership: 200. New branches organized in 1924: None Dissolved: 12. New members: 50, Additional information: Section lost control over Glos Robot- niczy in Detroit That cost us not only the organ but organization lost many members. In March, 1924, we started to publish a new paper, Trybuna Robotnicza, ^ new (Signed) B. K. Gebert, Sec'y. Roumanian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 1923 81 1924 fi^ Publications: Desteptarea, Weekly, 1200 Leaflets: Party platform, 5,000; Foreign born, 5,000; Unity of Roumanian workers, 5,000. y as a P whole. ty ^^ ***** PrinUng Plant ° Wnfid by the federation Membership on rolls: 80-100. Branches organized: ? Branches dissolved: 1. New members: No records. (Signed) G. Neder, Sec'y. Scandinavian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 134 1923 259 1924 248 Publications: Ny Tid, Weekly, 2,500. Leaflets: None. Pamphlets : None. Special campaigns: Against the new immigration laws; Against white terror in Finland. against Active in non-Party organizations: Just beginning to work among the Swedish Good Templar Lodges. Cooperatives : None. of C P E° P c rty: Uni ° n PreSS ' Incorporated ; ownership vested in hands Membership on rolls: 500. New branches in 1924: 2. New members: 50. (Signed) N. Juel Christensen, Sec'y. 50 South Slavic Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 3 times a week, 8,000; 1077 1923 1158 1924 1290 Delavska Slove- * Publications : Radnik, U3a 'Leaflets:' Agitation leaflet for Slovenians, 25,000; Leaflets for convention S. P. (Slovenian), 15,000; Convention of S. L. P., 2,000. Pamphlets: Foundation of imperialist policy, 4,000; Underground radicalism, 3,000; Program and constitution W. P. A., 3,000; Almanac xor 1925, 12,000. . Special campaigns: For Radnik and agitational fund. Active in non-Party organizations: Croatian National Society, Croatian Society of Illinois and Slovenian Nat. Benefit Soc. Every Party campaign was carried in these organizations tor DAILY WORK- ER, Labor Defense, F. L. Party, etc. Cooperatives: Control none, but the branch of Detroit, Mich., owns and controls the South Slavic Workers Home, Property owned or controlled: Radnik, Delavska Slovemja and books amounting to $20,000 to ?30,000. Estimated membership on rolls: 1,300-1,400. New branches in 1924: 26. Branches dissolved: 24. Estimated new members: 448. (Signed) T. Cuckovich, Secy. Ukrainian Section. Average membership as shown by dues payments: 19^ 192o 1924 Publications: Ukrainian Daily News, Daily, 6,000. Leaflets: General propaganda, 50,000; May day, 20,000 10,000. Pamphlets: ? Special campaigns: Daily Worker, Membership, F. L. P United Front campaign and the organization of United Ukrainian Working class organizations, Election campaign, Join the Union campaign. Active in non-Party organizations: Ukrainian National Alliance (Benefit organization); Ukrainian Working Class Alliance (Benefit Organization); numerous local non-Party organizations; Trade Un- ions There was a special campaign in No. 1 for special convention in order to get control of the organization. We didn't get it. Cooperatives: Cooperative Restaurant, Detroit. Property: Printing plant (corporation); Ukrainian Labor Home (corporation). Estimated membership on rolls: New branches: 8. Branches dissolved: 2. New members estimated: 200. Additional information: Section has a bookstore m New York City. Books in stock value over $60,000. . u y (Signed) M. Durdella, Sec'y. 51 87 623 781 Miners, FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL OFFICE. From December 1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924. (13 months) EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS. Regular Income. Due Stamps Cash Sales. $ 57 804 40 Initiation Cash Sales , ."*'""* 4 765 83 Organization Supplies Cash SalesZZ' l.Z. '99375 Lyceum Dept. Speaker Receipts 790 15 Discount Earned Weekly Worker Settlements. ....ZZZZZ"ZZZ 488 2.90 13 Special Funds Receipts. Make the Party Grow Assessment $ 389 05 Parmer Labor Party ., 6 829 95 May Day Button Sales.... ZZZZ"Z«Z 1*359*67 Farmer Labor Party Fund: Individ, donations" 4*738.34 Organ, donations 8,776 05 For A Labor Party Fund 695 55 General Donations and Contributions .. 6 709 90 Lenin Memorial Meetings 2*55000 National Campaign. National Campaign Receipts.. $ 39 896 98 ¥2 Paid to Dist 19,948.49 % Remaining with Nat'l Office Convention Assessment 1923 Y. W. Miscellaneous Receipts. L. Junior Assessment .... $ iq.00 132.47 40.28 88.00 Organization Liquidation on a[c , 1 United Mine Workers Conv. Exp. Ref.. Educational Dept. Income EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS. ices. C. E. C. Meetings <t ^ 756.33 National Farmer Labor Party Exp 990 65 Membership Meetings Exp " 633 68 Party Conference, July, 1924 Political Committee Conference ExpZZZZZ 601.15 73.00 % 64,845.16 ? 32,048.51 J 19,948.49 5,970.20 % 1,270.75 $124,083.11 EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT EXPENDITURES. C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferenc $ 4,054.81 52 Political Campaigns and Organization. Field Organizers Expense »•$ JJ7J.62 Labor Party Campaign Expense b,5«W. 41 Federated Farmer Labor Party Dues..... Va Membership Campaign Exp ^J' Miners Campaign Exp ~« 2 >^-™ Free Speech Fight (Wilkes Barre) 101.00 Negro Work * - ^J-JJ Unemployment Campaign ....... ^'J Agrarian Department , A ltJi Anti-Imperialist Work ■ l,4t>0.6» Administrative Expense. Executive Dept. Forwarding Expense.-.. $ 5.64 " General Office 401.05 Farmer Labor Party Campaign Fund Expense 1,245.34 Organization Supplies Forwarding Exp 94.05 Executive Dept. Postage ■■ Vlnl™ « Rent 1,795.00 Stationary and Supplies 1,547.80 Telegraph and Telephone 2,496.86 Traveling Expenses •■ 1,579.76 « Wages 13,910.46 Industrial Work Wages -•■ ^J'JJ Political Comm. Wages ■.« 1.696.00 Press Service Expense and Wages z,7ii ^' ( Z Research Department Expense and Wages...... 1 ' 02 ^^ Bank Charges - . J6.4J Moving Expense ■ • £™ Office Maintenance and Repairs ofo^c Research Department Rent 343.75 Industrial Work Rent "!•»< Educational Work Rent - "!■»« Wilga Investigation Expense -- JW'JJ Educational Department Expense ^m.d» Dues Refunds to District Organizations Farmer Labor Party Fund Paid to District Supplies Purchased. Organization Supplies Purchase ? ^llil May Day Buttons ■ 138 * 84 Convention Expenses 1923 Donations and Subsidies. Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 799.66 Farmer Labor Voice Deficit 1,874.34 Donations ; .-.- ■ J96.27 Subsidies to Bureaus and Districts 4,^y.&z 53 I 19,529.80 35,878.48 25,742.21 1,119.17 3,126.89 4,902.42 $ 7,409.79 Lyceum Department Speakers Expense... International Delegates Expense., Shop Nuclei Reorganization Expense..'.'.., National Campaign Expense and Wages. Money Lost in Transit Depreciation. Furniture and Fixtures., Office Machinery TOTAL EXECUTIVE DEPT. EXPENSE., TOTAL RECEIPT EXECUTIVE DEPT TOTAL EXPENDITURES AND DEPRECIA- SURPLUS EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT... LITERATURE DEPARTMENT. Receipts and Inventory. Propaganda Leaflets Cash Sales..... $ 2 757 fiO Literature Cash Sales m ~* x^zizi Lenin Library Fund. Inventory of Literature 1924... Z ! ^ZZZIZZ." 2 104.00 613.04 Expenditures. Literature Department Headquarters Rent Propaganda Leaflet Forwarding Expense Purchase Literature Department Advertising... Campaign Literature [7 Literature Department Forwarding Expense- GO Expense Inventory 1923 Postage Purchase Rent " Sales Promotion __ Stationary and Supplies Tel. and Telegraph Wages Receipts ...$ 17,857.91 Expenditures : 23,600.32 535.90 245.91 1,383.64 193.37 2,996.16 592.92 6,407.49 270.00 262.48 517.88 97.50 5,767.75 Defici t .....? 5,742.41 54 $ 1,782.79 1,630.00 225.00 9,061.98 50.00 388.41 322.75 $115,224.50 124,083.11 115,224.50 $ 8,858.61 $ 17,857.91 $ 687.50 ■ 531.97 3,097.00 $ 23,600.32 WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning 1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months). ASSETS. Furniture and Fixtures $ 1,188.51 Less Depreciation $ 388.41 Balance Furniture and Fixt Office Machinery .... - $ 922.75 Less Depreciation $ 322.75 Balance Off Machinery... * — Loans Receivable General Personal Accounts Receivable (S. J. Clark) - »•••• W. P. Petty Cash - * 50 * 0U Research Department Petty Cash 25.00 Postage Fund ■ 63 - 97 Wages Advanced (J. P. Cannon).... New York Bookstore Advance Organization Supplies Inventory.... 377.52 Literature Inventory 2,613.04 Accounts Receivable. May Day Buttons (1924) I 57.93 Organization Supplies 764.57 Propaganda Leaflets 1,568.26 Literature ■■■•• 5,983.15 Weekly Worker Bundle a|c 1,833.09 TOTAL A|C RECEIVABLE $ 10,207.00 Less Reserve for Bad Debts and Uncollectable Accounts $ 5,103.50 Total Assets. Deficit 1923 .— - * J'Sl?'!} Literature Department Loss. 5,742.41 Executive Department Profit $ 8,858.61 Deficit 1924 .V.... TOTAL • ■ OFFICE. December 55 $ 800.00 $ 600.00 1,355.50 77.31 ? 138.97 146.34 884.89 ? 2,990.56 $ 5,103.50 $ 12,097.07 $ 63.64 | 11,962.12 $ 24,122.83 WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE Statement of ^Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning December 1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months). LIABILITIES, Cash (overdrawn) * 9KCk 0Q Account Payable JIZZZ' U«5 Loss on Liberator (partial) 7 638 19 Paterson Strike Funds Payable " 150 95 Loans Payable (General) !!!!!!!!!.!! 620 00 Literature Loans Payable.., q9s'a7 Loans A. B. C :~ 206*06 International Red Aid Funds Payable 287 53 Lenin Library Subscriptions Payable 67*00 Language Section Dues Refunds Payable to Wages Un^d" ^JJJJJ TOTAL LIABILITIES — % MU2M frT?7 E ^ NT T LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY. Profit and Loss Stat ement fop Bmlm% ^ ^ Decem ™ Y " 1923, to June 1st, 1925 (V/ z years). TITLE OF ACCOUNT DEBITS CREDITS Unclaimed Accounts Payable $ -. koi ™ Advertising Sold ...... * *Wmli Books soid :;:;::::;::*■* fill Bundle Order Cash Sales 5,957.59 nffl a , " " 6,076.85 Office Sale 2 60 Contribution and Donations. !!Z!!!!! 695 11 Singles Cash Receipts !!1!!!!...!!. 29 30 Subscription Cash Receipts !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 519 92 Subscription Transfer "Canadian Worker""".!!! 1^0 "Labor Herald" 2.40 "Pearsons" 59 "Young Worker" 5.65 "Weekly Worker" 12102 Suspense a|c ,. mm< 12 ' 34 Advertising Bought * . 1 ., ft . Bank Charges ? "J'JJ Books Purchased „ ** Bundle Order Returns , Z 7 L' Check Exchange ' 7 ' 00 ?^ Contributions Expense Q ~l': n Deposits a|c ,...!Z!!!!Z!!! Jo Furniture, Fixtures and Machinery.!.!.,". 1(; ;i General Office Expense " i^ i* Mailing Expense " * JJJ'JJ Manufacturing Expense Q „, ** omce p »*« •- ■ —~. mil 56 Protested Checks Rent - ■••• Sales Promotion Expense Subscription Transfer "Daily Worker" "Dial" "L. Monthly" "Nation" "g. R. Pictorial". Stationery and Supplies. .... Telephone and Telegraph - Wages "Administration" - u "Advertising" "Editorial" 71.83 317.00 192.03 2.50 4.00 7.25 7.50 3.17 231.50 37.06 1,993.70 648.55 2,016.00 TOTALS ■ $ 19,957.64 % 24,722.23 Advanced" by W. P % 8,964.09 4,764.59 Credits as above 24,722.23 $ 24,722,23 % 24,722.23 Debits as above 19,957.64 — NET DEFICIT DURING ABOVE PERIOD % 4,764.49 $ 4,199.50 (SURPLUS) STATEMENT "B ,f LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY. Statement of Assets and Liabilities as of June 1st, 1925. ASSETS. Account Receivable "Bundles" % 3,616.42 "Advertising" 1,487.10 % 5,103.52 Less Reserve for Uncollectable Balances 1,500.00 TOTAL ASSETS * 3,603.52 LIABILITIES. Accounts Payable - • Capital Stock ■ Preferred Stock . 900.00 43,398.90 TOTAL ASSETS $ 3,603,52 TOTAL LIABILITIES ■•■• $ 46,46.*..) 1 OLD DEFICIT $ 47,065.49 NET DEF. $ 42,865.99 Less Surplus (See "A") 4,199.50 TOTALS ? 46,469.51 % 46,46!). r>l 57 FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA. January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925. EXPENDITURES. C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferences. C. E. C. May Conference , # $ 1,417.93 C. E, C. Meeting Expense Z! 15900 Membership Meeting Expense ZZ 129 00 Farmer Labor Party Expense , " 323 08 Executive Department Travel Expense ZZ..! 1,135*87 Political Committee Expense " 1,*428.*90 — $ 4,593.78 Political Campaigns and Organization. Negro Work , ? 2j9S7 8? bhop Nuclei Reorganization 1 093 50 Agrarian Department Work "ZZ 2*14004 Anti-Imperialist Work " *428 00 Field Organizers Expense ZZ 554.33 Miners Campaign [ 442*50 . • , - ¥ 7,556.24 Administration Expense. Bank Charges $ n 18 Office Maintenance and Repair.. 61675 Headquarters Rent , IZZ 800^00 Educational Department Expense and Wages.... 2,47703 Executive Department G. O, Expense 283.09 Postage 489.78 Press Service Expense and Wages 786.15 Executive Department Stationery and Supplies 430*75 Te L and Telegraph 1,531.32 Wages 4,019.00 Industrial Department Wages and Expense...... 1,734.46 Supply Department Expense ' 49.95 Forwarding Expense 263.09 Postage 143.50 Sales Promotion 32.43 Stationery and Supplies.,.. 15.95 Telephone and Telegraph.. 132.62 Wages 1,479,00 Literature Department Expense 291.92 Research Department Wages 1,014.67 ' — $ 16,602.64 Supplies Purchased. Supply Department Purchase $ 1 995 21 Tnprecorrs Purchased , " "532.50 $ 2,527.71 58 Donations and Subsidies. Donations Made ■ $ 1,343.00 Subsidy to District and Bureaus 2,974.75 Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 337.24 Miscellaneous. International Delegate Expense $ 2,922.64 Liberator Deficit Paid (from 1922-1925) 8.699.09 National Campaign Expense 2 ' 152 "fl Federation Dues Refunds Paid to Districts 9,351.10 Junior Stamps Assessments Paid to Y. W. L,.... 729.10 Lyceum Department Speakers Expense. 251.08 $ 4,654. TOTAL EXPENDITURES FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA. From January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925. RECEIPTS. Regular Income. Dues Stamps Cash Sales $ 23,004.53 Initiation Cash Sales 1,618.60 Liberator Publishing Company Receipts 58.55 Supply Department Cash Receipts 4,399.33 Literature Accounts Collected 4,664.34 Lyceum Department Speakers Receipts 347.66 Special Funds Receipts. Lenin Memorial Meetings Returns.... $ 987.04 Farmer Labor Campaign Stamps 361.52 $ 7,382.07 Donations and Contributions..., ...» National Campaign Receipts 1924 1925 Convention Assessment Stamps Miscellaneous Receipts. Junior Assessment Stamps. $ 1,032.44 Contribution for Defense Protested Checks - •« $ 24,105.68 $ 60,041.04 OFFICE 739.88 6.83 $ 34,093.01 TOTAL RECEIPTS * TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR PARTY....$ 60,041.04 TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR PARTY 47,288.47 DEFICIT FOR PARTY (6 MONTHS).. $ 12,752.57 59 8,730.63 2,428.68 257.00 $ 1,779.15 $ 47,288.47 WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE. Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Beginning January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925 (6 months). ASSETS, deposits _$ UM Furniture and Fixtures 830.25 Loans Receivable 1,264.50 New York Bookstore Capital '884.89 Office Machinery _ 600.00 Petty Cash ..... 5 ' 00 Postage Fund , 63.97 Wages Advanced 30.00 Research Department Petty Cash... ... 25^00 Supply Department Inventory 377.52 LIABILITIES. Accounts Payable ; 1 2 ,130 20 n " , (unclaimed) 765 .76 Cash Overdrawn 254 55 Loans Payable ZZZZZ. 3,795^00 Wages Unpaid 2 6 20 25 Federations Dues Refund Payable to Districts 2,994*12 Lenin Library Subscription ' 2 2 00 Literature Loans Payable 921 12 Loan A. B. C ZZZZZZ 2 06.u6 _ a $ 4,137.13 $ 22,709.06 Deficit June 30th, 1925 18,571.93 TOTALS $ 22,709.06 $ 22,709.06 NATIONAL DEFENSE COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA. Financial Statement from January 1st, 1924, to June 30th, 1925 (18 months). RECEIPTS. Defense Stamps Cash Receipts... $ 10,032.33 International Workers Aid ' 15.00 Donations Income 84 51 TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR 1% YEARS... ? 10,131.84 EXPENDITURES. Bank Charges _$ 64 10 Paid to Labor Defense Council 3 250 00 Family Relief , 2;415!oo Legal Expense ._, 2 617 91 Donations for Defense...... l!l75.'oO 60 Lost— Bail Bonds Repaid - 400.00 Pittsburgh Defense .-- 1,070.00 Shumovich Bond •• 36 * 58 Premium on Bail Bonds 40.00 Protested Checks • 12 - 00 Prisoners Relief » 162.05 TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR 1% YEARS... .$ 11,242.64 STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILITIES. Cash on Hand ? 201.56 Bramson a c 100.00 E. Owens a|c - 62 - 20 TOTAL NET WORTH NAT'L DEF. COM $ 363.76 CASH RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES from November 30th, 1923, to June 30th, 1925. By Months. Receipts Expenditures December, 1923 - - ...-.* 13,168.51 $ 13,304.84 January, 1924 ■ 13,557.00 13,443.32 February - 10,720.44 10,616.10 Mar ch ■ ^ • 11,418.90 12,241.10 April 12,055.94 11,064,21 Mav " 11,171.80 10,914.21 June 13,524.02 13,452.84 Julv 10,840.77 12,358.67 Au L s *t "ZZZZ.\ - i 11,051.15 9,789.28 September ".. - 1U04.88 11.286.45 October 17,510.45 15,371.37 November ■ ■■ 11,260.66 12,708.91 December ■ ■■ 8,360.17 8,452.67 January, 1925 ■ 8-750.21 8,402.77 February • • ^,443.51 ^,731.52 March • 6,438.25 6,534.27 fZT 11,190.91 11,242.46 M a V '" -. 11,869.37 11,462.55 June ZZZZZZZ. • ■ 9,399.86 9,713.81 TOTAL * ■ — $212,836.80 $213,091.35 Receipts for 19 months ..$212,836.80 Expenditures for 19 months .» $213,091.35 Balance Cash Overdrawn $ 254.55 $213,091.35 $213,091.35 61 ^w CHAPTER III. RESOLUTION OF THE MAJORITY ON THE REPORT OF THE C. E. C. AUDIT. ., The Central Executive Committee appointed Comrades Martin Abern and George Maurer to audit the books of the National Office. the Na^TS^ ** "** *'""** M f ° n ° WS in the b °° ks ° f For period ending June 30th, 1924, on page 24 of Cash Book No. 2 and for period ending June 30, 1925, on page 125 of Cash Book JNo. 2i. Al Schaap, Bookkeeping Department. 62 1. We endorse fully and wholeheartedly all the decisions of the last plenum of the Comintern and also the decisions of the C. I. on the American question (the Labor Party and the general policies of the Party) and we pledge our energetic support to carry these decisions into effect. 2. We endorse fully the decisions of the Parity Commission. We particularly join the Comintern and the Parity Commission in the demand that the coming Party Convention shall completely liquidate the factionalism which is now undermining our Party and preventing its growth and proper functioning. 1 3. The unification of the Communist forces in our Party is an a.bsolute necessity for its future growth. We take cognizance of the fact that the majority has worked consistently for unity in the Party making all kinds of concessions to the minority. We are firmly convinced that by supporting the present Central Executive Committee we shall succeed in completely unifying our ranks for a successful struggle against capitalism. 4. We also endorse fully and pledge our most active support to the Comintern and Parity Commission decisions providing for the liquidation of Loreism in our Party. We demand that the Party be united in an uncompromising struggle against this dangerous right wing tendency. We pledge our fullest support to the whole Com- intern program of Bolshevizing our Party, including a militant fight against the right wing, the reorganization of the Party on the basis of shop nuclei, and the raising of the theoretical level of our membership. 41/,. We express our emphatic opposition to the resolution of the Finnish branch cf Superior, Wisconsin. We endorse fully the statements of the Central Executive Committee and of the Finnish Bureau dealing with the Superior resolution as a manifestation of dangerous anti-Party and Loreistic tendencies and pledge our full support to the Party in carrying on the struggle against these tendencies. 5. The Bolshevization theses adopted by the last Plenum of the Comintern points out for the American Party the following three specific immediate tasks: 63 3e (a) The abolition of the present federation form of organ- ization and the fusion of all language groups into a] really centralized and unified Bolshevik Party built onj the basis of shop nuclei and international branches, (b) More energetic activities in the trade unions and better organization of Communist fractions in them. (c) Closer attention to the everyday needs and struggles of the workers and an intensive application of the tactics of the united front. 6. We are in complete agreement with the above instructions of the Comintern and will do all in our power to assist the Party in the carrying out of these policies. 7. We fully support the labor party policy as laid down by the Comintern decision on the American question. We pledge ourselves to support an energetic campaign for the formation of a mass labor party based upon solid trade union support. 8. We endorse the activities of the present Central Executive Committee and express our confidence in the majority of the C. E. C, to lead the Party in accord with the spirit and principles of Len- inism. 9. The present majority of the Party is organically connected with the mass movements of the working class. The majority has a clear and correct understanding of Communist work in the trade unions, which the Comintern has repeatedly pointed out to be among our most important and vital tasks. 10. During the past eighteen months the Party, under the leader- ship of the C. E. C. f succeeded in overcoming many difficulties and critical situations that were confronting the Party. We mention only a few of these: a) The Party has broken the isolation that resulted out of the last swing of the LaFollette movement, and the consequent setback of the labor party movement. Beginning with the last presidential campaign, when our Party took for the first time the parliamentary field on a national scale, the Party is continually overcoming its isolation and is driving ahead for wider political struggles. b) The Party is now moving decisively and clearly towards great campaigns in the class struggle generally, in the trade unions and on the parliamentary field. c) The T. XL E. L. is developing strength and has led many effec- tive fights of the left wing against the bureaucracy in the trade unions as for example, the last election in the U. M. W. A., the fight for the reinstatement of Alex Howat and the other Kansas miners, the fight against the Lewis-Farrington machine in Illinois, the support of the Nova Scotia miners, the splendid showings made in the elections of the Machinists and Carpenters' Unions, the present great struggle of 35,000 members of the New York Ladies' Garment Workers local unions against the reactionary Sigman machine. 64 d) Despite the bitter factional fight in the Party lasting nine- leen months, which was aggravated by the impermissable tactics of the minority that at times threatened the unity of the Party, the Party under the leadership of the C. E. C. continued to make steady progress. Communist influence in the unions is growing despite all Persecutions by the reactionary bureaucracy. The Party press is extended and strengthened. The political maturity of our member- ship and its Bolshevik quality is continually improving. The Party Is getting ready for its great reorganization campaign on the basis of shop nuclei and for complete centralization of the Party apparatus. 11. During the past eighteen months, the party under the leader- ship of the Central Executive Committee, has carried thru several Important united front political campaigns. Chief among them are the following: a) The campaign against the Russian menshevik and the Second International on the occasion of the arrival in the United States of R. Abramovitch. In this campaign the Party was successful in defeat- ing the immediate designs of the Russian menshevik in America, and also to bring before the American worker the role of the Communist international and the movement for World Trade Union Unity ini- tiated by the R. I. L. XL and the British trade unions. b) The campaigns against the attempt of the White Terror in Poland to murder the leader of the Polish workers and poor peasants, rnmrade Lanzutsky. c) The campaign against Child Labor which secured the active Hnpport of many trade unions and contributed greatly towards pro- moting the movement of the American workers for independent political action. d) The campaign against wage cuts.This campaign was di- rected towards promoting a strike movement against wage cuts, to accelerate the movement for amalgamation and to educate the work- ers to the necessity of political struggle as a class against the capitalists. 12. The decision of the Comintern on the Labor Party contro- versy settles the differences of opinion in our Party on that very important question. It gives our Party a clear policy of work and struggle for a Labor Party based upon the mass support of the trade unions. The mistake of temporarily abandoning the slogan pointed out by the Comintern has been corrected by the Central Executive Committee, which has already outlined a program and laid the basis for a new campaign for a Labor Party. 13, We support fully the insistence of the C. I. that on pre- mature organizational steps shall be taken in the Labor Party cam- paign, that a Party formed only by the Workers Party and its close sympathizers in close sympathizers' organizations is not a Labor party and that we must guard against the splitting off of the left wing from the Labor Party to transform it into a mass Communist 65 Party, but on the contrary we must let the left wing grow within the broad movement and strive to win the masses for the revolutionary class struggle. We accept fully the position of the majority, approved by the Comintern, that we must fight for a Labor Party based upon the mass support of the trade unions. 14. We express full confidence in the leadership of the present Central Executive Committee. We are firmly convinced that only 1 by giving the leadership of the Party to the present majority will the j Party be able to make the best progress towards becoming a mass Communist Party on the basis of Leninism and under the leadership of the Comintern. RESOLUTION OF THE MINORITY ON THE REPORT OF THE C. E. C. The National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of America, having considered the work of our Party during the past year and a half, established the following facts: 1. The Majority of the C. E. C. did not take a stand against Loreism in our Party until after the second decision of the Com- munist International pointing out the dangers of Loreism in our Party, altho this issue was raised in a sharp form by the attitude of Comrade Lore on Trotskyism and his writings on the Communist International. During the period up to the last decision of the Com- munist International, the C. E. C. maintained close relations with Comrade Lore on the C. E. C, working in close co-operation with him, and a/lso maintained a close alliance with the Loreites on the New York District Executive Committee. During the period from the time of the election of the present C. E. C. up to the last decision of the Communist International, the C. E. C. also appeared as the defender of the Lore tendencies against the efforts of the minority of the C. E. C. to expose its true character and to carry on a cam- paign against this tendency in our Party. 2. The hesitancy and vascillation which the C. E. C. majority showed on the question of Trotskyism was an expression of its rela- tion with the chief defender of Trotskyism, Comrade Lore. Comrade Lore telegraphed the Volkszeitung that "the Trotskyites have won the party" after the last convention. The C. E. C. majority refused to adopt the motions of the minority of the C. E. C. to indorse the Bolshevik old guard in the Russian Communist Party at the March, 1924, meeting of the C. E. C. and voted down other measures for putting our party on record against Trotskyism. It was only after the convention of the Russian Communist Party which took definite action against Trotskyism and after the return of Comrade Poster from Moscow, in June, 1924, that the C. E. C. indorsed the old Bol- shevik guard in its fight against Trotskyism. 3. The National Convention finds in the resolutions of the Superior Finnish Branch and in the article by Comrade Askeli in relation to these resolutions, an expression of the social-democratic Loreist tendency in our Party. This is manifested in the emphasis 66 of purely organization questions and the persistence of a non-Com- munist attitude on these questions and in the skeptical attitude to- ward Communist maneuvering and the participation of the Party in the actual struggles of the workers. This non-Communist attitude also expresses itself in opposition to the decisions of the Communist International in relation to the situation in our Party. The conven- tion declares that no Communist can take the position expressed hy the Superior branch and that the Party must carry on a resolute Mt niggle to eliminate this tendency as well as the other Loreist ten- dencies which manifested themselves in the past. 4. The C. E. C. majority did not sufficiently understand the nec- essity of making our work in the Trade Unions the means of winning the organized workers ideologically for the revolutionary struggle against capitalism which was emphasized by the C. E. C. minority, our Trade Union work has in practice over-emphasized the organ- ization struggle (election of officers and the securing of organizational control) to the neglect of Communist issues to win the workers ideo- logically and to draw them into a political struggle against the capi- talist government. As has been established in the Parity Commission resolution on the liquidation of Loreism this is an expression of Loreism which says: "Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the Trade Union Field and in other working class non-partisan organiza- tions. These deviations take the form of struggle for office for the sake of the office to the total neglect of our main task, which is to win the working masses of these organizations for the revolutionary class struggle and for the leadership of the Com- munist Party." While this tendency was particularly strong in the Needle Trades, where a definite Loreite group was in control of the work, the same tendency manifested itself in our Trade Union work in other fields. IJecause the C. E. C. majority itself suffered from this tendency, it did not take the necessary energetic action to fight it in the Needle Trades. It did not accept the offer of the minority for united action against this tendency. The party must conduct a united fight against this tendency. 5. The C. E. C. majority has ignored the independent unions in the Trade Union work. This was corrected by the decision of the Profintern in 1924, but the decision of the Profintern has not^ been carried out. The failure to take actual steps for the organization of the unorganized has been another neglect of the Trade Union work of the Party. The oj^anization of the unorganized is of vital im- portance in influencing the revolutionizing of the organized labor movement in this country and the Party must take up this work energetically. 6. The Trade Union Educational League was reduced to an or- ganization that was merely a party fraction during the past year in l»lace of being a broad organization of the left wing in the Trade 67 Union movement. The C. E. C. was not sufficiently energetic in re. sisting this tendency and did not develop the policies and measures to make the T. XL E. L. a real organized expression of the Left Wing, but on the contrary, adopted proposals which increased the tendency toward our isolation in the Trade Unions. 7. The majority of the C. E. C. made a fundamental error in policy in abandoning the Labor Party policy in October, 1924, The C. E. C. majority did not see that the Labor Party policy was the means of breaking the bonds which tie the backward masses to their exploiters politically and of developing the class consciousness of the masses. While the minority of the C. E. C. formulated the Labor Party policies "somewhat too narrowly" in its last thesis, the minor- ity of the C. E. C. took the correct stand in resisting the abandon ment of the policy necessary for the development of the class con sciousness of the American Workers and the building of a mass Communist Party in the United States. 8. The abandonment of the Labor Party policy, together with the attitude of the majority of the C. E. C. on the question of work among women and on non-party organizations, indicated a sectarian tendency. The national convention establishes that the minority of the C. E. C. was right in resisting this sectarian tendency. The C. E. C. majority must assume the responsibility for the struggle within the party which grew out of its incorrect policy. The C. E. C. ma- jority must assume responsibility for the fact that the party did not maintain the steady progress which the party was making prior to the last convention. At the end of 1923 our party was making prog- ress both in strengthening itself organizationally and in widening its influence among the masses. This progress continued under the impetus of the previously established policies during the first six months of 1924. Since that time the party has halted and even gone backwards. At the end of 1923 we had an average of 16,000 mem- bers for the previous six months, during the first six months of 1924, this rose to 17,000 ; As a result of the fundamentally wrong policies of the C. E. C., this year the average membership was again reduced to 16,000. After a year and a half of the leadership of the present C. E. C. majority, the party stands where it was at the end of 1923 and as compared with the first six months of 1924, we have lost a thousand members. 9. Altho the C. E. C. majority proposed united campaigns on special issues as a substitute for the United Front Labor Party cam- paign, these campaigns consisted of issuing manifestos without any effort for organization support thru the creation of united front bodies. No real campaign was developed. The C. E. C. contented itself with the issuance of a propanganda manifesto. This was true of the child labor campaign, the campaign against the C. P. P. A., etc. There was innate in this misapplication of the united front tactic the same sectarian tendency shown above. 10. The reorganization of the Party and the establishment of shop nuclei and international branches is one of the major immediate 68 I tasks. This reorganization and the creation of the shop nucleus as ill.- basic unit of the Party will wield powerful influence in the elimin- H l ion of all social democratic and anti-Communist tendencies from the Party and the incoming C. E. C. must exert all its energies to carry thru this reorganization at the earliest moment. The work of liuilding shop nuclei has not been carried on with sufficient energy during the period since the campaign was initiated in December as is Mown by the fact that only some 60 shop nuclei have been organized une that time. This hesitancy in carrying on reorganization can im longer be tolerated. 11. The National Convention endorses the decision of the Com- munist International on the American question. It endorses the de- I Ision, and resolutions of the Parity Commission, particularly the present tasks of the Party on Trade Union work, on the liquidation of Loreism and the Bolshevization of the Workers (Communist) Party. 12. These resolutions furnish the basis for the development of our Party policy on true Communist lines and as a foundation for harmonious work in the Party. The minority accepted them as luch but in the elections in the Party branches and city conventions Lhe Majority created conditions which militated against such harmo- nious work. The majority succeeded in getting a majority of this convention thru methods which cannot be tolerated in a Communist Party. These methods were particularly apparent in the Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York Districts. The majority found its greatest nlrength in the support of the extreme right wing of our Party with- out which it could not have gained the majority in the convention. The minority made its protest against the impermissable methods Used in the elections before the convention and offered to enter into negotiations for liquidation of this new obstacle to harmonious work in the Party. This protest was particularly against the attempt to rliminate the D. E. C. which the minority had elected in the Cleve- land, Philadelphia and New York districts and substitute for them eommittees with a majority composed of supporters of the majority |roup in two instances and in Philadelphia of a committee of equal proportions. This contest lead to a crisis in the convention. On the basis of negotiations being taken up for the settlement of the disputed questions, the minority returned to the convention ind stated categorically that under no circumstances would it split the Party. It urged, however, the necessity of a settlement of the Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York questions before a basis of common work could be found. This final effort of the minority to create conditions in the Party which would soften and ultimately load to a liquidation of the factional fight was not accepted by the majority altho the conditions offered by the minority, that is, equal representation on the district executive committees in Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York could well have been accepted by the majority group. The only inference that the minority can draw from the refusal of the majority to consider seriously these efforts to create better f>9 conditions in the Party is that the policy of the majority group , that of persecution and extermination of the minority. It could onl) draw the conclusion from these actions that the majority which main tains its present relationship with the right wing of the Party withot which it could not he a majority in the Party and that its policies ari those of struggle against the left wing represented by the minoriti group. The actions of the majority in the convention can only lead to new and more bitter struggle between it as the leader of the righa wing of the Party and the minority, the left wing, which has shown that it is able to formulate and follow a true Communist policy and lead the fight for really Bolshevizing our Party. It leaves to the minority no other course than to continue the struggle against per- secution and extermination and to keep the Party on the line of the Communist International. resolutfon. )"^ reSOlUtion ado » te d by a vote of 40 and 21 for the minority MAJORITY RESOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECU- TIVE OF THE C. I. AND ITS DECISION ON THE AMERICAN QUESTION. ir«7?- e con 7. e ° tion endorses fully all decisions of the Enlarged] executive which lay down a correct Leninist policy for the varioua sections of the Comintern. various The convention considers, in line with the decision of the En- larged Executive, that the Bolshevization of our Party is our central important task. We have fully determined to develop our policies tactics, and forms of organization in such a manner as to transform f our Party into a real Leninist Bolshevik Party Loret 1 m ng t S n de p Wi t tl1 a ^ ermined and relentless struggle against) „t 7*1 Sm : til . e Party must immediately prepare for its reorganization llL S ( , S ° P DUClel and intern ational branches, and for the complete centralization of the Party apparatus nr, ™e convention is in 'ull agreement with the Enlarged Executive' on the dangers facmg the C. I. from its right wing. The right wing I O^oTnZ r ^ res T Gnted h * Brandlerism in Germany, BubnTkism in Czecho-Slovakia Loreism in the United States, tendencies which are concentrating their forces around the right wing deviations of Trotz- ' kyism, are exceedingly dangerous to the growth and Bolshevization of the various sections of the C. I. The Bolshevization of the C I demands a relentless struggle against this right wing which means ' for our American Party the complete liquidation of LoreTsm I The convention accepts and endorses the decision of the Enlarged , fh?St V l° n ?k ^ merican Question. The convention takes note of the mistakes of both groups in the Party on the Labor Party question as pointed out in the decision of the Comintern. The convention™ in full agreement with the decision of the C. I. which calls for an intensive campaign for a Labor Party based upon the mass support of the trade unions,, and which corrects the errors of the August thesis, such as the theory of competing Labor Parties, the Labor 70 i ,nv consisting only of the Workers Party and its close circle of unpathizers, the splitting off of the left wing from the broad Labor Mrty movement for the purpose of transforming it into a mass nminist Party, etc. . The convention pledges complete and loyal support to the rteci- llons of the Enlarged Executive, to its struggle against the right Wing, and for the Bolshevization of the Parties of the Communist International. KLSOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECUTIVE SES- SION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL PROPOSED TO THE FOURTH NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE WORKERS PARTY, BY JAY LOVESTONE, IN BEHALF OF THE MI- NORITY GROUP. The Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Communist) party considers the sessions of the Enlarged Executive as marking Hiany steps towards the stabilization of the various sections of the Communist International. Our convention fully appreciates the significance of the present world situation in which there is no immediate revolutionary situa- ihm. But we categorically reject the position taken by the Social Democrats and the right wing in the Communist International (Radek- iirandler-Kreibich) and personified in the United States by Lore, that the epoch of revolution is at an end. In full agreement with the analysis of the world situation made by the Enlarged Executive, we declare that now especially is it neces- niiry to fight most energetically against the bourgeoisie and their uncial democratic lackeys for the proletarian revolution. The correctness of the Leninist analysis oif imperialism, adopted by the Enlarged Executive and the wrong and counter-revolutionary Hews of the social democrats and their camouflaged supporters in the right wing of the Communist International has been very well shown by the recent events in China, Morocco, Asia Minor, the growing power of the Soviet Union and the critical industrial situation in Kngland. In this period there tend to develop dangers, of sectarianism and Opportunism, to the Comintern. Thru its decision on the Czechisch Question, on Trotskyism, on Trade Union Unity, on the colonial and agrarian question, on Brandlerism and on the American Labor Party and Lore questions, the Enlarged Executive has struck effective blows against sectarianism and opportunism. The Enlarged Executive rendered especially great service to the Workers (Communist) Party in sharply criticising and correcting the sectarianism and opportunism manifested in certain sections of Our Party in the anti-Labor Party tendency and in the refusal of the C. E. C. majority to wage an aggressive ideological and organizational campaign against Loreism. 71 ization n '™ t ?■ Cl06S n0t m6an mech ani Z ation, but eon,,,, za ion of our activities in the light of the experiences of the prnli tanan revolution of Russia and the Russian Communist Party For the American Section of the Communist International ,J Workers Communist Party, Bolshevization concretely means the ,,!, 1. Our Party is very weak in theory. We must resolutely work to overcome the prejudices existing amongst many of our comrade! ' against theory and stress the importance of theory and the tmth 3 SET? 8 i eQ ' m ' S deClaration that "Without a revolutt nary Sieoryl there can be no revolutionary practice." meorya 2. We must overcome the erroneous attitude in our ranks to- wards the relation df the Party to the masses, properly catled the theory of mass spontaneity, manifested in the attitude of the C EC majority towards the Labor Party campaign. I 3 A more effective utilization for revolutionary purposes of the immediate partial demands in order to secure a genE rapprlhe ment of the Party with the masses. pp 9 4. To intensify our trade union activities and to utilize mora extensive y and effectively the trade union work for .SaSiS the Party's political contact with the masses and help ng us Stab, isS our political leadership of the American working class establls & in L T ? intensify our activities on the agrarian and colonial fields m order to secure the necessary allies of the working Sas for 3 successful proletarian revolution. for *] shoD^nnlfj n C T Plete , reor S aniza «™ of the Party on the basis of of Ll^l m r ely aS an or S anIza t»nal change but as a means ' J n !hS g t 6Very ° P nUCl6US a livins poIitical unit ot our Party and an absolute prerequisite to the Bolshevization of our Party **»!'** Ca ? y ° n a vigorous ideological and organizational struggle ashore anTi™ * <"" ™^ ^^^ by SUch opportunist re S olu«on e )° f "" convent, ° n = 40 for the majority and 21 for the minor! t] MOTION OF THE MAJORITY ON "AUGUST" THESIS. In view of the fact that the theories about the Labor Party that were expounded in the thesis of August 1923, have been widefy ' aSri Li ."TV 11 , 6 Party aDd Mve never been offlcial * «* ■PeclSi Slnrtp? n /tn A° y ° Ur Party ' tWs conventl ™ declares that the theories of the August thesis, the theory of competing labor parties, he theory of a Communist Labor Party, the theory of splitting off the left wing and the transformation of the labor party into a mass Communist Party-all of these theories are declared to be contrary o the decision of the Comintern. AMENDMENT BY RUTHENBERG TO MOTION REGARDING AUGUST THESIS. In view of the fact that th e Third National Convention of the Party adopted unanimously a resolution "That the November thesis Adopted by that convention, superseded all previous theses on the l.nbor Party question" the question of the August thesis is no longer mi issue in our Party. (For Ruthenberg's amendment 21. Against 40,) THE PRESENT SITUATION AND IMMEDIATE TASKS OF THE PARTY. I. The World Situation. Despite the assertions <oif the capitalists and their agents in the hibor movement (the leaders of the Second International and the right wing of the Amsterdam International) that capitalism has imerged from its critical stage and has succeeded in stabilizing itself, the world situation continues to remain revolutionary. This imposes upon the Communist parties of the world the duty of educating and Organizing the working class for a struggle for power and for the Mtablishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The capitalists have been seeking for some means of avoiding the consequences of the inner contradictions of capitalism which threatens its destruction. The world war was a logical climax of these contradictions. The ind of the, war left capitalism economically weakened, yet with all the contradictions and conflicting interests apparent in sharpened form, threatening a new catastrophe and complete breakdown of the «;i|)italist system. The analysis of the world situation given by the last plenum Of the E. C. C. I. has proven to be absolutely correct. The so-called Itabilization of capitalism is in reality very temporary, partial, and relative in its nature. World production in the capitalist countries Of Europe during the first half of 1925 is still below the pre-war level and is continuing on a down grade. At the same time the political struggles in capitalist Europe are continually growing in intensity. New political crises are appearing almost daily. White terror in Bulgaria, the election of Hindenburg, the change of govern- ment in France, etc. etc. are merely the result of the continuing instability of capitalism and the sharpening of the class struggle. 2. History proves, however, with increasing certainty, that the problems of capitalism in the imperialist era cannot be solved by the capitalists. The temporary adjustment of the conflict over Ger- man reparations thru the Dawes plan and the temporary and partial Itabilization of the capitalist economic order in Europe had no sooner ' been accomplished than the imperialist conflict broke out in a new form in the struggle of the suppressed peoples of Morocco and China to free themselves from the exploitation and political domination of the great imperialist powers. 3. The war in Morocco and the struggle in China emphasize the Instability of the capitalist social order. They are the outcome of conflicting interests which characterize the imperialist era of capital- ism. The people ox Morocco and China are fighting against imperia- list exploitation, without which capitalism cannot exist in the present Period of its development. Capitalism must have investment oppor- 73 . tumties which exist in the spheres of influence of undeveloped cod tries and it must have the raw materials of these countries TM struggle for these betVeen the imperialist powers and the strugd against exploitation and oppression by the suppressed peoples these countries are the sparks which light the powdered magazine capitalism, resulting in the explosion which brings the destruction of millions of lives and billions of wealth as in the world war, and trJ consequent reduction in production and the standard of life of tin. wiorkers. 4. The present world situation o'f capitalism again proves tha. the only force which can avert the menace of new wars is the working class. It is only thru a victorious revolutionary struggle against til imperialist capitalist governments that th e working class can escape from the suffering which the imperialist era of capitalism brinirM upon it. 5. In contrast to this situation in the capitalist world, standi the Soviet Union. In spite of all the attacks of international capital ism made in an effort to destroy the Soviet government and prevent the creation of a new social order, the creation of that new social order goes forward step by step. Already Soviet Russia has been, able to raise the standard of life of its workers higher than in 1914J while the balance of Europe — capitalist Europe — has reduced th« standard of life to its workers. The Soviet Union has thus become- increasingly an inspiration to the workers of the capitalist countries! to enter the struggle to win their freedom from capitalist exploitation and oppression. II. The Present Economic Situation in the United States. The present economic situation in the United States is marked by the following characteristic. The increasing export of capital! during 1924 and the beginning of 1925 continues still more deeply toj involve the United States in every imperialist struggle of todayj American capital, m its urge towards world domination, is thus be^ coming involved in all the contradictions, crises, and struggles o< world capitalism. This factor is alsso producing sharp conflicts within the capitalist class of America on the one hand, such as the struggle between finance and industrial capital over the question of foreign investments and the tariff, and is intensifying the struggle between] the working class and the capitalist class, on the other hand. 2. We are today in a period of diminishing production. The predicted prosperity from the adoption of the Dawes Plan has notJ developed in the United States. Production continues haltingly and] hesitatingly, but on a downward grade. Wages are being steadily] reduced while the cost of living is rising slowly. The coal industry! finds itself in a chronically critical situation resulting in thousands of miners being thrown out of employment. The general instability! of the wheat market is seriously affecting the buying power of large sections of farmers, thus further aggravating the economic situation.! «.. neral unemployment has become a chronic feature of the economic M nation in the United States. IN. The Growth ©f Imperialism and Militarism. 1. American imperialism is extending its policy of the political ind military conquest of its spheres of economic influence. Latin America is evermore becoming a political and military dependency l)| I he United States. This sharpens the relations of the Latin- Unerican countries to the United States and is creating the basis for i ii i inventions and military aggression by the United States against the republics of Latin- America. It also creates the basis for anti- imperialist and at the same time nationalist revolutionary move- ments among the peasants and workers of South America. 2. The export of capital from America into Europe, thru the operation of the Dawes Plan and otherwise, has created new contra- dictions and conflicts. American imperialism in Europe is reaching I stage when political and military interference in the affairs of Burope is becoming the order of the day. Hence, the tremendous nowth of militaristic propaganda and preparations in the United : Mates. 3. American imperialism is also heavily increasing its export Of capital to China and the whole Far East. America is winning a I inner hold on the great Far Eastern market. The increasing interest Of American imperialism in the Far East is shown by the recent llgantic American naval maneuvers in the Pacific and the visit of the United States Pacific fleet to Australia. In the present Chinese orisis the American imperialist government is insisting on the execu- tion of the Washington conference treaties in order to strengthen the position of the American capitalists, particularly against the Japanese and the British interests. In pursuing this imperialist pol- Icy, the American government is attempting to hide its aggressive plans against the Chinese people by posing as a friend of China. In this hypocritical maneuver the American imperialists are trying bo undermine the growing influence of the Soviet Union in the Far East and especially in China. IV. The Political Situation in the United States. 1. Since the late imperialist war, fundamental and radical changes have taken place in the economic structure, class composi- tion, and class relations in the United States. American capitalism has become a world power. Finance capital with its imperialist pol- icies is dominating the life of the country. Large sections of the tenners have been expropriated in the recent agrarian crisis and Ihrown into the ranks of the proletariat. The tendency toward the levelling process which took place during the war thru the loss, to a certain extent, of their privileged position by the aristocracy of labor and the improvement of the position of the unskilled workers, the proletarianization of the farmers, the influx of large masses of 75 Negroes into industry, and the great diminution of immigration from Europe, have made the American working class more homogeneous thus creating the basis for a sharper and more conscious struggle of the workers against the capitalists. The increased centralization 1 and power of the American government and the tremendous increase of the governmental bureaucracy, during and following the late impe rialist war, as compared with the pre-war period, and its continual brutal interference in the class struggle in favor of the capitalists 1 and against the workers, is gradually instilling political consciousness into the minds of the masses and is creating the basis for a great political mass movement of the workers against the capitalists. 2. The period of jubilation and confidence in the camps of the capitalists, following the election of Coolidge to the presidency, has largely evaporated. Instead' of industrial prosperity, the country is approaching a period of depression. Conflicts and friction within the capitalist class are again coming to the surface. Witness the internal struggle in the ranks of the republican and democratic parties and the revival of dissatisfaction with present conditions among the farmers and the city petty bourgeoisie. 3. A characteristic indication of the internal conflicts within the bourgeoisie is the intensifying struggle within the protestant churches between the so-called fundamentalists and the modernists. J The Scopes trial is only a more spectacular manifestation of the gen-1 era! political disintegration of the American bourgeoisie. 4. As a result of the changes in the bourgeoisie (centralization of the government, growth of government apparatus, greater inter- I vention in strikes) and changes in the working class, a movement I develops for the formation of a labor party, indicating the growing political consciousness of the American workers. Even the breaking away of several millions of workers from the two old capitalist parties to support the candidacy of LaFollette indicated an advance in the 1 development of the class consciousness of the American workers. 5. In the last election campaign the movement for the formation ! of a labor party was diverted into support of the LaFollette petty bourgeois progressive movement. The following factors are contri- J buting toward a new forward swing of this movement. The recent wage reductions, the stagnant industrial situation, the defeat of every legislative measure favorable to the working class, the con- tinual interference of the government on the side of the capitalists and against the workers in every industrial conflict, and, lastly the profound disappointment of large masses of workers in the effective- ness not only of the old political parties, but also of the non-partisan methods of the trade union bureaucracy and the "progressive" policies of LaFollettism. The closer we approach the congressional elections of 1926, the more pronounced will become the political conscious- ness and activity of the American workers. The prospect of a strike in the anthracite regions, the resistance of the textile workers to 76 wage cuts, the ferment in the garment industry in resistance to the Coventor Smith's award, all indicate a stiffening in the resistance of the working class. These struggles are creating increasingly u table conditions for this movement. Independent working class action and the formation of a poll lical proletarian mass party— a labor party — is becoming more urgent. V. The Trade Union Movement. 1. The trade union movement of the United States continue! on the downward grade. It is losing membership. It is weakei organizationally. And it is generally losing much of its effect iv< is ;is an organ of economic struggle. 2. The reactionary trade union bureaucracy met the open shop offensive of the capitalists with schemes of class collaboration in stead of class struggle tactics. This false policy is responible for the tendency toward degeneration of the trade union movement. An intensive struggle against the class collaboration schemes, such be- labor banking, B. & O, plan, arbitration, the abolition of strikes, etc., Is the best means of rejuvenating and strengthening the unions. 3. The left wing in the trade unions is growing in number anil Influence. Such successful struggles of the left wing against the reactionaries as took place in recent months, in the unions of tie- miners, machinists, carpenters and needle trades, is sufficient prool of the growth of the left wing in the trade unions. The tremendous success of the minority movement in England and the general turn to the left of the British labor movement, are bound to exert a revolu- tionary influence upon the labor movement of the United Stat* VI. The Situation in The Workers Party. The present situation in the Workers Party of America ral the following principle problem for solution: The Workers Party faces serious dangers from its right wing, the non-Communist Lore tendency, which tends to undermine the Communist basis of the Party. Another impediment to the growth of the party and Its becom ing a real Bolshevik Party is its present social-democratic and Ceder ation form of organization. The sooner the Party cent 11 apparatus and completely reorganizes on the shop nuclei basis, the better for its growth and development. Organized factionalism is a third sore in the body of the Party It not only demoralizes the membership but actually endangers the integrity and unity of the Party. The failure of a large percentage of our proletarian membi join the trade unions and to actively participate in Communis work in these organizations is a weakness which must be overcome, And last, but not least, is the low di ' theoretical know! edge and training that prevails in our party, together with an Ifl sufficiently wide political outlook. 77 VII. The Concrete Tasks of The Workers Party. 1. Rolshevize the Party. The specific immediate measures to bolshevize the Party are the following: a. Liquidate Loreism. This tendency must be liquidated poli- tically in the sense that the Party will wage a relentless struggle against Loreism and all other forms of opportunism. Enforce ab- solutely loyalty and discipline with regard to its own decisions and those of the C. I. Eradicate the conception that the W. P is only a propaganda organ, no federation autonomy, full and complete control of the Party press by the C. E. C, and no concessions to reformist prejudices and non-Communist views. Organizationally, the Lore tendency must be liquidated in the sense that no representative of the Lore or Poyntz group will be permitted on the next C E C and that no leading Party organ (committee of editorship) will be led by followers of the Lore tendency. b. Liquidate factionalism. No organized factions; that is no organized groups within the party having a political platform of its own as distinct from the Party platform and owing allegiance or dis- cipline to its own organized group as against the Party discipline All existing groupings shall be immediately dissolved. The next C. E. C. shall be authorized to impose measures of Party discipline in- cluding in the most extreme cases, expulsion from the Party 'the main effort of the Party shall be directed against the most danger- ous manifestation of such organized factionalism. c. Reorganize the Party on the shop nuclei basis and centralize its apparatus and leadership in accord with the organization letter of the C. I. and the special resolution of the C. E. C. to be submitted to the convention. d. Educate the Party and its leadership in the fundamentals of Marxism and Leninism. e. Widen the political outlook of the Party. Educate and train the Party to the understanding that the working class must be the leader in the struggle against every form of capitalist oppression and that the Party must take cognizance of and react to every manifesta- tion of the class struggle no matter how obscure or superficially remote from the immediate struggle of the workers for better condi- tion of labor. The Party Press. a. The existing daily organs of the Party must be developed into real mass organs of the American workers. b. Special measures shall be adopted to insure a completely publStions Party C ° ntr01 (editoria1 ' ° wne rship, etc.) over all Party c Special care shall be taken to develop theoretical and scien- ce publications. All efforts shall be made to speed up the publica- tion of Lenin's works. 78 Building The Party. a. The incoming central executive committee shall continue and intensify a systematic campaign to recruit new members from among l he workers into the Party. b. There shall be developed a real organization department to extend and strengthen the Party organization. 1. The Political Tasks of the Party. In the United States our Party does not at the present time face a revolutionary situation. The problem in the United States is to break the bonds which still tie the working class to its exploiters and to develop a consciousness of its interests as a class and con- scious struggle for these interests as a class. Our Party must be the medium to unify the industrial struggles of the workers and to break the bonds which hold the workers in the political parties of their exploiters. The policy of the party in the present situation must have this main objective— the awakening and the arousing of class consciousness for relentless class struggle against the capitalist system. 2. Extend and Intensify the Application of the United Front Tactics. a. Propagate continually the idea of a united front of labor against the united front of capital. b. Take the initiative in organizing united front action from below on every burning issue in the class struggle. c Expose the treachery of the Second International and of the reactionary trade union bureaucrats. Popularize the ideas and prin- ciples of the Comintern and the Profintern and recruit members into the Workers Party. d. Concentrate on the campaign for world trade union unity and for the recognition of Soviet Russia. e Work .systematically for a united front of labor on the poli- tical held with the aid of such slogans as a united labor ticket in parliamentary elections and a labor party. 3. Trade Union Work. a To stimulate and support the crystallization of a progressive opposition bloc in the trade unions against the reactionary bureau- cracy. b Build Communist fractions in every union. c. Participate actively in the work of the T. U. E. L. and build Communist fractions within it. 4. Campaign for a Labor Party. a Carry on a systematic campaign in every labor organization for a labor party. This campaign shall invariably be based upon the 79 ZZSL.ZSLS' """' u,e economlc aM " ,1 " ta " *««*■ - nt fK b ' A ,.? ent , ral point in this agitational campaign shall be a review of the political experiences of the American workers with the LaFoh e ev^wTh V aT e a?m T« ?" ^ ^ m ° Vement "^ ^ TW (l7 The ho st htv .fT °,T '? the W ° rkerS the foll °™ lesson ^ The total ,„/£5 ° f the °! d DOliUcaI parties t0 th * workers; (2) o^Gomnirrr, th eneSS / nd bankru P^ <* «»e non-partisan methods Th S™J? t 6 C t °. nference for Progressive political action; (3) Uafis TclZZ ft? * ltl0 l 0i ^ Pe " y bour seoisi e between the cap- ntrestsTotrto ?,?. T S t ClaSS . and the contr adiction of its class interests both to the class interests of the bourgeoisie as well as to oeLlT TT* ° f the W ° rkinS ClaSS ' ^ich forces them t rvacn ate alirncTwirn^T e0,S1,e - and the proletaria t, between a political alliance with the bourgeoisie or a political alliance with the proleta- nat This vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie manifested itseF in he opposition of the LaFollette movement to the old capitalist p£ ties on the one hand and to the labor party movement on the other th? h«T ^ n ****** the IaSt P resi ^ntial elections, etc; and in he breakup of the conference for progressive politica action" the labor party issue; (4) The insincerity and treachery of the socialist party in the labor movement; (5) Th e role of the Workers Party as the only consistent flghter and supporter for a labor^rl™ (6) Participate m all non-partisan political bodies having Se union affiliation and light within them for a labor party; (7) XIUH ze party S (8) Build" ,TV ^T tlCket " &S a Step ^waiis a labor party, (8) Build local and state labor parties on the basis of mass trade union support in accord with the special central execute committee resolution on the labor party that will be submitted to pMttirrf tZ ; ,1 9 > ^ f thiS W ° rk SUard against ^ ™£u e splitting of the left wing from trade union non-partisan committees having mass support and rank and file representation and the for" mation of labor parties consisting only of the Workers Party and its sympathizing organizations. The labor party, whether local, stae or na lonal, must be a genuine mass organization built upon the mass trade unions. 5. Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Militarism. a. Carry on a systematic and active agitation against American impenahsm particularly in Latin America. Demand the wUMrawa of American armed forces from foreign lands. " b. Combat the new militaristic wave and strive to develop a united front against the rising military caste in the United States tho new military and naval appropriation, against military tra n ng in the schools, camps, etc. y dining c. Carry on an active agitation against the Dawes plan An:iLp G e i ralis a t Ct L V eagre PPOrt * ** &CtiVitieS ° f ^ " Amerlcan 80 6. International Labor Defense. a. The Party must continue to participate actively in the work of the International Labor Defense and assist it to becmm mass organization of the proletarian class struggle, fighting (or tht defense of the working class prisoners. b. Communist fractions shall be organized within the I. L D h» carry out Party policies to recruit members for the 1'a.rl 7, Work Among Negroes. a. The Party shall actively support the struggle of the Negro race against all forms of racial discrimination and for complete nomic, political and social equality. b. The party must extend its activities among the Negro workers and to recruit into its ranks the most conscious elements from them c. The Party shall continue its active participation in the calling and building of the American Negro Congress on the basis of the special resolution on the subject. d. Communist fractions shall be organized in the American Negro Labor Congress. 8. Agrarian Work. a. The coming Party convention shall formulate and adopl an agrarian program laying down our demnads, line of policy, and form of organization for the agricultural workers and poor farmers, b. The central executive committee shall establish a r agrarian department to be in charge of the party's agrarian work 9. Work Among Women. a. The coming Party convention shall adopt a special program Tor work among women. b. The program shall provide for an intensive campai; ganize the women in industry and to unify the existing organization! n\* working class women in a national organization. c. The central executive committee shall establish a special d( partment of work among women. (Adopted unanimously.) INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE LABOR PARTY CAMPAK General. 1. The Party shall begin immediately an agitation in ;ill Indu trial centers for the idea of a national labor party and for the form t.ion of local and, state laJbor parties. This agitation shall In- 01 on in every labor organization with particular concentration upon local unions. The issue of the labor party shall be raised at all tradi union conventions, local, -state, and national, and also at the fOftl coming convention of the A. F. of L. 2. Wherever the issue of the Labor Party is raised, this shall b done in connection with and on the basis of the present day i 81 of the workers, such as a struggle against wage cuts and unemploy- ment, for the right to organize in unions, against imperialism, for the nationalization of the mines and railways, etc. Our campagn for a labor party shall be carried on along the following general lines: (a) Formulation of concrete economic demands based upon immediate burning needs of the masses. (b) Popularize these demands among the masses and the labor organizations. (c) Call upon the rank and file in the shops, unions, and among the unemployed to address resolutions, petitions, and to hold mass meetings, demanding that the "labor" ring of the LaPolIette Progressive combination, the LaFol- lette group in congress, and the non-partisan political bodies of the trade unions propose and fight for legisla- tion along the lines of the demands of the masses. At the same time we shall create united front organizations from below to carry on the struggle of the rank and file for these demands. (d) By these campaigns unmask the bourgeois nature of the LaFollette movement and of its labor lieutenants, expose the futility of the non-partisan political methods of the trade union bureaucracy and demonstrate the necessity of forming a Labor Party, a political party of the trade unions and other labor organizations, independent of and opposed to all political parties of big and small capital. 3. The practical objective of this agitation in the local unions of each locality is to prepare the ground for the Labor Party issue in the central labor councils. The issue should be raised in the form of a resolution committing the local unions and the central labor bodies to the organization of a local Labor Party. As a matter of general policy every effort shall be made to win the central labor councils over definitely to the labor party idea and to the formation of local Labor Parties. The central councils shall be made the cen- tral strategic point in our struggle for the formation of local Labor Parties. We shall favor the actual organization of local Labor Par- ties when the volume of support for the project in the local unions and in the central labor bodies is sufficient to assure the mass char- acter and the vitality of the organization. But we shall not favor the organization of "fake" labor parties, that is, labor parties consisting merely of the Workers Party and its close circle of sympathizing organizations. 4. As part of this campaign there shall be given wide distribu tion in the trade unions and among the masses of workers the mani- festo issued by our Party on the experiences of the campaign for a lalbor party and the betrayal of the labor party by LaFollette. 5. A resolution sharply formulating the experiences in the labor party campaign and the betrayal by the LaFollette movement shall 82 he introduced in the trade unions and a campaign for adoption car rted on, 6 We shall endeavor to draw the Trade Union Educational league into the labor party campaign in the trade unions. We shall propose that the T. U. E. L. issue a manifesto initiating a campaign lor a labor party in every local union, city and state labor body, and ;,t all trade union conventions. The slogan "For a Labor Party" final] he linked up with all the other immediate issues of the T. U. E. U 7 The Educational Committee of the C. E. C. will prepare ftfl outline of agitation and propaganda for our labor party campaign, 10 Workers Party members in this campaign shall in their speeches call attention to the united front program of the Worker! Party, to its role in the class struggle and the labor movement. II. Our Relations to Labor Parties. 1. Wherever local or state lahor parties are organized having substantial trade union support, we shall endeavor to have the em- responding Workers Party organization affiliate with such a labor party. 2. We shall carry on a systematic campaign for the upbuilding of such parties thru securing the affiliation of the trade unions and other workers' organizations. 3. We shall make such local or state parties a base from which to carry on a campaign, if local for the organization of a state party, If state for the organization of a national labor party, 4. We shall strive to draw such local or state laJbor parties Into the immediate struggles of the workers and particularly into cam paigns initiated by the Workers Party in securing their endorsement and cooperation in such campaigns. 5. We shall carry on a systematic campaign of Commuirst aglta tion and propaganda within the ranks of such lahor parties. III. Our Attitude Toward Nonpartisan Political Labor Bodies, the C, P. P. A. and Local Progressive Parties. 1. There are still in existence in many localities various HOI) partisan political bodies of trade unions. These non-partisan <<>ni mitte-es and the non-partisan political policy generally will again bt brought forward by the trade union bureaucracy to counter and check any development toward independent political action by the work The policy of the Workers Party toward these non-partisan trads union committees shall be as follows: (a) We must fight resolutely against the non-partisan system in general on principle and fight for class policy ami (01 a labor party. 83 • (b) We shall endeavor to secure the election of Party mem- bers or supporters to these conferences and fight there for class political action and a labor party. 2. Wherever there are in existence state and local progressive parties or C P. P. A.'s or farmer-labor parties, provided they have trade union affiliations, it shall be the Party policy to secure the elec- tion of Party members or supporters as delegates from unions to all such organizations for the purpose of organizing within them labor blocs to fight for independent political action of labor thru a labor party. 3 Should we gain a majority for the formation of a labor party we shall * J ' (a) If there is sufficient mass support, make these organiza- tions the basis for the nomination of a labor ticket and (b) Use them as a basis for the formation of a labor party. «hu\ Where We remain in a minorit y j n such organizations but still haye support we shall strive to form a propaganda committee tor the formation ot a labor party from such minority delegates These delegates shall, however, remain within the organization. These prop- aganda committees should be united with the trade union propaganda committees which may be set up and conduct a common campaign for the labor party. 5 Where a C P. P. A. and labor party organization exist side by side we shall follow the same policy of penetrating the C P P A building up support for the labor party and striving to unite the two organizations into a broader labor party. 6. Where farmer-labor parties are already organized or are or- ganized by other groups we shall, as a rule, affiliate with such farmer- labor parties and work within them. The C. E. C. shall make the decision for or against affiliation in each such instance. 7. It is our task in the farmer-labor parties to strengthen the labor wing and establish its leadership with a view of ultimately organizing the labor elements into a labor party which will form a bloc with the farmers' organizations. IV. Local Organizations. 1. The approaching municipal elections in certain localities should be utilized for an intensified labor party agitation under the slogan 4 'An Independent Local Labor Party for the Coming Municipal Elections," and where sufficient mass support develops to put up a united front labor ticket or form a labor party. 2. This campaign for a local labor party shall in no way weaken the preparation of the Workers Party to enter the municipal election campaign under its own name where no labor party had been formed. 3. In cities which have municipal elections this Fall, we shall immediately begin a campaign in the trade unions thru the introduc- tion of a resolution which shall: 84 (a) Call attention to the coming municipal elections. (ib) Emphasize the local use of government power against the workers, citing concrete experiences such as the use 1 of police strikes, injunctions, etc. (c) Urge the necessity of independent political action by the workers and appeal to their pride as a class. (d) Place the unions or other workers' organizations on rec- ord as favoring the calling of a conference of represent- atives of the trade unions and other workers' organiza- tions to consider the question of entering a labor ticket in the election campaign and the formation of a labor party. The resolution shall not call an actual conference but shall only place the resolutions adopting it on record in favor of calling such a conference. 4. In places where mass support for such a conference develops thru this campaign we shall initiate the calling of a conference for consideration of the question: (a) Of placing a labor ticket in the field and (b) Of forming a local labor party using the list of organizations which have endorsed the proposal as sponsors for this conference. The C. E. C. shall decide in each in- stance whether such conferences shall be called. 5. While we thus use the oncoming elections as a means of form- ing local labor parties where mass support develops, we must em- phasize that the labor party is not merely an organization for the election campaign but to carry on continuous political struggles for the workers. V. Labor and Farmer-Labor Party Election Campaigns. 1. Wherever labor parties or farmer-labor parties are organized and we are affiliated with them we shall endeavor to place Communist candidates on their tickets. 2. In such places where nominations are made thru primary elec- tions we shall nominate Communists for the labor or farmer-labor party nominations. Our candidates must carry on a clear-cut Com- munist campaign for the Party program. If nominated as candidates for the labor party or the farmer-labor party their campaign for elec- tion must be similarly a Communist campaign on the full Party pro- gram. If elected to office they must conduct a Communist parlia- mentary struggle under the direction and discipline of the Party. 3. As a rule, if our candidates for nomination of the primaries are defeated we will support the candidates nominated on the labor party or farmer-labor party ticket, at the same time criticising these candidates and their program. The position of the Party as to sup- porting the farmer-labor party candidates is to be decided in each instance by the C. E. C. 85 4. In conducting our campaign in support of the labor party or farmer-labor party ticket our speakers, papers, and literature must carry on at the same time a Communist campaign of agitation and propaganda. VI. The Rule of the Party. 1. We must never forget in all the phases of the labor party campaign our fundamental task is to utilize this campaign for the building of the Workers Party into a mass party. 2. Our aims should be to affiliate the trade unions and other labor organizations with the labor party and to draw the individual militant workers into the Workers Party. 3. We must at all times maintain our organizational independence, our freedom of criticism, our press and literature. We must initiate our own campaigns in the name of the Workers Party and endeavor to secure the endorsement of the labor party for these campaigns. 4. We must carry on systematic agitation and propaganda cam- paigns among the members of the labor party and systematic recruit- ing campaigns to win the best elements as members of our Party. (Adopted unanimously.) $K RESOLUTION ON BOLSHEVIZATION OF THE PARTY. 1. The process of Bolshevizing the Party implies a reconstruc- tion of the Party organization in such a way as to render it adapt- able to the requirements of Communist activity. Without a truly centralized organization, based on the workshops, the Party cannot be mobilized for action, a.nd the Party decisions cannot be carried out with unanimity and effectiveness. 2. The present structure of the Party is incompatible with Com munist organizational principles and, consequently, with the proper execution of Communist policies. The English-speaking territorial branch is a relic carried over from the socialist party which con- cerned itself chiefly with election campaigns. The foreign language branch tends greatly to isolate the activity of the Party members belonging to them into the channel of propaganda only among the workers of their own nationality and to deflect them away from active participation in the general class struggle which embraces the work- ers of all nationalities. Neither the English-speaking territorial branch, nor the foreign language branch offers the medium for mo- bilizing the workers for the struggle in the places of employment. Despite the wishes of the Federation members to the contrary, the Language Federation form of organization, by its very nature, mil- itates against the necessary centralization of the Party. Moreover, the Federation form of organization is a most fertile soil for faction- alism and for the sharp division of the Party members according to nationality. The historic reasons for the present form of Party or- ganization have been, in a large measure, outlived and the conditions now exist for a progressive step forward. The Party must take this step resolutely and energetically in spite of the enormous difficulties. 3 The need of adapting the structure of the Party to its task demands a complete and speedy reorganization. The Party must supply the cohesive force which will unite the many individuals and groups of proletarians into a class. The Party must at the same time unify the activities of this class into a purposeful and decisive struggle against capitalism and finally must lead the working class in this struggle. 4 For this purpose the structure of the Party must penetrate the whole structure of the working class. The Party must have units wherever units of the working class exist. 5. The basic unit of the working class is the productive unit, organized by capitalism itself: the shop or industrial establishment. 87 laL 8 l 6 nL m ^°fi ty ° f Uie . industrial worker * *™ organized in such oasic units of the economic structure of society. Into these ha sir P^vmiis 1 ; 6 ^?^ 01 " 8 ' th6 Sh ° P ° r iDdUStria ^ -tahliCent th Party must build its basic unit, the shop nucleus. 6 The organizational problem before the Party is not the mod- ification of the existing forms, but the complete reorganization of the Party from top to bottom on the basis of shop nuclei, interna- tional branches (street nuclei) and a centralized apparatus. 7. The Central Executive Committee accepts in its entirety the special letter to the Party from the Organization Department of the Communist International and declares its opinion that this letter winch was drawn up with the cooperation of the American delegation' lays down the correct line in regard to the reorganization of the Party structure. 8. The experience of our Party, as well as the experience of «£ e £/!wV £ the Communis t International, has amply demon- strated that the sporadic, experimental method of organizing shop nuclei is not the most successful. The percentage of Party members organized into shop nuclei, after many months of effort in this man- ner, is not sufficient for us to be able to say that more than the barest beginning has been made. It is obvious that the idea of shop nuclei has not penetrated deeply enough into the consciousness of the Partv members and they have not been won over to a conscious and posi- tive acceptance of the shop nuclei and the deep impulse to form them. Passive allegiance to the idea of shop nuclei does not produce the necessary results. The Party members must be inspired with a deep conviction on this question which will lead to decisive action. 9. The state of hesitation and experimentation on the question °^ „■* nU ' internation al branches, and a centralized apparatus should be regarded as passed. The Party must now aim at complete reorganization within a given time, not to exceed six months after the Party convention. 10 The Central Executive Committee proposes the following steps toward this end. (a) The reorganization- of the Party shall be made one of the leading subjects in the Party discussion, and in the Party Convention. (b) Conventions of the larger federations shall be held soon * ?, I ; ty conv6ntion > at which the question of reorganization sfiall be placed as the first item on the agenda. (c) A systematic ideological campaign shall be conducted in the Party and the Federations prior to the Federation conventions and tor two months after them, in order to thoroly prepare the members for the reorganization and imbue them with the conviction that it is a necessary measure for the Bolshevization of the Party Within two months after the Federation conventions, the organizational measures shall commence thruout the Party and must be completed within three or four months. 88 11. Reorganization shall be commenced from below, approxi- mately as follows: (a) The larger cities shall be divided into sections and; sub- sections and these sections and sub-sections organizations constructed. Membership meetings shall be called in the sections and sub-sections at which executive committees for the sections are elected. Complete registration of all the Party members according to residence and place of employment, shall be taken. (b) Wherever three or more members, regardless of their na- tionality or present foderation membership, are found to be working in the same, shop, they shall be organized into a shop nucleus. The nucleus collects the Party dues and takes over all the functions of a Party unit. (c) Members living on a given street or in a given neighbor- hood, who are not employed in any shop or who work in shops where there are no other Party members, shall be attached to other nuclei within the section or shall be organized into International branches. All Party members in the given neighborhood, regardless of nationali- ty or present affiliation of language branches, who are not members of shop nuclei, are to be organized into these branches, pay dues there and carry out all Party functions. (d) After this organization takes place, the present existing English and foreign language branches cease to function as units of the Party. The latter, however, should not be disrupted or dissolved. They shall be reconstructed as Workers' Clubs admitting to member- ship not only Party members but also non-Party workers of same nationality who accept the platform of the class struggle. (e) Membership in these clubs will not constitute membership in the Party. Only those belonging to shop nuclei or International Branches will have Party rights. (f) Party members in these Workers' Clubs shall form them- selves into fractions in the same manner as in all other non-Party organizations for the purpose of exerting the maximum influence over the non-Party workers and drawing them close to the Party. (g) These fractions in the Foreign Language Workers' Clubs are to be united locally, by districts, and on a national scale, for the purpose of coordinating and centralizing the Party work in them. (h) Local and District conferences of the representatives of the fractions in these clubs shall elect the local and district fraction bureaus to lead the work under the direction of the respective Party Committees. (i) National Conferences of the representatives of the fractions elect the National Fraction Bureau to lead the work on- a national scale under the direction of the Central Executive Commit'tee. (j) When the reorganization is completed these local, district and national Fraction Bureaus take the place of the present corre- sponding Federation committees and bureaus, but do not collect Party dues or have the functions of Party committees, since they will be 89 under the direction and control of the respective Party committees in the same manner as fractions. (JO In order to centralize and consolidate the Party leadership of the work among the foreign-speaking workers who are organized in these clubs, and to insure close contact of the Party with the com- rades carrying out this work, the local, district and National Frac- tion Bureaus are incorporated into the agitprop departments of the respective Party committees, either as a whole or by representatives. (1) The funds necessary for the work of the fraction bureaus are to be paid by the Party out of funds apportioned from the Party dues for that purpose. 12. In order to weld the members of the Federations more closely to the general life of the Party and to insure close contact of the Central Executive Committee with the special work of the Party among the foreign-speaking workers, the Central Executive Committee, so as to include a number of capable leading comrades of the larger Federations, recommends to the convention to increase the size of the Central Executive Committee. 13. "Every Communist Party," says Comrade Zinoviev, "is con- fronted by two fundamental dangers; on the one hand there is the danger of becoming a small sect of 'pure' Communists with 'good' principles but unable to establish contact with the real labor move- ments of the period. On the other hand there is the danger of be- coming an amorphus semi-social democratic party, which is unable to combine the fight for winning over the broad masses of the workers with remaining loyal to the principles of Communism. To be able to avoid the Scylla of narrow sectarianism and the Charybdis of morphousness and vagueness means to facilitate the bolshevization of the Party. 1 ' 14. The problem of Bolsheviation of our Workers Party which later "is only just passing thru its predominantly propagandist period and is taking only the first step along the path of rallying the broad masses around the banner of Communism" is the problem of building a Communist Party in America. 15. The Communist Workers Party has no revolutionary tradi- tions. Its inheritance from its predecessors, the socialist party and socialist-labor party, is almost completely a non-Bolshevist and un- Communist one. There has never existed a real connection between any of these parties with the life and activities of the American work- ing class. No American proletarian party outside of the Communist Party has attempted to theorize the American class struggle. They all have confined themselves to theorize about it. The question of the relation of the proletariat to the farmers did not even find theo- retical treatment with those parties. Up to the time of the foundation of the Communist Party in America, the socialist movement was always reformist and tried to replace the struggle for power by a movement for immediate demands instead of directing the movements for immediate demands toward the development of a struggle for 90 power. Thus the political and organizational inheritance of our Party from its predecessors is in the main a liability that must be met by increased efforts of Bolshevization. 16. Under these conditions the task of Bolshevization presents itself concretely to our Party as the task of completely overcoming the organizational and ideological remnants of our social-democratic inheritance, of eradicating Loreism, of making out of the Party a functioning organism of revolutionary proletarian leadership. 17. The Bolshevization of our Party must accomplish four gen- eral purposes: (a) It must establish among its members a fundamental theo- retical understanding of the forces of social development and a knowl- edge of the conditions and the mechanics of realizing the dictatorship of the proletariat. (b) It must develop within the Party and its membership an ability for maneuvering and campaigning in accord with the momen- tary needs and the possibilities of the class struggle. A Communist Party must be able to maneuver and to adapt its tactics at all times to changing conditions. Changing conditions ^ in the proletarian struggle for emancipation must not bring confusion into the ranks of the Party but must be met by a Leninist appraisal of the new facts and if necessary by a speedy change of the methods of struggle. In order to increase the ability of our Party to maneuver it is necessary to establish a close ideological relation between the Party and its leading committees. The Party must not only be required to campaign and maneuver, but it must also he made acquainted with the character and the purposes of all maneuvers. (c) It must adapt the structure of the Party to its task of pene- trating and dominating all manifestations of life of the working class and of leading the workers in their struggle for emancipation. (d) It must establish a harmonizing unity of theory, action and structure of the Party which will secure a full use of all available energies of the Party and also insure the Party against fundamental mistakes. National and local Party leaders must regularly lecture in the Party school and before the membership in general about current events and the Party's judgment of them. The political committee of the Party must furnish the Party press and all educational institutions at least twice a month with an official analysis of political events and the official Party reaction to them. 18. "Without a correct theory there can be no correct practice — theory is concentrated practice," declared our greatest leader, Lenin. The slighting of the value of theory too often noticed in our Party leads necessarily to a complete lack of unified concept for Party activ- ities. Without a unified concept the Party activities become sporadic, disconnected, planless and purposeless. Waste of energy and fruitless efforts are the result. The Party must therefore apply itself to the task of systematic theoretical education of its members. 91 The theoretical weakness of our Party and the traditional indif- ference to theory which has characterized the American movement render the problem of Party education especially serious and difficult. This problem is two-sided. It involves the necessity of multiplying the educational work many times over and of simultaneously con- vincing the Party of its absolute importance and necessity. We must resolutely strive to accomplish these tasks in the coming year. The whole Party must be stimulated to interest in educational work, the entire membership must be equipped with the indispensable minimum of knowledge of Marxian-Leninist fundamentals and corps of theoreti- cally trained comrades, capable of leading the educational work, must be developed/ In all educational work conducted by the Party it is necessary to firmly establish the correct Communist conception of this activity. Static and one-sided conceptions of education, the separation of theory from practice and theories of non-partisan "Workers' Education" must be rejected. The teaching personnel, the curriculae and the method of instruction in all Party schools and classes must conform to the Lenin- ist conception of education as an instrument for the Bolshevizafion of the Party. Our educational work will not be successful if it is conducted in a sporadic manner. Educational work must be established as a per- manent part of Party routine, developed according to a worked-out plan and the necessary apparatus constructed in the Party. While the Party is able to record considerable progress in this field during the past year, the work so far accomplished should be regarded as a mere beginning. Educational work must be established in all sections of the Party as an indispensable department of Party activity to be carried on in a systematic manner thruout all periods of the year. In order to insure the permanence and continuity and Communist character of the Party educational work thruout the Party, all phases of the work must fall under the central direction of the Central Executive Committee and must be developed from year to year according to a national coordinated scheme. The Agitprop Department of the Central Executive Committee shall establish an educational section which shall have full direction and supervision of the Party educational work in all its aspects. The direct administrative responsibility of the national Party educational work shall be in the hands of the national educational director, who shall be a member of the Agitprop Department of the Central Execu- tive Committee and shall be responsible for the carrying out of its decisions. The Agitprop Department and the national educational director shall be directly responsible to the Central Executive Com- mittee for the whole educational program of the Party. 19. Every district and city central committee must establish an Agitprop Department with an educational sectional director. Each district and local educational director shall develop the work accord- ing to the general plan laid down by the Agitprop Department of the Central Executive Committee. The following program upon which 92 work has already commenced, shall be developed and extended: (a) Continue the circuit system of educational lectures and classes in the Party districts. (b) Arrange for systematic routing of Party lectures on subject? dealing with the fundamentals of Communist principles. (c) Publish periodically books and pamphlets of a theoretical nature and continue such publication according to a worked-out plan. (d) Conduct a section in the Party press on educational work in order to popularize this Party activity and keep it constantly before the attention of the Party members. (e) Give full and united support to the New York Workers School and endeavor to develop similar institutions in other large Party centers. (f) Organize a national Party school in Chicago for the purpose of giving intensive instruction to a selected group of Party leaders iYom the various districts. (g) Make arrangements for the holding of special lectures by (he most qualified Party leaders on questions of Communist theory and arrange special debates with other political bodies on these sub- jects. (h) In so far as practicable and possible, the Agitprop Depart- ment of the Central Executive Committee should endeavor to develop (ulucational work in the various language sections according to the same general plan outlined above. (Adopted unanimously,) RESOLUTION ON THE LIQUIDATION OF LOREISM, 1. The Communist International has given a correct definition of Loreism. Loreism is opportunism. It is a right wing deviation from the revolutionary Leninist line of the Comintern and must there- fore be relentlessly combatted. 2. The chief characteristics of Loreism as they manifested them- selves in the development of our Party are the following: (a) An underestimation of the fundamental changes in Ameri- can capitalism since the late imperialist war and consequently a simi- lar underestimation of the revolutionary potentialities of the present day class struggle in the United States. This opportunistic trait of Loreism has been finding refuge under such false pretenses as "sober- ness" and "realism" in the analysis of economic and political condi- tions. (b) Another characteristic of Loreism is its complete laclv of understanding of class relations. The totally un-Marxian Lkssalleaa maxim of the "one reactionary mass of non-proletarians" is for them the very essence of Marxism. The attitude of this tendency toward the farmers is determined by that incorrect maxim. With this con- cept of a fixed borderline between a clearly defined working clasi the one hand and one unified and unchangeable reactionary mass on the other, it is quite natural that these elements see in every maneuv- er of our Party a useless action and an Indefensible adventure, 93 (c) Failure to understand the true role of the Workers (Com- munist) Party as a militant revolutionary organization of the working class. This feature of Loreism manifests itself in a tremendous over- emphasis of the propaganda functions of our Party as against and to the exclusion of its fighting role, its active participation in the political life and struggle's of the country. Opposition to the united front tactics of the Comintern that were presented by Loreism in the early days of this policy, and opposition to political maneuvers in general, both spring from the same opportunistic conception of the role of our Party, (d) On the surface, a slighting and skeptical attitude, but in reality a fundamental opposition to the agrarian and colonial policies of the Comintern. This opportunistic attitude springs from a non- Leninist conception of the role of the proletariat in the class struggle. Loreism fails to understand the objective need and possibility of alli- ances between the working class on the one hand and the oppressed farmers and the colonial peoples on the other hand, with their revolu- tionary proletariat playing the leading role. (e) Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the trade union field and in other working class non-partisan organizations. These deviations take the form of struggle for office for the sake of the office to the total neglect of our main task, which is to win the work- ing masses of these organizations for the revolutionary class struggle and for the leadership of the Communist Party. (f) Concealed and open opposition to centralized Party control of the activities of Party members inside the Party and particularly in non-Party organizations. Considered from this angle, Loreism means a social-democratic distortion of the principles of Communist organi- zation and Communist discipline. (g) A consistent sympathetic attitude and support of the right wing groups in the Communist International (support of Serrati, Levi, Brandler and Trotzkyism). (h) An extreme readiness to make concessions to reformist preju- dices and non-Communist views of politically backward workers to the extent of sacrificing Communist principles and policies. (i) A sneering attitude toward the Bolshevization slogan of the Communist International, and (j) Opposition in principle to underground (illegal) work and an unwillingness to understand the absolute necessity for a Communist Party of combining legal with illegal work. 3. The Workers Party is in full agreement with the thesis on Bolshevization adopted at the last Plenum of the Communist Inter- ] national, which says: "The Bolshevization of the parties must first of all and above all be directed in the future against these right wing distortions which threaten to foil the historic mission of the Comintern." 4. The growth and Bolshevization of our Party demand the com- plete and thoro liquidation of Loreism. This becomes doubly neces- sary in view of the present world situation marked by a slower tempo 94 of revolutionary development which tends to strengthen reformist illusions among certain sections of the proletariat. A truly Bolshevik Party, free from the taint of opportunism, is the best and most effect- ive means of checking the development of social-democratic illusions ;anong the workers. In the Workers Party of America, Loreism is the most dangerous tendency, for the additional reason that it reflects in the sharpest form the resistance of the antiquated social-democratic forms of organization to the reorganization of the party on the basis of shop nuclei. 5. The Party is ready for the complete political and organiza- tional liquidation of Loreism, Thru six years of development of our movement marked by intensive inner struggles of a young growing Communist Party, the point has been reached when the overwhelming majority of the Party is ready to take a definite and clear stand against Loreism. This by itself is a sign of the growing maturity and Bolshevist quality of our Party. 6. But the first prerequisite for the successful liquidation of Loreism is the liquidation of the factional struggle between the Major- ity and Minority and unification of the two groups on the basis of the policies and tactics of the Comintern. 7. Thru an intensive ideological campaign against Loreism, the unified Party will succeed in winning over to the position of the Com- munist International all proletarian and basically Communist elements of the present adherents of Loreism. It must be the ambition of the Party not to surrender a single worker to the ideological influence of Ix>reism. 8. Loreism must also be liquidated organizationally. This means that no organized Lore or Poyntz groups will be permitted to exist in the Party, that neither Lore nor a Loreite will be permitted on the next Central Executive Committee of the Party, and that no leading Party organ or committee will be directed by followers of Loreism. 9. The decision of the Comintern on Loreism expresses the con- viction of the overwhelming majority of the Party. The Party will put this decision into effect in the best possible manner and in the shortest possible time. (Adopted unanimously.) 95 MOTION ON THE EXPULSION OF LORE FROM THE PARTY. Supplementary to Parity Commission Resolution Proposed Jointly b> Comrades Bedacht and Bittelman and adopted unanimously. Since the decision of the enlarged plenum of the Communist International on Loreism, Lore has been manifesting tendencies which have proven to the Party that Lore does not intend to abide 'by the decision of the Comintern. In fact the whole behavior of Lore is hostile and antagonistic to the Communist International and the Party. His activities during the last few months can be con- strued as nothing else than the ideological and political preparation for a split from the Party. This compels the convention to take clear and definite action on the matter of Lore. The American Party contains opportunist elements as were stig- matized by the Communist International. In May, 1924, the question of Lore and Loreism was first taken up by the Communist Interna- tional. In April, 1925, due to the world situation and to the refusal of Lore to attend the Comintern sessions and to correct his mistakes, and to the growing militancy of the right wing in our Party, the Communist International again took a stand on the same question. In the decision of April, 1925, basod upon the activities and writings of Comrade Lore, the Communist International declared Lore is a social-democratic opportunist, that he is unfit for membership in the C. E. C. of our Party, and that he must be removed as editor of the Volkszeitung. The Communist International thus pointed out the need of taking ideological and organizational measures against Lore. His failure to accept the invitation of the Communist Interna- tional to participate in the plenum and to explain his points of view is clear and definite proof that Lore refuses to come to terms with the Communist International and to accept its policies and leadership. Since the Communist International decision of April 1925, Comrade Lore has continued to be in opposition to the policies of the Comin- tren and is conducting a policy that leads away from and against the Comintern. He has combatted the reorganization of the Party on the basis of shop nuclei, raising doubts as to the efficacy of this form of organization as the basis of our Party. Comrade Lore conceives as the main function of our Party merely education and propaganda— a purely social democratic point of view; Comrade Lore has manifested a social democratic idea of imperialism— in recent articles on China, etc. Owing to this attitude of Comrade Lore, the Central Executive Committee, acting on the decision of the Communist International, decided to take certain steps against Lore and Loreism in our Party! 96 i! -inducted an ideological campaign exposing the nature of Loreism l a phase of international opportunism and educating the membership ..I our Party and the workers generally as to its character and danger. It became necessary also to take organizational steps against Lore, in conformity with the instructions of the Communist Inter- sil ional. Comrade Lore was instructed to carry out the following measures: 1. To take steps to put the Volkszeitung under control of the Tarty. 2. To line up the Loreite Bureau of the German Federation to I arry out the decision of the Communist International. 3. To educate the membership of the German Federation as to ih«> nature of social democratic opportunism in our Party— which extends far beyond the German Federation into the Finnish, Jewish Hid other Federations. What has Comrade Lore done to carry out these instructions? 1. Comrade Lore has failed to take a single step to put the Volks- lung under control of the Party— even to the extent of refusing to nirnish the Party with a copy of the constitution and the by-laws of the Socialist Cooperative Publishing Association, which controls the paper. 2. Instead of lining up the German Bureau for executing the deci- lion of the Party, Lore has organized the Bureau against the Party. Lore has furthermore organized the membership of the Socialist Cooperative Publishing Association to resist the taking over of the Volkszeitung by the Party. 3. Comrade Lore and the German Bureau have denied the branches Of the German Federation the right and opportunity to discuss Trotz- kyism and Loreism, thus obstructing one of the primary isteps in Bol- Khevizing the workers In the German Federation. 4. Comrade Lore has refused to publish the articles written by comrade Bedacht on instructions of the subcommittee of the Central Kxecutive Committee— articles intended to make clear the position of the Communist International and the opportunist deviations of Com- rade Lore. The Parity Commission recently issued a rseolution on the liqui- dation of Loreism in the Workers Party— a resolution which clearly roveals the nature of Loreism and demonstrates that Loreism and opportunism are ripe in many sections of our Party. On August 5th, I his resolution was placed before Comrade Lore and the German Bureau by the subcommittee of the Central Executive Committee. In the discussion which followed, Comrade Lore vigorously defended his opportunist position, declaring that his point of view has been "perverted, distorted and misrepresented in Moscow, where the lead- ers of the Communist International were given only excerpts and digests of his articles." 97 This is the usual excuse of all opportunists in Communist Parlies, Like Comrade Askeli, Comrade Lore defended the so-called Com- munism in his articles, thus proving that he is an incurable oppor- tunist and therefore is dangerous to our Party. Comrade Schueler, an active member of the German Bureau, declared himself in opposition to the policies of the Communist In- ternational which, he stated, to be only -temporary. Other membera of the Bureau expressed themselves as against the "despotism of Moscow." Against these statements, Comrade Lore did not say a word in defense of the Communist International. This attitude on the part of all the Loreite members of the Ger- man Bureau made it necessary for the Party to take drastic steps. Upon their voting against the Parity resolution, they were immediately removed from the Bureau and the Bureau was reorganized. Since the publication of the decision of the Parity Commission on Loreism, there appeared in the Volkszeitung a series of editorialH which not only take definite issues with this decision but also reaffirm the correctness of Lore's views which were denounced by the Com- munist International as non-Communist and opportunist. Lore failed to come to the convention of the Party altho he is a member of the Central Executive Committee and -altho he knew that the question of Loreism and Lore will be the central point on the agenda of the convention. This failure to come to the Party conven- tion and defend before the Party his position, again proves that Lore no longer considers himself bound by Party opinion and Party dis- cipline. Lore has been sabotaging in every possible way the carrying out of the Central Executive Committee's decision regarding the Volks- zeitung. Generally speaking Lore has been treating the Party as a whole and the New York District organization, of which he is a member as an enemy, showing complete disregard for the Party's functions and activities. These facts are proof sufficient for the Party that Lore has em- barked upon a course of open opposition and hostility to the Party and the Communist International. That Lore is preparing his ground for open, -organized struggle against the Party. In view of this situa- tion, the convention decides: 1. That Lore's presence in the Party has become a menace to its Communist integrity and to its organizational unity. 2. That the interests of Bolshevizing our Party, particularly its reorganization on the basis of shop nuclei, demand that the Party free itself of the opportunist influence and anti-Bolshevik tendencies of Lore. 3. That Lore is expelled forthwith from the Workers (Communist) Party of America. THE INDUSTRIAL WORK OF THE WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY. 1. The State of the Unions. The trade union movement continues to pass thru the crisis in morale and membership which developed in the course of the tremen- dous industrial struggles from 1919 to 1923. These struggles, taken ;is a whole, constitute the greatest defeat ever suffered by the Ameri- can labor movement. Beginning in 1919, the employers waged a re- lentless warfare against the unions, striving to take from them the concessions they had won during the war period and to break up their organizations. The struggle extended into practically every in- dustry, and everywhere the unions suffered greater or lesser defeats. This was the case in the steel, meatpacking, textile, shoe, railroad, printing, mining, clothing, metal industries, etc. In consequence the organizations have lost tremendously in membership. In 1920 the A. F. of L. totalled 4,075,000 members, but in November, 1924, it had fallen to 2,865,979. In several industries the unions have been virtual- ly wiped out altogether. Only the organizations of highly skilled rraftsmen and workers occupying key positions in the building, print- ing and railroad industries have been able to maintain themselves without serious losses. During this period the independent unions have all suffered heavily, case in point being the I. W .W., which dropped from 35,000 in 1922 to approximately 15,000 at the present time. The whole laibor movement, which has not yet recovered from the great blow of the employers, is still slowly on the retreat. Its morale is at a low ebb. An important factor preventing the recovery of the trade unions is the heavy unemployment which has prevailed with but slight pe- riods of relief since 1921. At the present time unemployment is par- ticularly seen in the coal, clothing, textile, iron and steel industries. In the unionized bituminous fields of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, the situation is greatly worsened by a shift in produc- lion from these fields- to the unorganized territories in West Virginia. The employers are on the offensive all along the line. They are tak- ing advantage of the situation by driving ahead with their "open shop" movement, one pronounced manifestation of which is the establish- ment of company unions in hundreds of plants and industries. They are also forcing wage cuts in many industries. The textile industry has just passed thru an extensive wage-cutting campaign and a similar one is now threatening the shoe industry. The anthracite bosses are threatening a wage cut, likewise the steel magnates. The clothing 98 99 industry has also suffered wage cuts, Oniy in the building trades and among the more skilled railroad workers have the unions been able to secure even slight wage advances. The past year has been marked by fewer strikes than any year for several yars. In the face of this persistent crisis the bureaucracy has stubbornly refused to adopt the measures necessary to pull together again th5 forces of labor and to bring them into an offensive against the em- ployers. Amalgamation, a Labor Party, and a general militant policy, have been repudiated overwhelmingly by the bureaucracy. The latter turns its attention more than ever to the development of its policy of class collaboration and surrenders to the employers. The high tide of this movement was reached at the El Paso convention of the A. F. of L. where the central points of policy dealt with the development of labor banks, the B. & O. Plan, workers' insurance, and similar schemes. Within the past few months, the new president of the A, F. of L., Green, has announced a general organization campaign to re- cruit the diminished strength of the unions in the various big indus- trial centers. But this scheme, never seriously intended, will not materialize into anything concrete. It is already going the way of such plans in the A. F. of L. by being sabotaged to death. 2. The State of the New Left Wing in the Unions. The left wing movement is at present operating under great dif- ficulties in the trade unions. The ferocious attacks by the bureau- cracy thru expulsions, blacklisting, etc., have in most unions driven the Trade Union Educational League underground, which has rendered its work exceedingly hard. Besides, many valuable connections with progressive elements in the unions have been lost in the last two years thru the Labor Party splits (which were forced by the weakness and treachery of the progressive leadership), and thru the growth and development of the LaFollette movement, which the left wing sharply opposed. In the bitter fight that has gone on between the bureau- cracy and the left wing, the progressives in the middle have become demoralized and disorganized and have to a considerable extent fallen under the control of the reactionary bureaucracy. The rank and file of the unions have lost much in morale by the many defeats in strikes and by the poisonous campaigns of class collaboration constantly car- 1 ried on by the officialdom of the unions. But among them there isi smoldering discontent and wherever the left wing can break thru the I opposition of the bureaucracy and crystallize this discontent into definite movement, the masses rally in better struggles against the employers directly. In the Carpenters' Union election, the T. U. E. L. militants developed a powerful opposition to the Hutcheson ma- chine. Likewise in the Machinists' Union against the Johnston ad- ministration. The election in the Miners' Union, where Voyzey polled 66,000 against Lewis' 134,000, according to the official figures (in ' truth he was in all probability elected) was another demonstration of mass support to left-wing leadership. The latest manifestation of 100 the left wing's successful rallying of the masses against the bureau- cratic officialdom in spite of a maze of difficulties, is the present upheaval in the needle trades unions. Altho bitterly persecuted in the unions and driven underground in many organizations, the T. XL K. L. militants have been able in many cases to smash thru the official opposition and to swing great masses behind them and their demands. 3. State of the Progressive Bloc. In the trade unions there are many elements, so-called progres- sives, who are not advanced enough ideologically to join directly to our Party or the Trade Union Educational League. These are the elements out of which shall be constructed the "progressive" opposi- tion against the ultra-reactionaries now controlling the bulk of the unions. At the present time these progressive elements are without definite leadership, organizations and policies. In 1921-22, the organ- ization of the Trade Union Committee for the Relief of the Russian Famine was an expression of this tendency, in the face of Gompers' opposition. In th A. F. of L, convention they also secured a degree of organization in 1923-24 around the slogan of the Recognition of Sovit Russia and in the Trade Union Committee for the establish- ment of Trade Relations With and Recognition of Soviet Russia. The C. P. P. A., which was an outgrowth of the general movement for the political organization of the workers independent of the two old parties was also, in its earlier stages, a definite organization of the progressive elements against the Gompers' machine. All these movements, however, have been greatly weakened. The progressives are, for the most part, completely demoralized and are being used as tools by the reactionary bureaucracy against the left wing. MAIN TASKS OF THE PARTY IN THE TRADE UNIONS. The main tasks of the Party in the trade unions are: 1. The revolutionizing of the existing unions thru strengthening and organizing the left wing in the unions by bringing all the prole- tarian elements of the Party into the unions, by the organization of trade union fractions, the building up of the T. U. E. L. and the stimulation of the organization of the progressive opposition bloc. 2. The organization of the unorganized by the strengthening of the existing organizations, the creation of new unions in industries where none exist, the building of shop committees and the utiliza- tion of the shop nuclei as points for inaugurating campaigns to or- ganize the unorganized. 3. The unification of the trade union movement by the stimula- tion of the campaign to amalgamate the craft unions into industrial organizations. THE PARTY ORGANIZATION FOR TRADE UNION WORK. The Party organization for the carrying on of the trade union work is still in a primitive and undeveloped state. Considerable im- provement has been made during the past year or so. The Industrial 101 Department has been definitely organized. The District Organizers are submitting regular monthly reports and are devoting more and more attention to the work in the trade unions in their respective localities. But only a start has been made. Our system of Party fractions in the unions is still weak and scattering. The Trade Un- ion Educational League groups exist only in the more important industrial centers. This situation must be remedied, and for this purpose a whole series of organizational measures are necessary. We must look forward to the creation of effective fractions and T. U. E. L. groups in all unions and in all industrial centers. NECESSARY ORGANIZATIONAL MEASURES. While putting into effect the following organizational measures and in carrying out the trade union program of the Party generally, a constant campaign must be prosecuted to awaken, the membership to the vital importance of winning over the masses of workers now organized in the trade unions. Any tendency to consider work in the trade unions as in some way secondary or unimportant must be ruth- lessly liquidated, Likewise all tendencies such as to consider Party work in the trade unions a function of a specially selected section of our Party or the labeling of Party activities in the trade unions as syndicalistic must be vigorously fought against. Because of an insufficient understanding of its importance, the trade union work has often suffered in the factional fighting in the Party. (a) Bringing the Membership Into the Union. The Party shall require all its proletarian members to join trade unions, using the sharpest disciplinary measures, if necessary, to bring this about. To facilitate this there shall be in each nucleus, branch, C. C. C, D. E. C, and other Party units specific comrades charged with the responsibility of supervising the trade union work of the Party in their respective spheres. (b) Party Trade Union Fractions. While putting into effect the following organizational measures and file, fighting the corrupt bureaucracy and the employers, the Communists must not fail to thoroly organize themselves to secure leadership over the trade union masses. This is to be accomplished thru Party fractions. At present the fractions in the trade unions are weak and inadequate. The Party must devote major attention to their extension and strengthening. The District Organizers shall be held directly responsible, in conjunction with the Industrial Depart- ment, for the building of the trade union fractions in the various industrial centers and unions. (c) Trade Union Educational League. All units of the Workers Party shall give active support to the Trade Union Educational League, which unites the various elements comprising the left wing into a movement against the reactionaries 102 in the unions and to transform the trade unions into organs of revolu- tionary struggle against the capitalist class. In the various localities where the Party has local organizations, these shall be held respon- sible for the building up and maintenance of local groups of the League. The members of the Party who are also members of trade unions shall be required to take an active part in the League, and to subscribe to the class struggle propaganda fund, which will be initiated by the League. Wherever groups exist the Party fractions shall function within them as distinct organizations. Party members of the League shall resist the tendency, which arises from the pres- sure of the reactionaries and from the failure of some of our member- ship to distinguish between fractions and T. U. E. L. groups, to restrict the T. U. E. L. groups simply to Communists. Efforts must be made to extend and to bring non-Party elements into the League and to broaden its field of activity. The Party units must give active support to the coming national conference of the T. U. E. L. and strive to make it a real representative gathering of the left wing. Efforts shall be made to give the League more oif a mass character and a definite organizational form by building up the body of sub- scribers to the class struggle propaganda fund and by the establish- ment of various forms of left wing trade union united front com- mittees which are brought into the closest possible connection with the League. (d) Stimulation and Support of the Progressive Bloc. The Party must stimulate the development and support the un- ification of a progressive bloc in opposition to the reactionary bureau^ crats. For this we must apply the principles of the united front. Every struggle of the workers either against the bureaucrats, as well as all the vital issues of the left wing program, shall be utilized for the development of such united fronts against the reactionaries. Trade union elections shall be utilized to this end. There is a grow- ing tendency for so-called progressive elements to develop opposition to the reactionary trade union bureaucrats and to put up candidates against them in the union elections. This tendency must be stim- ulated and developed by the Workers Party as one means of bringing masses of workers under its direct influence. In union elections, whether in local unions, central labor councils, or international un- ions, the Communists, where not strong enough to win with their own candidates, shall combine with the "progressives" and support joint candidates upon a united front basis. The foundation for these united fronts in union elections shall be agreed upon a minimum pro- gram covering the more pressing problems, economic and political, confronting the unions. In such united fronts, however, the Com- munists shall run as Communists, and shall make this clear by special statements to the union membership outlining the Party trade union program. The danger shall be carefully guarded against of allowing these united front movements to degenerate into oppor- tunistic scrambles for office. An especially potent slogan for the 103 building of a progressive bloc is the demand for World Trade Union Unity, a slogan which has served as a strong rallying cry for all the progressive and revolutionary elements in the British trade union movement. Efforts must be made to build up the struggle of the progressive wing of the British movement with that of a progressive trade union bloc in this country in a general demand for world unity as proposed by the Comintern and the Profintern. (e) Financing the Party Trade Union Work. To finance the Party work in the trade unions, there shall be set aside 10 per cent of the income from dues of the national office of the Workers Party. Organize the Unorganized. Today in the United States there are four million workers organ- ized in the trade unions while fifteen million industrial workers and many more millions of agricultural and other workers are outside of the trade unions in the ranks of the unorganized. The campaign for the organization of the unorganized to be carried on within the existing unions, as well as for the formation of new unions where none exist, is a vital and necessary part of our trade union work. This issue shall be linked up closely with the economic demands of workers. It is exactly those workers in highly mechanized industries who because of the conditions under which they work will respond most readily to Communist influence, who are in the ranks of the unorgan- ized. The condition existing in the United States so far as the trade unions are concerned is to a considerable degree parallel to the conditions which existed in Great Britain a quarter of a century ago. There too a highly reactionary trade union bureaucracy was in con- trol of the trade unions and opposed all progressive measures in the struggles against the employers. It was only the advent of the "new unionism" which came into existence thru the organizaion of great masses of previously unorganized workers that the trade un- ions changed their policy and the labor party was formed and indus- trial unionism developed. The organization of the millions of workers in such industries as the steel industry, the rubber industry, the automobile industry will bring into the American trade union movement new and more militant spirits and will greatly increase the influence of our Party and aid materially in achieving our end of winning the organized masses for the revolutionary Communist struggle. SHOP COMMITTEES. The Party shall carry on an active campaign to organize shop committees in the industries generally. These shop committees shall be elected by all employes of a given industrial establishment irre- spective of sex, color, nationality, skill, etc. The shop committees 104 shall serve to unite all the workers in the various establishments, whether members of unions or not. The shop committee shall voice the demands of the workers and form the basis for common struggle against capitalism. The shop committees shall be utilized for the organization of the unorganized, one of the main tasks of the shop nuclei is the formation eventually of shop committees and the sup- port of the shop committees in the organization of the unorganized into the trade unions. AMALGAMATION. The campaign to consolidate the craft unions into industrial unions must be pushed with vigor. The amalgamation campaign must be more definitely concrete, however, in view of the bitter resistance it is meeting from the trade union bureaucracy. It must be more closely linked up with the workers' everyday struggles and identified definitely with their economic demands. The movement shall be intensified and extended by thus bringing it closer to the workers' immediate interests. The shop committee and shop nuclei shall, in their work, always keep in mind the necessity of amalga- mating the trade unions into industrial unions. INTERNATIONAL. 1. The reactionary leaders of the American Federation of Labor are using their influence to make the unions of Mexico, Central and South America, subservient to the program of American imperialism in the countries of the western hemisphere. The Party must, thru its industrial department, establish contact with these unions and endeavor to win them away from the leadership of the bureaucrats of the A. F. of L. and for a militant fight against American imperial- ism in cooperation with the left bloc of the trade unions in this country. 2. The movement for World Trade Union Unity initiated by the Russian unions in co-operation with the English trade unions which is endorsed by the Red International of labor unions offers a great opportunity for a campaign against the leadership in the American Federation of Labor. Even Amsterdam has been too "rad- ical" for the Gompers' machine. It is our task to familiarize the trade union movement of this country with the movement for World Trade Union Unity and aid in the fight to have the American trade unions join in an international conference to unify the trade union movement of the world. 3. We shall also fight for the support of the Anglo-Russian com- mittee, and for the affiliation of the various national unions to the International Federation in their respective industry. 4. Canadian Autonomy. The Party shall support the movement of the Canadian unions for autonomy within the American trade unions. This autonomy shall take the form of the establishment of Canadian sections in all 105 American unions having branches in Canada, these sections to be unified in the Canadian trades and labor congress, and to have full right" to declare strikes, to organize the masses, and to raise all neces- sary funds. PARTY POLICIES FOR TRADE UNION WORK. Strikes and Wage Movements. The Party must take an active part in all strikes and other wage movements. It must stimulate the masses to inaugurate such move- ments. It must have programs of demands for all such mass move- ments, and the Communists must fight for the leadership of these struggles. The "wage cutting campaign of the employers must be met with a counter campaign of strikes. Class Collaboration. The Party must carry on a relentless warfare against the many schemes of class collaboration, such as labor banking, workers' insur- ance, B. & O. plans, etc., now being foisted on the workers by the reactionary bureaucrats. The organization of company unions and sham forms of industrial democracy has made great headway in American industry during recent years. The employers attempt to set up organizations under their control to prevent the workers from joining unions which will actually fight their class battles. These policies of class collaboration must be met by a militant fight for the policy of class struggle. The Party must constantly expose the corruption and treachery of the reactionary bureaucracy. In the matter of labor banks, the policy shall be to fight against the estab- lishment of new banks upon the present basis, and to demand that those now in existence be reorganized along co-operative lines. Unemployment. In the unions the Party shall carry on an active campaign against the menace of unemployment. It shall, where necessary, advo- cate and organize unemployment councils. It shall demand that the employers and the government provide work and funds amounting to full maintenance of the workers. Work Among the Negroes. Negro workers are a growing factor in industry. The employers are using every effort to play them off against the white workers and vice versa and thereby to defeat both. The bureaucracy facil- itates this scheme of the employers by setting up union restrictions against Negro workers. This tendency must be relentlessly combat- ted. The Workers Party must lead an active fight thruout the trade union movement to bring the Negroes into the unions and to secure for them equal rights and protection with white workers in the indus- tries and in society generally. Where white unions refuse to accept Negroes, new unions of Negroes shall be formed. 106 Recognition of Soviet Russia. The Party shall carry on an intensive campaign in the trade unions for the recognition of Soviet Russia, using as one means to this end the report of the British trade union delegation to Russia in abridged form. Expulsions. The Party reiterates its anti-expulsion policy. Where expelled workers are few in numbers they shall remain in local T. U. E. L. groups. But, where they are numerous, they shall be formed into unions of the expelled. Those expelled members shall endeavor to fight their way back into the old organizations. In the case of del- egates expelled from Central Labor Councils, the policy shall be to insist upon their right to be seated by being reelected by their local union. This should be reinforced by securing support from the unions of the locality, and by formal appeals, backed by wide agita- tional movements, to the executive boards of the International unions involved, and with appeals taken to the conventions in case of un- favorable action. Injunctions. Whenever and wherever an injunction is issued by courts against strikers, depriving them of their rights, the Party shall endeavor to arouse the strikers and the trade union movement in general to mass violation of the injunction. Independent Unions. The Party endorses the paragraphs relating to the I. W. W. and other independent unions adopted by the Third World Congress of the Red International labor unions providing for the calling of a conference of these unions, and contained in the program for the Trade Union Educational League outlined at the congress. (Adopted unanimously.) INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE ENDORSED. The recent action of the supreme court in upholding the con- stitutionality of the New York criminal anarchy law, under which Comrade Gitlow was sentenced to prison, foreshadows another period of prosecution and repression of the working class movement under which the liberty of its best fighters will be placed in jeopardy. This new decision marks another stage in exposing the sham character of the supposed rights of freedom of speech, press, and assembly stated in the constitution and practically ratifies the criminal syn- dicalist laws of 35 states and makes concrete the danger of the enact- ment of a federal law of the same character. This presents the greatest danger to all working class organiza- tions especially to its most advanced and militant sections. This decision, taken together with the fact that in spite of all pretenses 107 of democracy and cessation of war time persecution at least 128 workers are still confined in state prisons for no other crime than activity in the interests of their class, demonstrates the imperative necessity of all class-conscious workers banding themselves together on the plaform of the common fight for the release of all class war prisoners and for the defense and support of new victims and their families. The International Labor Defense, which was recently organized at a national conference in Chicago as a non-partisan organization for the defense and support of all workers persecuted for their ac- tivity in the class struggle in America and for the assistance of the victims of the white terror abroad, has taken upon itself obligations which should be regarded as the common obligations of all sincere and class-conscious workers.The International Labor Defense fills a long felt need in the American-labor movement. It brings new cour- age and hope to the working class fighters who languish in prison and gives the assurance to all workers on the firing line of the class struggle that they will not stand alone and their families will not be neglected in time of persecution and imprisonment. The Interna- tional Labor Defense has already made substantial progress in its work, has given substantial evidence by the actions it has already taken that it defends and supports all class war fighters irrespective of their organizational afliliations, and has been widely acclaimed in all sections of the militant labor movement. International Labor Defense is an absolutely indispensible organ- ization for the militant labor movement and merits the unqualified support of all those who stand on the platform of the class struggle and who recognize the necessity of a common fight against persecu- tion and reaction. The International Labor Defense must be built into a mighty organization embracing scores of thousands of workers and exploited farmers, regardless of their political affiliations. The Workers Party endorses the International Labor Defense and pledges full support to its activities in defense and support of persecuted workers in America and all countries of the capitalist world. The convention calls upon every Party member to do his full duty bv joining the International La;bor Defense as a dues pay- ing member, by giving moral and material support to the organiza- tion in all of its work, and by carrying its message into all labor organizations with which they are connected and to strive in every way to draw them into its ranks. (Adopted unanimously.) COMMUNIST AGRARIAN PROGRAM AND POLICIES. The more deeply our Party is becoming Bolshevized, the clearer becomes its conceptions on the urgent necessity of an agrarian pro- gram and policies and systematic Communist work on the agrarian field. The Party must take closely to its heart and to its under- standing the lesson given by the last plenum of the Communist In- ternational; that an under-estimation of the agrarian question by a Communist Party is fatal for the proletarian struggle for power. 2 One of the effective ways of Bolshevizing our Party is to in- crease considerably our interest and Communist activities in the Party's agricultural work. We may subdivide our agricultural cam- paign into two phases: First — to draw the rural proletariat which is part of the working class into active participation in the class struggle side by side with the city proletariat against the bourgeoisie. This is part of the process of the unification of the working class. Second — to separate from the bourgeoisie, neutralize and to win over to revolutionary proletarian influence and leadership the middle farmers, the poor mortgaged and tenant farmers and the semi- proletarian farming masses. The Communist Party must still overcome certain prejudices in its ranks in order to intensify and broaden its activities among the agricultural masses. a) We must reject categorically and fight energetically against that narrow guild or craft concept of the class struggle in our ranks which is the chief barrier to our approach and application of Com- munist tactics in our agricultural work. b) We must categorically reject the non-Communist and even anti-Communist attitude occasionally manifesting itself in our Party, of disregarding the tremendous significance of the farming masses in the struggle of the proletariat against the big bourgeoisie. c) Marx has well said: "Only if we succeeed in moving the peasant masses to a coalition with the proletariat, the proletarian revolution will have obtained a chorus without which its revolutionary solo (song) would become a swan song in all agricultural (peasant) nations/' Nearly one-fourth (about ten million people) of those employed in gainful occupations in the United States are engaged in agricul- 108 109 ture. Q!f these about two million and a half are agricultural work- ers, proletarians of the farms, who have the same interests as the proletariat of the cities and must be made to struggle jointly against the common exploiters. The Communist work among the agricultural masses is especial- ly important for the Workers Party of America because: a) Agricultural production constitutes nearly 40 per cent of the total production in the United States. b) With the development of the United States as the dominant imperialist power, the American colonial domain is growing to gi- gantic proportions. In those colonies the agricultural masses con- stitute the bulk of the population. Thus the agricultural question assumes for the American proletariat increasing importance because of its close connection with the colonial question. c) Furthermore our bourgeoisie are making strenuous efforts to utilize the present period of temporary improvement of the agri- cultural conditions for establishing their domination over these rural masses at home and mobilizing them against the proletariat. 6 In planning our agricultural work we must recognize the various divisions within the agricultural masses in the United States. We must consider carefully the social composition of the farmers in the United States. a) There is a small section of wealthy farmers whose interests are unqualifiedly capitalist. b) One sixth off all our farms are mortgaged: that is, about a million and a half. c) Seventy per cent of all the improved land in the United States is today operated by tenants. d) There are two million agricultural workers. These farm hands are mainly disfranchised, migratory workers whose standard of living is low. e) We must take further into account the fact that in the Un- ited States except in certain sections of the South, we do not have a big, special land owning class in the European sense. The same bankers and manufacturers who own the mines, factories, railroads, and shipping facilities are in the main the owners of the land used by the farmers. f) Furthermore, the conditions are such that in many instances farmers are simultaneously farmers and workers, the industrial work- ers turning to farming for several months of the year, g) In the United States, because of the tremendous economic and political power yielded by the huge banking and transportation monopolies and the trusts, there is a far sharper conflict of interests between even the middle farmers and the big bourgeoisie than there is between these farmers and the proletariat. 110 There are in the United States over two million tenant farmers and about one and a half million mortgaged farmers, whose average income is somewhere between seven and ten dollars per week. These two groups of poor farmers, semi-proletarian in their social position and mode of living, are struggling desperately to maintain an ex- istence and are therefore in great need of assistance and cooperation from the city workers in the struggle against capitalist exploitation. 8 Unlike the conditions in some df the agrarian countries of Eu- rope, there is in the United States, with the exception of the South, no large land-owning class, no land aristocracy. The class that owns and controls the economic life of the agrarian population are the bankers, grain speculators, mine and railroad magnates, trusts and other capitalist corporations. That is, the same capitalist class that dominates and exploits the workers of the cities. Thus there is a clear community of interest between the working class and the poor farmers for a common struggle against the common enemy. 9 Undoubtedly the severe agricultural crisis of 1920, which produced such an intense ferment in the ranks of the farming masses, has abated. The world crop shortage of last year was the principal force tor whatever improvement recent months have (seen in the lot of the agricultural masses. But it must be pointed out that: a) Tho the crisis has abated it has not been solved completely. At the lowest point of the recent agricultural depression, which was I he worst in the history of the United States, the purchasing power of the farming masses fell to 20 per cent below the pre-war level. Today, despite the muclvheralded improvement of the economic con- ditions of the farming masses, the purchasing power of the agricul- tural population is still at least 10 per cent below the pre-war level, (b) Besides, the ravages of the last severe agricultural depres- sion have been so sweeping and so deep going that it would take many years of considerable economic improvement for the farming masses to make up their heavy losses. (c) The fundamental cause for the agricultural crisis in the United States, a condition which has been and is part of the inter- national agricultural crisis, has not been removed. The basic causes for the unsatisfactory economic and social conditions of the farming masses in the United States are to be found in the wide gap, in the deep chasm between the organization, or rather lack of organization, Of agricultural economy on the one hand and the high efficiency of the splendid industrial organization on the other hand. American industrial production is organizationally on a high social basis. American agricultural economy is still predominantly organized on an individual basis. The dir e conditions in which the farming masses have found themselves are to be attributed to the fact that they are compelled to sell their products at a low price and are forced to buy 111 the industrial commodities of the powerful trusts at exorbitant prices. (d) The disorganization of the agricultural economy in the United States has been further aggravated by the over-development of agricultural production thru "stimulation by the temporarily in- creased demands of the world war; the subsequent reduced postwar purchasing power of many countries and the loss of the markets of other countries particularly in Europe; and by the continuous strong support tendered monopolists against the farming masses by the United States government thru high railroad rates and burden- some taxation. (e) The basic factors that produced the agrarian crisis in the United States in 1920-23 have not been removed. The temporary alleviation of the crisis has been achieved by American capitalism at the cost of expropriating from their land hundreds of thousands of farmers. The impoverishment of the European population, result ing from the decline of capitalism, the emergence of Canada, Argen- tina and Australia as successful competitors of the U. S. on tho agricultural world market and the relative improvement of Eu- ropean agriculture are creating a permanent critical situation for the agrarian population of the U. S. A new wave of agrarian dis content is now in the making and it is the realization of this fact that makes the capitalists and the government of America pay so much attention to the agrarian problems in the U. S. The burden of taxation is becoming heavier and more unbear- able for large sections of the farmers. The American capitalists persist in their policy of shifting the burden ever more on the should- ers of farmers and workers. Already there is a new campaign on foot to have the coming session of Congress revise the taxation laws still more in the interests of the big capitalists and against the farmers and workers, Marx once declared: "The changes in the relations between town and country are a sign of changes in the whole epoch." (a) This truth is born out very vividly and intensely in tlui United States. The results of the severe agricultural depression are of the greatest significance. The migration of several million farm- ers from the rural communities into the industrial centers; the expro- priation of hundreds of thousands of the exploited farming masses; the proletarization of hundreds of thousands of poor farmers are j amongst the outstanding manifestations of the deep-going change the class composition of the United States. This process of agricultural expropriation brought about by the "scissors" relationship hastens the tendency towards the concentration of ownership and centraliza- tion of operation in agricultural production. Thus the bad economic conditions of the farming masses are further aggravated and their social composition is further undermined and fundamentally changed. (b) The influx of hundreds off thousands of native elements primarily unskilled into the big basic industries where previously the overwhelming majority were foreign born, is a force hastening the creation of a homogeneous working class in America and con 112 sequently aiding the development of class-consciousness in the United Sta 1n the imperialist stage of capitalism the agricultural question is most posing' for the Communist Party ^^^J^^^' ment of the proletarian dictatorship and the Soviet Republic. fa) The bourgeoisie at this time are working overtime to create as b an?poweTful a reserve army as possible against the masses I i ! f ,.0 hSne steadily proletarianized. The tactics of the capitalists which iare being steauny pi uicn.cn f „ rTYlilig . ma^pq in this is to count on the conservative character of the farming masses, Ln^ Individualistic attitude arising out oif the conditions and environ- ment of Se productive system in which they find themselves. (b) The bourgeoisie are actively working to win over the broad farming masses as their allies against the proletariat They are reS on the wealthy conservative farmers to serve ae their ad- vanTe guard to win the farming masses for capitalist reaction (c) The imposing question is whether the great bulk ot the rura masses will be under proletarian or bourgeois influence and leadership in the gigantic class conflicts that are to come m the Uni W St ?he' capitalists are following in the words of Comrade . * + i #„ rt «+ +Qntir- with the wealthy and middle farmers and'S them 1 ILyTe exe^ng Hrlendous political influence o^er the POoAarmers. This capitalistic united front with the farm- ers orates thru such means as the discriminatory we of credit facilities and the tariff in favor of one group of farmers as against the other legislative policies of the same nature etc. All these means are calculated to win the wealthy and middle farmers for ^SMSi ^eoS 8 are energetically working d urine this neriod of the abatement of the severe agricultural crisis to win over Z rural masses. Our capitalists are talking of making concessions to tie" farmfng masses. They are talking of sundry relief measures by means of which they hope to put the farming masses in their camn and slightly to improve the rural economic situation. ^a) The bourgeoisie of the United States, as well as m every other country, approach the farming masses with concrete proposals wShspecSc but actually worthless concessions in order to establish the %o^rterac7Ther^S Se o S f the capitalists, the Communists najpnrsue a united front policy with the pooi ^™ e " ^^S; win them over to a joint struggle with the working class against SitaS and to neutralize the middle farmer. The Agrarian Thesis o? the last plenum of the Communist International lays down clear a *a definite lines for such a united front policy. There are in the United States numerous farmers organisations cooperates unions, semi-political and political organizations Most ofThese organizations are mixed in their social composition (ncn, ■i?i?«T»d noor farmers) with the wealthy farmers controlling the ™niza5ons Some of these organizations, such as the Western Progressive Farmers, the Farmers' Union, farmer-labor groups, and 113 iTTsThru C Zf ratiV f S ' . are P redomi ^ntly composed of poor farmer, ment, ? n nd t>1 C00perate with th * I. W. W. and other working class Tie The first prerequisite Tor the carrying out of these nol.vw <* r u r C if a l C r Crete / nd PraCtiCal ™ ram <* demanL fo the agrfcul tural workers and poor farmers. Also the establishment Z , " organized agrarian department and an agrarit press ° f ' "^ The Workers Party shall actively support and fight for th* demands of the agricultural workers dealing with minimum waeea hours, and conditions of labor, food lodging, etc Theaters Party o?her SI 6 t0 de . Vel0P United Pront acti °» with thelwwand other labor organizations for the following demands- necte^wiThThe ? fl r f nfzed . ^cultural proletarians should be con- nected with the labor union movement of the industrial proletariat ba^inTh^rTnrofth' T** ^ W ° rke " f0 "* ^ ^yT^t uat>v m me ranks of the farming masses, ever^i JcuinSlV^ ^T t0 maintain effi P lo ^ent bureaus in every agricultural center. Any interference with these emnlovmpnt bureaus by the American Legion, Kn KIux Klan, or any othL cSlist agency shall be considered a criminal offense and punished lTc3£gly StatP? J he immediate re P ea l of the state vagrancy laws in all States. No persecution of migratory workers by arrests compulsion to leave the community, or otherwise. compulsion Phiiill C i lildren 1 of em P'oyed adults shall not be required to work Children of 'school age shall not be permitted to work citizenship miSrat ° ry W ° rkerS ShaU not b * *«** the rights of The Workers Party shall develop united front action with th P poor farmers along the line of the following demand tn Jmt AbS0lute and unconditional opposition to imperialist war, to military preparations and to militaristic propaganda ' The Workers Party shall support by all possible means the «m gram and activities of the International Peasants' Cole a shall" s e th:rp rk c for the affillation of Amei ' ican *"2^S5i2S 114 The convention instructs the incoming Central Executive Com- mittee to appoint a commission to study the agricultural question to prepare a complete agrarian program. (Adopted unanimously.) THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION. The Negro in American History. The Negro has played an important role in American history. First his labor transformed the southern wilderness into an empire. More than a score of heroic slave revolts enrich the forgotten pages of American history. The smoldering fire of slave rebellion was one of the immediate forces impelling the first centralization off the government of the capitalist republic— the adoption of the constitu- tion and the formation of the national army. From being a passive center of the bloody struggle of 1861, the Negro was transformed in three short years into the black shock troops which helped to turn the tide of war against the southern oligarchy. Thus the Negro toiler played also his part in the con- solidation of the capitalist republic. "Abolition," however, did not free the Negro laborer from all of the impediments of chattel slavery. . The decade of •reconstruc- tion" closed with a rapprochement between the Northern capitalist class and the defeated Southern landlords, who obtained a free hand to exploit the Negro masses to whom land was not allotted and who Jemafned in a position of semi-slavery, politically disfranchised, V!c- timized by super-exploitation and by exception laws. Today the majority (about 8,000,000) of the Negro population consists of exploited farmers (mostly landless tenants) and agricul- tural laborers, and has a status little above serfdom. About one- third (4,000,000) of the Negro population are residents of cities, towns and industrial districts, where their occupations range from domestic and miscellaneous labor to industrial labor in the heavy industries. Practically without exception these are held by law and custom with- in the hounds of a labor caste, segregated, habitually terrorized, and exploited to a greater degree than any other section of the prole- tfiriat Nevertheless, unlike the Negro rural population, a large portion of this group, especially in northern industrial centers, has won the right to exercise the franchise. A number of them have come in o the labor unions and consequently have been drawn directly into the general struggles of the American working class. From the Negro industrial workers the leadership of the American Negro mass movement must come. The "Negro bourgeoisie" is but a petty-bourgeois section small in number and of little significance as exploiters except insofar as hev become agents of the big (white) bourgeoisie in the role of p^sono^ Propagandists in reformist race movements or in capital- 115 ist poll tical parties. With the latter exceptions the Negro petty- bourgeoisie itself as a whole suffers under racial persecution In chattel slavery the aspiration of the Negro was to attain the condition of "free labor"-the wage slavery of the white worker The remaining special inabilities of the Negro-discrimination in employment, exclusion from trade unions, inequality of pay cause great masses of Negro workers even today to regaM the position of the white worker in industry as one which is still to be attained. This fact has caused much confusion and complication in the labor movement. It has created the basis of the false tradition that the Negro, even when drawn into industrial labor, is a "natural" ally and reserve of capitalism. In industry the fact that any degree of modern wage slavery has represented to .the Negro an advance from his for- mer serf-like status, taken in conjunction with the "labor-aristocratic" SSi? ft ? Uni ° n bureaucrac y' ha * given birth to the false tradition that the Negro is a strike-breaker. The basis of that tradition has been undermined in the tumul- tuous changes of the world war. The present is an epoch in which the industrialized Negro proletarian and also the agricultural prole tariat, moves into a position with the general working class. The Negro Industrial Worker. The tremendous transformation among the Negro masses result- ™LJ t ° m th f \ T W ° m War and afte r-war conditions, with the heavy m gration of Negro agricultural laborers and tenant farmers into the cities and industrial districts, has placed the Negro definitely in a new position in relation to the American labor movement. Prom being a sectional question, the Negro problem became a national ques- ™™ ? m . ng a secondar y f *ctor in industrial labor, the Negro moves into position of a great mass employed in basic industries, and already in notable strikes in the coal fields, etc., he has shown him- self eminently fitted for the front ranks of militant organized labor. The question of the full and unstinting admission of the Negro to the th: d t e ra U d I e unioL PlaCed ^ "^ ^ ™ bef ° re at the *"* « f-n™ T !£ COnstitutio T ns of ma »y °f the trade unions exclude the Negro from the unions. In the case of these unions which have no sJch Z2EZA.*" constitution the Negro is »~*— -^S tatn^S l° Cr / asins pressure of the Negro worker for admittance into the trade unions is an instrument for profound revolutions change in the labor movement. It is no accident that the '■Gomper? •bureaucracy opposes the entry of the newly industrialized Negro pro- letarians into the trade unions. As an important and growing i™ of the most exploited section of the proletariat which does not share in the miserable bribes with which imperialism poisons the upper section of the working class, the mass of the Negro industrial worker is objectively and potentially a part of the left wing of the la ho! movement In those unions into which the Negroes are being adm" ted, for instance the coal mining unions, the teamsters, longshoremen, 116 • .* „,, otn the Nearo Dlays an important part in building laborers, janitors, etc. the Negio PJ a J Th obsti . into tne umu rjrejudice of the white worker against the %£%£%%£ -»«"™° "" a ■ >owcr '" 1 weapon ™* st the solidarity of the working class. ThP cause of the Negro in the labor movement is essentially a left lingTght and one which must --r^caUy Je £?%£ » the Workers (Communist) Party Our Party m J st ^ a ^ ation o£ foremost spokesman for the real abolition ot all ^ scr ™ unions the as yet largely -organize,^ Negro wo ^"^J^, equal _ sion. Our aim must be , to show to the w made ^^ C °n ete ^ to the Neg'rc worke" tnatVspIte of the anti^Negro Ssl=S£s3S5SS5£ £T£ duVS \X^^T^«. in the jnjj ££".£ .SX toSml-ion into the existing .unions, but Suctioning as full-fledged Negro unions during the struggle. The Negro Tenant-Farmer and Agricultural Worker. Wtetat million Negro agricultural workers, share-croppers and ten- ant farm rTl ve in The southern states in a condition in some respect resembUng the serfdom of Europe two hundred years ago. Agricul- H^riflhorers are forcibly held in compulsory labor under corporal SS Tenant and' share farmers are bound to the earth by ?orce prevented from leaving a locality where they are adjudged to 117 mcM d c? S t te t0 S v^° rClS Wh ° 6Xe / CiSe the Hshts of fe »dal masters. A the most cruel exploitation Politic,. mW- ' * US facilltatin S from the Negro laborer and farmer ^ * ractlcal * withh eld Negro' agricultural worSsSatrS ^ ^i?"™ * »« Mtata « cultural workers If do Sb1 Wp h, f T* together with white agri- hrin g such ^^ZSLX^Z^?*'*^ » (together with white farmers of the^ ,"?? farmeM B«°eraUy and to brio, such iS^^o^jS^J^ " """"^ bor movement. cooperation as allies of the la- The Negro and the Labor Party. where s m Its fl m S?eTS? T* ** Negr ° WOrkers as else " crystallize thl in indenendeni ^ abo !* <**» consciousness and to italist class. Tne SE^^,^^ ««^ «* -p- periods have already shown ithHmh.7 ! e war and Post-war masses from the renubli'In oar v , ?•* Par " al eX ° dUS of Ne S™ tradition, a visible widente h^ w- *? rep / esents a break with ance of the Negro with the lapita^st clST^ * ^ ^ ° f the alli " formation of the labor partv With vS? ^ ng Part in the labor party action primXtl, £1 TL ?£™ W ! BhaJ1 in eve ^ against the Negro politically ■ IiS * • n 6S ° f domination made an especially urgent reason f^ 55 sout f he ™ states must be the Negro workers th7u collective afflnlr P ^ oreaniza «°n of and the winning of political rSts f^-T I ^ the labor part ^ be placed before both S JZ 1?° Proletarians must objective of the labor party movement Z, kePS aS an ^mediate workers' political morZZtZ TSSiSji ^ ^ *?* the Negro Membership i„ the Communist Party. into the WofkeS (^mmunS f'arty 6 TTof* *"*«*«**. draWn KtSftSS "SftS -sS~ ~ --^- - -" P-wori^ * ^SnSfF -^-r -1 S: no longer be postponed me a Pnme neces ^ that can US "Social Demands" of the Negroes. All slogans of equality which are current among the Negro masses or which can be awakened among them, which express the aspirations Tor equal rights and equal treatment of Negroes an po- S and ec nomic life and in public customs, are placed among the demands of the Workers (Communist) Party. Such are the de- mands for political equality, the right to vote, social equality eco- n«S3c" equality, abolition of jim-crow laws and also nim-crow customs not written into law, the right to serve on juries the abolition of segregat on in schools and the right of Negro teachers to teach in nn schools- equal rights of soldiers and sailors in army nad navy w tho C ut° tgrela^on !» colored regiments, the right to frequen a^ maces of public resort without segregation (hotels, theaters, restau ra.nts etcfand the abolition of all anti-intermarriage laws. In the course o the struggle with such demands we will demonstrate thru experience that these aspirations can be realized only as a result oJtne successful class struggle against capitalism and with the establishment of the rule of the working class in the Soviet form. American Negro Labor Congress. Our work among the Negroes centers ^^£t^Si Negro Labor Congress announced tor Chi cage ° c » Der k lon Party recognizes and supports this congiess as .a Sfnuine v of the Negro workers and farmers of the United States. It will "omposed according to the official call, of the following. Delegates from Negro and mixed trade unions Delegates from Negro workers in factories and industries where larg lTewrgr°o Se^whrrknown for their activity in behalf of the race. t „ SSrSSSSa ass and ThTcolgress therefore will be basically a gathering of Negro W ° r TTe slogans of our Party will be incorporated in resolutions and placed before the congress. ^-.-i.-ttoii should be formed of At the congress a permanent ™g£?£jZLaj of Negro groups thruout the United States _«"*£"£ v ities where this is '" fSfASSLTSSi— »im..ar combes composed 119 miTes C C ° nneCti0n betweeu ^e struggles of the Negro and white an* ^ COng f eS L ShOUld C0Qnect the druggies of the Negro workers and farmers in the United States with the struggles of the nS colomals m American possessions such as Haiti, etc ^ t.t.0,1 nf t? A eonnect the struggles of the American Negroes with %\£%£?Z£r "' " nal,y with te - -' " lS moTemeVtTT "'""m f" T " *" a " a ""' a '^«»"P «or the Negro Our party fractions will work for the above program Negro n es™^Zsf „? £*, "52?* ° f the Stniggle ° f the A ™™an negroes with those of their African comrades, the congress «hm,M point out he error of holding up Africa as a Negro Mecca it mut be made clear that the connection between the African and AmeS EESaSTaS ttTTh " £° *° C ° mm ° n St ™^ Si^? wSS imperialism and that such schemes as migration, etc are qimniv chimeras which serve only to confuse and conceal the reallssTs whel C ° ng r ss , should strive to develop a leadership for h e Negro where a workers' and farmers' government has solved succesSv all racial and national problems. successfully Lynching and Race Riots, It is the duty of our Party to meet the problem of lynching and race riots not merely with words of sympathy but with conrr^e ofTh n e 1 Cble a m"s et t 1 o 0dS *? iCh Can * eflectiT ^ ™* * f^ZTct l™ le ™ 1S t0 ereate a united class front of the working class We shall endeavor to have established in localities IS hSh Negroes and white industrial workers are employed permlnent inter Negro afd'hitTwoT 8 ^^ **"**> ««*»' terrlXton^of ftyot pay I^nsT r a ^ agamSt '?. e KU K1UX Klan ' against ine <^- tL * u * a ? amst race discrimination in obtaining employment for the full admission of Negro workers into the unions w th eaualitv IS 6 ' P v rigMS ' f ° r the COmplete organization of bL NegJo and white workers into the same unions. It shall be our endeaSr to have such inter-racial committees of workers serve as a nSZ thru which the solidarity and cooperation of the working c£ sai S a I workers' organizations can be obtained in times of crfsis ^ch a^ strikes, race riots, attempted lynchings, etc., to present conflicts between the workers of the two races and to prevent lynchings The Negro and the Army. reseSL^ T™- War &nd the cons cription of the Negro youth resentment of discrimination and other brutal treatment in the armv and navy became a major phenomenon among Negro toilers O J Worker, rT COnception «*■» many slogans and demands Sh Se Workers (Communist) Party must energetically champion! aTd which 120 especially the Young Workers League can well champion: the move- nent against segregation of Negroes in "jim-crow" regiments; against s^imination in the kinds of tasks assigned to Negro troop units S?t dSrimL^on against individual Negro -J^' ^ The sharo and brutal punishment of whole groups of Negro troops "24th Neg?o infantry'' case-13 summarily hanged, 56 imprisoned); Lalnst the Principle of "white officers for Negro troops'; against Negro officers' failure to defend the Negro troops from discnmina- ti0n, The C ' customary employment of Negro troops in imperialistic ag- gression against weaker peoples (Spanish war, the Philippines and Mexico in 1916), intensifies the duty of the Communists to awaken fmon? the Negro masses a sense of their own relation to the class ZLn the United States, and their relation to the present Sawing of the suppressed races; their rebat o n t oh e new world-wide capitalist slogan of "white supremacy (as n China) in Thort In understanding of the international role of capitalist govern- ment and their own role in the revolutionary epoch. NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS. Partly as a result of the international transformation among the Negro population in the United States and the West Indies and also partly as a reaction to the war and the national liberation move- ments thruout the world (especially the colonial ferment in Africa, Xsia the PhUipplnes, Haiti, etc.), a Negro race movement centering in the United States has been stimulated to large proportions. This movement first crystallized into organizational form among West Indian working class immigrants in New York and other United StatS seaports as well as the British West Indian possessions but soread rapidly among the native American Negroes, mostly of the working Sass Under the name of the Universal Negro Improve me nt Association a fluctuating membership, at times ™V™^S S e half-million mark, was organized. At first it showed distinctly anti-fmperialist tendencies, with specific working class demands such as tn™ demand for opening the trade unions to Negroes with equality oi lay ete as shown in the 1920 program of the Universal Negro taprovement Association. At all times these demands have been cr/usedTy mixed with Utopian conceptions. Rapidly, however under the leadership of its principal founder, Marcus Garvey, the Utopian pacifist conception that the oppression of the Negro In America and the world could be remedied by the building of a national Negro state to Africa, and that hence the struggle in this country is urn necessary has become the dominant note of the organization. The exDloiSon of the Negro masses by demagogic leaders of this organ- izltfon who copy the arts of the Jewish Zionist movement, soliciting tunZ from white capitalists on the ground that they will teach the Nerro toUere to submit to "white supremacy" (d. e., capitalist B u- premacy fn this country, while officially denying but in fact cuWvat- ?ng the .dream of mass migration to Africa, is one of the cruelest aspects of betrayal to which the black worker is subjected. 121 t>, t n « intenSe sympath y wit ' h the colonial revolts of the Chinese ^fnnt A impenallsm IS ' however, an almost universal phenomenon rnnan^ ei p 1Can ***" Worker "- » exists in a ^Hitant aggres^ on-paciflst form, not only among some of the rank and file of the beforementioned organization, but also widely beyond the limit, of any organized form. This phenomenon is found in ts hiRhes do t? e^wf "T^ Negr ° indUStHal W ° rkers wh0 completely radiate the cult of submission in America and who conceive th P w Jt f ♦ « i bound up with the American .labor movement ThTele^ ^^o gram mJ ^^/^.^-ceptionally responsive to the Common ^pro- gram in both lts international and its domestic significance Their merest m questions of colonial imperialism (forced upon them by their own persecution as an "inferior" race), Increases thL ™iZ nf the contribution which this most exploited section cf the proletarian Negro workers can make to the labor movement. The gSnce of this current into the channel of the labor movement and away from of oTpTr/" " "7 hi§h taSk ° f ° Ur Parity - * Solves "he ne™ of our Party members working within the Negro race movement o gantaTons of t^ 16 ** "**« ClMa ^^ wSinTe mTss organizations of the race movement, including the struggle against . Y, t0P - an eaders - a ^ n ts of the bourgeoisie. It involves combat ng the ,deology of concessions to "white supremacy,- tnlinsTence the" l i r COmPr0miSinS StrUgSle against the Ku Klux Klan making these ma or issues against the reactionary leadership. Within such iJ^TT T mUSt inSiSt UP0n the organizations taking up the ssues of the class struggle, constantly pointing to the failing nf thf America 10 *«"*» t0 ^ the ^ toilers Irom opp^si^ khJ acco T mp . lish thls ™ should organize Communist fractions within the Universal Negro Improvement Association which sha" s rive to surround themselves with the working class and poor farmer of the NpIT f an organiza « on nghting for the class interests of the Negro workers m the United States. In the Negro race movements and organizations it is necessarv constantly to emphasize the colonial program of the Communis? Inter national pointing out that only with a united world front of all the ShTeVeToft oTtbe^, C ° n r ct T of the proletarian revolution^ with the revolt of the colonial peoples, that victory can be attained. We should encourage the Negro workers to take an interest in Peop^X it* i7n V n? ent f ° r .£ eed0m * ^e suppressed colonial ?J* * ut !t ls . not Permzssible to encourage the Utopian idea that the Negroes in this country can win their emancipaUon thru mass migration or thru the establishment of a Negro nation in a rw,? The reformist leaders (Garvey, etc.) do not have" a Program ftr the liberation of the Negro peoples thruout the world. The revLlLary movemen headed by the Communist International has a program which wil liberate the peoples of Africa, Asia, etc., together witf the proletariat of all countries. The Communist International and its 122 American section is a friend of all liberation movements of oppressed peoples, and opposes only the misleaders and betrayers of the mass organizations of Negroes. OTHER NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS. The African Blood Brotherhood, with a program of class struggle combined with a militant championing of the special demands of «fce Negro workers against racial discrimination, is an organization wmcn has done a pioneer work of considerable value, in organizing a mil- itant advance-guard of Negro workers. Otherwise its chief successes have been in those cases when it has employed the united front tactics for enlarging its contact with and influence upon wider circles. Our policy in relation to this organization is to have the local organ- izations merge with the units of the American Negro Labor Congress In the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People the Negro petty-bourgeoisie, together with middle class white reformists and under the partial leadership of the big bourgeoisie (such as represented by Senator Burton, chairman of the last repub- lican national convention) finds the chief medium for its reformist operations. Yet it is a singular paradox and a reflection of the now passing period of the patronizing of the Negro's cause by the capital- ist class, that this organization at its last convention appeared in the role of championing, tho in a timid and "respectable way, Negro workers' right to admittance in the trade unions. Even in this organization, under present circumstances, it is permissible and neces- sary for selected Communists (not the party membership as a whole) to enter its conventions and to make proposals calculated to enlighten the Negro masses under its influence as to the nature and necessity of the class struggle, the identity of their exploiters, and their leaders in the same persons and the treacherous nature of the reformist measures proposed. ,,„„„,, However it is only when the Communist work is so broadened and extended in the field of Negro movements as to make our Party stand out as the only real champion of the Negro against lynching, all discriminating and all oppression and exploitation that we can successfully combat the influence of such bourgeois movements. The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead the struggle of the Negro race against exploitation and oppression in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary movement of the whole American working class, to strengthen the American revolutionary movement by bringing into it the 11,500,000 Negro workers and farmers in the United States to broaden the struggles of the American Negro workers and farmers, connect them with the struggles of the national minorities and colonial peoples of all the world and thereby further the cause of the world revolu- tion and the dictatorship of the proletariat. (Adopted unanimously.) 123 COMMUNIST WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE UNITED STATES. I. *, T . he m°J k am ° ng wome n ^ an important phase of the Party Sv n ? W W ° rk has been ne S lect ed by our Party since its organ- ization Only some local organizations such as New York, Boston and Detroit have made a beginning in this respect, but there has been no centralized direction and definite plan of .work on a national scale These conditions must be changed. Our Party must from now on take up this work systematically in order to establish Communist sSX: 7Zel G rZT R W ° rkerS Jmd ^^ them int ° the geDeral II. POLICY FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE FACTORIES. 1. It must be our aim to establish in the factories where women are employed circles of working women for the discussion of the problem of their place of work and for the discussion of general problems of the working class. As these circles are developed in certain industrial sections they should be combined into conferences of delegates from the circle of that section and later on a city-wide + „ 2 ' Th t 5 l e Circles Sh0uld also be the medium for expression of the social life of women workers and the means of providing educa- tional opportunities. Thru the development of this form of their activities our Party members working within them will be able to influence the social life and the education of the women workers and thus facilitate the work of political education of these workers. 3. Wherever the Party has shop nuclei organized in factories where women are employed one member of the nucleus shall be charged with the responsibility of organizing such circles of women workers. In those sections where nuclei do not yet exist the Party organ responsible for work among women shall appoint comrades working in factories where women are employed to take up this work. 4. The work among the women in the factories must be closely coordinated with the work among the women in the trade unions For this purpose there should be appointed in the Party trade union fractions in unions in which there are women workers a comrade charged with the work among the women trade union members, who must be in contact with the comrades conducting the work among women in the factories. III. WORK AMONG THE HOUSEWIVES. 1. Our Party must also seek to organize circles of housewives for participation in and support of the struggles of the workers These circles should be organized in all the working class sections of the cities, 124 2 The Party units in the various sections of the cities shall aoooint from among the Party members a comrade specially charged SS caring on tWs work of organization of circles of housewives. 3 The housewives circles shall be combined thruout the sec- tions 'of the city and on city-wide scale thru conference of delegates from these bodies. 4 The housewives circles should carry on social and educational activities similar to those to be carried on by the circles in the Series They must be drawn into close co-operation with the women circles in the factories thru the initiation of common cam- nafcns and thr U conferences in which the members of both circles SSpate as well as thru conferences of delegates from both forms JTSSSSaSon. This is particularly necessary in times of strike and other workers' struggles. 5. The organizations of proletarian housewives which have been created thru the efforts of our Party members, such as the United Council of Working Class Women in New York City, the Mothers feaeue of Boston and Detroit Proletarian Women organizations Sd be made th; basis for the development of our work in these cities. IV. CONFERENCES OF WORKING WOMEN. 1 In order to unite the work of the women factory circles and the housewives circle, conferences of working women shall be called. 2 These conferences shall be held periodically at least once a month, and shall discuss and act upon all problems arising out of the lives of the working women. 3 The "Conference of Working Women" shall consist of (a) women employed in shops, factories, stores, etc.; (b) Local trade unions consisting wholly or partly of working women, and (c) ganizations of working class housewives. 4. These conferences shall elect Executive Committees to carry on the work between the meetings of the Conferences These com- mittees shall be known as "Committees of Working Women. 5. The following is to be the basis of the program of the Con- ferences of Working Women." a! To carry on an active campaign to unionize the working women. . b. To fight for equal pay for equal work. c To combat child labor. «««.««- d. To encourage and assist working women to become citizens ° f ^ ^ffighrfor government maintenance of working mothers for a specified period of time before and after childbirth. for ^ ^Pecm^pe^ ^^ consciougness and activity among w ork- lng JT Participate in all struggles of the workers jointly with other labor organizations. 125 .he l£r^£££r*"* cult " ra, ■ ™« — — « I To combat the high cost of living I To° Sht for' K" h ° U ! ing faCmtieS f0r the ™**«. facilitJ^orSng^ £55 ^ *"«"* and ed -tional of the wo T r°kerf ' '" S ° Vernment maintenance of the school children other" l£E22£ aU StrUgSles of the — ■ Jointly with committed S ta^ra/ ''TheVrov^ * ^ l0CaIUy by a SPecial ference of Worting Women •? rZ v * ** C 1 °™ mItte8 of the Con- made up of men and women" engaged "nTX C ° mmittee is to be the struggle of the working womTn other ™ connected with ly. Lfo'rT'caC'trV; JmmitteeB shall be established immediate- V. PARTY ORGAN.ZAT.ON FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN. I th«. pI^ f °"° wing organizational apparatus shall be established n the Party at once to conduct the work among women e&tabllShed n SUES" " "" ~> • "• '— ■ — S.™i™ ;s v;3s i trni-,'.".:,; h ^-r.-s,,",s7,- «3SH«SS?J5Srrl sent'to S?aTu^^ ^^ * ^^ the -^ructions the Party units shall contain a special section instructing the 126 Party units how to apply this campaign to the work among the work- ing women so that the women are drawn into all the general cam- paigns of the Party, 4. The first step in putting this program into effect shall be the calling in each city of city conferences to consist of all the members of the branch and nuclei sub-committees on Women's Work and also the women committees from the trade union fractions. These con- ferences shall be made thoroly familiar with the program, and mobi- lized to carry it out in the following manner. Similar conferences shall be held from time to time and at a later stage of development of the work it may be possible to hold these conferences on a larger scale. 5, At all times the Party members in the non-partisan organ- izations must form Communist fractions and work under the direc- tion of the Party sub-committees on Women's Work in their respective localities. VI. PRESS AND LITERATURE. 1. The Party should publish literature making especial appeal to working women and the party press should from time to time carry articles dealing with current political questions from the same angle. (Adopted unanimously. ) 127 THE AMERICAN COMMUNIST STRUGGLE AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 1. THE BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF IMPERIALISM AND ITS DEVELOPMENT IN THE UNITED STATES. A. The basic characteristics of imperialism are; 1. The concentration and centralization of industry and capital result in monopolies so powerful that they play the decisive role in economic life. (a) Nowhere has monopoly developed to the extent that it has in the United States, the classic land of trusts and combines. 2. An immense accumulation of money capital available for in- vestment and exportation, and a tremendous expansion of the credit system into a world credit system where groups of financiers finance first whole backward countries, their industries and governments and later to finance even industrially advanced countries. (a) The United States leads in the manifestation of this tend- ency also. More than half of the world's gold supply is accumulated here. From a debtor, the United States has been converted not mere- ly into a creditor nation but into the investor and usurer nation par excellence. In war debts alone the world owes the United States over eleven billion dollars. The greatest of these debtors is its nearest rival and competitor, the British Empire with four and one- half billion dollars in round numbers. Ob) The world's total debt to the United States today is more than twenty billions. In the last year alone, the American capitalists increased their foreign investments by almost a billion and a quarter The Dawes plna, the repeated French stabilization loans, the financ- ing of countries like Germany, Austria, Italy and France, etc and even the British dominions as Canada and Australia (the recent loan of $75,000,000 to Australia) indicate clearly that it is no longer a question -of financing backward countries but advanced industrial countries and colonies of rival imperialist powers as well. 3. The centralization of banking capital on an ever-increasing scale, and thru its financing, credit and investment development the fusion of banking capital with monopoly capital and the creation of a financial oligarchy on the basis of the thus originated "finance capital." In the United States this tendency has gone so far that the federal reserve system has coordinated all banking groups into a single domestic and world financing organization under the control of the most powerful and most concentrated oligarchy in the world — an oligarchy which is presonified by two individuals, Morgan and Rockefeller. 128 4. The basic determinant of world economic and political policy becomes the export of capital and not the export of commodities. 5. There arise international monopolistic unions of capitalists which divide the world among themselves. 6. The territorial division of the world is already completed and each shift in relative power among the imperialist nations is marked by a violent re-division of backward and even industrially advanced countries. 7. The seizure of the sources of raw materials and especially oils and metals and coal is another source of conflict for the re- distribution of the already divided world. (a) The United States is especially favorably situated on ac- count of its great domestic oil and mineral supply. It controls 43 per cent of the world's output of coal; 64 per cent of the steel; nearly one-third per cent of the petroleum; about 50 per cent of the copper, etc. In addition to the rich supplies of raw materials in the United States the minerals and oils of Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Co- lombia, Chile, etc., are increasingly getting under the undisputed sway of the U. S. Thus the U. S. enters into the conflict for Eu- ropean, Asian and African raw material sources with the preponder- ance already assured in its favor. 8. Imperialism thus broadens to a world base and sharpens the eollosal conflicts, deepens the antagonism between rival national im- perialist groups, suppressing internal competition only to intensify world competition. 9. This conflict tends increasingly to a violent form, accompa- nied by domestic reaction, savage exploitation of subject peoples, an increasingly rapid armament race, and the piling up of ever more explosive materials in the world powder magazine. 10. It provokes increasing revolts of the subject peoples, pres- ently evidenced by the Moroccan and Chinese situations, the growth of anti-imperialist movements in Latin-America, the Turkish and Per- sian situations and colonial movements generally. 11. An historical alliance is being consummated in the alliance between the revolutionary proletariat and exploited colonial and semi-colonial peoples. This basic strategy of the world revolution, elaborated by Lenin is now being confirmed by history; we are wit- nessing its conscious application, not locally, not within sectional limits, but on a world-wide scale. The astonished buorgeoisie, which predicted confidently the immutable binding power of nationality over the class interests of the workers in the home countries of im- perialism, are being treated to the spectacle of the French Commu- nists openly aiding the heroic Riff tribesmen to throw back the armies of imperialist France, while the socialist party, which has set up its usual "union sacre" with imperialism, is more and more los- ing the support of the French masses. The opportunist leaders of the British labor party have again declared for imperialism by voting for "imperial preference," but the Communist Party of Great Britain is cementing its fighting alliance with the national liberation move- 129 merits of India and Egypt. Enslaved China has turned against its imperialist oppressors; it is the beginning of the surefated liberation of Asia and the mighty Kuomintang Party of China welcomes and receives the support of revolutionary toilers in England, Japan, France, America — in all the home countries of imperialism. More- over, Soviet Russia, the expression of the international victory of the working class, is China's staunch ally. 12. The imperialist struggles on all sides are an indication that the partial and temporary stabilization of capitalist industry, noted at the recent sessions of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International, has brought no real stabilization to capital- Ism. This is the final stage of capitalism. Bourgeois society is hanging in the balance. It will be buried by the combined forces of the proletarian revolution and the national liberation movements of the colonial and semi-colonial peoples. 2. AMERICA'S IMPERIALIST POLICIES. 13. The days of "national Isolation" in America have been left far behind. The tremendous strides of American imperialism con- stitute one of the most significant developments of world capitalism since the war. American imperialists have now subjected over three- quarters of a million square miles of territory— but these figures give no real idea of the extent of the American empire, which brushes aside boundary lines and penetrates even into the most highly de- veloped industrial sections of Europe. In his great work on impe- rialism, Lenin pointed out that it is those countries that possess capital that dominate all other nations, despite the bourgeois-demo- cratic fiction of the equality of nations. The United States is the greatest store-house of capital in the world; capital is being con- stantly piled up. American export of capital has more than doubled since the war, the total now invested abroad exclusive of war debts to the U, S. government being over nine billions of dollars. The United States is the world's money-lender; no big financial deal can be put thru without consulting the House of Morgan. To guarantee its investments and to open up new fields for them, the financial oli- garchy centered in Wall Street makes ready use of its political in- strument, the United States government. Also to monopolize mark- ets and to control sources of raw material. American government officials travel the seven seas to do the bidding of Wall Street. Amer- ican warships break strikes in Cuba and Central America, patrol Chinese rivers and engage in imperialist demonstrations in far east- ern waters. 14. American foreign policy is imperialist policy. Broadly speak- ing it revolves around three main slogans; the Monroe Doctrine, the "open door" and the Dawes plan. The Monroe Doctrine. 15. This is the official name for the policy in Latin-America. Latin-America is something more than a field for the investment of 130 capital and a market to be monopolized, altho 44.4 per cent of Ameri- ca's total foreign investment is in Latin-America. The greater part of our raw material imports come from Latin-America. One of those raw materials is oil, which has become an elemental, vital factor in the life of modern capitalism — a central objective in the clash of rival imperialism thruout the world. Latin-America is therefore con- sidered Wall Street's eminent domain, where no foreign intervention, other than that of the United States, is to be tolerated. The Monroe Doctrine is a doctrine of "Latin-America for Wall Street." Native governments are either ruthlessly thrust aside, as in Nicaragua and Santo Domingo, where U. S. marines run amuck, putting the natives to work in chain gangs in the dust and sweltering heat of the public roads; or else the governments are intimidated, as everywhere in Cen- tral America; or they are threatened with revolution, as in Mexico and elsewhere; or they are encouraged to pro-American dictatorship, as in Venezuela and Peru. American imperialism has even created special organizations to assist in the domination of Latin-America, notably the Pan-American Union. 16. Out of the 20 Latin-American republics, 11 now have their financial policies directed by appointed officials from the United States. Six of these 11 have their financial agents backed by Ameri- can military forces on the ground. Four of the remaining nine have their economic and fiscal lives closely tied to the United States thru large loans and concessions giving special advantage to American capitalists. 17. The Monroe Doctrine will not lose its importance to Ameri- can foreign policy with the development of the American empire to world-wide proportions. On the contrary, it will be pushed more than ever to the fore. Latin-America is the primary foreign base of American capitalism. The plan for a Mexico City-to-Buenos Aires railway is the symbol of American imperialism just as the Berlin-to- Bagdad railway was the symbol of German imperialism. 18. Latin-America is still the principle field of American impe- rialism and one where its sway is relatively undisputed by rival powers. Its population is almost equal to that of the United States, its territory several times greater and the whole extent of a conti- nent and a third is unified by common language, racial and social origins, traditions and history, culture, and economic and political conditions. 19. There is sufficient homogeneity to permit of the building of a powerful continental movement of the workers and peasants against American imperialism, and sufficient resentment due to the occupation of the Central American and Carribean countries the sus- taining of autocracies such as those of Venezuela and Peru by united aid, the interference in the internal affairs of all of the countries, the system of financial and military advisers, the monopolistic Mon- roe Doctrine and the robbery of the tremendous natural resources of Latin-America. 131 B. The Open Door. 20. The "closed door" policy expressed in the Monroe Doctrine is substituted by its exact opposite, the "open door" in the Far East. America came late to the Chinese treasure house. She got her first real foothold during the world war, with the activities of the Ameri- can International Corporation and the Asia Banking Corporation a,nd since that time has been expanding her interests rapidly. Commerce with the Orient constitutes 25 per cent of all America's foreign trade. For the United States, China is principally a market and a field for investment — an unbelievably vast one, as yet scarcely tap- ped. The Washington conference of 1921-22 marked the definite orientation toward the Pacific of an important phase of American foreign policy. 21. The "open door" policy is a pretended insistence upon equal rights for all imperialist nations. It was originally expressed in the Hay doctrine on China, but has since been expanded to take in Mesopotamia, Egypt, parts of Europe, etc.; in fact it has become a general slogan of American foreign policy, when not applied to Latin- America. In the Far East, the policy means the playing off of Great Britain against Japan, and an attempt to dislodge both. Because of its hypocritical "open door" policy bringing it into conflict with the directly felt imperialist domination of Great Britain and Japan, the United States has created the illusion among sections of the Chi- nese people that her purposes are friendly. This dangerous idea must be energetically eombatted. Our Party should take the lead in educating the Chinese as to the real meaning of the "open door" policy and the purpose of American imperialism. The Philippines. 22. The bitterness of the Philippine people against American exploitation and tyranny increases daily. Importance of the Philip- pines as the key to future struggles In the Far East cannot be over- emphasized. The anti-independence movement in the United States and the dictatorial policy of Wood in the suppression of strikes, murdering of natives, etc., make the Philippine situation ever sharper and more nationalist revolutionary in tendency. 23. Our Party has already developed some influence among the Filipinos by its defense of their interests. The American Party should intensify and increase its activities on behalf of Philippine independence (tie this up in the minds of the American workers with the situation in China and the possibilities of war with Japan). The Filipinos should be made to realize that the liberal "independence" movement in the United States is not to be reckoned with as the basis 'for a spirited fight against American imperialism in the Philip- pines, but that it must look to the Communist movement and the working class for such a fight. 24. A real effort should be made to organize the Filipino work- ers in the United States as a step to Communist organization on the 132 islands. The immediate recall of General Wood and an investigation of his regime should be called for. Every atrocity in the Philippines should be the signal for protest meetings and resolutions in the United States. Tihe Party should explain in its propaganda for in- dependence that a "Plattized" independence is no independence at all. 25. The campaign outlined in the Party's Filipino program is to be prosecuted vigorously. China. 26. The United States continues to present itself as the hypo- critic champion of the "open door" in China. It has held it "open" long enough to get one foot in. It is now trying to get the other in and then kick Japan and later Great Britain out, and close the door in the faces of the other imperialist powers. The hypocrisy of the "open door" campaign must be exposed, the danger of war with Japan and the Soviet Union, the tyranny of the whole foreign intervention policy and its significance in making the East a storm center for a new world war must be kept in the forefront. The sub- servience of the American Federation of Labor President Green to the American state department has caused him to issue a pronounce- ment of the same hypocritical tone in the name o'f the A. F. of L. The Party and the anti-imperialist league should hasten to address and appeal to the members of the A. F. of L. explaining to them the true state of affairs in China and presenting a concrete plan of action on the part of the American working class. (Similar use should be made of the Latin-American pronouncements of Green, the confer- ences called, etc.) Our Party should intensify its work on the Chi- nese situation and prepare for a long campaign as the Far East situation will continue perhaps for years in an acute stage. The Party must demand the abolition of the four-power pact, the nine- power pact, extra-territoriality rights, concessions, etc., etc. It must seek fraternal relations with the Chinese working class and especial- ly intensify its relations with the Kuomintang. It must propose fra- ternal relationship between the American and Chinese organized workers, and mobilize opinion among the American workers against further intervention and in favor of the Soviet policy in connection with China. C. THE DAWES PLAN. 27. Comrade Stalin characterized the Dawes plan as an attempt to "cover and mask the desperate struggle between England and France for European supremacy, the growing hostility between Eng- land and America in the struggle for domination of the world market, the struggle of the German people against the colonial entente oppression." This was the final, amazing leap of American imperialism in its onward march, made possible by the ruin of Europe in the war and the new strength and consciousness of purpose of the American capitalists. When the after-war boom came to an end, it became apparent that the United States could not continue 133 to hold aloof from European affairs. The tremendously developed industrial capacity of this country was lying idle with the bank vaults bursting with gold (call money was being lent at less than two per cent interest in the "outside market'*), the urge to incorporate Europe with the American economic system and furnish an investment market for American capital became irresistible. The Dawes plan means not more employment for American workers, but less and more uncertain employment. The Dawes plan is an adventure in in- ternational monopoly built upon the enslavement of the German work- ers and tending to force down the standard of living of British French and American workers as well. Together with the Hurley plan for France, the Mellon plan for Belgium, and the various systems of control imposed upon Austria, Hungary, etc. it expresses the insolent bid of American imperialism for world domination. But the plan is doomed to fail. A country like Germany cannot be kept as a colony The attempt to do so means, as Comrade Stalin says, "to place Europe on a charged mine." Moreover, England and France cannot reconcile their multiple differences with the United States, of which the European situation offers only one phase. Another and an im- portant one is the preponderant position of American capital in Cana- da, its growing strength in Australia and other British colonies The entire European adventure of American imperialism is in itself an earnest of the approaching collapse of world capitalism. It rests upon a hundred sharpening contradictions. For the American work- ers it heralds the awful certainty of new wars. t^ l 8 *^ EV6I l b f f ° re the War With Spain in 1898 > American capital- ism had reached the point of development where it could no longer maintain itself without giving up its isolation and being drawn into the current of world events. The West was becoming populated Money was no longer at a big premium for internal developments American capitalists could not count indefinitely upon a constant consumption demand in this country and industry was expanding rapidly. In the United States itself, Big Business had developed to the point where it was able to dictate the entire foreign policy of the government. The launching of the United States Steel corpora- tion m 1900, personified the fusion of banking and industrial capital It was thru the world war and the events subsequent to it that the United Stttes was able to lay the basis for its present expanded policy. 29. American imperialistic foreign policy will now be intensified particularly as the race for oil becomes hotter, as American surplus capital continues to pile up, as the clashes with rival imperialism become more unavoidable. Already Japan and England are engaged m fierce contests with American imperialism— Japan in the Far East England m Latin-America, China, Asia Minor, Europe— over all the' world. England is the main competitor, the chief capitalist obstacle in the path of Wall Street. If England could be eliminated or ren- dered helpless, the United States would have a comparatively free hand with Japan. At the Washington conference the United States 134 succeeded in breaking up the Anglo-Japanese alliance and in forcing England to recede from her age-old position of mistress of the seas, thru the acceptance of the 5-5-3 naval basis. Too weakened to con- duct an independent policy of her own, England has been constrained to console herself in recent years with the role of a lesser partner in America's new imperialistic ventures — as in the Dawes plan in Europe— but England and America are irreconcilable rivals. The present situation in China illustrates the impossibility of reconciling the interests of the British imperialists with those of Wall Street. Our Party must understand the basis of the fundamental conflict between British and American imperialism, and must be prepared for the titanic struggle which is approaching. 30. Another factor that imperialism cannot leave out of consid- eration Ms Soviet Russia. Soviet Russia has made the first breach in the circle of world capitalism. She represents the spearhead of the international class war piercing its way into imperialist situa- tions. She has already shown what the far-reaching effects of this may be by her support of China. The United States as the standard- bearer of world capitalism, has of necessity become the rallying center for the battle against capitalism's mortal enemy. American workers must at all times stand by Soviet Russia in the attempt of the capitalists to wage war against her. 3. AMERICAN IMPERIALISM. 31. This "pacifist imperialism/' as it has been called, is essen- tially warlike. The United States today spends tremendous sums of money on military and naval preparations. Thru the medium of the Citizens' Military Training Camps, Boy Scouts, etc., the entire popu- lation is being drawn into the scheme of militarization. A powerful, centralized armed force is being built up for us against the workers at -home, and to crush the movements for freedom in Latin-America, Hawaii and the Philippines—as well as to organize for the next war. "Navy day," "defense day," etc., are signs of the approaching im- perialistic conflict. 32. The American imperialists know that their struggle to oust Japan from China is one that cannot be settled without war. The United States is ready for that war. Hence the recent maneuvers of the fleet in Far Eastern waters— and its subsequent friendly visit to Australia. American imperialism is prepared to fight England, but she wishes to detach England from Japan at all costs,, and evidences of an Australian-American entente, together with the Cana- dian situation, are calculated to make England think twice before she throws in her lot with Japan. Our Party must conduct a relent- less campaign against American militarism, inside the military train- ing camps and out. The spread of Communism in the army, as shown in the cases of Crouch and Trumbull, is of great significance, and it is especially significant that they are stationed in a colonial possession. We must expose the imperialist purpose of "navy days" and "defense days" and we must tear the sham from off such slogans 135 as "the yellow peril," "limitation of immigration/' etc., so that the working class may respond to our fight against the- coming war. Imperialism and the Capitalist State. 33. The bourgeoisie develops an evermore powerful state ma- chinery for the execution of its financial schemes, for armament for colonial, for mandated areas and spheres of influence administration, and tor suppression of class conflicts at home. 34. The intervention of the powerful imperialist state machine in domestic labor conflicts (injunctions, use of force in strike break- ing, compulsory arbitration, etc.), the growing drawin of militarism and colonial wars and occupations, the imposing of the gigantic state apparatus, the sharpening conflicts leading to a new world war the growth of unemployment due to industrial stagnation at home' and export of capital on an ever increasing scale, the use of lower wages and living standards and longer working hours among the subject nations and "Dawesified" European workers to depress work- ing standards and wages at home— all these tendencies work counter to the tendency to corrupt the "aristocracy of labor" and identify it with imperialism, and they begin to make clear to the working class the irreconcilable opposition of imperialist opportunism to the gen- eral and fundamental interests of the labor movement. 35. Its enormous profits thru the exploitation of backward peo- ples enables it to bribe and corrupt main leaders of the working class and even create privileged industries and branches of industry thus creating a fairly numerous aristocracy of labor. Thus there is born the union of opportunism and imperialism, which in the United States expresses itself in the imperialist nationalist and class col- laboration policy of the leaders of the American Federation of Labor and in Latin-America in the policies of the Pan-American Federation of Labor. The creation of privileged sections of the working class leads to their separation from the broad masses of the workers This splitting up of the working class is very marked in the United States and is an important contributing factor emphasizing the di- vision between skilled and unskilled, organized and unorganized Negro and white, foreign and native, etc. 36. The American capitalists have also succeeded in corrupt- ing with some portion of their surplus profit leaders of the woiking class in some of the colonial and semi-colonial countries (Iglesias in Porto Rico and the Porto Rican socialist party, Morones in Mexico and the Mexican labor party, De LaSelva in Nicaragua; the leaders of the Central American Federation of Labor; the fascist elements In the Cuban Railway Brotherhood, etc.) American Imperialism and Labor, Aristocracy. 37. In the United States, opportunism is ripe and overripe. The beginnings of a counter tendency are making themselves manifest This is to be noticed in the growth of a labor party movement, the 136 Platonic response even to the abstract amalgamation campaign, the marked tendency of the seamen to break down their isolation, etc. 38. Imperialism develops increasingly its own contradictions which on the domestic field present themselves in the form of a parasitic, stagnating and even decadent form of capitalism. The capitalist is reduced to a coupon cutter. The oligarchy becomes so small and so powerful that it is possible to neutralize whole sections of the former supporters of the bourgeoisie, poor farmer, petty bour- geoisie, etc., and to win away whole sections of the masses that have hitherto followed capitalism. The Tasks of Our Party. 39. One of the important tasks is to convince the American workers of the living reality of American imperialism, of its menace to them, and of the necessity of fighting against it. This involves intensive propaganda and organization of the left wing in the trade unions, where the labor aristocracy and especially the bureaucratic officialdom are holding the fort for imperialism. The sinister con- nection between these elements, the capitalists, and the superprofits must be exposed. The imperialist role of the so-called Pan-American Federation of Labor, dominated by the American Federation of La- bor machine, must be exposed. It is especially important to make the workers realize the connection between the imperialist policy of the corrupted labor bureaucrats and their whole class collaboration program, such as labor banking and the B. & O. plan. While an entire section of the highly skilled workers (the labor aristocrats) is also corrupted by imperialism, these elements should not be lump- ed together with the official bureaucracy of the unions; consistent efforts should be made to win the more proletarian sections of the labor aristocracy away from their co-operation with bureaucrats and bosses and into active struggle on behalf of their real class interests. Anti-imperialist work in the trade unions should be linked up with concrete proposals against imperialism. "Withdrawal of troops from Santo Domingo !" "Independence for the Philippines!" "Uncondi- tional release of Crouch and Trumbull!" "Stand by Soviet Russia!" etc. 40. Educational work must go on in our Party to acquaint our members thoroly with the problems of imperialism. The imperialist character of the present epoch must be studied in the works of Lenin, Bukharin, Stalin, Zinoviev, etc. Special effort must be made to promote an understanding of the essential unity between the pro- letarian world revolution and the national liberation movements in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Anti-imperialist work in our Party must be concentrated on the independence and anti-impe- rialist movement in the countries under the heel of American impe- rialism. 41. The second congress of the Comintern pointed out that "the policy of the Communist International on the national and colo- nial questions must be chiefly to bring about a union of the prole- 137 tarian and working masses of all nations and countries for a joint revolutionary struggle leading to the overthrow of capitalism . . ." This is a tenet which we see working out so splendidly all around us today, and which is ringing the death-knell of the international bourgeoisie. In Latin-America, Hawaii and the Philippines there is a national liberation movement, .iust as in China and the Riff sec- tions of Morocco. The millions groaning under American imperialist rule have indicated in no uncertain terms that they want their free- dom and are willing to fight for it. The Filipinos have voted over- whelmingly in favor of independence. In Porto Rico there is also an increasing sentiment for complete independence from American imperialism. The Cuban people are struggling to throw off the vicious Piatt Amendment, which is strangling them. The Mexicans stand ready to fight American intervention with arms. The Haitians figM to the death against the American military dictatorship. We must give active support to these movements. We must form direct alliance with them. This must be done in close co-operation with the other Communist Parties of the continent, and we must put forth every effort to build Communist Parties in those countries where none now exist. 42, There is a strong tradition of Latin-American solidarity which is a historic force for the unification of the anti-imperialist movements of the various Latin-American countries. This will be an important weapon in the struggle against Wall Street. The All- America Anti-Imperialist League was created as the expression of the liberating movement of all the exploited peoples of the continent. The Workers Party took part in the creation. Represented in the League are also the Communist Parties of Mexico, Central America, and South America, as well as student groups, labor organizations, peasant leagues, and national societies in various countries. 43, For us, the League constitutes an organizational expression of our determination to fight side by side with the exploited peoples of America's colonies and semi-colonies. While we strive to make the groups affiliated to the All-America Anti-Imperialist League rec- ognize in the Communists and the Communist International, the lead- ers of the world struggle against imperialism, we must work con- scientiously to build up the league itself, to push it into activity and to make of it a powerful driving force for the overthrow of American imperialism. 44, The following is our concrete program of joint action with the exploited peoples for the struggle against American imperialism. (a) Expose the purposes and methods of American imperialism everywhere. (b) Demand independence for all American colonies and un- conditional withdrawal of American troops from Latin-America, Chi- nese and other foreign soil. (c) Actively support Latin-American strikes against American concerns. 138 (d) Ideological and practical struggle against the doctrine of Pan-Americanism. (e) Expose and struggle against the so-called Pan-American Federation of Labor as an agency of American imperialism, and the Mexican and American Parties shall work out joint plans for expos- ing the true character of the Pan-American Federation of Labor and propagate the idea of the formation of a Latin-American Labor Fed- eration with anti-imperialist tendencies. (f) Interchange of delegates at conventions and close co-oper- ation with the Communist Parties of Latin- America; fraternal rela- tions with the parties of the Far East. (g) Help build the All-America Anti-Imperialist League into a powerful organization for the overthrow of American Imperialism. (h) Immediately strive to build up sections of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League in parts of the United States, thru affiliation of resident organizations of Mexicans, Filipinos, Chinese, etc. (i) Support the proposed plan of the All- America Anti-Imperial- ist League for an Ail-American Conference against imperialism. (j) The Machete, organ of the Mexican Communist Party, and El Libertador, organ of the Anti-Imperialist League (published in Mexico) should be circulated among the Spanish-speaking workers of the United States. The American Labor Movement. 45. The decision of the Communist International on suppressed nationalities must be adapted and applied to the peculiar situation of the American Negro. The Negro, the foreign-born worker, the Mexican workers in the South, and the unskilled workers generally must receive more attention. The division of the working class into Negro and white, foreign-born and native, skilled and unskilled, or- ganized and unorganized, must be a central point of attack for all of our efforts to overcome the labor opportunism of imperialism and unify the American working class. The anti-imperialist work forms an excellent entering wedge in this connection and should be more intimately tied up with the trade union work. 46. Among the organized workers the attacks upon class col- laboration, upon the corrupt leadership, etc., should be closely linked with the anti-imperialist work. The rank and file of the labor aris- tocracy must be won for the class struggle and its leaders exposed in their eyes. The intervention of the powerful state machine in labor struggles must be made the basis of major campaigns. The relation of that domestic machine to imperialism must be made clear. The Soviet Union. 47. All anti-imperialist campaigns must be tied up with the Union of Socialist Republics, as the living example of a great anti- imperialist proletarian power, and with the Comintern as the world fighting organization of black, yellow, brown and white peoples in 139 » a world united front against capitalism and imperialism in all their forms. The solution of the national question by Soviet Russia has not been sufficiently explained to the American working class. Nor has the role of Soviet Russia in Persia and Turkey been sufficiently capitalized. It must be made clear that the war plots and attacks against the Soviet Union are largely a tributable to its anti-imperialist policy thruout the world. The "Recognize Russia" campaign must be intensified, and tied up with the struggle against imperialism. ( A d op t ed n n a n i m on w 1 y . ) HO OUR AMERICAN PLEDGE TO THE SOVIET UNION. When, on November 7, 1917, the Workers, Soldiers and Peasants Councils, directed by the Bolshevik Party led by our Comrade Lenin, seized state power from the treacherous hands of the Kerensky regime, a new era in human history was begun, an era of the prole- tarian revolution. And the fire of proletarian emancipation lighted by the immortal Red Guard has not failed to light the path and warm the faith of the exploited and oppressed of all races and in every land. Now, in the eighth year of the Soviet Power, the Union of So- cialist Soviet Republics, triumphant over every foe, internal and external, stands like a giant citadel of proletarian power from the Baltic to the Pacific, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Ocean. Thru the dark and terrible years since 1917, the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia have starved and battled against every sort of discouragement and assault. United and led by their van- guard, the Communist Party of Russia, they themselves have been the heroic vanguard of the world proletarian revolution. Suffering unexampled sacrifices and starvation, the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia have proven their right to rule and won fervent admiration and active support of the workers of all the world. Ringed around with the invading armies of the combined imperialist nations, murderously attacked by white guard armies under Yudenich, Denikin, Kolchak, and the rest, betrayed and stab- bed in the back by the menshevik assassins of the Second Inter- national, who were subsidized by the allied robber nations, and starved by the allied blockade and the drought and crop failure along the Volga thru all, the armed workers and peasants have clung persistently to the state power of Proletarian Dictatorship, and to- day all their Communist theory is justified, all their sacrificial action is rewarded as the Soviet Power stands unified and extended trium- phant and strenghtened, to the joy of the world proletariat and the chagrin of world imperialism. The reactionary generals are defeated, the invading armies of the "democratic" allied robbers driven into the seas and across the borders by the pressure of Soviet arms and the threat of revolu- tion by the workers of the western nations. The counter revolutionary lackeys to the bourgeoisie organized in the infamous Second Inter- national, which has sold itself to the capitalist, discredited and un- masked/ roost like lean vultures around the chancelleries of Paris, London! and Washington. The allied blockade is broken, the famine ended, and with the powerful Red Army and the watchful Red Navy guarding the outer fortifications, the workers and peasants of Soviet •Russia are successfully hammering out Socialist reconstruction and building stone by stone the structure of a new society. 141 This -tremendous success of the economic' restoration of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics, recognized in -the Report of the British Trade Union Delegation in 1924, has penetrated even the most re- mote sections of the world's working class, together with the growing fraternal relations between the Soviet Union and the races and nationalities oppressed by world imperialism, is stirring and setting in motion the exploited and suffering masses of the entire world. The movement for International Trade Union Unity, the shatter- ing of the leadership of the treacherous class collaborationist social democracy in the unions of both Europe and America, the struggle against the Dawes plan, the mobilization and march to the left of the British workers, the Indian strikes, the rebellion of colonial peoples m Africa, the savage clashes in the Balkans, the sporadic workers' revolts in Latin-America, and the intensification of a national revolu- tion against foreign imperialist oppression of the Chinese people an points not only to the revolutionary stimulus which Soviet Russia affords all oppressed by its very existence, but points as well to the menace to capitalist imperialism which such existence constitutes. Sensing its historic doom, the sinister forces of world capitalist imperialism again are gathering their armies and navies, again loos- ing their flood of lying propagandists, against mobilizing* their lack- eys of the social democracy and trade union reactionaries to attack the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. The so-called "Security Pact" in the West, the arming of the puppet nations on the Soviet Union's western frontiers, the establishment of a British naval base on the Dago Islands in the Baltic, the efforts of the imperialist powers to unite their forces against Soviet Russia in China, against the Chinese Soviet repproachment, the provocation of British courts trying Soviet citizens on Chinese soil, the attempt to sever trade relations by the Baldwin cabinet, the British naval maneuvers in the Baltic, the military preparations in America, and Coolidge's con- tinued and studied insults to the Soviet Union, all indicate an ap- proaching new war of violence and invasion against the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia. In this hour, the Workers (Communist) Party of America, know- ing its duty and ready to act with vigor and decision, pledges anew to the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia its every effort to defend and advance the world proletarian revolution, to support Soviet Russia and its allies among the world's exploited and op- pressed, to extend and intensify the movement for recognition of Soviet Russia by the American capitalist government on "the basis of the common interests of the workers and poor farmers of America with the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia. We shall make all ' efforts to prevent a new militant attack upon the U. S. S. R and to hold aloft the banner of the Proletarian Dictatorship of the Ameri- can bourgeoisie, (Adopted unanimously.) 142 RESOLUTION ON THE YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE. 1. With the continued existence of capitalism, the problems of the young workers become more difficult and more manifold. Cap- italism while it uses the youth of the worker as an excuse to under- pay him still more than the older worker, also concentrates its atten- tion to the educational task of moulding the young worker into the most possible perfect robot. 2. Thus, while the struggle of the young workers is indissolubly bound up and is part of the struggle of the proletariat as a whole, yet the young workers are faced with various and serious immediate problems, which can be solved only if they organize for that purpose and if they ally themselves closely in their struggles with the revolu- tionary movement of their respective countries. 3. The revolutionary young workers have realized this and have organized themselves in all countries into Young Communist Leagues, part of the Communist movement of their country, united interna- tionally in the country, united internationally in the Young Commu- nist International, which latter works in fraternal alliance with the Communist International. 4. The young workers, who have been drawn more and more into public life since the last imperialist war, will form the best de- tachment of the proletarian revolution. A large section of the work- ing class, past middle age, employed in the highly skilled trades, will not be won for the revolution until after the conquest of power. The young workers mainly thrown into the ranks of unskilled labor, and exploited to a greater extent than the adult workers, must be drawn into the revolutionary movement and must form a reservoir of strength for the Communist Party. 5. The Young Workers League of America is devoted to the task of leading the young workers in their daily struggles and in the development of these struggles for their final emancipation. For the United States the development of the Young Workers League is of special exceptional importance, more than for other countries, since the growing generation of the workers will bring both for the working class and into our party more homogeneity and greater freedom from social-democratic traditions and also lead to the greater Americanization of the working class and of our Party. 6. The success of the struggles and the campaigns of the Young Workers League depend on unity of purpose and on inner unity of political orientation with the struggles and campaigns of the Workers Party. On the other hand, the success of the campaigns and^ strug- gles of the Workers Party also depends upon the close coordination of their activities with those of the League. 7. While up to the fourth congress of the Young Communist International there was not sufficient coordination between the cam- 143 paigns of the Young Workers League with the political campaigns of the Party, there has been a decided improvement since. We muMt say that despite the many difficulties, the Young Workers League has shown its ability to develop towards a mass young Bolshevik organization thru its active participation in the everyday struggles of the young workers and thru the initiation of movements which vitally affect the interests of the younth. The growth of the youth organization has been brought about by its drive to reorganize the league on the basis of shop nuclei, campaigns in the trade unions, factories and industries, anti-militarist activity, the transformation of its press into a mass organ, the building of strong children's move- ments. In many fields of work the Young Workers League has even set the precedent for the Workers Party to follow. The political activity of the League has shown that it is rapidly developing into a mature political organization which will aid the growth and clarity of the Worker Party. But the relation between the Party and the League is still far from being perfect. 8. The next tasks of the Young Worker® League, those of extend- ing its trade union work, anti-militarist work, and so on, can only be achieved thru the very closest of cooperation on the part of the Party. The national convention declares that it is the duty of every unit of the Party to give its utmost cooperation to the youth and children's movement. The Party will not have fulfilled its elemen- tary duty if it does not devote far greater attention to the Young Workers League than heretofore. No unit of the Party should exist which has not a corresponding Young Workers League unit. "One of the tasks connected with Bolshevization is to win over the whole of the working class youth in all countries, that generations of the working class which grew up amidst the conditions of world impe- rialist wars, and the beginning of world revolution. While social- democracy relies mainly upon the more bourgeois sections of the labor aristocracy, which arose in the peaceful epoch, the Communist Parties of all countries, on the contrary, among their other tasks must strive to organize the whole of the proletarian youth of the new epoch under our banner," says the thesis on Bolshevization of the parties. The national convention, therefore, urges that the units of the Party, far more than up till now, give their utmost cooperation and aid to the League in all of its activities, thus aiding in the building of a Young Leninist League of a mass character. 9. The Party convention calls the attention of the Young Work- ers League to the decisions of the Communist International and the Young Communist International and expresses the belief that only with the cessation of the factional struggle can these decisions serve as the basis for the unification of the League. The achievement of this goal should be the aim of the convention of the Young Workers League. (Adopted unanimously.) 144 RESOLUTIONS OF THE APPEALS COMMITTEE. RESOLUTION ON COMRADE ASKELI. Proposed by Minority and Adopted Unanimously. The successful ideological Bolshevization of our party makes it necessary to secure for the Party the use of all avenues of propa- ganda and education. The C. E. a must keep a close watch on all of the papers of our Party Whenever opportunist and Loreist ten- dencies manifest themselves in the columns of any of our press, the C. E. C. must in all cases immediately correct them and must, wher- ever the manifestation is serious, consider the necessity of reorgani- zation of the editorial staffs of such papers. The convention considers that at present it is clearly apparent that in the editorial staff of our Finnish organ, "Tyomies," is preva- lent such an element of opportunism. This is unquestionably due to the influence of Comrade Askeli, a member of the editorial staff of that paper. Askeli is the consistent exponent of Loreist tendencies. Even at this moment, after the efforts of the C. E. C. to correct the social- democratic expressions in the statements of the Superior Finnish Branch, Comrade Askeli continues to defend these manifestations of Loreism. In view of this fact, the convention considers that the further employment of Comrade Askeli as an editor of "Tyomies M is incom patible with the interests of our Party and its Bolshevization. Therefore the convention instructs the Finnish comrades of Supe- rior to remove at once Comrade Askeli from the staff of "Tyornies" and replace him with a comrade who understands, accepts, and fights for the Communist line of our Party and the Communist International, MOTION OF THE STATEMENT OF THE ARMENIAN COMRADES TO THE CONVENTION, SIGNED BY T. M. KORKIKIAN OF DETROIT, A. SCHMAVANIAN OF CHELSEA, MASS., T. KALIG1AN OF NEW YORK CITY, AND S. E, SIMONIAN OF CHICAGO. The convention regrets the fact that there are still a number of Armenian comrades outside of our Party, and that the Communist elements within the Armenian Section of our Party have not yet succeeded in unifying their forces for harmonious work. The con- vention is of the opinion that this situation in the Armenian Section of our Party, which is due to past internal conflicts, demands a thor- ough investigation and a settlement that will unify and strengthen 145 the Party activities among the Armenian speaking workers of the United States. The Convention is of the opinion that the reorganization of our Party on the basis of shop nuclei and international branches and the centralization of the Party apparatus will prove an effective means of unifying the Communist forces also within the Armenian section The convention refers the statement of the Armenian comrades to the incoming Central Executive Committee for immediate action on the matter, towards the end that all the truly Communist forces among the Armenian speaking workers be drawn into the Party and unified for common Communist work. MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF COMRADE CANDELA. That the convention confirms the action of the Philadelphia con- vention of the Italian Section of the Party and the action of the Central Executive Committee in the case of Comrade Candela and authorizes the incoming C. E. C. to take up the matter when deemed necessary. MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF A. PRESI. That the convention approves the action of the Philadelphia con- vention of the Italian Section of the Party and of the Central Exec- utive Committee in the case of Presi. MOTION ON THE STATEMENT OF COMRADE POYNTZ TO THE CONVENTION OF THE PARTY. The convention fully endorses the statement of the Central Ex- ecutive Committee regarding the views and activities of Comrade Poyntz. The convention is of the opinion that Comrade Poyntz persistent- ly followed the policy of Loreism, which is a right wing deviation away from the line of the Communist International. The convention is also of the opinion that the activities of Com- rade Poyntz in support of the right wing Lore deviations were detri- mental to the Party. The convention therefore demands that Comrade Poyntz cease such activities and abide strictly by the decisions and line of policy of the Party. 140 BUILDING OF THE COMMUNIST PRESS IN THE U. S. The Communist Press is not only the collective organizer of the Party of proletarian revolution but the collective organizer of the masses for the revolution under the leadership of the Party. This was the view of Lenin of the role of the Communist Press and it is to make our press the collective organizer of the Party and the masses that we must strive. Our Party has made some progress in this direction, but in the United States, where the propaganda agencies of capitalism have reached their highest point of development, the fact that the masses are almost all literate gives the press an extraordinary power both in the hands of the capitalists and in the hands of the revolutionary Party. 1. The multiplicity of languages (a score of language groups within the ranks of our own Party) in America is a special difficulty that we have to meet and overcome. This in turn creates the need for the greatest centralization of our press but the form of organization of our Party (inherited from the Socialist Party) has made extremely difficult the task of bringing under a centralized control the entire Party press. The lack of com- plete centralized control has resulted in many organizational weak- nesses and serious deviations from the correct Communist line. 2. It has been necessary also to work unceasingly to wipe out the traditions of bourgeois journalism with which many of our com- rades were infected due to the lack of proper training in the manner and method of securing, recording and sending to our press the news of the daily struggles of the American working class. 3 Another problem our press has had to solve was the belief among wide circles of Party and non-Party workers that Communist journalism consisted in hectic and flambouyant phraseology having little if any relation to the actual feelings and struggles of the work- ers which satisfied the revolutionary ego of the writer, which some- times served to conceal his lack of real revolutionary understanding but which has been characterized by the Communist International in its thesis on the Bolshevization of the press as follows: "Two different things may be comprehended under revolutionary phrases in the Communist press. There are Communist papers wbich invariably follow the principle of employing the strongest and most urgent phraseology which they are capable of compiling and which give the impression that the writers must have been in a state of high fever. "Viewed as agitation this falls to take any effect upon the masses, repels them, and has besides this disadvantage that when the news- 147 SCsteT deal WUh S ° me ***<*« »*«*■» « ** i ts vocabularly with the lives of the SISTERS £? J*-™ - C ° nneCti0U facts is more effective than th P »vu«n >■ e Slmple ^ration of of Communfet slogans * "^ and ffeartSo ^ repetition "More faith in the thinking powers of the readers - "CrelluT TT ;OCCaSi ° nS ' CritlCiSert «* ^ency: of the present curve of events Tnd th! «! l\ 0bjective circumstances captivating and intoxicate ^slogans JZ 2 *"* T^ Wonderfully them, are the essence of Z^XZ^iS^ *""'* *"""* And again : to 4o'o W o y f ImZ'^ZllYT: ^ 10 t0 2 ° HneS ' ****** or 200 digested by the malse ™' T h ™\ TT*' already fair * well Finally: ''" une Character of our Newspapers.) "Less intellectual talk, closer contact with life •• * dlnrSer^ rpr^cS^pon ^P^ ^f ^ «* to waging the Party struggles IT, & Party> that in addition duty of informing the Parfy pre s of the^T "V**** there is the cations. y P SS of these struggles and their impli- es newi tThf,SugSl h wlfch n o neCeSSary *" ™ ^ to -cure some times were acfua, y ,eIdLg fromTh^ 8 , *** 6Wed aDd at Press. ' mng > tl0m the columns of the enemy the ^^^^^^^^^ s and maintaining e« by the Communist press is not rT* , >l Struggles of the work- valuable results of our 'effort has be^n lost o ' ^ mUCh ° f the mass press-not published merelvf t V V ?" press must be * who like to see their contHb^tion in print" ^ ° f *»" COmrades -use: l7m P u r :rneTe^lt e rt P o Ul t a r bUt »* * °» S ° clal d — <ic that the working cS has absorb^'^TT !T ? s — tionalism must not neglect those popular TssuJ ! decadent rulers but it aud organized mass interest and he VoZ 2*? ^ be aroMed gram given to great numbers Ti workers ZZ "V? ?T?* a " d Pr °" tive. Ul w °rKers while their minds are recep- Com 7 mul e t re ch m a U r S acte e , "tCS^EST "ST^" *»* a «*« Press must never be sacrificed for 1. w, P ° htiCal char acter of our Proletarian following. At alltimes r!l '^ ° W reWard ° f a lw « 8 non - -st be linke. first with iSftSntCjS 148 broadenend to stimulate interest, understanding and sympathy in and action for the full Communist program. & Every Party campaign must be carried on with tlxe fullest sup- port of the Party press and during the period of the campaign all material in the press, so far as possible, should be selected with the view of mobilizing and coordinating its efforts for reaching the widest circles of workers and farmers. In campaigns designed to reach specially selected groups, the same plan must be followed by all the Party editors. There is among the language press, with a few exceptions, a deplorable lack of cooperation with the Party at present in this respect. To deal effectively with the above problems of policy and organ- ization, our Party must immediately: 1. Set up a permanent subcommittee (section of Agitprop) of the Central Executive Committee which shall be charged with: (a) Bringing all Party papers under the complete control of the central committee. (b) Establishing machinery for centralizing collection and dis- tribution to all the Party press of Party material and for editorial control of all publications. This control to be actual and not nominal. 2. The present corps of approximately 75 worker correspondents must be enlarged within the next year to at least 250. The proleta- rianization of our official organ which has taken place in the last nine months since these correspondents have been organized and special efforts (articles, pamphlets, special personal correspondence and instruction) been made to acquaint them with their important role, is sufficient justification for an immense extension of this vitally important section of work in connection with the Bolshevization of our press. These worker correspondents are making our official paper a real mass organ and altho the work is just beginning it can be said that already they have contributed something new and virile to American working class journalism. Almost all the news of the daily struggles of the American workers carried by our official organ is furnished now by these worker correspondents. With greater numbers of them and better training our press will be able to record the class struggle in America with but little dependence upon the capitalist press serv- ices. (a) The connection of the daily struggles of the workers with the partial demands and united front campaigns of the party can be made very directly thru the worker correspondents. The distribution of our press in the industries and to the workers about which the worker correspondents write is the most effective method of broaden- ing the contact of our press and building its circulation. This method is the Communist one and its possibilities are inexhaustible if the work is properly conducted, (b) The work of popularizing, circulating and maintaining the Communist press must under no circumstances be considered the 149 r r a k , t °?H ° f th ° Se comrades wh ° are employed by our press Such TJoTcy\TZ d l ° Ur D10St efleCUVe ^ is » ™K socS m "t be rooted SL*™""*** C ° BCePti ° P ° f ^ fU0Cti0aia * ** to «?SSr2£?; * mUSt " e replaced b ^ a ■*«•« in and a loyalty nl*n» m ^ arisl *S as a result of the understanding of its mishtv Place in the struggle that will cause every comrade to never thTnfS SStaL* gathenng ° f W ° rkerS With0Ut C °™-t pap^^di' ^uM b :^rjfU P ^a: l6CtUre8 ° n the f ° li0Wi ^ «— • 1. The role of the Communist press. (a) in the Party. (b) among the masses. caTrS^ThTcrre'tl 6 TTu™ "XT* ° f f ° rmal P^^^'m^r ™J f correction of this condition will give our Dress mnoh and the influence of worker correspondent stories on t L 1 ! P « «r,„ g , he » „„ cannot aec ,, e ^'^Zu'^^'TZ •» „5 '" * e , re,ore •">' Permissible for editors of onr nartv ores* ,„ struCona SUM more «.„„,„ ,„ . tena , S £* ^ ~£ 150 to regard themselves as framers of Party policy rather than as inter- Prete irni:Ses S can be avoided only by bringing the workers on the Party press into all branches of Party "**<***?»"££** tensive conferences with the leading committees of the Party _ at which all phases of the Party work among the masses, its relation wxth the Commundst International, the line of the Communist Inter- national, and the political problems of the day are discussed. Centralization. An army of worker correspondents. Leninist education of editors and contributors. Close connection with the struggles f the workers. Close connection with the leading committees of our party. Close connection of the press with the inner life of our P"ty. Understanding by the party of the role of the Communist press. Thus will our press become a Bolshevik press, be able to aid in building a mass Communist Party, lead the American working class, and pave the way for the dictatorship of the proletariat. THEORETICAL MAGAZINES AND RESEARCH WORK. 1 There shall be formed a special section of the Agitprop to supervise, stimulate and develop Communist research work and theoretical magazines and publications by the Party. 2 The Workers Monthly, which has already succeeded in estab- lishing itself among wide sections of workers, shall be enlarged in size and enriched with more theoretical material on: (a) Marxism and Leninism. (b) Original scientific investigation of the structure and function- ing of American capitalism and of the current phases of the cans st ru£t£.le. 3 A program of theoretical publications (books and pamphlets) for the current year shall be prepared by the propaganda section of the Agitprop which shall be carried out in cooperation with The Daily Worker Publishing Co. (Adopted unanimously.) 151 nc P ™J ° F M0RITZ J ' L0EB ' BUSINESS MANAGER OF THE DAILY WORKER, TO THE FOURTH ANNUA? CONVENT.ON OF THE WORKERS PARTY OF AME^CA ;; £aSL^/r t£«E -r^ %£?•& , . D .. FINANCIAL. (a) Policy. be t f provide'^ „"%" """ PrS,SMted "*"" ™— "»U our policy win" rutnre duE; whS rT^ P "* rflm "° " l ° ™* in the expeSTto, T/ immedIate curre °* expenditures of needs heTT a^din^^ ^ "* ™*« « dollar fund I origfnaSv s« 2. t "Th, 1 "? ^ sevent ^e thousand r?o»™ Si^S?^; e™ ed X fn n tf UreS *? the ^ D0Mlbte »™™ " 152 from an extreme financial stringency due to the lack of sufficient working capital. (b) Present Financial Situation, While the present financial situation of the Daily Worker, accord- ing to financial statements published herewith, is not as difficult as might have been expected, nevertheless, there are certain conditions which have made the operation of the Daily Worker Publishing Com- pany extremely difficult and which make certain that the difficulty will continue for some time to come. In the first place, the fact that the Daily Worker Publishing Company does all of the printing for the national office, the Party institution and for a great number of the federations means, because of the financial difficulties of these institutions and their inability to make prompt payments on their obligations to the Daily Worker, that the Daily Worker in fact is financing, to a large extent, a number of Party institutions. This is made apparent in the large total of accounts-receivable now on our books. Another instance in which our balance sheets do not give an absolute correct picture of our financial condition is that a large portion of the accounts-receivable are now apparently uncollectable. The deficit as shown on the bal- ance sheet of August 1st, 1925, is therefore actually some fifteen thousand dollars higher. (c) The Future. The determining factor in the finances of the Daily Worker Publishing Company is in the circulation of the Daily Worker. In as much as the income from the Daily Worker subscriptions con- stitute the most important item and, in as much also as the deficit of the Daily Worker itself is the chief burden on the institution, the financial problem can only be solved permanently by increasing the Daily Worker circulation to such a point where the Daily Worker itself will be able to balance its budget. According to the budget which is appended hereto it will be seen that the Daily Worker operates to a deficit of about one thousand dollars per week and the Daily Worker Publishing Company, as a whole, to an approximate seven hundred dollars per week deficit, or, thirty-five thousand dollars per year. On the basis of the computed cost for the filling of addi- tional yearly subscriptions to the Daily Worker over and above the present number of papers printed, the net decrease to the Daily Worker budget for each new subscription secured is approximately two dollars. From this it will be seen that in order to balance the budget the Daily Worker Publishing Company, all other incomes and expenditures remaining constant, it will be necessary to increase the Daily Worker subscription list by some seventeen thousand yearly subscriptions. In the meantime, it will be necessary each year during the fall months to conduct a money raising campaign to wipe out the accrued Daily Worker Publishing Company deficit. The immediate task is to relieve the extremely serious financial crisis which now threatens even the existence of the Daily Worker. 158 That the Daily Worker has been able to survive so far in the face of the inner Party condition which has existed from the time the Daily was established and which has become so tense in the last months Is proof of the basic vitality of our press. But the present combina- tion of unfavorable conditions, namely, the usual summer slackness plus the convention period, plus the bitter factional strife has placed the Daily Worker in a most precarious position. A considerable sum of money must be raised immediately and in the financial campaign which The Daily Worker will undertake during the first week of September it will be necessary for the Party membership to give immediate and one hundred per cent support. ADMINISTRATION. The administration of the Daily Worker Publishing Company has been especially difficult due to the fact that at the time of the establishment of The Daily Worker the Party was unable to secure any experienced personel to undertake the task. The entire admin- istrative staff, therefore, had to deal with new and strange duties and problems from the very beginning. It can, however, be said that this problem has been met and overcome and that the administrative office of The Daily Worker Publishing Company is now able to cope competently with its task. (a) Administrative Policy. This has been to a large extent determined by the lack of work- ing capital as was previously mentioned under Finance. The policy has always been to avoid extravagant or sensational measures cal- culated to secure a rapid increase of circulation and to substitute therefore cautious and economical methods. This has been done because of the belief that The Daily Worker could not be built in any sensational manner during the period of slow development of the working class but must be built by pains-taking and persistent efforts based on the regular activities of the Workers Party members stimulated into special efforts in support of The Daily Worker. This policy has been proved to be a correct one and it may be said that it is doubtful if The Daily Worker could have survived had extravagant methods been used in the attempt to stimulate circulation. (b) Organization. The basic plan of organization on behalf of The Daily Worker has been to build a Daily Worker machinery inside and parallel to the regular Party machinery. This has been attempted in the form of the organization of Daily Worker representatives in cities and branches of the Party. By this means some five hundred Daily Worker agents have now been secured for Daily Worker activity It cannot, however, be -said that from the point of view of organization a marked success has yet been made, for there are many Party units which still have no Daily Worker representative and of those which have Daily Worker representatives elected only a part have main- 154 tained a consistent activity. The minimum goal must be an active and responsible Daily Worker representative in every Party unit who is able to secure the support and to stimulate the co-operation of all of the members of that unit. From this base we may proceed to extend this machinery into shops and unions and other working class organizations. It is expected that the reorganization of the Party into street and shop nuclei will render this task of organization a great deal more easy. (c) Circulation. The Daily Worker circulation is about one-third secured and maintained thru the operation of our agents. The balance of the circulation has been secured and maintained by methods emanating directly from the Daily Worker office such as the circularization of readers and other workers and various advertising methods. The circulation of the Weekly Worker, when it was taken over by the Daily Worker, was just about six thousand. During the first three months of the Daily Worker's existence this circulation was increased to about eleven thousand and during the first annual Daily Worker subscription campaign, March 15th to June 15th, 1924, an additional three thousand circulation was secured raising the total to fourteen thousand. This figure was maintained fairly well during the summer and during the presidential election campaign the Daily Worker circulation was increased to a total of eighteen thousand reached the last week of October and the first week of November, 1924 From this point on, however, the circulation suffered a rapid decrease due in large part to the publication of the Party discussion in its columns which cost us a great many non-Party readers and due also to the situation within the Party which decreased the Daily Worker activity. During the early part of 1925, the circulation drop- ped to eleven thousand. In the spring of 1925 this was increased by about three thousand and the average circulation during the May, June and July period has been thirteen thousand five hundred. (d) Centralization of the Party Press. Soon after the establishment of the Daily Worker it was deter- mined that the English language press (Party) namely: The Daily Worker, monthly organs and the literature department must be cen- tralized under one management. Centralization could not take place at once, however, due to the fact that the Daily Worker administra- tion had not sufficiently digested the problem of the Daily Worker and was not sufficiently organized to undertake new responsibilities. However, in October, 1924, the first centralization was affected when the Labor Herald, Liberator and Soviet Russia Pictorial were amalgamated into the Workers Monthly which was, published under the management of The Daily Worker Publishing Company. This centralization with its attendant decrease in the number of paid employees, has been a tremendous saving to the Party (about twelve thousand dollars every year in overhead expense alone) and has, moreover, in respect to the Workers Monthly tended greatly to in- crease the effectiveness of our monthly press. All of the subscrip- 155 tions to the three previous magazines were put on the Workers Monthly list and while in many cases those subscriptions were du- plicated or triplicated between the three magazines, the Workers Monthly subscription list is now almost double that of the three magazines combined. While the circulation of the Workers Monthly has not yet reached the combined figure of the three other magazines, this is due to the fact that the bundle order sales have not yet been established so as to equal this figure. In January, the literature department of the Party was taken over by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. A discussion of the literature department will be given under a separate heading. The fact is, however, that the centralization has been extremely gratifying. It has been found efficient and practicable from the point of view of management and, moreover, it has enabled us to increase the effec- tiveness of the distributive machinery in that the centralizing of this machinery and the placing of the Daily Worker, Workers Monthly and the literature of the Party in centralized hands thruout the Party structure has stimulated the general activity for the Party press. III. LITERATURE DEPARTMENT. It may be said that up until the time the literature department or the Party was incorporated into The Daily Worker Publishing Company that the Party had practically no literature department and no literature. The Party was publishing practically no literature and therefore we had the curious example of a Communist Party in America with no American Communist literature except, with few exceptions, that which had been published prior to the existence of the Workers Party. The centralization of the literature department has resulted in first: (1) The beginnings of a program for the publication of Com- munist Literature and therefore the beginnings of the existence of Communist literature in America, and (2) An immediate stimulation of the sale of literature. (3) While the beginnings only have been made the establishment or the Little Red Library and the program for the publication of Communist books and pamphlets assures us that the Party will have a literature department which will keep step with the needs of our movement. The sales of the literature department of the Party during 1924 are reported to be twelve thousand dollars which amount includes the sale of post cards and similar items. From January 15th, the date the literature department was taken over by the Daily Worker until March 31st, the sales of the literature department averaged a little over one thousand dollars per month. In April the sale totaled twelve hundred dollars, in May thirteen hundred in June sixteen hundred. During the summer this rate cannot be main- tained but it is expected that in the fall it will be greatly increased The publication program calls for the periodical issuance of new numbers of the Little Red Library, for the publication of a text book 156 on the elements of political education, the immediate publicatioii of the Lenin Library and a series of pamphlets dealing with the basic industries of the country. Specialized literature includes the -pub- lication of the Fairy Tales for Workers' Children and the Report of the British Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia. The following books and pamphlets have been published since January 15th: _ 000 Leninism vs. Trotskyism --•• <\ White Terrorists Ask for Mercy (Bedacht)... !«.""" Theory and Practice of Leninism (Stalin) - j>.ww State and Revolution (V. F. Ulianov)... »■»■•»■•■•■■■■ J'JJJ Fairy Tales for Workers' Children (Zur Muhlen) 10,000 Russia Today (Report, British Trade Union Delegation to U. S. S. R.) 5 ' 00 ° Little Red Library. No. 1. Trade Union in America (Foster, Cannon, Browder) -. "" No. 2. Class Struggle vs. Class Collaboration (Brow- ^ ^ der) ■>- ...,_,,... *•- **■■ ' No. 3. Principles of Communism (Engels) 10,000 No. 4. Worker Correspondents (Dunne) i".« uu IV. PRINTING PLANT AND EQUIPMENT. The purchase of the Daily Worker building has made it V™*™* to centralize the Party headquarters and the Daily Worker Publishing Company under a single roof with attendant conveniences and em- fipncv Tlie printing plant comprises modern equipment for the produc- tion of newspapers, magazines, book and job printing The pub- lications printed in our plant in addition tc .the Dai y Worker and Workers Monthly are: "Young Worker," "Radnik Empios Ny Tid" and "Tribuna Robotnicza." Also, the Young Comrade and four of the publications of the industrial groups of the T. U. E. L. ine printing plant now operates at a substantial profit; its capacity is such as to insure to the Party the steady and adequate supply of books, papers, and other printed matter for sometime to come. V. FINANCIAL REPORTS. REPORT OF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS ON ACCOUNT OF THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1924. Sales and Receipts. „ . . t . ....$ 61,769.91 Subscriptions 25 600.92 Dealers Sales ^,..,9 Advertising Sales JJjM;" Donations • - „ iq fi0 Special Promotion Fund . ■ ' $118,637.70 157 Disbursements. Advertising Expense * , nMftB Circulation Expense * io'JmSJ General Expense 7SI0 Production Expense 80 14fi'si Promotion Expense 6 74fi 2J Rent, Light and Telephone 9 ' R „ nn posta * e ::::::::::::::: : Si! 1141,293.50 WORKERS MONTHLY RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924. Sales and Receipts. Subscriptions - 11( -o, ft Dealers Sales ? i'Jg'J! Advertising Sales ilAl Donations , A 1 ----- — 1^6 $ 5,547.04 Disbursements. General Expense $ 2 104 03 Production for November and December... ZZ. 2!86L87 $ 4,965.90 REPORT OF SALES AND OTHER DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924. Sales and Receipts. i°^Jj^ [nS ^^ $134,175.66 Rented Space -, QP;1 14 Lenin Buttdns ZZZZZZZZZZZ 110692 Interest and Discount Earned ' '659*25 $137,892.97 Disbursements. Bank Exchange .... t ? 132 50 Building Repairs and Maintenance '" i iro\q Gas Account.. Z...ZZZZ 75404 General Expense Z.„. S.sms Insurance ' Interest ZZZZ~ 1358 74 Office Supplies 1' avast a postage zz z j-;jj-jj Payroll Z Z '"" "" 7 ?S? Plant Supplies " ' 2 291 6? Power . _ ;~— ■ ; Raw Material ._ S4 g Rent, Light and Telephone 502 34 $130,188.34 158 BALANCE SHEET, DECEMBER 31st, 1924. Assets. Current Assets: Cash on Hand and in Bank $ 204.64 Accounts Receivable 37,185.bi $ 37,390.25 Less Reserve for Bad a|c 5,204.03 Merchandise Assets: Raw Material - * 4,580 92 Jobs in Process.,... 4,575.uu Plant Assets: Real Estate and Building $ 43 ' 7 qq'kI Machinery and Equipment - 4 ^J^ Furniture and Fixtures - - *^'^ Delivery Equipment 867.5b $ 92,844.48 Less Reserve for Depreciation 4,852.56 Miscellaneous Assets: Insurance Prepaid * t™'™ Special Deposits - SoOOO Goodwill ■ 25,uuu.uu LOSS • Liabilities, Current Liabilities: Accounts Payable * ^f Loans Payable ■ ■ * ^^O.O Notes Payable - 00*17 Defense and Relief Fund s** 1 ' Capital Stock (Common) ■ -$ 2J00O.O0 (Preferred) 74,461.11 Mortgages Payable * ^lll Special Donations Received 9 llTo Reserve for Taxes - £™ ^ " Unfilled Subs . 2,498.88 $ 32,186.22 $ 9,155.92 $ 87,991.92 $ 26,275.00 15,059.22 $170,668.28 $ 39,464.94 $ 99,461.11 $ 31,742.23 $170,668.28 isr REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS, AND EXPENSES FROM JANUARY 1st T0 JUNE 27th, 1925. DAILY WORKER Subs $ 25,554.52 Dealers Sales , 10,111.67 Advertising Vl^n'i Total DAILY WORKER Sales * ,o R „ 9A DAILY WORKER Expense... ......... JZZ 25,673.33 * 8 ' 821 ' 24 Cost of Goods Sold 42,339.07 68,012.40 Lo SS on DAILY WORKER ^^JdlU WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales ? 2,452.27 I Dealers Sales 6,984.76 Advertising 1118 51 Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales.... . " $ 10 5S r , A WORKERS MONTHLY Expense _ 3)768 . 66 * ll >> 55 5.54 Cost of Goods Sold 7^835.98 11,604.64 Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY .... ~§ 1049 1Q Job Printing Sales... , 93,843.48 J 93,843.48 Ex P ense .... 2,767.04 Cost of Goods Sold 80,840.56 83,607,60 Profit on Job Printing , , ^^ Literature Sales and Merchandise $ 6,536.63 $ 6,536 63 and Merchandise Expense.... _. 2,976 75 Cost of Goods Sold ' 7 95.70 3,772.45 Profit on Literature and Merchandise $ 2 ,764 18 Rented Space Sales $ ^ Expense ••-■ 1,902.39 Loss on Rented Space. j 302~39 Donations Received ,. $ 2 7,788.47 SUMMARY OF PROFIT AND LOSS BY SALES DEPARTMENTS Loss from DAILY WORKER.. $ 29 191 16 " WORKERS MONTHLY ] ZZZ 1,049.10 Rented Space i(ti 302 39 TOTAL LOSS ^0,542.65 Profit from Job Printing $ i 0(2 35.88 Literature and Merchandise 2,764.18 TOTAL PROFITS $ 13,000.0^ Donations 27,788.47 $ 40,788.52 160 BALANCE SHEET, JUNE 27th, 1925. Assets. Current Assets: Cash on Hand and in Bank.. $ 100.00 Accounts Receivable - ..»•.. 42,243.45 S 42,343.45 Less Reserve for Bad a.\c 2,626.45 Merchandise Assets: Raw Material $ 4,309.56 Literature and Merchandise Stock... 4,266.17 Jobs in Process 2,714.81 Plant Assets: Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67 Machinery and Equipment . 46,021.02 Furniture and Fixtures --- 3,087.67 Delivery Equipment 867.56 $ 93,720.92 Less Reserve for Depreciation 8,030.94 Miscellaneous Assets: Insurance Prepaid $ 716.84 Special Deposits 375.00 Goodwill • 25,000.00 Deficit from 1924 Liabilities. Current Liabilities: Accounts Payable $ 9,375.50 Loans Payable , ». 20,419.54 Notes Payable - 7,900.42 Defense and Relief Funds 69.35 Accrued Payroll '. - 1.505.65 Capital Stock (Common).. 25,000.00 (Preferred) 74,566.11 Mortgages Payable 22,810.00 Special Donations Received ■ 3,088.03 Reserve for Unfilled Subs 2,237.82 Reserve for Taxes 630.28 Gain for Half Year 161 $ 39,717.00 $ 11,290.54 | 85,689.98 $ 26,091.84 15,059.22 $177,848.58 $ 39.270.46 $ 99,566.11 s,766.13 10,245.88 $177,848.58 REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS AND EXPENSES FOR PERIOD JUNE 28th TO AUGUST 1st, 1925. DAILY WORKER Subs... , _.j 3,529.65 Dealers Sales 1,656,52 Advertising W1M Total DAILY WORKER Sales % ^47 7* DAILY WORKER Expense ZZ 3,701.45 *'**'•'* Cost of Goods Sold 6*528.38 10,229.83 Loss on DAILY WORKER $ 4^68208 WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales $ 243.71 Dealers Sales 648.25 Advertising . . 120.00 Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales ... $ 1 oil w WORKERS MONTHLY Expense 700.78 ' * Cost of Goods Sold,... 2,052.78 2,753.56 Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY y 1,741.60 Job Printing Sales $ 16,179.29 $ 16,179.29 Expense 479.21 Cost of Goods Sold .... 15,888,35 16,367.56 Loss on Job Printing j lgg 27 Literature Sales $ 1,237.88 $ 1 237 88 Expense 397^5 Cost of Goods Sold 1,016.12 1,413.77 Loss on Literature , « j75 oq Rented Space Sales 3 2 55.00 $ 255.00 Expense 332.12 332.12 Loss on Rented Space $ gg j 2 SUMMARY BY DEPARTMENTS. Loss from DAILY WORKER $ 4,682.08 " WORKERS MONTHLY ., 1J41.60 " Job Printing Igg 27 Literature 175.89 " Rented Space eg 12 TOTAL LOSS ? 6,855.96 Donations 2 841 27 $ 4,014.69 162 BALANCE SHEET, AUGUST 1st, 1925. Assets. Current Assets: Cash on Hand and in Bank 9 100.00 Accounts Receivable *• 44,212.48 $ 44,312.48 Less Reserve for Bad a;c » 2,232.54 Merchandise Assets: Raw Material .. I 4,049.26 Literature Stock 3,955.58 Plant Assets: Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67 Machinery and Equipment...., 45,989.02 Furniture and Fixtures 3,087.67 Delivery Equipment „ 867.56 $ 93,688.92 Less Reserve tor Depreciation 8,560.67 Miscellaneous Assets: Insurance Prepaid $ 612.68 Special Deposits ■••*•••« 375.00 Goodwill • 25,000.00 Deficit from 1924 Liabilities. Current Liabilities: Accounts Payable • $ 8,784.09 Loans Payable ■ 14,152.17 Notes Payable • 16,870.37 Defense and Relief Funds 69.35 Accrued Payroll —• 3,282.38 Capital Stock (Common) f 25,000.00 (Preferred) . 74,591.11 Mortgages Payable ••••? 24,080.00 Special Donations Received 3,088,03 Reserve for Taxes * -»■• 696.94 GAIN • $ 42,079.94 $ 8,004,84 $ 85,128.25 $ 25,987.68 15,059.22 $176,259.93 $ 43,158.36 $ 99,591.11 $ 27,864.97 5,645.49 $176,259.93 163 BUDGET. (a) DAILY WORKER Weekly Budget: Wages $ 202.00 News Service 78.00 Rent, Light and Telephone 40.00 Supplies and Equipment 20.00 Telegrams 20.00 Photo Engraving 40.00 Miscellaneous 50.00 — — $ 540.00 Administrative: Wages $ 180,00 Supplies 40.00 Postage ...*. 150.00 Advertising, Etc 100.00 I 470.00 $ 1,010.00 Mechanical 1,630.00 $ 2,640.00 Income: Subscriptions $ 985.00 Dealers . 390.00 Advertising 120.00 -Donations 100.00 $ 1,595.00 $ 1,595.00 DEFICIT $ 1,045.00 ::: That is exclusive of special money raising campaigns. (b) WORKERS MONTHLY Budget: Income (Monthly) $ 1,740.00 Expense " 1,930.00 DEFICIT (Monthly) $ 190.00 Weekly Deficit < 45.00 Including DAILY WORKER Deficit 1,045.00 Total Deficit Weekly $ 1,090.00 (c) PRINTING PLANT (Including Daily Worker Publications of Daily Worker Publishing Company) : Sales ......$ 3,610.00 Expense ,. .....* 3,220.00 PROFIT $ aaoj)0 NET WEEKLY OPERATING DEFICIT | moo 164 RESOLUTION OF PARITY COMMISSION ON INCOMING CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. (Minutes of the Parity Commission, August 29.) Motion that the Central Executive Committee be constructed on the basis of an equal number from each group, with a neutral chairman. Motion that the number be ten from each side including two proletarians from each side. Motion that each side elect three candidates for the €. E. C. who participate with a. voice but no vote in all plenary sessions of the C. E. C. Motion that the District Executive Committees of New York. Philadelphia, and Cleveland be constructed on the basis of an equal number from eacli group. Motion that the C. E. C. member elected by the Y. W. L. National Executive Committee shall not disturb the parity character of the C. E. C. If the group which now has the Y. W. L. representative be in a minority in the Y. W. L. Convention, it will add an alternate to the C, E. C. to balance the Y. W. L. member. Motion that a control commission be elected consisting of two members from each side. This control commission to act as grievance committee as well as auditing committee. Motion that the representative of the C. 1. shall be given power by a resolution of the convention to participate in the C. E. C. meet- ings and to cast a deciding vote and to act as chairman. All motions accepted unanimously. P. Green Wm. Z. Poster J. P. Cannon Alex. Bittelman C. E. Ruthenberg Max Bedacht Jay Lovestone ELECTION OF THE C. E. C. The following were nominated for the Central Executive Com- mittee: Majority nominees: Abern, Bittelman, Burraan, Cannon, Dunne. Browder, Foster, Reynolds, Aronberg, with one to be elected by Y. W. L. Minority nominees: Ruthenherg, Gitlow, Bedacht, Engdahl, Ltove- stone, Ballam, Welnstone, Minor. White, Schmies. Motion: That the list of nominees make up the C. E. C. Unani- mously carried. The following candidates were nominated: Majority: Krumbein, Hathaway, Johnstone. Minority: Puro, Amter, Wolfe, 165 Motion: That these be elected. Unanimously carried. The following alternates were nominated: Majority: Manley, Swabeck, Olgin, Sullivan, Owens, Wagenknecht Gem z, O Flaherty, LoeJ>. Minority: Jakira, Kruse, Novak, Lifshitz, Bimba, Ashkenudse, Knutson, Henry, Kuzinich. Motion: To declare the nominees elected as alternates. Carried. The following nominations were made for the Control Commis- sion: Majority: Harrison George, Nels Kjar, Minority: D. J. Ben tall, Pelx Henzel. Motion: To declare the nominees elected as the Control Com- mission. Carried. RESOLUTION ON THE SIXTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA. Comrade Ruthenberg introduced the following resolution on the Sixth Anniversary of the formation of the Communist Party of America: The closing day of the Fourth National Convention of our Party falls on the sixth anniversary of the day on which our Party definitely split from the Socialist Party, and on the eve of the day of the forma- tion of the Communist Party. Thru six years our Party has held aloft the banner of Communism and the Communist International in the United States. Thru years of persecution, deportation and imprisonment our Party has stood firm and continued the struggle to revolutionize the American workers and mobilize them for a Communist Society in the United States. The Fourth National Convention marks a new epoch in the his- tory of our Party. It has taken the steps to clear our Party of right wing influence and tendencies and shown the way for the Bolsheviza- tlon of the Party. It has adopted a correct statement of principles and policy to guide the work of our Party. Our Party goes on from this convention to new and greater achievements for the revolutionary struggle of Communism. The Fourth National Convention calls upon all Party units here- after to celebrate this anniversary by holding of special mass meetings at which the history of our Party and its struggles in the interests of the workers shall be discussed and special efforts be made to draw into the Party the most advanced and militant workers of this country. LONG LIVE THE WORKERS COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMER- ICA. LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. Resolution adopted unanimously, 166 3 Pamphlets Most Important for Members of WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY OF AMERICA An Arsenal of Information about the Workers (Communist) Party of America. Resolutions, theses, the Party's constitution and declarations, adopted at the 4th National Convention, held in Chicago, 111., Aug. 21 to 30, 1925. Also letter on reorganization from the Communist International. The THREE pamphlets are absolutely indispensible to any member of the party. i THE FOURTH NATIONAL CONVENTION. Theses, resolutions, declarations, etc 50c 3. THE PARTY ORGANIZATION, with an introduction by Jay Lovestone, The letter on reorganization from the Communist International; the reorganization plan on shop nuclei basis; Ihr party's constitution, properly indexed; organizational charts, etc .15c FROM THE 3RD THROUGH THE 4TH CONVENTION. By C. E. Ruthenberg. A review of the developments of the party, the different stages 11 went through, a brief history of the controversies within the party on the Labor Party policy; Trotskyism, Loreism, cable from the Comintern to the National Convention, etc., etc. 10c Party branches and individual members should place their orders for these pamphlets at once. TO PARTY UNITS:.. In lots of 5 pamphlets each, at 50 cents per set. This offer cash only. Order from: Daily Worker Publishing Co M 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, III. A The Source of All Communist Literature The Daily Worker Publishing Co., in ad- dition to the publication of THE DAILY WORKER, the only English daily Communist newspaper in the world, publishes also the Workers Monthly— a Communist magazine. It has now taken over the Literature Depart- ment of the Workers (Communist) Party. It has drawn up an extensive program of new publicatons — including the Little Red Library — and translations and reprints of old classics of the revolutionary movement. The Daily Worker Publishing Co. is also agent for all foreign Communist and other labor publications. A full descriptive catalogue will be sent to you on request from "the source of all Communist literature in this country" The Daily Worker Publishing Co. 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, III.