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Full text of "The fourth national convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of America : Report of the Central Executive Committee to the 4th national convention held in Chicago, Illinois, August 21st to 30th, 1925 : resolutions of the Parity Commission and others."

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Workers (Communist) Party // 

of America // Zj$$^ 

i 



Held in Chicago, III. 
Aug. 21-30, 1925. 



Published by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. 



f , / 



THE DAILY WORKER 

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The Fourth 
National Convention 



of the 



Workers (Communist) Party of America 



Report of the Central Executive 
Committee to the 4th National Convention 
Held in Chicago, Illinois, August 21st to 30th, 1925 



Resolutions of the Parity Commission 
and others. 




PRICE 50 CENTS. 



Published by the 

DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 

1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., CHICAGO, ILL. 



>290 



LO 

eft 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Majority Report on Credentials , 4 

Minority Report on Credentials .. 4.5 

Rules or Order of the Convention.. 5„g 

Report of the Central Executive Committee 9-62 

(a) The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign .".. 9 

(b) The Election Campaign.. .'".""!.""!' 10 

(c) The Labor Party Campaign \ " 10-11 

(cl) United Front and Other Special Campaigns 10-14 

_(e) Trade Union, I. W. W., Ind. Unions, etc 14-16 

(f) Agrarian, Educational, Women's Negroes' and Anti- 
Imperialist Work , 16-21 

(g) Our Party Press 'ZZZlZllZZZZlZZi 21-23 

(h) Membership of Our Party !!.'."!!."."!!! 27-40 

(i) The Party Publications, Different Languages 41-42 

(j) Language Sections 43-51 

(k) Financial Statement of the National "6fflce:!'!!!!.7.!!!!!!!!!!!!52^62 

Majority Resolution on the Report of C. E. C 63-66 

Minority Resolution on the Report of the C. E. C Z.J6-70 

Majority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American Question.. .",...70-71 

Minority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American' Question 71-72 

The Present Situation and the Immediate Tasks of the Party.. ..73-81 

Instructions for Labor Party Campaign '1*81-86 

Resolution on Rolshevization of the Party 87-93 

Resolution on the Liquidation of Loreism ZZZZ.9M5 

Motion on the Expulsion of Lore from the Party 96-98 

The Industrial Work of the Workers (Communist) Party 99-108 

(a) Main Tasks of the Party in the Trade Unions '"" 101 

(b) Necessary Organizational Measures "102104 

(c) Shop Committees ._" " 104-105 

(d) Amalgamation and International * 105-106 

(e) Party Policies for Trade Union WorjL"!ZlZlZ..."l! 106-107 

The International Labor Defense Indorsed " "!l07~108 

Communist Agrarian Program and Policies ...!...."*.. ..109-114 

The Amerian Negro and the Proletarian Revolution '"mi2» 

(a) The Negro in American History. "" ' n*vA 

(b) Negro Race Movements ZZZZZZZ". 121-122 

Communist Work Among Women in the United States!.....! 124-127 

The American Communist Struggle Against Imperialism. 128-140 

Our Pledge to the Soviet Union 141-142 

Resolution on the Young Workers League ZZZZZZ.Z . 143-144 

Resolutions of the Appeals Committee.. "] ' i 45 .i 46 

Building of the Communist Press Z.Z.. 147-151 

Report of the Daily Worker, Financial, etcZZZZZZZZZZZZjS^im 
Election of the Incoming Central Executive CommitteeZ-!Z""!l67-168 



DO 



Q 



THE UNIVERSITY 
OF TEXAS 



Foreword 



The Fourth National Convention of the Workers 
(Communist) Party was held in Chicago from August 
21 to August 81, 1925. During the period of ten days 
the sixty-one delegates 'present debated the various 
questions of policy and tactics relating to the Party life 
and the development of a revolutionary movement of the 
workers against capitalism and the winning of the leader- 
ship of this movement by the Party. 

This pamphlet contains the reports submitted to the 
convention and the resolutions adopted by it. 

For a discussion of divisions ivhich existed within 
the party and the development of its policies the reader 
is referred to the pamphlet "From the Third Through the 
Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Commun- 
ist) Party- by C. E. Ruthenberg, the General Secretary 
of the Party. 



517553 



THE LIBRARY 

THE UN 1TY 

OF TEXAS 



CHAPTER I. 



MAJORITY REPORT ON CREDENTIALS 

S Pa t!ip T M?l the f eC nu- delesatious be seated from the San Francisco, 
S',,^ U i Clucago, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Buffalo, and New 
Haven districts, and also the delegates from the Y. W. L., the national 
office territory and the agricultural district. That the contested 
delegations from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Clevetand 
majority and minority, all be seated with voice and vote on the 
basis of Boston 3-3, New York 7-7, Philadelphia 2-2, Cleveland 3-3 

inchfdi 2 v w ?° mpositlon of *e contested D. E. C.'s be as follows, 
including Y. W. L. representatives and district organizers: 

Boston Maj 4 ° rity Minorit y 

New York 9 

Philadelphia 11"..."..."......!!!!.......'.' 7 ~ 

Cleveland s ' 

° 6 

3. An active campaign shall be carried on for the speedy reor- 

KnTnTom ^ 116 , Papty ' DeW eleCUOnS in theSe ^^tricts shal be 
held in from four to six months on the basis of the reorganized party. 

MAJORITY CREDENTIALS COMMITTEE MOTION 

ON ASKELI 

Tvn J 0ti011 that . Comrade -Askeli, who presented credentials from the 
SSHi S ? i ratern , al del6gate t0 the W ° rkers Part ^ convention 

invUe'd L def?n. a \% frat !? al d6legate and that Comrade Aske » be 
invited to defend before the convention, during the debate on the 

resolution regarding the liquidation of Loreism the position he has 
taken in his article published in the DAILY WORKER 
August 22, 1925, evening session. 

MINORITY REPORT ON THE CREDENTIALS 

On the basis of the report made on the elections in the districts 
Propo™ ° n credentials committee submits the following 

1. To seat in District No. 1 the three minority delegates elected 
by the convention, and the two majority delegates 

four'maSiSlei^tef 01 N °" * «" "^ min0rlty delegates and 

majonty^deKgato 1 ! **"* ^ ' ** ^ ^^ delegateS and ™ 

tested T ° S6at ^ D1StriCt N °' 4 the tW ° maj ' 0rity deIe S a tes, uncon- 



To seat in District Ne. 5 the three minority delegates, uncon- 

6 the three minority delegates and 



7 the two majority delegates and 
delegates and 



5. 

tested. 

& T© seat in District No. 
one majority. 

7. To seat in District No. 
one minority, uncontested. 

8. To seat in District No. 8 the five majority 
two minority. 

9. To seat in District No. 9 the five delegates as elected and un- 
contested. 

10. To seat in District No. 12 the three delegates elected, but 
to declare that the action of the chairman in ruling that the minority 
delegate could not be nominated was an unpermissable act. 

11. To seat in District No. 13 the two delegates and uncontested. 

12. To seat in District No. 15 the one delegate elected and 
uncontested. 

13. To seat the delegates elected for the National Office terri- 
tory, agricultural territory and Y. W. L., uncontested. 

14. To seat the fraternal delegates as submitted to the con- 
vention, with the exception of Comrade Fisher as a minority rep- 
resentative from the South Slavic Federation and Comrade Askeli 
from the Tyomies Publishing Association. 

In regard to Comrade Askeli to give him the floor under the dis- 
cussion of the liquidation of Loreism and to defend the position taken 
in his article by the Superior group before the convention. 

This decision in regard to the credentials carries with it a recog- 
nition of the district executive committee in District No. 1, as elected 
by the convention — nine for the minority and four for the majority. 
In District No. 2, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In 
District No. 3, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In 
District No. 6, ten for the minority and five for the majority. 






RULES OR ORDER OF THE CONVENTION 

I. Robert's Rules of Order shall govern the proceedings of the 
convention when not in conflict with these rules. 

II. The convention shall elect a chairman and vice-chairman at 
the beginning of each day's session. A secretary and assistant 
secretary to serve during the convention shall be elected. 

III. The convention shall elect the following committees: 

1. Credentials Committee of five members. 

2. Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the 
party of eleven members. 

3. Committee on Resolutions of seven members. 

4. Committee on Finance, 



(a) Credentials Committee shall consist of three repre- 
sentatiyes of the majority and two of the minority. 

(t>) Committee on constitution and reorganization of the 
party shall consist of eight representatives of the 
majority, and three of the minority. 

(c) The Committee on resolutions shall consist of five 
representatives of the majority and two representa- 
tives of the minority. 

(d) The Committee on Finance shall consist of Comrades 
Loeb, Ruthenberg, Wagenknecht, Tenhunen and 
Simons. 

IV. Order of Business of the convention shall be as follows: 

1. Election of Chairman and Vice-chairman 

2. Election of Secretary and Assistant Secretary. 

3. Election of Committees in the following order- 

(a) Credentials Committee of five members 

(b) Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the 
party, of eleven members. 

(c) Committee on Resolutions of seven members. 

(d) Committee on Finance. 
Report of the Central Executive Committee to be divided 



4. 
as follows: 



2. 



(a) Report on the Enlarged Executive Committee of the 
C. I. and on the American question. 
1. Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Cannon; to be 

given one hour and forty-five minutes for present- 
ation and thirty minutes for summing up at the 
close of debate. 

Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone- 
to be given one hour for presentation 

(b) Report on the Present Situation and the Immediate 
tasks of the Party and the Political Report of the 
L>. hi, c. 

1. Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Bittelman; 

to have one hour and forty-five minutes for 
presentation and thirty minutes for summing up 
after discussion. 

2. Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg- 

to have one hour for presentation. 

5. Report on the Labor Party Resolution. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty- 
five minutes to open and fifteen minutes to sum up 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg- 
thirty minutes for presentation. 

6. Bolshevization of the Party 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Cannon; one 
hour for report and thirty minutes for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Be(facht; thirty 
minutes for presentation. 



7. Liquidation of Loreism. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C. t Comrade Bittelman; one 
hour for presentation and thirty minutes for sum- 
ming up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Bedacht, who 
shall have thirty minutes for presentation. 

8. Industrial Work of the Party. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Foster, one hour 
and fifteen minutes for report and thirty minutes 
for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Gitlow; thirty 
minutes for presentation. 

9. Defense Work. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty 
minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for 
summing up. 

10. International Workers' Aid. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty 
minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes to 
sum up. 

11. Agrarian Report. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty- 
five minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for 
summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone; 
25 minutes for presentation. 

12. Negro Work. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Dunne; 1 hour for 
presentation and 20 minutes for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Minor; 30 minutes 
for presentation. 

13. Women's Work. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Bittelman; 30 min- 
utes for report and 10 minutes. for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg; 15 
minutes. 

14. Anti-imperialist Campaign. 

(a) Reporter for C. E. C, Comrade Gomez; 1 hour for 
report and 15 minutes for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Wolfe; 30 minutes. 

15, Soviet Russia. 

(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Harrison George; 
thirty minutes for presentation and ten minutes for 
summing up. 

16. Young Workers' League. 

(a) Reporter for the N. E. C, Comrade Williamson; 
forty-five minutes for presentation and fifteen min- 
utes for summing up. 

(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Kaplan; twenty- 
five minutes for presentation. 






17. Party Press. 

(a) On Editorial Phase of Press, Comrade Dunne; (for 
the C. E. C.h one hour for presentation and fifteen 
minutes for summing up. 

On Administration, Comrade Loeb; thirty minutes far 
presentation and ten for summing up. 

Language Press, Comrade Olgin, thirty minutes for pre- 
sentation and ten minutes for summing up 

(b) Reporter for Minority, Comrade Engdahl;' on Edi- 
torial Phase, thirty minutes for presentation 

Language Press, Comrade Lifshitz; fifteen minutes for 

presentation. 
Party Finance. 
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Ruthenberg- 

forty-five minutes for presentation. 
Report of Committees .in the following order* 

(a) Credentials Committee. 

(b) Constitution and Reorganization of the Party 

(c) Resolutions Committee. 

(d) Finance Committee. 
Election of the C. E. C. 
Adjournment of the convention. 

th* L, ^f 1 s * al * be limited t0 ten m ^utes for each speaker on 
the report of the C. E. a, the party policies, and the industrial work 
of the party and to five minutes for each speaker on all other points 
of the agenda. No speaker shall speak a second time while others 
who have not had the floor desire to speak. 

in *IL The ™ n 7 eMion sha11 °Pen at 11 a. m. each day and continue 
n session until 5 p. m., and then adjourn until 7 p. m. and remain 
in session from 7 p. m. until 11 p. m. 

r.« Q J^' f r011 Cal1 VOte may be deman <3ed by five delegates rep- 
resenting two or more districts. 



18. 



19. 



20. 
21. 



CHAPTER IT. 

REPORT OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
ON PAST ACTIVITIES 

The analysis of the political situation, external and internal, of 
our party and the immediate tasks are contained in the resolutions 
adopted unanimously by the Parity Commission and published in 
the party press. We give here a record of the concrete work of the 
party during the past twenty months. 

The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign. 

The first big political campaign carried on by the present C. E. C. 
was the struggle for the formation of a Farmer-Labor Party for the 
1924 elections. This campaign centered around the St. Paul con- 
vention which was held on June 17, 1924. The Party exerted all 
of its energy and resources in this fight and raised the issue thru- 
out the entire labor movement. The Party fought with all of its 
power to preserve the organizational independence of the Farmer- 
Labor movement and to prevent it falling into the hands of the 
petty bourgeois elements led by LaFollette. In the course of the 
campaign, meetings were held thruout the country, resolutions in- 
troduced into labor unions and farmers' organizations, local and dis- 
trict conferences of delegates were held, and all means of propa- 
ganda and agitation were put forth. The movement came to a 
climax at the St. Paul convention. There it became evident that 
the great mass of the semi-conscious workers and farmers, who had 
hitherto 'been giving a certain degree of support to the Farmer-Labor 
Party, had fallen under the influence of the LaFollette movement to 
the extent of deserting the St. Paul convention. The attempt to 
found a Farmer-Labor Party on a mass basis, therefore, did not 
succeed. The National Farmer-Labor Party, formed at the St. Paul 
convention, which nominated McDonald and Bouck for president and 
vice-president, was still-born. 

The sweep of the LaFollette movement was proof of the middle 
class ideology of the American masses. In its historical aspect, it 
demonstrated that the accepted leaders of the American masses are 
those who voice the small business men, the well-to-do farmers, the 
professional classes, and the upper layers of the labor aristocracy. 
With our immature labor movement, it was inevitable that the LaFol- 
lette movement would succeed in the presidential elections in swamp- 
ing the beginning of independent political action by the workers and 
poor farmers. It was the recognition of this -condition which brought 
our party to the mistake of the proposed third party alliance in an 
effort to preserve the organizational basis of the Farmer-Labor Party. 
In the given circumstances, and notwithstanding such mistakes as 
our party made, it was impossible to prevent the LaFollette move- 
ment from engulfing the Farmer-Labor Party movement. 






The W. P. National Election Campaign. 

evid f "7* 1 ?* July £} ^n^rence of the C. P. P. A., when it became 
evident that the politically unripe masses in the Farmer-Labor Party 
movement had deserted to LaFoIlette, we found it necessary to dis 
card the skeleton National Farmer-Labor Party and to launch the 
Workers Party into the national campaign under its own banner 
and with its own candidates for president and vice-president. Under 
the circumstances this was a difficult maneuver for our Party but 
it was accomplished without serious internal disturbance. This ac- 
tion was approved by the Comintern in it s resolution on the Ameri- 
can question. Our Party was the only party that waged the banner 
of the calss struggle in the face of the LaFoIlette movement As 
a consequence, and in spite of the small vote recorded, the Com- 
munist program was placed before thousands of workers The 
opportunist tendencies developed in the negation of the role of our 
party by many comrades, as a result of the complicated maneuvers 
and ^f J^r^ 01 " and LaFollette movements, were shown during 
and after the election campaign by the cold and unsympathetic atti- 

ln !i t - S ° me C0Dlrades toward the Party's first national effort in 
an election campaign. 

The Labor Party Campaign. 
Immediately after the election campaign, in the face of the 

menfThe Tf °p ^ '"T^" *™<" by the LaFoIlette move- 
^nl * ,"„ ^ C - P r °P° sed that the use of the Farmer-Labor Party 
thaf ?hf °r V e r dlSC ° ntinUed £ ° r the imme «iate future. The charge 
iepV th E e ^Xt^ ^S^Wo TrS o'n 

ttSSZSSX Minnesota Labor party where the m ™ 

After the party discussion conducted in the press and in mem- 
bership meetings, the Comintern rendered a decision which sharpTy 
corrected the mistakes of both the majority and minority groups 'and 
pointed out clearly the basic error of attempting to form a labor" 
party upon any other foundation than that of tL mass organfza- 
ion of the workers. The decision of the Communis? Intemationi 
fully substantiated the fundamental conception which anTma ed the 
present majority of the C. E. C. in the long controversy over thP 
Federated Farmer-Labor Party and the August ilesilZ the con- 
elusion of the majority that the LaFoIlette movement had captured 
the mass sentiment of the semi-conscious workers during the last 
election campaign. The decision also corrected the erroi wMcVde 
veloped in the proposal of the majority of the C. E. c to temporarilv 
discontinue the labor party campaign tempoianly 

quesSnTh? C^E ^T* °* ft Cominte ™ °» the labor party 
question tne C. E. C. has carried on an active campaign for the 
labor party It elaborated a complete program for thi ? work wh ch 
was adopted unanimously later on by the Parity Commission This 
program was immediately applied in connection wST the conven 
tion of the Pennsylvania Labor Party, at which, although tlTcon- 



10 






vention was called on a week's notice, we had present a dozen dele- 
gates fighting for our conception of a Labor Party. In New York 
City, our members, under the direction of the Party, participated in 
the so-called Labor Fusion Conference under the slogans "For a 
United Labor Ticket" and "For a Labor Party." In this New York 
campaign, it was necessary for the C. E. C. to overrule the decision 
of the local committee proposing to drop the slogan "For a United 
Labor Ticket" and to criticise the nature of the propaganda leaflet 
issued which failed to sufficiently stress the revolutionary implica- 
tions of our program for immediate demands. In the Tri-District 
Anthracite Convention, a labor party resolution was introduced and 
adopted. In many local unions and other labor bodies, labor party 
resolutions have been carried. 

Other Election Campaigns. 

The party carried on a number of other election campaigns 
which were quite effective, especially those in Los Angeles, Michi- 
gan and Minneapolis. The vote cast in Los Angeles for the leading 
Communist candidate was 26,000, in Michigan our candidate received 
7,000 votes; and in Minneapolis, 1,800. All these campaigns were 
carried out on a clear cut Communist program. 



OTHER UNITED FRONT AND SPECIAL PARTY CAMPAIGNS. 

Since the last convention, the party has made extensive and 
successful use of the united front tactic in many campaigns, as 
well as the campaign for the labor party. Among the most import- 
ant of these should be mentioned the following: 

Save Lanzutsky From the Polish White Terror. On the occa- 
sion of the trial of Comrade Lanzutsky in Poland, our party, thru its 
Polish section, organized united front committees in a dozen cities 
for protest meetings and demonstrations, in addition to the demon- 
strations organized directly by the party before the Polish embassy 
in Washington and the Polish consulates in six cities. The cam- 
paign generally focused the attention of the labor movement on 
the Polish white terror, and roused intense resentment among the 
workers against it and brought especially the Polish workers closer 
to the party, effectively breaking the isolation from which our Polish 
movement had hitherto suffered. 

Anti-Abramovitch Campaign. The attempt of Raphael Abram- 
ovitch, an emissary of the Second International, on his visit to the 
United States to mobilize sentiment among the Jewish workers 
against Soviet Russia, was the occasion for an especially successful 
series of demonstrations against the Second International, for Soviet 
Russia, and for International Trade Union Unity. Abramovitch's mis- 
sion to the United States was completely defeated, and his meetings, 
instead of mobilizing workers against Soviet Russia, were turned 
into monster demonstrations in favor of Soviet Russia. The success 

11 




of this campaign would have been even more complete but for re- 
sistance within the Party, such as in Boston, where there wa s a re- 

it^of a m Steeir am ° VitCh ' S ""**" "" «* Mi ™™ 
Unemployment. The Party has carried on an extensive camnaten 
^rlT mPl0 / m : nt - A Pamphlet containing also the parS p ro 
fn ^. i„ 6 - SUbje f 7f S distribute <i to the number of 20,000 copies, 
set tw C ° al ^ a SyStem ° f ™»Ployment councils was 

set up. These were declared to be dual unions by the Farrington 

oX TJf I ™\ br0ken UP " Unem Ployment, is at present acute 
only m certain sections, and in industries like coal. The Partv has 
definite y established its program among its own members which is 
the best preparation for future periods of mass unemployment. 

of r£°™ J^ Vni0 " Unity - This issue wa s made a central slogan 
of the anti-Abramovitch campaign. At about the same time the 
news of the British delegation to Soviet Russia became available 

ruooortTf ^ eaV1 ! y 'r'p red iQ a " the Party preSS - Solutions in 
support of the Anglo-Russian Unity Commission were introduced 

SSS . m e ^° T Uni ° DS ' reCeivillg mucb su PP°rt, including the 
of Zt JT V6 ? tl0n ° f the Ca P raakers ' Union, and large numbers 
of miners local unions. Thru our influence an American edition of 
the British delegation report is being issued and the report s also 
being published serially in the DAILY WORKER. 

with A thp" C Y ' w L T ab r Campa / Sn - This campaign conducted jointly 
with the Y W. L. m connection with the issue of the constitutional 
amendment affectively educated many thousands of workers on the 
nJi H° na 7 '!f Cati ° ns ° f the reaI fi S ht t0 end the child labor evil 
3E nth" ° f PUbUC meetmgS W6re held ' man ^ of them in conjunction 
SabMsheJ °™ uatu !?"' ?' S ° me United front oommittees were 
established The rapid action of the legislators in defeating the 
amendment dampened mass interest in the agitation before the or- 
ganizational side of the campaign had been fully developed The 
campaign was on the whole of great value. 

to c^ltf/nHon 6 7 + ? r0UCh and TrumbuM - Our P^ss was the first 
Ztll n I ^'^ Amencan workers to the persecution of Pri- 

recefvedT5rr d vr rUmb ^ 1 -. The HaWaIian labor movement also 
received its first inklings of the persecution by the DAILY WORKER 

and was moved to the defense of these comrades by our agRatfon 
ourTnU, k S Sen " ment a S a mst the persecution was aroused through 
our initiative with the result that the sentences of forty years wefe 

lass^;^* carapaign successfuiiy a-KTSL™ 

Campaign Against Wage Cuts. Our campaign against the wage 
cutting epidemic, especially in the textile industry, which iw i caSS 
out under the slogan "Strike Against Wage Cuts/ Was espZZ'ylllu- 
able and effective, 300,000 leaflets containing the Party manifesto 
were distributed in a few weeks, and, as a result, Party members 
and organizers played a considerable result in the strike wTvTS 

12 



developed. The tendency to accept these wage cuts without a fight 
was sharply checked and the influence of the Communists and the 
left wing was strengthened. 

Campaign For Soviet Russia. The campaign for Soviet Russia 
has been practically a continuous one, entering into almost every 
other campaign of the party. In the presidential election it was 
heavily stressed, as well as in the Abramovitch and World Trade 
Union Unity campaign, the anti-imperialist work and the "Hands 
Off China" campaign. The report on Russia of the British trade 
union delegation occupied a prominent place in meetings, agita- 
tion, and publications. The entire party press has carried continu- 
ous 'streams of news, articles, and pictures of life in Soviet Russia, 
as well as the position of Russia in the world situation. This work 
requires, however, more systematic and intense cultivation now than 
ever before. 

Lenin Memorial Meetings. The greatest mass demonstrations 
organized by our Party were the Lenin memorial meetings. In 1925, 
these were more imposing and widespread than even those of 1924. 
In New York meeting packed Madison Square Garden with 15,000 
persons, and many thousands more were turned away. Other cities 
were in proportion. These meetings were made the beginning of 
wide-spread and systematic distribution of Lenin's work. More 
than 100,000 workers directly participated in these demonstrations. 

Sun Yat Sen Memorial Meetings. The memorial meetings on 
the occasion of the death of Sun Yat Sen brought the American 
movement for the first time into actual co-operation with the Chinese 
masses in America. These meetings organized from coast to coast 
were the first occasions in America where white, yellow, and black 
workers represented their separate organizations, spoke from the 
same platform and delivered the same message— the struggle against 
imperialism. 

Anti-Imperialist Week. This campaign in the week ending July 
4th, was organized thru the All-American Anti-Imperialist League 
with the Latin-American parties, and was expected to stress the 
fight against imperialism in Latin-America. The occurrence of the 
revolutionary upheaval in China, however, placed the Far East in 
the foreground, and the campaign was conducted under the slogans 
-Hands Off China," and "Stand by Soviet Russia." In almost every 
city meetings and street demonstrations were held with great 
success. In dozens of meetings the W. P. had the active co-opera- 
tion of speakers and representatives from Kuomintang, as well as 
Filippinos, Hindus, Negroes, and Latin-Americans. 

Anti-Religious Training Campaign. Our campaign against religi- 
ous training in the schools reached great masses of workers. In New 
York the campaign was carried into the schools, and in Ohio into 
both the schools and unions. In some districts, as many as 100,000 
anti-religious leaflets were distributed. 






517553 



paign and counter-meetings whirh J2L2 , y by a press cam " 
TRADE UNION WORK. 

^oi h L^L:\:?:vT"?z ** co r unists * the ^ 

last convention of the Par v i^nl t ^ JUSt Previous to the 

had been caused by the coninn^ T^ overcome - That isolation 
Our break with the progre s lve an. ^ PI " inCiPal factors: < a > 
the ,abor p arty splitsTl" and 192 T^J^T* Si™™'* ta 
great strike movements of 1922 and ££' whth tefl the fr!T °* ** 
weakened and defeated an, u.\ ^ wnicn lett the trade unions 

the left wing carrTed ou t bv hi b^Jf™ 1 ^ ° f ex P ulsi °«* against 
collaboration program ThP b™ bureaucrac y a « a part of its class- 
labor party c^Sit Jl^Zrt Z^ °' "" amal S ama "on and 
trial movements of that n P S and 192 ,, 3 came ou t of the mass indus- 
feated the am% s l^tLZ\^r I f ^ movemen ts were de- 
defeat, as well i the noht^, tfl P ty movemen ts reflected this 
them up. The oroad sween of T*™* ^^ Checked and bro ^ 
regained, but instead hundreds of honTT' 1 ? *** mt yet been 
have been enlisted unde ^ the leadership T t £ "J*™™* Workers 
movement in the trade unions hS'.Sjj deep roo^s ThelS; ° Ur 
is now entering- unon * T.o« r ™ ■ ^ f r °ots. i he left wing 

The outstanding^, amTg Zn" o^LTTL^ achi ~t 
which we are entering may be cftea as Sow' "" Pen ° d tat ° 

Miners. The tremendous vote cast fnr tr, Q r> 
dates in the national miners' election e „d of W24 ITZT T^ 
corrupt Lewis machine tn , ft „«t " 1 924, wnich forced the 

votes of the unTon for the Pn™ ? ** ° ne ' third 0f the total 

violated the constLtL of the JnlnT ?° faCt th&t Lewis has 

lated report of the votes rive, ,/ refUSiDS t0 Publish a tab «' 

miners that the Communists wr aJ ?, UPP ° rt to the claim of the 
The magnificent st™S of th HlSl *S eleCt6d aDd COunted «*• 
ton machine, during a Period llf mmerS agalnst the Farr ^g- 
that is almost wfthou ^cedent mP ^7* in ^ mi ^ng industry 
masses of miners in Illinofq »~ « * father development. The 
leadership of the prog ss ve forc^ an , ^^ nnder the ide °>osical 
tallization of the left wing s S r "„ Pr ° Per or ^ational crys- 
bureaucratic machine The Z ™> prom f es soon to break the 
machine in open allfance witl the ^ k'k ''tb"^- '^ Farringt ° n 
the state machinery, as witnes ed by ^he kilHn^T^ T^ 1 " 8, *?* 
miner in Zeigler but a week as-o an, 7h J g ° f a Com munist 

on the orders of a FarSSoHi^ "^tV™***" ^^ 
voiding miners continue to mwTn n!l the ranks of the ™- 

fare is proof of the vital£ 7^" efi^ ^m^nf «* ~ 

gether ff SST Jf? Z £ 7* * "^ ***« 'o- 
which reached its high^ M^^?S^^ 

14 



Wagenknecht and McCarthy from the Scranton convention in 1923. 
In the Tri-District Convention just held, a number of resolutions of 
the left wing program were adopted. Extensive preparations have 
now been made by-the C. E. C. in anticipation of the proposed strike 
of the anthracite miners. 

Machinists. In this important industry also a strong left wing is 
in process of formation, and is being forged in an exceedingly bitter 
struggle with the Johnston machine. Here we have a striking vindi- 
cation of the Bolshevik tactics followed by the C. E. C. against oppo- 
sition of both the minority and the Loreites in the party. Support- 
ing and at the same time criticising the opposition group which 
fights against Johnston and supports some of the left wing planks, we 
have rallied enough strength to elect Anderson over Johnston and 
when Johnston stole the election, to swing this progressive block into 
a. real struggle to break the Johnston machine. Out of the struggle 
is being born a large and solid left wing movement. 

Carpenters. Another magnificent battle that demonstrated the 
growing maturity of the left wing is in the Carpenters' Union. 
This, one of the most reactionary unions, saw a left wing organized 
for the first time in its last elections where, with so-called pro- 
gressives also in the field, the Communist candidate polled 10,000 
votes. The attempts of Hutcheson to destroy the left wing by ex- 
pelling and suspending left wing militants led, in Detroit, to a pro- 
tracted struggle in which the left wing has been victorious for more 
than half a year in the face of the bitterest kind of attacks by the 
union officials in alliance with police, the courts, and in the last 
weeks, the state constabulary. No£ even the use of state power 
against the carpenters' left wing has been able to dislodge them from 
their solid support in the membership. 

Needle Trades, In this industry the isolation of the left wing 
was first felt, the ensuing struggle was the sharpest, and the final 
break-thru against the bureaucrats has been the most dramatic. The 
left wing has rallied the masses behind it in the I. L. G. W. U. in 
one of 'the greatest inner-union struggles seen in America, which has 
been in an acute stage for more than two months. During the course 
of this fight the workers have rallied at demonstrations, at the call 
of the left wing, in numbers as high as 30,000; while Perlstein and 
Feinberg, two notorious Communist baiters, were forced to resign 
their positions. This struggle has been considerably hampered by 
opportunistic tendencies among the left wing leaders. In the Fur- 
riers' Union, the left wing has come back from its isolation, and 
taken nine-tenths of the membership from under the control of the 
Kaufman machine, which now holds the empty bag of the discredited 
International office. In other sections of the needle trades, to a 
lesser degree, the same kind of progress is being made. 

In various other unions, the steel workers, painters, barbers, etc., 
the left wing has succeeded in delivering telling blows against the 
reactionary machines and in enlisting the support of the organized 

15 






icy of the reactionaries ^ducted against the expulsion pol- 

progresfis^be reSETn brtLT ? the l ^ W ' considerable 
body against the nTlnteTnationSlJ ^ ^ ^ d ™* of that 
the Communists. Thi s has been dl l^f "£ c °-°P era «on with 
the Red International Affiliation cZS 7 *? ? 6 aCtiTities ° f 
tively into all the current ^esUon^otZTl' WW ^ T ^ f " 
tionary advice and encourage™ pi^ Q «ViT if' ' glven lts re ™lu- 
tion more and m^^^STmSb^^ a —' 1 *? 
overcome past prejudices. The decisive sLT? v ' aS t0 

splitting tactics and court injunctions o? thf J ° agaI " St the 

materially in this respect. More progress L to hT n gl '° UP helped 
year than in all the years orevionflv f» I 6 Seen in the P ast 

the militants in the I W w mhs "b ?™ TL^™'* advice that 
completely unified Ameri^r, n ° t0 Commumsn i before a 

established. American Communist movement could be 

to a ot n ^:rZ e t?at^TT nt Uni ° DS ' the Par ^ has »»een forced 
tions CTiwSK. ^^ thGSe inde P en ^nt organiza- 
wing, and even Ttec ted s^Vr? ?T S U £ Within the left 
unions serve needs of 1 T * Darty ' These ^dependent 

the C. E. rand C wa y s **£^£P ^l?*!*. C ™ d 5 
successfully combatted in otw 552" a- tendenci es have been 
mediate fufureTs the estabSh^eS S' A , principal task of the im- 
independent unions as to t^ ^T* connecti ous between the 

action. ° Make P0SSlble «°«ormity of policy and 

the pfrtv^in^ T*- , ^ t&Sk ° f educatin S the membership of 
LeninTsut ha TleTlfZ Z^ti™ l Co1 ™^ of Itatam- 
Before the last conveS, * I + * the PaSt eighteen m °nths. 
Pletely abLS from [he ^ y X e "T edUCatlonal ™* *« corn- 
been made, but thta biiX- h» B ^! n J now onI y a beginning has 

achievements Hundreds of , t n/ ^V* ?* W&Y t0 mUCh greatei> 
district circuit lecture coul 2 ° **. have been fo ™^ four 
dozen cities wit ^ ten lecture? elch' thTw ? r °? 8 ? C ° Vering two 
has been finally consolidated ? ,,S' ? Work ^s' School in N. Y. 
for Communist eduSf&e Neg o Sn^T , M M inst ™* 
for the intensive Instruction of J^^^SX^Z^^ ta 
and the two weeks f„n H mfl c< , s \ u . WOI ^ er& tor tne labor congress; 
the tremendouT^ ln Chk5ag0 this S *>™S ^owed 

lines in the f u urT A toMeL i f^r^^^ SCh ° 01 0n the sa ^ 
uiure. a problem m further extension of this work is 

16 



the publication of Lenin's principal works, many of which are not 
yet available in English. 

Membership Campaigns. During its term of office the Central 
Executive Committee was animated by a keen realization of the 
necessity of following up the various party activities with work to 
recruit new members into our party. To this end a number of or- 
ganization campaigns were carried out. A certain amount of suc- 
cess attended these. The Party needs, however, strengthening in 
this respect. The comrades must realize the necessity for carrying 
on active and constant work to bring into our Party those proletarian 
elements whose support we win in our various campaigns and who 
are ideologically ripe enough for rapid development into real Com- 
munists. In all our activities, we must keep constantly before our 
eyes the task of building the Workers Party into a mass Communist 
Party. 

Agrarian Work. Since our last convention our Party has taken 
the first important steps toward systematic Communist activity among 
the agrarian population. The Party has subsidized an agrarian de- 
partment, keeping two organizers in the field during the entire per- 
iod and publishing during a part of 1924 an agricultural paper. Sev- 
eral agricultural branches of the Party have been established. The 
first Communist legislator in America has been elected in an agrar- 
ian district, when Comrade Miller was elected to the legislature of 
South Dakota, running as a Communist on the Farmer-Labor ticket. 
The party has further laid the basis for future work along correct 
Communist lines by being instrumental in having American repre- 
sentation at the First International Peasants* Congress in 1924 and 
at the enlarged executive in 1925. The Party controls and publishes 
in New York Mills, Minn,, in the center of the great wheat growing 
district an agricultural paper in the Finnish language, which has 
suceeded in creating a basis for the Party among the farming ele- 
ments speaking that language, and which played an important part 
in our Farmer-Labor campaign. 

Women's Work. The resolution of the Parity Commission on 
Women's Work has finally clarified this problem for our Party, cor- 
recting the errors of both groups, and laying the basis for Com- 
munist mass organization activity, among the masses of women in 
America. Especially does it clearly indicate the line to be followed 
in our basic work among proletarian women. Carrying on Com- 
munist work among women is as yet in its infancy so far as our 
party is concerned. Only the smallest beginnings have as yet been 
made. This is an especially difficult field for Communist activity, 
but one to which close attention must be paid. Our party must de- 
vote more attention to this essential branch of Communist activity. 

Negro Work. The C. E. C. has given much of its attention to 
the work among the American Negro masses. A Negro comrade was 
sent to the Fifth Congress after which the C. E, C. authorized him to 
stay there for training. A special sub-committee of the C. E. C. 

17 



was elected to supervise our work. A Negro farmer was also sent 
as a delegate, to the recent congress of the Peasant International. 

In accord with the instructions of the Communist International, 
most of our work has been carried on in connection with the Ameri- 
can Negro Labor Congress. A two weeks' school for Negro com- 
rades and sympathizers was conducted in Chicago, with courses on 
the history of the American Negroes, on the national colonial ques- 
tion, and party organization, which was designed to equip them for 
the preliminary work for the congress and its convention period. A 
number of leaflets dealing with the problems of the Negro masses 
and popularizing the slogans' for the congress have been distributed. 
Two numbers of a special organ with a total circulation of 15,000 for 
agitation among the Negro workers and farmers have been pub- 
lished. A united front national committee for the American Negro 
Labor Congress has been organized. Leading Negro comrades have 
been toured thru the industrial centers with large Negro popula- 
tion and many successful meetings held. 

Party sub-committees for work among the Negroes have been 
set up throughout the Party and it has been the policy of the C. E. C. 
to have the work among the Negro masses done as far as possible 
by Negro comrades. A special organizer has been sent into the 
South and a number of local united front congress committees es- 
tablished. A special trade union committee for establishing contact 
with organized Negro workers has been set up. 

In the trade unions, our comrades have introduced resolutions 
endorsing the American Negro Labor Congress. Resolutions call- 
ing for the abolition of all discrimination against Negro workers in 
the trade unions, have been introduced by our Communist fractions 
and as in the Machinists' Union of Chicago, have succeeded in rais- 
ing the issue of racial discrimination in the entire organization. 

Press service has been established, which is sent regularly to 
the Negro and labor press in the United States. 

The C. E. C. has sent out a questionnaire, to a number of Negro 
workers, Party and non-party, and will select a limited number who 
will be sent to the Far Eastern University in Russia to fit themselves 
for Leninist work among their race in the United States, and its 
colonies. 

At the coming congress, it is hoped to have as delegates, a num- 
ber of Negro comrades who will be able to direct the activities of 
the congress along the lines that will enable it to become a mass 
organization in which our Party can work and establish contact 
with the Negro workers, farm laborers, and farmers. 

Labor Defense. The Labor Defense work of the party has cen- 
tered largely upon the appeals of the cases of Comrades Ruthen- 
berg and Gitlow, Our efforts in the former case have succeeded 
in delaying action on the part of the supreme court, whereas the 
appeal in the Gitlow case has resulted in a temporary defeat. The 
other cases which include the long-standing Michigan defendants, 









the numerous deportation cases of Kannasto, Zinich, Weideman 
and others, and the almost daily necessity of defending our street 
and hall speakers, form the bulk of energy extended to this work. 
The party has, moreover, supported the movement which re*- 
suited in the amalgamation of the Labor Defense Council into the 
much larger and more influential International Labor Defense This 
victory for working class defense has already brought a great deal of 
response from workers and working class organizations throughout the 
country. Appeals for aid from all sections of the labor movement 
have already proved not only the need for such a non-partisan labor 
defense organization but also the swiftly growing popularity that it 
is having among the workers of all political opinions. Every effort 
must be made by the lower and higher party units to help the In- 
ternational Labor Defense to become a real mass organization reach- 
ing into the deepest working class soil and forming a body of work- 
ing class support around the revolutionary movement. 

Anti-Imperialist Work. The Fifth Congress of the Comintern 
severely criticised nearly all the Communist Parties in the imperial- 
ist countries for not carrying on a sufficiently energetic campaign 
against imperialism. 

Under the present C. E. C. the Workers Party of America has 
for the first time made anti-imperialist work one of its basic activi- 
ties. The outstanding feature of our work against American imper- 
ialism is that it has entered the field of active practical co-operation 
with the oppressed peoples of American imperialism, the most im- 
portant step in this connection being the successful organization of 
the All-America Anti-Imperialist League. 

In January of this year a sub-committee was elected by the C. 
E. C. which assumed charge of all the anti-imperialist activities of 
the Party. This committee prepared material for campaigns, fur- 
nished articles on imperialism for the Party press, drew up manifes- 
toes and leaflets, and was the medium through which the party co- 
operated with anti-imperialist organizations in Latin-America Mani- 
festoes were issued to the Cuban Labor Congress held at Havana, 
to the International Marine Transport Workers' Convention held at 
New Orleans, several manifestoes to the Mexican workers and to 
the Filippinos, a special May Day manifesto to the workers of 
Latin-America, a manifesto in connection with the Tacna-Arica 
affair— and other manifestoes and leaflets which will be referred to 
later on. 

Direct contact with Mexico was maintained -throughout the per- 
iod, through the visits of Comrades Johnstone, Gomez, and Lovestone to 
Mexico and through steady correspondence. Comrade Wagenknecht vis- 
ited the Philippines and established connections there. Correspond- 
ence connections were also established, with greater or less success, 
with practically every country in Latin-America, as well as with 
Hawaii and the Philippines. Through our activities five Filipino dele- 
gates were secured for the International Transport Conference in 
Canton, for which our Party was commented by the Comintern. 



Our party has carried on a consistent campaign, both in this 
country and in Latin-America, against the "labor imperialism" of 
the so-called Pan-American Federation of Labor. Comrade John- 
stone attended the convention of the P. A. F. of L. at Mexico City, 
in November of last year, and co-operated with the Mexican Party in 
its strategy in connection with this convention. 

Comrade Gomez was sent to Mexico in April of this year and 
attended the convention of the C. P. of Mexico as fraternal dele- 
gate from our Party. During this visit plans for joint action of the 
Mexican Central American and United States parties against im- 
perialist policies of the P. A. F. of L. were adopted. 

Our Party was largely instrumental in the establishment of the 
All-America Anti-Imperialist League, which although organized only 
a few months ago and still in its initial stages, has aroused a real 
response in Latin-America, despite the miserably small funds which 
we were able to put into this work. The All-America Anti-Imperial- 
ist League was endorsed by the Comintern and the Proflntern. 

The league is a non-partisan international organization admitting 
to affiliation all groups in the Americas willing to take up the fight 
against American imperialism. It aims to give driving force and 
centralized expression to the national liberation movements in Latin- 
America, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, etc., in alliance with the 
movement of this country. 

The All-America Anti-Imperialist League has a special secretar- 
iat located in Mexico City, under whose supervision the monthly 
Spanish language organ of the league, which has now published five 
issues, is edited, as well as special manifestoes, leaflets, etc. Our 
party has contributed towards defraying the expenses of the monthly 
magazine El Libertador and towards other expenses of the Mexico 
City secretariat, but lack of funds has made it impossible to give 
adequate support in this respect. 

A regular section of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League has 
been formed in Cuba, with Julio Antonio Mella as secretary, and is 
extremely active, holding mass meetings, lectures, etc. Labor, peas- 
ant, and student organizations in Costa Rica, Panama, Salvador, and 
Peru have affiliated with the league, but no regular sections have 
been formed in those countries as yet. Contacts have been es- 
tablished with some of the foremost intellectuals of Latin-America, 
who are supporting the league and writing for its monthly organ. 

At the suggestion of our Party, the league sent out the call for the 
observance throughout America of "Anti-Imperialist Week" (June 29 
to July 4), calling upon all anti-imperialist organizations in special 
literature, to conduct mass meetings, hold demonstrations in front of 
American consulates and embassies, etc. Our party published a spe- 
cial leaflet for Anti-Imperialist Week and actively co-operated in its 
observance. 

Tentative plans are already being laid, also at the suggestion 
of our Party, for an All-America Anti-Imperialist congress to be held 
at Buenos Aires some time next year. 

20 



In connection with the imperialist outrages in China, our party 
has consistently exposed the part of American imperialism in them 
and has tried to develop active protest among the workers in this 
country. We have issued the slogans: "Withdrawal of all American 
iroops and war ships from the Far East," "Abdication of all special 
privileges in China," etc. A large number of "Hands off China" meet- 
ings have been held throughout the country. A special feature of these 
meetings being that we connected them with the slogan of "Stand 
by Soviet Russia." These meetings were uniformly successful, roused 
our own members to the importance of anti-imperialist work, en- 
abled us to reach thousands of workers who would have been other- 
wise uninterested, and helped us to establish contact with Chinese liv- 
ing in this country. As a result of our propaganda in the Party press 
and from platforms, we have established friendly relations with or- 
ganizations of Chinese in almost all big cities of the country, es- 
pecially with local organizations of the Kuomintang Party. Our 
speakers have been invited to address their meetings and they 
have furnished speakers for our meetings. 

In a number of places, Chinese are applying for admission to 
our party. One of our important tasks in the field of anti-imperial- 
ist work is to create local sections of the All-America Anti-Imperial- 
ist League, with affiliations of Chinese, Filippinos and Latin-Ameri- 
cans resident in this country. Contacts already secured form a 
basis from which we can proceed with good possibilities of success. 

In all our anti-imperialist work, we have persistently raised the 
slogan of unconditional independence for all American colonies, 
withdrawal of American troops from Latin-American soil, etc. 

From the foregoing brief summary, it will be seen that while 
theoretical education has not been neglected, our activity on the 
anti-imperialist field has not been merely academic but has brought 
the Workers Party of America into the forefront of the actuai 
struggle against American imperialism. We intend to continue along 
this line in the future. A beginning in anti-imperialist work has at 
last been made. However, we must devote much more attention to 
this from now on. 

Our Party Press. Our daily organ, the Daily Worker, is the 
center of our press. The C, E. C. has tried to and has 'had consider- 
able success in connecting our organ with the campaigns of the 
Party and the Trade Union Educational League. 

It has been the policy of the C. E. C. for district organizations 
engaged in special campaigns against child labor, wage cuts, in- 
junctions, cossack bills, etc., to have special articles and news stories 
dealing with some phase of the campaign printed and the issues con- 
taining the articles used by the district or cities in general distribu- 
tion. In this way the Daily Worker is used both as a weapon against 
the capitalists, and as an agitational organ. Special distributions, 
as in the automobile industry of up to 20,000 copies at a time, have 
been based on special conditions of labor and the demands of the 
workers in the industry in our anti-imperialist campaign, the organ 

21 



of. the Party has specialized on various phases of imperialism and 
dealt in detail with its consequences for the American working- class. 

In the mining industry, the Daily Worker has been used 
with telling effect in conventions of the union, election campaigns, 
and in the struggles of the miners against the bosses, the bureau- 
cracy, and the state. The same is true in the Carpenters, Machin- 
ists, and Needle Trades Unions. 

The press service containing special articles is sent to all the 
language press, and altho the centralization of this portion of our 
press is not yet an accomplished fact, it has been drawn into the 
general campaigns of the Party more than ever before. 

The Daily Worker has organized a staff of Worker Corre- 
spondents that give our daily press a more proletarian character 
than ever 'before. It is a fact that almost two-thirds of the news 
carried by our daily organ is written by Party and non-party worker 
correspondents. The extension of this work of our press is being 
carried on rapidly. At present some seventy-five worker correspond- 
ents are listed and in the next year it is hoped to increase this 
number to 250. 

The publication and distribution of the Party literature has been 
centralized under the management of and in connection with the 
Daily Worker. This has resulted in the sale and distribution 
of much larger amount of literature than our Party has heretofore 
been able to dispose of. The Little Red Library has proven espe- 
cially popular and in the short time since its publication began, its 
sales and orders amount to some 20,000 copies. 

The Workers' Monthly has made its place in the field of Com- 
munist literature and has a circulation in excess of the former com- 
bined circulation of the Liberator, Labor Herald, and Soviet Russia 
Pictorial. As in the case of the Daily Worker, the C. E. C. has 
endeavored to link up each issue of the Workers' Monthly with some 
special campaign of the Party. 

Our English language press does not suffer from the depart- 
mentalization criticised by the Comintern as existing in some other 
parties. The staffs of these publications are closely connected with 
the life of the Party through membership on the leading and lower 
Party committees and the Central Executive Committee has striven 
to maintain and strengthen these connections. 

The multiplicity of language organs of our Party makes the 
problem of centralization difficult but of vital importance for this 
very reason. The lack of complete centralized control constitutes a 
grave danger for our Party and must be overcome. Conferences of 
party editors must be held regularly and this will aid in organ- 
izing the language press around our leading organ. But this is not 
enough. A central editorial bureau, a part of the Agitprop depart- 
ment, must be organized and instructed to follow closely the poli- 
tical line of the language press and correct at once any deviations 
that may appear. 



In addition to this, the Party press service must furnish regu- 
larly, and not spasmodically, as at present, the best material in our 
leading organ for use by the language press. Language editors must 
recognize that they are responsible officials of the Party, 

The C. E. C. has come to the assistance of the Freiheit, the Novy 
Mir, the II Lavoratore, when crises threatened these publications, 
and succeeded in overcoming the dangers that threatened them. 

A close centralization of the press will serve to reduce the 
frequency of such crises. 

The immediate step is to make our English language papers 
Ihe mainspring of Communist agitation and propaganda for our 
whole Party press and to bring the entire press under the complete 
political control of the leading Party committees. 

Young Workers' League. The Young Workers' League, during 
the past period, has consolidated its forces, developing from a loosely 
scattered organization to its present national character, participating 
in the struggles of the young workers. More marked than even the 
organizational growth has been the political development of the 
Young Workers' League, which today is playing an important role in 
the Party discussion as well as initiating and participating in a great 
many political campaigns, such as defense of Crouch and Trumbull, 
Hands off China, anti-religion, Child Labor, etc. 

The league has taken the initiative in many factory campaigns 
and industrial campaigns where they have gained the ear of the 
young workers by advocating specific demands of a concrete char- 
acter. A great deal of propaganda has been conducted thru these 
campaigns which have also laid the basis of factory nuclei ac- 
tivity, as the result of these campaigns were, in many cases, the es- 
tablishment of shop nuclei of the Y. W. L. 

Prom a period of discussion of shop nuclei, the Y. W. L. is to- 
day ideologically prepared for complete reorganization. Already de- 
finite steps forward have been made in this field, two cities, Chicago 
and Detroit, being reorganized on the area branch basis, (a transi- 
tion stage to the complete reorganization) and many nuclei are being 
organized in various cities. 

At the last national convention we greeted the establishment of 
a bi-weekly newspaper. The Young Worker. Since that time the 
league has developed this into a weekly newspaper, which is one of 
the best Communist organs of the Party at the present time. The 
publishing of propaganda pamphlets and leaflets has also been in- 
creased many fold during the past period. 

While educational activity has not been as co-ordinated as might 
be desired, nevertheless advances are to be recorded. The estab- 
lishment of training schools in different parts of the country, together 
with the participation of the League in Party schools, is the first step 
towards a deep and thorough-going Leninist educational policy. 



22 



2:j 



Other important activities include the campaign against the 
C. M. T. C. with the resulting expulsions from many of the camps 
of young workers affected by the propaganda of the league. The 
Junior section and the establishment of an official junior organ, The 
Young Comrade, has served to advance the development of a 
healthy Communist children's movement. The period has witnessed 
a growing of understanding between the league and the Party which 
must be further carried into effect in the future. 

The Fight Against the Right Wing. The Communist Interna- 
tional, in May, 1924, branded Lore as representing a definite right 
wing ideology in our Party. The majority of the Central Executive 
Committee attempted to secure unity with the minority in the struggle 
against Loreism, but was unsuccessful. The Central Executive Com- 
mittee conducted a campaign against Loreism in the press and in 
Party meetings. The Central Executive Committee authorized Com- 
rade Lore to attend the Enlarged Executive of the Communist In- 
ternational, but Comrade Lore failed to take advantage of this op- 
portunity to defend his views before the Comintern. 

In the meantime, organized expressions of Loreist tendencies 
developed in various sections of our party, such as collaboration 
with the right wing in the needle trades, the Carpenters, the Steel 
Workers, the Machinists, the Miners, and other unions, as well 
as in various language fraternal organizations, neglect to 
carry out the Party policy in these organizations with but feeble 
excuses for such failures, a contempt for the authority of the lead- 
ing committees of the party, and failure to consult with them before 
initiating important policies. In the heat of its bitter struggle 
against the Central Executive Committee, the minority on several 
occasions made the mistake of lending objective support to these 
tendencies and thus rendered more difficult the C E C 'a efforts to 
eradicate them. .... 

Report of C. E. C. on Past Activities. The Central Executive 
Committee has fought resolutely all of these deviations and has suc- 
ceeded in winning a large section of the proletarian elements in 
our Party away from the ideological influence of Loreism. This has 
only been accomplished in the face of determined resistance, es- 
pecially in the needle trades. 

The resolution of the Parity Commission on the Liquidation of 
Loreism has already brought about the reorganization of .the Ger- 
man bureau for the purpose of putting this policy into effect in 
the German section of our Party. All members of the German bu- 
reau who refused to support completely this resolution were removed 
by the bureau, which was reconstituted upon the basis of complete 
support of the C. I. and Party policy on Loreism. complete 

The resolution adopted by the Finnish Superior Branch, in- 
fluenced by the Askeli group in the Finnish Federation, and the 
aiticle by Comrade Askeli himself, published in the Party press, 

24 






are other indications of Loreist tendencies in our Party. The Cen- 
i nil Executive Committee acted immediately and after pointing out 
I he right wing deviations in these statements, called upon the rank 
and file of the Finnish membership to repudiate this leadership, with 
lh$ result that large sections of the Finnish membership will be 
won over for the policies of the Central Executive Committee and 
the Communist International. 

Definite beginnings have been made in the reorganization of 
l he Party into shop nuclei. In the Chicago, New York, Minnesota, 
Detroit, Pittsburgh and other districts, shop and street nuclei have 
been formed which are demonstrating to the Party membership the 
superiority and necessity of complete Party reorganization. In Gary, 
Indiana, and Zeigler, Illinois, steel and mine centers respectively, 
the Party is wholly on a nuclei basis. In other mining centers in 
Southern Illinois, such as Dowell, West Frankfort, and in the Pull- 
man car shop center, we can confidently expect that the reorganiza- 
tion will be completed in a short time. The Pittsburgh Westinghouse 
nucleus has issued excellent shop papers. Recently seven new mem- 
bers applied for membership there. The Detroit Ford factory nu- 
cleus has performed splendid agitatiopal and organizational work, 
especially with the Daily Worker. The print shop nucleus of Chicago, 
altho or because of being in a Party institution, has greatly stimulat- 
ed the T. U. E. L. activity in the Pressmen's Union, besides partici- 
pating fully in all Party campaigns. In Minnesota, the Party has 
expedited shop nuclei organization in the important Mesaba iron ore 
range. Several of the New York city nuclei in the food and needle 
industries have performed good work. Shop nuclei exist in South 
Bend, Whiting, Ind., Ebyde Center and other points. 

These are only bare beginnings, but they augur well. The Party 
membership is ideologically fast becoming prepared for swift shop 
and street nuclei reorganization. Our press has carried numerous 
and systemized educational and propaganda articles, but these must 
he increased manifold. Anti-nuclei prejudices are swiftly being 
overcome. The language press, with few exceptions, has not devoted 
sufficient attention to shop nuclei reorganization. This must be rem- 
edied immediately in order to ensure our entire membership, not 
only the English speaking elements, throwing themselves wholeheart- 
edly into the ensuing campaign of reorganization. 

The leading Party committees nearly everywhere have pushed 
the reorganization work. For the future, reorganization must be 
on a broad, swift and large scale, systematically planned out in 
each locality. Isolated organization of shop nuclei may have had, 
for the past a certain propagandist value, but it must now be re- 
placed with plans and a campaign which will place the majority of 
our party on a shop nucleus basis within the next year. 

There have been language, organizational, and social democratic 
oppositions to the shop nuclei plan, but these are 'being overcome. 
There are today in existence some 70 shop nuclei, with 800 mem- 
bers, according to reports. Reorganization is now mechanical. The 

25 






need for shop nuclei must be bred Into the membership and these 
nuclei must be brought into the struggles of the workers in the shops 
and unions, etc. 

Many nuclei that we have organized thus far in the mining and 
steel regions, in the needle, printing, railroad, automobile, furniture, 
food and other industries have conducted the shop struggles of the 
workers, pushed the T. U. E. L. work, put forward the party program 
and shown to the Party the kind of Party we must have, if it is to 
be a genuine Bolshevized mass Communist Party in the future. 

The Factional Fight— Unity. The factional struggle between the 
majority and minority of the C. E. C, which has continued for almost 
two years, developed out of fundamental differences of opinion on 
questions of policy, principally regarding the labor party and work 
in the trade unions. These differences have been liquidated by the 
decision of the Communist International and the unanimous reso- 
lutions of the Parity Commission. The present internal situation 
in the Party urgently demands the unity of the two leading groups 
in the struggle against the right wing and for the carrying out of the 
Party campaigns generally. The long and bitter factional strife 
has crippled the Party in many respects. It prevents the mobiliza- 
tion of all the real Communist forces in the Party into a united 
struggle against the right wing; it burns up in the internal strug- 
gle forces that are very necessary to the successful carrying on of 
our Party's fight against its external foes. The decisive political 
differences between the two leading groups have been wiped out by 
the decisions of the Communist International and the Parity Com- 
mission. One of the principle tasks of the present convention will 
be to follow up this work by actually liquidating the factional group- 
ings and the ideological remnants of the struggle between the two 
leading groups. This convention must take definite steps to weld 
our party into a monolithic whole, hewn of one piece. 

The Parity Commission. The Parity Commission, set up in 
acccordance with the instructions of the Comintern, has laid the poli- 
tical basis for unity in our Party by unanimously adopting reso- 
lutions on all the major questions confronting our Party. The work 
of the Parity Commission has been of great value to our Party 
in dulling the sharpest angles of the factional fight and in aiding 
our Party to avoid the widening of a serious division in our ranks, 
and thus enabling it to come to the convention period without an 
actual split. 

The convention must liquidate the factional struggle in our Party. 
The tasks of reorganization and Bolshevization of our party, our 
campaign for a labor party based on the mass organizations of the 
workers, the struggle against the right wing, demand the mobiliza- 
tion of the full .strength of our party. We therefore, call upon the 
Party to unite behind the incoming Central Executive Committee 
to enforce the resolutions of the Parity Commission and the decisions 
of the Communist International in the carrying out of our Com- 
munist task of preparing for the abolition of capitalism and the 
establishment of the proletarian dictatorship in America. 

26 



THE MEMBERSHIP OF OUR PARTY 

The following tables show the membership figures of our Party, 
since its organization: 

TABLE NO, 1. 1922. 
Membership Figures Accordnig to Dues Payments. 



By Language Sections. 



Fed. 



Mar. Apr. 
May June 



Czecho SI. 

Esthonian 

Finnish 

German 

Greek 

Hungarian 

Italian 

Jewish 

Lettish 

Lithuanian 

Polish 

Russian 

Scand. 

So. Slavic 

Ukrain. 

English 



3,748 
533 

61 
276 

93 
968 

66 
427 

52 
123 

644 
31 

1,327 



Totals 8,339 



1 

2 

3 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 
10 
12 
13 
Unorg. 



1,031 
2,251 
407 
354 
754 
505 
1,022 
856 
305 
337 
399 
118 



Totals 8,339 



July Aug. 
Sept. Oct. 

200 

6,509 

181 
46 

318 

179 
1,087 

326 

757 
20 

606 

1,002 
1,276 



Nov. 

276 

50 

7,012 

740 

101 

293 

89 
982 
630 
834 
101 
547 

1,236 
113 

1,515 



Dec. 

201 
117 

6,118 
400 
143 
366 
190 
854 
575 
669 
266 
243 
134 

1,428 
205 
957 



Total Average 



677 

167 

23,387 

1,854 

351 
1,253 

551 
3,891 

587 
2,687 

439 
1,519 

134 
4,310 

349 
5,075 



12,507 



2,031 

3,185 

411 

707 

1,163 

656 

1,342 

1,470 

381 

445 

498 

218 



By Districts, 

2,443 

3,608 

439 

756 

1,140 

886 

1,686 

1,535 

571 

551 

634 

270 



1,651 

3,455 

31? 

711 

1,077 

648 

1,257 

1,682 

497 

420 

704 

445 



7,156 
12,499 
1,576 
2,528 
4,134 
2,695 
5,307 
5,543 
1,754 
1,753 
2,235 
1,051 



12,507 



14,519 12,866 48,231 



27 



169 
42 

5,846 

463 

SS 

313 

138 

975 

397 

677 

110 

379 

33 

1,077 

87 

1,269 



14,519 12,866 48,231 12,058 



1,789 

3,125 

394 

632 

1,033 

674 

1,327 

1,386 

438 

438 

559 

263 



12,058 



TABLE NO. 2. 1922. 

New Members Admitted into the Party, According to Initiation 
Stamps Sold. By Language Sections. 



Federation 

Arm, 

Czl. 

Bsth. 

Finnish 

German 

Greek 

Hungarian 

Italian 

Jewish 

Lettish 

Lithuanian 

Polish 

Roumanian 

Russian 

Scandinavian 

So. Slav 

Ukrainian 

English 



F. M. 



M. J. J. 



S. O. N. D. Total 



47 146 246 88 65 64 79 ISO 166 146 1,227 



10 30 22 20 

5 

35 31 43 



21 39 



88 

7 

109 

60 



15 



22 9 12 



9 14 19 18 130 



11 



7 25 



59 



63 119 122 37 46 77 17 92 26 

3 19 



48 

658 

22 



112 104 154 360 239 251 79 185 162 191 85 1,922 



Total 



15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 315 380 517 388 4,271 



By Districts. 



District 


J. 


F. 


M. 


A. 


M. 


J. 


J. 


A. 


S. 


C 


N. 


D. 


Total 


1 






10 


4 


42 


46 


53 


3 


21 


31 


hi. 


40 


17 


319 


2 




2 


7 


13 


20 


158 


38 


87 


24 


31 


4o 


65 


78 


569 


8 




5 


47 


18 


33 


29 


2 


6 


4 


15 


4 


18 


10 


191 


4 










1 


10 




2 






1 






14 


5 






2 


39 


23 


72 


42 


7 


18 


45 


43 


68 


37 


396 


6 




3 


65 


96 


70 


87 


57 


41 


40 


81 


22 


70 


24 


656 


7 








9 


60 


105 


2 


62 




40 


25 




6 


349 


8 




5 




34 


28 


14 


80 


29 


31 


16 


34 


57 


52 


380 


9 








32 


75 


153 


46 


43 


26 


44 


69 


88 


42 


618 


10 








29 


35 


8 


58 


10 


19 


28 


55 


41 


25 


308 


12 










5 


67 


32 


77 


6 


6 


11 


36 


37 


277 


13 








1 


4 


20 


8 


4 


3 


8 


11 


22 


7 


88 


15 






























A. 


D. 




























N. 


O. T. 








31 


46 


1 




1 


5 


7 


12 


3 


106 



Total 



15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 350 380 517 338 4,271 
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36 



TABLE No. 7 

19 2 5 
(January — June) 

MEMBERSHIP FIGURES ACCORDING TO DUES PAYMENTS 
By Language Sections: 
Federation: Jan. Feb. March April May 



June* Total 



\rmenian 
no-Slovak 

honian 
Finnish 
Gftrman 

<>k 
Hungarian 
M.'ilian 
f swish 
Lettish 
Lithuanian 
Polish 
Koumanian 
Russian 
Icandinavian 
Mouth Slavic 
llovenian 
i iviainian 
Knglish 

TOTAL 



77 
240 

68 

6406 

450 

294 

728 

1601 
931 
726 
112 

1072 

336 

1474 

545 

1714 



District: 

1 2249 

3555 

471 

I 610 

1075 

8 ................. 1244 

973 

8 2395 

B 1847 

762 

690 

290 

AD 167 

NOT 446 



122 

460 
36 
5240 
470 
230 
523 

1128 
341 
785 
126 

546 

246 

1178 

547 
1927 



173 
310 

115 
8620 
220 
317 
345 
470 
1567 
427 
801 
100 

1093 

293 

1065 

755 
2700 



138 
385 
109 

7568 
330 
204 
527 
642 

1281 
307 
892 
123 
240 

1030 
20 

1151 

682 
2475 



139 
119 



6056 

- 300 

321 

471 

393 

1435 
340 
804 
150 
40 
691 
260 
816 

629 
2292 



141 

255 

94 

4570 
330 
173 
450 
482 

1668 
260 
882 
114 

786 
110 
970 
82 
576 
2585 



790 
1769 

522 
38460 
2100 
1539 
3058 
1987 
8680 
2606 
4890 

725 

280 
5218 
1265 
6654 
82 
3734 
13693 



1357 
2692 

903 

255 

1178 

1125 

705 

1622 

1635 

1067 

590 

318 

25 

438 



2071 

4311 

834 

775 

938 

1423 

1517 

3064 

2144 

749 

1100 

205 

15 

225 



2310 

3730 

114Z 

567 

1037 

1443 

1518 

2218 

1934 

818 

738 

362 

40 

247 



1385 

3912 

754 

601 

897 

1001 

813 

2330 

1266 

562 

1017 

197 

170 

351 



1981 

3263 

751 

378 

822 

1238 

1125 

2260 

1149 

421 

689 

187 

273 



11353 

21463 

4855 

3186 

5947 

7474 

6651 

13889 

9975 

4379 

4824 

1559 

417 

1980 



Aver- 
age 
132 
295 
70 
6410 
350 
256 
509 
331 
1447 
434 
815 
121 
47 
870 
211 
1109 
14 
622 
2282 



16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325 
By Districts: 



1892 

3577 

809 

531 

991 

1246 

1108 

2315 

1662 

730 

804 

260 

70 

330 



TOTAL 16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325 
* Figures for June do not include reports from Roumanian Fed- 
iration and for Districts 9, 15 and Agricultural. This figure is there- 
to] e incomplete. 

37 



TABLE No. 8 



19 2 5 



NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING 
INITIATION STAMPS SOLD 



By Federations: 

Federations: Jan. 

Armenian 

Bulgarian , 4 

Czecho-Slovak 

Esthonian ... 

Finnish 106 

German ,. 

Greek 8 

Hungarian 31 

Italian 

Jewish 3 

Lettish 10 

Lithuanian 11 

Polish 

Roumanian 3 

Russian 26 

Scandinavian 

South Slavic... 37 

Ukrainian 2 

English 474 

TOTALS 715 

By Districts: 

1 19 

2 . 137 

3 71 

4 5 

5.... 41 

6 99 

7 97 

8 74 

9 16 

12 68 

13.... 33 

15.. 16 

AD 5 

NOT 34 

TOTALS.. 715 



Feb. March April May 
26 2 ! 



52 

1 
35 

4 

10 

4 



7 

1 

309 

449 



35 

100 

33 

17 

26 
51 
66 
19 
26 
35 
26 



1 
14 



449 



2 
54 

2 
22 
16 

5 



15 

3 

357 

478 



28 
148 
35 
23 
14 
48 

2 
66 
29 
22 
35, 

7 

2 
19 



478 



48 

1 

11 

7 



10 

19 
41 

311 
448 



16 

127 

49 

13 

15 

30 

42 

29 

17 

74 

10 

8 

1 

17 

448 



56 

1 
3 



14 

1 

1 

12 

2 

3 

314 

407 



48 
79 
26 

16 
27 

5 
89 
34 

7 
33 

43 
407 



38 



>RDING TO 




6 Mos, 


June 


Total 




q 


60 






Ti 


3 


1 05 


8 


31 


5 


1 


2 






12 


8 


!)2 


316 




402 


2sl 


19 


16 J 


95 


H 


7 


221 


12 


7<l 


29 


141 


29 


284 




212 


108 


9 


20 


M2 


40 


2 16 


38 


! I r> 




I 


. 5 


nA 


402 


28**9 



i VHLE No. 9 

MEMBERSHIP FIGURES FOR 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925 (6 months) 
as shown by Dues Payments 



1922 



1923 



of 



17390 

13412 

16838 

8339 16421 
12370 

12768 

13970 

12507 14623 

16229 

16110 

14519 18146 

12866 16461 

12058 15395 

Roumanian Section, 



1925 
(6 mos.) 
16774 
13910 
19371 
18104 
15256 
14537* 



Month 

liiiniary 

nary 

Ii 

Ipril „.... 

fune 

inly LIZ. 

August ... 

•Member 

• >■ tober 

inber 

' 'nvmber 

Average 

* Incomplete (reports 
[cultural missing.) 

(MILE No. 10 

NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING TO 

INITIATION STAMPS SOLD DURING 1922, 

1923, 1924 and 1925 (6 months). 



1924 

16875 
18323 
19471 
17887 
14730 
14748 
16218 
15221 
18292 
21676 
17840 
17653 
17377 
District 



16325 
9, 15 and 



Month 



[Miliary ... 
February . 
larch 

April 

I ii ne 

Inly 

August 

Itptember 
October .... 
November 
December 



1922 

15 
131 

275 

427 
815 
459 
371 
193 
350 
380 
517 
338 



1923 

506 
627 
390 
328 
441 
512 
421 
394 
607 
742 
834 
730 



1924 


1925 




(6 mos.) 


867 


715 


1009 


449 


791 


478 


788 


448 


547 


407 


652 


402 


530 




o91 




726 




679 




741 




535 






. ,_ 



rotal 4271 6532 8456 2081 

The above figures on new members taken into our Party deserve 

earnest consideration of our whole Party organization. They show 

that in the 3% year period since the organization of the Workers 

(Communist) Party we have admitted into our Party more members 

39 






than we have in the Party at the present time. At the time of orga: 
ization of the Party, some 10,000 members affiliated with it. Sine 
that time according to the table of new members initiated above, vt 
have taken into the Party over 20,000 new members. If we had hej 
all of these members our Party would now have more than 30,00 
members. The dues payment figures for the past six months shoi 
an average of approximately 16,000 and we have therefore lost 14,00 
members who entered our Party in the last three and one-half yea 
period. These figures show the necessity of more educational wor! 
within our Party and also the need of assigning some activities I 
every Party member in order to hold him in the Party after he ha 
joined. The €. E. C. in the coming year must give particular attentiol 
to this phase of the development of our Party organization so that on 
Party may retain in its ranks those workers whom it wins through 1 
agitation and propaganda. 

OUR PARTY MEMBERSHIP, BY OCCUPATION. 

Beginning September, 1924, our Party took an industrial reg: 
tration of the members. 

Not all of the Party branches responded to the instructions to 
send in their industrial registration, and therefore, no complete tab] 
of the occupation of the members, and their union affiliation is aval 
able. The registration taken covers 13,556 members. The occup 
tions of these members, and their union affiliations, are as follows 

In 

Industry Union 

Agrarian Workers 

Building Trades , 1,007 

Needle Trades 840 

Food Workers .. 231 

L W. W 50 

Leather Industry 108 

Lumber Workers 3 

Metal Trades 480 

Miners 920 

Miscellaneous: 

Barbers 70 

Business Men 

Chemical Workers „.... 

Co-operative Workers 

Doctors and Dentists 

Drivers and Teamsters 30 

Engineers and Draftsmen,... 3 

Furniture Workers 12 

Firemen and Janitors 15 

Gardeners ..... 

Glass and Porcelain Wkrs. 6 

Housewives & Dom. Wkrs. 

Jewelry Workers 11 

40 




Non 


Total 


Pet. Ill 


Union 




UnloJ 


568 


568 




574 


1,581 


64 


402 


1,242 


68 


355 


586 


39 




50 


100 


207 


315 


34 


99 


102 


3 


1,600 


2,080 


23 


245 


1,165 


79 


70 


140 


50 


196 


' 196 





37 


37 





55 


55 





54 


54 





92 


122 


24 


22 


25 


12 


114 


126 


9 


71 


86 


17 


18 


18 





11 


17 


35 


2,065 


2,065 


1 


16 


27 


41 



Lawyers 

Laborers 

Laundry Workers 

Managers 

Marine Workers 

Musicians & Artists 

Miscellaneous 

Oil Workers ... 

Office Workers 

Paper Workers 

Photographers 

Porters 

Rubber Workers 

Students & Teachers 

Sign Painters 

Salesmen, Solicitors, Ship 
ping Clerks 

Window Cleaners 

Printing Trades 

Public Service Workers.... 

Itallroad Workers 

Tobacco Workers 

Unclassified (Occupation not 

specified) ... 

Writers, Reporters, etc 



1 
13 



38 
6 
6 

99 
5 
6 
2 

7 
2 



11 
103 

44 
65 
31 



14 



7 
818 
28 

9 
52 
32 
51 
18 
130 
26 
13 
15 
42 
63 

3 

303 
38 
39 
23 

146 
50 

153 
55 



7 





836 


2 


41 


32 


9 





90 


42 


38 


16 


57 


11 


18 





229 


43 


31 


16 


19 


32 


17 


12 


42 





70 


10 


5 


40 


303 





49 


22 


142 


73 


67 


66 


211 


31 


81 


38 


153 





69 


20 



Potal Numiber of Members Registered .. f 13,556 

Potal Number of Members Registered, in Unions....... 4^350 

rotal Number of Members Registered, Not in Unions '. 9*206 

ivr<!entage of members registered, in Unions 32.08% 

The above figures show that in spite of all the efforts and agita- 
"•-n conducted by the Party in reference to every member eligible, 
becoming a member of the union, only one-third of our members are 
BOW affiliated with trade unions, The recent instructions to our Party 
the Communist International emphasizes again the necessity of 
&ur educating the members of the Party to an understanding of the 
ftecessity of their joining the trade unions. Our Party must, during 
the coming year, change the conditions shown by the above table. 
in place of one-third of the membership being members of trade 
Unions, we can easily raise this to a minimum of 90 per cent of the 
members in trade unions. This is one of the important tasks before 
the Party organization. 

THE PARTY PUBLICATIONS. 

The Party publishes twenty-seven periodical publications. These 
issued in nineteen languages. Ten of these publications are daily 
^•pers, one three times a week, two twice a week, eleven week! 

three times a month, one magazine twice a month and one 
monthly magazine. The combined circulation of these publications 
177,250 at the time the report was made. 

The following table shows these papers, frequency of publication 
•Hi'l circulation; — 

41 






Paid 
Language, Name of Paper, Frequency Subs. 

Armenian— The Proletarian, Weekly 500 

Bulgarian— Saznanie, 3 times a month 1,272 

Czechoslovak— Obrana, Weekly 1,500 

Czecho-Slovak— Delnik, Weekly i'i5o 

English— Daily Worker, Daily ... 14,000 

English— Workers Monthly, Monthly Magazine 5^000 

Esthonian— Uus Ilm, Weekly 600 

Finnish— Tyomies, Daily 12,000 

Finnish— Eteenpain, Daily 7^000 

Finnish— Toveri, Daily * 4'oQO 

Finnish— Uusi Kotimaa, Semi-Weekly 6,000 

Finnish — Toveritar, Women's Weekly 10^000 

Finnish— Punikki, Semi-Monthly [ 

German — Volkszeitung, Daily .....' 

Greek— Empros, Weekly .. 4,000 

Hungarian— Uj Elore, Daily ..! 9,000 

Italian — II Lavoratore, Weekly 7,000 

Jewish — Freiheit, Daily _ 4^000 

Lithuanian — Laisve, Daily 7,000 

Lithuanian— Vilnis, Semi-Weekly 4*000 

Polish — Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly 1,200 

Roumanian — Desteptarea, Weekly 1*200 

Russian— Novy Mir, Daily....... , ' 

Scandinavian— Ny Tid, Agrarian Weekly 2,500 

South Slavic— Radnik, 3 times a week 7,500 

Slovenian— Delavska Slovenija, Weekly 3,500 

Ukrainian — Ukrainian Daily News, Daily 3,000 



Stand Total! 

Sale CircT 

700 1,200 

628 l,90l 

L50C 

1,150 

3,000 17,001 

11,000 16,001 

.......... 600 

500 12,50(1 

1,000 8,00(3 

500 4,50fl 

6,000 

1,000 11,000 

10,000 10,000 

700 4,700 

9,00(j| 

6,500 13,50<J 

18,000' 22,000 

1,000 8,00fl 

1,000 5,00flj 

300 1,500 

l,20(j 

2,50<! 

1,000 8,500 

500 4,00(1 

3,000 6,000 



K. 
B 

hi 
II. 

1 : 

1 I 
Id. 



REFUSE TO FIGHT FOR THE CAPITALISTS LBO.000 

TO ALL SOCIALIST VOTERS AND CLASSCONSCIO I 

WORKERS ... t00|000 

WORK OR WAGES , 280,000 

WORKERS RULE OR CAPITALIST DICTATORSHIP.... 450,000 

SOVIETS VS. AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 100,000 

THE CONFERENCE FOR PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL 

ACTION - 

STRIKE AGAINST WAGE CUTS 300,000 

DOWN TOOLS ON MAY DAY 20o!oOO 

DON'T MOBILIZE FOR MORGAN LOO^OOO 

HANDS OFF CHINA, STAND BY SOVIET RUSSIA LOO.000 



Total 



116,922 60,328 177,250 



3,540,000 

Pamphlets. 

The publication of party pamphlets and books was taken ore? 
by the DAILY WORKER in January, 1925. The publications for 
mil therefore be included in the report of the DAILY WOR* 
Publishing Co. During the year 1924 the Party published the follow 

pamphlets: 

The Second Year — Convention Report 8,000 

American Imperialism — Jay Lovestone 10,000 

The Farmer-Labor United Front— C. E. Ruthenberg 7,500 

Unemployment— Eart R. Browder 20,000 

Parties and Issues — Alexander Bittelman „.„ lO^OOO 

The LaFollette Illusion — Jay Lovestone , 10^)00 



LEAFLET DISTRIBUTION. 

During the twenty months since the last convention the national 
organization of the Party has issued and distributed the following 
leaflets: 

1924. 

1. FIGHT REGISTRATION OF FOREIGN WORKERS 150,000 

2. STAND FAST FOR THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY 100,00<j 

3. THE KEPT GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES 100,00(1 

4. DOWN WITH THE CAPITALIST TEAPOT DOME! 

FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS 
GOVERNMENT 100,000| 

5. CALL FOR THE ST, PAUL FARMER-LABOR CONVEN- 

TION . 100,00l 

6. AFTER TEN YEARS. . 100,0001 

7. FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS GOV- 

ERNMENT , 900,00Q 

42 



LANGUAGE SECTIONS. 

The following reports on their work during the year 1924 w%T* 
lUbmitted to the C. E. C. by the language sections: 

Armenian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1D22 

L923 L40 
1924 81 
Publication: The Proletarian, Weekly, 1,200. 
Leaflets issued: "Crush the Plotters," Against Dashn R j 

1,000. 

Pamphlets issued: none. 
Special campaigns conducted: none. 

Active in the following non-Party organizations: Armenian T< 1 h 
Rioal Aid Society. Armenian Red Cross. Various reconstruction 
Dleties. In all these organizations the aim of our membe 
mid is to gain control by carrying on Communist propaganda and to 

43 



get these organizations to use their funds for the reconstruction <fl 
Soviet Armenia instead of keeping them in banks with the illusiol 
of reconstructing their native villages in Turkish Armenia. 

Cooperatives : none. 

Property owned and controlled: none. 

Further information: Both in 1923 and 1924 the Armenian SeJ 
tion has had over 200 members. Dues have been collected almo3(i 
equal to that number but having no other source of income the BuJ 
reau has been compelled to spend part of the dues for the publication] 
of the paper; In 1923 more money has been sent to the C E. 
because the Bureau has had funds remaining from the Armenia! 
Workers Party, which have helped to a degree the publication of oin 
organ. 

(Signed) N. S. Keosseian, Sec'y. 

Bulgarian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 

1923 70 

1924 224 
Publication: Saznanic, issued 3 times monthly, circulation 1,900. 

Leaflets published: For educational class, 2,000; Open letter tci 
delegates of S. L. P., 1,000; Resolution of our meeting — Protest 
against White Terror in Bulgaria, 1,000. 

Pamphlets: Red Peoples' Calendar, 2,000; Program of W. P. A J 
2,000. 

Special Campaigns: For the fund of Saznanic, $5,201.05; Elec^ 
tion Campaign; Campaign against White Terror in Bulgaria and we 
helped Bulgarian comrades with $1,084.25. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Macedonian Political orgaE 
izations. Some of our members carry on propaganda with the banner 
of Balkan Federation. 

Cooperatives: None. 

Property: None. 

Estimate of membership on rolls: 224 in 9 branches. 

New branches organized in 1924: 6. 

New members accepted: 154. 

(Signed) Theo. Tsecoff, Sec'y. 

Czecho-Slovak Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 226 

1923 431 

1924 353 
Papers and Periodicals: Delnik (Worker), Chicago, 111., WeeklyJ 

1,150. Published since November 29, 1924; Obrana (Defense), Nev 
York City, Weekly, 1,500. 

Leaflets: About the split in our Federation, 4 page large size,] 
5,000 copies. 

Pamphlets: None. Most of the pamphlets we have on hand were 
published in Czecho-Slovakia. Two pamphlets published in 1925 

44 



ire: The short outline of Marxism and Communism. Bedacht's new 
I'imphlet: The White Terrorists, etc. 

Campaigns: To collect funds for Comrade Vajtauer when ar- 
P( ted; for the new weekly paper "Delnik" (Worker), now published 
hi Chicago; for the starving German children (in Chicago). 

Active in non-Party organizations: Trade unions, sick and bene- 
(II societies, workingmen's Gymnastic Associations. Besides the reg- 
ti in r Party campaigns the above mentioned campaigns were carried on 
in these organizations. 

Cooperatives: None of the cooperatives are controlled by our 

i nbers, altho many participating. Workingmen Coop. Association 

(Chicago) and Rush Run Coop. Association (Dillonvale, O.). 

Property owned: Workers Printing Shop (Obrana) in New York 

(Jlty. About 40 per cent of this printing shop is owned by the Czecho- 

llovak local unions in New York, but full control is in the hands of 

our section. A building (hall) is under the control of our branches 

In Baltimore, Md. The building, about 2 years old, is owned by 
Our branches together with the progressive or liberal organizations. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 360. 

New branches organized in 1924: 4. 

Branches dissolved: 5. 

New members accepted: 36. 

Additional information: It is impossible for me to give accurate 
number of newly accepted members owing to the fact that some of 
the branches did not report correctly, as for instance the newly or- 
t inized branch in So. Bethlehem did not report its membership. 
Lately I sent out questionnaires asking branches about the number of 
members in good standing, etc. Most of the activities were hin- 
fUred on account of internal fights which existed in our section until 
lately/ 

I innish Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 5847 

1923 6583 

1924 7099 
Publications: Tyomies, Daily, 12,000; Eteenpain, Daily, 8,000; 
sri, Daily, 4,000; Toveritar, Women's Weekly, 10,000; Punikki, 

Hatirical Semi-monthly, 10,000; Vappu, First of May periodical, 15,000; 
►miehen Joulu, Christmas, 16,000. 

Leaflets: None because our press makes it unnecessary to pub- 
llnh leaflets except in special instances. 

Pamphlets: Finnish Workers in America, 10,000; Washington 
Teapot Dome, 5,000; Imperialism by Bystranski, 5,000; Science and 
the Working class, 5,000; Propaganda pocket handbook, 16,500; Wages 
mi<[ Capital (Marx), 5,000; World Trade Union Movement (Lozovsky), 

tooo. 

Special campaigns: None outside of campaigns carried on by 
i hr Party, but in these the Federation has been active during the 
vi';ir. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Cooperative movement. In 
that organization which has about 15,000 members we exercise great 

45 



influence and have an ideological control and have carried on a regula 
campaign to make it a supporter of the Communist movement. 

Cooperatives: The above replies to this. Our members contnj 
several local consumers* cooperatives throughout the country. 

Property owned and controlled: Tyomies Society; Eteenpai 
Coop. Society; Pacific Development Society. (Our three publishing 
concerns). The Federation controls the majority of membership 
stock. A number of branches own their own halls or club buildings 

Estimate of membership on rolls: 7903. 

New branches organized in 1924: 13. 

Dissolved: 17. 

New members: 1,500. 

Additional information: The Federation has carried on an ea 
tensive educational work through lecture circuits in which on the aver 
age 5 comrades have been engaged. The subjects the lectures ha\ 
contained are: Class struggles in past history; The role of the stat^ 
in the class struggle; Circulation of capital and profits; The role 
capitalism; The historic role of revolutionary working class parties; 
Communist parties in political struggles; Tactics of Communist Par- 
ties; Work in trade unions and shop nuclei; Organization form of 
the Comintern and affiliated parties; Practical work of Communists in 
Party branches. 

(Signed) Fahle Burman, Sec'y. 

Greek Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 88 

1923 141 

1924 203 
Publications: Empros, Weekly, 3,500; 2 special strike editionaj 

during the Amalgamated Food Workers Strike, March 22-29, 1924J 
at New York, N. Y. 

Leaflets: What Communists want, 15,000; Fight against registrar 
tion of foreign born workers, 6,000; Manifesto of C. P. of Greece tcj 
the Greek workers in America, 15,000. 

Pamphlets: Critique Gotha Program, 5,000; Family under Cond 
munism (Kollontai), 5,000; Two enemy classes, 5,000; Outline of- 
Communism, 5,000; Lenin, the Strategist, 5,000; Bread and liberty (Lo^ 
zovsky, 5,000. 

Special campaigns: Against registration of foreign born. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Amalgamated Food Workers^ 
Union in New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh; Greek section in Waiter^ 
and Cooks A. F. of L., Detroit; Greek Language Local Waiters and 
Cooks A. F. of L., San Francisco; Taxicab Drivers Union A. F. Lj 
Los Angeles, organized by Greek Branch. 

Property: One Linotype machine, books (property of the Greek 
Workers Press, Inc. (Corp. in New York); books worth about $4,00fj 

Estimate of membership on rolls: 300. 

New branches: 6. 

Dissolved: 1. 

New members accepted: 90. 

(Signed) A. Boubous, Sec'y. 

46 






Hungarian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 311 

1923 373 

1924 469 
Publications: Uj Elore, Daily, 9,000. 

Leaflets: Foreign born workers campaign, 4 pages, 40,000; 
Election program, 4 pages, 20,000. 

Pamphlets: Why every worker should be a Communist (Ruth* 
mi berg), 3,000; Bankruptcy of American labor movement (Foster), 
I 000, 

Special campaigns: Foreign born; several campaigns against 
llorthy agents and bourgeois liberals who came from Hungary; two 
til* campaigns for Uj Elore— result 500 new readers; two campaigns 
for financial aid for Uj Elore; a campaign in behalf of So. Bethlehem 
I Igar makers strike and union organization; amalgamation (unity) 
campaign among sick benefit societies. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Mostly in sick and benefit 

"ties, singing societies, dramatic societies, house associations; 
• \r\y Party campaign, foreign born campaign and amalgamation cam- 
paign. 

Cooperatives: None. 

Property owned and controlled: Uj Elore, Daily; Incorporation; 
1 1. ires with the C. E. C; printing plant, 33 E. First st.; legal owner 
Hungarian Workers Home which is fully controlled by the section; 
Itveral workers homes in the country controlled by the branches. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 800-850. 

New branches in 1924: 14. 

Branches dissolved: 9. 

New members accepted: 300-350. 

Additional information: Organized a Party school in New York 
which is functioning with 20-25 members; had several times organ- 

! touring the country for 3-7 weeks period; one comrade is the 
Uational organizer of the Sick and Benefit Society; was during the 
whole year on organizing tour. 

(Signed) D. Hajnal, Sec'y. 

Italian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 135 

1923 412 

1924 581 
Publications: II Lavoratore, Weekly, 13,000. 

Leaflets : None. 
Pamphlets: None. 

Special campaigns: Anti-Fascist campaign. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Labor unions; T. TL E. L. 
work and anti-fascist campaign. 

Cooperatives: Cooperativa Operaia, W. Hoboken, N. J.; Co- 
Uperativa Moderna, W. Hoboken, N. J., and other Consumers coopera- 

47 



Property owned or controlled: Office supplies and furniture. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 10,000, 

Branches organized in 1924: ? 

Branches dissolved: ? 

New members: ? 

Additional information: It is difficult to give exact data becaua 
of the recent crisis in the federation and because we haven't tlnij 
books for 1924 in our hands. 

(Signed) Piccino Angiono, Sec'y. 

Jewish Section. 

Average membership as show r n by dues payments: 1922 973 

1923 1055 

1924 1368 
Publications: Freiheit, Daily, 22,000. 
Leaflets: An open letter to Jos. Schlossberg by N. Buchwald 

15,000; Not a vote for LaFollette, 15,000. 

Pamphlets: Resolutions and theses of the 5th congress, 3,000; 
Bankruptcy of American Trade Unions by Wm. Z. * Foster, 5,000} 
Parties and issues by Bittelman, 3,000. 

Special campaigns: Anti-Butchkevich campaign; Presidential 
elections; Anti-Abramovitch; Relief in Soviet Russia; To aid colo*J 
nization in Soviet Russia; St, Paul convention. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Workmen's Circle, Unions 
and Cultural Clubs of workers. Carried out above mentioned cam«j 
paigns there. 

Cooperatives: In New York our members participate in the Unitedl 
Workers Cooperative Association with its camp "Nitgedaiget," thej 
chief aim of which is to develop communal life of workers. 

Property owned and controlled: Building, 30 Union Square, Neii 
York City. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 2,500-2,600. 
. New branches organized in 1924: 6. 

Dissolved: 1. 

New members accepted: 600. 

(Signed) Morris Holtman, Sec'y. 

Lettish Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 397 

1923 417 

1924 443 
Publications: None. 
Leaflets: None, 
Pamphlets: None, We maintain close contact with the publish^ 

ing houses of the Lettish section in Europe and receive large quanj 
tities of literature and pamphlets from abroad. 

Special campaigns: DAILY WORKER; Labor defense; Relief 
for political prisoners in Latvia by which $620.91 was raised. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Our members are active iij 
the few existing Lettish Benefit and Educational organizations, get- 1 
ting mainly financial support for various campaigns of our Party. 

48 



Cooperatives: None. 

Property owned or controlled: None. 

Estimate of membership on rolls: 475. 

Branches dissolved: None. 

New branches organized: None. 

New members: 25-30. un«™„« i+« "nffi- 

Other information: The Lettish Bureau is publishing its offi 
cial organ"-"The News Bulletin" in the form of a mimeographed Bul- 
Sn rtSlar to the Party Press Service Bulletin. This Bulletin ap- 
neSa is often as necessary. It contains all Party news, decisions, 
ScLs encouraging various Party campaigns and Branch news. All 
the ^ most important Party circulars are translated and published in 
this mimeographed Bulletin by the Bureau. 

(Signed) Robert Zelms, Sec'y. 

Lithuanian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 671 

1924 901 

Publications: Laisve, Daily, 8,000; Vilnis, Semi-weekly, 6,000; 
Women Workers' Voice, Monthly, 3,000. 

Leaflets: About killing war, 20,000; Curse in Lithuania, ?. 

Pamnhlets: Workers almanac. 6,000 copies. 

Lecfal campaigns: Vilnis campaign for new subscribers ; Lai- 
sve campaign for new subscribers; Campaign for raising funds to 
helD the Communist movement m Lithuania. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Trade Unions and Sick and 

Death Benefit Societies. . , % , _ T . 

Cooperatives: Many of the members are active in the local Li- 
thuanian cooperatives for maintaining halls. 

Property owned or controlled: Two papers and two halls. The 
form of controlling these are thru cooperatives. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 1,000-1,100. 

New branches in 1924: 11. 

Branches dissolved: 5. 

New members: 70. 

(Signed) J. Gasiunas, Secy, 

Polish Section. 



Average membership as shown by dues payments: 



1922 110 

1923 210 

1924 165 
Publications: Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly, 1,500. 

Leaflets: 10th anniversary of war, 15,000; Presidential election 
platform, 35,000; The armed insurrection in Cracow, 15,000. 
Pamphlets: The life of Nicolai Lenin, 2,000. 
ramnatens* To aid political prisoners in Poland. 
SveT non-Party organizations: Trades Unions and some 

benefit societies. 



49 






Cooperatives: In Neffs, O., Miners' Cooperative Store- in De- 
troit Detroit Workmen's Restaurant Cooperative, International Work- 
ers Home Ass n. 

Property: None; have debts. 

Estimated membership: 200. 

New branches organized in 1924: None 

Dissolved: 12. 

New members: 50, 

Additional information: Section lost control over Glos Robot- 
niczy in Detroit That cost us not only the organ but organization 
lost many members. In March, 1924, we started to publish a new 
paper, Trybuna Robotnicza, ^ new 

(Signed) B. K. Gebert, Sec'y. 
Roumanian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 

1923 81 

1924 fi^ 
Publications: Desteptarea, Weekly, 1200 

Leaflets: Party platform, 5,000; Foreign born, 5,000; Unity of 
Roumanian workers, 5,000. y 

as a P whole. ty ^^ ***** PrinUng Plant ° Wnfid by the federation 

Membership on rolls: 80-100. 

Branches organized: ? 

Branches dissolved: 1. 

New members: No records. 

(Signed) G. Neder, Sec'y. 
Scandinavian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 134 

1923 259 

1924 248 
Publications: Ny Tid, Weekly, 2,500. 

Leaflets: None. 
Pamphlets : None. 

Special campaigns: Against the new immigration laws; Against 
white terror in Finland. against 

Active in non-Party organizations: Just beginning to work 
among the Swedish Good Templar Lodges. 
Cooperatives : None. 

of C P E° P c rty: Uni ° n PreSS ' Incorporated ; ownership vested in hands 
Membership on rolls: 500. 
New branches in 1924: 2. 
New members: 50. 

(Signed) N. Juel Christensen, Sec'y. 
50 



South Slavic Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 



3 times a week, 8,000; 



1077 

1923 1158 

1924 1290 
Delavska Slove- 



* 



Publications : Radnik, 

U3a 'Leaflets:' Agitation leaflet for Slovenians, 25,000; Leaflets for 
convention S. P. (Slovenian), 15,000; Convention of S. L. P., 2,000. 

Pamphlets: Foundation of imperialist policy, 4,000; Underground 
radicalism, 3,000; Program and constitution W. P. A., 3,000; Almanac 
xor 1925, 12,000. . 

Special campaigns: For Radnik and agitational fund. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Croatian National Society, 
Croatian Society of Illinois and Slovenian Nat. Benefit Soc. Every 
Party campaign was carried in these organizations tor DAILY WORK- 
ER, Labor Defense, F. L. Party, etc. 

Cooperatives: Control none, but the branch of Detroit, Mich., 
owns and controls the South Slavic Workers Home, 

Property owned or controlled: Radnik, Delavska Slovemja and 
books amounting to $20,000 to ?30,000. 

Estimated membership on rolls: 1,300-1,400. 

New branches in 1924: 26. 

Branches dissolved: 24. 

Estimated new members: 448. 

(Signed) T. Cuckovich, Secy. 

Ukrainian Section. 

Average membership as shown by dues payments: 19^ 

192o 
1924 

Publications: Ukrainian Daily News, Daily, 6,000. 
Leaflets: General propaganda, 50,000; May day, 20,000 

10,000. 

Pamphlets: ? 

Special campaigns: Daily Worker, Membership, F. L. P United 
Front campaign and the organization of United Ukrainian Working 
class organizations, Election campaign, Join the Union campaign. 

Active in non-Party organizations: Ukrainian National Alliance 
(Benefit organization); Ukrainian Working Class Alliance (Benefit 
Organization); numerous local non-Party organizations; Trade Un- 
ions There was a special campaign in No. 1 for special convention 
in order to get control of the organization. We didn't get it. 
Cooperatives: Cooperative Restaurant, Detroit. 
Property: Printing plant (corporation); Ukrainian Labor Home 

(corporation). 

Estimated membership on rolls: 

New branches: 8. 

Branches dissolved: 2. 

New members estimated: 200. 

Additional information: Section has a bookstore m New York 
City. Books in stock value over $60,000. . 

u y (Signed) M. Durdella, Sec'y. 

51 



87 
623 
781 

Miners, 



FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL OFFICE. 

From December 1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924. 
(13 months) 

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS. 

Regular Income. 

Due Stamps Cash Sales. $ 57 804 40 

Initiation Cash Sales , ."*'""* 4 765 83 

Organization Supplies Cash SalesZZ' l.Z. '99375 

Lyceum Dept. Speaker Receipts 790 15 






Discount Earned 

Weekly Worker Settlements. ....ZZZZZ"ZZZ 488 



2.90 
13 



Special Funds Receipts. 

Make the Party Grow Assessment $ 389 05 

Parmer Labor Party ., 6 829 95 

May Day Button Sales.... ZZZZ"Z«Z 1*359*67 

Farmer Labor Party Fund: Individ, donations" 4*738.34 

Organ, donations 8,776 05 

For A Labor Party Fund 695 55 

General Donations and Contributions .. 6 709 90 

Lenin Memorial Meetings 2*55000 



National Campaign. 

National Campaign Receipts.. $ 39 896 98 

¥2 Paid to Dist 19,948.49 

% Remaining with Nat'l Office 

Convention Assessment 1923 



Y. W. 



Miscellaneous Receipts. 
L. Junior Assessment .... $ iq.00 

132.47 

40.28 
88.00 



Organization Liquidation on a[c , 1 

United Mine Workers Conv. Exp. Ref.. 
Educational Dept. Income 



EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS. 



ices. 



C. E. 



C. Meetings <t ^ 



756.33 



National Farmer Labor Party Exp 990 65 

Membership Meetings Exp " 633 68 

Party Conference, July, 1924 

Political Committee Conference ExpZZZZZ 



601.15 
73.00 



% 64,845.16 



? 32,048.51 



J 19,948.49 
5,970.20 






% 1,270.75 



$124,083.11 



EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT EXPENDITURES. 
C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferenc 



$ 4,054.81 



52 



Political Campaigns and Organization. 

Field Organizers Expense »•$ JJ7J.62 

Labor Party Campaign Expense b,5«W. 41 

Federated Farmer Labor Party Dues..... Va 

Membership Campaign Exp ^J' 

Miners Campaign Exp ~« 2 >^-™ 

Free Speech Fight (Wilkes Barre) 101.00 

Negro Work * - ^J-JJ 

Unemployment Campaign ....... ^'J 

Agrarian Department , A ltJi 

Anti-Imperialist Work ■ l,4t>0.6» 

Administrative Expense. 

Executive Dept. Forwarding Expense.-.. $ 5.64 

" General Office 401.05 

Farmer Labor Party Campaign Fund Expense 1,245.34 

Organization Supplies Forwarding Exp 94.05 

Executive Dept. Postage ■■ Vlnl™ 

« Rent 1,795.00 

Stationary and Supplies 1,547.80 

Telegraph and Telephone 2,496.86 

Traveling Expenses •■ 1,579.76 

« Wages 13,910.46 

Industrial Work Wages -•■ ^J'JJ 

Political Comm. Wages ■.« 1.696.00 

Press Service Expense and Wages z,7ii ^' ( Z 

Research Department Expense and Wages...... 1 ' 02 ^^ 

Bank Charges - . J6.4J 

Moving Expense ■ • £™ 

Office Maintenance and Repairs ofo^c 

Research Department Rent 343.75 

Industrial Work Rent "!•»< 

Educational Work Rent - "!■»« 

Wilga Investigation Expense -- JW'JJ 

Educational Department Expense ^m.d» 

Dues Refunds to District Organizations 

Farmer Labor Party Fund Paid to District 

Supplies Purchased. 

Organization Supplies Purchase ? ^llil 

May Day Buttons ■ 138 * 84 

Convention Expenses 1923 

Donations and Subsidies. 

Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 799.66 

Farmer Labor Voice Deficit 1,874.34 

Donations ; .-.- ■ J96.27 

Subsidies to Bureaus and Districts 4,^y.&z 



53 



I 19,529.80 



35,878.48 

25,742.21 

1,119.17 



3,126.89 
4,902.42 






$ 7,409.79 






Lyceum Department Speakers Expense... 

International Delegates Expense., 

Shop Nuclei Reorganization Expense..'.'.., 
National Campaign Expense and Wages. 
Money Lost in Transit 



Depreciation. 



Furniture and Fixtures., 
Office Machinery 



TOTAL EXECUTIVE DEPT. EXPENSE., 



TOTAL RECEIPT EXECUTIVE DEPT 
TOTAL EXPENDITURES AND DEPRECIA- 

SURPLUS EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT... 

LITERATURE DEPARTMENT. 

Receipts and Inventory. 

Propaganda Leaflets Cash Sales..... $ 2 757 fiO 

Literature Cash Sales m ~* x^zizi 



Lenin Library Fund. 

Inventory of Literature 1924... Z ! ^ZZZIZZ." 2 



104.00 
613.04 



Expenditures. 

Literature Department Headquarters Rent 

Propaganda Leaflet Forwarding Expense 

Purchase 

Literature Department Advertising... 

Campaign Literature [7 

Literature Department Forwarding Expense- 
GO Expense 



Inventory 1923 

Postage 

Purchase 

Rent " 

Sales Promotion __ 

Stationary and Supplies 

Tel. and Telegraph 

Wages 



Receipts ...$ 17,857.91 

Expenditures : 23,600.32 



535.90 
245.91 

1,383.64 
193.37 

2,996.16 
592.92 

6,407.49 

270.00 

262.48 

517.88 

97.50 

5,767.75 



Defici t .....? 5,742.41 



54 



$ 



1,782.79 

1,630.00 

225.00 

9,061.98 

50.00 



388.41 
322.75 



$115,224.50 
124,083.11 
115,224.50 

$ 8,858.61 



$ 17,857.91 



$ 687.50 ■ 
531.97 
3,097.00 



$ 23,600.32 



WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL 

Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning 
1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months). 

ASSETS. 

Furniture and Fixtures $ 1,188.51 

Less Depreciation $ 388.41 

Balance Furniture and Fixt 

Office Machinery .... - $ 922.75 

Less Depreciation $ 322.75 

Balance Off Machinery... * — 

Loans Receivable General 

Personal Accounts Receivable (S. 
J. Clark) - »•••• 

W. P. Petty Cash - * 50 * 0U 

Research Department Petty Cash 25.00 

Postage Fund ■ 63 - 97 

Wages Advanced (J. P. Cannon).... 

New York Bookstore Advance 

Organization Supplies Inventory.... 377.52 

Literature Inventory 2,613.04 

Accounts Receivable. 

May Day Buttons (1924) I 57.93 

Organization Supplies 764.57 

Propaganda Leaflets 1,568.26 

Literature ■■■•• 5,983.15 

Weekly Worker Bundle a|c 1,833.09 

TOTAL A|C RECEIVABLE $ 10,207.00 

Less Reserve for Bad Debts and 

Uncollectable Accounts $ 5,103.50 

Total Assets. 

Deficit 1923 .— - * J'Sl?'!} 

Literature Department Loss. 5,742.41 

Executive Department Profit $ 8,858.61 

Deficit 1924 .V.... 

TOTAL • ■ 



OFFICE. 

December 



55 



$ 800.00 



$ 600.00 
1,355.50 

77.31 



? 138.97 
146.34 

884.89 



? 2,990.56 



$ 5,103.50 
$ 12,097.07 



$ 63.64 

| 11,962.12 

$ 24,122.83 



WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE 

Statement of ^Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning December 
1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months). 

LIABILITIES, 
Cash (overdrawn) * 9KCk 0Q 

Account Payable JIZZZ' U«5 

Loss on Liberator (partial) 7 638 19 

Paterson Strike Funds Payable " 150 95 

Loans Payable (General) !!!!!!!!!.!! 620 00 

Literature Loans Payable.., q9s'a7 

Loans A. B. C :~ 206*06 

International Red Aid Funds Payable 287 53 

Lenin Library Subscriptions Payable 67*00 

Language Section Dues Refunds Payable to 

Wages Un^d" ^JJJJJ 

TOTAL LIABILITIES — % MU2M 

frT?7 E ^ NT T LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY. 

Profit and Loss Stat ement fop Bmlm% ^ ^ Decem ™ Y " 
1923, to June 1st, 1925 (V/ z years). 
TITLE OF ACCOUNT DEBITS CREDITS 

Unclaimed Accounts Payable $ -. koi ™ 

Advertising Sold ...... * *Wmli 

Books soid :;:;::::;::*■* fill 

Bundle Order Cash Sales 5,957.59 

nffl a , " " 6,076.85 

Office Sale 2 60 

Contribution and Donations. !!Z!!!!! 695 11 

Singles Cash Receipts !!1!!!!...!!. 29 30 

Subscription Cash Receipts !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 519 92 

Subscription Transfer "Canadian Worker""".!!! 1^0 

"Labor Herald" 2.40 

"Pearsons" 59 

"Young Worker" 5.65 

"Weekly Worker" 12102 

Suspense a|c ,. mm< 12 ' 34 

Advertising Bought * . 1 ., ft . 

Bank Charges ? "J'JJ 

Books Purchased „ ** 

Bundle Order Returns , Z 7 L' 

Check Exchange ' 7 ' 00 ?^ 

Contributions Expense Q ~l': n 

Deposits a|c ,...!Z!!!!Z!!! Jo 

Furniture, Fixtures and Machinery.!.!.,". 1(; ;i 

General Office Expense " i^ i* 

Mailing Expense " * JJJ'JJ 

Manufacturing Expense Q „, ** 

omce p »*« •- ■ —~. mil 

56 



Protested Checks 

Rent - ■••• 

Sales Promotion Expense 

Subscription Transfer "Daily Worker" 

"Dial" 

"L. Monthly" 

"Nation" 

"g. R. Pictorial". 

Stationery and Supplies. .... 

Telephone and Telegraph - 

Wages "Administration" - 

u "Advertising" 

"Editorial" 



71.83 

317.00 

192.03 

2.50 

4.00 

7.25 

7.50 

3.17 

231.50 

37.06 

1,993.70 

648.55 

2,016.00 



TOTALS ■ $ 19,957.64 % 24,722.23 

Advanced" by W. P % 8,964.09 4,764.59 

Credits as above 24,722.23 $ 24,722,23 % 24,722.23 

Debits as above 19,957.64 — 

NET DEFICIT DURING ABOVE 

PERIOD % 4,764.49 

$ 4,199.50 (SURPLUS) 

STATEMENT "B ,f LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY. 

Statement of Assets and Liabilities as of June 1st, 1925. 

ASSETS. 

Account Receivable "Bundles" % 3,616.42 

"Advertising" 1,487.10 



% 5,103.52 
Less Reserve for Uncollectable Balances 1,500.00 

TOTAL ASSETS * 3,603.52 

LIABILITIES. 

Accounts Payable - • 

Capital Stock ■ 

Preferred Stock . 



900.00 
43,398.90 



TOTAL ASSETS $ 3,603,52 

TOTAL LIABILITIES ■•■• $ 46,46.*..) 1 

OLD DEFICIT $ 47,065.49 NET DEF. $ 42,865.99 

Less Surplus (See "A") 4,199.50 



TOTALS 



? 46,469.51 % 46,46!). r>l 



57 



FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE WORKERS PARTY 

OF AMERICA. 

January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925. 

EXPENDITURES. 
C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferences. 

C. E. C. May Conference , # $ 1,417.93 

C. E, C. Meeting Expense Z! 15900 

Membership Meeting Expense ZZ 129 00 

Farmer Labor Party Expense , " 323 08 

Executive Department Travel Expense ZZ..! 1,135*87 

Political Committee Expense " 1,*428.*90 

— $ 4,593.78 

Political Campaigns and Organization. 

Negro Work , ? 2j9S7 8? 

bhop Nuclei Reorganization 1 093 50 

Agrarian Department Work "ZZ 2*14004 

Anti-Imperialist Work " *428 00 

Field Organizers Expense ZZ 554.33 

Miners Campaign [ 442*50 

. • , - ¥ 7,556.24 

Administration Expense. 

Bank Charges $ n 18 

Office Maintenance and Repair.. 61675 

Headquarters Rent , IZZ 800^00 

Educational Department Expense and Wages.... 2,47703 

Executive Department G. O, Expense 283.09 

Postage 489.78 

Press Service Expense and Wages 786.15 

Executive Department Stationery and Supplies 430*75 

Te L and Telegraph 1,531.32 

Wages 4,019.00 

Industrial Department Wages and Expense...... 1,734.46 

Supply Department Expense ' 49.95 

Forwarding Expense 263.09 

Postage 143.50 

Sales Promotion 32.43 

Stationery and Supplies.,.. 15.95 

Telephone and Telegraph.. 132.62 

Wages 1,479,00 

Literature Department Expense 291.92 

Research Department Wages 1,014.67 

' — $ 16,602.64 

Supplies Purchased. 

Supply Department Purchase $ 1 995 21 

Tnprecorrs Purchased , " "532.50 

$ 2,527.71 

58 



Donations and Subsidies. 



Donations Made ■ $ 1,343.00 

Subsidy to District and Bureaus 2,974.75 

Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 337.24 

Miscellaneous. 

International Delegate Expense $ 2,922.64 

Liberator Deficit Paid (from 1922-1925) 8.699.09 

National Campaign Expense 2 ' 152 "fl 

Federation Dues Refunds Paid to Districts 9,351.10 

Junior Stamps Assessments Paid to Y. W. L,.... 729.10 

Lyceum Department Speakers Expense. 251.08 



$ 4,654. 



TOTAL EXPENDITURES 



FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL 
WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA. 

From January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925. 
RECEIPTS. 

Regular Income. 

Dues Stamps Cash Sales $ 23,004.53 

Initiation Cash Sales 1,618.60 

Liberator Publishing Company Receipts 58.55 

Supply Department Cash Receipts 4,399.33 

Literature Accounts Collected 4,664.34 

Lyceum Department Speakers Receipts 347.66 

Special Funds Receipts. 

Lenin Memorial Meetings Returns.... $ 987.04 

Farmer Labor Campaign Stamps 361.52 

$ 7,382.07 

Donations and Contributions..., ...» 

National Campaign Receipts 1924 

1925 Convention Assessment Stamps 

Miscellaneous Receipts. 

Junior Assessment Stamps. $ 1,032.44 

Contribution for Defense 

Protested Checks - •« 



$ 24,105.68 
$ 60,041.04 

OFFICE 



739.88 
6.83 



$ 34,093.01 



TOTAL RECEIPTS * 

TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR PARTY....$ 60,041.04 
TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR PARTY 47,288.47 

DEFICIT FOR PARTY (6 MONTHS).. $ 12,752.57 

59 



8,730.63 

2,428.68 
257.00 






$ 1,779.15 

$ 47,288.47 



WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE. 

Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Beginning January 1st, 1925, 
to June 30th, 1925 (6 months). 

ASSETS, 
deposits _$ UM 

Furniture and Fixtures 830.25 

Loans Receivable 1,264.50 

New York Bookstore Capital '884.89 

Office Machinery _ 600.00 

Petty Cash ..... 5 ' 00 

Postage Fund , 63.97 

Wages Advanced 30.00 

Research Department Petty Cash... ... 25^00 

Supply Department Inventory 377.52 

LIABILITIES. 

Accounts Payable ; 1 2 ,130 20 

n " , (unclaimed) 765 .76 

Cash Overdrawn 254 55 

Loans Payable ZZZZZ. 3,795^00 

Wages Unpaid 2 6 20 25 

Federations Dues Refund Payable to Districts 2,994*12 

Lenin Library Subscription ' 2 2 00 

Literature Loans Payable 921 12 

Loan A. B. C ZZZZZZ 2 06.u6 

_ a $ 4,137.13 $ 22,709.06 

Deficit June 30th, 1925 18,571.93 

TOTALS $ 22,709.06 $ 22,709.06 

NATIONAL DEFENSE COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS 
PARTY OF AMERICA. 

Financial Statement from January 1st, 1924, to June 30th, 1925 

(18 months). 

RECEIPTS. 

Defense Stamps Cash Receipts... $ 10,032.33 

International Workers Aid ' 15.00 

Donations Income 84 51 

TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR 1% YEARS... ? 10,131.84 

EXPENDITURES. 

Bank Charges _$ 64 10 

Paid to Labor Defense Council 3 250 00 

Family Relief , 2;415!oo 

Legal Expense ._, 2 617 91 

Donations for Defense...... l!l75.'oO 

60 



Lost— Bail Bonds Repaid - 400.00 

Pittsburgh Defense .-- 1,070.00 

Shumovich Bond •• 36 * 58 

Premium on Bail Bonds 40.00 

Protested Checks • 12 - 00 

Prisoners Relief » 162.05 

TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR 1% YEARS... .$ 11,242.64 

STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILITIES. 

Cash on Hand ? 201.56 

Bramson a c 100.00 

E. Owens a|c - 62 - 20 

TOTAL NET WORTH NAT'L DEF. COM $ 363.76 

CASH RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES 
from November 30th, 1923, to June 30th, 1925. 

By Months. 

Receipts Expenditures 

December, 1923 - - ...-.* 13,168.51 $ 13,304.84 

January, 1924 ■ 13,557.00 13,443.32 

February - 10,720.44 10,616.10 

Mar ch ■ ^ • 11,418.90 12,241.10 

April 12,055.94 11,064,21 

Mav " 11,171.80 10,914.21 

June 13,524.02 13,452.84 

Julv 10,840.77 12,358.67 

Au L s *t "ZZZZ.\ - i 11,051.15 9,789.28 

September ".. - 1U04.88 11.286.45 

October 17,510.45 15,371.37 

November ■ ■■ 11,260.66 12,708.91 

December ■ ■■ 8,360.17 8,452.67 

January, 1925 ■ 8-750.21 8,402.77 

February • • ^,443.51 ^,731.52 

March • 6,438.25 6,534.27 

fZT 11,190.91 11,242.46 

M a V '" -. 11,869.37 11,462.55 

June ZZZZZZZ. • ■ 9,399.86 9,713.81 

TOTAL * ■ — $212,836.80 $213,091.35 

Receipts for 19 months ..$212,836.80 

Expenditures for 19 months .» $213,091.35 

Balance Cash Overdrawn $ 254.55 

$213,091.35 $213,091.35 



61 



^w 



CHAPTER III. 

RESOLUTION OF THE MAJORITY ON THE REPORT 

OF THE C. E. C. 



AUDIT. 

., The Central Executive Committee appointed Comrades Martin 
Abern and George Maurer to audit the books of the National Office. 

the Na^TS^ ** "** *'""** M f ° n ° WS in the b °° ks ° f 

For period ending June 30th, 1924, on page 24 of Cash Book 
No. 2 and for period ending June 30, 1925, on page 125 of Cash Book 
JNo. 2i. 

Al Schaap, 
Bookkeeping Department. 



62 



1. We endorse fully and wholeheartedly all the decisions of the 
last plenum of the Comintern and also the decisions of the C. I. on 
the American question (the Labor Party and the general policies of 
the Party) and we pledge our energetic support to carry these 
decisions into effect. 

2. We endorse fully the decisions of the Parity Commission. 
We particularly join the Comintern and the Parity Commission in 
the demand that the coming Party Convention shall completely 
liquidate the factionalism which is now undermining our Party and 
preventing its growth and proper functioning. 1 

3. The unification of the Communist forces in our Party is an 
a.bsolute necessity for its future growth. We take cognizance of 
the fact that the majority has worked consistently for unity in the 
Party making all kinds of concessions to the minority. We are 
firmly convinced that by supporting the present Central Executive 
Committee we shall succeed in completely unifying our ranks for a 
successful struggle against capitalism. 

4. We also endorse fully and pledge our most active support to 
the Comintern and Parity Commission decisions providing for the 
liquidation of Loreism in our Party. We demand that the Party be 
united in an uncompromising struggle against this dangerous right 
wing tendency. We pledge our fullest support to the whole Com- 
intern program of Bolshevizing our Party, including a militant fight 
against the right wing, the reorganization of the Party on the basis 
of shop nuclei, and the raising of the theoretical level of our 
membership. 

41/,. We express our emphatic opposition to the resolution of 
the Finnish branch cf Superior, Wisconsin. We endorse fully the 
statements of the Central Executive Committee and of the Finnish 
Bureau dealing with the Superior resolution as a manifestation of 
dangerous anti-Party and Loreistic tendencies and pledge our full 
support to the Party in carrying on the struggle against these 
tendencies. 

5. The Bolshevization theses adopted by the last Plenum of the 
Comintern points out for the American Party the following three 
specific immediate tasks: 



63 



3e 



(a) The abolition of the present federation form of organ- 
ization and the fusion of all language groups into a] 
really centralized and unified Bolshevik Party built onj 
the basis of shop nuclei and international branches, 

(b) More energetic activities in the trade unions and better 
organization of Communist fractions in them. 

(c) Closer attention to the everyday needs and struggles of 
the workers and an intensive application of the tactics 
of the united front. 

6. We are in complete agreement with the above instructions 
of the Comintern and will do all in our power to assist the Party in 
the carrying out of these policies. 

7. We fully support the labor party policy as laid down by the 
Comintern decision on the American question. We pledge ourselves 
to support an energetic campaign for the formation of a mass labor 
party based upon solid trade union support. 

8. We endorse the activities of the present Central Executive 
Committee and express our confidence in the majority of the C. E. C, 
to lead the Party in accord with the spirit and principles of Len- 
inism. 

9. The present majority of the Party is organically connected 
with the mass movements of the working class. The majority has 
a clear and correct understanding of Communist work in the trade 
unions, which the Comintern has repeatedly pointed out to be among 
our most important and vital tasks. 

10. During the past eighteen months the Party, under the leader- 
ship of the C. E. C. f succeeded in overcoming many difficulties and 
critical situations that were confronting the Party. We mention 
only a few of these: 

a) The Party has broken the isolation that resulted out of the 
last swing of the LaFollette movement, and the consequent setback 
of the labor party movement. Beginning with the last presidential 
campaign, when our Party took for the first time the parliamentary field 
on a national scale, the Party is continually overcoming its isolation 
and is driving ahead for wider political struggles. 

b) The Party is now moving decisively and clearly towards 
great campaigns in the class struggle generally, in the trade unions 
and on the parliamentary field. 

c) The T. XL E. L. is developing strength and has led many effec- 
tive fights of the left wing against the bureaucracy in the trade 
unions as for example, the last election in the U. M. W. A., the fight 
for the reinstatement of Alex Howat and the other Kansas miners, 
the fight against the Lewis-Farrington machine in Illinois, the 
support of the Nova Scotia miners, the splendid showings made in 
the elections of the Machinists and Carpenters' Unions, the present 
great struggle of 35,000 members of the New York Ladies' Garment 
Workers local unions against the reactionary Sigman machine. 

64 



d) Despite the bitter factional fight in the Party lasting nine- 
leen months, which was aggravated by the impermissable tactics of 
the minority that at times threatened the unity of the Party, the 
Party under the leadership of the C. E. C. continued to make steady 
progress. Communist influence in the unions is growing despite all 
Persecutions by the reactionary bureaucracy. The Party press is 
extended and strengthened. The political maturity of our member- 
ship and its Bolshevik quality is continually improving. The Party 
Is getting ready for its great reorganization campaign on the basis 
of shop nuclei and for complete centralization of the Party apparatus. 

11. During the past eighteen months, the party under the leader- 
ship of the Central Executive Committee, has carried thru several 
Important united front political campaigns. Chief among them are 
the following: 

a) The campaign against the Russian menshevik and the Second 
International on the occasion of the arrival in the United States of 
R. Abramovitch. In this campaign the Party was successful in defeat- 
ing the immediate designs of the Russian menshevik in America, and 
also to bring before the American worker the role of the Communist 
international and the movement for World Trade Union Unity ini- 
tiated by the R. I. L. XL and the British trade unions. 

b) The campaigns against the attempt of the White Terror in 
Poland to murder the leader of the Polish workers and poor peasants, 
rnmrade Lanzutsky. 

c) The campaign against Child Labor which secured the active 
Hnpport of many trade unions and contributed greatly towards pro- 
moting the movement of the American workers for independent 
political action. 

d) The campaign against wage cuts.This campaign was di- 
rected towards promoting a strike movement against wage cuts, to 
accelerate the movement for amalgamation and to educate the work- 
ers to the necessity of political struggle as a class against the 
capitalists. 

12. The decision of the Comintern on the Labor Party contro- 
versy settles the differences of opinion in our Party on that very 
important question. It gives our Party a clear policy of work and 
struggle for a Labor Party based upon the mass support of the 
trade unions. The mistake of temporarily abandoning the slogan 
pointed out by the Comintern has been corrected by the Central 
Executive Committee, which has already outlined a program and laid 
the basis for a new campaign for a Labor Party. 

13, We support fully the insistence of the C. I. that on pre- 
mature organizational steps shall be taken in the Labor Party cam- 
paign, that a Party formed only by the Workers Party and its close 
sympathizers in close sympathizers' organizations is not a Labor 
party and that we must guard against the splitting off of the left 
wing from the Labor Party to transform it into a mass Communist 

65 






Party, but on the contrary we must let the left wing grow within the 
broad movement and strive to win the masses for the revolutionary 
class struggle. We accept fully the position of the majority, approved 
by the Comintern, that we must fight for a Labor Party based upon 
the mass support of the trade unions. 

14. We express full confidence in the leadership of the present 
Central Executive Committee. We are firmly convinced that only 1 
by giving the leadership of the Party to the present majority will the j 
Party be able to make the best progress towards becoming a mass 
Communist Party on the basis of Leninism and under the leadership 
of the Comintern. 

RESOLUTION OF THE MINORITY ON THE REPORT 

OF THE C. E. C. 

The National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of 
America, having considered the work of our Party during the past 
year and a half, established the following facts: 

1. The Majority of the C. E. C. did not take a stand against 
Loreism in our Party until after the second decision of the Com- 
munist International pointing out the dangers of Loreism in our 
Party, altho this issue was raised in a sharp form by the attitude 
of Comrade Lore on Trotskyism and his writings on the Communist 
International. During the period up to the last decision of the Com- 
munist International, the C. E. C. maintained close relations with 
Comrade Lore on the C. E. C, working in close co-operation with him, 
and a/lso maintained a close alliance with the Loreites on the New 
York District Executive Committee. During the period from the 
time of the election of the present C. E. C. up to the last decision of 
the Communist International, the C. E. C. also appeared as the 
defender of the Lore tendencies against the efforts of the minority 
of the C. E. C. to expose its true character and to carry on a cam- 
paign against this tendency in our Party. 

2. The hesitancy and vascillation which the C. E. C. majority 
showed on the question of Trotskyism was an expression of its rela- 
tion with the chief defender of Trotskyism, Comrade Lore. Comrade 
Lore telegraphed the Volkszeitung that "the Trotskyites have won 
the party" after the last convention. The C. E. C. majority refused 
to adopt the motions of the minority of the C. E. C. to indorse the 
Bolshevik old guard in the Russian Communist Party at the March, 
1924, meeting of the C. E. C. and voted down other measures for 
putting our party on record against Trotskyism. It was only after 
the convention of the Russian Communist Party which took definite 
action against Trotskyism and after the return of Comrade Poster 
from Moscow, in June, 1924, that the C. E. C. indorsed the old Bol- 
shevik guard in its fight against Trotskyism. 

3. The National Convention finds in the resolutions of the 
Superior Finnish Branch and in the article by Comrade Askeli in 
relation to these resolutions, an expression of the social-democratic 
Loreist tendency in our Party. This is manifested in the emphasis 

66 






of purely organization questions and the persistence of a non-Com- 
munist attitude on these questions and in the skeptical attitude to- 
ward Communist maneuvering and the participation of the Party in 
the actual struggles of the workers. This non-Communist attitude 
also expresses itself in opposition to the decisions of the Communist 
International in relation to the situation in our Party. The conven- 
tion declares that no Communist can take the position expressed 
hy the Superior branch and that the Party must carry on a resolute 
Mt niggle to eliminate this tendency as well as the other Loreist ten- 
dencies which manifested themselves in the past. 

4. The C. E. C. majority did not sufficiently understand the nec- 
essity of making our work in the Trade Unions the means of winning 
the organized workers ideologically for the revolutionary struggle 
against capitalism which was emphasized by the C. E. C. minority, 
our Trade Union work has in practice over-emphasized the organ- 
ization struggle (election of officers and the securing of organizational 
control) to the neglect of Communist issues to win the workers ideo- 
logically and to draw them into a political struggle against the capi- 
talist government. As has been established in the Parity Commission 
resolution on the liquidation of Loreism this is an expression of 
Loreism which says: 

"Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the Trade 
Union Field and in other working class non-partisan organiza- 
tions. These deviations take the form of struggle for office for 
the sake of the office to the total neglect of our main task, which 
is to win the working masses of these organizations for the 
revolutionary class struggle and for the leadership of the Com- 
munist Party." 

While this tendency was particularly strong in the Needle Trades, 
where a definite Loreite group was in control of the work, the same 
tendency manifested itself in our Trade Union work in other fields. 
IJecause the C. E. C. majority itself suffered from this tendency, it 
did not take the necessary energetic action to fight it in the Needle 
Trades. It did not accept the offer of the minority for united action 
against this tendency. The party must conduct a united fight against 
this tendency. 

5. The C. E. C. majority has ignored the independent unions in 
the Trade Union work. This was corrected by the decision of the 
Profintern in 1924, but the decision of the Profintern has not^ been 
carried out. The failure to take actual steps for the organization of 
the unorganized has been another neglect of the Trade Union work 
of the Party. The oj^anization of the unorganized is of vital im- 
portance in influencing the revolutionizing of the organized labor 
movement in this country and the Party must take up this work 
energetically. 

6. The Trade Union Educational League was reduced to an or- 
ganization that was merely a party fraction during the past year in 
l»lace of being a broad organization of the left wing in the Trade 

67 



Union movement. The C. E. C. was not sufficiently energetic in re. 
sisting this tendency and did not develop the policies and measures 
to make the T. XL E. L. a real organized expression of the Left Wing, 
but on the contrary, adopted proposals which increased the tendency 
toward our isolation in the Trade Unions. 

7. The majority of the C. E. C. made a fundamental error in 
policy in abandoning the Labor Party policy in October, 1924, The 
C. E. C. majority did not see that the Labor Party policy was the 
means of breaking the bonds which tie the backward masses to their 
exploiters politically and of developing the class consciousness of 
the masses. While the minority of the C. E. C. formulated the Labor 
Party policies "somewhat too narrowly" in its last thesis, the minor- 
ity of the C. E. C. took the correct stand in resisting the abandon 
ment of the policy necessary for the development of the class con 
sciousness of the American Workers and the building of a mass 
Communist Party in the United States. 

8. The abandonment of the Labor Party policy, together with 
the attitude of the majority of the C. E. C. on the question of work 
among women and on non-party organizations, indicated a sectarian 
tendency. The national convention establishes that the minority of 
the C. E. C. was right in resisting this sectarian tendency. The C. 
E. C. majority must assume the responsibility for the struggle within 
the party which grew out of its incorrect policy. The C. E. C. ma- 
jority must assume responsibility for the fact that the party did not 
maintain the steady progress which the party was making prior to 
the last convention. At the end of 1923 our party was making prog- 
ress both in strengthening itself organizationally and in widening 
its influence among the masses. This progress continued under the 
impetus of the previously established policies during the first six 
months of 1924. Since that time the party has halted and even gone 
backwards. At the end of 1923 we had an average of 16,000 mem- 
bers for the previous six months, during the first six months of 1924, 
this rose to 17,000 ; As a result of the fundamentally wrong policies 
of the C. E. C., this year the average membership was again reduced 
to 16,000. After a year and a half of the leadership of the present 
C. E. C. majority, the party stands where it was at the end of 1923 
and as compared with the first six months of 1924, we have lost a 
thousand members. 

9. Altho the C. E. C. majority proposed united campaigns on 
special issues as a substitute for the United Front Labor Party cam- 
paign, these campaigns consisted of issuing manifestos without any 
effort for organization support thru the creation of united front 
bodies. No real campaign was developed. The C. E. C. contented 
itself with the issuance of a propanganda manifesto. This was true 
of the child labor campaign, the campaign against the C. P. P. A., etc. 
There was innate in this misapplication of the united front tactic 

the same sectarian tendency shown above. 

10. The reorganization of the Party and the establishment of 
shop nuclei and international branches is one of the major immediate 

68 



I 



tasks. This reorganization and the creation of the shop nucleus as 
ill.- basic unit of the Party will wield powerful influence in the elimin- 
H l ion of all social democratic and anti-Communist tendencies from 
the Party and the incoming C. E. C. must exert all its energies to 
carry thru this reorganization at the earliest moment. The work of 
liuilding shop nuclei has not been carried on with sufficient energy 
during the period since the campaign was initiated in December as is 
Mown by the fact that only some 60 shop nuclei have been organized 
une that time. This hesitancy in carrying on reorganization can 
im longer be tolerated. 

11. The National Convention endorses the decision of the Com- 
munist International on the American question. It endorses the de- 
I Ision, and resolutions of the Parity Commission, particularly the 
present tasks of the Party on Trade Union work, on the liquidation of 
Loreism and the Bolshevization of the Workers (Communist) Party. 

12. These resolutions furnish the basis for the development of 
our Party policy on true Communist lines and as a foundation for 
harmonious work in the Party. The minority accepted them as 
luch but in the elections in the Party branches and city conventions 
Lhe Majority created conditions which militated against such harmo- 
nious work. The majority succeeded in getting a majority of this 
convention thru methods which cannot be tolerated in a Communist 
Party. These methods were particularly apparent in the Cleveland, 
Philadelphia and New York Districts. The majority found its greatest 
nlrength in the support of the extreme right wing of our Party with- 
out which it could not have gained the majority in the convention. 

The minority made its protest against the impermissable methods 
Used in the elections before the convention and offered to enter into 
negotiations for liquidation of this new obstacle to harmonious work 
in the Party. This protest was particularly against the attempt to 
rliminate the D. E. C. which the minority had elected in the Cleve- 
land, Philadelphia and New York districts and substitute for them 
eommittees with a majority composed of supporters of the majority 
|roup in two instances and in Philadelphia of a committee of equal 
proportions. This contest lead to a crisis in the convention. 

On the basis of negotiations being taken up for the settlement 
of the disputed questions, the minority returned to the convention 
ind stated categorically that under no circumstances would it split 
the Party. It urged, however, the necessity of a settlement of the 
Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York questions before a basis of 
common work could be found. This final effort of the minority to 
create conditions in the Party which would soften and ultimately 
load to a liquidation of the factional fight was not accepted by the 
majority altho the conditions offered by the minority, that is, equal 
representation on the district executive committees in Cleveland, 
Philadelphia and New York could well have been accepted by the 
majority group. 

The only inference that the minority can draw from the refusal 
of the majority to consider seriously these efforts to create better 

f>9 



conditions in the Party is that the policy of the majority group , 
that of persecution and extermination of the minority. It could onl) 
draw the conclusion from these actions that the majority which main 
tains its present relationship with the right wing of the Party withot 
which it could not he a majority in the Party and that its policies ari 
those of struggle against the left wing represented by the minoriti 
group. 

The actions of the majority in the convention can only lead to 
new and more bitter struggle between it as the leader of the righa 
wing of the Party and the minority, the left wing, which has shown 
that it is able to formulate and follow a true Communist policy and 
lead the fight for really Bolshevizing our Party. It leaves to the 
minority no other course than to continue the struggle against per- 
secution and extermination and to keep the Party on the line of the 
Communist International. 

resolutfon. )"^ reSOlUtion ado » te d by a vote of 40 and 21 for the minority 

MAJORITY RESOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECU- 

TIVE OF THE C. I. AND ITS DECISION ON 

THE AMERICAN QUESTION. 

ir«7?- e con 7. e ° tion endorses fully all decisions of the Enlarged] 
executive which lay down a correct Leninist policy for the varioua 
sections of the Comintern. various 

The convention considers, in line with the decision of the En- 
larged Executive, that the Bolshevization of our Party is our central 
important task. We have fully determined to develop our policies 
tactics, and forms of organization in such a manner as to transform f 
our Party into a real Leninist Bolshevik Party 

Loret 1 m ng t S n de p Wi t tl1 a ^ ermined and relentless struggle against) 
„t 7*1 Sm : til . e Party must immediately prepare for its reorganization 

llL S ( , S ° P DUClel and intern ational branches, and for the 
complete centralization of the Party apparatus 

nr, ™e convention is in 'ull agreement with the Enlarged Executive' 
on the dangers facmg the C. I. from its right wing. The right wing I 
O^oTnZ r ^ res T Gnted h * Brandlerism in Germany, BubnTkism in 
Czecho-Slovakia Loreism in the United States, tendencies which are 
concentrating their forces around the right wing deviations of Trotz- ' 
kyism, are exceedingly dangerous to the growth and Bolshevization 
of the various sections of the C. I. The Bolshevization of the C I 
demands a relentless struggle against this right wing which means ' 
for our American Party the complete liquidation of LoreTsm I 

The convention accepts and endorses the decision of the Enlarged , 
fh?St V l° n ?k ^ merican Question. The convention takes note of 
the mistakes of both groups in the Party on the Labor Party question 
as pointed out in the decision of the Comintern. The convention™ 
in full agreement with the decision of the C. I. which calls for an 
intensive campaign for a Labor Party based upon the mass support 
of the trade unions,, and which corrects the errors of the August 
thesis, such as the theory of competing Labor Parties, the Labor 

70 



i ,nv consisting only of the Workers Party and its close circle of 

unpathizers, the splitting off of the left wing from the broad Labor 

Mrty movement for the purpose of transforming it into a mass 

nminist Party, etc. . 

The convention pledges complete and loyal support to the rteci- 
llons of the Enlarged Executive, to its struggle against the right 
Wing, and for the Bolshevization of the Parties of the Communist 
International. 

KLSOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECUTIVE SES- 
SION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 
PROPOSED TO THE FOURTH NATIONAL 
CONVENTION OF THE WORKERS 
PARTY, BY JAY LOVESTONE, 
IN BEHALF OF THE MI- 
NORITY GROUP. 

The Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Communist) 
party considers the sessions of the Enlarged Executive as marking 
Hiany steps towards the stabilization of the various sections of the 
Communist International. 

Our convention fully appreciates the significance of the present 
world situation in which there is no immediate revolutionary situa- 
ihm. But we categorically reject the position taken by the Social 
Democrats and the right wing in the Communist International (Radek- 
iirandler-Kreibich) and personified in the United States by Lore, 
that the epoch of revolution is at an end. 

In full agreement with the analysis of the world situation made 
by the Enlarged Executive, we declare that now especially is it neces- 
niiry to fight most energetically against the bourgeoisie and their 
uncial democratic lackeys for the proletarian revolution. 

The correctness of the Leninist analysis oif imperialism, adopted 
by the Enlarged Executive and the wrong and counter-revolutionary 
Hews of the social democrats and their camouflaged supporters in the 
right wing of the Communist International has been very well shown 
by the recent events in China, Morocco, Asia Minor, the growing 
power of the Soviet Union and the critical industrial situation in 
Kngland. 

In this period there tend to develop dangers, of sectarianism and 
Opportunism, to the Comintern. Thru its decision on the Czechisch 
Question, on Trotskyism, on Trade Union Unity, on the colonial and 
agrarian question, on Brandlerism and on the American Labor Party 
and Lore questions, the Enlarged Executive has struck effective 
blows against sectarianism and opportunism. 

The Enlarged Executive rendered especially great service to the 
Workers (Communist) Party in sharply criticising and correcting 
the sectarianism and opportunism manifested in certain sections of 
Our Party in the anti-Labor Party tendency and in the refusal of the 
C. E. C. majority to wage an aggressive ideological and organizational 
campaign against Loreism. 

71 



ization n '™ t ?■ Cl06S n0t m6an mech ani Z ation, but eon,,,, 

za ion of our activities in the light of the experiences of the prnli 
tanan revolution of Russia and the Russian Communist Party 

For the American Section of the Communist International ,J 
Workers Communist Party, Bolshevization concretely means the ,,!, 

1. Our Party is very weak in theory. We must resolutely work 
to overcome the prejudices existing amongst many of our comrade! ' 
against theory and stress the importance of theory and the tmth 3 

SET? 8 i eQ ' m ' S deClaration that "Without a revolutt nary Sieoryl 
there can be no revolutionary practice." meorya 

2. We must overcome the erroneous attitude in our ranks to- 
wards the relation df the Party to the masses, properly catled the 
theory of mass spontaneity, manifested in the attitude of the C EC 
majority towards the Labor Party campaign. I 

3 A more effective utilization for revolutionary purposes of the 
immediate partial demands in order to secure a genE rapprlhe 
ment of the Party with the masses. pp 9 

4. To intensify our trade union activities and to utilize mora 
extensive y and effectively the trade union work for .SaSiS 
the Party's political contact with the masses and help ng us Stab, isS 
our political leadership of the American working class establls & 

in L T ? intensify our activities on the agrarian and colonial fields 
m order to secure the necessary allies of the working Sas for 3 
successful proletarian revolution. for *] 

shoD^nnlfj n C T Plete , reor S aniza «™ of the Party on the basis of 
of Ll^l m r ely aS an or S anIza t»nal change but as a means ' 

J n !hS g t 6Very ° P nUCl6US a livins poIitical unit ot our Party and 
an absolute prerequisite to the Bolshevization of our Party 

**»!'** Ca ? y ° n a vigorous ideological and organizational struggle 
ashore anTi™ * <"" ™^ ^^^ by SUch opportunist 
re S olu«on e )° f "" convent, ° n = 40 for the majority and 21 for the minor! t] 
MOTION OF THE MAJORITY ON "AUGUST" THESIS. 
In view of the fact that the theories about the Labor Party that 
were expounded in the thesis of August 1923, have been widefy ' 

aSri Li ."TV 11 , 6 Party aDd Mve never been offlcial * «* ■PeclSi 
Slnrtp? n /tn A° y ° Ur Party ' tWs conventl ™ declares that the 
theories of the August thesis, the theory of competing labor parties, 
he theory of a Communist Labor Party, the theory of splitting off 
the left wing and the transformation of the labor party into a mass 
Communist Party-all of these theories are declared to be contrary o 
the decision of the Comintern. 

AMENDMENT BY RUTHENBERG TO MOTION REGARDING 

AUGUST THESIS. 

In view of the fact that th e Third National Convention of the 
Party adopted unanimously a resolution "That the November thesis 






Adopted by that convention, superseded all previous theses on the 
l.nbor Party question" the question of the August thesis is no longer 
mi issue in our Party. 

(For Ruthenberg's amendment 21. Against 40,) 

THE PRESENT SITUATION AND IMMEDIATE 
TASKS OF THE PARTY. 

I. The World Situation. 

Despite the assertions <oif the capitalists and their agents in the 
hibor movement (the leaders of the Second International and the 
right wing of the Amsterdam International) that capitalism has 
imerged from its critical stage and has succeeded in stabilizing itself, 
the world situation continues to remain revolutionary. This imposes 
upon the Communist parties of the world the duty of educating and 
Organizing the working class for a struggle for power and for the 
Mtablishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The capitalists 
have been seeking for some means of avoiding the consequences of 
the inner contradictions of capitalism which threatens its destruction. 
The world war was a logical climax of these contradictions. The 
ind of the, war left capitalism economically weakened, yet with all 
the contradictions and conflicting interests apparent in sharpened 
form, threatening a new catastrophe and complete breakdown of the 
«;i|)italist system. 

The analysis of the world situation given by the last plenum 
Of the E. C. C. I. has proven to be absolutely correct. The so-called 
Itabilization of capitalism is in reality very temporary, partial, and 
relative in its nature. World production in the capitalist countries 
Of Europe during the first half of 1925 is still below the pre-war 
level and is continuing on a down grade. At the same time the 
political struggles in capitalist Europe are continually growing in 
intensity. New political crises are appearing almost daily. White 
terror in Bulgaria, the election of Hindenburg, the change of govern- 
ment in France, etc. etc. are merely the result of the continuing 
instability of capitalism and the sharpening of the class struggle. 

2. History proves, however, with increasing certainty, that the 
problems of capitalism in the imperialist era cannot be solved by 
the capitalists. The temporary adjustment of the conflict over Ger- 
man reparations thru the Dawes plan and the temporary and partial 
Itabilization of the capitalist economic order in Europe had no sooner 

' been accomplished than the imperialist conflict broke out in a new 
form in the struggle of the suppressed peoples of Morocco and China 
to free themselves from the exploitation and political domination of 
the great imperialist powers. 

3. The war in Morocco and the struggle in China emphasize the 
Instability of the capitalist social order. They are the outcome of 
conflicting interests which characterize the imperialist era of capital- 
ism. The people ox Morocco and China are fighting against imperia- 
list exploitation, without which capitalism cannot exist in the present 
Period of its development. Capitalism must have investment oppor- 

73 . 



tumties which exist in the spheres of influence of undeveloped cod 
tries and it must have the raw materials of these countries TM 
struggle for these betVeen the imperialist powers and the strugd 
against exploitation and oppression by the suppressed peoples 
these countries are the sparks which light the powdered magazine 
capitalism, resulting in the explosion which brings the destruction of 
millions of lives and billions of wealth as in the world war, and trJ 
consequent reduction in production and the standard of life of tin. 
wiorkers. 

4. The present world situation o'f capitalism again proves tha. 
the only force which can avert the menace of new wars is the working 
class. It is only thru a victorious revolutionary struggle against til 
imperialist capitalist governments that th e working class can escape 
from the suffering which the imperialist era of capitalism brinirM 
upon it. 

5. In contrast to this situation in the capitalist world, standi 
the Soviet Union. In spite of all the attacks of international capital 
ism made in an effort to destroy the Soviet government and prevent 
the creation of a new social order, the creation of that new social 
order goes forward step by step. Already Soviet Russia has been, 
able to raise the standard of life of its workers higher than in 1914J 
while the balance of Europe — capitalist Europe — has reduced th« 
standard of life to its workers. The Soviet Union has thus become- 
increasingly an inspiration to the workers of the capitalist countries! 
to enter the struggle to win their freedom from capitalist exploitation 
and oppression. 



II. 



The Present Economic Situation in the United States. 



The present economic situation in the United States is marked 
by the following characteristic. The increasing export of capital! 
during 1924 and the beginning of 1925 continues still more deeply toj 
involve the United States in every imperialist struggle of todayj 
American capital, m its urge towards world domination, is thus be^ 
coming involved in all the contradictions, crises, and struggles o< 
world capitalism. This factor is alsso producing sharp conflicts within 
the capitalist class of America on the one hand, such as the struggle 
between finance and industrial capital over the question of foreign 
investments and the tariff, and is intensifying the struggle between] 
the working class and the capitalist class, on the other hand. 

2. We are today in a period of diminishing production. The 
predicted prosperity from the adoption of the Dawes Plan has notJ 
developed in the United States. Production continues haltingly and] 
hesitatingly, but on a downward grade. Wages are being steadily] 
reduced while the cost of living is rising slowly. The coal industry! 
finds itself in a chronically critical situation resulting in thousands 
of miners being thrown out of employment. The general instability! 
of the wheat market is seriously affecting the buying power of large 
sections of farmers, thus further aggravating the economic situation.! 



«.. neral unemployment has become a chronic feature of the economic 
M nation in the United States. 

IN. The Growth ©f Imperialism and Militarism. 

1. American imperialism is extending its policy of the political 
ind military conquest of its spheres of economic influence. Latin 
America is evermore becoming a political and military dependency 
l)| I he United States. This sharpens the relations of the Latin- 
Unerican countries to the United States and is creating the basis for 
i ii i inventions and military aggression by the United States against 
the republics of Latin- America. It also creates the basis for anti- 
imperialist and at the same time nationalist revolutionary move- 
ments among the peasants and workers of South America. 

2. The export of capital from America into Europe, thru the 
operation of the Dawes Plan and otherwise, has created new contra- 
dictions and conflicts. American imperialism in Europe is reaching 
I stage when political and military interference in the affairs of 
Burope is becoming the order of the day. Hence, the tremendous 
nowth of militaristic propaganda and preparations in the United 
: Mates. 

3. American imperialism is also heavily increasing its export 
Of capital to China and the whole Far East. America is winning a 
I inner hold on the great Far Eastern market. The increasing interest 
Of American imperialism in the Far East is shown by the recent 
llgantic American naval maneuvers in the Pacific and the visit of 
the United States Pacific fleet to Australia. In the present Chinese 
orisis the American imperialist government is insisting on the execu- 
tion of the Washington conference treaties in order to strengthen 
the position of the American capitalists, particularly against the 
Japanese and the British interests. In pursuing this imperialist pol- 
Icy, the American government is attempting to hide its aggressive 
plans against the Chinese people by posing as a friend of China. 
In this hypocritical maneuver the American imperialists are trying 
bo undermine the growing influence of the Soviet Union in the Far 
East and especially in China. 



IV. 



The Political Situation in the United States. 



1. Since the late imperialist war, fundamental and radical 
changes have taken place in the economic structure, class composi- 
tion, and class relations in the United States. American capitalism 
has become a world power. Finance capital with its imperialist pol- 
icies is dominating the life of the country. Large sections of the 
tenners have been expropriated in the recent agrarian crisis and 
Ihrown into the ranks of the proletariat. The tendency toward the 
levelling process which took place during the war thru the loss, to 
a certain extent, of their privileged position by the aristocracy of 
labor and the improvement of the position of the unskilled workers, 
the proletarianization of the farmers, the influx of large masses of 

75 






Negroes into industry, and the great diminution of immigration from 
Europe, have made the American working class more homogeneous 
thus creating the basis for a sharper and more conscious struggle of 
the workers against the capitalists. The increased centralization 1 
and power of the American government and the tremendous increase 
of the governmental bureaucracy, during and following the late impe 
rialist war, as compared with the pre-war period, and its continual 
brutal interference in the class struggle in favor of the capitalists 1 
and against the workers, is gradually instilling political consciousness 
into the minds of the masses and is creating the basis for a great 
political mass movement of the workers against the capitalists. 

2. The period of jubilation and confidence in the camps of the 
capitalists, following the election of Coolidge to the presidency, has 
largely evaporated. Instead' of industrial prosperity, the country is 
approaching a period of depression. Conflicts and friction within 
the capitalist class are again coming to the surface. Witness the 
internal struggle in the ranks of the republican and democratic parties 
and the revival of dissatisfaction with present conditions among the 
farmers and the city petty bourgeoisie. 

3. A characteristic indication of the internal conflicts within 
the bourgeoisie is the intensifying struggle within the protestant 
churches between the so-called fundamentalists and the modernists. J 
The Scopes trial is only a more spectacular manifestation of the gen-1 
era! political disintegration of the American bourgeoisie. 

4. As a result of the changes in the bourgeoisie (centralization 
of the government, growth of government apparatus, greater inter- I 
vention in strikes) and changes in the working class, a movement I 
develops for the formation of a labor party, indicating the growing 
political consciousness of the American workers. Even the breaking 
away of several millions of workers from the two old capitalist parties 
to support the candidacy of LaFollette indicated an advance in the 1 
development of the class consciousness of the American workers. 

5. In the last election campaign the movement for the formation ! 
of a labor party was diverted into support of the LaFollette petty 
bourgeois progressive movement. The following factors are contri- J 
buting toward a new forward swing of this movement. The recent 
wage reductions, the stagnant industrial situation, the defeat of 
every legislative measure favorable to the working class, the con- 
tinual interference of the government on the side of the capitalists 
and against the workers in every industrial conflict, and, lastly the 
profound disappointment of large masses of workers in the effective- 
ness not only of the old political parties, but also of the non-partisan 
methods of the trade union bureaucracy and the "progressive" policies 
of LaFollettism. The closer we approach the congressional elections 
of 1926, the more pronounced will become the political conscious- 
ness and activity of the American workers. The prospect of a strike 
in the anthracite regions, the resistance of the textile workers to 

76 



wage cuts, the ferment in the garment industry in resistance to the 
Coventor Smith's award, all indicate a stiffening in the resistance 
of the working class. These struggles are creating increasingly 
u table conditions for this movement. 

Independent working class action and the formation of a poll 
lical proletarian mass party— a labor party — is becoming more urgent. 

V. The Trade Union Movement. 

1. The trade union movement of the United States continue! 
on the downward grade. It is losing membership. It is weakei 
organizationally. And it is generally losing much of its effect iv< is 
;is an organ of economic struggle. 

2. The reactionary trade union bureaucracy met the open shop 
offensive of the capitalists with schemes of class collaboration in 
stead of class struggle tactics. This false policy is responible for the 
tendency toward degeneration of the trade union movement. An 
intensive struggle against the class collaboration schemes, such be- 
labor banking, B. & O, plan, arbitration, the abolition of strikes, etc., 
Is the best means of rejuvenating and strengthening the unions. 

3. The left wing in the trade unions is growing in number anil 
Influence. Such successful struggles of the left wing against the 
reactionaries as took place in recent months, in the unions of tie- 
miners, machinists, carpenters and needle trades, is sufficient prool 
of the growth of the left wing in the trade unions. The tremendous 
success of the minority movement in England and the general turn to 
the left of the British labor movement, are bound to exert a revolu- 
tionary influence upon the labor movement of the United Stat* 

VI. The Situation in The Workers Party. 

The present situation in the Workers Party of America ral 
the following principle problem for solution: The Workers Party 
faces serious dangers from its right wing, the non-Communist Lore 
tendency, which tends to undermine the Communist basis of the 

Party. 

Another impediment to the growth of the party and Its becom 
ing a real Bolshevik Party is its present social-democratic and Ceder 
ation form of organization. The sooner the Party cent 11 

apparatus and completely reorganizes on the shop nuclei basis, the 
better for its growth and development. 

Organized factionalism is a third sore in the body of the Party 
It not only demoralizes the membership but actually endangers the 
integrity and unity of the Party. 

The failure of a large percentage of our proletarian membi 
join the trade unions and to actively participate in Communis work 
in these organizations is a weakness which must be overcome, 

And last, but not least, is the low di ' theoretical know! 

edge and training that prevails in our party, together with an Ifl 
sufficiently wide political outlook. 

77 



VII. The Concrete Tasks of The Workers Party. 

1. Rolshevize the Party. The specific immediate measures to 
bolshevize the Party are the following: 

a. Liquidate Loreism. This tendency must be liquidated poli- 
tically in the sense that the Party will wage a relentless struggle 
against Loreism and all other forms of opportunism. Enforce ab- 
solutely loyalty and discipline with regard to its own decisions and 
those of the C. I. Eradicate the conception that the W. P is only a 
propaganda organ, no federation autonomy, full and complete control 
of the Party press by the C. E. C, and no concessions to reformist 
prejudices and non-Communist views. Organizationally, the Lore 
tendency must be liquidated in the sense that no representative of 
the Lore or Poyntz group will be permitted on the next C E C and 
that no leading Party organ (committee of editorship) will be led 
by followers of the Lore tendency. 

b. Liquidate factionalism. No organized factions; that is no 
organized groups within the party having a political platform of its 
own as distinct from the Party platform and owing allegiance or dis- 
cipline to its own organized group as against the Party discipline 
All existing groupings shall be immediately dissolved. The next C. 
E. C. shall be authorized to impose measures of Party discipline in- 
cluding in the most extreme cases, expulsion from the Party 'the 
main effort of the Party shall be directed against the most danger- 
ous manifestation of such organized factionalism. 

c. Reorganize the Party on the shop nuclei basis and centralize 
its apparatus and leadership in accord with the organization letter of 
the C. I. and the special resolution of the C. E. C. to be submitted 
to the convention. 

d. Educate the Party and its leadership in the fundamentals of 
Marxism and Leninism. 

e. Widen the political outlook of the Party. Educate and train 
the Party to the understanding that the working class must be the 
leader in the struggle against every form of capitalist oppression and 
that the Party must take cognizance of and react to every manifesta- 
tion of the class struggle no matter how obscure or superficially 
remote from the immediate struggle of the workers for better condi- 
tion of labor. 

The Party Press. 

a. The existing daily organs of the Party must be developed 
into real mass organs of the American workers. 

b. Special measures shall be adopted to insure a completely 
publStions Party C ° ntr01 (editoria1 ' ° wne rship, etc.) over all Party 

c Special care shall be taken to develop theoretical and scien- 
ce publications. All efforts shall be made to speed up the publica- 
tion of Lenin's works. 

78 



Building The Party. 

a. The incoming central executive committee shall continue and 
intensify a systematic campaign to recruit new members from among 
l he workers into the Party. 

b. There shall be developed a real organization department to 
extend and strengthen the Party organization. 

1. The Political Tasks of the Party. 

In the United States our Party does not at the present time 
face a revolutionary situation. The problem in the United States is 
to break the bonds which still tie the working class to its exploiters 
and to develop a consciousness of its interests as a class and con- 
scious struggle for these interests as a class. Our Party must be the 
medium to unify the industrial struggles of the workers and to break 
the bonds which hold the workers in the political parties of their 
exploiters. The policy of the party in the present situation must 
have this main objective— the awakening and the arousing of class 
consciousness for relentless class struggle against the capitalist 
system. 
2. Extend and Intensify the Application of the United Front Tactics. 

a. Propagate continually the idea of a united front of labor 
against the united front of capital. 

b. Take the initiative in organizing united front action from 
below on every burning issue in the class struggle. 

c Expose the treachery of the Second International and of the 
reactionary trade union bureaucrats. Popularize the ideas and prin- 
ciples of the Comintern and the Profintern and recruit members into 
the Workers Party. 

d. Concentrate on the campaign for world trade union unity 
and for the recognition of Soviet Russia. 

e Work .systematically for a united front of labor on the poli- 
tical held with the aid of such slogans as a united labor ticket in 
parliamentary elections and a labor party. 

3. Trade Union Work. 

a To stimulate and support the crystallization of a progressive 
opposition bloc in the trade unions against the reactionary bureau- 
cracy. 

b Build Communist fractions in every union. 

c. Participate actively in the work of the T. U. E. L. and build 
Communist fractions within it. 

4. Campaign for a Labor Party. 

a Carry on a systematic campaign in every labor organization 
for a labor party. This campaign shall invariably be based upon the 

79 



ZZSL.ZSLS' """' u,e economlc aM " ,1 " ta " *««*■ - 

nt fK b ' A ,.? ent , ral point in this agitational campaign shall be a review 
of the political experiences of the American workers with the LaFoh 

e ev^wTh V aT e a?m T« ?" ^ ^ m ° Vement "^ ^ TW 
(l7 The ho st htv .fT °,T '? the W ° rkerS the foll °™ lesson ^ 
The total ,„/£5 ° f the °! d DOliUcaI parties t0 th * workers; (2) 
o^Gomnirrr, th eneSS / nd bankru P^ <* «»e non-partisan methods 
Th S™J? t 6 C t °. nference for Progressive political action; (3) 
Uafis TclZZ ft? * ltl0 l 0i ^ Pe " y bour seoisi e between the cap- 
ntrestsTotrto ?,?. T S t ClaSS . and the contr adiction of its class 
interests both to the class interests of the bourgeoisie as well as to 

oeLlT TT* ° f the W ° rkinS ClaSS ' ^ich forces them t rvacn ate 
alirncTwirn^T e0,S1,e - and the proletaria t, between a political 
alliance with the bourgeoisie or a political alliance with the proleta- 
nat This vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie manifested itseF in 
he opposition of the LaFollette movement to the old capitalist p£ 
ties on the one hand and to the labor party movement on the other 

th? h«T ^ n ****** the IaSt P resi ^ntial elections, etc; and in 
he breakup of the conference for progressive politica action" 
the labor party issue; (4) The insincerity and treachery of the 
socialist party in the labor movement; (5) Th e role of the Workers 
Party as the only consistent flghter and supporter for a labor^rl™ 
(6) Participate m all non-partisan political bodies having Se 
union affiliation and light within them for a labor party; (7) XIUH ze 

party S (8) Build" ,TV ^T tlCket " &S a Step ^waiis a labor 
party, (8) Build local and state labor parties on the basis of mass 
trade union support in accord with the special central execute 
committee resolution on the labor party that will be submitted to 

pMttirrf tZ ; ,1 9 > ^ f thiS W ° rk SUard against ^ ™£u e 
splitting of the left wing from trade union non-partisan committees 

having mass support and rank and file representation and the for" 
mation of labor parties consisting only of the Workers Party and its 
sympathizing organizations. The labor party, whether local, stae 
or na lonal, must be a genuine mass organization built upon the 
mass trade unions. 

5. Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Militarism. 

a. Carry on a systematic and active agitation against American 
impenahsm particularly in Latin America. Demand the wUMrawa 
of American armed forces from foreign lands. " 

b. Combat the new militaristic wave and strive to develop a 
united front against the rising military caste in the United States 
tho new military and naval appropriation, against military tra n ng 
in the schools, camps, etc. y dining 

c. Carry on an active agitation against the Dawes plan 

An:iLp G e i ralis a t Ct L V eagre PPOrt * ** &CtiVitieS ° f ^ " Amerlcan 

80 



6. International Labor Defense. 

a. The Party must continue to participate actively in the work 
of the International Labor Defense and assist it to becmm 

mass organization of the proletarian class struggle, fighting (or tht 
defense of the working class prisoners. 

b. Communist fractions shall be organized within the I. L D 
h» carry out Party policies to recruit members for the 1'a.rl 

7, Work Among Negroes. 

a. The Party shall actively support the struggle of the Negro 
race against all forms of racial discrimination and for complete 
nomic, political and social equality. 

b. The party must extend its activities among the Negro workers 
and to recruit into its ranks the most conscious elements from them 

c. The Party shall continue its active participation in the calling 
and building of the American Negro Congress on the basis of the 
special resolution on the subject. 

d. Communist fractions shall be organized in the American 
Negro Labor Congress. 

8. Agrarian Work. 

a. The coming Party convention shall formulate and adopl an 
agrarian program laying down our demnads, line of policy, and form 
of organization for the agricultural workers and poor farmers, 

b. The central executive committee shall establish a r 
agrarian department to be in charge of the party's agrarian work 

9. Work Among Women. 

a. The coming Party convention shall adopt a special program 
Tor work among women. 

b. The program shall provide for an intensive campai; 
ganize the women in industry and to unify the existing organization! 
n\* working class women in a national organization. 

c. The central executive committee shall establish a special d( 
partment of work among women. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 

INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE LABOR PARTY CAMPAK 

General. 

1. The Party shall begin immediately an agitation in ;ill Indu 
trial centers for the idea of a national labor party and for the form 

t.ion of local and, state laJbor parties. This agitation shall In- 01 

on in every labor organization with particular concentration upon 
local unions. The issue of the labor party shall be raised at all tradi 
union conventions, local, -state, and national, and also at the fOftl 
coming convention of the A. F. of L. 

2. Wherever the issue of the Labor Party is raised, this shall b 
done in connection with and on the basis of the present day i 

81 









of the workers, such as a struggle against wage cuts and unemploy- 
ment, for the right to organize in unions, against imperialism, for 
the nationalization of the mines and railways, etc. Our campagn for 
a labor party shall be carried on along the following general lines: 

(a) Formulation of concrete economic demands based upon 
immediate burning needs of the masses. 

(b) Popularize these demands among the masses and the 
labor organizations. 

(c) Call upon the rank and file in the shops, unions, and 
among the unemployed to address resolutions, petitions, 
and to hold mass meetings, demanding that the "labor" 
ring of the LaPolIette Progressive combination, the LaFol- 
lette group in congress, and the non-partisan political 
bodies of the trade unions propose and fight for legisla- 
tion along the lines of the demands of the masses. At 
the same time we shall create united front organizations 
from below to carry on the struggle of the rank and file 
for these demands. 

(d) By these campaigns unmask the bourgeois nature of the 
LaFollette movement and of its labor lieutenants, expose 
the futility of the non-partisan political methods of the 
trade union bureaucracy and demonstrate the necessity 
of forming a Labor Party, a political party of the trade 
unions and other labor organizations, independent of and 
opposed to all political parties of big and small capital. 

3. The practical objective of this agitation in the local unions 
of each locality is to prepare the ground for the Labor Party issue in 
the central labor councils. The issue should be raised in the form 
of a resolution committing the local unions and the central labor 
bodies to the organization of a local Labor Party. As a matter of 
general policy every effort shall be made to win the central labor 
councils over definitely to the labor party idea and to the formation 
of local Labor Parties. The central councils shall be made the cen- 
tral strategic point in our struggle for the formation of local Labor 
Parties. We shall favor the actual organization of local Labor Par- 
ties when the volume of support for the project in the local unions 
and in the central labor bodies is sufficient to assure the mass char- 
acter and the vitality of the organization. But we shall not favor the 
organization of "fake" labor parties, that is, labor parties consisting 
merely of the Workers Party and its close circle of sympathizing 
organizations. 

4. As part of this campaign there shall be given wide distribu 
tion in the trade unions and among the masses of workers the mani- 
festo issued by our Party on the experiences of the campaign for a 
lalbor party and the betrayal of the labor party by LaFollette. 

5. A resolution sharply formulating the experiences in the labor 
party campaign and the betrayal by the LaFollette movement shall 

82 



he introduced in the trade unions and a campaign for adoption car 
rted on, 

6 We shall endeavor to draw the Trade Union Educational 
league into the labor party campaign in the trade unions. We shall 
propose that the T. U. E. L. issue a manifesto initiating a campaign 
lor a labor party in every local union, city and state labor body, and 
;,t all trade union conventions. The slogan "For a Labor Party" final] 
he linked up with all the other immediate issues of the T. U. E. U 

7 The Educational Committee of the C. E. C. will prepare ftfl 
outline of agitation and propaganda for our labor party campaign, 

10 Workers Party members in this campaign shall in their 
speeches call attention to the united front program of the Worker! 
Party, to its role in the class struggle and the labor movement. 

II. Our Relations to Labor Parties. 

1. Wherever local or state lahor parties are organized having 
substantial trade union support, we shall endeavor to have the em- 
responding Workers Party organization affiliate with such a labor 
party. 

2. We shall carry on a systematic campaign for the upbuilding 
of such parties thru securing the affiliation of the trade unions and 
other workers' organizations. 

3. We shall make such local or state parties a base from which 
to carry on a campaign, if local for the organization of a state party, 
If state for the organization of a national labor party, 

4. We shall strive to draw such local or state laJbor parties Into 
the immediate struggles of the workers and particularly into cam 
paigns initiated by the Workers Party in securing their endorsement 
and cooperation in such campaigns. 

5. We shall carry on a systematic campaign of Commuirst aglta 
tion and propaganda within the ranks of such lahor parties. 



III. Our Attitude Toward Nonpartisan Political Labor Bodies, the 
C, P. P. A. and Local Progressive Parties. 

1. There are still in existence in many localities various HOI) 
partisan political bodies of trade unions. These non-partisan <<>ni 
mitte-es and the non-partisan political policy generally will again bt 
brought forward by the trade union bureaucracy to counter and check 
any development toward independent political action by the work 
The policy of the Workers Party toward these non-partisan trads 
union committees shall be as follows: 

(a) We must fight resolutely against the non-partisan system 

in general on principle and fight for class policy ami (01 

a labor party. 

83 



• 



(b) We shall endeavor to secure the election of Party mem- 
bers or supporters to these conferences and fight there 
for class political action and a labor party. 
2. Wherever there are in existence state and local progressive 
parties or C P. P. A.'s or farmer-labor parties, provided they have 
trade union affiliations, it shall be the Party policy to secure the elec- 
tion of Party members or supporters as delegates from unions to all 
such organizations for the purpose of organizing within them labor 
blocs to fight for independent political action of labor thru a labor 
party. 

3 Should we gain a majority for the formation of a labor party 
we shall * J ' 

(a) If there is sufficient mass support, make these organiza- 
tions the basis for the nomination of a labor ticket and 

(b) Use them as a basis for the formation of a labor party. 

«hu\ Where We remain in a minorit y j n such organizations but 
still haye support we shall strive to form a propaganda committee 
tor the formation ot a labor party from such minority delegates These 
delegates shall, however, remain within the organization. These prop- 
aganda committees should be united with the trade union propaganda 
committees which may be set up and conduct a common campaign 
for the labor party. 

5 Where a C P. P. A. and labor party organization exist side 
by side we shall follow the same policy of penetrating the C P P A 
building up support for the labor party and striving to unite the two 
organizations into a broader labor party. 

6. Where farmer-labor parties are already organized or are or- 
ganized by other groups we shall, as a rule, affiliate with such farmer- 
labor parties and work within them. The C. E. C. shall make the 
decision for or against affiliation in each such instance. 

7. It is our task in the farmer-labor parties to strengthen the 
labor wing and establish its leadership with a view of ultimately 
organizing the labor elements into a labor party which will form a 
bloc with the farmers' organizations. 

IV. Local Organizations. 

1. The approaching municipal elections in certain localities 
should be utilized for an intensified labor party agitation under the 
slogan 4 'An Independent Local Labor Party for the Coming Municipal 
Elections," and where sufficient mass support develops to put up a 
united front labor ticket or form a labor party. 

2. This campaign for a local labor party shall in no way weaken 
the preparation of the Workers Party to enter the municipal election 
campaign under its own name where no labor party had been formed. 

3. In cities which have municipal elections this Fall, we shall 
immediately begin a campaign in the trade unions thru the introduc- 
tion of a resolution which shall: 



84 



(a) Call attention to the coming municipal elections. 

(ib) Emphasize the local use of government power against 

the workers, citing concrete experiences such as the use 1 

of police strikes, injunctions, etc. 

(c) Urge the necessity of independent political action by the 
workers and appeal to their pride as a class. 

(d) Place the unions or other workers' organizations on rec- 
ord as favoring the calling of a conference of represent- 
atives of the trade unions and other workers' organiza- 
tions to consider the question of entering a labor ticket 
in the election campaign and the formation of a labor 
party. 

The resolution shall not call an actual conference but shall only 
place the resolutions adopting it on record in favor of calling such a 
conference. 

4. In places where mass support for such a conference develops 
thru this campaign we shall initiate the calling of a conference for 
consideration of the question: 

(a) Of placing a labor ticket in the field and 

(b) Of forming a local labor party 

using the list of organizations which have endorsed the proposal as 
sponsors for this conference. The C. E. C. shall decide in each in- 
stance whether such conferences shall be called. 

5. While we thus use the oncoming elections as a means of form- 
ing local labor parties where mass support develops, we must em- 
phasize that the labor party is not merely an organization for the 
election campaign but to carry on continuous political struggles for 
the workers. 

V. Labor and Farmer-Labor Party Election Campaigns. 

1. Wherever labor parties or farmer-labor parties are organized 
and we are affiliated with them we shall endeavor to place Communist 
candidates on their tickets. 

2. In such places where nominations are made thru primary elec- 
tions we shall nominate Communists for the labor or farmer-labor 
party nominations. Our candidates must carry on a clear-cut Com- 
munist campaign for the Party program. If nominated as candidates 
for the labor party or the farmer-labor party their campaign for elec- 
tion must be similarly a Communist campaign on the full Party pro- 
gram. If elected to office they must conduct a Communist parlia- 
mentary struggle under the direction and discipline of the Party. 

3. As a rule, if our candidates for nomination of the primaries 
are defeated we will support the candidates nominated on the labor 
party or farmer-labor party ticket, at the same time criticising these 
candidates and their program. The position of the Party as to sup- 
porting the farmer-labor party candidates is to be decided in each 
instance by the C. E. C. 

85 



4. In conducting our campaign in support of the labor party or 
farmer-labor party ticket our speakers, papers, and literature must 
carry on at the same time a Communist campaign of agitation and 
propaganda. 

VI. The Rule of the Party. 

1. We must never forget in all the phases of the labor party 
campaign our fundamental task is to utilize this campaign for the 
building of the Workers Party into a mass party. 

2. Our aims should be to affiliate the trade unions and other 
labor organizations with the labor party and to draw the individual 
militant workers into the Workers Party. 

3. We must at all times maintain our organizational independence, 
our freedom of criticism, our press and literature. We must initiate 
our own campaigns in the name of the Workers Party and endeavor 
to secure the endorsement of the labor party for these campaigns. 

4. We must carry on systematic agitation and propaganda cam- 
paigns among the members of the labor party and systematic recruit- 
ing campaigns to win the best elements as members of our Party. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



$K 




RESOLUTION ON BOLSHEVIZATION OF THE PARTY. 



1. The process of Bolshevizing the Party implies a reconstruc- 
tion of the Party organization in such a way as to render it adapt- 
able to the requirements of Communist activity. Without a truly 
centralized organization, based on the workshops, the Party cannot 
be mobilized for action, a.nd the Party decisions cannot be carried 
out with unanimity and effectiveness. 

2. The present structure of the Party is incompatible with Com 
munist organizational principles and, consequently, with the proper 
execution of Communist policies. The English-speaking territorial 
branch is a relic carried over from the socialist party which con- 
cerned itself chiefly with election campaigns. The foreign language 
branch tends greatly to isolate the activity of the Party members 
belonging to them into the channel of propaganda only among the 
workers of their own nationality and to deflect them away from active 
participation in the general class struggle which embraces the work- 
ers of all nationalities. Neither the English-speaking territorial 
branch, nor the foreign language branch offers the medium for mo- 
bilizing the workers for the struggle in the places of employment. 
Despite the wishes of the Federation members to the contrary, the 
Language Federation form of organization, by its very nature, mil- 
itates against the necessary centralization of the Party. Moreover, 
the Federation form of organization is a most fertile soil for faction- 
alism and for the sharp division of the Party members according to 
nationality. The historic reasons for the present form of Party or- 
ganization have been, in a large measure, outlived and the conditions 
now exist for a progressive step forward. The Party must take this 
step resolutely and energetically in spite of the enormous difficulties. 

3 The need of adapting the structure of the Party to its task 
demands a complete and speedy reorganization. The Party must 
supply the cohesive force which will unite the many individuals and 
groups of proletarians into a class. The Party must at the same 
time unify the activities of this class into a purposeful and decisive 
struggle against capitalism and finally must lead the working class 
in this struggle. 

4 For this purpose the structure of the Party must penetrate 
the whole structure of the working class. The Party must have 
units wherever units of the working class exist. 

5. The basic unit of the working class is the productive unit, 
organized by capitalism itself: the shop or industrial establishment. 

87 



laL 8 l 6 nL m ^°fi ty ° f Uie . industrial worker * *™ organized in such 
oasic units of the economic structure of society. Into these ha sir 

P^vmiis 1 ; 6 ^?^ 01 " 8 ' th6 Sh ° P ° r iDdUStria ^ -tahliCent th 
Party must build its basic unit, the shop nucleus. 

6 The organizational problem before the Party is not the mod- 
ification of the existing forms, but the complete reorganization of 
the Party from top to bottom on the basis of shop nuclei, interna- 
tional branches (street nuclei) and a centralized apparatus. 

7. The Central Executive Committee accepts in its entirety 
the special letter to the Party from the Organization Department of 
the Communist International and declares its opinion that this letter 
winch was drawn up with the cooperation of the American delegation' 
lays down the correct line in regard to the reorganization of the 
Party structure. 

8. The experience of our Party, as well as the experience of 
«£ e £/!wV £ the Communis t International, has amply demon- 
strated that the sporadic, experimental method of organizing shop 
nuclei is not the most successful. The percentage of Party members 
organized into shop nuclei, after many months of effort in this man- 
ner, is not sufficient for us to be able to say that more than the barest 
beginning has been made. It is obvious that the idea of shop nuclei 
has not penetrated deeply enough into the consciousness of the Partv 
members and they have not been won over to a conscious and posi- 
tive acceptance of the shop nuclei and the deep impulse to form 
them. Passive allegiance to the idea of shop nuclei does not produce 
the necessary results. The Party members must be inspired with a 
deep conviction on this question which will lead to decisive action. 

9. The state of hesitation and experimentation on the question 
°^ „■* nU ' internation al branches, and a centralized apparatus 
should be regarded as passed. The Party must now aim at complete 
reorganization within a given time, not to exceed six months after 
the Party convention. 

10 The Central Executive Committee proposes the following 
steps toward this end. 

(a) The reorganization- of the Party shall be made one of the 
leading subjects in the Party discussion, and in the Party Convention. 

(b) Conventions of the larger federations shall be held soon 
* ?, I ; ty conv6ntion > at which the question of reorganization 

sfiall be placed as the first item on the agenda. 

(c) A systematic ideological campaign shall be conducted in the 
Party and the Federations prior to the Federation conventions and 
tor two months after them, in order to thoroly prepare the members 
for the reorganization and imbue them with the conviction that it is 
a necessary measure for the Bolshevization of the Party Within 
two months after the Federation conventions, the organizational 
measures shall commence thruout the Party and must be completed 
within three or four months. 

88 















11. Reorganization shall be commenced from below, approxi- 
mately as follows: 

(a) The larger cities shall be divided into sections and; sub- 
sections and these sections and sub-sections organizations constructed. 
Membership meetings shall be called in the sections and sub-sections 
at which executive committees for the sections are elected. Complete 
registration of all the Party members according to residence and 
place of employment, shall be taken. 

(b) Wherever three or more members, regardless of their na- 
tionality or present foderation membership, are found to be working 
in the same, shop, they shall be organized into a shop nucleus. The 
nucleus collects the Party dues and takes over all the functions of 
a Party unit. 

(c) Members living on a given street or in a given neighbor- 
hood, who are not employed in any shop or who work in shops where 
there are no other Party members, shall be attached to other nuclei 
within the section or shall be organized into International branches. 
All Party members in the given neighborhood, regardless of nationali- 
ty or present affiliation of language branches, who are not members 
of shop nuclei, are to be organized into these branches, pay dues 
there and carry out all Party functions. 

(d) After this organization takes place, the present existing 
English and foreign language branches cease to function as units of 
the Party. The latter, however, should not be disrupted or dissolved. 
They shall be reconstructed as Workers' Clubs admitting to member- 
ship not only Party members but also non-Party workers of same 
nationality who accept the platform of the class struggle. 

(e) Membership in these clubs will not constitute membership 
in the Party. Only those belonging to shop nuclei or International 
Branches will have Party rights. 

(f) Party members in these Workers' Clubs shall form them- 
selves into fractions in the same manner as in all other non-Party 
organizations for the purpose of exerting the maximum influence 
over the non-Party workers and drawing them close to the Party. 

(g) These fractions in the Foreign Language Workers' Clubs 
are to be united locally, by districts, and on a national scale, for the 
purpose of coordinating and centralizing the Party work in them. 

(h) Local and District conferences of the representatives of 
the fractions in these clubs shall elect the local and district fraction 
bureaus to lead the work under the direction of the respective Party 
Committees. 

(i) National Conferences of the representatives of the fractions 
elect the National Fraction Bureau to lead the work on- a national 
scale under the direction of the Central Executive Commit'tee. 

(j) When the reorganization is completed these local, district 
and national Fraction Bureaus take the place of the present corre- 
sponding Federation committees and bureaus, but do not collect Party 
dues or have the functions of Party committees, since they will be 

89 



under the direction and control of the respective Party committees 
in the same manner as fractions. 

(JO In order to centralize and consolidate the Party leadership 
of the work among the foreign-speaking workers who are organized 
in these clubs, and to insure close contact of the Party with the com- 
rades carrying out this work, the local, district and National Frac- 
tion Bureaus are incorporated into the agitprop departments of the 
respective Party committees, either as a whole or by representatives. 

(1) The funds necessary for the work of the fraction bureaus 
are to be paid by the Party out of funds apportioned from the Party 
dues for that purpose. 

12. In order to weld the members of the Federations more 
closely to the general life of the Party and to insure close contact 
of the Central Executive Committee with the special work of the 
Party among the foreign-speaking workers, the Central Executive 
Committee, so as to include a number of capable leading comrades 
of the larger Federations, recommends to the convention to increase 
the size of the Central Executive Committee. 

13. "Every Communist Party," says Comrade Zinoviev, "is con- 
fronted by two fundamental dangers; on the one hand there is the 
danger of becoming a small sect of 'pure' Communists with 'good' 
principles but unable to establish contact with the real labor move- 
ments of the period. On the other hand there is the danger of be- 
coming an amorphus semi-social democratic party, which is unable 
to combine the fight for winning over the broad masses of the workers 
with remaining loyal to the principles of Communism. To be able 
to avoid the Scylla of narrow sectarianism and the Charybdis of 
morphousness and vagueness means to facilitate the bolshevization 
of the Party. 1 ' 

14. The problem of Bolsheviation of our Workers Party which 
later "is only just passing thru its predominantly propagandist period 
and is taking only the first step along the path of rallying the broad 
masses around the banner of Communism" is the problem of building 
a Communist Party in America. 

15. The Communist Workers Party has no revolutionary tradi- 
tions. Its inheritance from its predecessors, the socialist party and 
socialist-labor party, is almost completely a non-Bolshevist and un- 
Communist one. There has never existed a real connection between 
any of these parties with the life and activities of the American work- 
ing class. No American proletarian party outside of the Communist 
Party has attempted to theorize the American class struggle. They 
all have confined themselves to theorize about it. The question of 
the relation of the proletariat to the farmers did not even find theo- 
retical treatment with those parties. Up to the time of the foundation 
of the Communist Party in America, the socialist movement was 
always reformist and tried to replace the struggle for power by a 
movement for immediate demands instead of directing the movements 
for immediate demands toward the development of a struggle for 



90 



power. Thus the political and organizational inheritance of our Party 
from its predecessors is in the main a liability that must be met by 
increased efforts of Bolshevization. 

16. Under these conditions the task of Bolshevization presents 
itself concretely to our Party as the task of completely overcoming 
the organizational and ideological remnants of our social-democratic 
inheritance, of eradicating Loreism, of making out of the Party a 
functioning organism of revolutionary proletarian leadership. 

17. The Bolshevization of our Party must accomplish four gen- 
eral purposes: 

(a) It must establish among its members a fundamental theo- 
retical understanding of the forces of social development and a knowl- 
edge of the conditions and the mechanics of realizing the dictatorship 
of the proletariat. 

(b) It must develop within the Party and its membership an 
ability for maneuvering and campaigning in accord with the momen- 
tary needs and the possibilities of the class struggle. 

A Communist Party must be able to maneuver and to adapt its 
tactics at all times to changing conditions. Changing conditions ^ in 
the proletarian struggle for emancipation must not bring confusion 
into the ranks of the Party but must be met by a Leninist appraisal 
of the new facts and if necessary by a speedy change of the methods 
of struggle. 

In order to increase the ability of our Party to maneuver it is 
necessary to establish a close ideological relation between the Party 
and its leading committees. The Party must not only be required to 
campaign and maneuver, but it must also he made acquainted with 
the character and the purposes of all maneuvers. 

(c) It must adapt the structure of the Party to its task of pene- 
trating and dominating all manifestations of life of the working class 
and of leading the workers in their struggle for emancipation. 

(d) It must establish a harmonizing unity of theory, action and 
structure of the Party which will secure a full use of all available 
energies of the Party and also insure the Party against fundamental 
mistakes. 

National and local Party leaders must regularly lecture in the 
Party school and before the membership in general about current 
events and the Party's judgment of them. The political committee of 
the Party must furnish the Party press and all educational institutions 
at least twice a month with an official analysis of political events 
and the official Party reaction to them. 

18. "Without a correct theory there can be no correct practice — 
theory is concentrated practice," declared our greatest leader, Lenin. 
The slighting of the value of theory too often noticed in our Party 
leads necessarily to a complete lack of unified concept for Party activ- 
ities. Without a unified concept the Party activities become sporadic, 
disconnected, planless and purposeless. Waste of energy and fruitless 
efforts are the result. The Party must therefore apply itself to the 
task of systematic theoretical education of its members. 



91 









The theoretical weakness of our Party and the traditional indif- 
ference to theory which has characterized the American movement 
render the problem of Party education especially serious and difficult. 
This problem is two-sided. It involves the necessity of multiplying 
the educational work many times over and of simultaneously con- 
vincing the Party of its absolute importance and necessity. We must 
resolutely strive to accomplish these tasks in the coming year. The 
whole Party must be stimulated to interest in educational work, the 
entire membership must be equipped with the indispensable minimum 
of knowledge of Marxian-Leninist fundamentals and corps of theoreti- 
cally trained comrades, capable of leading the educational work, must 
be developed/ 

In all educational work conducted by the Party it is necessary 
to firmly establish the correct Communist conception of this activity. 
Static and one-sided conceptions of education, the separation of theory 
from practice and theories of non-partisan "Workers' Education" must 
be rejected. The teaching personnel, the curriculae and the method of 
instruction in all Party schools and classes must conform to the Lenin- 
ist conception of education as an instrument for the Bolshevizafion 
of the Party. 

Our educational work will not be successful if it is conducted in 
a sporadic manner. Educational work must be established as a per- 
manent part of Party routine, developed according to a worked-out 
plan and the necessary apparatus constructed in the Party. 

While the Party is able to record considerable progress in this 
field during the past year, the work so far accomplished should be 
regarded as a mere beginning. Educational work must be established 
in all sections of the Party as an indispensable department of Party 
activity to be carried on in a systematic manner thruout all periods 
of the year. In order to insure the permanence and continuity and 
Communist character of the Party educational work thruout the Party, 
all phases of the work must fall under the central direction of the 
Central Executive Committee and must be developed from year to year 
according to a national coordinated scheme. 

The Agitprop Department of the Central Executive Committee 
shall establish an educational section which shall have full direction 
and supervision of the Party educational work in all its aspects. The 
direct administrative responsibility of the national Party educational 
work shall be in the hands of the national educational director, who 
shall be a member of the Agitprop Department of the Central Execu- 
tive Committee and shall be responsible for the carrying out of its 
decisions. The Agitprop Department and the national educational 
director shall be directly responsible to the Central Executive Com- 
mittee for the whole educational program of the Party. 

19. Every district and city central committee must establish 
an Agitprop Department with an educational sectional director. Each 
district and local educational director shall develop the work accord- 
ing to the general plan laid down by the Agitprop Department of the 
Central Executive Committee. The following program upon which 

92 









work has already commenced, shall be developed and extended: 

(a) Continue the circuit system of educational lectures and 
classes in the Party districts. 

(b) Arrange for systematic routing of Party lectures on subject? 
dealing with the fundamentals of Communist principles. 

(c) Publish periodically books and pamphlets of a theoretical 
nature and continue such publication according to a worked-out plan. 

(d) Conduct a section in the Party press on educational work 
in order to popularize this Party activity and keep it constantly before 
the attention of the Party members. 

(e) Give full and united support to the New York Workers School 
and endeavor to develop similar institutions in other large Party 
centers. 

(f) Organize a national Party school in Chicago for the purpose 
of giving intensive instruction to a selected group of Party leaders 
iYom the various districts. 

(g) Make arrangements for the holding of special lectures by 
(he most qualified Party leaders on questions of Communist theory 
and arrange special debates with other political bodies on these sub- 
jects. 

(h) In so far as practicable and possible, the Agitprop Depart- 
ment of the Central Executive Committee should endeavor to develop 
(ulucational work in the various language sections according to the 
same general plan outlined above. 

(Adopted unanimously,) 

RESOLUTION ON THE LIQUIDATION OF LOREISM, 

1. The Communist International has given a correct definition 
of Loreism. Loreism is opportunism. It is a right wing deviation 
from the revolutionary Leninist line of the Comintern and must there- 
fore be relentlessly combatted. 

2. The chief characteristics of Loreism as they manifested them- 
selves in the development of our Party are the following: 

(a) An underestimation of the fundamental changes in Ameri- 
can capitalism since the late imperialist war and consequently a simi- 
lar underestimation of the revolutionary potentialities of the present 
day class struggle in the United States. This opportunistic trait of 
Loreism has been finding refuge under such false pretenses as "sober- 
ness" and "realism" in the analysis of economic and political condi- 
tions. 

(b) Another characteristic of Loreism is its complete laclv of 
understanding of class relations. The totally un-Marxian Lkssalleaa 
maxim of the "one reactionary mass of non-proletarians" is for them 
the very essence of Marxism. The attitude of this tendency toward 
the farmers is determined by that incorrect maxim. With this con- 
cept of a fixed borderline between a clearly defined working clasi 
the one hand and one unified and unchangeable reactionary mass on 
the other, it is quite natural that these elements see in every maneuv- 
er of our Party a useless action and an Indefensible adventure, 

93 







(c) Failure to understand the true role of the Workers (Com- 
munist) Party as a militant revolutionary organization of the working 
class. This feature of Loreism manifests itself in a tremendous over- 
emphasis of the propaganda functions of our Party as against and 
to the exclusion of its fighting role, its active participation in the 
political life and struggle's of the country. Opposition to the united 
front tactics of the Comintern that were presented by Loreism in the 
early days of this policy, and opposition to political maneuvers in 
general, both spring from the same opportunistic conception of the 
role of our Party, 

(d) On the surface, a slighting and skeptical attitude, but in 
reality a fundamental opposition to the agrarian and colonial policies 
of the Comintern. This opportunistic attitude springs from a non- 
Leninist conception of the role of the proletariat in the class struggle. 
Loreism fails to understand the objective need and possibility of alli- 
ances between the working class on the one hand and the oppressed 
farmers and the colonial peoples on the other hand, with their revolu- 
tionary proletariat playing the leading role. 

(e) Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the trade union 
field and in other working class non-partisan organizations. These 
deviations take the form of struggle for office for the sake of the 
office to the total neglect of our main task, which is to win the work- 
ing masses of these organizations for the revolutionary class struggle 
and for the leadership of the Communist Party. 

(f) Concealed and open opposition to centralized Party control 
of the activities of Party members inside the Party and particularly 
in non-Party organizations. Considered from this angle, Loreism means 
a social-democratic distortion of the principles of Communist organi- 
zation and Communist discipline. 

(g) A consistent sympathetic attitude and support of the right 
wing groups in the Communist International (support of Serrati, Levi, 
Brandler and Trotzkyism). 

(h) An extreme readiness to make concessions to reformist preju- 
dices and non-Communist views of politically backward workers to 
the extent of sacrificing Communist principles and policies. 

(i) A sneering attitude toward the Bolshevization slogan of the 
Communist International, and 

(j) Opposition in principle to underground (illegal) work and an 
unwillingness to understand the absolute necessity for a Communist 
Party of combining legal with illegal work. 

3. The Workers Party is in full agreement with the thesis on 
Bolshevization adopted at the last Plenum of the Communist Inter- ] 
national, which says: 

"The Bolshevization of the parties must first of all and above all 
be directed in the future against these right wing distortions which 
threaten to foil the historic mission of the Comintern." 

4. The growth and Bolshevization of our Party demand the com- 
plete and thoro liquidation of Loreism. This becomes doubly neces- 
sary in view of the present world situation marked by a slower tempo 

94 






of revolutionary development which tends to strengthen reformist 
illusions among certain sections of the proletariat. A truly Bolshevik 
Party, free from the taint of opportunism, is the best and most effect- 
ive means of checking the development of social-democratic illusions 
;anong the workers. In the Workers Party of America, Loreism is the 
most dangerous tendency, for the additional reason that it reflects in 
the sharpest form the resistance of the antiquated social-democratic 
forms of organization to the reorganization of the party on the basis 
of shop nuclei. 

5. The Party is ready for the complete political and organiza- 
tional liquidation of Loreism, Thru six years of development of our 
movement marked by intensive inner struggles of a young growing 
Communist Party, the point has been reached when the overwhelming 
majority of the Party is ready to take a definite and clear stand 
against Loreism. This by itself is a sign of the growing maturity 
and Bolshevist quality of our Party. 

6. But the first prerequisite for the successful liquidation of 
Loreism is the liquidation of the factional struggle between the Major- 
ity and Minority and unification of the two groups on the basis of 
the policies and tactics of the Comintern. 

7. Thru an intensive ideological campaign against Loreism, the 
unified Party will succeed in winning over to the position of the Com- 
munist International all proletarian and basically Communist elements 
of the present adherents of Loreism. It must be the ambition of the 
Party not to surrender a single worker to the ideological influence of 
Ix>reism. 

8. Loreism must also be liquidated organizationally. This means 
that no organized Lore or Poyntz groups will be permitted to exist in 
the Party, that neither Lore nor a Loreite will be permitted on the 
next Central Executive Committee of the Party, and that no leading 
Party organ or committee will be directed by followers of Loreism. 

9. The decision of the Comintern on Loreism expresses the con- 
viction of the overwhelming majority of the Party. The Party will 
put this decision into effect in the best possible manner and in the 
shortest possible time. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 






95 



MOTION ON THE EXPULSION OF LORE FROM 
THE PARTY. 

Supplementary to Parity Commission Resolution Proposed Jointly b> 
Comrades Bedacht and Bittelman and adopted unanimously. 

Since the decision of the enlarged plenum of the Communist 
International on Loreism, Lore has been manifesting tendencies 
which have proven to the Party that Lore does not intend to abide 
'by the decision of the Comintern. In fact the whole behavior of 
Lore is hostile and antagonistic to the Communist International and 
the Party. His activities during the last few months can be con- 
strued as nothing else than the ideological and political preparation 
for a split from the Party. This compels the convention to take clear 
and definite action on the matter of Lore. 

The American Party contains opportunist elements as were stig- 
matized by the Communist International. In May, 1924, the question 
of Lore and Loreism was first taken up by the Communist Interna- 
tional. In April, 1925, due to the world situation and to the refusal 
of Lore to attend the Comintern sessions and to correct his mistakes, 
and to the growing militancy of the right wing in our Party, the 
Communist International again took a stand on the same question. 
In the decision of April, 1925, basod upon the activities and writings 
of Comrade Lore, the Communist International declared Lore is a 
social-democratic opportunist, that he is unfit for membership in the 
C. E. C. of our Party, and that he must be removed as editor of the 
Volkszeitung. The Communist International thus pointed out the 
need of taking ideological and organizational measures against Lore. 
His failure to accept the invitation of the Communist Interna- 
tional to participate in the plenum and to explain his points of view 
is clear and definite proof that Lore refuses to come to terms with the 
Communist International and to accept its policies and leadership. 

Since the Communist International decision of April 1925, Comrade 
Lore has continued to be in opposition to the policies of the Comin- 
tren and is conducting a policy that leads away from and against the 
Comintern. He has combatted the reorganization of the Party on the 
basis of shop nuclei, raising doubts as to the efficacy of this form of 
organization as the basis of our Party. Comrade Lore conceives as 
the main function of our Party merely education and propaganda— a 
purely social democratic point of view; Comrade Lore has manifested 
a social democratic idea of imperialism— in recent articles on China, 
etc. 

Owing to this attitude of Comrade Lore, the Central Executive 
Committee, acting on the decision of the Communist International, 
decided to take certain steps against Lore and Loreism in our Party! 

96 



i! -inducted an ideological campaign exposing the nature of Loreism 
l a phase of international opportunism and educating the membership 
..I our Party and the workers generally as to its character and danger. 
It became necessary also to take organizational steps against 
Lore, in conformity with the instructions of the Communist Inter- 
sil ional. Comrade Lore was instructed to carry out the following 
measures: 

1. To take steps to put the Volkszeitung under control of the 
Tarty. 

2. To line up the Loreite Bureau of the German Federation to 
I arry out the decision of the Communist International. 

3. To educate the membership of the German Federation as to 
ih«> nature of social democratic opportunism in our Party— which 
extends far beyond the German Federation into the Finnish, Jewish 
Hid other Federations. 

What has Comrade Lore done to carry out these instructions? 

1. Comrade Lore has failed to take a single step to put the Volks- 
lung under control of the Party— even to the extent of refusing to 

nirnish the Party with a copy of the constitution and the by-laws of 
the Socialist Cooperative Publishing Association, which controls the 
paper. 

2. Instead of lining up the German Bureau for executing the deci- 
lion of the Party, Lore has organized the Bureau against the Party. 
Lore has furthermore organized the membership of the Socialist 
Cooperative Publishing Association to resist the taking over of the 
Volkszeitung by the Party. 

3. Comrade Lore and the German Bureau have denied the branches 
Of the German Federation the right and opportunity to discuss Trotz- 
kyism and Loreism, thus obstructing one of the primary isteps in Bol- 
Khevizing the workers In the German Federation. 

4. Comrade Lore has refused to publish the articles written by 
comrade Bedacht on instructions of the subcommittee of the Central 
Kxecutive Committee— articles intended to make clear the position of 
the Communist International and the opportunist deviations of Com- 
rade Lore. 

The Parity Commission recently issued a rseolution on the liqui- 
dation of Loreism in the Workers Party— a resolution which clearly 
roveals the nature of Loreism and demonstrates that Loreism and 
opportunism are ripe in many sections of our Party. On August 5th, 
I his resolution was placed before Comrade Lore and the German 
Bureau by the subcommittee of the Central Executive Committee. 
In the discussion which followed, Comrade Lore vigorously defended 
his opportunist position, declaring that his point of view has been 
"perverted, distorted and misrepresented in Moscow, where the lead- 
ers of the Communist International were given only excerpts and 
digests of his articles." 

97 



This is the usual excuse of all opportunists in Communist Parlies, 
Like Comrade Askeli, Comrade Lore defended the so-called Com- 
munism in his articles, thus proving that he is an incurable oppor- 
tunist and therefore is dangerous to our Party. 

Comrade Schueler, an active member of the German Bureau, 
declared himself in opposition to the policies of the Communist In- 
ternational which, he stated, to be only -temporary. Other membera 
of the Bureau expressed themselves as against the "despotism of 
Moscow." Against these statements, Comrade Lore did not say a 
word in defense of the Communist International. 

This attitude on the part of all the Loreite members of the Ger- 
man Bureau made it necessary for the Party to take drastic steps. 
Upon their voting against the Parity resolution, they were immediately 
removed from the Bureau and the Bureau was reorganized. 

Since the publication of the decision of the Parity Commission 
on Loreism, there appeared in the Volkszeitung a series of editorialH 
which not only take definite issues with this decision but also reaffirm 
the correctness of Lore's views which were denounced by the Com- 
munist International as non-Communist and opportunist. 

Lore failed to come to the convention of the Party altho he is a 
member of the Central Executive Committee and -altho he knew that 
the question of Loreism and Lore will be the central point on the 
agenda of the convention. This failure to come to the Party conven- 
tion and defend before the Party his position, again proves that Lore 
no longer considers himself bound by Party opinion and Party dis- 
cipline. 

Lore has been sabotaging in every possible way the carrying out 
of the Central Executive Committee's decision regarding the Volks- 
zeitung. 

Generally speaking Lore has been treating the Party as a whole 
and the New York District organization, of which he is a member as 
an enemy, showing complete disregard for the Party's functions and 
activities. 

These facts are proof sufficient for the Party that Lore has em- 
barked upon a course of open opposition and hostility to the Party 
and the Communist International. That Lore is preparing his ground 
for open, -organized struggle against the Party. In view of this situa- 
tion, the convention decides: 

1. That Lore's presence in the Party has become a menace to 
its Communist integrity and to its organizational unity. 

2. That the interests of Bolshevizing our Party, particularly its 
reorganization on the basis of shop nuclei, demand that the Party 
free itself of the opportunist influence and anti-Bolshevik tendencies 
of Lore. 

3. That Lore is expelled forthwith from the Workers (Communist) 
Party of America. 






THE INDUSTRIAL WORK OF THE WORKERS 
(COMMUNIST) PARTY. 



1. The State of the Unions. 

The trade union movement continues to pass thru the crisis in 
morale and membership which developed in the course of the tremen- 
dous industrial struggles from 1919 to 1923. These struggles, taken 
;is a whole, constitute the greatest defeat ever suffered by the Ameri- 
can labor movement. Beginning in 1919, the employers waged a re- 
lentless warfare against the unions, striving to take from them the 
concessions they had won during the war period and to break up 
their organizations. The struggle extended into practically every in- 
dustry, and everywhere the unions suffered greater or lesser defeats. 
This was the case in the steel, meatpacking, textile, shoe, railroad, 
printing, mining, clothing, metal industries, etc. In consequence the 
organizations have lost tremendously in membership. In 1920 the 
A. F. of L. totalled 4,075,000 members, but in November, 1924, it had 
fallen to 2,865,979. In several industries the unions have been virtual- 
ly wiped out altogether. Only the organizations of highly skilled 
rraftsmen and workers occupying key positions in the building, print- 
ing and railroad industries have been able to maintain themselves 
without serious losses. During this period the independent unions 
have all suffered heavily, case in point being the I. W .W., which 
dropped from 35,000 in 1922 to approximately 15,000 at the present 
time. The whole laibor movement, which has not yet recovered from 
the great blow of the employers, is still slowly on the retreat. Its 
morale is at a low ebb. 

An important factor preventing the recovery of the trade unions 
is the heavy unemployment which has prevailed with but slight pe- 
riods of relief since 1921. At the present time unemployment is par- 
ticularly seen in the coal, clothing, textile, iron and steel industries. 

In the unionized bituminous fields of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and 
Pennsylvania, the situation is greatly worsened by a shift in produc- 
lion from these fields- to the unorganized territories in West Virginia. 
The employers are on the offensive all along the line. They are tak- 
ing advantage of the situation by driving ahead with their "open shop" 
movement, one pronounced manifestation of which is the establish- 
ment of company unions in hundreds of plants and industries. They 
are also forcing wage cuts in many industries. The textile industry 
has just passed thru an extensive wage-cutting campaign and a similar 
one is now threatening the shoe industry. The anthracite bosses are 
threatening a wage cut, likewise the steel magnates. The clothing 



98 



99 



industry has also suffered wage cuts, Oniy in the building trades and 
among the more skilled railroad workers have the unions been able 
to secure even slight wage advances. The past year has been marked 
by fewer strikes than any year for several yars. 

In the face of this persistent crisis the bureaucracy has stubbornly 
refused to adopt the measures necessary to pull together again th5 
forces of labor and to bring them into an offensive against the em- 
ployers. Amalgamation, a Labor Party, and a general militant policy, 
have been repudiated overwhelmingly by the bureaucracy. The latter 
turns its attention more than ever to the development of its policy of 
class collaboration and surrenders to the employers. The high tide 
of this movement was reached at the El Paso convention of the A. F. 
of L. where the central points of policy dealt with the development 
of labor banks, the B. & O. Plan, workers' insurance, and similar 
schemes. Within the past few months, the new president of the A, F. 
of L., Green, has announced a general organization campaign to re- 
cruit the diminished strength of the unions in the various big indus- 
trial centers. But this scheme, never seriously intended, will not 
materialize into anything concrete. It is already going the way of 
such plans in the A. F. of L. by being sabotaged to death. 

2. The State of the New Left Wing in the Unions. 

The left wing movement is at present operating under great dif- 
ficulties in the trade unions. The ferocious attacks by the bureau- 
cracy thru expulsions, blacklisting, etc., have in most unions driven 
the Trade Union Educational League underground, which has rendered 
its work exceedingly hard. Besides, many valuable connections with 
progressive elements in the unions have been lost in the last two years 
thru the Labor Party splits (which were forced by the weakness and 
treachery of the progressive leadership), and thru the growth and 
development of the LaFollette movement, which the left wing sharply 
opposed. In the bitter fight that has gone on between the bureau- 
cracy and the left wing, the progressives in the middle have become 
demoralized and disorganized and have to a considerable extent fallen 
under the control of the reactionary bureaucracy. The rank and file 
of the unions have lost much in morale by the many defeats in strikes 
and by the poisonous campaigns of class collaboration constantly car- 1 
ried on by the officialdom of the unions. But among them there isi 
smoldering discontent and wherever the left wing can break thru the I 
opposition of the bureaucracy and crystallize this discontent into 
definite movement, the masses rally in better struggles against the 
employers directly. In the Carpenters' Union election, the T. U. E. 
L. militants developed a powerful opposition to the Hutcheson ma- 
chine. Likewise in the Machinists' Union against the Johnston ad- 
ministration. The election in the Miners' Union, where Voyzey polled 
66,000 against Lewis' 134,000, according to the official figures (in ' 
truth he was in all probability elected) was another demonstration 
of mass support to left-wing leadership. The latest manifestation of 

100 



the left wing's successful rallying of the masses against the bureau- 
cratic officialdom in spite of a maze of difficulties, is the present 
upheaval in the needle trades unions. Altho bitterly persecuted in 
the unions and driven underground in many organizations, the T. XL 
K. L. militants have been able in many cases to smash thru the official 
opposition and to swing great masses behind them and their demands. 

3. State of the Progressive Bloc. 

In the trade unions there are many elements, so-called progres- 
sives, who are not advanced enough ideologically to join directly to 
our Party or the Trade Union Educational League. These are the 
elements out of which shall be constructed the "progressive" opposi- 
tion against the ultra-reactionaries now controlling the bulk of the 
unions. At the present time these progressive elements are without 
definite leadership, organizations and policies. In 1921-22, the organ- 
ization of the Trade Union Committee for the Relief of the Russian 
Famine was an expression of this tendency, in the face of Gompers' 
opposition. In th A. F. of L, convention they also secured a degree 
of organization in 1923-24 around the slogan of the Recognition of 
Sovit Russia and in the Trade Union Committee for the establish- 
ment of Trade Relations With and Recognition of Soviet Russia. 
The C. P. P. A., which was an outgrowth of the general movement 
for the political organization of the workers independent of the two 
old parties was also, in its earlier stages, a definite organization of 
the progressive elements against the Gompers' machine. All these 
movements, however, have been greatly weakened. The progressives 
are, for the most part, completely demoralized and are being used as 
tools by the reactionary bureaucracy against the left wing. 

MAIN TASKS OF THE PARTY IN THE TRADE UNIONS. 

The main tasks of the Party in the trade unions are: 

1. The revolutionizing of the existing unions thru strengthening 
and organizing the left wing in the unions by bringing all the prole- 
tarian elements of the Party into the unions, by the organization of 
trade union fractions, the building up of the T. U. E. L. and the 
stimulation of the organization of the progressive opposition bloc. 

2. The organization of the unorganized by the strengthening 
of the existing organizations, the creation of new unions in industries 
where none exist, the building of shop committees and the utiliza- 
tion of the shop nuclei as points for inaugurating campaigns to or- 
ganize the unorganized. 

3. The unification of the trade union movement by the stimula- 
tion of the campaign to amalgamate the craft unions into industrial 
organizations. 

THE PARTY ORGANIZATION FOR TRADE UNION WORK. 

The Party organization for the carrying on of the trade union 
work is still in a primitive and undeveloped state. Considerable im- 
provement has been made during the past year or so. The Industrial 

101 



Department has been definitely organized. The District Organizers 
are submitting regular monthly reports and are devoting more and 
more attention to the work in the trade unions in their respective 
localities. But only a start has been made. Our system of Party 
fractions in the unions is still weak and scattering. The Trade Un- 
ion Educational League groups exist only in the more important 
industrial centers. This situation must be remedied, and for this 
purpose a whole series of organizational measures are necessary. 
We must look forward to the creation of effective fractions and T. U. 
E. L. groups in all unions and in all industrial centers. 

NECESSARY ORGANIZATIONAL MEASURES. 

While putting into effect the following organizational measures 
and in carrying out the trade union program of the Party generally, 
a constant campaign must be prosecuted to awaken, the membership 
to the vital importance of winning over the masses of workers now 
organized in the trade unions. Any tendency to consider work in the 
trade unions as in some way secondary or unimportant must be ruth- 
lessly liquidated, Likewise all tendencies such as to consider Party 
work in the trade unions a function of a specially selected section 
of our Party or the labeling of Party activities in the trade unions 
as syndicalistic must be vigorously fought against. Because of an 
insufficient understanding of its importance, the trade union work 
has often suffered in the factional fighting in the Party. 

(a) Bringing the Membership Into the Union. 

The Party shall require all its proletarian members to join trade 
unions, using the sharpest disciplinary measures, if necessary, to 
bring this about. To facilitate this there shall be in each nucleus, 
branch, C. C. C, D. E. C, and other Party units specific comrades 
charged with the responsibility of supervising the trade union work 
of the Party in their respective spheres. 

(b) Party Trade Union Fractions. 

While putting into effect the following organizational measures 
and file, fighting the corrupt bureaucracy and the employers, the 
Communists must not fail to thoroly organize themselves to secure 
leadership over the trade union masses. This is to be accomplished 
thru Party fractions. At present the fractions in the trade unions 
are weak and inadequate. The Party must devote major attention 
to their extension and strengthening. The District Organizers shall be 
held directly responsible, in conjunction with the Industrial Depart- 
ment, for the building of the trade union fractions in the various 
industrial centers and unions. 

(c) Trade Union Educational League. 

All units of the Workers Party shall give active support to the 
Trade Union Educational League, which unites the various elements 
comprising the left wing into a movement against the reactionaries 

102 










in the unions and to transform the trade unions into organs of revolu- 
tionary struggle against the capitalist class. In the various localities 
where the Party has local organizations, these shall be held respon- 
sible for the building up and maintenance of local groups of the 
League. The members of the Party who are also members of trade 
unions shall be required to take an active part in the League, and 
to subscribe to the class struggle propaganda fund, which will be 
initiated by the League. Wherever groups exist the Party fractions 
shall function within them as distinct organizations. Party members 
of the League shall resist the tendency, which arises from the pres- 
sure of the reactionaries and from the failure of some of our member- 
ship to distinguish between fractions and T. U. E. L. groups, to restrict 
the T. U. E. L. groups simply to Communists. Efforts must be 
made to extend and to bring non-Party elements into the League 
and to broaden its field of activity. The Party units must give 
active support to the coming national conference of the T. U. E. L. 
and strive to make it a real representative gathering of the left wing. 
Efforts shall be made to give the League more oif a mass character 
and a definite organizational form by building up the body of sub- 
scribers to the class struggle propaganda fund and by the establish- 
ment of various forms of left wing trade union united front com- 
mittees which are brought into the closest possible connection with 
the League. 

(d) Stimulation and Support of the Progressive Bloc. 

The Party must stimulate the development and support the un- 
ification of a progressive bloc in opposition to the reactionary bureau^ 
crats. For this we must apply the principles of the united front. 
Every struggle of the workers either against the bureaucrats, as well 
as all the vital issues of the left wing program, shall be utilized for 
the development of such united fronts against the reactionaries. 
Trade union elections shall be utilized to this end. There is a grow- 
ing tendency for so-called progressive elements to develop opposition 
to the reactionary trade union bureaucrats and to put up candidates 
against them in the union elections. This tendency must be stim- 
ulated and developed by the Workers Party as one means of bringing 
masses of workers under its direct influence. In union elections, 
whether in local unions, central labor councils, or international un- 
ions, the Communists, where not strong enough to win with their 
own candidates, shall combine with the "progressives" and support 
joint candidates upon a united front basis. The foundation for these 
united fronts in union elections shall be agreed upon a minimum pro- 
gram covering the more pressing problems, economic and political, 
confronting the unions. In such united fronts, however, the Com- 
munists shall run as Communists, and shall make this clear by 
special statements to the union membership outlining the Party 
trade union program. The danger shall be carefully guarded against 
of allowing these united front movements to degenerate into oppor- 
tunistic scrambles for office. An especially potent slogan for the 

103 



building of a progressive bloc is the demand for World Trade Union 
Unity, a slogan which has served as a strong rallying cry for all 
the progressive and revolutionary elements in the British trade union 
movement. Efforts must be made to build up the struggle of the 
progressive wing of the British movement with that of a progressive 
trade union bloc in this country in a general demand for world 
unity as proposed by the Comintern and the Profintern. 

(e) Financing the Party Trade Union Work. 

To finance the Party work in the trade unions, there shall be set 
aside 10 per cent of the income from dues of the national office of 
the Workers Party. 

Organize the Unorganized. 

Today in the United States there are four million workers organ- 
ized in the trade unions while fifteen million industrial workers and 
many more millions of agricultural and other workers are outside 
of the trade unions in the ranks of the unorganized. The campaign 
for the organization of the unorganized to be carried on within the 
existing unions, as well as for the formation of new unions where 
none exist, is a vital and necessary part of our trade union work. 
This issue shall be linked up closely with the economic demands of 
workers. 

It is exactly those workers in highly mechanized industries who 
because of the conditions under which they work will respond most 
readily to Communist influence, who are in the ranks of the unorgan- 
ized. The condition existing in the United States so far as the trade 
unions are concerned is to a considerable degree parallel to the 
conditions which existed in Great Britain a quarter of a century ago. 
There too a highly reactionary trade union bureaucracy was in con- 
trol of the trade unions and opposed all progressive measures in the 
struggles against the employers. It was only the advent of the 
"new unionism" which came into existence thru the organizaion of 
great masses of previously unorganized workers that the trade un- 
ions changed their policy and the labor party was formed and indus- 
trial unionism developed. 

The organization of the millions of workers in such industries 
as the steel industry, the rubber industry, the automobile industry 
will bring into the American trade union movement new and more 
militant spirits and will greatly increase the influence of our Party 
and aid materially in achieving our end of winning the organized 
masses for the revolutionary Communist struggle. 

SHOP COMMITTEES. 

The Party shall carry on an active campaign to organize shop 
committees in the industries generally. These shop committees shall 
be elected by all employes of a given industrial establishment irre- 
spective of sex, color, nationality, skill, etc. The shop committees 

104 






shall serve to unite all the workers in the various establishments, 
whether members of unions or not. The shop committee shall voice 
the demands of the workers and form the basis for common struggle 
against capitalism. The shop committees shall be utilized for the 
organization of the unorganized, one of the main tasks of the shop 
nuclei is the formation eventually of shop committees and the sup- 
port of the shop committees in the organization of the unorganized 
into the trade unions. 

AMALGAMATION. 

The campaign to consolidate the craft unions into industrial 
unions must be pushed with vigor. The amalgamation campaign 
must be more definitely concrete, however, in view of the bitter 
resistance it is meeting from the trade union bureaucracy. It must 
be more closely linked up with the workers' everyday struggles and 
identified definitely with their economic demands. The movement 
shall be intensified and extended by thus bringing it closer to the 
workers' immediate interests. The shop committee and shop nuclei 
shall, in their work, always keep in mind the necessity of amalga- 
mating the trade unions into industrial unions. 

INTERNATIONAL. 

1. The reactionary leaders of the American Federation of Labor 
are using their influence to make the unions of Mexico, Central and 
South America, subservient to the program of American imperialism 
in the countries of the western hemisphere. The Party must, thru 
its industrial department, establish contact with these unions and 
endeavor to win them away from the leadership of the bureaucrats 
of the A. F. of L. and for a militant fight against American imperial- 
ism in cooperation with the left bloc of the trade unions in this 
country. 

2. The movement for World Trade Union Unity initiated by 
the Russian unions in co-operation with the English trade unions 
which is endorsed by the Red International of labor unions offers 
a great opportunity for a campaign against the leadership in the 
American Federation of Labor. Even Amsterdam has been too "rad- 
ical" for the Gompers' machine. It is our task to familiarize the 
trade union movement of this country with the movement for World 
Trade Union Unity and aid in the fight to have the American trade 
unions join in an international conference to unify the trade union 
movement of the world. 

3. We shall also fight for the support of the Anglo-Russian com- 
mittee, and for the affiliation of the various national unions to the 
International Federation in their respective industry. 

4. Canadian Autonomy. 

The Party shall support the movement of the Canadian unions 
for autonomy within the American trade unions. This autonomy 
shall take the form of the establishment of Canadian sections in all 

105 



American unions having branches in Canada, these sections to be 
unified in the Canadian trades and labor congress, and to have full 
right" to declare strikes, to organize the masses, and to raise all neces- 
sary funds. 

PARTY POLICIES FOR TRADE UNION WORK. 
Strikes and Wage Movements. 

The Party must take an active part in all strikes and other wage 
movements. It must stimulate the masses to inaugurate such move- 
ments. It must have programs of demands for all such mass move- 
ments, and the Communists must fight for the leadership of these 
struggles. The "wage cutting campaign of the employers must be 
met with a counter campaign of strikes. 

Class Collaboration. 

The Party must carry on a relentless warfare against the many 
schemes of class collaboration, such as labor banking, workers' insur- 
ance, B. & O. plans, etc., now being foisted on the workers by the 
reactionary bureaucrats. The organization of company unions and 
sham forms of industrial democracy has made great headway in 
American industry during recent years. The employers attempt to 
set up organizations under their control to prevent the workers from 
joining unions which will actually fight their class battles. These 
policies of class collaboration must be met by a militant fight for 
the policy of class struggle. The Party must constantly expose the 
corruption and treachery of the reactionary bureaucracy. In the 
matter of labor banks, the policy shall be to fight against the estab- 
lishment of new banks upon the present basis, and to demand that 
those now in existence be reorganized along co-operative lines. 

Unemployment. 

In the unions the Party shall carry on an active campaign 
against the menace of unemployment. It shall, where necessary, advo- 
cate and organize unemployment councils. It shall demand that the 
employers and the government provide work and funds amounting to 
full maintenance of the workers. 

Work Among the Negroes. 

Negro workers are a growing factor in industry. The employers 
are using every effort to play them off against the white workers 
and vice versa and thereby to defeat both. The bureaucracy facil- 
itates this scheme of the employers by setting up union restrictions 
against Negro workers. This tendency must be relentlessly combat- 
ted. The Workers Party must lead an active fight thruout the trade 
union movement to bring the Negroes into the unions and to secure 
for them equal rights and protection with white workers in the indus- 
tries and in society generally. Where white unions refuse to accept 
Negroes, new unions of Negroes shall be formed. 

106 



Recognition of Soviet Russia. 

The Party shall carry on an intensive campaign in the trade 
unions for the recognition of Soviet Russia, using as one means to 
this end the report of the British trade union delegation to Russia 
in abridged form. 

Expulsions. 

The Party reiterates its anti-expulsion policy. Where expelled 
workers are few in numbers they shall remain in local T. U. E. L. 
groups. But, where they are numerous, they shall be formed into 
unions of the expelled. Those expelled members shall endeavor to 
fight their way back into the old organizations. In the case of del- 
egates expelled from Central Labor Councils, the policy shall be to 
insist upon their right to be seated by being reelected by their local 
union. This should be reinforced by securing support from the 
unions of the locality, and by formal appeals, backed by wide agita- 
tional movements, to the executive boards of the International unions 
involved, and with appeals taken to the conventions in case of un- 
favorable action. 

Injunctions. 

Whenever and wherever an injunction is issued by courts against 
strikers, depriving them of their rights, the Party shall endeavor to 
arouse the strikers and the trade union movement in general to mass 
violation of the injunction. 

Independent Unions. 

The Party endorses the paragraphs relating to the I. W. W. and 
other independent unions adopted by the Third World Congress of 
the Red International labor unions providing for the calling of a 
conference of these unions, and contained in the program for the 
Trade Union Educational League outlined at the congress. 
(Adopted unanimously.) 

INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE ENDORSED. 

The recent action of the supreme court in upholding the con- 
stitutionality of the New York criminal anarchy law, under which 
Comrade Gitlow was sentenced to prison, foreshadows another period 
of prosecution and repression of the working class movement under 
which the liberty of its best fighters will be placed in jeopardy. This 
new decision marks another stage in exposing the sham character 
of the supposed rights of freedom of speech, press, and assembly 
stated in the constitution and practically ratifies the criminal syn- 
dicalist laws of 35 states and makes concrete the danger of the enact- 
ment of a federal law of the same character. 

This presents the greatest danger to all working class organiza- 
tions especially to its most advanced and militant sections. This 
decision, taken together with the fact that in spite of all pretenses 



107 



of democracy and cessation of war time persecution at least 128 
workers are still confined in state prisons for no other crime than 
activity in the interests of their class, demonstrates the imperative 
necessity of all class-conscious workers banding themselves together 
on the plaform of the common fight for the release of all class war 
prisoners and for the defense and support of new victims and their 
families. 

The International Labor Defense, which was recently organized 
at a national conference in Chicago as a non-partisan organization 
for the defense and support of all workers persecuted for their ac- 
tivity in the class struggle in America and for the assistance of the 
victims of the white terror abroad, has taken upon itself obligations 
which should be regarded as the common obligations of all sincere 
and class-conscious workers.The International Labor Defense fills a 
long felt need in the American-labor movement. It brings new cour- 
age and hope to the working class fighters who languish in prison 
and gives the assurance to all workers on the firing line of the class 
struggle that they will not stand alone and their families will not be 
neglected in time of persecution and imprisonment. The Interna- 
tional Labor Defense has already made substantial progress in its 
work, has given substantial evidence by the actions it has already 
taken that it defends and supports all class war fighters irrespective 
of their organizational afliliations, and has been widely acclaimed 
in all sections of the militant labor movement. 

International Labor Defense is an absolutely indispensible organ- 
ization for the militant labor movement and merits the unqualified 
support of all those who stand on the platform of the class struggle 
and who recognize the necessity of a common fight against persecu- 
tion and reaction. The International Labor Defense must be built 
into a mighty organization embracing scores of thousands of workers 
and exploited farmers, regardless of their political affiliations. 

The Workers Party endorses the International Labor Defense 
and pledges full support to its activities in defense and support of 
persecuted workers in America and all countries of the capitalist 
world. The convention calls upon every Party member to do his 
full duty bv joining the International La;bor Defense as a dues pay- 
ing member, by giving moral and material support to the organiza- 
tion in all of its work, and by carrying its message into all labor 
organizations with which they are connected and to strive in every 
way to draw them into its ranks. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



COMMUNIST AGRARIAN PROGRAM AND POLICIES. 



The more deeply our Party is becoming Bolshevized, the clearer 
becomes its conceptions on the urgent necessity of an agrarian pro- 
gram and policies and systematic Communist work on the agrarian 
field. The Party must take closely to its heart and to its under- 
standing the lesson given by the last plenum of the Communist In- 
ternational; that an under-estimation of the agrarian question by a 
Communist Party is fatal for the proletarian struggle for power. 

2 

One of the effective ways of Bolshevizing our Party is to in- 
crease considerably our interest and Communist activities in the 
Party's agricultural work. We may subdivide our agricultural cam- 
paign into two phases: 

First — to draw the rural proletariat which is part of the working 
class into active participation in the class struggle side by side with 
the city proletariat against the bourgeoisie. This is part of the 
process of the unification of the working class. 

Second — to separate from the bourgeoisie, neutralize and to 
win over to revolutionary proletarian influence and leadership the 
middle farmers, the poor mortgaged and tenant farmers and the semi- 
proletarian farming masses. 



The Communist Party must still overcome certain prejudices 
in its ranks in order to intensify and broaden its activities among 
the agricultural masses. 

a) We must reject categorically and fight energetically against 
that narrow guild or craft concept of the class struggle in our ranks 
which is the chief barrier to our approach and application of Com- 
munist tactics in our agricultural work. 

b) We must categorically reject the non-Communist and even 
anti-Communist attitude occasionally manifesting itself in our Party, 
of disregarding the tremendous significance of the farming masses 
in the struggle of the proletariat against the big bourgeoisie. 

c) Marx has well said: 

"Only if we succeeed in moving the peasant masses to a coalition 
with the proletariat, the proletarian revolution will have obtained a 
chorus without which its revolutionary solo (song) would become 
a swan song in all agricultural (peasant) nations/' 



Nearly one-fourth (about ten million people) of those employed 
in gainful occupations in the United States are engaged in agricul- 



108 



109 



ture. Q!f these about two million and a half are agricultural work- 
ers, proletarians of the farms, who have the same interests as the 
proletariat of the cities and must be made to struggle jointly against 
the common exploiters. 



The Communist work among the agricultural masses is especial- 
ly important for the Workers Party of America because: 

a) Agricultural production constitutes nearly 40 per cent of 
the total production in the United States. 

b) With the development of the United States as the dominant 
imperialist power, the American colonial domain is growing to gi- 
gantic proportions. In those colonies the agricultural masses con- 
stitute the bulk of the population. Thus the agricultural question 
assumes for the American proletariat increasing importance because 
of its close connection with the colonial question. 

c) Furthermore our bourgeoisie are making strenuous efforts 
to utilize the present period of temporary improvement of the agri- 
cultural conditions for establishing their domination over these rural 
masses at home and mobilizing them against the proletariat. 

6 

In planning our agricultural work we must recognize the various 
divisions within the agricultural masses in the United States. We 
must consider carefully the social composition of the farmers in the 
United States. 

a) There is a small section of wealthy farmers whose interests 
are unqualifiedly capitalist. 

b) One sixth off all our farms are mortgaged: that is, about a 
million and a half. 

c) Seventy per cent of all the improved land in the United 
States is today operated by tenants. 

d) There are two million agricultural workers. These farm 
hands are mainly disfranchised, migratory workers whose standard 
of living is low. 

e) We must take further into account the fact that in the Un- 
ited States except in certain sections of the South, we do not have 
a big, special land owning class in the European sense. The same 
bankers and manufacturers who own the mines, factories, railroads, 
and shipping facilities are in the main the owners of the land used 
by the farmers. 

f) Furthermore, the conditions are such that in many instances 
farmers are simultaneously farmers and workers, the industrial work- 
ers turning to farming for several months of the year, 

g) In the United States, because of the tremendous economic 
and political power yielded by the huge banking and transportation 
monopolies and the trusts, there is a far sharper conflict of interests 
between even the middle farmers and the big bourgeoisie than there 
is between these farmers and the proletariat. 

110 



There are in the United States over two million tenant farmers 
and about one and a half million mortgaged farmers, whose average 
income is somewhere between seven and ten dollars per week. These 
two groups of poor farmers, semi-proletarian in their social position 
and mode of living, are struggling desperately to maintain an ex- 
istence and are therefore in great need of assistance and cooperation 
from the city workers in the struggle against capitalist exploitation. 

8 

Unlike the conditions in some df the agrarian countries of Eu- 
rope, there is in the United States, with the exception of the South, 
no large land-owning class, no land aristocracy. The class that owns 
and controls the economic life of the agrarian population are the 
bankers, grain speculators, mine and railroad magnates, trusts and 
other capitalist corporations. That is, the same capitalist class that 
dominates and exploits the workers of the cities. Thus there is a 
clear community of interest between the working class and the poor 
farmers for a common struggle against the common enemy. 

9 

Undoubtedly the severe agricultural crisis of 1920, which produced 
such an intense ferment in the ranks of the farming masses, has 
abated. The world crop shortage of last year was the principal force 
tor whatever improvement recent months have (seen in the lot of the 
agricultural masses. But it must be pointed out that: 

a) Tho the crisis has abated it has not been solved completely. 
At the lowest point of the recent agricultural depression, which was 
I he worst in the history of the United States, the purchasing power 
of the farming masses fell to 20 per cent below the pre-war level. 
Today, despite the muclvheralded improvement of the economic con- 
ditions of the farming masses, the purchasing power of the agricul- 
tural population is still at least 10 per cent below the pre-war level, 

(b) Besides, the ravages of the last severe agricultural depres- 
sion have been so sweeping and so deep going that it would take 
many years of considerable economic improvement for the farming 
masses to make up their heavy losses. 

(c) The fundamental cause for the agricultural crisis in the 
United States, a condition which has been and is part of the inter- 
national agricultural crisis, has not been removed. The basic causes 
for the unsatisfactory economic and social conditions of the farming 
masses in the United States are to be found in the wide gap, in the 
deep chasm between the organization, or rather lack of organization, 
Of agricultural economy on the one hand and the high efficiency of 
the splendid industrial organization on the other hand. American 
industrial production is organizationally on a high social basis. 
American agricultural economy is still predominantly organized on an 
individual basis. The dir e conditions in which the farming masses 
have found themselves are to be attributed to the fact that they are 
compelled to sell their products at a low price and are forced to buy 

111 



the industrial commodities of the powerful trusts at exorbitant prices. 

(d) The disorganization of the agricultural economy in the 
United States has been further aggravated by the over-development 
of agricultural production thru "stimulation by the temporarily in- 
creased demands of the world war; the subsequent reduced postwar 
purchasing power of many countries and the loss of the markets 
of other countries particularly in Europe; and by the continuous 
strong support tendered monopolists against the farming masses by 
the United States government thru high railroad rates and burden- 
some taxation. 

(e) The basic factors that produced the agrarian crisis in the 
United States in 1920-23 have not been removed. The temporary 
alleviation of the crisis has been achieved by American capitalism 
at the cost of expropriating from their land hundreds of thousands 
of farmers. The impoverishment of the European population, result 
ing from the decline of capitalism, the emergence of Canada, Argen- 
tina and Australia as successful competitors of the U. S. on tho 
agricultural world market and the relative improvement of Eu- 
ropean agriculture are creating a permanent critical situation for 
the agrarian population of the U. S. A new wave of agrarian dis 
content is now in the making and it is the realization of this fact 
that makes the capitalists and the government of America pay so 
much attention to the agrarian problems in the U. S. 

The burden of taxation is becoming heavier and more unbear- 
able for large sections of the farmers. The American capitalists 
persist in their policy of shifting the burden ever more on the should- 
ers of farmers and workers. Already there is a new campaign on 
foot to have the coming session of Congress revise the taxation laws 
still more in the interests of the big capitalists and against the 
farmers and workers, 

Marx once declared: "The changes in the relations between town 
and country are a sign of changes in the whole epoch." 

(a) This truth is born out very vividly and intensely in tlui 
United States. The results of the severe agricultural depression 
are of the greatest significance. The migration of several million farm- 
ers from the rural communities into the industrial centers; the expro- 
priation of hundreds of thousands of the exploited farming masses; 
the proletarization of hundreds of thousands of poor farmers are j 
amongst the outstanding manifestations of the deep-going change 

the class composition of the United States. This process of agricultural 
expropriation brought about by the "scissors" relationship hastens 
the tendency towards the concentration of ownership and centraliza- 
tion of operation in agricultural production. Thus the bad economic 
conditions of the farming masses are further aggravated and their 
social composition is further undermined and fundamentally changed. 

(b) The influx of hundreds off thousands of native elements 
primarily unskilled into the big basic industries where previously 
the overwhelming majority were foreign born, is a force hastening 
the creation of a homogeneous working class in America and con 

112 



sequently aiding the development of class-consciousness in the United 

Sta 1n the imperialist stage of capitalism the agricultural question is 
most posing' for the Communist Party ^^^J^^^' 
ment of the proletarian dictatorship and the Soviet Republic. 

fa) The bourgeoisie at this time are working overtime to create 
as b an?poweTful a reserve army as possible against the masses 

I i ! f ,.0 hSne steadily proletarianized. The tactics of the capitalists 

which iare being steauny pi uicn.cn f „ rTYlilig . ma^pq 

in this is to count on the conservative character of the farming masses, 

Ln^ Individualistic attitude arising out oif the conditions and environ- 
ment of Se productive system in which they find themselves. 

(b) The bourgeoisie are actively working to win over the broad 
farming masses as their allies against the proletariat They are 
reS on the wealthy conservative farmers to serve ae their ad- 
vanTe guard to win the farming masses for capitalist reaction 

(c) The imposing question is whether the great bulk ot the 
rura masses will be under proletarian or bourgeois influence and 
leadership in the gigantic class conflicts that are to come m the 

Uni W St ?he' capitalists are following in the words of Comrade 
. * + i #„ rt «+ +Qntir- with the wealthy and middle farmers 

and'S them 1 ILyTe exe^ng Hrlendous political influence 
o^er the POoAarmers. This capitalistic united front with the farm- 
ers orates thru such means as the discriminatory we of credit 
facilities and the tariff in favor of one group of farmers as against 
the other legislative policies of the same nature etc. All these 
means are calculated to win the wealthy and middle farmers for 

^SMSi ^eoS 8 are energetically working d urine this 
neriod of the abatement of the severe agricultural crisis to win over 
Z rural masses. Our capitalists are talking of making concessions 
to tie" farmfng masses. They are talking of sundry relief measures 
by means of which they hope to put the farming masses in their 
camn and slightly to improve the rural economic situation. 

^a) The bourgeoisie of the United States, as well as m every 
other country, approach the farming masses with concrete proposals 
wShspecSc but actually worthless concessions in order to establish 

the %o^rterac7Ther^S Se o S f the capitalists, the Communists 
najpnrsue a united front policy with the pooi ^™ e " ^^S; 
win them over to a joint struggle with the working class against 
SitaS and to neutralize the middle farmer. The Agrarian Thesis 
o? the last plenum of the Communist International lays down clear 
a *a definite lines for such a united front policy. 

There are in the United States numerous farmers organisations 
cooperates unions, semi-political and political organizations Most 
ofThese organizations are mixed in their social composition (ncn, 
■i?i?«T»d noor farmers) with the wealthy farmers controlling the 
™niza5ons Some of these organizations, such as the Western 
Progressive Farmers, the Farmers' Union, farmer-labor groups, and 

113 



iTTsThru C Zf ratiV f S ' . are P redomi ^ntly composed of poor farmer, 

ment, ? n nd t>1 C00perate with th * I. W. W. and other working class Tie 

The first prerequisite Tor the carrying out of these nol.vw <* 

r u r C if a l C r Crete / nd PraCtiCal ™ ram <* demanL fo the agrfcul 
tural workers and poor farmers. Also the establishment Z , " 

organized agrarian department and an agrarit press ° f ' "^ 

The Workers Party shall actively support and fight for th* 
demands of the agricultural workers dealing with minimum waeea 
hours, and conditions of labor, food lodging, etc Theaters Party 

o?her SI 6 t0 de . Vel0P United Pront acti °» with thelwwand 
other labor organizations for the following demands- 

necte^wiThThe ? fl r f nfzed . ^cultural proletarians should be con- 
nected with the labor union movement of the industrial proletariat 

ba^inTh^rTnrofth' T** ^ W ° rke " f0 "* ^ ^yT^t 

uat>v m me ranks of the farming masses, 

ever^i JcuinSlV^ ^T t0 maintain effi P lo ^ent bureaus in 
every agricultural center. Any interference with these emnlovmpnt 
bureaus by the American Legion, Kn KIux Klan, or any othL cSlist 
agency shall be considered a criminal offense and punished lTc3£gly 

StatP? J he immediate re P ea l of the state vagrancy laws in all 
States. No persecution of migratory workers by arrests compulsion 
to leave the community, or otherwise. compulsion 

Phiiill C i lildren 1 of em P'oyed adults shall not be required to work 
Children of 'school age shall not be permitted to work 

citizenship miSrat ° ry W ° rkerS ShaU not b * *«** the rights of 
The Workers Party shall develop united front action with th P 
poor farmers along the line of the following demand 

tn Jmt AbS0lute and unconditional opposition to imperialist war, 

to military preparations and to militaristic propaganda ' 

The Workers Party shall support by all possible means the «m 

gram and activities of the International Peasants' Cole a shall" 

s e th:rp rk c for the affillation of Amei ' ican *"2^S5i2S 

114 



The convention instructs the incoming Central Executive Com- 
mittee to appoint a commission to study the agricultural question to 
prepare a complete agrarian program. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 

THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE PROLETARIAN 

REVOLUTION. 

The Negro in American History. 
The Negro has played an important role in American history. 
First his labor transformed the southern wilderness into an empire. 
More than a score of heroic slave revolts enrich the forgotten pages 
of American history. The smoldering fire of slave rebellion was 
one of the immediate forces impelling the first centralization off the 
government of the capitalist republic— the adoption of the constitu- 
tion and the formation of the national army. 

From being a passive center of the bloody struggle of 1861, the 
Negro was transformed in three short years into the black shock 
troops which helped to turn the tide of war against the southern 
oligarchy. Thus the Negro toiler played also his part in the con- 
solidation of the capitalist republic. 

"Abolition," however, did not free the Negro laborer from all 
of the impediments of chattel slavery. . The decade of •reconstruc- 
tion" closed with a rapprochement between the Northern capitalist 
class and the defeated Southern landlords, who obtained a free hand 
to exploit the Negro masses to whom land was not allotted and who 
Jemafned in a position of semi-slavery, politically disfranchised, V!c- 
timized by super-exploitation and by exception laws. 

Today the majority (about 8,000,000) of the Negro population 
consists of exploited farmers (mostly landless tenants) and agricul- 
tural laborers, and has a status little above serfdom. About one- 
third (4,000,000) of the Negro population are residents of cities, towns 
and industrial districts, where their occupations range from domestic 
and miscellaneous labor to industrial labor in the heavy industries. 
Practically without exception these are held by law and custom with- 
in the hounds of a labor caste, segregated, habitually terrorized, and 
exploited to a greater degree than any other section of the prole- 
tfiriat 

Nevertheless, unlike the Negro rural population, a large portion 
of this group, especially in northern industrial centers, has won the 
right to exercise the franchise. A number of them have come in o 
the labor unions and consequently have been drawn directly into 
the general struggles of the American working class. From the 
Negro industrial workers the leadership of the American Negro 
mass movement must come. 

The "Negro bourgeoisie" is but a petty-bourgeois section small 

in number and of little significance as exploiters except insofar as 

hev become agents of the big (white) bourgeoisie in the role of 

p^sono^ Propagandists in reformist race movements or in capital- 

115 



ist poll tical parties. With the latter exceptions the Negro petty- 
bourgeoisie itself as a whole suffers under racial persecution 

In chattel slavery the aspiration of the Negro was to attain the 
condition of "free labor"-the wage slavery of the white worker 
The remaining special inabilities of the Negro-discrimination in 
employment, exclusion from trade unions, inequality of pay cause 
great masses of Negro workers even today to regaM the position of 
the white worker in industry as one which is still to be attained. 
This fact has caused much confusion and complication in the labor 
movement. It has created the basis of the false tradition that the 
Negro, even when drawn into industrial labor, is a "natural" ally and 
reserve of capitalism. In industry the fact that any degree of modern 
wage slavery has represented to .the Negro an advance from his for- 
mer serf-like status, taken in conjunction with the "labor-aristocratic" 

SSi? ft ? Uni ° n bureaucrac y' ha * given birth to the false 
tradition that the Negro is a strike-breaker. 

The basis of that tradition has been undermined in the tumul- 
tuous changes of the world war. The present is an epoch in which 
the industrialized Negro proletarian and also the agricultural prole 
tariat, moves into a position with the general working class. 

The Negro Industrial Worker. 

The tremendous transformation among the Negro masses result- 
™LJ t ° m th f \ T W ° m War and afte r-war conditions, with the heavy 
m gration of Negro agricultural laborers and tenant farmers into the 
cities and industrial districts, has placed the Negro definitely in a 
new position in relation to the American labor movement. Prom 
being a sectional question, the Negro problem became a national ques- 
™™ ? m . ng a secondar y f *ctor in industrial labor, the Negro 
moves into position of a great mass employed in basic industries, and 
already in notable strikes in the coal fields, etc., he has shown him- 
self eminently fitted for the front ranks of militant organized labor. 
The question of the full and unstinting admission of the Negro to the 

th: d t e ra U d I e unioL PlaCed ^ "^ ^ ™ bef ° re at the *"* « 

f-n™ T !£ COnstitutio T ns of ma »y °f the trade unions exclude the Negro 
from the unions. In the case of these unions which have no sJch 

Z2EZA.*" constitution the Negro is »~*— -^S 

tatn^S l° Cr / asins pressure of the Negro worker for admittance 
into the trade unions is an instrument for profound revolutions 
change in the labor movement. It is no accident that the '■Gomper? 
•bureaucracy opposes the entry of the newly industrialized Negro pro- 
letarians into the trade unions. As an important and growing i™ 
of the most exploited section of the proletariat which does not share 
in the miserable bribes with which imperialism poisons the upper 
section of the working class, the mass of the Negro industrial worker 
is objectively and potentially a part of the left wing of the la ho! 
movement In those unions into which the Negroes are being adm" 
ted, for instance the coal mining unions, the teamsters, longshoremen, 

116 



• .* „,, otn the Nearo Dlays an important part in 
building laborers, janitors, etc. the Negio PJ a J Th obsti . 

into tne umu rjrejudice of the white worker against the 

%£%£%%£ -»«"™° "" a ■ >owcr '" 1 weapon ™* st the 

solidarity of the working class. 

ThP cause of the Negro in the labor movement is essentially a 
left lingTght and one which must --r^caUy Je £?%£ » 
the Workers (Communist) Party Our Party m J st ^ a ^ ation o£ 
foremost spokesman for the real abolition ot all ^ scr ™ unions 
the as yet largely -organize,^ Negro wo ^"^J^, equal _ 

sion. Our aim must be , to show to the w made ^^ 

C °n ete ^ to the Neg'rc worke" tnatVspIte of the anti^Negro 

Ssl=S£s3S5SS5£ 

£T£ duVS \X^^T^«. in the jnjj 

££".£ .SX toSml-ion into the existing .unions, but 
Suctioning as full-fledged Negro unions during the struggle. 
The Negro Tenant-Farmer and Agricultural Worker. 
Wtetat million Negro agricultural workers, share-croppers and ten- 
ant farm rTl ve in The southern states in a condition in some respect 
resembUng the serfdom of Europe two hundred years ago. Agricul- 
H^riflhorers are forcibly held in compulsory labor under corporal 
SS Tenant and' share farmers are bound to the earth by 
?orce prevented from leaving a locality where they are adjudged to 

117 



mcM d c? S t te t0 S v^° rClS Wh ° 6Xe / CiSe the Hshts of fe »dal masters. A 

the most cruel exploitation Politic,. mW- ' * US facilltatin S 

from the Negro laborer and farmer ^ * ractlcal * withh eld 

Negro' agricultural worSsSatrS ^ ^i?"™ * »« Mtata « 
cultural workers If do Sb1 Wp h, f T* together with white agri- 

hrin g such ^^ZSLX^Z^?*'*^ » 

(together with white farmers of the^ ,"?? farmeM B«°eraUy 

and to brio, such iS^^o^jS^J^ " """"^ 

bor movement. cooperation as allies of the la- 



The Negro and the Labor Party. 



where s m Its fl m S?eTS? T* ** Negr ° WOrkers as else " 
crystallize thl in indenendeni ^ abo !* <**» consciousness and to 
italist class. Tne SE^^,^^ ««^ «* -p- 
periods have already shown ithHmh.7 ! e war and Post-war 

masses from the renubli'In oar v , ?•* Par " al eX ° dUS of Ne S™ 
tradition, a visible widente h^ w- *? rep / esents a break with 

ance of the Negro with the lapita^st clST^ * ^ ^ ° f the alli " 

formation of the labor partv With vS? ^ ng Part in the 

labor party action primXtl, £1 TL ?£™ W ! BhaJ1 in eve ^ 
against the Negro politically ■ IiS * • n 6S ° f domination 

made an especially urgent reason f^ 55 sout f he ™ states must be 
the Negro workers th7u collective afflnlr P ^ oreaniza «°n of 
and the winning of political rSts f^-T I ^ the labor part ^ 
be placed before both S JZ 1?° Proletarians must 
objective of the labor party movement Z, kePS aS an ^mediate 
workers' political morZZtZ TSSiSji ^ ^ *?* the 

Negro Membership i„ the Communist Party. 

into the WofkeS (^mmunS f'arty 6 TTof* *"*«*«**. draWn 

KtSftSS "SftS -sS~ ~ --^- - -" 

P-wori^ * ^SnSfF -^-r -1 S: 

no longer be postponed me a Pnme neces ^ that can 

US 







"Social Demands" of the Negroes. 

All slogans of equality which are current among the Negro 
masses or which can be awakened among them, which express the 
aspirations Tor equal rights and equal treatment of Negroes an po- 
S and ec nomic life and in public customs, are placed among 
the demands of the Workers (Communist) Party. Such are the de- 
mands for political equality, the right to vote, social equality eco- 
n«S3c" equality, abolition of jim-crow laws and also nim-crow customs 
not written into law, the right to serve on juries the abolition of 
segregat on in schools and the right of Negro teachers to teach in 
nn schools- equal rights of soldiers and sailors in army nad navy 
w tho C ut° tgrela^on !» colored regiments, the right to frequen a^ 
maces of public resort without segregation (hotels, theaters, restau 
ra.nts etcfand the abolition of all anti-intermarriage laws. In the 
course o the struggle with such demands we will demonstrate thru 
experience that these aspirations can be realized only as a result 
oJtne successful class struggle against capitalism and with the 
establishment of the rule of the working class in the Soviet form. 

American Negro Labor Congress. 

Our work among the Negroes centers ^^£t^Si 
Negro Labor Congress announced tor Chi cage ° c » Der k lon 

Party recognizes and supports this congiess as .a Sfnuine v 
of the Negro workers and farmers of the United States. It will 
"omposed according to the official call, of the following. 

Delegates from Negro and mixed trade unions 

Delegates from Negro workers in factories and industries where 

larg lTewrgr°o Se^whrrknown for their activity in behalf 
of the race. t 

„ SSrSSSSa ass 

and ThTcolgress therefore will be basically a gathering of Negro 
W ° r TTe slogans of our Party will be incorporated in resolutions and 
placed before the congress. ^-.-i.-ttoii should be formed of 

At the congress a permanent ™g£?£jZLaj of Negro 
groups thruout the United States _«"*£"£ v ities where this is 

'" fSfASSLTSSi— »im..ar combes composed 

119 



miTes C C ° nneCti0n betweeu ^e struggles of the Negro and white 

an* ^ COng f eS L ShOUld C0Qnect the druggies of the Negro workers 
and farmers in the United States with the struggles of the nS 
colomals m American possessions such as Haiti, etc ^ 

t.t.0,1 nf t? A eonnect the struggles of the American Negroes with 

%\£%£?Z£r "' " nal,y with te - -' " lS 

moTemeVtTT "'""m f" T " *" a " a ""' a '^«»"P «or the Negro 

Our party fractions will work for the above program 

Negro n es™^Zsf „? £*, "52?* ° f the Stniggle ° f the A ™™an 
negroes with those of their African comrades, the congress «hm,M 

point out he error of holding up Africa as a Negro Mecca it mut 

be made clear that the connection between the African and AmeS 

EESaSTaS ttTTh " £° *° C ° mm ° n St ™^ Si^? wSS 
imperialism and that such schemes as migration, etc are qimniv 

chimeras which serve only to confuse and conceal the reallssTs 
whel C ° ng r ss , should strive to develop a leadership for h e Negro 
where a workers' and farmers' government has solved succesSv 
all racial and national problems. successfully 

Lynching and Race Riots, 

It is the duty of our Party to meet the problem of lynching and 
race riots not merely with words of sympathy but with conrr^e 

ofTh n e 1 Cble a m"s et t 1 o 0dS *? iCh Can * eflectiT ^ ™* * f^ZTct 
l™ le ™ 1S t0 ereate a united class front of the working class 
We shall endeavor to have established in localities IS hSh 
Negroes and white industrial workers are employed permlnent inter 
Negro afd'hitTwoT 8 ^^ **"**> ««*»' terrlXton^of 

ftyot pay I^nsT r a ^ agamSt '?. e KU K1UX Klan ' against ine <^- 
tL * u * a ? amst race discrimination in obtaining employment for 
the full admission of Negro workers into the unions w th eaualitv 

IS 6 ' P v rigMS ' f ° r the COmplete organization of bL NegJo 
and white workers into the same unions. It shall be our endeaSr 
to have such inter-racial committees of workers serve as a nSZ 
thru which the solidarity and cooperation of the working c£ sai S 
a I workers' organizations can be obtained in times of crfsis ^ch a^ 
strikes, race riots, attempted lynchings, etc., to present conflicts 
between the workers of the two races and to prevent lynchings 

The Negro and the Army. 

reseSL^ T™- War &nd the cons cription of the Negro youth 
resentment of discrimination and other brutal treatment in the armv 
and navy became a major phenomenon among Negro toilers O J 
Worker, rT COnception «*■» many slogans and demands Sh Se 
Workers (Communist) Party must energetically champion! aTd which 

120 






especially the Young Workers League can well champion: the move- 
nent against segregation of Negroes in "jim-crow" regiments; against 

s^imination in the kinds of tasks assigned to Negro troop units 
S?t dSrimL^on against individual Negro -J^' ^ 
The sharo and brutal punishment of whole groups of Negro troops 
"24th Neg?o infantry'' case-13 summarily hanged, 56 imprisoned); 
Lalnst the Principle of "white officers for Negro troops'; against 
Negro officers' failure to defend the Negro troops from discnmina- 

ti0n, The C ' customary employment of Negro troops in imperialistic ag- 
gression against weaker peoples (Spanish war, the Philippines and 
Mexico in 1916), intensifies the duty of the Communists to awaken 
fmon? the Negro masses a sense of their own relation to the class 
ZLn the United States, and their relation to the present 
Sawing of the suppressed races; their rebat o n t oh e new 
world-wide capitalist slogan of "white supremacy (as n China) in 
Thort In understanding of the international role of capitalist govern- 
ment and their own role in the revolutionary epoch. 

NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS. 

Partly as a result of the international transformation among the 
Negro population in the United States and the West Indies and also 
partly as a reaction to the war and the national liberation move- 
ments thruout the world (especially the colonial ferment in Africa, 
Xsia the PhUipplnes, Haiti, etc.), a Negro race movement centering 
in the United States has been stimulated to large proportions. This 
movement first crystallized into organizational form among West 
Indian working class immigrants in New York and other United 
StatS seaports as well as the British West Indian possessions but 
soread rapidly among the native American Negroes, mostly of the 
working Sass Under the name of the Universal Negro Improve 
me nt Association a fluctuating membership, at times ™V™^S 
S e half-million mark, was organized. At first it showed distinctly 
anti-fmperialist tendencies, with specific working class demands such 
as tn™ demand for opening the trade unions to Negroes with equality 
oi lay ete as shown in the 1920 program of the Universal Negro 
taprovement Association. At all times these demands have been 
cr/usedTy mixed with Utopian conceptions. Rapidly, however under 
the leadership of its principal founder, Marcus Garvey, the Utopian 
pacifist conception that the oppression of the Negro In America and 
the world could be remedied by the building of a national Negro 
state to Africa, and that hence the struggle in this country is urn 
necessary has become the dominant note of the organization. The 
exDloiSon of the Negro masses by demagogic leaders of this organ- 
izltfon who copy the arts of the Jewish Zionist movement, soliciting 
tunZ from white capitalists on the ground that they will teach the 
Nerro toUere to submit to "white supremacy" (d. e., capitalist B u- 
premacy fn this country, while officially denying but in fact cuWvat- 
?ng the .dream of mass migration to Africa, is one of the cruelest 
aspects of betrayal to which the black worker is subjected. 



121 






t>, t n « intenSe sympath y wit ' h the colonial revolts of the Chinese 

^fnnt A impenallsm IS ' however, an almost universal phenomenon 

rnnan^ ei p 1Can ***" Worker "- » exists in a ^Hitant aggres^ 
on-paciflst form, not only among some of the rank and file of the 
beforementioned organization, but also widely beyond the limit, of 
any organized form. This phenomenon is found in ts hiRhes do 

t? e^wf "T^ Negr ° indUStHal W ° rkers wh0 completely radiate 
the cult of submission in America and who conceive th P w Jt f ♦ « i 
bound up with the American .labor movement ThTele^ ^^o 
gram mJ ^^/^.^-ceptionally responsive to the Common ^pro- 
gram in both lts international and its domestic significance Their 
merest m questions of colonial imperialism (forced upon them by 
their own persecution as an "inferior" race), Increases thL ™iZ nf 
the contribution which this most exploited section cf the proletarian 
Negro workers can make to the labor movement. The gSnce of 
this current into the channel of the labor movement and away from 

of oTpTr/" " "7 hi§h taSk ° f ° Ur Parity - * Solves "he ne™ 
of our Party members working within the Negro race movement 

o gantaTons of t^ 16 ** "**« ClMa ^^ wSinTe mTss 
organizations of the race movement, including the struggle against 

. Y, t0P - an eaders - a ^ n ts of the bourgeoisie. It involves combat 
ng the ,deology of concessions to "white supremacy,- tnlinsTence 

the" l i r COmPr0miSinS StrUgSle against the Ku Klux Klan making 
these ma or issues against the reactionary leadership. Within such 

iJ^TT T mUSt inSiSt UP0n the organizations taking up the 
ssues of the class struggle, constantly pointing to the failing nf thf 

America 10 *«"*» t0 ^ the ^ toilers Irom opp^si^ 

khJ acco T mp . lish thls ™ should organize Communist fractions 
within the Universal Negro Improvement Association which sha" 
s rive to surround themselves with the working class and poor farmer 

of the NpIT f an organiza « on nghting for the class interests 

of the Negro workers m the United States. 

In the Negro race movements and organizations it is necessarv 
constantly to emphasize the colonial program of the Communis? Inter 
national pointing out that only with a united world front of all the 

ShTeVeToft oTtbe^, C ° n r ct T of the proletarian revolution^ 
with the revolt of the colonial peoples, that victory can be attained. 

We should encourage the Negro workers to take an interest in 

Peop^X it* i7n V n? ent f ° r .£ eed0m * ^e suppressed colonial 
?J* * ut !t ls . not Permzssible to encourage the Utopian idea 
that the Negroes in this country can win their emancipaUon thru 
mass migration or thru the establishment of a Negro nation in a rw,? 
The reformist leaders (Garvey, etc.) do not have" a Program ftr the 
liberation of the Negro peoples thruout the world. The revLlLary 
movemen headed by the Communist International has a program 
which wil liberate the peoples of Africa, Asia, etc., together witf the 
proletariat of all countries. The Communist International and its 

122 



American section is a friend of all liberation movements of oppressed 
peoples, and opposes only the misleaders and betrayers of the mass 
organizations of Negroes. 

OTHER NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS. 

The African Blood Brotherhood, with a program of class struggle 
combined with a militant championing of the special demands of «fce 
Negro workers against racial discrimination, is an organization wmcn 
has done a pioneer work of considerable value, in organizing a mil- 
itant advance-guard of Negro workers. Otherwise its chief successes 
have been in those cases when it has employed the united front 
tactics for enlarging its contact with and influence upon wider circles. 
Our policy in relation to this organization is to have the local organ- 
izations merge with the units of the American Negro Labor Congress 
In the National Association for the Advancement of Colored 
People the Negro petty-bourgeoisie, together with middle class white 
reformists and under the partial leadership of the big bourgeoisie 
(such as represented by Senator Burton, chairman of the last repub- 
lican national convention) finds the chief medium for its reformist 
operations. Yet it is a singular paradox and a reflection of the now 
passing period of the patronizing of the Negro's cause by the capital- 
ist class, that this organization at its last convention appeared in 
the role of championing, tho in a timid and "respectable way, Negro 
workers' right to admittance in the trade unions. Even in this 
organization, under present circumstances, it is permissible and neces- 
sary for selected Communists (not the party membership as a whole) 
to enter its conventions and to make proposals calculated to enlighten 
the Negro masses under its influence as to the nature and necessity 
of the class struggle, the identity of their exploiters, and their leaders 
in the same persons and the treacherous nature of the reformist 

measures proposed. ,,„„„,, 

However it is only when the Communist work is so broadened 
and extended in the field of Negro movements as to make our Party 
stand out as the only real champion of the Negro against lynching, 
all discriminating and all oppression and exploitation that we can 
successfully combat the influence of such bourgeois movements. 

The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to 
create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead 
the struggle of the Negro race against exploitation and oppression 
in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary 
movement of the whole American working class, to strengthen the 
American revolutionary movement by bringing into it the 11,500,000 
Negro workers and farmers in the United States to broaden the 
struggles of the American Negro workers and farmers, connect them 
with the struggles of the national minorities and colonial peoples 
of all the world and thereby further the cause of the world revolu- 
tion and the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



123 



COMMUNIST WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE 
UNITED STATES. 

I. 

*, T . he m°J k am ° ng wome n ^ an important phase of the Party 
Sv n ? W W ° rk has been ne S lect ed by our Party since its organ- 
ization Only some local organizations such as New York, Boston 
and Detroit have made a beginning in this respect, but there has 
been no centralized direction and definite plan of .work on a national 
scale These conditions must be changed. Our Party must from now 
on take up this work systematically in order to establish Communist 

sSX: 7Zel G rZT R W ° rkerS Jmd ^^ them int ° the geDeral 

II. POLICY FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE FACTORIES. 

1. It must be our aim to establish in the factories where women 
are employed circles of working women for the discussion of the 
problem of their place of work and for the discussion of general 
problems of the working class. As these circles are developed in 
certain industrial sections they should be combined into conferences 
of delegates from the circle of that section and later on a city-wide 

+ „ 2 ' Th t 5 l e Circles Sh0uld also be the medium for expression of 
the social life of women workers and the means of providing educa- 
tional opportunities. Thru the development of this form of their 
activities our Party members working within them will be able to 
influence the social life and the education of the women workers 
and thus facilitate the work of political education of these workers. 

3. Wherever the Party has shop nuclei organized in factories 
where women are employed one member of the nucleus shall be 
charged with the responsibility of organizing such circles of women 
workers. In those sections where nuclei do not yet exist the Party 
organ responsible for work among women shall appoint comrades 
working in factories where women are employed to take up this work. 

4. The work among the women in the factories must be closely 
coordinated with the work among the women in the trade unions 
For this purpose there should be appointed in the Party trade union 
fractions in unions in which there are women workers a comrade 
charged with the work among the women trade union members, who 
must be in contact with the comrades conducting the work among 
women in the factories. 

III. WORK AMONG THE HOUSEWIVES. 

1. Our Party must also seek to organize circles of housewives 
for participation in and support of the struggles of the workers 
These circles should be organized in all the working class sections 
of the cities, 

124 






2 The Party units in the various sections of the cities shall 
aoooint from among the Party members a comrade specially charged 
SS caring on tWs work of organization of circles of housewives. 

3 The housewives circles shall be combined thruout the sec- 
tions 'of the city and on city-wide scale thru conference of delegates 
from these bodies. 

4 The housewives circles should carry on social and educational 
activities similar to those to be carried on by the circles in the 
Series They must be drawn into close co-operation with the 
women circles in the factories thru the initiation of common cam- 
nafcns and thr U conferences in which the members of both circles 
SSpate as well as thru conferences of delegates from both forms 
JTSSSSaSon. This is particularly necessary in times of strike 
and other workers' struggles. 

5. The organizations of proletarian housewives which have been 
created thru the efforts of our Party members, such as the United 
Council of Working Class Women in New York City, the Mothers 
feaeue of Boston and Detroit Proletarian Women organizations 
Sd be made th; basis for the development of our work in these 
cities. 

IV. CONFERENCES OF WORKING WOMEN. 

1 In order to unite the work of the women factory circles and 
the housewives circle, conferences of working women shall be called. 

2 These conferences shall be held periodically at least once a 
month, and shall discuss and act upon all problems arising out of 
the lives of the working women. 

3 The "Conference of Working Women" shall consist of (a) 
women employed in shops, factories, stores, etc.; (b) Local trade 
unions consisting wholly or partly of working women, and (c) 
ganizations of working class housewives. 

4. These conferences shall elect Executive Committees to carry 
on the work between the meetings of the Conferences These com- 
mittees shall be known as "Committees of Working Women. 

5. The following is to be the basis of the program of the Con- 
ferences of Working Women." 

a! To carry on an active campaign to unionize the working 

women. . 

b. To fight for equal pay for equal work. 

c To combat child labor. «««.««- 

d. To encourage and assist working women to become citizens 

° f ^ ^ffighrfor government maintenance of working mothers 

for a specified period of time before and after childbirth. 

for ^ ^Pecm^pe^ ^^ consciougness and activity among w ork- 

lng JT Participate in all struggles of the workers jointly with 
other labor organizations. 

125 



.he l£r^£££r*"* cult " ra, ■ ™« — — « 

I To combat the high cost of living 

I To° Sht for' K" h ° U ! ing faCmtieS f0r the ™**«. 
facilitJ^orSng^ £55 ^ *"«"* and ed -tional 

of the wo T r°kerf ' '" S ° Vernment maintenance of the school children 
other" l£E22£ aU StrUgSles of the — ■ Jointly with 

committed S ta^ra/ ''TheVrov^ * ^ l0CaIUy by a SPecial 
ference of Worting Women •? rZ v * ** C 1 °™ mItte8 of the Con- 
made up of men and women" engaged "nTX C ° mmittee is to be 
the struggle of the working womTn other ™ connected with 

ly. Lfo'rT'caC'trV; JmmitteeB shall be established immediate- 

V. PARTY ORGAN.ZAT.ON FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN. I 

th«. pI^ f °"° wing organizational apparatus shall be established n 
the Party at once to conduct the work among women e&tabllShed n 

SUES" " "" ~> • "• '— ■ — S.™i™ 

;s v;3s i trni-,'.".:,; h ^-r.-s,,",s7,- 
«3SH«SS?J5Srrl 

sent'to S?aTu^^ ^^ * ^^ the -^ructions 
the Party units shall contain a special section instructing the 

126 



Party units how to apply this campaign to the work among the work- 
ing women so that the women are drawn into all the general cam- 
paigns of the Party, 

4. The first step in putting this program into effect shall be the 
calling in each city of city conferences to consist of all the members 
of the branch and nuclei sub-committees on Women's Work and also 
the women committees from the trade union fractions. These con- 
ferences shall be made thoroly familiar with the program, and mobi- 
lized to carry it out in the following manner. Similar conferences 
shall be held from time to time and at a later stage of development 
of the work it may be possible to hold these conferences on a larger 
scale. 

5, At all times the Party members in the non-partisan organ- 
izations must form Communist fractions and work under the direc- 
tion of the Party sub-committees on Women's Work in their respective 
localities. 

VI. PRESS AND LITERATURE. 

1. The Party should publish literature making especial appeal 
to working women and the party press should from time to time 
carry articles dealing with current political questions from the same 

angle. 

(Adopted unanimously. ) 



127 



THE AMERICAN COMMUNIST STRUGGLE 
AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 

1. THE BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF IMPERIALISM AND ITS 
DEVELOPMENT IN THE UNITED STATES. 

A. The basic characteristics of imperialism are; 

1. The concentration and centralization of industry and capital 
result in monopolies so powerful that they play the decisive role in 
economic life. 

(a) Nowhere has monopoly developed to the extent that it has 
in the United States, the classic land of trusts and combines. 

2. An immense accumulation of money capital available for in- 
vestment and exportation, and a tremendous expansion of the credit 
system into a world credit system where groups of financiers finance 
first whole backward countries, their industries and governments 
and later to finance even industrially advanced countries. 

(a) The United States leads in the manifestation of this tend- 
ency also. More than half of the world's gold supply is accumulated 
here. From a debtor, the United States has been converted not mere- 
ly into a creditor nation but into the investor and usurer nation par 
excellence. In war debts alone the world owes the United States 
over eleven billion dollars. The greatest of these debtors is its 
nearest rival and competitor, the British Empire with four and one- 
half billion dollars in round numbers. 

Ob) The world's total debt to the United States today is more 
than twenty billions. In the last year alone, the American capitalists 
increased their foreign investments by almost a billion and a quarter 
The Dawes plna, the repeated French stabilization loans, the financ- 
ing of countries like Germany, Austria, Italy and France, etc and 
even the British dominions as Canada and Australia (the recent loan 
of $75,000,000 to Australia) indicate clearly that it is no longer a 
question -of financing backward countries but advanced industrial 
countries and colonies of rival imperialist powers as well. 

3. The centralization of banking capital on an ever-increasing 
scale, and thru its financing, credit and investment development the 
fusion of banking capital with monopoly capital and the creation of 
a financial oligarchy on the basis of the thus originated "finance 
capital." In the United States this tendency has gone so far that 
the federal reserve system has coordinated all banking groups into a 
single domestic and world financing organization under the control 
of the most powerful and most concentrated oligarchy in the world 
— an oligarchy which is presonified by two individuals, Morgan and 
Rockefeller. 



128 



4. The basic determinant of world economic and political policy 
becomes the export of capital and not the export of commodities. 

5. There arise international monopolistic unions of capitalists 
which divide the world among themselves. 

6. The territorial division of the world is already completed and 
each shift in relative power among the imperialist nations is marked 
by a violent re-division of backward and even industrially advanced 
countries. 

7. The seizure of the sources of raw materials and especially 
oils and metals and coal is another source of conflict for the re- 
distribution of the already divided world. 

(a) The United States is especially favorably situated on ac- 
count of its great domestic oil and mineral supply. It controls 43 
per cent of the world's output of coal; 64 per cent of the steel; 
nearly one-third per cent of the petroleum; about 50 per cent of the 
copper, etc. In addition to the rich supplies of raw materials in the 
United States the minerals and oils of Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Co- 
lombia, Chile, etc., are increasingly getting under the undisputed 
sway of the U. S. Thus the U. S. enters into the conflict for Eu- 
ropean, Asian and African raw material sources with the preponder- 
ance already assured in its favor. 

8. Imperialism thus broadens to a world base and sharpens the 
eollosal conflicts, deepens the antagonism between rival national im- 
perialist groups, suppressing internal competition only to intensify 
world competition. 

9. This conflict tends increasingly to a violent form, accompa- 
nied by domestic reaction, savage exploitation of subject peoples, an 
increasingly rapid armament race, and the piling up of ever more 
explosive materials in the world powder magazine. 

10. It provokes increasing revolts of the subject peoples, pres- 
ently evidenced by the Moroccan and Chinese situations, the growth 
of anti-imperialist movements in Latin-America, the Turkish and Per- 
sian situations and colonial movements generally. 

11. An historical alliance is being consummated in the alliance 
between the revolutionary proletariat and exploited colonial and 
semi-colonial peoples. This basic strategy of the world revolution, 
elaborated by Lenin is now being confirmed by history; we are wit- 
nessing its conscious application, not locally, not within sectional 
limits, but on a world-wide scale. The astonished buorgeoisie, which 
predicted confidently the immutable binding power of nationality 
over the class interests of the workers in the home countries of im- 
perialism, are being treated to the spectacle of the French Commu- 
nists openly aiding the heroic Riff tribesmen to throw back the 
armies of imperialist France, while the socialist party, which has set 
up its usual "union sacre" with imperialism, is more and more los- 
ing the support of the French masses. The opportunist leaders of 
the British labor party have again declared for imperialism by voting 
for "imperial preference," but the Communist Party of Great Britain 
is cementing its fighting alliance with the national liberation move- 

129 



merits of India and Egypt. Enslaved China has turned against its 
imperialist oppressors; it is the beginning of the surefated liberation 
of Asia and the mighty Kuomintang Party of China welcomes and 
receives the support of revolutionary toilers in England, Japan, 
France, America — in all the home countries of imperialism. More- 
over, Soviet Russia, the expression of the international victory of the 
working class, is China's staunch ally. 

12. The imperialist struggles on all sides are an indication that 
the partial and temporary stabilization of capitalist industry, noted 
at the recent sessions of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the 
Communist International, has brought no real stabilization to capital- 
Ism. This is the final stage of capitalism. Bourgeois society is 
hanging in the balance. It will be buried by the combined forces of 
the proletarian revolution and the national liberation movements of 
the colonial and semi-colonial peoples. 

2. AMERICA'S IMPERIALIST POLICIES. 

13. The days of "national Isolation" in America have been left 
far behind. The tremendous strides of American imperialism con- 
stitute one of the most significant developments of world capitalism 
since the war. American imperialists have now subjected over three- 
quarters of a million square miles of territory— but these figures 
give no real idea of the extent of the American empire, which brushes 
aside boundary lines and penetrates even into the most highly de- 
veloped industrial sections of Europe. In his great work on impe- 
rialism, Lenin pointed out that it is those countries that possess 
capital that dominate all other nations, despite the bourgeois-demo- 
cratic fiction of the equality of nations. The United States is the 
greatest store-house of capital in the world; capital is being con- 
stantly piled up. American export of capital has more than doubled 
since the war, the total now invested abroad exclusive of war debts 
to the U, S. government being over nine billions of dollars. The 
United States is the world's money-lender; no big financial deal can 
be put thru without consulting the House of Morgan. To guarantee 
its investments and to open up new fields for them, the financial oli- 
garchy centered in Wall Street makes ready use of its political in- 
strument, the United States government. Also to monopolize mark- 
ets and to control sources of raw material. American government 
officials travel the seven seas to do the bidding of Wall Street. Amer- 
ican warships break strikes in Cuba and Central America, patrol 
Chinese rivers and engage in imperialist demonstrations in far east- 
ern waters. 

14. American foreign policy is imperialist policy. Broadly speak- 
ing it revolves around three main slogans; the Monroe Doctrine, the 
"open door" and the Dawes plan. 

The Monroe Doctrine. 

15. This is the official name for the policy in Latin-America. 
Latin-America is something more than a field for the investment of 

130 






capital and a market to be monopolized, altho 44.4 per cent of Ameri- 
ca's total foreign investment is in Latin-America. The greater part 
of our raw material imports come from Latin-America. One of those 
raw materials is oil, which has become an elemental, vital factor in 
the life of modern capitalism — a central objective in the clash of 
rival imperialism thruout the world. Latin-America is therefore con- 
sidered Wall Street's eminent domain, where no foreign intervention, 
other than that of the United States, is to be tolerated. The Monroe 
Doctrine is a doctrine of "Latin-America for Wall Street." Native 
governments are either ruthlessly thrust aside, as in Nicaragua and 
Santo Domingo, where U. S. marines run amuck, putting the natives 
to work in chain gangs in the dust and sweltering heat of the public 
roads; or else the governments are intimidated, as everywhere in Cen- 
tral America; or they are threatened with revolution, as in Mexico 
and elsewhere; or they are encouraged to pro-American dictatorship, 
as in Venezuela and Peru. American imperialism has even created 
special organizations to assist in the domination of Latin-America, 
notably the Pan-American Union. 

16. Out of the 20 Latin-American republics, 11 now have their 
financial policies directed by appointed officials from the United 
States. Six of these 11 have their financial agents backed by Ameri- 
can military forces on the ground. Four of the remaining nine have 
their economic and fiscal lives closely tied to the United States thru 
large loans and concessions giving special advantage to American 
capitalists. 

17. The Monroe Doctrine will not lose its importance to Ameri- 
can foreign policy with the development of the American empire to 
world-wide proportions. On the contrary, it will be pushed more 
than ever to the fore. Latin-America is the primary foreign base 
of American capitalism. The plan for a Mexico City-to-Buenos Aires 
railway is the symbol of American imperialism just as the Berlin-to- 
Bagdad railway was the symbol of German imperialism. 

18. Latin-America is still the principle field of American impe- 
rialism and one where its sway is relatively undisputed by rival 
powers. Its population is almost equal to that of the United States, 
its territory several times greater and the whole extent of a conti- 
nent and a third is unified by common language, racial and social 
origins, traditions and history, culture, and economic and political 
conditions. 

19. There is sufficient homogeneity to permit of the building of 
a powerful continental movement of the workers and peasants 
against American imperialism, and sufficient resentment due to the 
occupation of the Central American and Carribean countries the sus- 
taining of autocracies such as those of Venezuela and Peru by united 
aid, the interference in the internal affairs of all of the countries, 
the system of financial and military advisers, the monopolistic Mon- 
roe Doctrine and the robbery of the tremendous natural resources 
of Latin-America. 

131 



B. The Open Door. 

20. The "closed door" policy expressed in the Monroe Doctrine 
is substituted by its exact opposite, the "open door" in the Far East. 
America came late to the Chinese treasure house. She got her first 
real foothold during the world war, with the activities of the Ameri- 
can International Corporation and the Asia Banking Corporation a,nd 
since that time has been expanding her interests rapidly. Commerce 
with the Orient constitutes 25 per cent of all America's foreign 
trade. For the United States, China is principally a market and a 
field for investment — an unbelievably vast one, as yet scarcely tap- 
ped. The Washington conference of 1921-22 marked the definite 
orientation toward the Pacific of an important phase of American 
foreign policy. 

21. The "open door" policy is a pretended insistence upon equal 
rights for all imperialist nations. It was originally expressed in the 
Hay doctrine on China, but has since been expanded to take in 
Mesopotamia, Egypt, parts of Europe, etc.; in fact it has become a 
general slogan of American foreign policy, when not applied to Latin- 
America. In the Far East, the policy means the playing off of Great 
Britain against Japan, and an attempt to dislodge both. Because of 
its hypocritical "open door" policy bringing it into conflict with the 
directly felt imperialist domination of Great Britain and Japan, the 
United States has created the illusion among sections of the Chi- 
nese people that her purposes are friendly. This dangerous idea 
must be energetically eombatted. Our Party should take the lead 
in educating the Chinese as to the real meaning of the "open door" 
policy and the purpose of American imperialism. 

The Philippines. 

22. The bitterness of the Philippine people against American 
exploitation and tyranny increases daily. Importance of the Philip- 
pines as the key to future struggles In the Far East cannot be over- 
emphasized. The anti-independence movement in the United States 
and the dictatorial policy of Wood in the suppression of strikes, 
murdering of natives, etc., make the Philippine situation ever sharper 
and more nationalist revolutionary in tendency. 

23. Our Party has already developed some influence among the 
Filipinos by its defense of their interests. The American Party 
should intensify and increase its activities on behalf of Philippine 
independence (tie this up in the minds of the American workers with 
the situation in China and the possibilities of war with Japan). The 
Filipinos should be made to realize that the liberal "independence" 
movement in the United States is not to be reckoned with as the 
basis 'for a spirited fight against American imperialism in the Philip- 
pines, but that it must look to the Communist movement and the 
working class for such a fight. 

24. A real effort should be made to organize the Filipino work- 
ers in the United States as a step to Communist organization on the 

132 



islands. The immediate recall of General Wood and an investigation 
of his regime should be called for. Every atrocity in the Philippines 
should be the signal for protest meetings and resolutions in the 
United States. Tihe Party should explain in its propaganda for in- 
dependence that a "Plattized" independence is no independence at 
all. 

25. The campaign outlined in the Party's Filipino program is 
to be prosecuted vigorously. 

China. 

26. The United States continues to present itself as the hypo- 
critic champion of the "open door" in China. It has held it "open" 
long enough to get one foot in. It is now trying to get the other 
in and then kick Japan and later Great Britain out, and close the 
door in the faces of the other imperialist powers. The hypocrisy 
of the "open door" campaign must be exposed, the danger of war 
with Japan and the Soviet Union, the tyranny of the whole foreign 
intervention policy and its significance in making the East a storm 
center for a new world war must be kept in the forefront. The sub- 
servience of the American Federation of Labor President Green to 
the American state department has caused him to issue a pronounce- 
ment of the same hypocritical tone in the name o'f the A. F. of L. 
The Party and the anti-imperialist league should hasten to address 
and appeal to the members of the A. F. of L. explaining to them the 
true state of affairs in China and presenting a concrete plan of action 
on the part of the American working class. (Similar use should be 
made of the Latin-American pronouncements of Green, the confer- 
ences called, etc.) Our Party should intensify its work on the Chi- 
nese situation and prepare for a long campaign as the Far East 
situation will continue perhaps for years in an acute stage. The 
Party must demand the abolition of the four-power pact, the nine- 
power pact, extra-territoriality rights, concessions, etc., etc. It must 
seek fraternal relations with the Chinese working class and especial- 
ly intensify its relations with the Kuomintang. It must propose fra- 
ternal relationship between the American and Chinese organized 
workers, and mobilize opinion among the American workers against 
further intervention and in favor of the Soviet policy in connection 
with China. 

C. THE DAWES PLAN. 

27. Comrade Stalin characterized the Dawes plan as an attempt 
to "cover and mask the desperate struggle between England and 
France for European supremacy, the growing hostility between Eng- 
land and America in the struggle for domination of the world 
market, the struggle of the German people against the colonial 
entente oppression." This was the final, amazing leap of American 
imperialism in its onward march, made possible by the ruin of 
Europe in the war and the new strength and consciousness of purpose 
of the American capitalists. When the after-war boom came to an 
end, it became apparent that the United States could not continue 

133 



to hold aloof from European affairs. The tremendously developed 
industrial capacity of this country was lying idle with the bank vaults 
bursting with gold (call money was being lent at less than two per 
cent interest in the "outside market'*), the urge to incorporate Europe 
with the American economic system and furnish an investment 
market for American capital became irresistible. The Dawes plan 
means not more employment for American workers, but less and 
more uncertain employment. The Dawes plan is an adventure in in- 
ternational monopoly built upon the enslavement of the German work- 
ers and tending to force down the standard of living of British French 
and American workers as well. Together with the Hurley plan for 
France, the Mellon plan for Belgium, and the various systems of 
control imposed upon Austria, Hungary, etc. it expresses the insolent 
bid of American imperialism for world domination. But the plan is 
doomed to fail. A country like Germany cannot be kept as a colony 
The attempt to do so means, as Comrade Stalin says, "to place 
Europe on a charged mine." Moreover, England and France cannot 
reconcile their multiple differences with the United States, of which 
the European situation offers only one phase. Another and an im- 
portant one is the preponderant position of American capital in Cana- 
da, its growing strength in Australia and other British colonies The 
entire European adventure of American imperialism is in itself an 
earnest of the approaching collapse of world capitalism. It rests 
upon a hundred sharpening contradictions. For the American work- 
ers it heralds the awful certainty of new wars. 

t^ l 8 *^ EV6I l b f f ° re the War With Spain in 1898 > American capital- 
ism had reached the point of development where it could no longer 
maintain itself without giving up its isolation and being drawn into 
the current of world events. The West was becoming populated 
Money was no longer at a big premium for internal developments 
American capitalists could not count indefinitely upon a constant 
consumption demand in this country and industry was expanding 
rapidly. In the United States itself, Big Business had developed to 
the point where it was able to dictate the entire foreign policy of 
the government. The launching of the United States Steel corpora- 
tion m 1900, personified the fusion of banking and industrial capital 
It was thru the world war and the events subsequent to it that the 
United Stttes was able to lay the basis for its present expanded policy. 

29. American imperialistic foreign policy will now be intensified 
particularly as the race for oil becomes hotter, as American surplus 
capital continues to pile up, as the clashes with rival imperialism 
become more unavoidable. Already Japan and England are engaged 
m fierce contests with American imperialism— Japan in the Far East 
England m Latin-America, China, Asia Minor, Europe— over all the' 
world. England is the main competitor, the chief capitalist obstacle 
in the path of Wall Street. If England could be eliminated or ren- 
dered helpless, the United States would have a comparatively free 
hand with Japan. At the Washington conference the United States 

134 



succeeded in breaking up the Anglo-Japanese alliance and in forcing 
England to recede from her age-old position of mistress of the seas, 
thru the acceptance of the 5-5-3 naval basis. Too weakened to con- 
duct an independent policy of her own, England has been constrained 
to console herself in recent years with the role of a lesser partner 
in America's new imperialistic ventures — as in the Dawes plan in 
Europe— but England and America are irreconcilable rivals. The 
present situation in China illustrates the impossibility of reconciling 
the interests of the British imperialists with those of Wall Street. 
Our Party must understand the basis of the fundamental conflict 
between British and American imperialism, and must be prepared 
for the titanic struggle which is approaching. 

30. Another factor that imperialism cannot leave out of consid- 
eration Ms Soviet Russia. Soviet Russia has made the first breach 
in the circle of world capitalism. She represents the spearhead of 
the international class war piercing its way into imperialist situa- 
tions. She has already shown what the far-reaching effects of this 
may be by her support of China. The United States as the standard- 
bearer of world capitalism, has of necessity become the rallying 
center for the battle against capitalism's mortal enemy. American 
workers must at all times stand by Soviet Russia in the attempt of 
the capitalists to wage war against her. 

3. AMERICAN IMPERIALISM. 

31. This "pacifist imperialism/' as it has been called, is essen- 
tially warlike. The United States today spends tremendous sums of 
money on military and naval preparations. Thru the medium of the 
Citizens' Military Training Camps, Boy Scouts, etc., the entire popu- 
lation is being drawn into the scheme of militarization. A powerful, 
centralized armed force is being built up for us against the workers 
at -home, and to crush the movements for freedom in Latin-America, 
Hawaii and the Philippines—as well as to organize for the next war. 
"Navy day," "defense day," etc., are signs of the approaching im- 
perialistic conflict. 

32. The American imperialists know that their struggle to oust 
Japan from China is one that cannot be settled without war. The 
United States is ready for that war. Hence the recent maneuvers 
of the fleet in Far Eastern waters— and its subsequent friendly visit 
to Australia. American imperialism is prepared to fight England, 
but she wishes to detach England from Japan at all costs,, and 
evidences of an Australian-American entente, together with the Cana- 
dian situation, are calculated to make England think twice before 
she throws in her lot with Japan. Our Party must conduct a relent- 
less campaign against American militarism, inside the military train- 
ing camps and out. The spread of Communism in the army, as 
shown in the cases of Crouch and Trumbull, is of great significance, 
and it is especially significant that they are stationed in a colonial 
possession. We must expose the imperialist purpose of "navy days" 
and "defense days" and we must tear the sham from off such slogans 

135 



as "the yellow peril," "limitation of immigration/' etc., so that the 
working class may respond to our fight against the- coming war. 

Imperialism and the Capitalist State. 

33. The bourgeoisie develops an evermore powerful state ma- 
chinery for the execution of its financial schemes, for armament for 
colonial, for mandated areas and spheres of influence administration, 
and tor suppression of class conflicts at home. 

34. The intervention of the powerful imperialist state machine 
in domestic labor conflicts (injunctions, use of force in strike break- 
ing, compulsory arbitration, etc.), the growing drawin of militarism 
and colonial wars and occupations, the imposing of the gigantic state 
apparatus, the sharpening conflicts leading to a new world war the 
growth of unemployment due to industrial stagnation at home' and 
export of capital on an ever increasing scale, the use of lower 
wages and living standards and longer working hours among the 
subject nations and "Dawesified" European workers to depress work- 
ing standards and wages at home— all these tendencies work counter 
to the tendency to corrupt the "aristocracy of labor" and identify it 
with imperialism, and they begin to make clear to the working class 
the irreconcilable opposition of imperialist opportunism to the gen- 
eral and fundamental interests of the labor movement. 

35. Its enormous profits thru the exploitation of backward peo- 
ples enables it to bribe and corrupt main leaders of the working 
class and even create privileged industries and branches of industry 
thus creating a fairly numerous aristocracy of labor. Thus there is 
born the union of opportunism and imperialism, which in the United 
States expresses itself in the imperialist nationalist and class col- 
laboration policy of the leaders of the American Federation of Labor 
and in Latin-America in the policies of the Pan-American Federation 
of Labor. The creation of privileged sections of the working class 
leads to their separation from the broad masses of the workers 
This splitting up of the working class is very marked in the United 
States and is an important contributing factor emphasizing the di- 
vision between skilled and unskilled, organized and unorganized 
Negro and white, foreign and native, etc. 

36. The American capitalists have also succeeded in corrupt- 
ing with some portion of their surplus profit leaders of the woiking 
class in some of the colonial and semi-colonial countries (Iglesias in 
Porto Rico and the Porto Rican socialist party, Morones in Mexico 
and the Mexican labor party, De LaSelva in Nicaragua; the leaders 
of the Central American Federation of Labor; the fascist elements 
In the Cuban Railway Brotherhood, etc.) 

American Imperialism and Labor, Aristocracy. 

37. In the United States, opportunism is ripe and overripe. The 
beginnings of a counter tendency are making themselves manifest 
This is to be noticed in the growth of a labor party movement, the 

136 



Platonic response even to the abstract amalgamation campaign, the 
marked tendency of the seamen to break down their isolation, etc. 

38. Imperialism develops increasingly its own contradictions 
which on the domestic field present themselves in the form of a 
parasitic, stagnating and even decadent form of capitalism. The 
capitalist is reduced to a coupon cutter. The oligarchy becomes so 
small and so powerful that it is possible to neutralize whole sections 
of the former supporters of the bourgeoisie, poor farmer, petty bour- 
geoisie, etc., and to win away whole sections of the masses that 
have hitherto followed capitalism. 

The Tasks of Our Party. 

39. One of the important tasks is to convince the American 
workers of the living reality of American imperialism, of its menace 
to them, and of the necessity of fighting against it. This involves 
intensive propaganda and organization of the left wing in the trade 
unions, where the labor aristocracy and especially the bureaucratic 
officialdom are holding the fort for imperialism. The sinister con- 
nection between these elements, the capitalists, and the superprofits 
must be exposed. The imperialist role of the so-called Pan-American 
Federation of Labor, dominated by the American Federation of La- 
bor machine, must be exposed. It is especially important to make 
the workers realize the connection between the imperialist policy of 
the corrupted labor bureaucrats and their whole class collaboration 
program, such as labor banking and the B. & O. plan. While an 
entire section of the highly skilled workers (the labor aristocrats) 
is also corrupted by imperialism, these elements should not be lump- 
ed together with the official bureaucracy of the unions; consistent 
efforts should be made to win the more proletarian sections of the 
labor aristocracy away from their co-operation with bureaucrats and 
bosses and into active struggle on behalf of their real class interests. 
Anti-imperialist work in the trade unions should be linked up with 
concrete proposals against imperialism. "Withdrawal of troops from 
Santo Domingo !" "Independence for the Philippines!" "Uncondi- 
tional release of Crouch and Trumbull!" "Stand by Soviet Russia!" 
etc. 

40. Educational work must go on in our Party to acquaint our 
members thoroly with the problems of imperialism. The imperialist 
character of the present epoch must be studied in the works of 
Lenin, Bukharin, Stalin, Zinoviev, etc. Special effort must be made 
to promote an understanding of the essential unity between the pro- 
letarian world revolution and the national liberation movements in 
the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Anti-imperialist work in 
our Party must be concentrated on the independence and anti-impe- 
rialist movement in the countries under the heel of American impe- 
rialism. 

41. The second congress of the Comintern pointed out that 
"the policy of the Communist International on the national and colo- 
nial questions must be chiefly to bring about a union of the prole- 

137 



tarian and working masses of all nations and countries for a joint 
revolutionary struggle leading to the overthrow of capitalism . . ." 
This is a tenet which we see working out so splendidly all around 
us today, and which is ringing the death-knell of the international 
bourgeoisie. In Latin-America, Hawaii and the Philippines there 
is a national liberation movement, .iust as in China and the Riff sec- 
tions of Morocco. The millions groaning under American imperialist 
rule have indicated in no uncertain terms that they want their free- 
dom and are willing to fight for it. The Filipinos have voted over- 
whelmingly in favor of independence. In Porto Rico there is also 
an increasing sentiment for complete independence from American 
imperialism. The Cuban people are struggling to throw off the 
vicious Piatt Amendment, which is strangling them. The Mexicans 
stand ready to fight American intervention with arms. The Haitians 
figM to the death against the American military dictatorship. We 
must give active support to these movements. We must form direct 
alliance with them. This must be done in close co-operation with 
the other Communist Parties of the continent, and we must put forth 
every effort to build Communist Parties in those countries where 
none now exist. 

42, There is a strong tradition of Latin-American solidarity 
which is a historic force for the unification of the anti-imperialist 
movements of the various Latin-American countries. This will be 
an important weapon in the struggle against Wall Street. The All- 
America Anti-Imperialist League was created as the expression of 
the liberating movement of all the exploited peoples of the continent. 
The Workers Party took part in the creation. Represented in the 
League are also the Communist Parties of Mexico, Central America, 
and South America, as well as student groups, labor organizations, 
peasant leagues, and national societies in various countries. 

43, For us, the League constitutes an organizational expression 
of our determination to fight side by side with the exploited peoples 
of America's colonies and semi-colonies. While we strive to make 
the groups affiliated to the All-America Anti-Imperialist League rec- 
ognize in the Communists and the Communist International, the lead- 
ers of the world struggle against imperialism, we must work con- 
scientiously to build up the league itself, to push it into activity and 
to make of it a powerful driving force for the overthrow of American 
imperialism. 

44, The following is our concrete program of joint action with 
the exploited peoples for the struggle against American imperialism. 

(a) Expose the purposes and methods of American imperialism 
everywhere. 

(b) Demand independence for all American colonies and un- 
conditional withdrawal of American troops from Latin-America, Chi- 
nese and other foreign soil. 

(c) Actively support Latin-American strikes against American 
concerns. 



138 



(d) Ideological and practical struggle against the doctrine of 
Pan-Americanism. 

(e) Expose and struggle against the so-called Pan-American 
Federation of Labor as an agency of American imperialism, and the 
Mexican and American Parties shall work out joint plans for expos- 
ing the true character of the Pan-American Federation of Labor and 
propagate the idea of the formation of a Latin-American Labor Fed- 
eration with anti-imperialist tendencies. 

(f) Interchange of delegates at conventions and close co-oper- 
ation with the Communist Parties of Latin- America; fraternal rela- 
tions with the parties of the Far East. 

(g) Help build the All-America Anti-Imperialist League into a 
powerful organization for the overthrow of American Imperialism. 

(h) Immediately strive to build up sections of the All-America 
Anti-Imperialist League in parts of the United States, thru affiliation 
of resident organizations of Mexicans, Filipinos, Chinese, etc. 

(i) Support the proposed plan of the All- America Anti-Imperial- 
ist League for an Ail-American Conference against imperialism. 

(j) The Machete, organ of the Mexican Communist Party, and 
El Libertador, organ of the Anti-Imperialist League (published in 
Mexico) should be circulated among the Spanish-speaking workers 
of the United States. 

The American Labor Movement. 

45. The decision of the Communist International on suppressed 
nationalities must be adapted and applied to the peculiar situation 
of the American Negro. The Negro, the foreign-born worker, the 
Mexican workers in the South, and the unskilled workers generally 
must receive more attention. The division of the working class into 
Negro and white, foreign-born and native, skilled and unskilled, or- 
ganized and unorganized, must be a central point of attack for all 
of our efforts to overcome the labor opportunism of imperialism and 
unify the American working class. The anti-imperialist work forms 
an excellent entering wedge in this connection and should be more 
intimately tied up with the trade union work. 

46. Among the organized workers the attacks upon class col- 
laboration, upon the corrupt leadership, etc., should be closely linked 
with the anti-imperialist work. The rank and file of the labor aris- 
tocracy must be won for the class struggle and its leaders exposed 
in their eyes. The intervention of the powerful state machine in 
labor struggles must be made the basis of major campaigns. The 
relation of that domestic machine to imperialism must be made clear. 

The Soviet Union. 

47. All anti-imperialist campaigns must be tied up with the 
Union of Socialist Republics, as the living example of a great anti- 
imperialist proletarian power, and with the Comintern as the world 
fighting organization of black, yellow, brown and white peoples in 

139 



» 



a world united front against capitalism and imperialism in all their 
forms. The solution of the national question by Soviet Russia has 
not been sufficiently explained to the American working class. Nor 
has the role of Soviet Russia in Persia and Turkey been sufficiently 
capitalized. It must be made clear that the war plots and attacks 
against the Soviet Union are largely a tributable to its anti-imperialist 
policy thruout the world. The "Recognize Russia" campaign must 
be intensified, and tied up with the struggle against imperialism. 

( A d op t ed n n a n i m on w 1 y . ) 



HO 



OUR AMERICAN PLEDGE TO THE SOVIET UNION. 

When, on November 7, 1917, the Workers, Soldiers and Peasants 
Councils, directed by the Bolshevik Party led by our Comrade Lenin, 
seized state power from the treacherous hands of the Kerensky 
regime, a new era in human history was begun, an era of the prole- 
tarian revolution. 

And the fire of proletarian emancipation lighted by the immortal 
Red Guard has not failed to light the path and warm the faith of the 
exploited and oppressed of all races and in every land. 

Now, in the eighth year of the Soviet Power, the Union of So- 
cialist Soviet Republics, triumphant over every foe, internal and 
external, stands like a giant citadel of proletarian power from the 
Baltic to the Pacific, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Ocean. 

Thru the dark and terrible years since 1917, the workers and 
peasants of Soviet Russia have starved and battled against every 
sort of discouragement and assault. United and led by their van- 
guard, the Communist Party of Russia, they themselves have been 
the heroic vanguard of the world proletarian revolution. 

Suffering unexampled sacrifices and starvation, the workers and 
peasants of Soviet Russia have proven their right to rule and won 
fervent admiration and active support of the workers of all the 
world. Ringed around with the invading armies of the combined 
imperialist nations, murderously attacked by white guard armies 
under Yudenich, Denikin, Kolchak, and the rest, betrayed and stab- 
bed in the back by the menshevik assassins of the Second Inter- 
national, who were subsidized by the allied robber nations, and 
starved by the allied blockade and the drought and crop failure along 

the Volga thru all, the armed workers and peasants have clung 

persistently to the state power of Proletarian Dictatorship, and to- 
day all their Communist theory is justified, all their sacrificial action 
is rewarded as the Soviet Power stands unified and extended trium- 
phant and strenghtened, to the joy of the world proletariat and the 
chagrin of world imperialism. 

The reactionary generals are defeated, the invading armies of 
the "democratic" allied robbers driven into the seas and across the 
borders by the pressure of Soviet arms and the threat of revolu- 
tion by the workers of the western nations. The counter revolutionary 
lackeys to the bourgeoisie organized in the infamous Second Inter- 
national, which has sold itself to the capitalist, discredited and un- 
masked/ roost like lean vultures around the chancelleries of Paris, 
London! and Washington. The allied blockade is broken, the famine 
ended, and with the powerful Red Army and the watchful Red Navy 
guarding the outer fortifications, the workers and peasants of Soviet 
•Russia are successfully hammering out Socialist reconstruction and 
building stone by stone the structure of a new society. 

141 



This -tremendous success of the economic' restoration of the Union 
of Socialist Soviet Republics, recognized in -the Report of the British 
Trade Union Delegation in 1924, has penetrated even the most re- 
mote sections of the world's working class, together with the growing 
fraternal relations between the Soviet Union and the races and 
nationalities oppressed by world imperialism, is stirring and setting 
in motion the exploited and suffering masses of the entire world. 

The movement for International Trade Union Unity, the shatter- 
ing of the leadership of the treacherous class collaborationist social 
democracy in the unions of both Europe and America, the struggle 
against the Dawes plan, the mobilization and march to the left of the 
British workers, the Indian strikes, the rebellion of colonial peoples 
m Africa, the savage clashes in the Balkans, the sporadic workers' 
revolts in Latin-America, and the intensification of a national revolu- 
tion against foreign imperialist oppression of the Chinese people 
an points not only to the revolutionary stimulus which Soviet Russia 
affords all oppressed by its very existence, but points as well to the 
menace to capitalist imperialism which such existence constitutes. 

Sensing its historic doom, the sinister forces of world capitalist 
imperialism again are gathering their armies and navies, again loos- 
ing their flood of lying propagandists, against mobilizing* their lack- 
eys of the social democracy and trade union reactionaries to attack 
the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. The so-called "Security 
Pact" in the West, the arming of the puppet nations on the Soviet 
Union's western frontiers, the establishment of a British naval base 
on the Dago Islands in the Baltic, the efforts of the imperialist powers 
to unite their forces against Soviet Russia in China, against the 
Chinese Soviet repproachment, the provocation of British courts 
trying Soviet citizens on Chinese soil, the attempt to sever trade 
relations by the Baldwin cabinet, the British naval maneuvers in the 
Baltic, the military preparations in America, and Coolidge's con- 
tinued and studied insults to the Soviet Union, all indicate an ap- 
proaching new war of violence and invasion against the workers and 
peasants of Soviet Russia. 

In this hour, the Workers (Communist) Party of America, know- 
ing its duty and ready to act with vigor and decision, pledges anew 
to the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia its every effort to 
defend and advance the world proletarian revolution, to support 
Soviet Russia and its allies among the world's exploited and op- 
pressed, to extend and intensify the movement for recognition of 
Soviet Russia by the American capitalist government on "the basis 
of the common interests of the workers and poor farmers of America 
with the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia. We shall make all ' 
efforts to prevent a new militant attack upon the U. S. S. R and to 
hold aloft the banner of the Proletarian Dictatorship of the Ameri- 
can bourgeoisie, 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



142 



RESOLUTION ON THE YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE. 

1. With the continued existence of capitalism, the problems of 
the young workers become more difficult and more manifold. Cap- 
italism while it uses the youth of the worker as an excuse to under- 
pay him still more than the older worker, also concentrates its atten- 
tion to the educational task of moulding the young worker into the 
most possible perfect robot. 

2. Thus, while the struggle of the young workers is indissolubly 
bound up and is part of the struggle of the proletariat as a whole, 
yet the young workers are faced with various and serious immediate 
problems, which can be solved only if they organize for that purpose 
and if they ally themselves closely in their struggles with the revolu- 
tionary movement of their respective countries. 

3. The revolutionary young workers have realized this and have 
organized themselves in all countries into Young Communist Leagues, 
part of the Communist movement of their country, united interna- 
tionally in the country, united internationally in the Young Commu- 
nist International, which latter works in fraternal alliance with the 
Communist International. 

4. The young workers, who have been drawn more and more 
into public life since the last imperialist war, will form the best de- 
tachment of the proletarian revolution. A large section of the work- 
ing class, past middle age, employed in the highly skilled trades, 
will not be won for the revolution until after the conquest of power. 
The young workers mainly thrown into the ranks of unskilled labor, 
and exploited to a greater extent than the adult workers, must be 
drawn into the revolutionary movement and must form a reservoir 
of strength for the Communist Party. 

5. The Young Workers League of America is devoted to the 
task of leading the young workers in their daily struggles and in 
the development of these struggles for their final emancipation. For 
the United States the development of the Young Workers League is 
of special exceptional importance, more than for other countries, 
since the growing generation of the workers will bring both for the 
working class and into our party more homogeneity and greater 
freedom from social-democratic traditions and also lead to the greater 
Americanization of the working class and of our Party. 

6. The success of the struggles and the campaigns of the Young 
Workers League depend on unity of purpose and on inner unity of 
political orientation with the struggles and campaigns of the Workers 
Party. On the other hand, the success of the campaigns and^ strug- 
gles of the Workers Party also depends upon the close coordination 
of their activities with those of the League. 

7. While up to the fourth congress of the Young Communist 
International there was not sufficient coordination between the cam- 

143 



paigns of the Young Workers League with the political campaigns 
of the Party, there has been a decided improvement since. We muMt 
say that despite the many difficulties, the Young Workers League 
has shown its ability to develop towards a mass young Bolshevik 
organization thru its active participation in the everyday struggles 
of the young workers and thru the initiation of movements which 
vitally affect the interests of the younth. The growth of the youth 
organization has been brought about by its drive to reorganize the 
league on the basis of shop nuclei, campaigns in the trade unions, 
factories and industries, anti-militarist activity, the transformation 
of its press into a mass organ, the building of strong children's move- 
ments. In many fields of work the Young Workers League has even 
set the precedent for the Workers Party to follow. The political 
activity of the League has shown that it is rapidly developing into a 
mature political organization which will aid the growth and clarity 
of the Worker Party. But the relation between the Party and the 
League is still far from being perfect. 

8. The next tasks of the Young Worker® League, those of extend- 
ing its trade union work, anti-militarist work, and so on, can only 
be achieved thru the very closest of cooperation on the part of the 
Party. The national convention declares that it is the duty of every 
unit of the Party to give its utmost cooperation to the youth and 
children's movement. The Party will not have fulfilled its elemen- 
tary duty if it does not devote far greater attention to the Young 
Workers League than heretofore. No unit of the Party should exist 
which has not a corresponding Young Workers League unit. "One 
of the tasks connected with Bolshevization is to win over the whole 
of the working class youth in all countries, that generations of the 
working class which grew up amidst the conditions of world impe- 
rialist wars, and the beginning of world revolution. While social- 
democracy relies mainly upon the more bourgeois sections of the 
labor aristocracy, which arose in the peaceful epoch, the Communist 
Parties of all countries, on the contrary, among their other tasks 
must strive to organize the whole of the proletarian youth of the 
new epoch under our banner," says the thesis on Bolshevization of 
the parties. The national convention, therefore, urges that the units 
of the Party, far more than up till now, give their utmost cooperation 
and aid to the League in all of its activities, thus aiding in the 
building of a Young Leninist League of a mass character. 

9. The Party convention calls the attention of the Young Work- 
ers League to the decisions of the Communist International and the 
Young Communist International and expresses the belief that only 
with the cessation of the factional struggle can these decisions serve 
as the basis for the unification of the League. The achievement of 
this goal should be the aim of the convention of the Young Workers 
League. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



144 






RESOLUTIONS OF THE APPEALS COMMITTEE. 

RESOLUTION ON COMRADE ASKELI. 
Proposed by Minority and Adopted Unanimously. 

The successful ideological Bolshevization of our party makes it 
necessary to secure for the Party the use of all avenues of propa- 
ganda and education. The C. E. a must keep a close watch on all 
of the papers of our Party Whenever opportunist and Loreist ten- 
dencies manifest themselves in the columns of any of our press, the 
C. E. C. must in all cases immediately correct them and must, wher- 
ever the manifestation is serious, consider the necessity of reorgani- 
zation of the editorial staffs of such papers. 

The convention considers that at present it is clearly apparent 
that in the editorial staff of our Finnish organ, "Tyomies," is preva- 
lent such an element of opportunism. This is unquestionably due 
to the influence of Comrade Askeli, a member of the editorial staff 
of that paper. 

Askeli is the consistent exponent of Loreist tendencies. Even 
at this moment, after the efforts of the C. E. C. to correct the social- 
democratic expressions in the statements of the Superior Finnish 
Branch, Comrade Askeli continues to defend these manifestations of 
Loreism. 

In view of this fact, the convention considers that the further 
employment of Comrade Askeli as an editor of "Tyomies M is incom 
patible with the interests of our Party and its Bolshevization. 

Therefore the convention instructs the Finnish comrades of Supe- 
rior to remove at once Comrade Askeli from the staff of "Tyornies" 
and replace him with a comrade who understands, accepts, and fights 
for the Communist line of our Party and the Communist International, 

MOTION OF THE STATEMENT OF THE ARMENIAN COMRADES 

TO THE CONVENTION, SIGNED BY T. M. KORKIKIAN 

OF DETROIT, A. SCHMAVANIAN OF CHELSEA, 

MASS., T. KALIG1AN OF NEW YORK CITY, 

AND S. E, SIMONIAN OF CHICAGO. 

The convention regrets the fact that there are still a number of 
Armenian comrades outside of our Party, and that the Communist 
elements within the Armenian Section of our Party have not yet 
succeeded in unifying their forces for harmonious work. The con- 
vention is of the opinion that this situation in the Armenian Section 
of our Party, which is due to past internal conflicts, demands a thor- 
ough investigation and a settlement that will unify and strengthen 

145 



the Party activities among the Armenian speaking workers of the 
United States. 

The Convention is of the opinion that the reorganization of our 
Party on the basis of shop nuclei and international branches and the 
centralization of the Party apparatus will prove an effective means 
of unifying the Communist forces also within the Armenian section 

The convention refers the statement of the Armenian comrades 
to the incoming Central Executive Committee for immediate action 
on the matter, towards the end that all the truly Communist forces 
among the Armenian speaking workers be drawn into the Party and 
unified for common Communist work. 

MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF COMRADE CANDELA. 

That the convention confirms the action of the Philadelphia con- 
vention of the Italian Section of the Party and the action of the 
Central Executive Committee in the case of Comrade Candela and 
authorizes the incoming C. E. C. to take up the matter when deemed 
necessary. 

MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF A. PRESI. 

That the convention approves the action of the Philadelphia con- 
vention of the Italian Section of the Party and of the Central Exec- 
utive Committee in the case of Presi. 

MOTION ON THE STATEMENT OF COMRADE POYNTZ TO THE 
CONVENTION OF THE PARTY. 

The convention fully endorses the statement of the Central Ex- 
ecutive Committee regarding the views and activities of Comrade 
Poyntz. 

The convention is of the opinion that Comrade Poyntz persistent- 
ly followed the policy of Loreism, which is a right wing deviation 
away from the line of the Communist International. 

The convention is also of the opinion that the activities of Com- 
rade Poyntz in support of the right wing Lore deviations were detri- 
mental to the Party. The convention therefore demands that Comrade 
Poyntz cease such activities and abide strictly by the decisions and 
line of policy of the Party. 




140 



BUILDING OF THE COMMUNIST PRESS IN THE U. S. 

The Communist Press is not only the collective organizer of the 
Party of proletarian revolution but the collective organizer of the 
masses for the revolution under the leadership of the Party. 

This was the view of Lenin of the role of the Communist Press 
and it is to make our press the collective organizer of the Party and 
the masses that we must strive. 

Our Party has made some progress in this direction, but in the 
United States, where the propaganda agencies of capitalism have 
reached their highest point of development, the fact that the masses 
are almost all literate gives the press an extraordinary power both 
in the hands of the capitalists and in the hands of the revolutionary 
Party. 

1. The multiplicity of languages (a score of language groups 
within the ranks of our own Party) in America is a special difficulty 
that we have to meet and overcome. 

This in turn creates the need for the greatest centralization of 
our press but the form of organization of our Party (inherited from 
the Socialist Party) has made extremely difficult the task of bringing 
under a centralized control the entire Party press. The lack of com- 
plete centralized control has resulted in many organizational weak- 
nesses and serious deviations from the correct Communist line. 

2. It has been necessary also to work unceasingly to wipe out 
the traditions of bourgeois journalism with which many of our com- 
rades were infected due to the lack of proper training in the manner 
and method of securing, recording and sending to our press the news 
of the daily struggles of the American working class. 

3 Another problem our press has had to solve was the belief 
among wide circles of Party and non-Party workers that Communist 
journalism consisted in hectic and flambouyant phraseology having 
little if any relation to the actual feelings and struggles of the work- 
ers which satisfied the revolutionary ego of the writer, which some- 
times served to conceal his lack of real revolutionary understanding 
but which has been characterized by the Communist International in 
its thesis on the Bolshevization of the press as follows: 

"Two different things may be comprehended under revolutionary 
phrases in the Communist press. There are Communist papers wbich 
invariably follow the principle of employing the strongest and most 
urgent phraseology which they are capable of compiling and which 
give the impression that the writers must have been in a state of 

high fever. 

"Viewed as agitation this falls to take any effect upon the masses, 
repels them, and has besides this disadvantage that when the news- 

147 



SCsteT deal WUh S ° me ***<*« »*«*■» « ** i ts vocabularly 

with the lives of the SISTERS £? J*-™ - C ° nneCti0U 
facts is more effective than th P »vu«n >■ e Slmple ^ration of 
of Communfet slogans * "^ and ffeartSo ^ repetition 

"More faith in the thinking powers of the readers - 

"CrelluT TT ;OCCaSi ° nS ' CritlCiSert «* ^ency: 

of the present curve of events Tnd th! «! l\ 0bjective circumstances 
captivating and intoxicate ^slogans JZ 2 *"* T^ Wonderfully 
them, are the essence of Z^XZ^iS^ *""'* *"""* 
And again : 

to 4o'o W o y f ImZ'^ZllYT: ^ 10 t0 2 ° HneS ' ****** or 200 

digested by the malse ™' T h ™\ TT*' already fair * well 

Finally: ''" une Character of our Newspapers.) 

"Less intellectual talk, closer contact with life •• 

* dlnrSer^ rpr^cS^pon ^P^ ^f ^ «* 
to waging the Party struggles IT, & Party> that in addition 

duty of informing the Parfy pre s of the^T "V**** there is the 
cations. y P SS of these struggles and their impli- 

es newi tThf,SugSl h wlfch n o neCeSSary *" ™ ^ to -cure 
some times were acfua, y ,eIdLg fromTh^ 8 , *** 6Wed aDd at 
Press. ' mng > tl0m the columns of the enemy 

the ^^^^^^^^^ s and maintaining 
e« by the Communist press is not rT* , >l Struggles of the work- 
valuable results of our 'effort has be^n lost o ' ^ mUCh ° f the 
mass press-not published merelvf t V V ?" press must be * 
who like to see their contHb^tion in print" ^ ° f *»" COmrades 

-use: l7m P u r :rneTe^lt e rt P o Ul t a r bUt »* * °» S ° clal d — <ic 
that the working cS has absorb^'^TT !T ? s — tionalism 
must not neglect those popular TssuJ ! decadent rulers but it 

aud organized mass interest and he VoZ 2*? ^ be aroMed 
gram given to great numbers Ti workers ZZ "V? ?T?* a " d Pr °" 
tive. Ul w °rKers while their minds are recep- 

Com 7 mul e t re ch m a U r S acte e , "tCS^EST "ST^" *»* a «*« 
Press must never be sacrificed for 1. w, P ° htiCal char acter of our 
Proletarian following. At alltimes r!l '^ ° W reWard ° f a lw « 8 non - 
-st be linke. first with iSftSntCjS 

148 



broadenend to stimulate interest, understanding and sympathy in and 
action for the full Communist program. 

& Every Party campaign must be carried on with tlxe fullest sup- 
port of the Party press and during the period of the campaign all 
material in the press, so far as possible, should be selected with the 
view of mobilizing and coordinating its efforts for reaching the widest 
circles of workers and farmers. 

In campaigns designed to reach specially selected groups, the same 
plan must be followed by all the Party editors. 

There is among the language press, with a few exceptions, a 
deplorable lack of cooperation with the Party at present in this 
respect. 

To deal effectively with the above problems of policy and organ- 
ization, our Party must immediately: 

1. Set up a permanent subcommittee (section of Agitprop) of the 
Central Executive Committee which shall be charged with: 

(a) Bringing all Party papers under the complete control of the 
central committee. 

(b) Establishing machinery for centralizing collection and dis- 
tribution to all the Party press of Party material and for editorial 
control of all publications. This control to be actual and not nominal. 

2. The present corps of approximately 75 worker correspondents 
must be enlarged within the next year to at least 250. The proleta- 
rianization of our official organ which has taken place in the last 
nine months since these correspondents have been organized and 
special efforts (articles, pamphlets, special personal correspondence 
and instruction) been made to acquaint them with their important 
role, is sufficient justification for an immense extension of this vitally 
important section of work in connection with the Bolshevization of 
our press. 

These worker correspondents are making our official paper a real 
mass organ and altho the work is just beginning it can be said that 
already they have contributed something new and virile to American 
working class journalism. Almost all the news of the daily struggles 
of the American workers carried by our official organ is furnished 
now by these worker correspondents. With greater numbers of them 
and better training our press will be able to record the class struggle 
in America with but little dependence upon the capitalist press serv- 
ices. 

(a) The connection of the daily struggles of the workers with 
the partial demands and united front campaigns of the party can be 
made very directly thru the worker correspondents. The distribution 
of our press in the industries and to the workers about which the 
worker correspondents write is the most effective method of broaden- 
ing the contact of our press and building its circulation. This method 
is the Communist one and its possibilities are inexhaustible if the 
work is properly conducted, 

(b) The work of popularizing, circulating and maintaining the 
Communist press must under no circumstances be considered the 

149 



r r a k , t °?H ° f th ° Se comrades wh ° are employed by our press Such 
TJoTcy\TZ d l ° Ur D10St efleCUVe ^ is » ™K socS 
m "t be rooted SL*™""*** C ° BCePti ° P ° f ^ fU0Cti0aia * ** 

to «?SSr2£?; * mUSt " e replaced b ^ a ■*«•« in and a loyalty 
nl*n» m ^ arisl *S as a result of the understanding of its mishtv 
Place in the struggle that will cause every comrade to never thTnfS 

SStaL* gathenng ° f W ° rkerS With0Ut C °™-t pap^^di' 

^uM b :^rjfU P ^a: l6CtUre8 ° n the f ° li0Wi ^ «— • 
1. The role of the Communist press. 

(a) in the Party. 

(b) among the masses. 

caTrS^ThTcrre'tl 6 TTu™ "XT* ° f f ° rmal P^^^'m^r 
™J f correction of this condition will give our Dress mnoh 

and the influence of worker correspondent stories on t L 1 ! P 

« «r,„ g , he » „„ cannot aec ,, e ^'^Zu'^^'TZ 
•» „5 '" * e , re,ore •">' Permissible for editors of onr nartv ores* ,„ 

struCona SUM more «.„„,„ ,„ . tena , S £* ^ ~£ 

150 



to regard themselves as framers of Party policy rather than as inter- 

Prete irni:Ses S can be avoided only by bringing the workers on 
the Party press into all branches of Party "**<***?»"££** 
tensive conferences with the leading committees of the Party _ at 
which all phases of the Party work among the masses, its relation 
wxth the Commundst International, the line of the Communist Inter- 
national, and the political problems of the day are discussed. 

Centralization. 

An army of worker correspondents. 

Leninist education of editors and contributors. 

Close connection with the struggles f the workers. 

Close connection with the leading committees of our party. 

Close connection of the press with the inner life of our P"ty. 

Understanding by the party of the role of the Communist press. 

Thus will our press become a Bolshevik press, be able to aid in 
building a mass Communist Party, lead the American working class, 
and pave the way for the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

THEORETICAL MAGAZINES AND RESEARCH WORK. 

1 There shall be formed a special section of the Agitprop to 
supervise, stimulate and develop Communist research work and 
theoretical magazines and publications by the Party. 

2 The Workers Monthly, which has already succeeded in estab- 
lishing itself among wide sections of workers, shall be enlarged in 
size and enriched with more theoretical material on: 

(a) Marxism and Leninism. 

(b) Original scientific investigation of the structure and function- 
ing of American capitalism and of the current phases of the cans 
st ru£t£.le. 

3 A program of theoretical publications (books and pamphlets) 
for the current year shall be prepared by the propaganda section of 
the Agitprop which shall be carried out in cooperation with The 
Daily Worker Publishing Co. 

(Adopted unanimously.) 



151 



nc P ™J ° F M0RITZ J ' L0EB ' BUSINESS MANAGER 
OF THE DAILY WORKER, TO THE FOURTH ANNUA? 
CONVENT.ON OF THE WORKERS PARTY OF AME^CA 

;; £aSL^/r t£«E -r^ %£?•& 

, . D .. FINANCIAL. 

(a) Policy. 

be t f provide'^ „"%" """ PrS,SMted "*"" ™— "»U our policy 
win" rutnre duE; whS rT^ P "* rflm "° " l ° ™* 

in the expeSTto, T/ immedIate curre °* expenditures 

of needs heTT a^din^^ ^ "* ™*« « 

dollar fund I origfnaSv s« 2. t "Th, 1 "? ^ sevent ^e thousand 

r?o»™ 

Si^S?^; e™ ed X fn n tf UreS *? the ^ D0Mlbte »™™ " 

152 



from an extreme financial stringency due to the lack of sufficient 

working capital. 

(b) Present Financial Situation, 

While the present financial situation of the Daily Worker, accord- 
ing to financial statements published herewith, is not as difficult as 
might have been expected, nevertheless, there are certain conditions 
which have made the operation of the Daily Worker Publishing Com- 
pany extremely difficult and which make certain that the difficulty 
will continue for some time to come. 

In the first place, the fact that the Daily Worker Publishing 
Company does all of the printing for the national office, the Party 
institution and for a great number of the federations means, because 
of the financial difficulties of these institutions and their inability to 
make prompt payments on their obligations to the Daily Worker, that 
the Daily Worker in fact is financing, to a large extent, a number of 
Party institutions. This is made apparent in the large total of 
accounts-receivable now on our books. Another instance in which 
our balance sheets do not give an absolute correct picture of our 
financial condition is that a large portion of the accounts-receivable 
are now apparently uncollectable. The deficit as shown on the bal- 
ance sheet of August 1st, 1925, is therefore actually some fifteen 
thousand dollars higher. 
(c) The Future. 

The determining factor in the finances of the Daily Worker 
Publishing Company is in the circulation of the Daily Worker. In 
as much as the income from the Daily Worker subscriptions con- 
stitute the most important item and, in as much also as the deficit 
of the Daily Worker itself is the chief burden on the institution, the 
financial problem can only be solved permanently by increasing the 
Daily Worker circulation to such a point where the Daily Worker 
itself will be able to balance its budget. According to the budget 
which is appended hereto it will be seen that the Daily Worker 
operates to a deficit of about one thousand dollars per week and the 
Daily Worker Publishing Company, as a whole, to an approximate 
seven hundred dollars per week deficit, or, thirty-five thousand dollars 
per year. On the basis of the computed cost for the filling of addi- 
tional yearly subscriptions to the Daily Worker over and above the 
present number of papers printed, the net decrease to the Daily 
Worker budget for each new subscription secured is approximately 
two dollars. From this it will be seen that in order to balance the 
budget the Daily Worker Publishing Company, all other incomes and 
expenditures remaining constant, it will be necessary to increase the 
Daily Worker subscription list by some seventeen thousand yearly 
subscriptions. 

In the meantime, it will be necessary each year during the fall 
months to conduct a money raising campaign to wipe out the accrued 
Daily Worker Publishing Company deficit. 

The immediate task is to relieve the extremely serious financial 
crisis which now threatens even the existence of the Daily Worker. 

158 



That the Daily Worker has been able to survive so far in the face of 
the inner Party condition which has existed from the time the Daily 
was established and which has become so tense in the last months 
Is proof of the basic vitality of our press. But the present combina- 
tion of unfavorable conditions, namely, the usual summer slackness 
plus the convention period, plus the bitter factional strife has placed 
the Daily Worker in a most precarious position. A considerable sum 
of money must be raised immediately and in the financial campaign 
which The Daily Worker will undertake during the first week of 
September it will be necessary for the Party membership to give 
immediate and one hundred per cent support. 



ADMINISTRATION. 

The administration of the Daily Worker Publishing Company 
has been especially difficult due to the fact that at the time of the 
establishment of The Daily Worker the Party was unable to secure 
any experienced personel to undertake the task. The entire admin- 
istrative staff, therefore, had to deal with new and strange duties 
and problems from the very beginning. It can, however, be said that 
this problem has been met and overcome and that the administrative 
office of The Daily Worker Publishing Company is now able to cope 
competently with its task. 

(a) Administrative Policy. 

This has been to a large extent determined by the lack of work- 
ing capital as was previously mentioned under Finance. The policy 
has always been to avoid extravagant or sensational measures cal- 
culated to secure a rapid increase of circulation and to substitute 
therefore cautious and economical methods. This has been done 
because of the belief that The Daily Worker could not be built in 
any sensational manner during the period of slow development of 
the working class but must be built by pains-taking and persistent 
efforts based on the regular activities of the Workers Party members 
stimulated into special efforts in support of The Daily Worker. This 
policy has been proved to be a correct one and it may be said that it 
is doubtful if The Daily Worker could have survived had extravagant 
methods been used in the attempt to stimulate circulation. 

(b) Organization. 

The basic plan of organization on behalf of The Daily Worker 
has been to build a Daily Worker machinery inside and parallel to 
the regular Party machinery. This has been attempted in the form 
of the organization of Daily Worker representatives in cities and 
branches of the Party. By this means some five hundred Daily 
Worker agents have now been secured for Daily Worker activity 
It cannot, however, be -said that from the point of view of organization 
a marked success has yet been made, for there are many Party units 
which still have no Daily Worker representative and of those which 
have Daily Worker representatives elected only a part have main- 

154 



tained a consistent activity. The minimum goal must be an active 
and responsible Daily Worker representative in every Party unit 
who is able to secure the support and to stimulate the co-operation 
of all of the members of that unit. From this base we may proceed 
to extend this machinery into shops and unions and other working 
class organizations. It is expected that the reorganization of the 
Party into street and shop nuclei will render this task of organization 
a great deal more easy. 

(c) Circulation. 

The Daily Worker circulation is about one-third secured and 
maintained thru the operation of our agents. The balance of the 
circulation has been secured and maintained by methods emanating 
directly from the Daily Worker office such as the circularization of 
readers and other workers and various advertising methods. 

The circulation of the Weekly Worker, when it was taken over 
by the Daily Worker, was just about six thousand. During the first 
three months of the Daily Worker's existence this circulation was 
increased to about eleven thousand and during the first annual Daily 
Worker subscription campaign, March 15th to June 15th, 1924, an 
additional three thousand circulation was secured raising the total 
to fourteen thousand. This figure was maintained fairly well during 
the summer and during the presidential election campaign the Daily 
Worker circulation was increased to a total of eighteen thousand 
reached the last week of October and the first week of November, 
1924 From this point on, however, the circulation suffered a rapid 
decrease due in large part to the publication of the Party discussion 
in its columns which cost us a great many non-Party readers and due 
also to the situation within the Party which decreased the Daily 
Worker activity. During the early part of 1925, the circulation drop- 
ped to eleven thousand. In the spring of 1925 this was increased 
by about three thousand and the average circulation during the May, 
June and July period has been thirteen thousand five hundred. 

(d) Centralization of the Party Press. 

Soon after the establishment of the Daily Worker it was deter- 
mined that the English language press (Party) namely: The Daily 
Worker, monthly organs and the literature department must be cen- 
tralized under one management. Centralization could not take place 
at once, however, due to the fact that the Daily Worker administra- 
tion had not sufficiently digested the problem of the Daily Worker 
and was not sufficiently organized to undertake new responsibilities. 

However, in October, 1924, the first centralization was affected 
when the Labor Herald, Liberator and Soviet Russia Pictorial were 
amalgamated into the Workers Monthly which was, published under 
the management of The Daily Worker Publishing Company. This 
centralization with its attendant decrease in the number of paid 
employees, has been a tremendous saving to the Party (about twelve 
thousand dollars every year in overhead expense alone) and has, 
moreover, in respect to the Workers Monthly tended greatly to in- 
crease the effectiveness of our monthly press. All of the subscrip- 

155 



tions to the three previous magazines were put on the Workers 
Monthly list and while in many cases those subscriptions were du- 
plicated or triplicated between the three magazines, the Workers 
Monthly subscription list is now almost double that of the three 
magazines combined. While the circulation of the Workers Monthly 
has not yet reached the combined figure of the three other magazines, 
this is due to the fact that the bundle order sales have not yet been 
established so as to equal this figure. 

In January, the literature department of the Party was taken 
over by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. A discussion of the 
literature department will be given under a separate heading. The 
fact is, however, that the centralization has been extremely gratifying. 
It has been found efficient and practicable from the point of view of 
management and, moreover, it has enabled us to increase the effec- 
tiveness of the distributive machinery in that the centralizing of this 
machinery and the placing of the Daily Worker, Workers Monthly 
and the literature of the Party in centralized hands thruout the Party 
structure has stimulated the general activity for the Party press. 

III. 
LITERATURE DEPARTMENT. 

It may be said that up until the time the literature department 
or the Party was incorporated into The Daily Worker Publishing 
Company that the Party had practically no literature department 
and no literature. The Party was publishing practically no literature 
and therefore we had the curious example of a Communist Party in 
America with no American Communist literature except, with few 
exceptions, that which had been published prior to the existence of 
the Workers Party. 

The centralization of the literature department has resulted in 
first: 

(1) The beginnings of a program for the publication of Com- 
munist Literature and therefore the beginnings of the existence of 
Communist literature in America, and 

(2) An immediate stimulation of the sale of literature. 

(3) While the beginnings only have been made the establishment 
or the Little Red Library and the program for the publication of 
Communist books and pamphlets assures us that the Party will have 
a literature department which will keep step with the needs of our 
movement. The sales of the literature department of the Party 
during 1924 are reported to be twelve thousand dollars which amount 
includes the sale of post cards and similar items. From January 
15th, the date the literature department was taken over by the Daily 
Worker until March 31st, the sales of the literature department 
averaged a little over one thousand dollars per month. In April the 
sale totaled twelve hundred dollars, in May thirteen hundred in 
June sixteen hundred. During the summer this rate cannot be main- 
tained but it is expected that in the fall it will be greatly increased 

The publication program calls for the periodical issuance of new 
numbers of the Little Red Library, for the publication of a text book 

156 




on the elements of political education, the immediate publicatioii of 
the Lenin Library and a series of pamphlets dealing with the basic 
industries of the country. Specialized literature includes the -pub- 
lication of the Fairy Tales for Workers' Children and the Report of 
the British Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia. 

The following books and pamphlets have been published since 

January 15th: _ 000 

Leninism vs. Trotskyism --•• <\ 

White Terrorists Ask for Mercy (Bedacht)... !«.""" 

Theory and Practice of Leninism (Stalin) - j>.ww 

State and Revolution (V. F. Ulianov)... »■»■•»■•■•■■■■ J'JJJ 

Fairy Tales for Workers' Children (Zur Muhlen) 10,000 

Russia Today (Report, British Trade Union Delegation 

to U. S. S. R.) 5 ' 00 ° 

Little Red Library. 
No. 1. Trade Union in America (Foster, Cannon, 

Browder) -. "" 

No. 2. Class Struggle vs. Class Collaboration (Brow- ^ ^ 

der) ■>- ...,_,,... *•- **■■ ' 

No. 3. Principles of Communism (Engels) 10,000 

No. 4. Worker Correspondents (Dunne) i".« uu 

IV. 
PRINTING PLANT AND EQUIPMENT. 

The purchase of the Daily Worker building has made it V™*™* 
to centralize the Party headquarters and the Daily Worker Publishing 
Company under a single roof with attendant conveniences and em- 

fipncv 

Tlie printing plant comprises modern equipment for the produc- 
tion of newspapers, magazines, book and job printing The pub- 
lications printed in our plant in addition tc .the Dai y Worker and 
Workers Monthly are: "Young Worker," "Radnik Empios Ny 
Tid" and "Tribuna Robotnicza." Also, the Young Comrade and four 
of the publications of the industrial groups of the T. U. E. L. ine 
printing plant now operates at a substantial profit; its capacity is 
such as to insure to the Party the steady and adequate supply of 
books, papers, and other printed matter for sometime to come. 

V. 

FINANCIAL REPORTS. 

REPORT OF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS ON ACCOUNT 

OF THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1924. 

Sales and Receipts. 

„ . . t . ....$ 61,769.91 

Subscriptions 25 600.92 

Dealers Sales ^,..,9 

Advertising Sales JJjM;" 

Donations • - „ iq fi0 

Special Promotion Fund . ■ ' 

$118,637.70 

157 



Disbursements. 

Advertising Expense * , nMftB 

Circulation Expense * io'JmSJ 

General Expense 7SI0 

Production Expense 80 14fi'si 

Promotion Expense 6 74fi 2J 

Rent, Light and Telephone 9 ' R „ nn 

posta * e ::::::::::::::: : Si! 

1141,293.50 
WORKERS MONTHLY 
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924. 
Sales and Receipts. 

Subscriptions - 11( -o, ft 

Dealers Sales ? i'Jg'J! 

Advertising Sales ilAl 

Donations , A 1 

----- — 1^6 

$ 5,547.04 
Disbursements. 

General Expense $ 2 104 03 

Production for November and December... ZZ. 2!86L87 

$ 4,965.90 
REPORT OF SALES AND OTHER DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924. 

Sales and Receipts. 

i°^Jj^ [nS ^^ $134,175.66 

Rented Space -, QP;1 14 

Lenin Buttdns ZZZZZZZZZZZ 110692 

Interest and Discount Earned ' '659*25 

$137,892.97 
Disbursements. 

Bank Exchange .... t ? 132 50 

Building Repairs and Maintenance '" i iro\q 

Gas Account.. Z...ZZZZ 75404 

General Expense Z.„. S.sms 

Insurance ' 

Interest ZZZZ~ 1358 74 

Office Supplies 1' avast a 

postage zz z j-;jj-jj 

Payroll Z Z '"" "" 7 ?S? 

Plant Supplies " ' 2 291 6? 

Power . _ ;~— ■ ; 

Raw Material ._ S4 g 

Rent, Light and Telephone 502 34 

$130,188.34 

158 



BALANCE SHEET, DECEMBER 31st, 1924. 
Assets. 

Current Assets: 

Cash on Hand and in Bank $ 204.64 

Accounts Receivable 37,185.bi 

$ 37,390.25 
Less Reserve for Bad a|c 5,204.03 

Merchandise Assets: 

Raw Material - * 4,580 92 

Jobs in Process.,... 4,575.uu 

Plant Assets: 

Real Estate and Building $ 43 ' 7 qq'kI 

Machinery and Equipment - 4 ^J^ 

Furniture and Fixtures - - *^'^ 

Delivery Equipment 867.5b 

$ 92,844.48 
Less Reserve for Depreciation 4,852.56 

Miscellaneous Assets: 

Insurance Prepaid * t™'™ 

Special Deposits - SoOOO 

Goodwill ■ 25,uuu.uu 

LOSS • 

Liabilities, 

Current Liabilities: 

Accounts Payable * ^f 

Loans Payable ■ ■ * ^^O.O 

Notes Payable - 00*17 

Defense and Relief Fund s** 1 ' 

Capital Stock (Common) ■ -$ 2J00O.O0 

(Preferred) 74,461.11 

Mortgages Payable * ^lll 

Special Donations Received 9 llTo 

Reserve for Taxes - £™ ^ 

" Unfilled Subs . 2,498.88 



$ 32,186.22 



$ 9,155.92 



$ 87,991.92 



$ 26,275.00 
15,059.22 

$170,668.28 



$ 39,464.94 
$ 99,461.11 

$ 31,742.23 



$170,668.28 



isr 




REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS, AND EXPENSES FROM 

JANUARY 1st T0 JUNE 27th, 1925. 
DAILY WORKER Subs $ 25,554.52 

Dealers Sales , 10,111.67 

Advertising Vl^n'i 

Total DAILY WORKER Sales * ,o R „ 9A 

DAILY WORKER Expense... ......... JZZ 25,673.33 * 8 ' 821 ' 24 

Cost of Goods Sold 42,339.07 68,012.40 

Lo SS on DAILY WORKER ^^JdlU 

WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales ? 2,452.27 

I Dealers Sales 6,984.76 

Advertising 1118 51 

Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales.... . " $ 10 5S r , A 

WORKERS MONTHLY Expense _ 3)768 . 66 * ll >> 55 5.54 

Cost of Goods Sold 7^835.98 11,604.64 

Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY .... ~§ 1049 1Q 

Job Printing Sales... , 93,843.48 J 93,843.48 

Ex P ense .... 2,767.04 

Cost of Goods Sold 80,840.56 83,607,60 

Profit on Job Printing , , ^^ 

Literature Sales and Merchandise $ 6,536.63 $ 6,536 63 

and Merchandise Expense.... _. 2,976 75 

Cost of Goods Sold ' 7 95.70 3,772.45 

Profit on Literature and Merchandise $ 2 ,764 18 

Rented Space Sales $ ^ 

Expense ••-■ 1,902.39 

Loss on Rented Space. j 302~39 

Donations Received ,. $ 2 7,788.47 

SUMMARY OF PROFIT AND LOSS BY SALES DEPARTMENTS 

Loss from DAILY WORKER.. $ 29 191 16 

" WORKERS MONTHLY ] ZZZ 1,049.10 

Rented Space i(ti 302 39 

TOTAL LOSS ^0,542.65 

Profit from Job Printing $ i 0(2 35.88 

Literature and Merchandise 2,764.18 

TOTAL PROFITS $ 13,000.0^ 

Donations 27,788.47 

$ 40,788.52 
160 




BALANCE SHEET, JUNE 27th, 1925. 

Assets. 

Current Assets: 

Cash on Hand and in Bank.. $ 100.00 

Accounts Receivable - ..»•.. 42,243.45 

S 42,343.45 

Less Reserve for Bad a.\c 2,626.45 

Merchandise Assets: 

Raw Material $ 4,309.56 

Literature and Merchandise Stock... 4,266.17 

Jobs in Process 2,714.81 

Plant Assets: 

Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67 

Machinery and Equipment . 46,021.02 

Furniture and Fixtures --- 3,087.67 

Delivery Equipment 867.56 

$ 93,720.92 

Less Reserve for Depreciation 8,030.94 

Miscellaneous Assets: 

Insurance Prepaid $ 716.84 

Special Deposits 375.00 

Goodwill • 25,000.00 

Deficit from 1924 

Liabilities. 
Current Liabilities: 

Accounts Payable $ 9,375.50 

Loans Payable , ». 20,419.54 

Notes Payable - 7,900.42 

Defense and Relief Funds 69.35 

Accrued Payroll '. - 1.505.65 

Capital Stock (Common).. 25,000.00 

(Preferred) 74,566.11 

Mortgages Payable 22,810.00 

Special Donations Received ■ 3,088.03 

Reserve for Unfilled Subs 2,237.82 

Reserve for Taxes 630.28 

Gain for Half Year 



161 




$ 39,717.00 



$ 11,290.54 



| 85,689.98 



$ 26,091.84 
15,059.22 

$177,848.58 



$ 39.270.46 
$ 99,566.11 



s,766.13 

10,245.88 

$177,848.58 



REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS AND EXPENSES FOR PERIOD 
JUNE 28th TO AUGUST 1st, 1925. 

DAILY WORKER Subs... , _.j 3,529.65 

Dealers Sales 1,656,52 

Advertising W1M 

Total DAILY WORKER Sales % ^47 7* 

DAILY WORKER Expense ZZ 3,701.45 *'**'•'* 

Cost of Goods Sold 6*528.38 10,229.83 

Loss on DAILY WORKER $ 4^68208 

WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales $ 243.71 

Dealers Sales 648.25 

Advertising . . 120.00 

Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales ... $ 1 oil w 

WORKERS MONTHLY Expense 700.78 ' * 

Cost of Goods Sold,... 2,052.78 2,753.56 

Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY y 1,741.60 

Job Printing Sales $ 16,179.29 $ 16,179.29 

Expense 479.21 

Cost of Goods Sold .... 15,888,35 16,367.56 

Loss on Job Printing j lgg 27 

Literature Sales $ 1,237.88 $ 1 237 88 

Expense 397^5 

Cost of Goods Sold 1,016.12 1,413.77 

Loss on Literature , « j75 oq 

Rented Space Sales 3 2 55.00 $ 255.00 

Expense 332.12 332.12 

Loss on Rented Space $ gg j 2 

SUMMARY BY DEPARTMENTS. 

Loss from DAILY WORKER $ 4,682.08 

" WORKERS MONTHLY ., 1J41.60 

" Job Printing Igg 27 

Literature 175.89 

" Rented Space eg 12 

TOTAL LOSS ? 6,855.96 

Donations 2 841 27 

$ 4,014.69 
162 



BALANCE SHEET, AUGUST 1st, 1925. 
Assets. 

Current Assets: 

Cash on Hand and in Bank 9 100.00 

Accounts Receivable *• 44,212.48 

$ 44,312.48 

Less Reserve for Bad a;c » 2,232.54 

Merchandise Assets: 

Raw Material .. I 4,049.26 

Literature Stock 3,955.58 

Plant Assets: 

Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67 

Machinery and Equipment...., 45,989.02 

Furniture and Fixtures 3,087.67 

Delivery Equipment „ 867.56 

$ 93,688.92 

Less Reserve tor Depreciation 8,560.67 

Miscellaneous Assets: 

Insurance Prepaid $ 612.68 

Special Deposits ■••*•••« 375.00 

Goodwill • 25,000.00 

Deficit from 1924 

Liabilities. 

Current Liabilities: 

Accounts Payable • $ 8,784.09 

Loans Payable ■ 14,152.17 

Notes Payable • 16,870.37 

Defense and Relief Funds 69.35 

Accrued Payroll —• 3,282.38 

Capital Stock (Common) f 25,000.00 

(Preferred) . 74,591.11 

Mortgages Payable ••••? 24,080.00 

Special Donations Received 3,088,03 

Reserve for Taxes * -»■• 696.94 

GAIN • 



$ 42,079.94 



$ 8,004,84 



$ 85,128.25 



$ 25,987.68 
15,059.22 

$176,259.93 



$ 43,158.36 
$ 99,591.11 



$ 27,864.97 
5,645.49 

$176,259.93 



163 



BUDGET. 

(a) DAILY WORKER Weekly Budget: 

Wages $ 202.00 

News Service 78.00 

Rent, Light and Telephone 40.00 

Supplies and Equipment 20.00 

Telegrams 20.00 

Photo Engraving 40.00 

Miscellaneous 50.00 

— — $ 540.00 

Administrative: 

Wages $ 180,00 

Supplies 40.00 

Postage ...*. 150.00 

Advertising, Etc 100.00 

I 470.00 $ 1,010.00 

Mechanical 1,630.00 

$ 2,640.00 

Income: 

Subscriptions $ 985.00 

Dealers . 390.00 

Advertising 120.00 

-Donations 100.00 $ 1,595.00 $ 1,595.00 

DEFICIT $ 1,045.00 

::: That is exclusive of special money raising campaigns. 

(b) WORKERS MONTHLY Budget: 

Income (Monthly) $ 1,740.00 

Expense " 1,930.00 

DEFICIT (Monthly) $ 190.00 

Weekly Deficit < 45.00 

Including DAILY WORKER 

Deficit 1,045.00 

Total Deficit Weekly $ 1,090.00 

(c) PRINTING PLANT (Including Daily Worker Publications of 
Daily Worker Publishing Company) : 

Sales ......$ 3,610.00 

Expense ,. .....* 3,220.00 

PROFIT $ aaoj)0 

NET WEEKLY OPERATING 

DEFICIT | moo 

164 




RESOLUTION OF PARITY COMMISSION ON INCOMING 
CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 



(Minutes of the Parity Commission, August 29.) 

Motion that the Central Executive Committee be constructed on 
the basis of an equal number from each group, with a neutral chairman. 
Motion that the number be ten from each side including two 
proletarians from each side. 

Motion that each side elect three candidates for the €. E. C. who 
participate with a. voice but no vote in all plenary sessions of the 
C. E. C. 

Motion that the District Executive Committees of New York. 
Philadelphia, and Cleveland be constructed on the basis of an equal 
number from eacli group. 

Motion that the C. E. C. member elected by the Y. W. L. National 
Executive Committee shall not disturb the parity character of the 
C. E. C. If the group which now has the Y. W. L. representative be 
in a minority in the Y. W. L. Convention, it will add an alternate to 
the C, E. C. to balance the Y. W. L. member. 

Motion that a control commission be elected consisting of two 
members from each side. This control commission to act as grievance 
committee as well as auditing committee. 

Motion that the representative of the C. 1. shall be given power 
by a resolution of the convention to participate in the C. E. C. meet- 
ings and to cast a deciding vote and to act as chairman. 
All motions accepted unanimously. 

P. Green 

Wm. Z. Poster 
J. P. Cannon 
Alex. Bittelman 
C. E. Ruthenberg 
Max Bedacht 
Jay Lovestone 

ELECTION OF THE C. E. C. 

The following were nominated for the Central Executive Com- 
mittee: 

Majority nominees: Abern, Bittelman, Burraan, Cannon, Dunne. 
Browder, Foster, Reynolds, Aronberg, with one to be elected by 
Y. W. L. 

Minority nominees: Ruthenherg, Gitlow, Bedacht, Engdahl, Ltove- 
stone, Ballam, Welnstone, Minor. White, Schmies. 

Motion: That the list of nominees make up the C. E. C. Unani- 
mously carried. 

The following candidates were nominated: 

Majority: Krumbein, Hathaway, Johnstone. 

Minority: Puro, Amter, Wolfe, 

165 



Motion: That these be elected. Unanimously carried. 
The following alternates were nominated: 

Majority: Manley, Swabeck, Olgin, Sullivan, Owens, Wagenknecht 
Gem z, O Flaherty, LoeJ>. 

Minority: Jakira, Kruse, Novak, Lifshitz, Bimba, Ashkenudse, 
Knutson, Henry, Kuzinich. 

Motion: To declare the nominees elected as alternates. Carried. 

The following nominations were made for the Control Commis- 
sion: 

Majority: Harrison George, Nels Kjar, 
Minority: D. J. Ben tall, Pelx Henzel. 

Motion: To declare the nominees elected as the Control Com- 
mission. Carried. 



RESOLUTION ON THE SIXTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE 

FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST 

PARTY OF AMERICA. 

Comrade Ruthenberg introduced the following resolution on the 
Sixth Anniversary of the formation of the Communist Party of 
America: 

The closing day of the Fourth National Convention of our Party 
falls on the sixth anniversary of the day on which our Party definitely 
split from the Socialist Party, and on the eve of the day of the forma- 
tion of the Communist Party. 

Thru six years our Party has held aloft the banner of Communism 
and the Communist International in the United States. Thru years of 
persecution, deportation and imprisonment our Party has stood firm 
and continued the struggle to revolutionize the American workers 
and mobilize them for a Communist Society in the United States. 

The Fourth National Convention marks a new epoch in the his- 
tory of our Party. It has taken the steps to clear our Party of right 
wing influence and tendencies and shown the way for the Bolsheviza- 
tlon of the Party. It has adopted a correct statement of principles 
and policy to guide the work of our Party. Our Party goes on from 
this convention to new and greater achievements for the revolutionary 
struggle of Communism. 

The Fourth National Convention calls upon all Party units here- 
after to celebrate this anniversary by holding of special mass meetings 
at which the history of our Party and its struggles in the interests of 
the workers shall be discussed and special efforts be made to draw 
into the Party the most advanced and militant workers of this country. 

LONG LIVE THE WORKERS COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMER- 
ICA. 

LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL. 

Resolution adopted unanimously, 

166 




3 Pamphlets 

Most Important for Members of 

WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY 
OF AMERICA 

An Arsenal of Information about the Workers 
(Communist) Party of America. Resolutions, theses, 
the Party's constitution and declarations, adopted at 
the 4th National Convention, held in Chicago, 111., Aug. 
21 to 30, 1925. Also letter on reorganization from the 
Communist International. 

The THREE pamphlets are absolutely indispensible 
to any member of the party. 



i 



THE FOURTH NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
Theses, resolutions, declarations, etc 



50c 



3. 



THE PARTY ORGANIZATION, with an introduction by 
Jay Lovestone, The letter on reorganization from the 
Communist International; the reorganization plan on shop 
nuclei basis; Ihr party's constitution, properly indexed; 
organizational charts, etc .15c 

FROM THE 3RD THROUGH THE 4TH CONVENTION. 
By C. E. Ruthenberg. A review of the developments of the 
party, the different stages 11 went through, a brief history 
of the controversies within the party on the Labor Party 
policy; Trotskyism, Loreism, cable from the Comintern to 
the National Convention, etc., etc. 10c 

Party branches and individual members should 
place their orders for these pamphlets at once. 

TO PARTY UNITS:.. In lots of 5 pamphlets each, 
at 50 cents per set. This offer cash only. 

Order from: 

Daily Worker Publishing Co M 

1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, III. 




A 



The Source 

of 

All Communist Literature 



The Daily Worker Publishing Co., in ad- 
dition to the publication of THE DAILY 
WORKER, the only English daily Communist 
newspaper in the world, publishes also the 
Workers Monthly— a Communist magazine. 
It has now taken over the Literature Depart- 
ment of the Workers (Communist) Party. 

It has drawn up an extensive program of 
new publicatons — including the Little Red 
Library — and translations and reprints of 
old classics of the revolutionary movement. 

The Daily Worker Publishing Co. is also 
agent for all foreign Communist and other 
labor publications. 

A full descriptive catalogue will be sent 
to you on request from "the source of all 
Communist literature in this country" 

The Daily Worker Publishing Co. 



1113 W. Washington Blvd. 



Chicago, III.