*§>
Workers (Communist) Party //
of America // Zj$$^
i
Held in Chicago, III.
Aug. 21-30, 1925.
Published by the Daily Worker Publishing Company.
f , /
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The Fourth
National Convention
of the
Workers (Communist) Party of America
Report of the Central Executive
Committee to the 4th National Convention
Held in Chicago, Illinois, August 21st to 30th, 1925
Resolutions of the Parity Commission
and others.
PRICE 50 CENTS.
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DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO.,
1113 W. WASHINGTON BLVD., CHICAGO, ILL.
>290
LO
eft
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Majority Report on Credentials , 4
Minority Report on Credentials .. 4.5
Rules or Order of the Convention.. 5„g
Report of the Central Executive Committee 9-62
(a) The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign .".. 9
(b) The Election Campaign.. .'".""!.""!' 10
(c) The Labor Party Campaign \ " 10-11
(cl) United Front and Other Special Campaigns 10-14
_(e) Trade Union, I. W. W., Ind. Unions, etc 14-16
(f) Agrarian, Educational, Women's Negroes' and Anti-
Imperialist Work , 16-21
(g) Our Party Press 'ZZZlZllZZZZlZZi 21-23
(h) Membership of Our Party !!.'."!!."."!!! 27-40
(i) The Party Publications, Different Languages 41-42
(j) Language Sections 43-51
(k) Financial Statement of the National "6fflce:!'!!!!.7.!!!!!!!!!!!!52^62
Majority Resolution on the Report of C. E. C 63-66
Minority Resolution on the Report of the C. E. C Z.J6-70
Majority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American Question.. .",...70-71
Minority Resolution on C. I. Decision on American' Question 71-72
The Present Situation and the Immediate Tasks of the Party.. ..73-81
Instructions for Labor Party Campaign '1*81-86
Resolution on Rolshevization of the Party 87-93
Resolution on the Liquidation of Loreism ZZZZ.9M5
Motion on the Expulsion of Lore from the Party 96-98
The Industrial Work of the Workers (Communist) Party 99-108
(a) Main Tasks of the Party in the Trade Unions '"" 101
(b) Necessary Organizational Measures "102104
(c) Shop Committees ._" " 104-105
(d) Amalgamation and International * 105-106
(e) Party Policies for Trade Union WorjL"!ZlZlZ..."l! 106-107
The International Labor Defense Indorsed " "!l07~108
Communist Agrarian Program and Policies ...!...."*.. ..109-114
The Amerian Negro and the Proletarian Revolution '"mi2»
(a) The Negro in American History. "" ' n*vA
(b) Negro Race Movements ZZZZZZZ". 121-122
Communist Work Among Women in the United States!.....! 124-127
The American Communist Struggle Against Imperialism. 128-140
Our Pledge to the Soviet Union 141-142
Resolution on the Young Workers League ZZZZZZ.Z . 143-144
Resolutions of the Appeals Committee.. "] ' i 45 .i 46
Building of the Communist Press Z.Z.. 147-151
Report of the Daily Worker, Financial, etcZZZZZZZZZZZZjS^im
Election of the Incoming Central Executive CommitteeZ-!Z""!l67-168
DO
Q
THE UNIVERSITY
OF TEXAS
Foreword
The Fourth National Convention of the Workers
(Communist) Party was held in Chicago from August
21 to August 81, 1925. During the period of ten days
the sixty-one delegates 'present debated the various
questions of policy and tactics relating to the Party life
and the development of a revolutionary movement of the
workers against capitalism and the winning of the leader-
ship of this movement by the Party.
This pamphlet contains the reports submitted to the
convention and the resolutions adopted by it.
For a discussion of divisions ivhich existed within
the party and the development of its policies the reader
is referred to the pamphlet "From the Third Through the
Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Commun-
ist) Party- by C. E. Ruthenberg, the General Secretary
of the Party.
517553
THE LIBRARY
THE UN 1TY
OF TEXAS
CHAPTER I.
MAJORITY REPORT ON CREDENTIALS
S Pa t!ip T M?l the f eC nu- delesatious be seated from the San Francisco,
S',,^ U i Clucago, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Buffalo, and New
Haven districts, and also the delegates from the Y. W. L., the national
office territory and the agricultural district. That the contested
delegations from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Clevetand
majority and minority, all be seated with voice and vote on the
basis of Boston 3-3, New York 7-7, Philadelphia 2-2, Cleveland 3-3
inchfdi 2 v w ?° mpositlon of *e contested D. E. C.'s be as follows,
including Y. W. L. representatives and district organizers:
Boston Maj 4 ° rity Minorit y
New York 9
Philadelphia 11"..."..."......!!!!.......'.' 7 ~
Cleveland s '
° 6
3. An active campaign shall be carried on for the speedy reor-
KnTnTom ^ 116 , Papty ' DeW eleCUOnS in theSe ^^tricts shal be
held in from four to six months on the basis of the reorganized party.
MAJORITY CREDENTIALS COMMITTEE MOTION
ON ASKELI
Tvn J 0ti011 that . Comrade -Askeli, who presented credentials from the
SSHi S ? i ratern , al del6gate t0 the W ° rkers Part ^ convention
invUe'd L def?n. a \% frat !? al d6legate and that Comrade Aske » be
invited to defend before the convention, during the debate on the
resolution regarding the liquidation of Loreism the position he has
taken in his article published in the DAILY WORKER
August 22, 1925, evening session.
MINORITY REPORT ON THE CREDENTIALS
On the basis of the report made on the elections in the districts
Propo™ ° n credentials committee submits the following
1. To seat in District No. 1 the three minority delegates elected
by the convention, and the two majority delegates
four'maSiSlei^tef 01 N °" * «" "^ min0rlty delegates and
majonty^deKgato 1 ! **"* ^ ' ** ^ ^^ delegateS and ™
tested T ° S6at ^ D1StriCt N °' 4 the tW ° maj ' 0rity deIe S a tes, uncon-
To seat in District Ne. 5 the three minority delegates, uncon-
6 the three minority delegates and
7 the two majority delegates and
delegates and
5.
tested.
& T© seat in District No.
one majority.
7. To seat in District No.
one minority, uncontested.
8. To seat in District No. 8 the five majority
two minority.
9. To seat in District No. 9 the five delegates as elected and un-
contested.
10. To seat in District No. 12 the three delegates elected, but
to declare that the action of the chairman in ruling that the minority
delegate could not be nominated was an unpermissable act.
11. To seat in District No. 13 the two delegates and uncontested.
12. To seat in District No. 15 the one delegate elected and
uncontested.
13. To seat the delegates elected for the National Office terri-
tory, agricultural territory and Y. W. L., uncontested.
14. To seat the fraternal delegates as submitted to the con-
vention, with the exception of Comrade Fisher as a minority rep-
resentative from the South Slavic Federation and Comrade Askeli
from the Tyomies Publishing Association.
In regard to Comrade Askeli to give him the floor under the dis-
cussion of the liquidation of Loreism and to defend the position taken
in his article by the Superior group before the convention.
This decision in regard to the credentials carries with it a recog-
nition of the district executive committee in District No. 1, as elected
by the convention — nine for the minority and four for the majority.
In District No. 2, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In
District No. 3, ten for the minority and five for the majority. In
District No. 6, ten for the minority and five for the majority.
RULES OR ORDER OF THE CONVENTION
I. Robert's Rules of Order shall govern the proceedings of the
convention when not in conflict with these rules.
II. The convention shall elect a chairman and vice-chairman at
the beginning of each day's session. A secretary and assistant
secretary to serve during the convention shall be elected.
III. The convention shall elect the following committees:
1. Credentials Committee of five members.
2. Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the
party of eleven members.
3. Committee on Resolutions of seven members.
4. Committee on Finance,
(a) Credentials Committee shall consist of three repre-
sentatiyes of the majority and two of the minority.
(t>) Committee on constitution and reorganization of the
party shall consist of eight representatives of the
majority, and three of the minority.
(c) The Committee on resolutions shall consist of five
representatives of the majority and two representa-
tives of the minority.
(d) The Committee on Finance shall consist of Comrades
Loeb, Ruthenberg, Wagenknecht, Tenhunen and
Simons.
IV. Order of Business of the convention shall be as follows:
1. Election of Chairman and Vice-chairman
2. Election of Secretary and Assistant Secretary.
3. Election of Committees in the following order-
(a) Credentials Committee of five members
(b) Committee on Constitution and Reorganization of the
party, of eleven members.
(c) Committee on Resolutions of seven members.
(d) Committee on Finance.
Report of the Central Executive Committee to be divided
4.
as follows:
2.
(a) Report on the Enlarged Executive Committee of the
C. I. and on the American question.
1. Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Cannon; to be
given one hour and forty-five minutes for present-
ation and thirty minutes for summing up at the
close of debate.
Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone-
to be given one hour for presentation
(b) Report on the Present Situation and the Immediate
tasks of the Party and the Political Report of the
L>. hi, c.
1. Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Bittelman;
to have one hour and forty-five minutes for
presentation and thirty minutes for summing up
after discussion.
2. Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg-
to have one hour for presentation.
5. Report on the Labor Party Resolution.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty-
five minutes to open and fifteen minutes to sum up
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg-
thirty minutes for presentation.
6. Bolshevization of the Party
(a) Reporter for the C. E. a, Comrade Cannon; one
hour for report and thirty minutes for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Be(facht; thirty
minutes for presentation.
7. Liquidation of Loreism.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C. t Comrade Bittelman; one
hour for presentation and thirty minutes for sum-
ming up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Bedacht, who
shall have thirty minutes for presentation.
8. Industrial Work of the Party.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Foster, one hour
and fifteen minutes for report and thirty minutes
for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Gitlow; thirty
minutes for presentation.
9. Defense Work.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty
minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for
summing up.
10. International Workers' Aid.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Maurer; thirty
minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes to
sum up.
11. Agrarian Report.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Browder; forty-
five minutes for presentation and fifteen minutes for
summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Lovestone;
25 minutes for presentation.
12. Negro Work.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Dunne; 1 hour for
presentation and 20 minutes for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Minor; 30 minutes
for presentation.
13. Women's Work.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Bittelman; 30 min-
utes for report and 10 minutes. for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Ruthenberg; 15
minutes.
14. Anti-imperialist Campaign.
(a) Reporter for C. E. C, Comrade Gomez; 1 hour for
report and 15 minutes for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Wolfe; 30 minutes.
15, Soviet Russia.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Harrison George;
thirty minutes for presentation and ten minutes for
summing up.
16. Young Workers' League.
(a) Reporter for the N. E. C, Comrade Williamson;
forty-five minutes for presentation and fifteen min-
utes for summing up.
(b) Reporter for the Minority, Comrade Kaplan; twenty-
five minutes for presentation.
17. Party Press.
(a) On Editorial Phase of Press, Comrade Dunne; (for
the C. E. C.h one hour for presentation and fifteen
minutes for summing up.
On Administration, Comrade Loeb; thirty minutes far
presentation and ten for summing up.
Language Press, Comrade Olgin, thirty minutes for pre-
sentation and ten minutes for summing up
(b) Reporter for Minority, Comrade Engdahl;' on Edi-
torial Phase, thirty minutes for presentation
Language Press, Comrade Lifshitz; fifteen minutes for
presentation.
Party Finance.
(a) Reporter for the C. E. C, Comrade Ruthenberg-
forty-five minutes for presentation.
Report of Committees .in the following order*
(a) Credentials Committee.
(b) Constitution and Reorganization of the Party
(c) Resolutions Committee.
(d) Finance Committee.
Election of the C. E. C.
Adjournment of the convention.
th* L, ^f 1 s * al * be limited t0 ten m ^utes for each speaker on
the report of the C. E. a, the party policies, and the industrial work
of the party and to five minutes for each speaker on all other points
of the agenda. No speaker shall speak a second time while others
who have not had the floor desire to speak.
in *IL The ™ n 7 eMion sha11 °Pen at 11 a. m. each day and continue
n session until 5 p. m., and then adjourn until 7 p. m. and remain
in session from 7 p. m. until 11 p. m.
r.« Q J^' f r011 Cal1 VOte may be deman <3ed by five delegates rep-
resenting two or more districts.
18.
19.
20.
21.
CHAPTER IT.
REPORT OF THE CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
ON PAST ACTIVITIES
The analysis of the political situation, external and internal, of
our party and the immediate tasks are contained in the resolutions
adopted unanimously by the Parity Commission and published in
the party press. We give here a record of the concrete work of the
party during the past twenty months.
The Farmer-Labor Party Campaign.
The first big political campaign carried on by the present C. E. C.
was the struggle for the formation of a Farmer-Labor Party for the
1924 elections. This campaign centered around the St. Paul con-
vention which was held on June 17, 1924. The Party exerted all
of its energy and resources in this fight and raised the issue thru-
out the entire labor movement. The Party fought with all of its
power to preserve the organizational independence of the Farmer-
Labor movement and to prevent it falling into the hands of the
petty bourgeois elements led by LaFollette. In the course of the
campaign, meetings were held thruout the country, resolutions in-
troduced into labor unions and farmers' organizations, local and dis-
trict conferences of delegates were held, and all means of propa-
ganda and agitation were put forth. The movement came to a
climax at the St. Paul convention. There it became evident that
the great mass of the semi-conscious workers and farmers, who had
hitherto 'been giving a certain degree of support to the Farmer-Labor
Party, had fallen under the influence of the LaFollette movement to
the extent of deserting the St. Paul convention. The attempt to
found a Farmer-Labor Party on a mass basis, therefore, did not
succeed. The National Farmer-Labor Party, formed at the St. Paul
convention, which nominated McDonald and Bouck for president and
vice-president, was still-born.
The sweep of the LaFollette movement was proof of the middle
class ideology of the American masses. In its historical aspect, it
demonstrated that the accepted leaders of the American masses are
those who voice the small business men, the well-to-do farmers, the
professional classes, and the upper layers of the labor aristocracy.
With our immature labor movement, it was inevitable that the LaFol-
lette movement would succeed in the presidential elections in swamp-
ing the beginning of independent political action by the workers and
poor farmers. It was the recognition of this -condition which brought
our party to the mistake of the proposed third party alliance in an
effort to preserve the organizational basis of the Farmer-Labor Party.
In the given circumstances, and notwithstanding such mistakes as
our party made, it was impossible to prevent the LaFollette move-
ment from engulfing the Farmer-Labor Party movement.
The W. P. National Election Campaign.
evid f "7* 1 ?* July £} ^n^rence of the C. P. P. A., when it became
evident that the politically unripe masses in the Farmer-Labor Party
movement had deserted to LaFoIlette, we found it necessary to dis
card the skeleton National Farmer-Labor Party and to launch the
Workers Party into the national campaign under its own banner
and with its own candidates for president and vice-president. Under
the circumstances this was a difficult maneuver for our Party but
it was accomplished without serious internal disturbance. This ac-
tion was approved by the Comintern in it s resolution on the Ameri-
can question. Our Party was the only party that waged the banner
of the calss struggle in the face of the LaFoIlette movement As
a consequence, and in spite of the small vote recorded, the Com-
munist program was placed before thousands of workers The
opportunist tendencies developed in the negation of the role of our
party by many comrades, as a result of the complicated maneuvers
and ^f J^r^ 01 " and LaFollette movements, were shown during
and after the election campaign by the cold and unsympathetic atti-
ln !i t - S ° me C0Dlrades toward the Party's first national effort in
an election campaign.
The Labor Party Campaign.
Immediately after the election campaign, in the face of the
menfThe Tf °p ^ '"T^" *™<" by the LaFoIlette move-
^nl * ,"„ ^ C - P r °P° sed that the use of the Farmer-Labor Party
thaf ?hf °r V e r dlSC ° ntinUed £ ° r the imme «iate future. The charge
iepV th E e ^Xt^ ^S^Wo TrS o'n
ttSSZSSX Minnesota Labor party where the m ™
After the party discussion conducted in the press and in mem-
bership meetings, the Comintern rendered a decision which sharpTy
corrected the mistakes of both the majority and minority groups 'and
pointed out clearly the basic error of attempting to form a labor"
party upon any other foundation than that of tL mass organfza-
ion of the workers. The decision of the Communis? Intemationi
fully substantiated the fundamental conception which anTma ed the
present majority of the C. E. C. in the long controversy over thP
Federated Farmer-Labor Party and the August ilesilZ the con-
elusion of the majority that the LaFoIlette movement had captured
the mass sentiment of the semi-conscious workers during the last
election campaign. The decision also corrected the erroi wMcVde
veloped in the proposal of the majority of the C. E. c to temporarilv
discontinue the labor party campaign tempoianly
quesSnTh? C^E ^T* °* ft Cominte ™ °» the labor party
question tne C. E. C. has carried on an active campaign for the
labor party It elaborated a complete program for thi ? work wh ch
was adopted unanimously later on by the Parity Commission This
program was immediately applied in connection wST the conven
tion of the Pennsylvania Labor Party, at which, although tlTcon-
10
vention was called on a week's notice, we had present a dozen dele-
gates fighting for our conception of a Labor Party. In New York
City, our members, under the direction of the Party, participated in
the so-called Labor Fusion Conference under the slogans "For a
United Labor Ticket" and "For a Labor Party." In this New York
campaign, it was necessary for the C. E. C. to overrule the decision
of the local committee proposing to drop the slogan "For a United
Labor Ticket" and to criticise the nature of the propaganda leaflet
issued which failed to sufficiently stress the revolutionary implica-
tions of our program for immediate demands. In the Tri-District
Anthracite Convention, a labor party resolution was introduced and
adopted. In many local unions and other labor bodies, labor party
resolutions have been carried.
Other Election Campaigns.
The party carried on a number of other election campaigns
which were quite effective, especially those in Los Angeles, Michi-
gan and Minneapolis. The vote cast in Los Angeles for the leading
Communist candidate was 26,000, in Michigan our candidate received
7,000 votes; and in Minneapolis, 1,800. All these campaigns were
carried out on a clear cut Communist program.
OTHER UNITED FRONT AND SPECIAL PARTY CAMPAIGNS.
Since the last convention, the party has made extensive and
successful use of the united front tactic in many campaigns, as
well as the campaign for the labor party. Among the most import-
ant of these should be mentioned the following:
Save Lanzutsky From the Polish White Terror. On the occa-
sion of the trial of Comrade Lanzutsky in Poland, our party, thru its
Polish section, organized united front committees in a dozen cities
for protest meetings and demonstrations, in addition to the demon-
strations organized directly by the party before the Polish embassy
in Washington and the Polish consulates in six cities. The cam-
paign generally focused the attention of the labor movement on
the Polish white terror, and roused intense resentment among the
workers against it and brought especially the Polish workers closer
to the party, effectively breaking the isolation from which our Polish
movement had hitherto suffered.
Anti-Abramovitch Campaign. The attempt of Raphael Abram-
ovitch, an emissary of the Second International, on his visit to the
United States to mobilize sentiment among the Jewish workers
against Soviet Russia, was the occasion for an especially successful
series of demonstrations against the Second International, for Soviet
Russia, and for International Trade Union Unity. Abramovitch's mis-
sion to the United States was completely defeated, and his meetings,
instead of mobilizing workers against Soviet Russia, were turned
into monster demonstrations in favor of Soviet Russia. The success
11
of this campaign would have been even more complete but for re-
sistance within the Party, such as in Boston, where there wa s a re-
it^of a m Steeir am ° VitCh ' S ""**" "" «* Mi ™™
Unemployment. The Party has carried on an extensive camnaten
^rlT mPl0 / m : nt - A Pamphlet containing also the parS p ro
fn ^. i„ 6 - SUbje f 7f S distribute <i to the number of 20,000 copies,
set tw C ° al ^ a SyStem ° f ™»Ployment councils was
set up. These were declared to be dual unions by the Farrington
oX TJf I ™\ br0ken UP " Unem Ployment, is at present acute
only m certain sections, and in industries like coal. The Partv has
definite y established its program among its own members which is
the best preparation for future periods of mass unemployment.
of r£°™ J^ Vni0 " Unity - This issue wa s made a central slogan
of the anti-Abramovitch campaign. At about the same time the
news of the British delegation to Soviet Russia became available
ruooortTf ^ eaV1 ! y 'r'p red iQ a " the Party preSS - Solutions in
support of the Anglo-Russian Unity Commission were introduced
SSS . m e ^° T Uni ° DS ' reCeivillg mucb su PP°rt, including the
of Zt JT V6 ? tl0n ° f the Ca P raakers ' Union, and large numbers
of miners local unions. Thru our influence an American edition of
the British delegation report is being issued and the report s also
being published serially in the DAILY WORKER.
with A thp" C Y ' w L T ab r Campa / Sn - This campaign conducted jointly
with the Y W. L. m connection with the issue of the constitutional
amendment affectively educated many thousands of workers on the
nJi H° na 7 '!f Cati ° ns ° f the reaI fi S ht t0 end the child labor evil
3E nth" ° f PUbUC meetmgS W6re held ' man ^ of them in conjunction
SabMsheJ °™ uatu !?"' ?' S ° me United front oommittees were
established The rapid action of the legislators in defeating the
amendment dampened mass interest in the agitation before the or-
ganizational side of the campaign had been fully developed The
campaign was on the whole of great value.
to c^ltf/nHon 6 7 + ? r0UCh and TrumbuM - Our P^ss was the first
Ztll n I ^'^ Amencan workers to the persecution of Pri-
recefvedT5rr d vr rUmb ^ 1 -. The HaWaIian labor movement also
received its first inklings of the persecution by the DAILY WORKER
and was moved to the defense of these comrades by our agRatfon
ourTnU, k S Sen " ment a S a mst the persecution was aroused through
our initiative with the result that the sentences of forty years wefe
lass^;^* carapaign successfuiiy a-KTSL™
Campaign Against Wage Cuts. Our campaign against the wage
cutting epidemic, especially in the textile industry, which iw i caSS
out under the slogan "Strike Against Wage Cuts/ Was espZZ'ylllu-
able and effective, 300,000 leaflets containing the Party manifesto
were distributed in a few weeks, and, as a result, Party members
and organizers played a considerable result in the strike wTvTS
12
developed. The tendency to accept these wage cuts without a fight
was sharply checked and the influence of the Communists and the
left wing was strengthened.
Campaign For Soviet Russia. The campaign for Soviet Russia
has been practically a continuous one, entering into almost every
other campaign of the party. In the presidential election it was
heavily stressed, as well as in the Abramovitch and World Trade
Union Unity campaign, the anti-imperialist work and the "Hands
Off China" campaign. The report on Russia of the British trade
union delegation occupied a prominent place in meetings, agita-
tion, and publications. The entire party press has carried continu-
ous 'streams of news, articles, and pictures of life in Soviet Russia,
as well as the position of Russia in the world situation. This work
requires, however, more systematic and intense cultivation now than
ever before.
Lenin Memorial Meetings. The greatest mass demonstrations
organized by our Party were the Lenin memorial meetings. In 1925,
these were more imposing and widespread than even those of 1924.
In New York meeting packed Madison Square Garden with 15,000
persons, and many thousands more were turned away. Other cities
were in proportion. These meetings were made the beginning of
wide-spread and systematic distribution of Lenin's work. More
than 100,000 workers directly participated in these demonstrations.
Sun Yat Sen Memorial Meetings. The memorial meetings on
the occasion of the death of Sun Yat Sen brought the American
movement for the first time into actual co-operation with the Chinese
masses in America. These meetings organized from coast to coast
were the first occasions in America where white, yellow, and black
workers represented their separate organizations, spoke from the
same platform and delivered the same message— the struggle against
imperialism.
Anti-Imperialist Week. This campaign in the week ending July
4th, was organized thru the All-American Anti-Imperialist League
with the Latin-American parties, and was expected to stress the
fight against imperialism in Latin-America. The occurrence of the
revolutionary upheaval in China, however, placed the Far East in
the foreground, and the campaign was conducted under the slogans
-Hands Off China," and "Stand by Soviet Russia." In almost every
city meetings and street demonstrations were held with great
success. In dozens of meetings the W. P. had the active co-opera-
tion of speakers and representatives from Kuomintang, as well as
Filippinos, Hindus, Negroes, and Latin-Americans.
Anti-Religious Training Campaign. Our campaign against religi-
ous training in the schools reached great masses of workers. In New
York the campaign was carried into the schools, and in Ohio into
both the schools and unions. In some districts, as many as 100,000
anti-religious leaflets were distributed.
517553
paign and counter-meetings whirh J2L2 , y by a press cam "
TRADE UNION WORK.
^oi h L^L:\:?:vT"?z ** co r unists * the ^
last convention of the Par v i^nl t ^ JUSt Previous to the
had been caused by the coninn^ T^ overcome - That isolation
Our break with the progre s lve an. ^ PI " inCiPal factors: < a >
the ,abor p arty splitsTl" and 192 T^J^T* Si™™'* ta
great strike movements of 1922 and ££' whth tefl the fr!T °* **
weakened and defeated an, u.\ ^ wnicn lett the trade unions
the left wing carrTed ou t bv hi b^Jf™ 1 ^ ° f ex P ulsi °«* against
collaboration program ThP b™ bureaucrac y a « a part of its class-
labor party c^Sit Jl^Zrt Z^ °' "" amal S ama "on and
trial movements of that n P S and 192 ,, 3 came ou t of the mass indus-
feated the am% s l^tLZ\^r I f ^ movemen ts were de-
defeat, as well i the noht^, tfl P ty movemen ts reflected this
them up. The oroad sween of T*™* ^^ Checked and bro ^
regained, but instead hundreds of honTT' 1 ? *** mt yet been
have been enlisted unde ^ the leadership T t £ "J*™™* Workers
movement in the trade unions hS'.Sjj deep roo^s ThelS; ° Ur
is now entering- unon * T.o« r ™ ■ ^ f r °ots. i he left wing
The outstanding^, amTg Zn" o^LTTL^ achi ~t
which we are entering may be cftea as Sow' "" Pen ° d tat °
Miners. The tremendous vote cast fnr tr, Q r>
dates in the national miners' election e „d of W24 ITZT T^
corrupt Lewis machine tn , ft „«t " 1 924, wnich forced the
votes of the unTon for the Pn™ ? ** ° ne ' third 0f the total
violated the constLtL of the JnlnT ?° faCt th&t Lewis has
lated report of the votes rive, ,/ refUSiDS t0 Publish a tab «'
miners that the Communists wr aJ ?, UPP ° rt to the claim of the
The magnificent st™S of th HlSl *S eleCt6d aDd COunted «*•
ton machine, during a Period llf mmerS agalnst the Farr ^g-
that is almost wfthou ^cedent mP ^7* in ^ mi ^ng industry
masses of miners in Illinofq »~ « * father development. The
leadership of the prog ss ve forc^ an , ^^ nnder the ide °>osical
tallization of the left wing s S r "„ Pr ° Per or ^ational crys-
bureaucratic machine The Z ™> prom f es soon to break the
machine in open allfance witl the ^ k'k ''tb"^- '^ Farringt ° n
the state machinery, as witnes ed by ^he kilHn^T^ T^ 1 " 8, *?*
miner in Zeigler but a week as-o an, 7h J g ° f a Com munist
on the orders of a FarSSoHi^ "^tV™***" ^^
voiding miners continue to mwTn n!l the ranks of the ™-
fare is proof of the vital£ 7^" efi^ ^m^nf «* ~
gether ff SST Jf? Z £ 7* * "^ ***« 'o-
which reached its high^ M^^?S^^
14
Wagenknecht and McCarthy from the Scranton convention in 1923.
In the Tri-District Convention just held, a number of resolutions of
the left wing program were adopted. Extensive preparations have
now been made by-the C. E. C. in anticipation of the proposed strike
of the anthracite miners.
Machinists. In this important industry also a strong left wing is
in process of formation, and is being forged in an exceedingly bitter
struggle with the Johnston machine. Here we have a striking vindi-
cation of the Bolshevik tactics followed by the C. E. C. against oppo-
sition of both the minority and the Loreites in the party. Support-
ing and at the same time criticising the opposition group which
fights against Johnston and supports some of the left wing planks, we
have rallied enough strength to elect Anderson over Johnston and
when Johnston stole the election, to swing this progressive block into
a. real struggle to break the Johnston machine. Out of the struggle
is being born a large and solid left wing movement.
Carpenters. Another magnificent battle that demonstrated the
growing maturity of the left wing is in the Carpenters' Union.
This, one of the most reactionary unions, saw a left wing organized
for the first time in its last elections where, with so-called pro-
gressives also in the field, the Communist candidate polled 10,000
votes. The attempts of Hutcheson to destroy the left wing by ex-
pelling and suspending left wing militants led, in Detroit, to a pro-
tracted struggle in which the left wing has been victorious for more
than half a year in the face of the bitterest kind of attacks by the
union officials in alliance with police, the courts, and in the last
weeks, the state constabulary. No£ even the use of state power
against the carpenters' left wing has been able to dislodge them from
their solid support in the membership.
Needle Trades, In this industry the isolation of the left wing
was first felt, the ensuing struggle was the sharpest, and the final
break-thru against the bureaucrats has been the most dramatic. The
left wing has rallied the masses behind it in the I. L. G. W. U. in
one of 'the greatest inner-union struggles seen in America, which has
been in an acute stage for more than two months. During the course
of this fight the workers have rallied at demonstrations, at the call
of the left wing, in numbers as high as 30,000; while Perlstein and
Feinberg, two notorious Communist baiters, were forced to resign
their positions. This struggle has been considerably hampered by
opportunistic tendencies among the left wing leaders. In the Fur-
riers' Union, the left wing has come back from its isolation, and
taken nine-tenths of the membership from under the control of the
Kaufman machine, which now holds the empty bag of the discredited
International office. In other sections of the needle trades, to a
lesser degree, the same kind of progress is being made.
In various other unions, the steel workers, painters, barbers, etc.,
the left wing has succeeded in delivering telling blows against the
reactionary machines and in enlisting the support of the organized
15
icy of the reactionaries ^ducted against the expulsion pol-
progresfis^be reSETn brtLT ? the l ^ W ' considerable
body against the nTlnteTnationSlJ ^ ^ ^ d ™* of that
the Communists. Thi s has been dl l^f "£ c °-°P era «on with
the Red International Affiliation cZS 7 *? ? 6 aCtiTities ° f
tively into all the current ^esUon^otZTl' WW ^ T ^ f "
tionary advice and encourage™ pi^ Q «ViT if' ' glven lts re ™lu-
tion more and m^^^STmSb^^ a —' 1 *?
overcome past prejudices. The decisive sLT? v ' aS t0
splitting tactics and court injunctions o? thf J ° agaI " St the
materially in this respect. More progress L to hT n gl '° UP helped
year than in all the years orevionflv f» I 6 Seen in the P ast
the militants in the I W w mhs "b ?™ TL^™'* advice that
completely unified Ameri^r, n ° t0 Commumsn i before a
established. American Communist movement could be
to a ot n ^:rZ e t?at^TT nt Uni ° DS ' the Par ^ has »»een forced
tions CTiwSK. ^^ thGSe inde P en ^nt organiza-
wing, and even Ttec ted s^Vr? ?T S U £ Within the left
unions serve needs of 1 T * Darty ' These ^dependent
the C. E. rand C wa y s **£^£P ^l?*!*. C ™ d 5
successfully combatted in otw 552" a- tendenci es have been
mediate fufureTs the estabSh^eS S' A , principal task of the im-
independent unions as to t^ ^T* connecti ous between the
action. ° Make P0SSlble «°«ormity of policy and
the pfrtv^in^ T*- , ^ t&Sk ° f educatin S the membership of
LeninTsut ha TleTlfZ Z^ti™ l Co1 ™^ of Itatam-
Before the last conveS, * I + * the PaSt eighteen m °nths.
Pletely abLS from [he ^ y X e "T edUCatlonal ™* *« corn-
been made, but thta biiX- h» B ^! n J now onI y a beginning has
achievements Hundreds of , t n/ ^V* ?* W&Y t0 mUCh greatei>
district circuit lecture coul 2 ° **. have been fo ™^ four
dozen cities wit ^ ten lecture? elch' thTw ? r °? 8 ? C ° Vering two
has been finally consolidated ? ,,S' ? Work ^s' School in N. Y.
for Communist eduSf&e Neg o Sn^T , M M inst ™*
for the intensive Instruction of J^^^SX^Z^^ ta
and the two weeks f„n H mfl c< , s \ u . WOI ^ er& tor tne labor congress;
the tremendouT^ ln Chk5ag0 this S *>™S ^owed
lines in the f u urT A toMeL i f^r^^^ SCh ° 01 0n the sa ^
uiure. a problem m further extension of this work is
16
the publication of Lenin's principal works, many of which are not
yet available in English.
Membership Campaigns. During its term of office the Central
Executive Committee was animated by a keen realization of the
necessity of following up the various party activities with work to
recruit new members into our party. To this end a number of or-
ganization campaigns were carried out. A certain amount of suc-
cess attended these. The Party needs, however, strengthening in
this respect. The comrades must realize the necessity for carrying
on active and constant work to bring into our Party those proletarian
elements whose support we win in our various campaigns and who
are ideologically ripe enough for rapid development into real Com-
munists. In all our activities, we must keep constantly before our
eyes the task of building the Workers Party into a mass Communist
Party.
Agrarian Work. Since our last convention our Party has taken
the first important steps toward systematic Communist activity among
the agrarian population. The Party has subsidized an agrarian de-
partment, keeping two organizers in the field during the entire per-
iod and publishing during a part of 1924 an agricultural paper. Sev-
eral agricultural branches of the Party have been established. The
first Communist legislator in America has been elected in an agrar-
ian district, when Comrade Miller was elected to the legislature of
South Dakota, running as a Communist on the Farmer-Labor ticket.
The party has further laid the basis for future work along correct
Communist lines by being instrumental in having American repre-
sentation at the First International Peasants* Congress in 1924 and
at the enlarged executive in 1925. The Party controls and publishes
in New York Mills, Minn,, in the center of the great wheat growing
district an agricultural paper in the Finnish language, which has
suceeded in creating a basis for the Party among the farming ele-
ments speaking that language, and which played an important part
in our Farmer-Labor campaign.
Women's Work. The resolution of the Parity Commission on
Women's Work has finally clarified this problem for our Party, cor-
recting the errors of both groups, and laying the basis for Com-
munist mass organization activity, among the masses of women in
America. Especially does it clearly indicate the line to be followed
in our basic work among proletarian women. Carrying on Com-
munist work among women is as yet in its infancy so far as our
party is concerned. Only the smallest beginnings have as yet been
made. This is an especially difficult field for Communist activity,
but one to which close attention must be paid. Our party must de-
vote more attention to this essential branch of Communist activity.
Negro Work. The C. E. C. has given much of its attention to
the work among the American Negro masses. A Negro comrade was
sent to the Fifth Congress after which the C. E, C. authorized him to
stay there for training. A special sub-committee of the C. E. C.
17
was elected to supervise our work. A Negro farmer was also sent
as a delegate, to the recent congress of the Peasant International.
In accord with the instructions of the Communist International,
most of our work has been carried on in connection with the Ameri-
can Negro Labor Congress. A two weeks' school for Negro com-
rades and sympathizers was conducted in Chicago, with courses on
the history of the American Negroes, on the national colonial ques-
tion, and party organization, which was designed to equip them for
the preliminary work for the congress and its convention period. A
number of leaflets dealing with the problems of the Negro masses
and popularizing the slogans' for the congress have been distributed.
Two numbers of a special organ with a total circulation of 15,000 for
agitation among the Negro workers and farmers have been pub-
lished. A united front national committee for the American Negro
Labor Congress has been organized. Leading Negro comrades have
been toured thru the industrial centers with large Negro popula-
tion and many successful meetings held.
Party sub-committees for work among the Negroes have been
set up throughout the Party and it has been the policy of the C. E. C.
to have the work among the Negro masses done as far as possible
by Negro comrades. A special organizer has been sent into the
South and a number of local united front congress committees es-
tablished. A special trade union committee for establishing contact
with organized Negro workers has been set up.
In the trade unions, our comrades have introduced resolutions
endorsing the American Negro Labor Congress. Resolutions call-
ing for the abolition of all discrimination against Negro workers in
the trade unions, have been introduced by our Communist fractions
and as in the Machinists' Union of Chicago, have succeeded in rais-
ing the issue of racial discrimination in the entire organization.
Press service has been established, which is sent regularly to
the Negro and labor press in the United States.
The C. E. C. has sent out a questionnaire, to a number of Negro
workers, Party and non-party, and will select a limited number who
will be sent to the Far Eastern University in Russia to fit themselves
for Leninist work among their race in the United States, and its
colonies.
At the coming congress, it is hoped to have as delegates, a num-
ber of Negro comrades who will be able to direct the activities of
the congress along the lines that will enable it to become a mass
organization in which our Party can work and establish contact
with the Negro workers, farm laborers, and farmers.
Labor Defense. The Labor Defense work of the party has cen-
tered largely upon the appeals of the cases of Comrades Ruthen-
berg and Gitlow, Our efforts in the former case have succeeded
in delaying action on the part of the supreme court, whereas the
appeal in the Gitlow case has resulted in a temporary defeat. The
other cases which include the long-standing Michigan defendants,
the numerous deportation cases of Kannasto, Zinich, Weideman
and others, and the almost daily necessity of defending our street
and hall speakers, form the bulk of energy extended to this work.
The party has, moreover, supported the movement which re*-
suited in the amalgamation of the Labor Defense Council into the
much larger and more influential International Labor Defense This
victory for working class defense has already brought a great deal of
response from workers and working class organizations throughout the
country. Appeals for aid from all sections of the labor movement
have already proved not only the need for such a non-partisan labor
defense organization but also the swiftly growing popularity that it
is having among the workers of all political opinions. Every effort
must be made by the lower and higher party units to help the In-
ternational Labor Defense to become a real mass organization reach-
ing into the deepest working class soil and forming a body of work-
ing class support around the revolutionary movement.
Anti-Imperialist Work. The Fifth Congress of the Comintern
severely criticised nearly all the Communist Parties in the imperial-
ist countries for not carrying on a sufficiently energetic campaign
against imperialism.
Under the present C. E. C. the Workers Party of America has
for the first time made anti-imperialist work one of its basic activi-
ties. The outstanding feature of our work against American imper-
ialism is that it has entered the field of active practical co-operation
with the oppressed peoples of American imperialism, the most im-
portant step in this connection being the successful organization of
the All-America Anti-Imperialist League.
In January of this year a sub-committee was elected by the C.
E. C. which assumed charge of all the anti-imperialist activities of
the Party. This committee prepared material for campaigns, fur-
nished articles on imperialism for the Party press, drew up manifes-
toes and leaflets, and was the medium through which the party co-
operated with anti-imperialist organizations in Latin-America Mani-
festoes were issued to the Cuban Labor Congress held at Havana,
to the International Marine Transport Workers' Convention held at
New Orleans, several manifestoes to the Mexican workers and to
the Filippinos, a special May Day manifesto to the workers of
Latin-America, a manifesto in connection with the Tacna-Arica
affair— and other manifestoes and leaflets which will be referred to
later on.
Direct contact with Mexico was maintained -throughout the per-
iod, through the visits of Comrades Johnstone, Gomez, and Lovestone to
Mexico and through steady correspondence. Comrade Wagenknecht vis-
ited the Philippines and established connections there. Correspond-
ence connections were also established, with greater or less success,
with practically every country in Latin-America, as well as with
Hawaii and the Philippines. Through our activities five Filipino dele-
gates were secured for the International Transport Conference in
Canton, for which our Party was commented by the Comintern.
Our party has carried on a consistent campaign, both in this
country and in Latin-America, against the "labor imperialism" of
the so-called Pan-American Federation of Labor. Comrade John-
stone attended the convention of the P. A. F. of L. at Mexico City,
in November of last year, and co-operated with the Mexican Party in
its strategy in connection with this convention.
Comrade Gomez was sent to Mexico in April of this year and
attended the convention of the C. P. of Mexico as fraternal dele-
gate from our Party. During this visit plans for joint action of the
Mexican Central American and United States parties against im-
perialist policies of the P. A. F. of L. were adopted.
Our Party was largely instrumental in the establishment of the
All-America Anti-Imperialist League, which although organized only
a few months ago and still in its initial stages, has aroused a real
response in Latin-America, despite the miserably small funds which
we were able to put into this work. The All-America Anti-Imperial-
ist League was endorsed by the Comintern and the Proflntern.
The league is a non-partisan international organization admitting
to affiliation all groups in the Americas willing to take up the fight
against American imperialism. It aims to give driving force and
centralized expression to the national liberation movements in Latin-
America, Hawaii, the Philippine Islands, etc., in alliance with the
movement of this country.
The All-America Anti-Imperialist League has a special secretar-
iat located in Mexico City, under whose supervision the monthly
Spanish language organ of the league, which has now published five
issues, is edited, as well as special manifestoes, leaflets, etc. Our
party has contributed towards defraying the expenses of the monthly
magazine El Libertador and towards other expenses of the Mexico
City secretariat, but lack of funds has made it impossible to give
adequate support in this respect.
A regular section of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League has
been formed in Cuba, with Julio Antonio Mella as secretary, and is
extremely active, holding mass meetings, lectures, etc. Labor, peas-
ant, and student organizations in Costa Rica, Panama, Salvador, and
Peru have affiliated with the league, but no regular sections have
been formed in those countries as yet. Contacts have been es-
tablished with some of the foremost intellectuals of Latin-America,
who are supporting the league and writing for its monthly organ.
At the suggestion of our Party, the league sent out the call for the
observance throughout America of "Anti-Imperialist Week" (June 29
to July 4), calling upon all anti-imperialist organizations in special
literature, to conduct mass meetings, hold demonstrations in front of
American consulates and embassies, etc. Our party published a spe-
cial leaflet for Anti-Imperialist Week and actively co-operated in its
observance.
Tentative plans are already being laid, also at the suggestion
of our Party, for an All-America Anti-Imperialist congress to be held
at Buenos Aires some time next year.
20
In connection with the imperialist outrages in China, our party
has consistently exposed the part of American imperialism in them
and has tried to develop active protest among the workers in this
country. We have issued the slogans: "Withdrawal of all American
iroops and war ships from the Far East," "Abdication of all special
privileges in China," etc. A large number of "Hands off China" meet-
ings have been held throughout the country. A special feature of these
meetings being that we connected them with the slogan of "Stand
by Soviet Russia." These meetings were uniformly successful, roused
our own members to the importance of anti-imperialist work, en-
abled us to reach thousands of workers who would have been other-
wise uninterested, and helped us to establish contact with Chinese liv-
ing in this country. As a result of our propaganda in the Party press
and from platforms, we have established friendly relations with or-
ganizations of Chinese in almost all big cities of the country, es-
pecially with local organizations of the Kuomintang Party. Our
speakers have been invited to address their meetings and they
have furnished speakers for our meetings.
In a number of places, Chinese are applying for admission to
our party. One of our important tasks in the field of anti-imperial-
ist work is to create local sections of the All-America Anti-Imperial-
ist League, with affiliations of Chinese, Filippinos and Latin-Ameri-
cans resident in this country. Contacts already secured form a
basis from which we can proceed with good possibilities of success.
In all our anti-imperialist work, we have persistently raised the
slogan of unconditional independence for all American colonies,
withdrawal of American troops from Latin-American soil, etc.
From the foregoing brief summary, it will be seen that while
theoretical education has not been neglected, our activity on the
anti-imperialist field has not been merely academic but has brought
the Workers Party of America into the forefront of the actuai
struggle against American imperialism. We intend to continue along
this line in the future. A beginning in anti-imperialist work has at
last been made. However, we must devote much more attention to
this from now on.
Our Party Press. Our daily organ, the Daily Worker, is the
center of our press. The C, E. C. has tried to and has 'had consider-
able success in connecting our organ with the campaigns of the
Party and the Trade Union Educational League.
It has been the policy of the C. E. C. for district organizations
engaged in special campaigns against child labor, wage cuts, in-
junctions, cossack bills, etc., to have special articles and news stories
dealing with some phase of the campaign printed and the issues con-
taining the articles used by the district or cities in general distribu-
tion. In this way the Daily Worker is used both as a weapon against
the capitalists, and as an agitational organ. Special distributions,
as in the automobile industry of up to 20,000 copies at a time, have
been based on special conditions of labor and the demands of the
workers in the industry in our anti-imperialist campaign, the organ
21
of. the Party has specialized on various phases of imperialism and
dealt in detail with its consequences for the American working- class.
In the mining industry, the Daily Worker has been used
with telling effect in conventions of the union, election campaigns,
and in the struggles of the miners against the bosses, the bureau-
cracy, and the state. The same is true in the Carpenters, Machin-
ists, and Needle Trades Unions.
The press service containing special articles is sent to all the
language press, and altho the centralization of this portion of our
press is not yet an accomplished fact, it has been drawn into the
general campaigns of the Party more than ever before.
The Daily Worker has organized a staff of Worker Corre-
spondents that give our daily press a more proletarian character
than ever 'before. It is a fact that almost two-thirds of the news
carried by our daily organ is written by Party and non-party worker
correspondents. The extension of this work of our press is being
carried on rapidly. At present some seventy-five worker correspond-
ents are listed and in the next year it is hoped to increase this
number to 250.
The publication and distribution of the Party literature has been
centralized under the management of and in connection with the
Daily Worker. This has resulted in the sale and distribution
of much larger amount of literature than our Party has heretofore
been able to dispose of. The Little Red Library has proven espe-
cially popular and in the short time since its publication began, its
sales and orders amount to some 20,000 copies.
The Workers' Monthly has made its place in the field of Com-
munist literature and has a circulation in excess of the former com-
bined circulation of the Liberator, Labor Herald, and Soviet Russia
Pictorial. As in the case of the Daily Worker, the C. E. C. has
endeavored to link up each issue of the Workers' Monthly with some
special campaign of the Party.
Our English language press does not suffer from the depart-
mentalization criticised by the Comintern as existing in some other
parties. The staffs of these publications are closely connected with
the life of the Party through membership on the leading and lower
Party committees and the Central Executive Committee has striven
to maintain and strengthen these connections.
The multiplicity of language organs of our Party makes the
problem of centralization difficult but of vital importance for this
very reason. The lack of complete centralized control constitutes a
grave danger for our Party and must be overcome. Conferences of
party editors must be held regularly and this will aid in organ-
izing the language press around our leading organ. But this is not
enough. A central editorial bureau, a part of the Agitprop depart-
ment, must be organized and instructed to follow closely the poli-
tical line of the language press and correct at once any deviations
that may appear.
In addition to this, the Party press service must furnish regu-
larly, and not spasmodically, as at present, the best material in our
leading organ for use by the language press. Language editors must
recognize that they are responsible officials of the Party,
The C. E. C. has come to the assistance of the Freiheit, the Novy
Mir, the II Lavoratore, when crises threatened these publications,
and succeeded in overcoming the dangers that threatened them.
A close centralization of the press will serve to reduce the
frequency of such crises.
The immediate step is to make our English language papers
Ihe mainspring of Communist agitation and propaganda for our
whole Party press and to bring the entire press under the complete
political control of the leading Party committees.
Young Workers' League. The Young Workers' League, during
the past period, has consolidated its forces, developing from a loosely
scattered organization to its present national character, participating
in the struggles of the young workers. More marked than even the
organizational growth has been the political development of the
Young Workers' League, which today is playing an important role in
the Party discussion as well as initiating and participating in a great
many political campaigns, such as defense of Crouch and Trumbull,
Hands off China, anti-religion, Child Labor, etc.
The league has taken the initiative in many factory campaigns
and industrial campaigns where they have gained the ear of the
young workers by advocating specific demands of a concrete char-
acter. A great deal of propaganda has been conducted thru these
campaigns which have also laid the basis of factory nuclei ac-
tivity, as the result of these campaigns were, in many cases, the es-
tablishment of shop nuclei of the Y. W. L.
Prom a period of discussion of shop nuclei, the Y. W. L. is to-
day ideologically prepared for complete reorganization. Already de-
finite steps forward have been made in this field, two cities, Chicago
and Detroit, being reorganized on the area branch basis, (a transi-
tion stage to the complete reorganization) and many nuclei are being
organized in various cities.
At the last national convention we greeted the establishment of
a bi-weekly newspaper. The Young Worker. Since that time the
league has developed this into a weekly newspaper, which is one of
the best Communist organs of the Party at the present time. The
publishing of propaganda pamphlets and leaflets has also been in-
creased many fold during the past period.
While educational activity has not been as co-ordinated as might
be desired, nevertheless advances are to be recorded. The estab-
lishment of training schools in different parts of the country, together
with the participation of the League in Party schools, is the first step
towards a deep and thorough-going Leninist educational policy.
22
2:j
Other important activities include the campaign against the
C. M. T. C. with the resulting expulsions from many of the camps
of young workers affected by the propaganda of the league. The
Junior section and the establishment of an official junior organ, The
Young Comrade, has served to advance the development of a
healthy Communist children's movement. The period has witnessed
a growing of understanding between the league and the Party which
must be further carried into effect in the future.
The Fight Against the Right Wing. The Communist Interna-
tional, in May, 1924, branded Lore as representing a definite right
wing ideology in our Party. The majority of the Central Executive
Committee attempted to secure unity with the minority in the struggle
against Loreism, but was unsuccessful. The Central Executive Com-
mittee conducted a campaign against Loreism in the press and in
Party meetings. The Central Executive Committee authorized Com-
rade Lore to attend the Enlarged Executive of the Communist In-
ternational, but Comrade Lore failed to take advantage of this op-
portunity to defend his views before the Comintern.
In the meantime, organized expressions of Loreist tendencies
developed in various sections of our party, such as collaboration
with the right wing in the needle trades, the Carpenters, the Steel
Workers, the Machinists, the Miners, and other unions, as well
as in various language fraternal organizations, neglect to
carry out the Party policy in these organizations with but feeble
excuses for such failures, a contempt for the authority of the lead-
ing committees of the party, and failure to consult with them before
initiating important policies. In the heat of its bitter struggle
against the Central Executive Committee, the minority on several
occasions made the mistake of lending objective support to these
tendencies and thus rendered more difficult the C E C 'a efforts to
eradicate them. ....
Report of C. E. C. on Past Activities. The Central Executive
Committee has fought resolutely all of these deviations and has suc-
ceeded in winning a large section of the proletarian elements in
our Party away from the ideological influence of Loreism. This has
only been accomplished in the face of determined resistance, es-
pecially in the needle trades.
The resolution of the Parity Commission on the Liquidation of
Loreism has already brought about the reorganization of .the Ger-
man bureau for the purpose of putting this policy into effect in
the German section of our Party. All members of the German bu-
reau who refused to support completely this resolution were removed
by the bureau, which was reconstituted upon the basis of complete
support of the C. I. and Party policy on Loreism. complete
The resolution adopted by the Finnish Superior Branch, in-
fluenced by the Askeli group in the Finnish Federation, and the
aiticle by Comrade Askeli himself, published in the Party press,
24
are other indications of Loreist tendencies in our Party. The Cen-
i nil Executive Committee acted immediately and after pointing out
I he right wing deviations in these statements, called upon the rank
and file of the Finnish membership to repudiate this leadership, with
lh$ result that large sections of the Finnish membership will be
won over for the policies of the Central Executive Committee and
the Communist International.
Definite beginnings have been made in the reorganization of
l he Party into shop nuclei. In the Chicago, New York, Minnesota,
Detroit, Pittsburgh and other districts, shop and street nuclei have
been formed which are demonstrating to the Party membership the
superiority and necessity of complete Party reorganization. In Gary,
Indiana, and Zeigler, Illinois, steel and mine centers respectively,
the Party is wholly on a nuclei basis. In other mining centers in
Southern Illinois, such as Dowell, West Frankfort, and in the Pull-
man car shop center, we can confidently expect that the reorganiza-
tion will be completed in a short time. The Pittsburgh Westinghouse
nucleus has issued excellent shop papers. Recently seven new mem-
bers applied for membership there. The Detroit Ford factory nu-
cleus has performed splendid agitatiopal and organizational work,
especially with the Daily Worker. The print shop nucleus of Chicago,
altho or because of being in a Party institution, has greatly stimulat-
ed the T. U. E. L. activity in the Pressmen's Union, besides partici-
pating fully in all Party campaigns. In Minnesota, the Party has
expedited shop nuclei organization in the important Mesaba iron ore
range. Several of the New York city nuclei in the food and needle
industries have performed good work. Shop nuclei exist in South
Bend, Whiting, Ind., Ebyde Center and other points.
These are only bare beginnings, but they augur well. The Party
membership is ideologically fast becoming prepared for swift shop
and street nuclei reorganization. Our press has carried numerous
and systemized educational and propaganda articles, but these must
he increased manifold. Anti-nuclei prejudices are swiftly being
overcome. The language press, with few exceptions, has not devoted
sufficient attention to shop nuclei reorganization. This must be rem-
edied immediately in order to ensure our entire membership, not
only the English speaking elements, throwing themselves wholeheart-
edly into the ensuing campaign of reorganization.
The leading Party committees nearly everywhere have pushed
the reorganization work. For the future, reorganization must be
on a broad, swift and large scale, systematically planned out in
each locality. Isolated organization of shop nuclei may have had,
for the past a certain propagandist value, but it must now be re-
placed with plans and a campaign which will place the majority of
our party on a shop nucleus basis within the next year.
There have been language, organizational, and social democratic
oppositions to the shop nuclei plan, but these are 'being overcome.
There are today in existence some 70 shop nuclei, with 800 mem-
bers, according to reports. Reorganization is now mechanical. The
25
need for shop nuclei must be bred Into the membership and these
nuclei must be brought into the struggles of the workers in the shops
and unions, etc.
Many nuclei that we have organized thus far in the mining and
steel regions, in the needle, printing, railroad, automobile, furniture,
food and other industries have conducted the shop struggles of the
workers, pushed the T. U. E. L. work, put forward the party program
and shown to the Party the kind of Party we must have, if it is to
be a genuine Bolshevized mass Communist Party in the future.
The Factional Fight— Unity. The factional struggle between the
majority and minority of the C. E. C, which has continued for almost
two years, developed out of fundamental differences of opinion on
questions of policy, principally regarding the labor party and work
in the trade unions. These differences have been liquidated by the
decision of the Communist International and the unanimous reso-
lutions of the Parity Commission. The present internal situation
in the Party urgently demands the unity of the two leading groups
in the struggle against the right wing and for the carrying out of the
Party campaigns generally. The long and bitter factional strife
has crippled the Party in many respects. It prevents the mobiliza-
tion of all the real Communist forces in the Party into a united
struggle against the right wing; it burns up in the internal strug-
gle forces that are very necessary to the successful carrying on of
our Party's fight against its external foes. The decisive political
differences between the two leading groups have been wiped out by
the decisions of the Communist International and the Parity Com-
mission. One of the principle tasks of the present convention will
be to follow up this work by actually liquidating the factional group-
ings and the ideological remnants of the struggle between the two
leading groups. This convention must take definite steps to weld
our party into a monolithic whole, hewn of one piece.
The Parity Commission. The Parity Commission, set up in
acccordance with the instructions of the Comintern, has laid the poli-
tical basis for unity in our Party by unanimously adopting reso-
lutions on all the major questions confronting our Party. The work
of the Parity Commission has been of great value to our Party
in dulling the sharpest angles of the factional fight and in aiding
our Party to avoid the widening of a serious division in our ranks,
and thus enabling it to come to the convention period without an
actual split.
The convention must liquidate the factional struggle in our Party.
The tasks of reorganization and Bolshevization of our party, our
campaign for a labor party based on the mass organizations of the
workers, the struggle against the right wing, demand the mobiliza-
tion of the full .strength of our party. We therefore, call upon the
Party to unite behind the incoming Central Executive Committee
to enforce the resolutions of the Parity Commission and the decisions
of the Communist International in the carrying out of our Com-
munist task of preparing for the abolition of capitalism and the
establishment of the proletarian dictatorship in America.
26
THE MEMBERSHIP OF OUR PARTY
The following tables show the membership figures of our Party,
since its organization:
TABLE NO, 1. 1922.
Membership Figures Accordnig to Dues Payments.
By Language Sections.
Fed.
Mar. Apr.
May June
Czecho SI.
Esthonian
Finnish
German
Greek
Hungarian
Italian
Jewish
Lettish
Lithuanian
Polish
Russian
Scand.
So. Slavic
Ukrain.
English
3,748
533
61
276
93
968
66
427
52
123
644
31
1,327
Totals 8,339
1
2
3
5
6
7
8
9
10
12
13
Unorg.
1,031
2,251
407
354
754
505
1,022
856
305
337
399
118
Totals 8,339
July Aug.
Sept. Oct.
200
6,509
181
46
318
179
1,087
326
757
20
606
1,002
1,276
Nov.
276
50
7,012
740
101
293
89
982
630
834
101
547
1,236
113
1,515
Dec.
201
117
6,118
400
143
366
190
854
575
669
266
243
134
1,428
205
957
Total Average
677
167
23,387
1,854
351
1,253
551
3,891
587
2,687
439
1,519
134
4,310
349
5,075
12,507
2,031
3,185
411
707
1,163
656
1,342
1,470
381
445
498
218
By Districts,
2,443
3,608
439
756
1,140
886
1,686
1,535
571
551
634
270
1,651
3,455
31?
711
1,077
648
1,257
1,682
497
420
704
445
7,156
12,499
1,576
2,528
4,134
2,695
5,307
5,543
1,754
1,753
2,235
1,051
12,507
14,519 12,866 48,231
27
169
42
5,846
463
SS
313
138
975
397
677
110
379
33
1,077
87
1,269
14,519 12,866 48,231 12,058
1,789
3,125
394
632
1,033
674
1,327
1,386
438
438
559
263
12,058
TABLE NO. 2. 1922.
New Members Admitted into the Party, According to Initiation
Stamps Sold. By Language Sections.
Federation
Arm,
Czl.
Bsth.
Finnish
German
Greek
Hungarian
Italian
Jewish
Lettish
Lithuanian
Polish
Roumanian
Russian
Scandinavian
So. Slav
Ukrainian
English
F. M.
M. J. J.
S. O. N. D. Total
47 146 246 88 65 64 79 ISO 166 146 1,227
10 30 22 20
5
35 31 43
21 39
88
7
109
60
15
22 9 12
9 14 19 18 130
11
7 25
59
63 119 122 37 46 77 17 92 26
3 19
48
658
22
112 104 154 360 239 251 79 185 162 191 85 1,922
Total
15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 315 380 517 388 4,271
By Districts.
District
J.
F.
M.
A.
M.
J.
J.
A.
S.
C
N.
D.
Total
1
10
4
42
46
53
3
21
31
hi.
40
17
319
2
2
7
13
20
158
38
87
24
31
4o
65
78
569
8
5
47
18
33
29
2
6
4
15
4
18
10
191
4
1
10
2
1
14
5
2
39
23
72
42
7
18
45
43
68
37
396
6
3
65
96
70
87
57
41
40
81
22
70
24
656
7
9
60
105
2
62
40
25
6
349
8
5
34
28
14
80
29
31
16
34
57
52
380
9
32
75
153
46
43
26
44
69
88
42
618
10
29
35
8
58
10
19
28
55
41
25
308
12
5
67
32
77
6
6
11
36
37
277
13
1
4
20
8
4
3
8
11
22
7
88
15
A.
D.
N.
O. T.
31
46
1
1
5
7
12
3
106
Total
15 131 275 427 815 459 371 193 350 380 517 338 4,271
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36
TABLE No. 7
19 2 5
(January — June)
MEMBERSHIP FIGURES ACCORDING TO DUES PAYMENTS
By Language Sections:
Federation: Jan. Feb. March April May
June* Total
\rmenian
no-Slovak
honian
Finnish
Gftrman
<>k
Hungarian
M.'ilian
f swish
Lettish
Lithuanian
Polish
Koumanian
Russian
Icandinavian
Mouth Slavic
llovenian
i iviainian
Knglish
TOTAL
77
240
68
6406
450
294
728
1601
931
726
112
1072
336
1474
545
1714
District:
1 2249
3555
471
I 610
1075
8 ................. 1244
973
8 2395
B 1847
762
690
290
AD 167
NOT 446
122
460
36
5240
470
230
523
1128
341
785
126
546
246
1178
547
1927
173
310
115
8620
220
317
345
470
1567
427
801
100
1093
293
1065
755
2700
138
385
109
7568
330
204
527
642
1281
307
892
123
240
1030
20
1151
682
2475
139
119
6056
- 300
321
471
393
1435
340
804
150
40
691
260
816
629
2292
141
255
94
4570
330
173
450
482
1668
260
882
114
786
110
970
82
576
2585
790
1769
522
38460
2100
1539
3058
1987
8680
2606
4890
725
280
5218
1265
6654
82
3734
13693
1357
2692
903
255
1178
1125
705
1622
1635
1067
590
318
25
438
2071
4311
834
775
938
1423
1517
3064
2144
749
1100
205
15
225
2310
3730
114Z
567
1037
1443
1518
2218
1934
818
738
362
40
247
1385
3912
754
601
897
1001
813
2330
1266
562
1017
197
170
351
1981
3263
751
378
822
1238
1125
2260
1149
421
689
187
273
11353
21463
4855
3186
5947
7474
6651
13889
9975
4379
4824
1559
417
1980
Aver-
age
132
295
70
6410
350
256
509
331
1447
434
815
121
47
870
211
1109
14
622
2282
16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325
By Districts:
1892
3577
809
531
991
1246
1108
2315
1662
730
804
260
70
330
TOTAL 16774 13910 19371 18104 15256 14537* 97952 16325
* Figures for June do not include reports from Roumanian Fed-
iration and for Districts 9, 15 and Agricultural. This figure is there-
to] e incomplete.
37
TABLE No. 8
19 2 5
NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING
INITIATION STAMPS SOLD
By Federations:
Federations: Jan.
Armenian
Bulgarian , 4
Czecho-Slovak
Esthonian ...
Finnish 106
German ,.
Greek 8
Hungarian 31
Italian
Jewish 3
Lettish 10
Lithuanian 11
Polish
Roumanian 3
Russian 26
Scandinavian
South Slavic... 37
Ukrainian 2
English 474
TOTALS 715
By Districts:
1 19
2 . 137
3 71
4 5
5.... 41
6 99
7 97
8 74
9 16
12 68
13.... 33
15.. 16
AD 5
NOT 34
TOTALS.. 715
Feb. March April May
26 2 !
52
1
35
4
10
4
7
1
309
449
35
100
33
17
26
51
66
19
26
35
26
1
14
449
2
54
2
22
16
5
15
3
357
478
28
148
35
23
14
48
2
66
29
22
35,
7
2
19
478
48
1
11
7
10
19
41
311
448
16
127
49
13
15
30
42
29
17
74
10
8
1
17
448
56
1
3
14
1
1
12
2
3
314
407
48
79
26
16
27
5
89
34
7
33
43
407
38
>RDING TO
6 Mos,
June
Total
q
60
Ti
3
1 05
8
31
5
1
2
12
8
!)2
316
402
2sl
19
16 J
95
H
7
221
12
7<l
29
141
29
284
212
108
9
20
M2
40
2 16
38
! I r>
I
. 5
nA
402
28**9
i VHLE No. 9
MEMBERSHIP FIGURES FOR 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925 (6 months)
as shown by Dues Payments
1922
1923
of
17390
13412
16838
8339 16421
12370
12768
13970
12507 14623
16229
16110
14519 18146
12866 16461
12058 15395
Roumanian Section,
1925
(6 mos.)
16774
13910
19371
18104
15256
14537*
Month
liiiniary
nary
Ii
Ipril „....
fune
inly LIZ.
August ...
•Member
• >■ tober
inber
' 'nvmber
Average
* Incomplete (reports
[cultural missing.)
(MILE No. 10
NEW MEMBERS ADMITTED INTO THE PARTY, ACCORDING TO
INITIATION STAMPS SOLD DURING 1922,
1923, 1924 and 1925 (6 months).
1924
16875
18323
19471
17887
14730
14748
16218
15221
18292
21676
17840
17653
17377
District
16325
9, 15 and
Month
[Miliary ...
February .
larch
April
I ii ne
Inly
August
Itptember
October ....
November
December
1922
15
131
275
427
815
459
371
193
350
380
517
338
1923
506
627
390
328
441
512
421
394
607
742
834
730
1924
1925
(6 mos.)
867
715
1009
449
791
478
788
448
547
407
652
402
530
o91
726
679
741
535
. ,_
rotal 4271 6532 8456 2081
The above figures on new members taken into our Party deserve
earnest consideration of our whole Party organization. They show
that in the 3% year period since the organization of the Workers
(Communist) Party we have admitted into our Party more members
39
than we have in the Party at the present time. At the time of orga:
ization of the Party, some 10,000 members affiliated with it. Sine
that time according to the table of new members initiated above, vt
have taken into the Party over 20,000 new members. If we had hej
all of these members our Party would now have more than 30,00
members. The dues payment figures for the past six months shoi
an average of approximately 16,000 and we have therefore lost 14,00
members who entered our Party in the last three and one-half yea
period. These figures show the necessity of more educational wor!
within our Party and also the need of assigning some activities I
every Party member in order to hold him in the Party after he ha
joined. The €. E. C. in the coming year must give particular attentiol
to this phase of the development of our Party organization so that on
Party may retain in its ranks those workers whom it wins through 1
agitation and propaganda.
OUR PARTY MEMBERSHIP, BY OCCUPATION.
Beginning September, 1924, our Party took an industrial reg:
tration of the members.
Not all of the Party branches responded to the instructions to
send in their industrial registration, and therefore, no complete tab]
of the occupation of the members, and their union affiliation is aval
able. The registration taken covers 13,556 members. The occup
tions of these members, and their union affiliations, are as follows
In
Industry Union
Agrarian Workers
Building Trades , 1,007
Needle Trades 840
Food Workers .. 231
L W. W 50
Leather Industry 108
Lumber Workers 3
Metal Trades 480
Miners 920
Miscellaneous:
Barbers 70
Business Men
Chemical Workers „....
Co-operative Workers
Doctors and Dentists
Drivers and Teamsters 30
Engineers and Draftsmen,... 3
Furniture Workers 12
Firemen and Janitors 15
Gardeners .....
Glass and Porcelain Wkrs. 6
Housewives & Dom. Wkrs.
Jewelry Workers 11
40
Non
Total
Pet. Ill
Union
UnloJ
568
568
574
1,581
64
402
1,242
68
355
586
39
50
100
207
315
34
99
102
3
1,600
2,080
23
245
1,165
79
70
140
50
196
' 196
37
37
55
55
54
54
92
122
24
22
25
12
114
126
9
71
86
17
18
18
11
17
35
2,065
2,065
1
16
27
41
Lawyers
Laborers
Laundry Workers
Managers
Marine Workers
Musicians & Artists
Miscellaneous
Oil Workers ...
Office Workers
Paper Workers
Photographers
Porters
Rubber Workers
Students & Teachers
Sign Painters
Salesmen, Solicitors, Ship
ping Clerks
Window Cleaners
Printing Trades
Public Service Workers....
Itallroad Workers
Tobacco Workers
Unclassified (Occupation not
specified) ...
Writers, Reporters, etc
1
13
38
6
6
99
5
6
2
7
2
11
103
44
65
31
14
7
818
28
9
52
32
51
18
130
26
13
15
42
63
3
303
38
39
23
146
50
153
55
7
836
2
41
32
9
90
42
38
16
57
11
18
229
43
31
16
19
32
17
12
42
70
10
5
40
303
49
22
142
73
67
66
211
31
81
38
153
69
20
Potal Numiber of Members Registered .. f 13,556
Potal Number of Members Registered, in Unions....... 4^350
rotal Number of Members Registered, Not in Unions '. 9*206
ivr<!entage of members registered, in Unions 32.08%
The above figures show that in spite of all the efforts and agita-
"•-n conducted by the Party in reference to every member eligible,
becoming a member of the union, only one-third of our members are
BOW affiliated with trade unions, The recent instructions to our Party
the Communist International emphasizes again the necessity of
&ur educating the members of the Party to an understanding of the
ftecessity of their joining the trade unions. Our Party must, during
the coming year, change the conditions shown by the above table.
in place of one-third of the membership being members of trade
Unions, we can easily raise this to a minimum of 90 per cent of the
members in trade unions. This is one of the important tasks before
the Party organization.
THE PARTY PUBLICATIONS.
The Party publishes twenty-seven periodical publications. These
issued in nineteen languages. Ten of these publications are daily
^•pers, one three times a week, two twice a week, eleven week!
three times a month, one magazine twice a month and one
monthly magazine. The combined circulation of these publications
177,250 at the time the report was made.
The following table shows these papers, frequency of publication
•Hi'l circulation; —
41
Paid
Language, Name of Paper, Frequency Subs.
Armenian— The Proletarian, Weekly 500
Bulgarian— Saznanie, 3 times a month 1,272
Czechoslovak— Obrana, Weekly 1,500
Czecho-Slovak— Delnik, Weekly i'i5o
English— Daily Worker, Daily ... 14,000
English— Workers Monthly, Monthly Magazine 5^000
Esthonian— Uus Ilm, Weekly 600
Finnish— Tyomies, Daily 12,000
Finnish— Eteenpain, Daily 7^000
Finnish— Toveri, Daily * 4'oQO
Finnish— Uusi Kotimaa, Semi-Weekly 6,000
Finnish — Toveritar, Women's Weekly 10^000
Finnish— Punikki, Semi-Monthly [
German — Volkszeitung, Daily .....'
Greek— Empros, Weekly .. 4,000
Hungarian— Uj Elore, Daily ..! 9,000
Italian — II Lavoratore, Weekly 7,000
Jewish — Freiheit, Daily _ 4^000
Lithuanian — Laisve, Daily 7,000
Lithuanian— Vilnis, Semi-Weekly 4*000
Polish — Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly 1,200
Roumanian — Desteptarea, Weekly 1*200
Russian— Novy Mir, Daily....... , '
Scandinavian— Ny Tid, Agrarian Weekly 2,500
South Slavic— Radnik, 3 times a week 7,500
Slovenian— Delavska Slovenija, Weekly 3,500
Ukrainian — Ukrainian Daily News, Daily 3,000
Stand Total!
Sale CircT
700 1,200
628 l,90l
L50C
1,150
3,000 17,001
11,000 16,001
.......... 600
500 12,50(1
1,000 8,00(3
500 4,50fl
6,000
1,000 11,000
10,000 10,000
700 4,700
9,00(j|
6,500 13,50<J
18,000' 22,000
1,000 8,00fl
1,000 5,00flj
300 1,500
l,20(j
2,50<!
1,000 8,500
500 4,00(1
3,000 6,000
K.
B
hi
II.
1 :
1 I
Id.
REFUSE TO FIGHT FOR THE CAPITALISTS LBO.000
TO ALL SOCIALIST VOTERS AND CLASSCONSCIO I
WORKERS ... t00|000
WORK OR WAGES , 280,000
WORKERS RULE OR CAPITALIST DICTATORSHIP.... 450,000
SOVIETS VS. AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 100,000
THE CONFERENCE FOR PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL
ACTION -
STRIKE AGAINST WAGE CUTS 300,000
DOWN TOOLS ON MAY DAY 20o!oOO
DON'T MOBILIZE FOR MORGAN LOO^OOO
HANDS OFF CHINA, STAND BY SOVIET RUSSIA LOO.000
Total
116,922 60,328 177,250
3,540,000
Pamphlets.
The publication of party pamphlets and books was taken ore?
by the DAILY WORKER in January, 1925. The publications for
mil therefore be included in the report of the DAILY WOR*
Publishing Co. During the year 1924 the Party published the follow
pamphlets:
The Second Year — Convention Report 8,000
American Imperialism — Jay Lovestone 10,000
The Farmer-Labor United Front— C. E. Ruthenberg 7,500
Unemployment— Eart R. Browder 20,000
Parties and Issues — Alexander Bittelman „.„ lO^OOO
The LaFollette Illusion — Jay Lovestone , 10^)00
LEAFLET DISTRIBUTION.
During the twenty months since the last convention the national
organization of the Party has issued and distributed the following
leaflets:
1924.
1. FIGHT REGISTRATION OF FOREIGN WORKERS 150,000
2. STAND FAST FOR THE FARMER-LABOR PARTY 100,00<j
3. THE KEPT GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES 100,00(1
4. DOWN WITH THE CAPITALIST TEAPOT DOME!
FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS
GOVERNMENT 100,000|
5. CALL FOR THE ST, PAUL FARMER-LABOR CONVEN-
TION . 100,00l
6. AFTER TEN YEARS. . 100,0001
7. FORWARD TO THE WORKERS AND FARMERS GOV-
ERNMENT , 900,00Q
42
LANGUAGE SECTIONS.
The following reports on their work during the year 1924 w%T*
lUbmitted to the C. E. C. by the language sections:
Armenian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1D22
L923 L40
1924 81
Publication: The Proletarian, Weekly, 1,200.
Leaflets issued: "Crush the Plotters," Against Dashn R j
1,000.
Pamphlets issued: none.
Special campaigns conducted: none.
Active in the following non-Party organizations: Armenian T< 1 h
Rioal Aid Society. Armenian Red Cross. Various reconstruction
Dleties. In all these organizations the aim of our membe
mid is to gain control by carrying on Communist propaganda and to
43
get these organizations to use their funds for the reconstruction <fl
Soviet Armenia instead of keeping them in banks with the illusiol
of reconstructing their native villages in Turkish Armenia.
Cooperatives : none.
Property owned and controlled: none.
Further information: Both in 1923 and 1924 the Armenian SeJ
tion has had over 200 members. Dues have been collected almo3(i
equal to that number but having no other source of income the BuJ
reau has been compelled to spend part of the dues for the publication]
of the paper; In 1923 more money has been sent to the C E.
because the Bureau has had funds remaining from the Armenia!
Workers Party, which have helped to a degree the publication of oin
organ.
(Signed) N. S. Keosseian, Sec'y.
Bulgarian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922
1923 70
1924 224
Publication: Saznanic, issued 3 times monthly, circulation 1,900.
Leaflets published: For educational class, 2,000; Open letter tci
delegates of S. L. P., 1,000; Resolution of our meeting — Protest
against White Terror in Bulgaria, 1,000.
Pamphlets: Red Peoples' Calendar, 2,000; Program of W. P. A J
2,000.
Special Campaigns: For the fund of Saznanic, $5,201.05; Elec^
tion Campaign; Campaign against White Terror in Bulgaria and we
helped Bulgarian comrades with $1,084.25.
Active in non-Party organizations: Macedonian Political orgaE
izations. Some of our members carry on propaganda with the banner
of Balkan Federation.
Cooperatives: None.
Property: None.
Estimate of membership on rolls: 224 in 9 branches.
New branches organized in 1924: 6.
New members accepted: 154.
(Signed) Theo. Tsecoff, Sec'y.
Czecho-Slovak Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 226
1923 431
1924 353
Papers and Periodicals: Delnik (Worker), Chicago, 111., WeeklyJ
1,150. Published since November 29, 1924; Obrana (Defense), Nev
York City, Weekly, 1,500.
Leaflets: About the split in our Federation, 4 page large size,]
5,000 copies.
Pamphlets: None. Most of the pamphlets we have on hand were
published in Czecho-Slovakia. Two pamphlets published in 1925
44
ire: The short outline of Marxism and Communism. Bedacht's new
I'imphlet: The White Terrorists, etc.
Campaigns: To collect funds for Comrade Vajtauer when ar-
P( ted; for the new weekly paper "Delnik" (Worker), now published
hi Chicago; for the starving German children (in Chicago).
Active in non-Party organizations: Trade unions, sick and bene-
(II societies, workingmen's Gymnastic Associations. Besides the reg-
ti in r Party campaigns the above mentioned campaigns were carried on
in these organizations.
Cooperatives: None of the cooperatives are controlled by our
i nbers, altho many participating. Workingmen Coop. Association
(Chicago) and Rush Run Coop. Association (Dillonvale, O.).
Property owned: Workers Printing Shop (Obrana) in New York
(Jlty. About 40 per cent of this printing shop is owned by the Czecho-
llovak local unions in New York, but full control is in the hands of
our section. A building (hall) is under the control of our branches
In Baltimore, Md. The building, about 2 years old, is owned by
Our branches together with the progressive or liberal organizations.
Estimated membership on rolls: 360.
New branches organized in 1924: 4.
Branches dissolved: 5.
New members accepted: 36.
Additional information: It is impossible for me to give accurate
number of newly accepted members owing to the fact that some of
the branches did not report correctly, as for instance the newly or-
t inized branch in So. Bethlehem did not report its membership.
Lately I sent out questionnaires asking branches about the number of
members in good standing, etc. Most of the activities were hin-
fUred on account of internal fights which existed in our section until
lately/
I innish Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 5847
1923 6583
1924 7099
Publications: Tyomies, Daily, 12,000; Eteenpain, Daily, 8,000;
sri, Daily, 4,000; Toveritar, Women's Weekly, 10,000; Punikki,
Hatirical Semi-monthly, 10,000; Vappu, First of May periodical, 15,000;
►miehen Joulu, Christmas, 16,000.
Leaflets: None because our press makes it unnecessary to pub-
llnh leaflets except in special instances.
Pamphlets: Finnish Workers in America, 10,000; Washington
Teapot Dome, 5,000; Imperialism by Bystranski, 5,000; Science and
the Working class, 5,000; Propaganda pocket handbook, 16,500; Wages
mi<[ Capital (Marx), 5,000; World Trade Union Movement (Lozovsky),
tooo.
Special campaigns: None outside of campaigns carried on by
i hr Party, but in these the Federation has been active during the
vi';ir.
Active in non-Party organizations: Cooperative movement. In
that organization which has about 15,000 members we exercise great
45
influence and have an ideological control and have carried on a regula
campaign to make it a supporter of the Communist movement.
Cooperatives: The above replies to this. Our members contnj
several local consumers* cooperatives throughout the country.
Property owned and controlled: Tyomies Society; Eteenpai
Coop. Society; Pacific Development Society. (Our three publishing
concerns). The Federation controls the majority of membership
stock. A number of branches own their own halls or club buildings
Estimate of membership on rolls: 7903.
New branches organized in 1924: 13.
Dissolved: 17.
New members: 1,500.
Additional information: The Federation has carried on an ea
tensive educational work through lecture circuits in which on the aver
age 5 comrades have been engaged. The subjects the lectures ha\
contained are: Class struggles in past history; The role of the stat^
in the class struggle; Circulation of capital and profits; The role
capitalism; The historic role of revolutionary working class parties;
Communist parties in political struggles; Tactics of Communist Par-
ties; Work in trade unions and shop nuclei; Organization form of
the Comintern and affiliated parties; Practical work of Communists in
Party branches.
(Signed) Fahle Burman, Sec'y.
Greek Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 88
1923 141
1924 203
Publications: Empros, Weekly, 3,500; 2 special strike editionaj
during the Amalgamated Food Workers Strike, March 22-29, 1924J
at New York, N. Y.
Leaflets: What Communists want, 15,000; Fight against registrar
tion of foreign born workers, 6,000; Manifesto of C. P. of Greece tcj
the Greek workers in America, 15,000.
Pamphlets: Critique Gotha Program, 5,000; Family under Cond
munism (Kollontai), 5,000; Two enemy classes, 5,000; Outline of-
Communism, 5,000; Lenin, the Strategist, 5,000; Bread and liberty (Lo^
zovsky, 5,000.
Special campaigns: Against registration of foreign born.
Active in non-Party organizations: Amalgamated Food Workers^
Union in New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh; Greek section in Waiter^
and Cooks A. F. of L., Detroit; Greek Language Local Waiters and
Cooks A. F. of L., San Francisco; Taxicab Drivers Union A. F. Lj
Los Angeles, organized by Greek Branch.
Property: One Linotype machine, books (property of the Greek
Workers Press, Inc. (Corp. in New York); books worth about $4,00fj
Estimate of membership on rolls: 300.
New branches: 6.
Dissolved: 1.
New members accepted: 90.
(Signed) A. Boubous, Sec'y.
46
Hungarian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 311
1923 373
1924 469
Publications: Uj Elore, Daily, 9,000.
Leaflets: Foreign born workers campaign, 4 pages, 40,000;
Election program, 4 pages, 20,000.
Pamphlets: Why every worker should be a Communist (Ruth*
mi berg), 3,000; Bankruptcy of American labor movement (Foster),
I 000,
Special campaigns: Foreign born; several campaigns against
llorthy agents and bourgeois liberals who came from Hungary; two
til* campaigns for Uj Elore— result 500 new readers; two campaigns
for financial aid for Uj Elore; a campaign in behalf of So. Bethlehem
I Igar makers strike and union organization; amalgamation (unity)
campaign among sick benefit societies.
Active in non-Party organizations: Mostly in sick and benefit
"ties, singing societies, dramatic societies, house associations;
• \r\y Party campaign, foreign born campaign and amalgamation cam-
paign.
Cooperatives: None.
Property owned and controlled: Uj Elore, Daily; Incorporation;
1 1. ires with the C. E. C; printing plant, 33 E. First st.; legal owner
Hungarian Workers Home which is fully controlled by the section;
Itveral workers homes in the country controlled by the branches.
Estimated membership on rolls: 800-850.
New branches in 1924: 14.
Branches dissolved: 9.
New members accepted: 300-350.
Additional information: Organized a Party school in New York
which is functioning with 20-25 members; had several times organ-
! touring the country for 3-7 weeks period; one comrade is the
Uational organizer of the Sick and Benefit Society; was during the
whole year on organizing tour.
(Signed) D. Hajnal, Sec'y.
Italian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 135
1923 412
1924 581
Publications: II Lavoratore, Weekly, 13,000.
Leaflets : None.
Pamphlets: None.
Special campaigns: Anti-Fascist campaign.
Active in non-Party organizations: Labor unions; T. TL E. L.
work and anti-fascist campaign.
Cooperatives: Cooperativa Operaia, W. Hoboken, N. J.; Co-
Uperativa Moderna, W. Hoboken, N. J., and other Consumers coopera-
47
Property owned or controlled: Office supplies and furniture.
Estimated membership on rolls: 10,000,
Branches organized in 1924: ?
Branches dissolved: ?
New members: ?
Additional information: It is difficult to give exact data becaua
of the recent crisis in the federation and because we haven't tlnij
books for 1924 in our hands.
(Signed) Piccino Angiono, Sec'y.
Jewish Section.
Average membership as show r n by dues payments: 1922 973
1923 1055
1924 1368
Publications: Freiheit, Daily, 22,000.
Leaflets: An open letter to Jos. Schlossberg by N. Buchwald
15,000; Not a vote for LaFollette, 15,000.
Pamphlets: Resolutions and theses of the 5th congress, 3,000;
Bankruptcy of American Trade Unions by Wm. Z. * Foster, 5,000}
Parties and issues by Bittelman, 3,000.
Special campaigns: Anti-Butchkevich campaign; Presidential
elections; Anti-Abramovitch; Relief in Soviet Russia; To aid colo*J
nization in Soviet Russia; St, Paul convention.
Active in non-Party organizations: Workmen's Circle, Unions
and Cultural Clubs of workers. Carried out above mentioned cam«j
paigns there.
Cooperatives: In New York our members participate in the Unitedl
Workers Cooperative Association with its camp "Nitgedaiget," thej
chief aim of which is to develop communal life of workers.
Property owned and controlled: Building, 30 Union Square, Neii
York City.
Estimated membership on rolls: 2,500-2,600.
. New branches organized in 1924: 6.
Dissolved: 1.
New members accepted: 600.
(Signed) Morris Holtman, Sec'y.
Lettish Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 397
1923 417
1924 443
Publications: None.
Leaflets: None,
Pamphlets: None, We maintain close contact with the publish^
ing houses of the Lettish section in Europe and receive large quanj
tities of literature and pamphlets from abroad.
Special campaigns: DAILY WORKER; Labor defense; Relief
for political prisoners in Latvia by which $620.91 was raised.
Active in non-Party organizations: Our members are active iij
the few existing Lettish Benefit and Educational organizations, get- 1
ting mainly financial support for various campaigns of our Party.
48
Cooperatives: None.
Property owned or controlled: None.
Estimate of membership on rolls: 475.
Branches dissolved: None.
New branches organized: None.
New members: 25-30. un«™„« i+« "nffi-
Other information: The Lettish Bureau is publishing its offi
cial organ"-"The News Bulletin" in the form of a mimeographed Bul-
Sn rtSlar to the Party Press Service Bulletin. This Bulletin ap-
neSa is often as necessary. It contains all Party news, decisions,
ScLs encouraging various Party campaigns and Branch news. All
the ^ most important Party circulars are translated and published in
this mimeographed Bulletin by the Bureau.
(Signed) Robert Zelms, Sec'y.
Lithuanian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 671
1924 901
Publications: Laisve, Daily, 8,000; Vilnis, Semi-weekly, 6,000;
Women Workers' Voice, Monthly, 3,000.
Leaflets: About killing war, 20,000; Curse in Lithuania, ?.
Pamnhlets: Workers almanac. 6,000 copies.
Lecfal campaigns: Vilnis campaign for new subscribers ; Lai-
sve campaign for new subscribers; Campaign for raising funds to
helD the Communist movement m Lithuania.
Active in non-Party organizations: Trade Unions and Sick and
Death Benefit Societies. . , % , _ T .
Cooperatives: Many of the members are active in the local Li-
thuanian cooperatives for maintaining halls.
Property owned or controlled: Two papers and two halls. The
form of controlling these are thru cooperatives.
Estimated membership on rolls: 1,000-1,100.
New branches in 1924: 11.
Branches dissolved: 5.
New members: 70.
(Signed) J. Gasiunas, Secy,
Polish Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments:
1922 110
1923 210
1924 165
Publications: Trybuna Robotnicza, Weekly, 1,500.
Leaflets: 10th anniversary of war, 15,000; Presidential election
platform, 35,000; The armed insurrection in Cracow, 15,000.
Pamphlets: The life of Nicolai Lenin, 2,000.
ramnatens* To aid political prisoners in Poland.
SveT non-Party organizations: Trades Unions and some
benefit societies.
49
Cooperatives: In Neffs, O., Miners' Cooperative Store- in De-
troit Detroit Workmen's Restaurant Cooperative, International Work-
ers Home Ass n.
Property: None; have debts.
Estimated membership: 200.
New branches organized in 1924: None
Dissolved: 12.
New members: 50,
Additional information: Section lost control over Glos Robot-
niczy in Detroit That cost us not only the organ but organization
lost many members. In March, 1924, we started to publish a new
paper, Trybuna Robotnicza, ^ new
(Signed) B. K. Gebert, Sec'y.
Roumanian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922
1923 81
1924 fi^
Publications: Desteptarea, Weekly, 1200
Leaflets: Party platform, 5,000; Foreign born, 5,000; Unity of
Roumanian workers, 5,000. y
as a P whole. ty ^^ ***** PrinUng Plant ° Wnfid by the federation
Membership on rolls: 80-100.
Branches organized: ?
Branches dissolved: 1.
New members: No records.
(Signed) G. Neder, Sec'y.
Scandinavian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922 134
1923 259
1924 248
Publications: Ny Tid, Weekly, 2,500.
Leaflets: None.
Pamphlets : None.
Special campaigns: Against the new immigration laws; Against
white terror in Finland. against
Active in non-Party organizations: Just beginning to work
among the Swedish Good Templar Lodges.
Cooperatives : None.
of C P E° P c rty: Uni ° n PreSS ' Incorporated ; ownership vested in hands
Membership on rolls: 500.
New branches in 1924: 2.
New members: 50.
(Signed) N. Juel Christensen, Sec'y.
50
South Slavic Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 1922
3 times a week, 8,000;
1077
1923 1158
1924 1290
Delavska Slove-
*
Publications : Radnik,
U3a 'Leaflets:' Agitation leaflet for Slovenians, 25,000; Leaflets for
convention S. P. (Slovenian), 15,000; Convention of S. L. P., 2,000.
Pamphlets: Foundation of imperialist policy, 4,000; Underground
radicalism, 3,000; Program and constitution W. P. A., 3,000; Almanac
xor 1925, 12,000. .
Special campaigns: For Radnik and agitational fund.
Active in non-Party organizations: Croatian National Society,
Croatian Society of Illinois and Slovenian Nat. Benefit Soc. Every
Party campaign was carried in these organizations tor DAILY WORK-
ER, Labor Defense, F. L. Party, etc.
Cooperatives: Control none, but the branch of Detroit, Mich.,
owns and controls the South Slavic Workers Home,
Property owned or controlled: Radnik, Delavska Slovemja and
books amounting to $20,000 to ?30,000.
Estimated membership on rolls: 1,300-1,400.
New branches in 1924: 26.
Branches dissolved: 24.
Estimated new members: 448.
(Signed) T. Cuckovich, Secy.
Ukrainian Section.
Average membership as shown by dues payments: 19^
192o
1924
Publications: Ukrainian Daily News, Daily, 6,000.
Leaflets: General propaganda, 50,000; May day, 20,000
10,000.
Pamphlets: ?
Special campaigns: Daily Worker, Membership, F. L. P United
Front campaign and the organization of United Ukrainian Working
class organizations, Election campaign, Join the Union campaign.
Active in non-Party organizations: Ukrainian National Alliance
(Benefit organization); Ukrainian Working Class Alliance (Benefit
Organization); numerous local non-Party organizations; Trade Un-
ions There was a special campaign in No. 1 for special convention
in order to get control of the organization. We didn't get it.
Cooperatives: Cooperative Restaurant, Detroit.
Property: Printing plant (corporation); Ukrainian Labor Home
(corporation).
Estimated membership on rolls:
New branches: 8.
Branches dissolved: 2.
New members estimated: 200.
Additional information: Section has a bookstore m New York
City. Books in stock value over $60,000. .
u y (Signed) M. Durdella, Sec'y.
51
87
623
781
Miners,
FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL OFFICE.
From December 1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924.
(13 months)
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS.
Regular Income.
Due Stamps Cash Sales. $ 57 804 40
Initiation Cash Sales , ."*'""* 4 765 83
Organization Supplies Cash SalesZZ' l.Z. '99375
Lyceum Dept. Speaker Receipts 790 15
Discount Earned
Weekly Worker Settlements. ....ZZZZZ"ZZZ 488
2.90
13
Special Funds Receipts.
Make the Party Grow Assessment $ 389 05
Parmer Labor Party ., 6 829 95
May Day Button Sales.... ZZZZ"Z«Z 1*359*67
Farmer Labor Party Fund: Individ, donations" 4*738.34
Organ, donations 8,776 05
For A Labor Party Fund 695 55
General Donations and Contributions .. 6 709 90
Lenin Memorial Meetings 2*55000
National Campaign.
National Campaign Receipts.. $ 39 896 98
¥2 Paid to Dist 19,948.49
% Remaining with Nat'l Office
Convention Assessment 1923
Y. W.
Miscellaneous Receipts.
L. Junior Assessment .... $ iq.00
132.47
40.28
88.00
Organization Liquidation on a[c , 1
United Mine Workers Conv. Exp. Ref..
Educational Dept. Income
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT RECEIPTS.
ices.
C. E.
C. Meetings <t ^
756.33
National Farmer Labor Party Exp 990 65
Membership Meetings Exp " 633 68
Party Conference, July, 1924
Political Committee Conference ExpZZZZZ
601.15
73.00
% 64,845.16
? 32,048.51
J 19,948.49
5,970.20
% 1,270.75
$124,083.11
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT EXPENDITURES.
C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferenc
$ 4,054.81
52
Political Campaigns and Organization.
Field Organizers Expense »•$ JJ7J.62
Labor Party Campaign Expense b,5«W. 41
Federated Farmer Labor Party Dues..... Va
Membership Campaign Exp ^J'
Miners Campaign Exp ~« 2 >^-™
Free Speech Fight (Wilkes Barre) 101.00
Negro Work * - ^J-JJ
Unemployment Campaign ....... ^'J
Agrarian Department , A ltJi
Anti-Imperialist Work ■ l,4t>0.6»
Administrative Expense.
Executive Dept. Forwarding Expense.-.. $ 5.64
" General Office 401.05
Farmer Labor Party Campaign Fund Expense 1,245.34
Organization Supplies Forwarding Exp 94.05
Executive Dept. Postage ■■ Vlnl™
« Rent 1,795.00
Stationary and Supplies 1,547.80
Telegraph and Telephone 2,496.86
Traveling Expenses •■ 1,579.76
« Wages 13,910.46
Industrial Work Wages -•■ ^J'JJ
Political Comm. Wages ■.« 1.696.00
Press Service Expense and Wages z,7ii ^' ( Z
Research Department Expense and Wages...... 1 ' 02 ^^
Bank Charges - . J6.4J
Moving Expense ■ • £™
Office Maintenance and Repairs ofo^c
Research Department Rent 343.75
Industrial Work Rent "!•»<
Educational Work Rent - "!■»«
Wilga Investigation Expense -- JW'JJ
Educational Department Expense ^m.d»
Dues Refunds to District Organizations
Farmer Labor Party Fund Paid to District
Supplies Purchased.
Organization Supplies Purchase ? ^llil
May Day Buttons ■ 138 * 84
Convention Expenses 1923
Donations and Subsidies.
Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 799.66
Farmer Labor Voice Deficit 1,874.34
Donations ; .-.- ■ J96.27
Subsidies to Bureaus and Districts 4,^y.&z
53
I 19,529.80
35,878.48
25,742.21
1,119.17
3,126.89
4,902.42
$ 7,409.79
Lyceum Department Speakers Expense...
International Delegates Expense.,
Shop Nuclei Reorganization Expense..'.'..,
National Campaign Expense and Wages.
Money Lost in Transit
Depreciation.
Furniture and Fixtures.,
Office Machinery
TOTAL EXECUTIVE DEPT. EXPENSE.,
TOTAL RECEIPT EXECUTIVE DEPT
TOTAL EXPENDITURES AND DEPRECIA-
SURPLUS EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT...
LITERATURE DEPARTMENT.
Receipts and Inventory.
Propaganda Leaflets Cash Sales..... $ 2 757 fiO
Literature Cash Sales m ~* x^zizi
Lenin Library Fund.
Inventory of Literature 1924... Z ! ^ZZZIZZ." 2
104.00
613.04
Expenditures.
Literature Department Headquarters Rent
Propaganda Leaflet Forwarding Expense
Purchase
Literature Department Advertising...
Campaign Literature [7
Literature Department Forwarding Expense-
GO Expense
Inventory 1923
Postage
Purchase
Rent "
Sales Promotion __
Stationary and Supplies
Tel. and Telegraph
Wages
Receipts ...$ 17,857.91
Expenditures : 23,600.32
535.90
245.91
1,383.64
193.37
2,996.16
592.92
6,407.49
270.00
262.48
517.88
97.50
5,767.75
Defici t .....? 5,742.41
54
$
1,782.79
1,630.00
225.00
9,061.98
50.00
388.41
322.75
$115,224.50
124,083.11
115,224.50
$ 8,858.61
$ 17,857.91
$ 687.50 ■
531.97
3,097.00
$ 23,600.32
WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL
Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning
1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months).
ASSETS.
Furniture and Fixtures $ 1,188.51
Less Depreciation $ 388.41
Balance Furniture and Fixt
Office Machinery .... - $ 922.75
Less Depreciation $ 322.75
Balance Off Machinery... * —
Loans Receivable General
Personal Accounts Receivable (S.
J. Clark) - »••••
W. P. Petty Cash - * 50 * 0U
Research Department Petty Cash 25.00
Postage Fund ■ 63 - 97
Wages Advanced (J. P. Cannon)....
New York Bookstore Advance
Organization Supplies Inventory.... 377.52
Literature Inventory 2,613.04
Accounts Receivable.
May Day Buttons (1924) I 57.93
Organization Supplies 764.57
Propaganda Leaflets 1,568.26
Literature ■■■•• 5,983.15
Weekly Worker Bundle a|c 1,833.09
TOTAL A|C RECEIVABLE $ 10,207.00
Less Reserve for Bad Debts and
Uncollectable Accounts $ 5,103.50
Total Assets.
Deficit 1923 .— - * J'Sl?'!}
Literature Department Loss. 5,742.41
Executive Department Profit $ 8,858.61
Deficit 1924 .V....
TOTAL • ■
OFFICE.
December
55
$ 800.00
$ 600.00
1,355.50
77.31
? 138.97
146.34
884.89
? 2,990.56
$ 5,103.50
$ 12,097.07
$ 63.64
| 11,962.12
$ 24,122.83
WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE
Statement of ^Assets and Liabilities from Period Beginning December
1st, 1923, to December 31st, 1924 (18 months).
LIABILITIES,
Cash (overdrawn) * 9KCk 0Q
Account Payable JIZZZ' U«5
Loss on Liberator (partial) 7 638 19
Paterson Strike Funds Payable " 150 95
Loans Payable (General) !!!!!!!!!.!! 620 00
Literature Loans Payable.., q9s'a7
Loans A. B. C :~ 206*06
International Red Aid Funds Payable 287 53
Lenin Library Subscriptions Payable 67*00
Language Section Dues Refunds Payable to
Wages Un^d" ^JJJJJ
TOTAL LIABILITIES — % MU2M
frT?7 E ^ NT T LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
Profit and Loss Stat ement fop Bmlm% ^ ^ Decem ™ Y "
1923, to June 1st, 1925 (V/ z years).
TITLE OF ACCOUNT DEBITS CREDITS
Unclaimed Accounts Payable $ -. koi ™
Advertising Sold ...... * *Wmli
Books soid :;:;::::;::*■* fill
Bundle Order Cash Sales 5,957.59
nffl a , " " 6,076.85
Office Sale 2 60
Contribution and Donations. !!Z!!!!! 695 11
Singles Cash Receipts !!1!!!!...!!. 29 30
Subscription Cash Receipts !!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 519 92
Subscription Transfer "Canadian Worker""".!!! 1^0
"Labor Herald" 2.40
"Pearsons" 59
"Young Worker" 5.65
"Weekly Worker" 12102
Suspense a|c ,. mm< 12 ' 34
Advertising Bought * . 1 ., ft .
Bank Charges ? "J'JJ
Books Purchased „ **
Bundle Order Returns , Z 7 L'
Check Exchange ' 7 ' 00 ?^
Contributions Expense Q ~l': n
Deposits a|c ,...!Z!!!!Z!!! Jo
Furniture, Fixtures and Machinery.!.!.,". 1(; ;i
General Office Expense " i^ i*
Mailing Expense " * JJJ'JJ
Manufacturing Expense Q „, **
omce p »*« •- ■ —~. mil
56
Protested Checks
Rent - ■•••
Sales Promotion Expense
Subscription Transfer "Daily Worker"
"Dial"
"L. Monthly"
"Nation"
"g. R. Pictorial".
Stationery and Supplies. ....
Telephone and Telegraph -
Wages "Administration" -
u "Advertising"
"Editorial"
71.83
317.00
192.03
2.50
4.00
7.25
7.50
3.17
231.50
37.06
1,993.70
648.55
2,016.00
TOTALS ■ $ 19,957.64 % 24,722.23
Advanced" by W. P % 8,964.09 4,764.59
Credits as above 24,722.23 $ 24,722,23 % 24,722.23
Debits as above 19,957.64 —
NET DEFICIT DURING ABOVE
PERIOD % 4,764.49
$ 4,199.50 (SURPLUS)
STATEMENT "B ,f LIBERATOR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
Statement of Assets and Liabilities as of June 1st, 1925.
ASSETS.
Account Receivable "Bundles" % 3,616.42
"Advertising" 1,487.10
% 5,103.52
Less Reserve for Uncollectable Balances 1,500.00
TOTAL ASSETS * 3,603.52
LIABILITIES.
Accounts Payable - •
Capital Stock ■
Preferred Stock .
900.00
43,398.90
TOTAL ASSETS $ 3,603,52
TOTAL LIABILITIES ■•■• $ 46,46.*..) 1
OLD DEFICIT $ 47,065.49 NET DEF. $ 42,865.99
Less Surplus (See "A") 4,199.50
TOTALS
? 46,469.51 % 46,46!). r>l
57
FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE WORKERS PARTY
OF AMERICA.
January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925.
EXPENDITURES.
C. E. C. Meetings and Political Conferences.
C. E. C. May Conference , # $ 1,417.93
C. E, C. Meeting Expense Z! 15900
Membership Meeting Expense ZZ 129 00
Farmer Labor Party Expense , " 323 08
Executive Department Travel Expense ZZ..! 1,135*87
Political Committee Expense " 1,*428.*90
— $ 4,593.78
Political Campaigns and Organization.
Negro Work , ? 2j9S7 8?
bhop Nuclei Reorganization 1 093 50
Agrarian Department Work "ZZ 2*14004
Anti-Imperialist Work " *428 00
Field Organizers Expense ZZ 554.33
Miners Campaign [ 442*50
. • , - ¥ 7,556.24
Administration Expense.
Bank Charges $ n 18
Office Maintenance and Repair.. 61675
Headquarters Rent , IZZ 800^00
Educational Department Expense and Wages.... 2,47703
Executive Department G. O, Expense 283.09
Postage 489.78
Press Service Expense and Wages 786.15
Executive Department Stationery and Supplies 430*75
Te L and Telegraph 1,531.32
Wages 4,019.00
Industrial Department Wages and Expense...... 1,734.46
Supply Department Expense ' 49.95
Forwarding Expense 263.09
Postage 143.50
Sales Promotion 32.43
Stationery and Supplies.,.. 15.95
Telephone and Telegraph.. 132.62
Wages 1,479,00
Literature Department Expense 291.92
Research Department Wages 1,014.67
' — $ 16,602.64
Supplies Purchased.
Supply Department Purchase $ 1 995 21
Tnprecorrs Purchased , " "532.50
$ 2,527.71
58
Donations and Subsidies.
Donations Made ■ $ 1,343.00
Subsidy to District and Bureaus 2,974.75
Voice of Labor Indebtedness Liquidation 337.24
Miscellaneous.
International Delegate Expense $ 2,922.64
Liberator Deficit Paid (from 1922-1925) 8.699.09
National Campaign Expense 2 ' 152 "fl
Federation Dues Refunds Paid to Districts 9,351.10
Junior Stamps Assessments Paid to Y. W. L,.... 729.10
Lyceum Department Speakers Expense. 251.08
$ 4,654.
TOTAL EXPENDITURES
FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE NATIONAL
WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA.
From January 1st, 1925, to June 30th, 1925.
RECEIPTS.
Regular Income.
Dues Stamps Cash Sales $ 23,004.53
Initiation Cash Sales 1,618.60
Liberator Publishing Company Receipts 58.55
Supply Department Cash Receipts 4,399.33
Literature Accounts Collected 4,664.34
Lyceum Department Speakers Receipts 347.66
Special Funds Receipts.
Lenin Memorial Meetings Returns.... $ 987.04
Farmer Labor Campaign Stamps 361.52
$ 7,382.07
Donations and Contributions..., ...»
National Campaign Receipts 1924
1925 Convention Assessment Stamps
Miscellaneous Receipts.
Junior Assessment Stamps. $ 1,032.44
Contribution for Defense
Protested Checks - •«
$ 24,105.68
$ 60,041.04
OFFICE
739.88
6.83
$ 34,093.01
TOTAL RECEIPTS *
TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR PARTY....$ 60,041.04
TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR PARTY 47,288.47
DEFICIT FOR PARTY (6 MONTHS).. $ 12,752.57
59
8,730.63
2,428.68
257.00
$ 1,779.15
$ 47,288.47
WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA, NATIONAL OFFICE.
Statement of Assets and Liabilities from Beginning January 1st, 1925,
to June 30th, 1925 (6 months).
ASSETS,
deposits _$ UM
Furniture and Fixtures 830.25
Loans Receivable 1,264.50
New York Bookstore Capital '884.89
Office Machinery _ 600.00
Petty Cash ..... 5 ' 00
Postage Fund , 63.97
Wages Advanced 30.00
Research Department Petty Cash... ... 25^00
Supply Department Inventory 377.52
LIABILITIES.
Accounts Payable ; 1 2 ,130 20
n " , (unclaimed) 765 .76
Cash Overdrawn 254 55
Loans Payable ZZZZZ. 3,795^00
Wages Unpaid 2 6 20 25
Federations Dues Refund Payable to Districts 2,994*12
Lenin Library Subscription ' 2 2 00
Literature Loans Payable 921 12
Loan A. B. C ZZZZZZ 2 06.u6
_ a $ 4,137.13 $ 22,709.06
Deficit June 30th, 1925 18,571.93
TOTALS $ 22,709.06 $ 22,709.06
NATIONAL DEFENSE COMMITTEE OF THE WORKERS
PARTY OF AMERICA.
Financial Statement from January 1st, 1924, to June 30th, 1925
(18 months).
RECEIPTS.
Defense Stamps Cash Receipts... $ 10,032.33
International Workers Aid ' 15.00
Donations Income 84 51
TOTAL RECEIPTS FOR 1% YEARS... ? 10,131.84
EXPENDITURES.
Bank Charges _$ 64 10
Paid to Labor Defense Council 3 250 00
Family Relief , 2;415!oo
Legal Expense ._, 2 617 91
Donations for Defense...... l!l75.'oO
60
Lost— Bail Bonds Repaid - 400.00
Pittsburgh Defense .-- 1,070.00
Shumovich Bond •• 36 * 58
Premium on Bail Bonds 40.00
Protested Checks • 12 - 00
Prisoners Relief » 162.05
TOTAL EXPENDITURES FOR 1% YEARS... .$ 11,242.64
STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILITIES.
Cash on Hand ? 201.56
Bramson a c 100.00
E. Owens a|c - 62 - 20
TOTAL NET WORTH NAT'L DEF. COM $ 363.76
CASH RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES
from November 30th, 1923, to June 30th, 1925.
By Months.
Receipts Expenditures
December, 1923 - - ...-.* 13,168.51 $ 13,304.84
January, 1924 ■ 13,557.00 13,443.32
February - 10,720.44 10,616.10
Mar ch ■ ^ • 11,418.90 12,241.10
April 12,055.94 11,064,21
Mav " 11,171.80 10,914.21
June 13,524.02 13,452.84
Julv 10,840.77 12,358.67
Au L s *t "ZZZZ.\ - i 11,051.15 9,789.28
September ".. - 1U04.88 11.286.45
October 17,510.45 15,371.37
November ■ ■■ 11,260.66 12,708.91
December ■ ■■ 8,360.17 8,452.67
January, 1925 ■ 8-750.21 8,402.77
February • • ^,443.51 ^,731.52
March • 6,438.25 6,534.27
fZT 11,190.91 11,242.46
M a V '" -. 11,869.37 11,462.55
June ZZZZZZZ. • ■ 9,399.86 9,713.81
TOTAL * ■ — $212,836.80 $213,091.35
Receipts for 19 months ..$212,836.80
Expenditures for 19 months .» $213,091.35
Balance Cash Overdrawn $ 254.55
$213,091.35 $213,091.35
61
^w
CHAPTER III.
RESOLUTION OF THE MAJORITY ON THE REPORT
OF THE C. E. C.
AUDIT.
., The Central Executive Committee appointed Comrades Martin
Abern and George Maurer to audit the books of the National Office.
the Na^TS^ ** "** *'""** M f ° n ° WS in the b °° ks ° f
For period ending June 30th, 1924, on page 24 of Cash Book
No. 2 and for period ending June 30, 1925, on page 125 of Cash Book
JNo. 2i.
Al Schaap,
Bookkeeping Department.
62
1. We endorse fully and wholeheartedly all the decisions of the
last plenum of the Comintern and also the decisions of the C. I. on
the American question (the Labor Party and the general policies of
the Party) and we pledge our energetic support to carry these
decisions into effect.
2. We endorse fully the decisions of the Parity Commission.
We particularly join the Comintern and the Parity Commission in
the demand that the coming Party Convention shall completely
liquidate the factionalism which is now undermining our Party and
preventing its growth and proper functioning. 1
3. The unification of the Communist forces in our Party is an
a.bsolute necessity for its future growth. We take cognizance of
the fact that the majority has worked consistently for unity in the
Party making all kinds of concessions to the minority. We are
firmly convinced that by supporting the present Central Executive
Committee we shall succeed in completely unifying our ranks for a
successful struggle against capitalism.
4. We also endorse fully and pledge our most active support to
the Comintern and Parity Commission decisions providing for the
liquidation of Loreism in our Party. We demand that the Party be
united in an uncompromising struggle against this dangerous right
wing tendency. We pledge our fullest support to the whole Com-
intern program of Bolshevizing our Party, including a militant fight
against the right wing, the reorganization of the Party on the basis
of shop nuclei, and the raising of the theoretical level of our
membership.
41/,. We express our emphatic opposition to the resolution of
the Finnish branch cf Superior, Wisconsin. We endorse fully the
statements of the Central Executive Committee and of the Finnish
Bureau dealing with the Superior resolution as a manifestation of
dangerous anti-Party and Loreistic tendencies and pledge our full
support to the Party in carrying on the struggle against these
tendencies.
5. The Bolshevization theses adopted by the last Plenum of the
Comintern points out for the American Party the following three
specific immediate tasks:
63
3e
(a) The abolition of the present federation form of organ-
ization and the fusion of all language groups into a]
really centralized and unified Bolshevik Party built onj
the basis of shop nuclei and international branches,
(b) More energetic activities in the trade unions and better
organization of Communist fractions in them.
(c) Closer attention to the everyday needs and struggles of
the workers and an intensive application of the tactics
of the united front.
6. We are in complete agreement with the above instructions
of the Comintern and will do all in our power to assist the Party in
the carrying out of these policies.
7. We fully support the labor party policy as laid down by the
Comintern decision on the American question. We pledge ourselves
to support an energetic campaign for the formation of a mass labor
party based upon solid trade union support.
8. We endorse the activities of the present Central Executive
Committee and express our confidence in the majority of the C. E. C,
to lead the Party in accord with the spirit and principles of Len-
inism.
9. The present majority of the Party is organically connected
with the mass movements of the working class. The majority has
a clear and correct understanding of Communist work in the trade
unions, which the Comintern has repeatedly pointed out to be among
our most important and vital tasks.
10. During the past eighteen months the Party, under the leader-
ship of the C. E. C. f succeeded in overcoming many difficulties and
critical situations that were confronting the Party. We mention
only a few of these:
a) The Party has broken the isolation that resulted out of the
last swing of the LaFollette movement, and the consequent setback
of the labor party movement. Beginning with the last presidential
campaign, when our Party took for the first time the parliamentary field
on a national scale, the Party is continually overcoming its isolation
and is driving ahead for wider political struggles.
b) The Party is now moving decisively and clearly towards
great campaigns in the class struggle generally, in the trade unions
and on the parliamentary field.
c) The T. XL E. L. is developing strength and has led many effec-
tive fights of the left wing against the bureaucracy in the trade
unions as for example, the last election in the U. M. W. A., the fight
for the reinstatement of Alex Howat and the other Kansas miners,
the fight against the Lewis-Farrington machine in Illinois, the
support of the Nova Scotia miners, the splendid showings made in
the elections of the Machinists and Carpenters' Unions, the present
great struggle of 35,000 members of the New York Ladies' Garment
Workers local unions against the reactionary Sigman machine.
64
d) Despite the bitter factional fight in the Party lasting nine-
leen months, which was aggravated by the impermissable tactics of
the minority that at times threatened the unity of the Party, the
Party under the leadership of the C. E. C. continued to make steady
progress. Communist influence in the unions is growing despite all
Persecutions by the reactionary bureaucracy. The Party press is
extended and strengthened. The political maturity of our member-
ship and its Bolshevik quality is continually improving. The Party
Is getting ready for its great reorganization campaign on the basis
of shop nuclei and for complete centralization of the Party apparatus.
11. During the past eighteen months, the party under the leader-
ship of the Central Executive Committee, has carried thru several
Important united front political campaigns. Chief among them are
the following:
a) The campaign against the Russian menshevik and the Second
International on the occasion of the arrival in the United States of
R. Abramovitch. In this campaign the Party was successful in defeat-
ing the immediate designs of the Russian menshevik in America, and
also to bring before the American worker the role of the Communist
international and the movement for World Trade Union Unity ini-
tiated by the R. I. L. XL and the British trade unions.
b) The campaigns against the attempt of the White Terror in
Poland to murder the leader of the Polish workers and poor peasants,
rnmrade Lanzutsky.
c) The campaign against Child Labor which secured the active
Hnpport of many trade unions and contributed greatly towards pro-
moting the movement of the American workers for independent
political action.
d) The campaign against wage cuts.This campaign was di-
rected towards promoting a strike movement against wage cuts, to
accelerate the movement for amalgamation and to educate the work-
ers to the necessity of political struggle as a class against the
capitalists.
12. The decision of the Comintern on the Labor Party contro-
versy settles the differences of opinion in our Party on that very
important question. It gives our Party a clear policy of work and
struggle for a Labor Party based upon the mass support of the
trade unions. The mistake of temporarily abandoning the slogan
pointed out by the Comintern has been corrected by the Central
Executive Committee, which has already outlined a program and laid
the basis for a new campaign for a Labor Party.
13, We support fully the insistence of the C. I. that on pre-
mature organizational steps shall be taken in the Labor Party cam-
paign, that a Party formed only by the Workers Party and its close
sympathizers in close sympathizers' organizations is not a Labor
party and that we must guard against the splitting off of the left
wing from the Labor Party to transform it into a mass Communist
65
Party, but on the contrary we must let the left wing grow within the
broad movement and strive to win the masses for the revolutionary
class struggle. We accept fully the position of the majority, approved
by the Comintern, that we must fight for a Labor Party based upon
the mass support of the trade unions.
14. We express full confidence in the leadership of the present
Central Executive Committee. We are firmly convinced that only 1
by giving the leadership of the Party to the present majority will the j
Party be able to make the best progress towards becoming a mass
Communist Party on the basis of Leninism and under the leadership
of the Comintern.
RESOLUTION OF THE MINORITY ON THE REPORT
OF THE C. E. C.
The National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of
America, having considered the work of our Party during the past
year and a half, established the following facts:
1. The Majority of the C. E. C. did not take a stand against
Loreism in our Party until after the second decision of the Com-
munist International pointing out the dangers of Loreism in our
Party, altho this issue was raised in a sharp form by the attitude
of Comrade Lore on Trotskyism and his writings on the Communist
International. During the period up to the last decision of the Com-
munist International, the C. E. C. maintained close relations with
Comrade Lore on the C. E. C, working in close co-operation with him,
and a/lso maintained a close alliance with the Loreites on the New
York District Executive Committee. During the period from the
time of the election of the present C. E. C. up to the last decision of
the Communist International, the C. E. C. also appeared as the
defender of the Lore tendencies against the efforts of the minority
of the C. E. C. to expose its true character and to carry on a cam-
paign against this tendency in our Party.
2. The hesitancy and vascillation which the C. E. C. majority
showed on the question of Trotskyism was an expression of its rela-
tion with the chief defender of Trotskyism, Comrade Lore. Comrade
Lore telegraphed the Volkszeitung that "the Trotskyites have won
the party" after the last convention. The C. E. C. majority refused
to adopt the motions of the minority of the C. E. C. to indorse the
Bolshevik old guard in the Russian Communist Party at the March,
1924, meeting of the C. E. C. and voted down other measures for
putting our party on record against Trotskyism. It was only after
the convention of the Russian Communist Party which took definite
action against Trotskyism and after the return of Comrade Poster
from Moscow, in June, 1924, that the C. E. C. indorsed the old Bol-
shevik guard in its fight against Trotskyism.
3. The National Convention finds in the resolutions of the
Superior Finnish Branch and in the article by Comrade Askeli in
relation to these resolutions, an expression of the social-democratic
Loreist tendency in our Party. This is manifested in the emphasis
66
of purely organization questions and the persistence of a non-Com-
munist attitude on these questions and in the skeptical attitude to-
ward Communist maneuvering and the participation of the Party in
the actual struggles of the workers. This non-Communist attitude
also expresses itself in opposition to the decisions of the Communist
International in relation to the situation in our Party. The conven-
tion declares that no Communist can take the position expressed
hy the Superior branch and that the Party must carry on a resolute
Mt niggle to eliminate this tendency as well as the other Loreist ten-
dencies which manifested themselves in the past.
4. The C. E. C. majority did not sufficiently understand the nec-
essity of making our work in the Trade Unions the means of winning
the organized workers ideologically for the revolutionary struggle
against capitalism which was emphasized by the C. E. C. minority,
our Trade Union work has in practice over-emphasized the organ-
ization struggle (election of officers and the securing of organizational
control) to the neglect of Communist issues to win the workers ideo-
logically and to draw them into a political struggle against the capi-
talist government. As has been established in the Parity Commission
resolution on the liquidation of Loreism this is an expression of
Loreism which says:
"Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the Trade
Union Field and in other working class non-partisan organiza-
tions. These deviations take the form of struggle for office for
the sake of the office to the total neglect of our main task, which
is to win the working masses of these organizations for the
revolutionary class struggle and for the leadership of the Com-
munist Party."
While this tendency was particularly strong in the Needle Trades,
where a definite Loreite group was in control of the work, the same
tendency manifested itself in our Trade Union work in other fields.
IJecause the C. E. C. majority itself suffered from this tendency, it
did not take the necessary energetic action to fight it in the Needle
Trades. It did not accept the offer of the minority for united action
against this tendency. The party must conduct a united fight against
this tendency.
5. The C. E. C. majority has ignored the independent unions in
the Trade Union work. This was corrected by the decision of the
Profintern in 1924, but the decision of the Profintern has not^ been
carried out. The failure to take actual steps for the organization of
the unorganized has been another neglect of the Trade Union work
of the Party. The oj^anization of the unorganized is of vital im-
portance in influencing the revolutionizing of the organized labor
movement in this country and the Party must take up this work
energetically.
6. The Trade Union Educational League was reduced to an or-
ganization that was merely a party fraction during the past year in
l»lace of being a broad organization of the left wing in the Trade
67
Union movement. The C. E. C. was not sufficiently energetic in re.
sisting this tendency and did not develop the policies and measures
to make the T. XL E. L. a real organized expression of the Left Wing,
but on the contrary, adopted proposals which increased the tendency
toward our isolation in the Trade Unions.
7. The majority of the C. E. C. made a fundamental error in
policy in abandoning the Labor Party policy in October, 1924, The
C. E. C. majority did not see that the Labor Party policy was the
means of breaking the bonds which tie the backward masses to their
exploiters politically and of developing the class consciousness of
the masses. While the minority of the C. E. C. formulated the Labor
Party policies "somewhat too narrowly" in its last thesis, the minor-
ity of the C. E. C. took the correct stand in resisting the abandon
ment of the policy necessary for the development of the class con
sciousness of the American Workers and the building of a mass
Communist Party in the United States.
8. The abandonment of the Labor Party policy, together with
the attitude of the majority of the C. E. C. on the question of work
among women and on non-party organizations, indicated a sectarian
tendency. The national convention establishes that the minority of
the C. E. C. was right in resisting this sectarian tendency. The C.
E. C. majority must assume the responsibility for the struggle within
the party which grew out of its incorrect policy. The C. E. C. ma-
jority must assume responsibility for the fact that the party did not
maintain the steady progress which the party was making prior to
the last convention. At the end of 1923 our party was making prog-
ress both in strengthening itself organizationally and in widening
its influence among the masses. This progress continued under the
impetus of the previously established policies during the first six
months of 1924. Since that time the party has halted and even gone
backwards. At the end of 1923 we had an average of 16,000 mem-
bers for the previous six months, during the first six months of 1924,
this rose to 17,000 ; As a result of the fundamentally wrong policies
of the C. E. C., this year the average membership was again reduced
to 16,000. After a year and a half of the leadership of the present
C. E. C. majority, the party stands where it was at the end of 1923
and as compared with the first six months of 1924, we have lost a
thousand members.
9. Altho the C. E. C. majority proposed united campaigns on
special issues as a substitute for the United Front Labor Party cam-
paign, these campaigns consisted of issuing manifestos without any
effort for organization support thru the creation of united front
bodies. No real campaign was developed. The C. E. C. contented
itself with the issuance of a propanganda manifesto. This was true
of the child labor campaign, the campaign against the C. P. P. A., etc.
There was innate in this misapplication of the united front tactic
the same sectarian tendency shown above.
10. The reorganization of the Party and the establishment of
shop nuclei and international branches is one of the major immediate
68
I
tasks. This reorganization and the creation of the shop nucleus as
ill.- basic unit of the Party will wield powerful influence in the elimin-
H l ion of all social democratic and anti-Communist tendencies from
the Party and the incoming C. E. C. must exert all its energies to
carry thru this reorganization at the earliest moment. The work of
liuilding shop nuclei has not been carried on with sufficient energy
during the period since the campaign was initiated in December as is
Mown by the fact that only some 60 shop nuclei have been organized
une that time. This hesitancy in carrying on reorganization can
im longer be tolerated.
11. The National Convention endorses the decision of the Com-
munist International on the American question. It endorses the de-
I Ision, and resolutions of the Parity Commission, particularly the
present tasks of the Party on Trade Union work, on the liquidation of
Loreism and the Bolshevization of the Workers (Communist) Party.
12. These resolutions furnish the basis for the development of
our Party policy on true Communist lines and as a foundation for
harmonious work in the Party. The minority accepted them as
luch but in the elections in the Party branches and city conventions
Lhe Majority created conditions which militated against such harmo-
nious work. The majority succeeded in getting a majority of this
convention thru methods which cannot be tolerated in a Communist
Party. These methods were particularly apparent in the Cleveland,
Philadelphia and New York Districts. The majority found its greatest
nlrength in the support of the extreme right wing of our Party with-
out which it could not have gained the majority in the convention.
The minority made its protest against the impermissable methods
Used in the elections before the convention and offered to enter into
negotiations for liquidation of this new obstacle to harmonious work
in the Party. This protest was particularly against the attempt to
rliminate the D. E. C. which the minority had elected in the Cleve-
land, Philadelphia and New York districts and substitute for them
eommittees with a majority composed of supporters of the majority
|roup in two instances and in Philadelphia of a committee of equal
proportions. This contest lead to a crisis in the convention.
On the basis of negotiations being taken up for the settlement
of the disputed questions, the minority returned to the convention
ind stated categorically that under no circumstances would it split
the Party. It urged, however, the necessity of a settlement of the
Cleveland, Philadelphia and New York questions before a basis of
common work could be found. This final effort of the minority to
create conditions in the Party which would soften and ultimately
load to a liquidation of the factional fight was not accepted by the
majority altho the conditions offered by the minority, that is, equal
representation on the district executive committees in Cleveland,
Philadelphia and New York could well have been accepted by the
majority group.
The only inference that the minority can draw from the refusal
of the majority to consider seriously these efforts to create better
f>9
conditions in the Party is that the policy of the majority group ,
that of persecution and extermination of the minority. It could onl)
draw the conclusion from these actions that the majority which main
tains its present relationship with the right wing of the Party withot
which it could not he a majority in the Party and that its policies ari
those of struggle against the left wing represented by the minoriti
group.
The actions of the majority in the convention can only lead to
new and more bitter struggle between it as the leader of the righa
wing of the Party and the minority, the left wing, which has shown
that it is able to formulate and follow a true Communist policy and
lead the fight for really Bolshevizing our Party. It leaves to the
minority no other course than to continue the struggle against per-
secution and extermination and to keep the Party on the line of the
Communist International.
resolutfon. )"^ reSOlUtion ado » te d by a vote of 40 and 21 for the minority
MAJORITY RESOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECU-
TIVE OF THE C. I. AND ITS DECISION ON
THE AMERICAN QUESTION.
ir«7?- e con 7. e ° tion endorses fully all decisions of the Enlarged]
executive which lay down a correct Leninist policy for the varioua
sections of the Comintern. various
The convention considers, in line with the decision of the En-
larged Executive, that the Bolshevization of our Party is our central
important task. We have fully determined to develop our policies
tactics, and forms of organization in such a manner as to transform f
our Party into a real Leninist Bolshevik Party
Loret 1 m ng t S n de p Wi t tl1 a ^ ermined and relentless struggle against)
„t 7*1 Sm : til . e Party must immediately prepare for its reorganization
llL S ( , S ° P DUClel and intern ational branches, and for the
complete centralization of the Party apparatus
nr, ™e convention is in 'ull agreement with the Enlarged Executive'
on the dangers facmg the C. I. from its right wing. The right wing I
O^oTnZ r ^ res T Gnted h * Brandlerism in Germany, BubnTkism in
Czecho-Slovakia Loreism in the United States, tendencies which are
concentrating their forces around the right wing deviations of Trotz- '
kyism, are exceedingly dangerous to the growth and Bolshevization
of the various sections of the C. I. The Bolshevization of the C I
demands a relentless struggle against this right wing which means '
for our American Party the complete liquidation of LoreTsm I
The convention accepts and endorses the decision of the Enlarged ,
fh?St V l° n ?k ^ merican Question. The convention takes note of
the mistakes of both groups in the Party on the Labor Party question
as pointed out in the decision of the Comintern. The convention™
in full agreement with the decision of the C. I. which calls for an
intensive campaign for a Labor Party based upon the mass support
of the trade unions,, and which corrects the errors of the August
thesis, such as the theory of competing Labor Parties, the Labor
70
i ,nv consisting only of the Workers Party and its close circle of
unpathizers, the splitting off of the left wing from the broad Labor
Mrty movement for the purpose of transforming it into a mass
nminist Party, etc. .
The convention pledges complete and loyal support to the rteci-
llons of the Enlarged Executive, to its struggle against the right
Wing, and for the Bolshevization of the Parties of the Communist
International.
KLSOLUTION ON THE ENLARGED EXECUTIVE SES-
SION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL
PROPOSED TO THE FOURTH NATIONAL
CONVENTION OF THE WORKERS
PARTY, BY JAY LOVESTONE,
IN BEHALF OF THE MI-
NORITY GROUP.
The Fourth National Convention of the Workers (Communist)
party considers the sessions of the Enlarged Executive as marking
Hiany steps towards the stabilization of the various sections of the
Communist International.
Our convention fully appreciates the significance of the present
world situation in which there is no immediate revolutionary situa-
ihm. But we categorically reject the position taken by the Social
Democrats and the right wing in the Communist International (Radek-
iirandler-Kreibich) and personified in the United States by Lore,
that the epoch of revolution is at an end.
In full agreement with the analysis of the world situation made
by the Enlarged Executive, we declare that now especially is it neces-
niiry to fight most energetically against the bourgeoisie and their
uncial democratic lackeys for the proletarian revolution.
The correctness of the Leninist analysis oif imperialism, adopted
by the Enlarged Executive and the wrong and counter-revolutionary
Hews of the social democrats and their camouflaged supporters in the
right wing of the Communist International has been very well shown
by the recent events in China, Morocco, Asia Minor, the growing
power of the Soviet Union and the critical industrial situation in
Kngland.
In this period there tend to develop dangers, of sectarianism and
Opportunism, to the Comintern. Thru its decision on the Czechisch
Question, on Trotskyism, on Trade Union Unity, on the colonial and
agrarian question, on Brandlerism and on the American Labor Party
and Lore questions, the Enlarged Executive has struck effective
blows against sectarianism and opportunism.
The Enlarged Executive rendered especially great service to the
Workers (Communist) Party in sharply criticising and correcting
the sectarianism and opportunism manifested in certain sections of
Our Party in the anti-Labor Party tendency and in the refusal of the
C. E. C. majority to wage an aggressive ideological and organizational
campaign against Loreism.
71
ization n '™ t ?■ Cl06S n0t m6an mech ani Z ation, but eon,,,,
za ion of our activities in the light of the experiences of the prnli
tanan revolution of Russia and the Russian Communist Party
For the American Section of the Communist International ,J
Workers Communist Party, Bolshevization concretely means the ,,!,
1. Our Party is very weak in theory. We must resolutely work
to overcome the prejudices existing amongst many of our comrade! '
against theory and stress the importance of theory and the tmth 3
SET? 8 i eQ ' m ' S deClaration that "Without a revolutt nary Sieoryl
there can be no revolutionary practice." meorya
2. We must overcome the erroneous attitude in our ranks to-
wards the relation df the Party to the masses, properly catled the
theory of mass spontaneity, manifested in the attitude of the C EC
majority towards the Labor Party campaign. I
3 A more effective utilization for revolutionary purposes of the
immediate partial demands in order to secure a genE rapprlhe
ment of the Party with the masses. pp 9
4. To intensify our trade union activities and to utilize mora
extensive y and effectively the trade union work for .SaSiS
the Party's political contact with the masses and help ng us Stab, isS
our political leadership of the American working class establls &
in L T ? intensify our activities on the agrarian and colonial fields
m order to secure the necessary allies of the working Sas for 3
successful proletarian revolution. for *]
shoD^nnlfj n C T Plete , reor S aniza «™ of the Party on the basis of
of Ll^l m r ely aS an or S anIza t»nal change but as a means '
J n !hS g t 6Very ° P nUCl6US a livins poIitical unit ot our Party and
an absolute prerequisite to the Bolshevization of our Party
**»!'** Ca ? y ° n a vigorous ideological and organizational struggle
ashore anTi™ * <"" ™^ ^^^ by SUch opportunist
re S olu«on e )° f "" convent, ° n = 40 for the majority and 21 for the minor! t]
MOTION OF THE MAJORITY ON "AUGUST" THESIS.
In view of the fact that the theories about the Labor Party that
were expounded in the thesis of August 1923, have been widefy '
aSri Li ."TV 11 , 6 Party aDd Mve never been offlcial * «* ■PeclSi
Slnrtp? n /tn A° y ° Ur Party ' tWs conventl ™ declares that the
theories of the August thesis, the theory of competing labor parties,
he theory of a Communist Labor Party, the theory of splitting off
the left wing and the transformation of the labor party into a mass
Communist Party-all of these theories are declared to be contrary o
the decision of the Comintern.
AMENDMENT BY RUTHENBERG TO MOTION REGARDING
AUGUST THESIS.
In view of the fact that th e Third National Convention of the
Party adopted unanimously a resolution "That the November thesis
Adopted by that convention, superseded all previous theses on the
l.nbor Party question" the question of the August thesis is no longer
mi issue in our Party.
(For Ruthenberg's amendment 21. Against 40,)
THE PRESENT SITUATION AND IMMEDIATE
TASKS OF THE PARTY.
I. The World Situation.
Despite the assertions <oif the capitalists and their agents in the
hibor movement (the leaders of the Second International and the
right wing of the Amsterdam International) that capitalism has
imerged from its critical stage and has succeeded in stabilizing itself,
the world situation continues to remain revolutionary. This imposes
upon the Communist parties of the world the duty of educating and
Organizing the working class for a struggle for power and for the
Mtablishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The capitalists
have been seeking for some means of avoiding the consequences of
the inner contradictions of capitalism which threatens its destruction.
The world war was a logical climax of these contradictions. The
ind of the, war left capitalism economically weakened, yet with all
the contradictions and conflicting interests apparent in sharpened
form, threatening a new catastrophe and complete breakdown of the
«;i|)italist system.
The analysis of the world situation given by the last plenum
Of the E. C. C. I. has proven to be absolutely correct. The so-called
Itabilization of capitalism is in reality very temporary, partial, and
relative in its nature. World production in the capitalist countries
Of Europe during the first half of 1925 is still below the pre-war
level and is continuing on a down grade. At the same time the
political struggles in capitalist Europe are continually growing in
intensity. New political crises are appearing almost daily. White
terror in Bulgaria, the election of Hindenburg, the change of govern-
ment in France, etc. etc. are merely the result of the continuing
instability of capitalism and the sharpening of the class struggle.
2. History proves, however, with increasing certainty, that the
problems of capitalism in the imperialist era cannot be solved by
the capitalists. The temporary adjustment of the conflict over Ger-
man reparations thru the Dawes plan and the temporary and partial
Itabilization of the capitalist economic order in Europe had no sooner
' been accomplished than the imperialist conflict broke out in a new
form in the struggle of the suppressed peoples of Morocco and China
to free themselves from the exploitation and political domination of
the great imperialist powers.
3. The war in Morocco and the struggle in China emphasize the
Instability of the capitalist social order. They are the outcome of
conflicting interests which characterize the imperialist era of capital-
ism. The people ox Morocco and China are fighting against imperia-
list exploitation, without which capitalism cannot exist in the present
Period of its development. Capitalism must have investment oppor-
73 .
tumties which exist in the spheres of influence of undeveloped cod
tries and it must have the raw materials of these countries TM
struggle for these betVeen the imperialist powers and the strugd
against exploitation and oppression by the suppressed peoples
these countries are the sparks which light the powdered magazine
capitalism, resulting in the explosion which brings the destruction of
millions of lives and billions of wealth as in the world war, and trJ
consequent reduction in production and the standard of life of tin.
wiorkers.
4. The present world situation o'f capitalism again proves tha.
the only force which can avert the menace of new wars is the working
class. It is only thru a victorious revolutionary struggle against til
imperialist capitalist governments that th e working class can escape
from the suffering which the imperialist era of capitalism brinirM
upon it.
5. In contrast to this situation in the capitalist world, standi
the Soviet Union. In spite of all the attacks of international capital
ism made in an effort to destroy the Soviet government and prevent
the creation of a new social order, the creation of that new social
order goes forward step by step. Already Soviet Russia has been,
able to raise the standard of life of its workers higher than in 1914J
while the balance of Europe — capitalist Europe — has reduced th«
standard of life to its workers. The Soviet Union has thus become-
increasingly an inspiration to the workers of the capitalist countries!
to enter the struggle to win their freedom from capitalist exploitation
and oppression.
II.
The Present Economic Situation in the United States.
The present economic situation in the United States is marked
by the following characteristic. The increasing export of capital!
during 1924 and the beginning of 1925 continues still more deeply toj
involve the United States in every imperialist struggle of todayj
American capital, m its urge towards world domination, is thus be^
coming involved in all the contradictions, crises, and struggles o<
world capitalism. This factor is alsso producing sharp conflicts within
the capitalist class of America on the one hand, such as the struggle
between finance and industrial capital over the question of foreign
investments and the tariff, and is intensifying the struggle between]
the working class and the capitalist class, on the other hand.
2. We are today in a period of diminishing production. The
predicted prosperity from the adoption of the Dawes Plan has notJ
developed in the United States. Production continues haltingly and]
hesitatingly, but on a downward grade. Wages are being steadily]
reduced while the cost of living is rising slowly. The coal industry!
finds itself in a chronically critical situation resulting in thousands
of miners being thrown out of employment. The general instability!
of the wheat market is seriously affecting the buying power of large
sections of farmers, thus further aggravating the economic situation.!
«.. neral unemployment has become a chronic feature of the economic
M nation in the United States.
IN. The Growth ©f Imperialism and Militarism.
1. American imperialism is extending its policy of the political
ind military conquest of its spheres of economic influence. Latin
America is evermore becoming a political and military dependency
l)| I he United States. This sharpens the relations of the Latin-
Unerican countries to the United States and is creating the basis for
i ii i inventions and military aggression by the United States against
the republics of Latin- America. It also creates the basis for anti-
imperialist and at the same time nationalist revolutionary move-
ments among the peasants and workers of South America.
2. The export of capital from America into Europe, thru the
operation of the Dawes Plan and otherwise, has created new contra-
dictions and conflicts. American imperialism in Europe is reaching
I stage when political and military interference in the affairs of
Burope is becoming the order of the day. Hence, the tremendous
nowth of militaristic propaganda and preparations in the United
: Mates.
3. American imperialism is also heavily increasing its export
Of capital to China and the whole Far East. America is winning a
I inner hold on the great Far Eastern market. The increasing interest
Of American imperialism in the Far East is shown by the recent
llgantic American naval maneuvers in the Pacific and the visit of
the United States Pacific fleet to Australia. In the present Chinese
orisis the American imperialist government is insisting on the execu-
tion of the Washington conference treaties in order to strengthen
the position of the American capitalists, particularly against the
Japanese and the British interests. In pursuing this imperialist pol-
Icy, the American government is attempting to hide its aggressive
plans against the Chinese people by posing as a friend of China.
In this hypocritical maneuver the American imperialists are trying
bo undermine the growing influence of the Soviet Union in the Far
East and especially in China.
IV.
The Political Situation in the United States.
1. Since the late imperialist war, fundamental and radical
changes have taken place in the economic structure, class composi-
tion, and class relations in the United States. American capitalism
has become a world power. Finance capital with its imperialist pol-
icies is dominating the life of the country. Large sections of the
tenners have been expropriated in the recent agrarian crisis and
Ihrown into the ranks of the proletariat. The tendency toward the
levelling process which took place during the war thru the loss, to
a certain extent, of their privileged position by the aristocracy of
labor and the improvement of the position of the unskilled workers,
the proletarianization of the farmers, the influx of large masses of
75
Negroes into industry, and the great diminution of immigration from
Europe, have made the American working class more homogeneous
thus creating the basis for a sharper and more conscious struggle of
the workers against the capitalists. The increased centralization 1
and power of the American government and the tremendous increase
of the governmental bureaucracy, during and following the late impe
rialist war, as compared with the pre-war period, and its continual
brutal interference in the class struggle in favor of the capitalists 1
and against the workers, is gradually instilling political consciousness
into the minds of the masses and is creating the basis for a great
political mass movement of the workers against the capitalists.
2. The period of jubilation and confidence in the camps of the
capitalists, following the election of Coolidge to the presidency, has
largely evaporated. Instead' of industrial prosperity, the country is
approaching a period of depression. Conflicts and friction within
the capitalist class are again coming to the surface. Witness the
internal struggle in the ranks of the republican and democratic parties
and the revival of dissatisfaction with present conditions among the
farmers and the city petty bourgeoisie.
3. A characteristic indication of the internal conflicts within
the bourgeoisie is the intensifying struggle within the protestant
churches between the so-called fundamentalists and the modernists. J
The Scopes trial is only a more spectacular manifestation of the gen-1
era! political disintegration of the American bourgeoisie.
4. As a result of the changes in the bourgeoisie (centralization
of the government, growth of government apparatus, greater inter- I
vention in strikes) and changes in the working class, a movement I
develops for the formation of a labor party, indicating the growing
political consciousness of the American workers. Even the breaking
away of several millions of workers from the two old capitalist parties
to support the candidacy of LaFollette indicated an advance in the 1
development of the class consciousness of the American workers.
5. In the last election campaign the movement for the formation !
of a labor party was diverted into support of the LaFollette petty
bourgeois progressive movement. The following factors are contri- J
buting toward a new forward swing of this movement. The recent
wage reductions, the stagnant industrial situation, the defeat of
every legislative measure favorable to the working class, the con-
tinual interference of the government on the side of the capitalists
and against the workers in every industrial conflict, and, lastly the
profound disappointment of large masses of workers in the effective-
ness not only of the old political parties, but also of the non-partisan
methods of the trade union bureaucracy and the "progressive" policies
of LaFollettism. The closer we approach the congressional elections
of 1926, the more pronounced will become the political conscious-
ness and activity of the American workers. The prospect of a strike
in the anthracite regions, the resistance of the textile workers to
76
wage cuts, the ferment in the garment industry in resistance to the
Coventor Smith's award, all indicate a stiffening in the resistance
of the working class. These struggles are creating increasingly
u table conditions for this movement.
Independent working class action and the formation of a poll
lical proletarian mass party— a labor party — is becoming more urgent.
V. The Trade Union Movement.
1. The trade union movement of the United States continue!
on the downward grade. It is losing membership. It is weakei
organizationally. And it is generally losing much of its effect iv< is
;is an organ of economic struggle.
2. The reactionary trade union bureaucracy met the open shop
offensive of the capitalists with schemes of class collaboration in
stead of class struggle tactics. This false policy is responible for the
tendency toward degeneration of the trade union movement. An
intensive struggle against the class collaboration schemes, such be-
labor banking, B. & O, plan, arbitration, the abolition of strikes, etc.,
Is the best means of rejuvenating and strengthening the unions.
3. The left wing in the trade unions is growing in number anil
Influence. Such successful struggles of the left wing against the
reactionaries as took place in recent months, in the unions of tie-
miners, machinists, carpenters and needle trades, is sufficient prool
of the growth of the left wing in the trade unions. The tremendous
success of the minority movement in England and the general turn to
the left of the British labor movement, are bound to exert a revolu-
tionary influence upon the labor movement of the United Stat*
VI. The Situation in The Workers Party.
The present situation in the Workers Party of America ral
the following principle problem for solution: The Workers Party
faces serious dangers from its right wing, the non-Communist Lore
tendency, which tends to undermine the Communist basis of the
Party.
Another impediment to the growth of the party and Its becom
ing a real Bolshevik Party is its present social-democratic and Ceder
ation form of organization. The sooner the Party cent 11
apparatus and completely reorganizes on the shop nuclei basis, the
better for its growth and development.
Organized factionalism is a third sore in the body of the Party
It not only demoralizes the membership but actually endangers the
integrity and unity of the Party.
The failure of a large percentage of our proletarian membi
join the trade unions and to actively participate in Communis work
in these organizations is a weakness which must be overcome,
And last, but not least, is the low di ' theoretical know!
edge and training that prevails in our party, together with an Ifl
sufficiently wide political outlook.
77
VII. The Concrete Tasks of The Workers Party.
1. Rolshevize the Party. The specific immediate measures to
bolshevize the Party are the following:
a. Liquidate Loreism. This tendency must be liquidated poli-
tically in the sense that the Party will wage a relentless struggle
against Loreism and all other forms of opportunism. Enforce ab-
solutely loyalty and discipline with regard to its own decisions and
those of the C. I. Eradicate the conception that the W. P is only a
propaganda organ, no federation autonomy, full and complete control
of the Party press by the C. E. C, and no concessions to reformist
prejudices and non-Communist views. Organizationally, the Lore
tendency must be liquidated in the sense that no representative of
the Lore or Poyntz group will be permitted on the next C E C and
that no leading Party organ (committee of editorship) will be led
by followers of the Lore tendency.
b. Liquidate factionalism. No organized factions; that is no
organized groups within the party having a political platform of its
own as distinct from the Party platform and owing allegiance or dis-
cipline to its own organized group as against the Party discipline
All existing groupings shall be immediately dissolved. The next C.
E. C. shall be authorized to impose measures of Party discipline in-
cluding in the most extreme cases, expulsion from the Party 'the
main effort of the Party shall be directed against the most danger-
ous manifestation of such organized factionalism.
c. Reorganize the Party on the shop nuclei basis and centralize
its apparatus and leadership in accord with the organization letter of
the C. I. and the special resolution of the C. E. C. to be submitted
to the convention.
d. Educate the Party and its leadership in the fundamentals of
Marxism and Leninism.
e. Widen the political outlook of the Party. Educate and train
the Party to the understanding that the working class must be the
leader in the struggle against every form of capitalist oppression and
that the Party must take cognizance of and react to every manifesta-
tion of the class struggle no matter how obscure or superficially
remote from the immediate struggle of the workers for better condi-
tion of labor.
The Party Press.
a. The existing daily organs of the Party must be developed
into real mass organs of the American workers.
b. Special measures shall be adopted to insure a completely
publStions Party C ° ntr01 (editoria1 ' ° wne rship, etc.) over all Party
c Special care shall be taken to develop theoretical and scien-
ce publications. All efforts shall be made to speed up the publica-
tion of Lenin's works.
78
Building The Party.
a. The incoming central executive committee shall continue and
intensify a systematic campaign to recruit new members from among
l he workers into the Party.
b. There shall be developed a real organization department to
extend and strengthen the Party organization.
1. The Political Tasks of the Party.
In the United States our Party does not at the present time
face a revolutionary situation. The problem in the United States is
to break the bonds which still tie the working class to its exploiters
and to develop a consciousness of its interests as a class and con-
scious struggle for these interests as a class. Our Party must be the
medium to unify the industrial struggles of the workers and to break
the bonds which hold the workers in the political parties of their
exploiters. The policy of the party in the present situation must
have this main objective— the awakening and the arousing of class
consciousness for relentless class struggle against the capitalist
system.
2. Extend and Intensify the Application of the United Front Tactics.
a. Propagate continually the idea of a united front of labor
against the united front of capital.
b. Take the initiative in organizing united front action from
below on every burning issue in the class struggle.
c Expose the treachery of the Second International and of the
reactionary trade union bureaucrats. Popularize the ideas and prin-
ciples of the Comintern and the Profintern and recruit members into
the Workers Party.
d. Concentrate on the campaign for world trade union unity
and for the recognition of Soviet Russia.
e Work .systematically for a united front of labor on the poli-
tical held with the aid of such slogans as a united labor ticket in
parliamentary elections and a labor party.
3. Trade Union Work.
a To stimulate and support the crystallization of a progressive
opposition bloc in the trade unions against the reactionary bureau-
cracy.
b Build Communist fractions in every union.
c. Participate actively in the work of the T. U. E. L. and build
Communist fractions within it.
4. Campaign for a Labor Party.
a Carry on a systematic campaign in every labor organization
for a labor party. This campaign shall invariably be based upon the
79
ZZSL.ZSLS' """' u,e economlc aM " ,1 " ta " *««*■ -
nt fK b ' A ,.? ent , ral point in this agitational campaign shall be a review
of the political experiences of the American workers with the LaFoh
e ev^wTh V aT e a?m T« ?" ^ ^ m ° Vement "^ ^ TW
(l7 The ho st htv .fT °,T '? the W ° rkerS the foll °™ lesson ^
The total ,„/£5 ° f the °! d DOliUcaI parties t0 th * workers; (2)
o^Gomnirrr, th eneSS / nd bankru P^ <* «»e non-partisan methods
Th S™J? t 6 C t °. nference for Progressive political action; (3)
Uafis TclZZ ft? * ltl0 l 0i ^ Pe " y bour seoisi e between the cap-
ntrestsTotrto ?,?. T S t ClaSS . and the contr adiction of its class
interests both to the class interests of the bourgeoisie as well as to
oeLlT TT* ° f the W ° rkinS ClaSS ' ^ich forces them t rvacn ate
alirncTwirn^T e0,S1,e - and the proletaria t, between a political
alliance with the bourgeoisie or a political alliance with the proleta-
nat This vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie manifested itseF in
he opposition of the LaFollette movement to the old capitalist p£
ties on the one hand and to the labor party movement on the other
th? h«T ^ n ****** the IaSt P resi ^ntial elections, etc; and in
he breakup of the conference for progressive politica action"
the labor party issue; (4) The insincerity and treachery of the
socialist party in the labor movement; (5) Th e role of the Workers
Party as the only consistent flghter and supporter for a labor^rl™
(6) Participate m all non-partisan political bodies having Se
union affiliation and light within them for a labor party; (7) XIUH ze
party S (8) Build" ,TV ^T tlCket " &S a Step ^waiis a labor
party, (8) Build local and state labor parties on the basis of mass
trade union support in accord with the special central execute
committee resolution on the labor party that will be submitted to
pMttirrf tZ ; ,1 9 > ^ f thiS W ° rk SUard against ^ ™£u e
splitting of the left wing from trade union non-partisan committees
having mass support and rank and file representation and the for"
mation of labor parties consisting only of the Workers Party and its
sympathizing organizations. The labor party, whether local, stae
or na lonal, must be a genuine mass organization built upon the
mass trade unions.
5. Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Militarism.
a. Carry on a systematic and active agitation against American
impenahsm particularly in Latin America. Demand the wUMrawa
of American armed forces from foreign lands. "
b. Combat the new militaristic wave and strive to develop a
united front against the rising military caste in the United States
tho new military and naval appropriation, against military tra n ng
in the schools, camps, etc. y dining
c. Carry on an active agitation against the Dawes plan
An:iLp G e i ralis a t Ct L V eagre PPOrt * ** &CtiVitieS ° f ^ " Amerlcan
80
6. International Labor Defense.
a. The Party must continue to participate actively in the work
of the International Labor Defense and assist it to becmm
mass organization of the proletarian class struggle, fighting (or tht
defense of the working class prisoners.
b. Communist fractions shall be organized within the I. L D
h» carry out Party policies to recruit members for the 1'a.rl
7, Work Among Negroes.
a. The Party shall actively support the struggle of the Negro
race against all forms of racial discrimination and for complete
nomic, political and social equality.
b. The party must extend its activities among the Negro workers
and to recruit into its ranks the most conscious elements from them
c. The Party shall continue its active participation in the calling
and building of the American Negro Congress on the basis of the
special resolution on the subject.
d. Communist fractions shall be organized in the American
Negro Labor Congress.
8. Agrarian Work.
a. The coming Party convention shall formulate and adopl an
agrarian program laying down our demnads, line of policy, and form
of organization for the agricultural workers and poor farmers,
b. The central executive committee shall establish a r
agrarian department to be in charge of the party's agrarian work
9. Work Among Women.
a. The coming Party convention shall adopt a special program
Tor work among women.
b. The program shall provide for an intensive campai;
ganize the women in industry and to unify the existing organization!
n\* working class women in a national organization.
c. The central executive committee shall establish a special d(
partment of work among women.
(Adopted unanimously.)
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE LABOR PARTY CAMPAK
General.
1. The Party shall begin immediately an agitation in ;ill Indu
trial centers for the idea of a national labor party and for the form
t.ion of local and, state laJbor parties. This agitation shall In- 01
on in every labor organization with particular concentration upon
local unions. The issue of the labor party shall be raised at all tradi
union conventions, local, -state, and national, and also at the fOftl
coming convention of the A. F. of L.
2. Wherever the issue of the Labor Party is raised, this shall b
done in connection with and on the basis of the present day i
81
of the workers, such as a struggle against wage cuts and unemploy-
ment, for the right to organize in unions, against imperialism, for
the nationalization of the mines and railways, etc. Our campagn for
a labor party shall be carried on along the following general lines:
(a) Formulation of concrete economic demands based upon
immediate burning needs of the masses.
(b) Popularize these demands among the masses and the
labor organizations.
(c) Call upon the rank and file in the shops, unions, and
among the unemployed to address resolutions, petitions,
and to hold mass meetings, demanding that the "labor"
ring of the LaPolIette Progressive combination, the LaFol-
lette group in congress, and the non-partisan political
bodies of the trade unions propose and fight for legisla-
tion along the lines of the demands of the masses. At
the same time we shall create united front organizations
from below to carry on the struggle of the rank and file
for these demands.
(d) By these campaigns unmask the bourgeois nature of the
LaFollette movement and of its labor lieutenants, expose
the futility of the non-partisan political methods of the
trade union bureaucracy and demonstrate the necessity
of forming a Labor Party, a political party of the trade
unions and other labor organizations, independent of and
opposed to all political parties of big and small capital.
3. The practical objective of this agitation in the local unions
of each locality is to prepare the ground for the Labor Party issue in
the central labor councils. The issue should be raised in the form
of a resolution committing the local unions and the central labor
bodies to the organization of a local Labor Party. As a matter of
general policy every effort shall be made to win the central labor
councils over definitely to the labor party idea and to the formation
of local Labor Parties. The central councils shall be made the cen-
tral strategic point in our struggle for the formation of local Labor
Parties. We shall favor the actual organization of local Labor Par-
ties when the volume of support for the project in the local unions
and in the central labor bodies is sufficient to assure the mass char-
acter and the vitality of the organization. But we shall not favor the
organization of "fake" labor parties, that is, labor parties consisting
merely of the Workers Party and its close circle of sympathizing
organizations.
4. As part of this campaign there shall be given wide distribu
tion in the trade unions and among the masses of workers the mani-
festo issued by our Party on the experiences of the campaign for a
lalbor party and the betrayal of the labor party by LaFollette.
5. A resolution sharply formulating the experiences in the labor
party campaign and the betrayal by the LaFollette movement shall
82
he introduced in the trade unions and a campaign for adoption car
rted on,
6 We shall endeavor to draw the Trade Union Educational
league into the labor party campaign in the trade unions. We shall
propose that the T. U. E. L. issue a manifesto initiating a campaign
lor a labor party in every local union, city and state labor body, and
;,t all trade union conventions. The slogan "For a Labor Party" final]
he linked up with all the other immediate issues of the T. U. E. U
7 The Educational Committee of the C. E. C. will prepare ftfl
outline of agitation and propaganda for our labor party campaign,
10 Workers Party members in this campaign shall in their
speeches call attention to the united front program of the Worker!
Party, to its role in the class struggle and the labor movement.
II. Our Relations to Labor Parties.
1. Wherever local or state lahor parties are organized having
substantial trade union support, we shall endeavor to have the em-
responding Workers Party organization affiliate with such a labor
party.
2. We shall carry on a systematic campaign for the upbuilding
of such parties thru securing the affiliation of the trade unions and
other workers' organizations.
3. We shall make such local or state parties a base from which
to carry on a campaign, if local for the organization of a state party,
If state for the organization of a national labor party,
4. We shall strive to draw such local or state laJbor parties Into
the immediate struggles of the workers and particularly into cam
paigns initiated by the Workers Party in securing their endorsement
and cooperation in such campaigns.
5. We shall carry on a systematic campaign of Commuirst aglta
tion and propaganda within the ranks of such lahor parties.
III. Our Attitude Toward Nonpartisan Political Labor Bodies, the
C, P. P. A. and Local Progressive Parties.
1. There are still in existence in many localities various HOI)
partisan political bodies of trade unions. These non-partisan <<>ni
mitte-es and the non-partisan political policy generally will again bt
brought forward by the trade union bureaucracy to counter and check
any development toward independent political action by the work
The policy of the Workers Party toward these non-partisan trads
union committees shall be as follows:
(a) We must fight resolutely against the non-partisan system
in general on principle and fight for class policy ami (01
a labor party.
83
•
(b) We shall endeavor to secure the election of Party mem-
bers or supporters to these conferences and fight there
for class political action and a labor party.
2. Wherever there are in existence state and local progressive
parties or C P. P. A.'s or farmer-labor parties, provided they have
trade union affiliations, it shall be the Party policy to secure the elec-
tion of Party members or supporters as delegates from unions to all
such organizations for the purpose of organizing within them labor
blocs to fight for independent political action of labor thru a labor
party.
3 Should we gain a majority for the formation of a labor party
we shall * J '
(a) If there is sufficient mass support, make these organiza-
tions the basis for the nomination of a labor ticket and
(b) Use them as a basis for the formation of a labor party.
«hu\ Where We remain in a minorit y j n such organizations but
still haye support we shall strive to form a propaganda committee
tor the formation ot a labor party from such minority delegates These
delegates shall, however, remain within the organization. These prop-
aganda committees should be united with the trade union propaganda
committees which may be set up and conduct a common campaign
for the labor party.
5 Where a C P. P. A. and labor party organization exist side
by side we shall follow the same policy of penetrating the C P P A
building up support for the labor party and striving to unite the two
organizations into a broader labor party.
6. Where farmer-labor parties are already organized or are or-
ganized by other groups we shall, as a rule, affiliate with such farmer-
labor parties and work within them. The C. E. C. shall make the
decision for or against affiliation in each such instance.
7. It is our task in the farmer-labor parties to strengthen the
labor wing and establish its leadership with a view of ultimately
organizing the labor elements into a labor party which will form a
bloc with the farmers' organizations.
IV. Local Organizations.
1. The approaching municipal elections in certain localities
should be utilized for an intensified labor party agitation under the
slogan 4 'An Independent Local Labor Party for the Coming Municipal
Elections," and where sufficient mass support develops to put up a
united front labor ticket or form a labor party.
2. This campaign for a local labor party shall in no way weaken
the preparation of the Workers Party to enter the municipal election
campaign under its own name where no labor party had been formed.
3. In cities which have municipal elections this Fall, we shall
immediately begin a campaign in the trade unions thru the introduc-
tion of a resolution which shall:
84
(a) Call attention to the coming municipal elections.
(ib) Emphasize the local use of government power against
the workers, citing concrete experiences such as the use 1
of police strikes, injunctions, etc.
(c) Urge the necessity of independent political action by the
workers and appeal to their pride as a class.
(d) Place the unions or other workers' organizations on rec-
ord as favoring the calling of a conference of represent-
atives of the trade unions and other workers' organiza-
tions to consider the question of entering a labor ticket
in the election campaign and the formation of a labor
party.
The resolution shall not call an actual conference but shall only
place the resolutions adopting it on record in favor of calling such a
conference.
4. In places where mass support for such a conference develops
thru this campaign we shall initiate the calling of a conference for
consideration of the question:
(a) Of placing a labor ticket in the field and
(b) Of forming a local labor party
using the list of organizations which have endorsed the proposal as
sponsors for this conference. The C. E. C. shall decide in each in-
stance whether such conferences shall be called.
5. While we thus use the oncoming elections as a means of form-
ing local labor parties where mass support develops, we must em-
phasize that the labor party is not merely an organization for the
election campaign but to carry on continuous political struggles for
the workers.
V. Labor and Farmer-Labor Party Election Campaigns.
1. Wherever labor parties or farmer-labor parties are organized
and we are affiliated with them we shall endeavor to place Communist
candidates on their tickets.
2. In such places where nominations are made thru primary elec-
tions we shall nominate Communists for the labor or farmer-labor
party nominations. Our candidates must carry on a clear-cut Com-
munist campaign for the Party program. If nominated as candidates
for the labor party or the farmer-labor party their campaign for elec-
tion must be similarly a Communist campaign on the full Party pro-
gram. If elected to office they must conduct a Communist parlia-
mentary struggle under the direction and discipline of the Party.
3. As a rule, if our candidates for nomination of the primaries
are defeated we will support the candidates nominated on the labor
party or farmer-labor party ticket, at the same time criticising these
candidates and their program. The position of the Party as to sup-
porting the farmer-labor party candidates is to be decided in each
instance by the C. E. C.
85
4. In conducting our campaign in support of the labor party or
farmer-labor party ticket our speakers, papers, and literature must
carry on at the same time a Communist campaign of agitation and
propaganda.
VI. The Rule of the Party.
1. We must never forget in all the phases of the labor party
campaign our fundamental task is to utilize this campaign for the
building of the Workers Party into a mass party.
2. Our aims should be to affiliate the trade unions and other
labor organizations with the labor party and to draw the individual
militant workers into the Workers Party.
3. We must at all times maintain our organizational independence,
our freedom of criticism, our press and literature. We must initiate
our own campaigns in the name of the Workers Party and endeavor
to secure the endorsement of the labor party for these campaigns.
4. We must carry on systematic agitation and propaganda cam-
paigns among the members of the labor party and systematic recruit-
ing campaigns to win the best elements as members of our Party.
(Adopted unanimously.)
$K
RESOLUTION ON BOLSHEVIZATION OF THE PARTY.
1. The process of Bolshevizing the Party implies a reconstruc-
tion of the Party organization in such a way as to render it adapt-
able to the requirements of Communist activity. Without a truly
centralized organization, based on the workshops, the Party cannot
be mobilized for action, a.nd the Party decisions cannot be carried
out with unanimity and effectiveness.
2. The present structure of the Party is incompatible with Com
munist organizational principles and, consequently, with the proper
execution of Communist policies. The English-speaking territorial
branch is a relic carried over from the socialist party which con-
cerned itself chiefly with election campaigns. The foreign language
branch tends greatly to isolate the activity of the Party members
belonging to them into the channel of propaganda only among the
workers of their own nationality and to deflect them away from active
participation in the general class struggle which embraces the work-
ers of all nationalities. Neither the English-speaking territorial
branch, nor the foreign language branch offers the medium for mo-
bilizing the workers for the struggle in the places of employment.
Despite the wishes of the Federation members to the contrary, the
Language Federation form of organization, by its very nature, mil-
itates against the necessary centralization of the Party. Moreover,
the Federation form of organization is a most fertile soil for faction-
alism and for the sharp division of the Party members according to
nationality. The historic reasons for the present form of Party or-
ganization have been, in a large measure, outlived and the conditions
now exist for a progressive step forward. The Party must take this
step resolutely and energetically in spite of the enormous difficulties.
3 The need of adapting the structure of the Party to its task
demands a complete and speedy reorganization. The Party must
supply the cohesive force which will unite the many individuals and
groups of proletarians into a class. The Party must at the same
time unify the activities of this class into a purposeful and decisive
struggle against capitalism and finally must lead the working class
in this struggle.
4 For this purpose the structure of the Party must penetrate
the whole structure of the working class. The Party must have
units wherever units of the working class exist.
5. The basic unit of the working class is the productive unit,
organized by capitalism itself: the shop or industrial establishment.
87
laL 8 l 6 nL m ^°fi ty ° f Uie . industrial worker * *™ organized in such
oasic units of the economic structure of society. Into these ha sir
P^vmiis 1 ; 6 ^?^ 01 " 8 ' th6 Sh ° P ° r iDdUStria ^ -tahliCent th
Party must build its basic unit, the shop nucleus.
6 The organizational problem before the Party is not the mod-
ification of the existing forms, but the complete reorganization of
the Party from top to bottom on the basis of shop nuclei, interna-
tional branches (street nuclei) and a centralized apparatus.
7. The Central Executive Committee accepts in its entirety
the special letter to the Party from the Organization Department of
the Communist International and declares its opinion that this letter
winch was drawn up with the cooperation of the American delegation'
lays down the correct line in regard to the reorganization of the
Party structure.
8. The experience of our Party, as well as the experience of
«£ e £/!wV £ the Communis t International, has amply demon-
strated that the sporadic, experimental method of organizing shop
nuclei is not the most successful. The percentage of Party members
organized into shop nuclei, after many months of effort in this man-
ner, is not sufficient for us to be able to say that more than the barest
beginning has been made. It is obvious that the idea of shop nuclei
has not penetrated deeply enough into the consciousness of the Partv
members and they have not been won over to a conscious and posi-
tive acceptance of the shop nuclei and the deep impulse to form
them. Passive allegiance to the idea of shop nuclei does not produce
the necessary results. The Party members must be inspired with a
deep conviction on this question which will lead to decisive action.
9. The state of hesitation and experimentation on the question
°^ „■* nU ' internation al branches, and a centralized apparatus
should be regarded as passed. The Party must now aim at complete
reorganization within a given time, not to exceed six months after
the Party convention.
10 The Central Executive Committee proposes the following
steps toward this end.
(a) The reorganization- of the Party shall be made one of the
leading subjects in the Party discussion, and in the Party Convention.
(b) Conventions of the larger federations shall be held soon
* ?, I ; ty conv6ntion > at which the question of reorganization
sfiall be placed as the first item on the agenda.
(c) A systematic ideological campaign shall be conducted in the
Party and the Federations prior to the Federation conventions and
tor two months after them, in order to thoroly prepare the members
for the reorganization and imbue them with the conviction that it is
a necessary measure for the Bolshevization of the Party Within
two months after the Federation conventions, the organizational
measures shall commence thruout the Party and must be completed
within three or four months.
88
11. Reorganization shall be commenced from below, approxi-
mately as follows:
(a) The larger cities shall be divided into sections and; sub-
sections and these sections and sub-sections organizations constructed.
Membership meetings shall be called in the sections and sub-sections
at which executive committees for the sections are elected. Complete
registration of all the Party members according to residence and
place of employment, shall be taken.
(b) Wherever three or more members, regardless of their na-
tionality or present foderation membership, are found to be working
in the same, shop, they shall be organized into a shop nucleus. The
nucleus collects the Party dues and takes over all the functions of
a Party unit.
(c) Members living on a given street or in a given neighbor-
hood, who are not employed in any shop or who work in shops where
there are no other Party members, shall be attached to other nuclei
within the section or shall be organized into International branches.
All Party members in the given neighborhood, regardless of nationali-
ty or present affiliation of language branches, who are not members
of shop nuclei, are to be organized into these branches, pay dues
there and carry out all Party functions.
(d) After this organization takes place, the present existing
English and foreign language branches cease to function as units of
the Party. The latter, however, should not be disrupted or dissolved.
They shall be reconstructed as Workers' Clubs admitting to member-
ship not only Party members but also non-Party workers of same
nationality who accept the platform of the class struggle.
(e) Membership in these clubs will not constitute membership
in the Party. Only those belonging to shop nuclei or International
Branches will have Party rights.
(f) Party members in these Workers' Clubs shall form them-
selves into fractions in the same manner as in all other non-Party
organizations for the purpose of exerting the maximum influence
over the non-Party workers and drawing them close to the Party.
(g) These fractions in the Foreign Language Workers' Clubs
are to be united locally, by districts, and on a national scale, for the
purpose of coordinating and centralizing the Party work in them.
(h) Local and District conferences of the representatives of
the fractions in these clubs shall elect the local and district fraction
bureaus to lead the work under the direction of the respective Party
Committees.
(i) National Conferences of the representatives of the fractions
elect the National Fraction Bureau to lead the work on- a national
scale under the direction of the Central Executive Commit'tee.
(j) When the reorganization is completed these local, district
and national Fraction Bureaus take the place of the present corre-
sponding Federation committees and bureaus, but do not collect Party
dues or have the functions of Party committees, since they will be
89
under the direction and control of the respective Party committees
in the same manner as fractions.
(JO In order to centralize and consolidate the Party leadership
of the work among the foreign-speaking workers who are organized
in these clubs, and to insure close contact of the Party with the com-
rades carrying out this work, the local, district and National Frac-
tion Bureaus are incorporated into the agitprop departments of the
respective Party committees, either as a whole or by representatives.
(1) The funds necessary for the work of the fraction bureaus
are to be paid by the Party out of funds apportioned from the Party
dues for that purpose.
12. In order to weld the members of the Federations more
closely to the general life of the Party and to insure close contact
of the Central Executive Committee with the special work of the
Party among the foreign-speaking workers, the Central Executive
Committee, so as to include a number of capable leading comrades
of the larger Federations, recommends to the convention to increase
the size of the Central Executive Committee.
13. "Every Communist Party," says Comrade Zinoviev, "is con-
fronted by two fundamental dangers; on the one hand there is the
danger of becoming a small sect of 'pure' Communists with 'good'
principles but unable to establish contact with the real labor move-
ments of the period. On the other hand there is the danger of be-
coming an amorphus semi-social democratic party, which is unable
to combine the fight for winning over the broad masses of the workers
with remaining loyal to the principles of Communism. To be able
to avoid the Scylla of narrow sectarianism and the Charybdis of
morphousness and vagueness means to facilitate the bolshevization
of the Party. 1 '
14. The problem of Bolsheviation of our Workers Party which
later "is only just passing thru its predominantly propagandist period
and is taking only the first step along the path of rallying the broad
masses around the banner of Communism" is the problem of building
a Communist Party in America.
15. The Communist Workers Party has no revolutionary tradi-
tions. Its inheritance from its predecessors, the socialist party and
socialist-labor party, is almost completely a non-Bolshevist and un-
Communist one. There has never existed a real connection between
any of these parties with the life and activities of the American work-
ing class. No American proletarian party outside of the Communist
Party has attempted to theorize the American class struggle. They
all have confined themselves to theorize about it. The question of
the relation of the proletariat to the farmers did not even find theo-
retical treatment with those parties. Up to the time of the foundation
of the Communist Party in America, the socialist movement was
always reformist and tried to replace the struggle for power by a
movement for immediate demands instead of directing the movements
for immediate demands toward the development of a struggle for
90
power. Thus the political and organizational inheritance of our Party
from its predecessors is in the main a liability that must be met by
increased efforts of Bolshevization.
16. Under these conditions the task of Bolshevization presents
itself concretely to our Party as the task of completely overcoming
the organizational and ideological remnants of our social-democratic
inheritance, of eradicating Loreism, of making out of the Party a
functioning organism of revolutionary proletarian leadership.
17. The Bolshevization of our Party must accomplish four gen-
eral purposes:
(a) It must establish among its members a fundamental theo-
retical understanding of the forces of social development and a knowl-
edge of the conditions and the mechanics of realizing the dictatorship
of the proletariat.
(b) It must develop within the Party and its membership an
ability for maneuvering and campaigning in accord with the momen-
tary needs and the possibilities of the class struggle.
A Communist Party must be able to maneuver and to adapt its
tactics at all times to changing conditions. Changing conditions ^ in
the proletarian struggle for emancipation must not bring confusion
into the ranks of the Party but must be met by a Leninist appraisal
of the new facts and if necessary by a speedy change of the methods
of struggle.
In order to increase the ability of our Party to maneuver it is
necessary to establish a close ideological relation between the Party
and its leading committees. The Party must not only be required to
campaign and maneuver, but it must also he made acquainted with
the character and the purposes of all maneuvers.
(c) It must adapt the structure of the Party to its task of pene-
trating and dominating all manifestations of life of the working class
and of leading the workers in their struggle for emancipation.
(d) It must establish a harmonizing unity of theory, action and
structure of the Party which will secure a full use of all available
energies of the Party and also insure the Party against fundamental
mistakes.
National and local Party leaders must regularly lecture in the
Party school and before the membership in general about current
events and the Party's judgment of them. The political committee of
the Party must furnish the Party press and all educational institutions
at least twice a month with an official analysis of political events
and the official Party reaction to them.
18. "Without a correct theory there can be no correct practice —
theory is concentrated practice," declared our greatest leader, Lenin.
The slighting of the value of theory too often noticed in our Party
leads necessarily to a complete lack of unified concept for Party activ-
ities. Without a unified concept the Party activities become sporadic,
disconnected, planless and purposeless. Waste of energy and fruitless
efforts are the result. The Party must therefore apply itself to the
task of systematic theoretical education of its members.
91
The theoretical weakness of our Party and the traditional indif-
ference to theory which has characterized the American movement
render the problem of Party education especially serious and difficult.
This problem is two-sided. It involves the necessity of multiplying
the educational work many times over and of simultaneously con-
vincing the Party of its absolute importance and necessity. We must
resolutely strive to accomplish these tasks in the coming year. The
whole Party must be stimulated to interest in educational work, the
entire membership must be equipped with the indispensable minimum
of knowledge of Marxian-Leninist fundamentals and corps of theoreti-
cally trained comrades, capable of leading the educational work, must
be developed/
In all educational work conducted by the Party it is necessary
to firmly establish the correct Communist conception of this activity.
Static and one-sided conceptions of education, the separation of theory
from practice and theories of non-partisan "Workers' Education" must
be rejected. The teaching personnel, the curriculae and the method of
instruction in all Party schools and classes must conform to the Lenin-
ist conception of education as an instrument for the Bolshevizafion
of the Party.
Our educational work will not be successful if it is conducted in
a sporadic manner. Educational work must be established as a per-
manent part of Party routine, developed according to a worked-out
plan and the necessary apparatus constructed in the Party.
While the Party is able to record considerable progress in this
field during the past year, the work so far accomplished should be
regarded as a mere beginning. Educational work must be established
in all sections of the Party as an indispensable department of Party
activity to be carried on in a systematic manner thruout all periods
of the year. In order to insure the permanence and continuity and
Communist character of the Party educational work thruout the Party,
all phases of the work must fall under the central direction of the
Central Executive Committee and must be developed from year to year
according to a national coordinated scheme.
The Agitprop Department of the Central Executive Committee
shall establish an educational section which shall have full direction
and supervision of the Party educational work in all its aspects. The
direct administrative responsibility of the national Party educational
work shall be in the hands of the national educational director, who
shall be a member of the Agitprop Department of the Central Execu-
tive Committee and shall be responsible for the carrying out of its
decisions. The Agitprop Department and the national educational
director shall be directly responsible to the Central Executive Com-
mittee for the whole educational program of the Party.
19. Every district and city central committee must establish
an Agitprop Department with an educational sectional director. Each
district and local educational director shall develop the work accord-
ing to the general plan laid down by the Agitprop Department of the
Central Executive Committee. The following program upon which
92
work has already commenced, shall be developed and extended:
(a) Continue the circuit system of educational lectures and
classes in the Party districts.
(b) Arrange for systematic routing of Party lectures on subject?
dealing with the fundamentals of Communist principles.
(c) Publish periodically books and pamphlets of a theoretical
nature and continue such publication according to a worked-out plan.
(d) Conduct a section in the Party press on educational work
in order to popularize this Party activity and keep it constantly before
the attention of the Party members.
(e) Give full and united support to the New York Workers School
and endeavor to develop similar institutions in other large Party
centers.
(f) Organize a national Party school in Chicago for the purpose
of giving intensive instruction to a selected group of Party leaders
iYom the various districts.
(g) Make arrangements for the holding of special lectures by
(he most qualified Party leaders on questions of Communist theory
and arrange special debates with other political bodies on these sub-
jects.
(h) In so far as practicable and possible, the Agitprop Depart-
ment of the Central Executive Committee should endeavor to develop
(ulucational work in the various language sections according to the
same general plan outlined above.
(Adopted unanimously,)
RESOLUTION ON THE LIQUIDATION OF LOREISM,
1. The Communist International has given a correct definition
of Loreism. Loreism is opportunism. It is a right wing deviation
from the revolutionary Leninist line of the Comintern and must there-
fore be relentlessly combatted.
2. The chief characteristics of Loreism as they manifested them-
selves in the development of our Party are the following:
(a) An underestimation of the fundamental changes in Ameri-
can capitalism since the late imperialist war and consequently a simi-
lar underestimation of the revolutionary potentialities of the present
day class struggle in the United States. This opportunistic trait of
Loreism has been finding refuge under such false pretenses as "sober-
ness" and "realism" in the analysis of economic and political condi-
tions.
(b) Another characteristic of Loreism is its complete laclv of
understanding of class relations. The totally un-Marxian Lkssalleaa
maxim of the "one reactionary mass of non-proletarians" is for them
the very essence of Marxism. The attitude of this tendency toward
the farmers is determined by that incorrect maxim. With this con-
cept of a fixed borderline between a clearly defined working clasi
the one hand and one unified and unchangeable reactionary mass on
the other, it is quite natural that these elements see in every maneuv-
er of our Party a useless action and an Indefensible adventure,
93
(c) Failure to understand the true role of the Workers (Com-
munist) Party as a militant revolutionary organization of the working
class. This feature of Loreism manifests itself in a tremendous over-
emphasis of the propaganda functions of our Party as against and
to the exclusion of its fighting role, its active participation in the
political life and struggle's of the country. Opposition to the united
front tactics of the Comintern that were presented by Loreism in the
early days of this policy, and opposition to political maneuvers in
general, both spring from the same opportunistic conception of the
role of our Party,
(d) On the surface, a slighting and skeptical attitude, but in
reality a fundamental opposition to the agrarian and colonial policies
of the Comintern. This opportunistic attitude springs from a non-
Leninist conception of the role of the proletariat in the class struggle.
Loreism fails to understand the objective need and possibility of alli-
ances between the working class on the one hand and the oppressed
farmers and the colonial peoples on the other hand, with their revolu-
tionary proletariat playing the leading role.
(e) Opportunistic compromises and deviations on the trade union
field and in other working class non-partisan organizations. These
deviations take the form of struggle for office for the sake of the
office to the total neglect of our main task, which is to win the work-
ing masses of these organizations for the revolutionary class struggle
and for the leadership of the Communist Party.
(f) Concealed and open opposition to centralized Party control
of the activities of Party members inside the Party and particularly
in non-Party organizations. Considered from this angle, Loreism means
a social-democratic distortion of the principles of Communist organi-
zation and Communist discipline.
(g) A consistent sympathetic attitude and support of the right
wing groups in the Communist International (support of Serrati, Levi,
Brandler and Trotzkyism).
(h) An extreme readiness to make concessions to reformist preju-
dices and non-Communist views of politically backward workers to
the extent of sacrificing Communist principles and policies.
(i) A sneering attitude toward the Bolshevization slogan of the
Communist International, and
(j) Opposition in principle to underground (illegal) work and an
unwillingness to understand the absolute necessity for a Communist
Party of combining legal with illegal work.
3. The Workers Party is in full agreement with the thesis on
Bolshevization adopted at the last Plenum of the Communist Inter- ]
national, which says:
"The Bolshevization of the parties must first of all and above all
be directed in the future against these right wing distortions which
threaten to foil the historic mission of the Comintern."
4. The growth and Bolshevization of our Party demand the com-
plete and thoro liquidation of Loreism. This becomes doubly neces-
sary in view of the present world situation marked by a slower tempo
94
of revolutionary development which tends to strengthen reformist
illusions among certain sections of the proletariat. A truly Bolshevik
Party, free from the taint of opportunism, is the best and most effect-
ive means of checking the development of social-democratic illusions
;anong the workers. In the Workers Party of America, Loreism is the
most dangerous tendency, for the additional reason that it reflects in
the sharpest form the resistance of the antiquated social-democratic
forms of organization to the reorganization of the party on the basis
of shop nuclei.
5. The Party is ready for the complete political and organiza-
tional liquidation of Loreism, Thru six years of development of our
movement marked by intensive inner struggles of a young growing
Communist Party, the point has been reached when the overwhelming
majority of the Party is ready to take a definite and clear stand
against Loreism. This by itself is a sign of the growing maturity
and Bolshevist quality of our Party.
6. But the first prerequisite for the successful liquidation of
Loreism is the liquidation of the factional struggle between the Major-
ity and Minority and unification of the two groups on the basis of
the policies and tactics of the Comintern.
7. Thru an intensive ideological campaign against Loreism, the
unified Party will succeed in winning over to the position of the Com-
munist International all proletarian and basically Communist elements
of the present adherents of Loreism. It must be the ambition of the
Party not to surrender a single worker to the ideological influence of
Ix>reism.
8. Loreism must also be liquidated organizationally. This means
that no organized Lore or Poyntz groups will be permitted to exist in
the Party, that neither Lore nor a Loreite will be permitted on the
next Central Executive Committee of the Party, and that no leading
Party organ or committee will be directed by followers of Loreism.
9. The decision of the Comintern on Loreism expresses the con-
viction of the overwhelming majority of the Party. The Party will
put this decision into effect in the best possible manner and in the
shortest possible time.
(Adopted unanimously.)
95
MOTION ON THE EXPULSION OF LORE FROM
THE PARTY.
Supplementary to Parity Commission Resolution Proposed Jointly b>
Comrades Bedacht and Bittelman and adopted unanimously.
Since the decision of the enlarged plenum of the Communist
International on Loreism, Lore has been manifesting tendencies
which have proven to the Party that Lore does not intend to abide
'by the decision of the Comintern. In fact the whole behavior of
Lore is hostile and antagonistic to the Communist International and
the Party. His activities during the last few months can be con-
strued as nothing else than the ideological and political preparation
for a split from the Party. This compels the convention to take clear
and definite action on the matter of Lore.
The American Party contains opportunist elements as were stig-
matized by the Communist International. In May, 1924, the question
of Lore and Loreism was first taken up by the Communist Interna-
tional. In April, 1925, due to the world situation and to the refusal
of Lore to attend the Comintern sessions and to correct his mistakes,
and to the growing militancy of the right wing in our Party, the
Communist International again took a stand on the same question.
In the decision of April, 1925, basod upon the activities and writings
of Comrade Lore, the Communist International declared Lore is a
social-democratic opportunist, that he is unfit for membership in the
C. E. C. of our Party, and that he must be removed as editor of the
Volkszeitung. The Communist International thus pointed out the
need of taking ideological and organizational measures against Lore.
His failure to accept the invitation of the Communist Interna-
tional to participate in the plenum and to explain his points of view
is clear and definite proof that Lore refuses to come to terms with the
Communist International and to accept its policies and leadership.
Since the Communist International decision of April 1925, Comrade
Lore has continued to be in opposition to the policies of the Comin-
tren and is conducting a policy that leads away from and against the
Comintern. He has combatted the reorganization of the Party on the
basis of shop nuclei, raising doubts as to the efficacy of this form of
organization as the basis of our Party. Comrade Lore conceives as
the main function of our Party merely education and propaganda— a
purely social democratic point of view; Comrade Lore has manifested
a social democratic idea of imperialism— in recent articles on China,
etc.
Owing to this attitude of Comrade Lore, the Central Executive
Committee, acting on the decision of the Communist International,
decided to take certain steps against Lore and Loreism in our Party!
96
i! -inducted an ideological campaign exposing the nature of Loreism
l a phase of international opportunism and educating the membership
..I our Party and the workers generally as to its character and danger.
It became necessary also to take organizational steps against
Lore, in conformity with the instructions of the Communist Inter-
sil ional. Comrade Lore was instructed to carry out the following
measures:
1. To take steps to put the Volkszeitung under control of the
Tarty.
2. To line up the Loreite Bureau of the German Federation to
I arry out the decision of the Communist International.
3. To educate the membership of the German Federation as to
ih«> nature of social democratic opportunism in our Party— which
extends far beyond the German Federation into the Finnish, Jewish
Hid other Federations.
What has Comrade Lore done to carry out these instructions?
1. Comrade Lore has failed to take a single step to put the Volks-
lung under control of the Party— even to the extent of refusing to
nirnish the Party with a copy of the constitution and the by-laws of
the Socialist Cooperative Publishing Association, which controls the
paper.
2. Instead of lining up the German Bureau for executing the deci-
lion of the Party, Lore has organized the Bureau against the Party.
Lore has furthermore organized the membership of the Socialist
Cooperative Publishing Association to resist the taking over of the
Volkszeitung by the Party.
3. Comrade Lore and the German Bureau have denied the branches
Of the German Federation the right and opportunity to discuss Trotz-
kyism and Loreism, thus obstructing one of the primary isteps in Bol-
Khevizing the workers In the German Federation.
4. Comrade Lore has refused to publish the articles written by
comrade Bedacht on instructions of the subcommittee of the Central
Kxecutive Committee— articles intended to make clear the position of
the Communist International and the opportunist deviations of Com-
rade Lore.
The Parity Commission recently issued a rseolution on the liqui-
dation of Loreism in the Workers Party— a resolution which clearly
roveals the nature of Loreism and demonstrates that Loreism and
opportunism are ripe in many sections of our Party. On August 5th,
I his resolution was placed before Comrade Lore and the German
Bureau by the subcommittee of the Central Executive Committee.
In the discussion which followed, Comrade Lore vigorously defended
his opportunist position, declaring that his point of view has been
"perverted, distorted and misrepresented in Moscow, where the lead-
ers of the Communist International were given only excerpts and
digests of his articles."
97
This is the usual excuse of all opportunists in Communist Parlies,
Like Comrade Askeli, Comrade Lore defended the so-called Com-
munism in his articles, thus proving that he is an incurable oppor-
tunist and therefore is dangerous to our Party.
Comrade Schueler, an active member of the German Bureau,
declared himself in opposition to the policies of the Communist In-
ternational which, he stated, to be only -temporary. Other membera
of the Bureau expressed themselves as against the "despotism of
Moscow." Against these statements, Comrade Lore did not say a
word in defense of the Communist International.
This attitude on the part of all the Loreite members of the Ger-
man Bureau made it necessary for the Party to take drastic steps.
Upon their voting against the Parity resolution, they were immediately
removed from the Bureau and the Bureau was reorganized.
Since the publication of the decision of the Parity Commission
on Loreism, there appeared in the Volkszeitung a series of editorialH
which not only take definite issues with this decision but also reaffirm
the correctness of Lore's views which were denounced by the Com-
munist International as non-Communist and opportunist.
Lore failed to come to the convention of the Party altho he is a
member of the Central Executive Committee and -altho he knew that
the question of Loreism and Lore will be the central point on the
agenda of the convention. This failure to come to the Party conven-
tion and defend before the Party his position, again proves that Lore
no longer considers himself bound by Party opinion and Party dis-
cipline.
Lore has been sabotaging in every possible way the carrying out
of the Central Executive Committee's decision regarding the Volks-
zeitung.
Generally speaking Lore has been treating the Party as a whole
and the New York District organization, of which he is a member as
an enemy, showing complete disregard for the Party's functions and
activities.
These facts are proof sufficient for the Party that Lore has em-
barked upon a course of open opposition and hostility to the Party
and the Communist International. That Lore is preparing his ground
for open, -organized struggle against the Party. In view of this situa-
tion, the convention decides:
1. That Lore's presence in the Party has become a menace to
its Communist integrity and to its organizational unity.
2. That the interests of Bolshevizing our Party, particularly its
reorganization on the basis of shop nuclei, demand that the Party
free itself of the opportunist influence and anti-Bolshevik tendencies
of Lore.
3. That Lore is expelled forthwith from the Workers (Communist)
Party of America.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORK OF THE WORKERS
(COMMUNIST) PARTY.
1. The State of the Unions.
The trade union movement continues to pass thru the crisis in
morale and membership which developed in the course of the tremen-
dous industrial struggles from 1919 to 1923. These struggles, taken
;is a whole, constitute the greatest defeat ever suffered by the Ameri-
can labor movement. Beginning in 1919, the employers waged a re-
lentless warfare against the unions, striving to take from them the
concessions they had won during the war period and to break up
their organizations. The struggle extended into practically every in-
dustry, and everywhere the unions suffered greater or lesser defeats.
This was the case in the steel, meatpacking, textile, shoe, railroad,
printing, mining, clothing, metal industries, etc. In consequence the
organizations have lost tremendously in membership. In 1920 the
A. F. of L. totalled 4,075,000 members, but in November, 1924, it had
fallen to 2,865,979. In several industries the unions have been virtual-
ly wiped out altogether. Only the organizations of highly skilled
rraftsmen and workers occupying key positions in the building, print-
ing and railroad industries have been able to maintain themselves
without serious losses. During this period the independent unions
have all suffered heavily, case in point being the I. W .W., which
dropped from 35,000 in 1922 to approximately 15,000 at the present
time. The whole laibor movement, which has not yet recovered from
the great blow of the employers, is still slowly on the retreat. Its
morale is at a low ebb.
An important factor preventing the recovery of the trade unions
is the heavy unemployment which has prevailed with but slight pe-
riods of relief since 1921. At the present time unemployment is par-
ticularly seen in the coal, clothing, textile, iron and steel industries.
In the unionized bituminous fields of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and
Pennsylvania, the situation is greatly worsened by a shift in produc-
lion from these fields- to the unorganized territories in West Virginia.
The employers are on the offensive all along the line. They are tak-
ing advantage of the situation by driving ahead with their "open shop"
movement, one pronounced manifestation of which is the establish-
ment of company unions in hundreds of plants and industries. They
are also forcing wage cuts in many industries. The textile industry
has just passed thru an extensive wage-cutting campaign and a similar
one is now threatening the shoe industry. The anthracite bosses are
threatening a wage cut, likewise the steel magnates. The clothing
98
99
industry has also suffered wage cuts, Oniy in the building trades and
among the more skilled railroad workers have the unions been able
to secure even slight wage advances. The past year has been marked
by fewer strikes than any year for several yars.
In the face of this persistent crisis the bureaucracy has stubbornly
refused to adopt the measures necessary to pull together again th5
forces of labor and to bring them into an offensive against the em-
ployers. Amalgamation, a Labor Party, and a general militant policy,
have been repudiated overwhelmingly by the bureaucracy. The latter
turns its attention more than ever to the development of its policy of
class collaboration and surrenders to the employers. The high tide
of this movement was reached at the El Paso convention of the A. F.
of L. where the central points of policy dealt with the development
of labor banks, the B. & O. Plan, workers' insurance, and similar
schemes. Within the past few months, the new president of the A, F.
of L., Green, has announced a general organization campaign to re-
cruit the diminished strength of the unions in the various big indus-
trial centers. But this scheme, never seriously intended, will not
materialize into anything concrete. It is already going the way of
such plans in the A. F. of L. by being sabotaged to death.
2. The State of the New Left Wing in the Unions.
The left wing movement is at present operating under great dif-
ficulties in the trade unions. The ferocious attacks by the bureau-
cracy thru expulsions, blacklisting, etc., have in most unions driven
the Trade Union Educational League underground, which has rendered
its work exceedingly hard. Besides, many valuable connections with
progressive elements in the unions have been lost in the last two years
thru the Labor Party splits (which were forced by the weakness and
treachery of the progressive leadership), and thru the growth and
development of the LaFollette movement, which the left wing sharply
opposed. In the bitter fight that has gone on between the bureau-
cracy and the left wing, the progressives in the middle have become
demoralized and disorganized and have to a considerable extent fallen
under the control of the reactionary bureaucracy. The rank and file
of the unions have lost much in morale by the many defeats in strikes
and by the poisonous campaigns of class collaboration constantly car- 1
ried on by the officialdom of the unions. But among them there isi
smoldering discontent and wherever the left wing can break thru the I
opposition of the bureaucracy and crystallize this discontent into
definite movement, the masses rally in better struggles against the
employers directly. In the Carpenters' Union election, the T. U. E.
L. militants developed a powerful opposition to the Hutcheson ma-
chine. Likewise in the Machinists' Union against the Johnston ad-
ministration. The election in the Miners' Union, where Voyzey polled
66,000 against Lewis' 134,000, according to the official figures (in '
truth he was in all probability elected) was another demonstration
of mass support to left-wing leadership. The latest manifestation of
100
the left wing's successful rallying of the masses against the bureau-
cratic officialdom in spite of a maze of difficulties, is the present
upheaval in the needle trades unions. Altho bitterly persecuted in
the unions and driven underground in many organizations, the T. XL
K. L. militants have been able in many cases to smash thru the official
opposition and to swing great masses behind them and their demands.
3. State of the Progressive Bloc.
In the trade unions there are many elements, so-called progres-
sives, who are not advanced enough ideologically to join directly to
our Party or the Trade Union Educational League. These are the
elements out of which shall be constructed the "progressive" opposi-
tion against the ultra-reactionaries now controlling the bulk of the
unions. At the present time these progressive elements are without
definite leadership, organizations and policies. In 1921-22, the organ-
ization of the Trade Union Committee for the Relief of the Russian
Famine was an expression of this tendency, in the face of Gompers'
opposition. In th A. F. of L, convention they also secured a degree
of organization in 1923-24 around the slogan of the Recognition of
Sovit Russia and in the Trade Union Committee for the establish-
ment of Trade Relations With and Recognition of Soviet Russia.
The C. P. P. A., which was an outgrowth of the general movement
for the political organization of the workers independent of the two
old parties was also, in its earlier stages, a definite organization of
the progressive elements against the Gompers' machine. All these
movements, however, have been greatly weakened. The progressives
are, for the most part, completely demoralized and are being used as
tools by the reactionary bureaucracy against the left wing.
MAIN TASKS OF THE PARTY IN THE TRADE UNIONS.
The main tasks of the Party in the trade unions are:
1. The revolutionizing of the existing unions thru strengthening
and organizing the left wing in the unions by bringing all the prole-
tarian elements of the Party into the unions, by the organization of
trade union fractions, the building up of the T. U. E. L. and the
stimulation of the organization of the progressive opposition bloc.
2. The organization of the unorganized by the strengthening
of the existing organizations, the creation of new unions in industries
where none exist, the building of shop committees and the utiliza-
tion of the shop nuclei as points for inaugurating campaigns to or-
ganize the unorganized.
3. The unification of the trade union movement by the stimula-
tion of the campaign to amalgamate the craft unions into industrial
organizations.
THE PARTY ORGANIZATION FOR TRADE UNION WORK.
The Party organization for the carrying on of the trade union
work is still in a primitive and undeveloped state. Considerable im-
provement has been made during the past year or so. The Industrial
101
Department has been definitely organized. The District Organizers
are submitting regular monthly reports and are devoting more and
more attention to the work in the trade unions in their respective
localities. But only a start has been made. Our system of Party
fractions in the unions is still weak and scattering. The Trade Un-
ion Educational League groups exist only in the more important
industrial centers. This situation must be remedied, and for this
purpose a whole series of organizational measures are necessary.
We must look forward to the creation of effective fractions and T. U.
E. L. groups in all unions and in all industrial centers.
NECESSARY ORGANIZATIONAL MEASURES.
While putting into effect the following organizational measures
and in carrying out the trade union program of the Party generally,
a constant campaign must be prosecuted to awaken, the membership
to the vital importance of winning over the masses of workers now
organized in the trade unions. Any tendency to consider work in the
trade unions as in some way secondary or unimportant must be ruth-
lessly liquidated, Likewise all tendencies such as to consider Party
work in the trade unions a function of a specially selected section
of our Party or the labeling of Party activities in the trade unions
as syndicalistic must be vigorously fought against. Because of an
insufficient understanding of its importance, the trade union work
has often suffered in the factional fighting in the Party.
(a) Bringing the Membership Into the Union.
The Party shall require all its proletarian members to join trade
unions, using the sharpest disciplinary measures, if necessary, to
bring this about. To facilitate this there shall be in each nucleus,
branch, C. C. C, D. E. C, and other Party units specific comrades
charged with the responsibility of supervising the trade union work
of the Party in their respective spheres.
(b) Party Trade Union Fractions.
While putting into effect the following organizational measures
and file, fighting the corrupt bureaucracy and the employers, the
Communists must not fail to thoroly organize themselves to secure
leadership over the trade union masses. This is to be accomplished
thru Party fractions. At present the fractions in the trade unions
are weak and inadequate. The Party must devote major attention
to their extension and strengthening. The District Organizers shall be
held directly responsible, in conjunction with the Industrial Depart-
ment, for the building of the trade union fractions in the various
industrial centers and unions.
(c) Trade Union Educational League.
All units of the Workers Party shall give active support to the
Trade Union Educational League, which unites the various elements
comprising the left wing into a movement against the reactionaries
102
in the unions and to transform the trade unions into organs of revolu-
tionary struggle against the capitalist class. In the various localities
where the Party has local organizations, these shall be held respon-
sible for the building up and maintenance of local groups of the
League. The members of the Party who are also members of trade
unions shall be required to take an active part in the League, and
to subscribe to the class struggle propaganda fund, which will be
initiated by the League. Wherever groups exist the Party fractions
shall function within them as distinct organizations. Party members
of the League shall resist the tendency, which arises from the pres-
sure of the reactionaries and from the failure of some of our member-
ship to distinguish between fractions and T. U. E. L. groups, to restrict
the T. U. E. L. groups simply to Communists. Efforts must be
made to extend and to bring non-Party elements into the League
and to broaden its field of activity. The Party units must give
active support to the coming national conference of the T. U. E. L.
and strive to make it a real representative gathering of the left wing.
Efforts shall be made to give the League more oif a mass character
and a definite organizational form by building up the body of sub-
scribers to the class struggle propaganda fund and by the establish-
ment of various forms of left wing trade union united front com-
mittees which are brought into the closest possible connection with
the League.
(d) Stimulation and Support of the Progressive Bloc.
The Party must stimulate the development and support the un-
ification of a progressive bloc in opposition to the reactionary bureau^
crats. For this we must apply the principles of the united front.
Every struggle of the workers either against the bureaucrats, as well
as all the vital issues of the left wing program, shall be utilized for
the development of such united fronts against the reactionaries.
Trade union elections shall be utilized to this end. There is a grow-
ing tendency for so-called progressive elements to develop opposition
to the reactionary trade union bureaucrats and to put up candidates
against them in the union elections. This tendency must be stim-
ulated and developed by the Workers Party as one means of bringing
masses of workers under its direct influence. In union elections,
whether in local unions, central labor councils, or international un-
ions, the Communists, where not strong enough to win with their
own candidates, shall combine with the "progressives" and support
joint candidates upon a united front basis. The foundation for these
united fronts in union elections shall be agreed upon a minimum pro-
gram covering the more pressing problems, economic and political,
confronting the unions. In such united fronts, however, the Com-
munists shall run as Communists, and shall make this clear by
special statements to the union membership outlining the Party
trade union program. The danger shall be carefully guarded against
of allowing these united front movements to degenerate into oppor-
tunistic scrambles for office. An especially potent slogan for the
103
building of a progressive bloc is the demand for World Trade Union
Unity, a slogan which has served as a strong rallying cry for all
the progressive and revolutionary elements in the British trade union
movement. Efforts must be made to build up the struggle of the
progressive wing of the British movement with that of a progressive
trade union bloc in this country in a general demand for world
unity as proposed by the Comintern and the Profintern.
(e) Financing the Party Trade Union Work.
To finance the Party work in the trade unions, there shall be set
aside 10 per cent of the income from dues of the national office of
the Workers Party.
Organize the Unorganized.
Today in the United States there are four million workers organ-
ized in the trade unions while fifteen million industrial workers and
many more millions of agricultural and other workers are outside
of the trade unions in the ranks of the unorganized. The campaign
for the organization of the unorganized to be carried on within the
existing unions, as well as for the formation of new unions where
none exist, is a vital and necessary part of our trade union work.
This issue shall be linked up closely with the economic demands of
workers.
It is exactly those workers in highly mechanized industries who
because of the conditions under which they work will respond most
readily to Communist influence, who are in the ranks of the unorgan-
ized. The condition existing in the United States so far as the trade
unions are concerned is to a considerable degree parallel to the
conditions which existed in Great Britain a quarter of a century ago.
There too a highly reactionary trade union bureaucracy was in con-
trol of the trade unions and opposed all progressive measures in the
struggles against the employers. It was only the advent of the
"new unionism" which came into existence thru the organizaion of
great masses of previously unorganized workers that the trade un-
ions changed their policy and the labor party was formed and indus-
trial unionism developed.
The organization of the millions of workers in such industries
as the steel industry, the rubber industry, the automobile industry
will bring into the American trade union movement new and more
militant spirits and will greatly increase the influence of our Party
and aid materially in achieving our end of winning the organized
masses for the revolutionary Communist struggle.
SHOP COMMITTEES.
The Party shall carry on an active campaign to organize shop
committees in the industries generally. These shop committees shall
be elected by all employes of a given industrial establishment irre-
spective of sex, color, nationality, skill, etc. The shop committees
104
shall serve to unite all the workers in the various establishments,
whether members of unions or not. The shop committee shall voice
the demands of the workers and form the basis for common struggle
against capitalism. The shop committees shall be utilized for the
organization of the unorganized, one of the main tasks of the shop
nuclei is the formation eventually of shop committees and the sup-
port of the shop committees in the organization of the unorganized
into the trade unions.
AMALGAMATION.
The campaign to consolidate the craft unions into industrial
unions must be pushed with vigor. The amalgamation campaign
must be more definitely concrete, however, in view of the bitter
resistance it is meeting from the trade union bureaucracy. It must
be more closely linked up with the workers' everyday struggles and
identified definitely with their economic demands. The movement
shall be intensified and extended by thus bringing it closer to the
workers' immediate interests. The shop committee and shop nuclei
shall, in their work, always keep in mind the necessity of amalga-
mating the trade unions into industrial unions.
INTERNATIONAL.
1. The reactionary leaders of the American Federation of Labor
are using their influence to make the unions of Mexico, Central and
South America, subservient to the program of American imperialism
in the countries of the western hemisphere. The Party must, thru
its industrial department, establish contact with these unions and
endeavor to win them away from the leadership of the bureaucrats
of the A. F. of L. and for a militant fight against American imperial-
ism in cooperation with the left bloc of the trade unions in this
country.
2. The movement for World Trade Union Unity initiated by
the Russian unions in co-operation with the English trade unions
which is endorsed by the Red International of labor unions offers
a great opportunity for a campaign against the leadership in the
American Federation of Labor. Even Amsterdam has been too "rad-
ical" for the Gompers' machine. It is our task to familiarize the
trade union movement of this country with the movement for World
Trade Union Unity and aid in the fight to have the American trade
unions join in an international conference to unify the trade union
movement of the world.
3. We shall also fight for the support of the Anglo-Russian com-
mittee, and for the affiliation of the various national unions to the
International Federation in their respective industry.
4. Canadian Autonomy.
The Party shall support the movement of the Canadian unions
for autonomy within the American trade unions. This autonomy
shall take the form of the establishment of Canadian sections in all
105
American unions having branches in Canada, these sections to be
unified in the Canadian trades and labor congress, and to have full
right" to declare strikes, to organize the masses, and to raise all neces-
sary funds.
PARTY POLICIES FOR TRADE UNION WORK.
Strikes and Wage Movements.
The Party must take an active part in all strikes and other wage
movements. It must stimulate the masses to inaugurate such move-
ments. It must have programs of demands for all such mass move-
ments, and the Communists must fight for the leadership of these
struggles. The "wage cutting campaign of the employers must be
met with a counter campaign of strikes.
Class Collaboration.
The Party must carry on a relentless warfare against the many
schemes of class collaboration, such as labor banking, workers' insur-
ance, B. & O. plans, etc., now being foisted on the workers by the
reactionary bureaucrats. The organization of company unions and
sham forms of industrial democracy has made great headway in
American industry during recent years. The employers attempt to
set up organizations under their control to prevent the workers from
joining unions which will actually fight their class battles. These
policies of class collaboration must be met by a militant fight for
the policy of class struggle. The Party must constantly expose the
corruption and treachery of the reactionary bureaucracy. In the
matter of labor banks, the policy shall be to fight against the estab-
lishment of new banks upon the present basis, and to demand that
those now in existence be reorganized along co-operative lines.
Unemployment.
In the unions the Party shall carry on an active campaign
against the menace of unemployment. It shall, where necessary, advo-
cate and organize unemployment councils. It shall demand that the
employers and the government provide work and funds amounting to
full maintenance of the workers.
Work Among the Negroes.
Negro workers are a growing factor in industry. The employers
are using every effort to play them off against the white workers
and vice versa and thereby to defeat both. The bureaucracy facil-
itates this scheme of the employers by setting up union restrictions
against Negro workers. This tendency must be relentlessly combat-
ted. The Workers Party must lead an active fight thruout the trade
union movement to bring the Negroes into the unions and to secure
for them equal rights and protection with white workers in the indus-
tries and in society generally. Where white unions refuse to accept
Negroes, new unions of Negroes shall be formed.
106
Recognition of Soviet Russia.
The Party shall carry on an intensive campaign in the trade
unions for the recognition of Soviet Russia, using as one means to
this end the report of the British trade union delegation to Russia
in abridged form.
Expulsions.
The Party reiterates its anti-expulsion policy. Where expelled
workers are few in numbers they shall remain in local T. U. E. L.
groups. But, where they are numerous, they shall be formed into
unions of the expelled. Those expelled members shall endeavor to
fight their way back into the old organizations. In the case of del-
egates expelled from Central Labor Councils, the policy shall be to
insist upon their right to be seated by being reelected by their local
union. This should be reinforced by securing support from the
unions of the locality, and by formal appeals, backed by wide agita-
tional movements, to the executive boards of the International unions
involved, and with appeals taken to the conventions in case of un-
favorable action.
Injunctions.
Whenever and wherever an injunction is issued by courts against
strikers, depriving them of their rights, the Party shall endeavor to
arouse the strikers and the trade union movement in general to mass
violation of the injunction.
Independent Unions.
The Party endorses the paragraphs relating to the I. W. W. and
other independent unions adopted by the Third World Congress of
the Red International labor unions providing for the calling of a
conference of these unions, and contained in the program for the
Trade Union Educational League outlined at the congress.
(Adopted unanimously.)
INTERNATIONAL LABOR DEFENSE ENDORSED.
The recent action of the supreme court in upholding the con-
stitutionality of the New York criminal anarchy law, under which
Comrade Gitlow was sentenced to prison, foreshadows another period
of prosecution and repression of the working class movement under
which the liberty of its best fighters will be placed in jeopardy. This
new decision marks another stage in exposing the sham character
of the supposed rights of freedom of speech, press, and assembly
stated in the constitution and practically ratifies the criminal syn-
dicalist laws of 35 states and makes concrete the danger of the enact-
ment of a federal law of the same character.
This presents the greatest danger to all working class organiza-
tions especially to its most advanced and militant sections. This
decision, taken together with the fact that in spite of all pretenses
107
of democracy and cessation of war time persecution at least 128
workers are still confined in state prisons for no other crime than
activity in the interests of their class, demonstrates the imperative
necessity of all class-conscious workers banding themselves together
on the plaform of the common fight for the release of all class war
prisoners and for the defense and support of new victims and their
families.
The International Labor Defense, which was recently organized
at a national conference in Chicago as a non-partisan organization
for the defense and support of all workers persecuted for their ac-
tivity in the class struggle in America and for the assistance of the
victims of the white terror abroad, has taken upon itself obligations
which should be regarded as the common obligations of all sincere
and class-conscious workers.The International Labor Defense fills a
long felt need in the American-labor movement. It brings new cour-
age and hope to the working class fighters who languish in prison
and gives the assurance to all workers on the firing line of the class
struggle that they will not stand alone and their families will not be
neglected in time of persecution and imprisonment. The Interna-
tional Labor Defense has already made substantial progress in its
work, has given substantial evidence by the actions it has already
taken that it defends and supports all class war fighters irrespective
of their organizational afliliations, and has been widely acclaimed
in all sections of the militant labor movement.
International Labor Defense is an absolutely indispensible organ-
ization for the militant labor movement and merits the unqualified
support of all those who stand on the platform of the class struggle
and who recognize the necessity of a common fight against persecu-
tion and reaction. The International Labor Defense must be built
into a mighty organization embracing scores of thousands of workers
and exploited farmers, regardless of their political affiliations.
The Workers Party endorses the International Labor Defense
and pledges full support to its activities in defense and support of
persecuted workers in America and all countries of the capitalist
world. The convention calls upon every Party member to do his
full duty bv joining the International La;bor Defense as a dues pay-
ing member, by giving moral and material support to the organiza-
tion in all of its work, and by carrying its message into all labor
organizations with which they are connected and to strive in every
way to draw them into its ranks.
(Adopted unanimously.)
COMMUNIST AGRARIAN PROGRAM AND POLICIES.
The more deeply our Party is becoming Bolshevized, the clearer
becomes its conceptions on the urgent necessity of an agrarian pro-
gram and policies and systematic Communist work on the agrarian
field. The Party must take closely to its heart and to its under-
standing the lesson given by the last plenum of the Communist In-
ternational; that an under-estimation of the agrarian question by a
Communist Party is fatal for the proletarian struggle for power.
2
One of the effective ways of Bolshevizing our Party is to in-
crease considerably our interest and Communist activities in the
Party's agricultural work. We may subdivide our agricultural cam-
paign into two phases:
First — to draw the rural proletariat which is part of the working
class into active participation in the class struggle side by side with
the city proletariat against the bourgeoisie. This is part of the
process of the unification of the working class.
Second — to separate from the bourgeoisie, neutralize and to
win over to revolutionary proletarian influence and leadership the
middle farmers, the poor mortgaged and tenant farmers and the semi-
proletarian farming masses.
The Communist Party must still overcome certain prejudices
in its ranks in order to intensify and broaden its activities among
the agricultural masses.
a) We must reject categorically and fight energetically against
that narrow guild or craft concept of the class struggle in our ranks
which is the chief barrier to our approach and application of Com-
munist tactics in our agricultural work.
b) We must categorically reject the non-Communist and even
anti-Communist attitude occasionally manifesting itself in our Party,
of disregarding the tremendous significance of the farming masses
in the struggle of the proletariat against the big bourgeoisie.
c) Marx has well said:
"Only if we succeeed in moving the peasant masses to a coalition
with the proletariat, the proletarian revolution will have obtained a
chorus without which its revolutionary solo (song) would become
a swan song in all agricultural (peasant) nations/'
Nearly one-fourth (about ten million people) of those employed
in gainful occupations in the United States are engaged in agricul-
108
109
ture. Q!f these about two million and a half are agricultural work-
ers, proletarians of the farms, who have the same interests as the
proletariat of the cities and must be made to struggle jointly against
the common exploiters.
The Communist work among the agricultural masses is especial-
ly important for the Workers Party of America because:
a) Agricultural production constitutes nearly 40 per cent of
the total production in the United States.
b) With the development of the United States as the dominant
imperialist power, the American colonial domain is growing to gi-
gantic proportions. In those colonies the agricultural masses con-
stitute the bulk of the population. Thus the agricultural question
assumes for the American proletariat increasing importance because
of its close connection with the colonial question.
c) Furthermore our bourgeoisie are making strenuous efforts
to utilize the present period of temporary improvement of the agri-
cultural conditions for establishing their domination over these rural
masses at home and mobilizing them against the proletariat.
6
In planning our agricultural work we must recognize the various
divisions within the agricultural masses in the United States. We
must consider carefully the social composition of the farmers in the
United States.
a) There is a small section of wealthy farmers whose interests
are unqualifiedly capitalist.
b) One sixth off all our farms are mortgaged: that is, about a
million and a half.
c) Seventy per cent of all the improved land in the United
States is today operated by tenants.
d) There are two million agricultural workers. These farm
hands are mainly disfranchised, migratory workers whose standard
of living is low.
e) We must take further into account the fact that in the Un-
ited States except in certain sections of the South, we do not have
a big, special land owning class in the European sense. The same
bankers and manufacturers who own the mines, factories, railroads,
and shipping facilities are in the main the owners of the land used
by the farmers.
f) Furthermore, the conditions are such that in many instances
farmers are simultaneously farmers and workers, the industrial work-
ers turning to farming for several months of the year,
g) In the United States, because of the tremendous economic
and political power yielded by the huge banking and transportation
monopolies and the trusts, there is a far sharper conflict of interests
between even the middle farmers and the big bourgeoisie than there
is between these farmers and the proletariat.
110
There are in the United States over two million tenant farmers
and about one and a half million mortgaged farmers, whose average
income is somewhere between seven and ten dollars per week. These
two groups of poor farmers, semi-proletarian in their social position
and mode of living, are struggling desperately to maintain an ex-
istence and are therefore in great need of assistance and cooperation
from the city workers in the struggle against capitalist exploitation.
8
Unlike the conditions in some df the agrarian countries of Eu-
rope, there is in the United States, with the exception of the South,
no large land-owning class, no land aristocracy. The class that owns
and controls the economic life of the agrarian population are the
bankers, grain speculators, mine and railroad magnates, trusts and
other capitalist corporations. That is, the same capitalist class that
dominates and exploits the workers of the cities. Thus there is a
clear community of interest between the working class and the poor
farmers for a common struggle against the common enemy.
9
Undoubtedly the severe agricultural crisis of 1920, which produced
such an intense ferment in the ranks of the farming masses, has
abated. The world crop shortage of last year was the principal force
tor whatever improvement recent months have (seen in the lot of the
agricultural masses. But it must be pointed out that:
a) Tho the crisis has abated it has not been solved completely.
At the lowest point of the recent agricultural depression, which was
I he worst in the history of the United States, the purchasing power
of the farming masses fell to 20 per cent below the pre-war level.
Today, despite the muclvheralded improvement of the economic con-
ditions of the farming masses, the purchasing power of the agricul-
tural population is still at least 10 per cent below the pre-war level,
(b) Besides, the ravages of the last severe agricultural depres-
sion have been so sweeping and so deep going that it would take
many years of considerable economic improvement for the farming
masses to make up their heavy losses.
(c) The fundamental cause for the agricultural crisis in the
United States, a condition which has been and is part of the inter-
national agricultural crisis, has not been removed. The basic causes
for the unsatisfactory economic and social conditions of the farming
masses in the United States are to be found in the wide gap, in the
deep chasm between the organization, or rather lack of organization,
Of agricultural economy on the one hand and the high efficiency of
the splendid industrial organization on the other hand. American
industrial production is organizationally on a high social basis.
American agricultural economy is still predominantly organized on an
individual basis. The dir e conditions in which the farming masses
have found themselves are to be attributed to the fact that they are
compelled to sell their products at a low price and are forced to buy
111
the industrial commodities of the powerful trusts at exorbitant prices.
(d) The disorganization of the agricultural economy in the
United States has been further aggravated by the over-development
of agricultural production thru "stimulation by the temporarily in-
creased demands of the world war; the subsequent reduced postwar
purchasing power of many countries and the loss of the markets
of other countries particularly in Europe; and by the continuous
strong support tendered monopolists against the farming masses by
the United States government thru high railroad rates and burden-
some taxation.
(e) The basic factors that produced the agrarian crisis in the
United States in 1920-23 have not been removed. The temporary
alleviation of the crisis has been achieved by American capitalism
at the cost of expropriating from their land hundreds of thousands
of farmers. The impoverishment of the European population, result
ing from the decline of capitalism, the emergence of Canada, Argen-
tina and Australia as successful competitors of the U. S. on tho
agricultural world market and the relative improvement of Eu-
ropean agriculture are creating a permanent critical situation for
the agrarian population of the U. S. A new wave of agrarian dis
content is now in the making and it is the realization of this fact
that makes the capitalists and the government of America pay so
much attention to the agrarian problems in the U. S.
The burden of taxation is becoming heavier and more unbear-
able for large sections of the farmers. The American capitalists
persist in their policy of shifting the burden ever more on the should-
ers of farmers and workers. Already there is a new campaign on
foot to have the coming session of Congress revise the taxation laws
still more in the interests of the big capitalists and against the
farmers and workers,
Marx once declared: "The changes in the relations between town
and country are a sign of changes in the whole epoch."
(a) This truth is born out very vividly and intensely in tlui
United States. The results of the severe agricultural depression
are of the greatest significance. The migration of several million farm-
ers from the rural communities into the industrial centers; the expro-
priation of hundreds of thousands of the exploited farming masses;
the proletarization of hundreds of thousands of poor farmers are j
amongst the outstanding manifestations of the deep-going change
the class composition of the United States. This process of agricultural
expropriation brought about by the "scissors" relationship hastens
the tendency towards the concentration of ownership and centraliza-
tion of operation in agricultural production. Thus the bad economic
conditions of the farming masses are further aggravated and their
social composition is further undermined and fundamentally changed.
(b) The influx of hundreds off thousands of native elements
primarily unskilled into the big basic industries where previously
the overwhelming majority were foreign born, is a force hastening
the creation of a homogeneous working class in America and con
112
sequently aiding the development of class-consciousness in the United
Sta 1n the imperialist stage of capitalism the agricultural question is
most posing' for the Communist Party ^^^J^^^'
ment of the proletarian dictatorship and the Soviet Republic.
fa) The bourgeoisie at this time are working overtime to create
as b an?poweTful a reserve army as possible against the masses
I i ! f ,.0 hSne steadily proletarianized. The tactics of the capitalists
which iare being steauny pi uicn.cn f „ rTYlilig . ma^pq
in this is to count on the conservative character of the farming masses,
Ln^ Individualistic attitude arising out oif the conditions and environ-
ment of Se productive system in which they find themselves.
(b) The bourgeoisie are actively working to win over the broad
farming masses as their allies against the proletariat They are
reS on the wealthy conservative farmers to serve ae their ad-
vanTe guard to win the farming masses for capitalist reaction
(c) The imposing question is whether the great bulk ot the
rura masses will be under proletarian or bourgeois influence and
leadership in the gigantic class conflicts that are to come m the
Uni W St ?he' capitalists are following in the words of Comrade
. * + i #„ rt «+ +Qntir- with the wealthy and middle farmers
and'S them 1 ILyTe exe^ng Hrlendous political influence
o^er the POoAarmers. This capitalistic united front with the farm-
ers orates thru such means as the discriminatory we of credit
facilities and the tariff in favor of one group of farmers as against
the other legislative policies of the same nature etc. All these
means are calculated to win the wealthy and middle farmers for
^SMSi ^eoS 8 are energetically working d urine this
neriod of the abatement of the severe agricultural crisis to win over
Z rural masses. Our capitalists are talking of making concessions
to tie" farmfng masses. They are talking of sundry relief measures
by means of which they hope to put the farming masses in their
camn and slightly to improve the rural economic situation.
^a) The bourgeoisie of the United States, as well as m every
other country, approach the farming masses with concrete proposals
wShspecSc but actually worthless concessions in order to establish
the %o^rterac7Ther^S Se o S f the capitalists, the Communists
najpnrsue a united front policy with the pooi ^™ e " ^^S;
win them over to a joint struggle with the working class against
SitaS and to neutralize the middle farmer. The Agrarian Thesis
o? the last plenum of the Communist International lays down clear
a *a definite lines for such a united front policy.
There are in the United States numerous farmers organisations
cooperates unions, semi-political and political organizations Most
ofThese organizations are mixed in their social composition (ncn,
■i?i?«T»d noor farmers) with the wealthy farmers controlling the
™niza5ons Some of these organizations, such as the Western
Progressive Farmers, the Farmers' Union, farmer-labor groups, and
113
iTTsThru C Zf ratiV f S ' . are P redomi ^ntly composed of poor farmer,
ment, ? n nd t>1 C00perate with th * I. W. W. and other working class Tie
The first prerequisite Tor the carrying out of these nol.vw <*
r u r C if a l C r Crete / nd PraCtiCal ™ ram <* demanL fo the agrfcul
tural workers and poor farmers. Also the establishment Z , "
organized agrarian department and an agrarit press ° f ' "^
The Workers Party shall actively support and fight for th*
demands of the agricultural workers dealing with minimum waeea
hours, and conditions of labor, food lodging, etc Theaters Party
o?her SI 6 t0 de . Vel0P United Pront acti °» with thelwwand
other labor organizations for the following demands-
necte^wiThThe ? fl r f nfzed . ^cultural proletarians should be con-
nected with the labor union movement of the industrial proletariat
ba^inTh^rTnrofth' T** ^ W ° rke " f0 "* ^ ^yT^t
uat>v m me ranks of the farming masses,
ever^i JcuinSlV^ ^T t0 maintain effi P lo ^ent bureaus in
every agricultural center. Any interference with these emnlovmpnt
bureaus by the American Legion, Kn KIux Klan, or any othL cSlist
agency shall be considered a criminal offense and punished lTc3£gly
StatP? J he immediate re P ea l of the state vagrancy laws in all
States. No persecution of migratory workers by arrests compulsion
to leave the community, or otherwise. compulsion
Phiiill C i lildren 1 of em P'oyed adults shall not be required to work
Children of 'school age shall not be permitted to work
citizenship miSrat ° ry W ° rkerS ShaU not b * *«** the rights of
The Workers Party shall develop united front action with th P
poor farmers along the line of the following demand
tn Jmt AbS0lute and unconditional opposition to imperialist war,
to military preparations and to militaristic propaganda '
The Workers Party shall support by all possible means the «m
gram and activities of the International Peasants' Cole a shall"
s e th:rp rk c for the affillation of Amei ' ican *"2^S5i2S
114
The convention instructs the incoming Central Executive Com-
mittee to appoint a commission to study the agricultural question to
prepare a complete agrarian program.
(Adopted unanimously.)
THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE PROLETARIAN
REVOLUTION.
The Negro in American History.
The Negro has played an important role in American history.
First his labor transformed the southern wilderness into an empire.
More than a score of heroic slave revolts enrich the forgotten pages
of American history. The smoldering fire of slave rebellion was
one of the immediate forces impelling the first centralization off the
government of the capitalist republic— the adoption of the constitu-
tion and the formation of the national army.
From being a passive center of the bloody struggle of 1861, the
Negro was transformed in three short years into the black shock
troops which helped to turn the tide of war against the southern
oligarchy. Thus the Negro toiler played also his part in the con-
solidation of the capitalist republic.
"Abolition," however, did not free the Negro laborer from all
of the impediments of chattel slavery. . The decade of •reconstruc-
tion" closed with a rapprochement between the Northern capitalist
class and the defeated Southern landlords, who obtained a free hand
to exploit the Negro masses to whom land was not allotted and who
Jemafned in a position of semi-slavery, politically disfranchised, V!c-
timized by super-exploitation and by exception laws.
Today the majority (about 8,000,000) of the Negro population
consists of exploited farmers (mostly landless tenants) and agricul-
tural laborers, and has a status little above serfdom. About one-
third (4,000,000) of the Negro population are residents of cities, towns
and industrial districts, where their occupations range from domestic
and miscellaneous labor to industrial labor in the heavy industries.
Practically without exception these are held by law and custom with-
in the hounds of a labor caste, segregated, habitually terrorized, and
exploited to a greater degree than any other section of the prole-
tfiriat
Nevertheless, unlike the Negro rural population, a large portion
of this group, especially in northern industrial centers, has won the
right to exercise the franchise. A number of them have come in o
the labor unions and consequently have been drawn directly into
the general struggles of the American working class. From the
Negro industrial workers the leadership of the American Negro
mass movement must come.
The "Negro bourgeoisie" is but a petty-bourgeois section small
in number and of little significance as exploiters except insofar as
hev become agents of the big (white) bourgeoisie in the role of
p^sono^ Propagandists in reformist race movements or in capital-
115
ist poll tical parties. With the latter exceptions the Negro petty-
bourgeoisie itself as a whole suffers under racial persecution
In chattel slavery the aspiration of the Negro was to attain the
condition of "free labor"-the wage slavery of the white worker
The remaining special inabilities of the Negro-discrimination in
employment, exclusion from trade unions, inequality of pay cause
great masses of Negro workers even today to regaM the position of
the white worker in industry as one which is still to be attained.
This fact has caused much confusion and complication in the labor
movement. It has created the basis of the false tradition that the
Negro, even when drawn into industrial labor, is a "natural" ally and
reserve of capitalism. In industry the fact that any degree of modern
wage slavery has represented to .the Negro an advance from his for-
mer serf-like status, taken in conjunction with the "labor-aristocratic"
SSi? ft ? Uni ° n bureaucrac y' ha * given birth to the false
tradition that the Negro is a strike-breaker.
The basis of that tradition has been undermined in the tumul-
tuous changes of the world war. The present is an epoch in which
the industrialized Negro proletarian and also the agricultural prole
tariat, moves into a position with the general working class.
The Negro Industrial Worker.
The tremendous transformation among the Negro masses result-
™LJ t ° m th f \ T W ° m War and afte r-war conditions, with the heavy
m gration of Negro agricultural laborers and tenant farmers into the
cities and industrial districts, has placed the Negro definitely in a
new position in relation to the American labor movement. Prom
being a sectional question, the Negro problem became a national ques-
™™ ? m . ng a secondar y f *ctor in industrial labor, the Negro
moves into position of a great mass employed in basic industries, and
already in notable strikes in the coal fields, etc., he has shown him-
self eminently fitted for the front ranks of militant organized labor.
The question of the full and unstinting admission of the Negro to the
th: d t e ra U d I e unioL PlaCed ^ "^ ^ ™ bef ° re at the *"* «
f-n™ T !£ COnstitutio T ns of ma »y °f the trade unions exclude the Negro
from the unions. In the case of these unions which have no sJch
Z2EZA.*" constitution the Negro is »~*— -^S
tatn^S l° Cr / asins pressure of the Negro worker for admittance
into the trade unions is an instrument for profound revolutions
change in the labor movement. It is no accident that the '■Gomper?
•bureaucracy opposes the entry of the newly industrialized Negro pro-
letarians into the trade unions. As an important and growing i™
of the most exploited section of the proletariat which does not share
in the miserable bribes with which imperialism poisons the upper
section of the working class, the mass of the Negro industrial worker
is objectively and potentially a part of the left wing of the la ho!
movement In those unions into which the Negroes are being adm"
ted, for instance the coal mining unions, the teamsters, longshoremen,
116
• .* „,, otn the Nearo Dlays an important part in
building laborers, janitors, etc. the Negio PJ a J Th obsti .
into tne umu rjrejudice of the white worker against the
%£%£%%£ -»«"™° "" a ■ >owcr '" 1 weapon ™* st the
solidarity of the working class.
ThP cause of the Negro in the labor movement is essentially a
left lingTght and one which must --r^caUy Je £?%£ »
the Workers (Communist) Party Our Party m J st ^ a ^ ation o£
foremost spokesman for the real abolition ot all ^ scr ™ unions
the as yet largely -organize,^ Negro wo ^"^J^, equal _
sion. Our aim must be , to show to the w made ^^
C °n ete ^ to the Neg'rc worke" tnatVspIte of the anti^Negro
Ssl=S£s3S5SS5£
£T£ duVS \X^^T^«. in the jnjj
££".£ .SX toSml-ion into the existing .unions, but
Suctioning as full-fledged Negro unions during the struggle.
The Negro Tenant-Farmer and Agricultural Worker.
Wtetat million Negro agricultural workers, share-croppers and ten-
ant farm rTl ve in The southern states in a condition in some respect
resembUng the serfdom of Europe two hundred years ago. Agricul-
H^riflhorers are forcibly held in compulsory labor under corporal
SS Tenant and' share farmers are bound to the earth by
?orce prevented from leaving a locality where they are adjudged to
117
mcM d c? S t te t0 S v^° rClS Wh ° 6Xe / CiSe the Hshts of fe »dal masters. A
the most cruel exploitation Politic,. mW- ' * US facilltatin S
from the Negro laborer and farmer ^ * ractlcal * withh eld
Negro' agricultural worSsSatrS ^ ^i?"™ * »« Mtata «
cultural workers If do Sb1 Wp h, f T* together with white agri-
hrin g such ^^ZSLX^Z^?*'*^ »
(together with white farmers of the^ ,"?? farmeM B«°eraUy
and to brio, such iS^^o^jS^J^ " """"^
bor movement. cooperation as allies of the la-
The Negro and the Labor Party.
where s m Its fl m S?eTS? T* ** Negr ° WOrkers as else "
crystallize thl in indenendeni ^ abo !* <**» consciousness and to
italist class. Tne SE^^,^^ ««^ «* -p-
periods have already shown ithHmh.7 ! e war and Post-war
masses from the renubli'In oar v , ?•* Par " al eX ° dUS of Ne S™
tradition, a visible widente h^ w- *? rep / esents a break with
ance of the Negro with the lapita^st clST^ * ^ ^ ° f the alli "
formation of the labor partv With vS? ^ ng Part in the
labor party action primXtl, £1 TL ?£™ W ! BhaJ1 in eve ^
against the Negro politically ■ IiS * • n 6S ° f domination
made an especially urgent reason f^ 55 sout f he ™ states must be
the Negro workers th7u collective afflnlr P ^ oreaniza «°n of
and the winning of political rSts f^-T I ^ the labor part ^
be placed before both S JZ 1?° Proletarians must
objective of the labor party movement Z, kePS aS an ^mediate
workers' political morZZtZ TSSiSji ^ ^ *?* the
Negro Membership i„ the Communist Party.
into the WofkeS (^mmunS f'arty 6 TTof* *"*«*«**. draWn
KtSftSS "SftS -sS~ ~ --^- - -"
P-wori^ * ^SnSfF -^-r -1 S:
no longer be postponed me a Pnme neces ^ that can
US
"Social Demands" of the Negroes.
All slogans of equality which are current among the Negro
masses or which can be awakened among them, which express the
aspirations Tor equal rights and equal treatment of Negroes an po-
S and ec nomic life and in public customs, are placed among
the demands of the Workers (Communist) Party. Such are the de-
mands for political equality, the right to vote, social equality eco-
n«S3c" equality, abolition of jim-crow laws and also nim-crow customs
not written into law, the right to serve on juries the abolition of
segregat on in schools and the right of Negro teachers to teach in
nn schools- equal rights of soldiers and sailors in army nad navy
w tho C ut° tgrela^on !» colored regiments, the right to frequen a^
maces of public resort without segregation (hotels, theaters, restau
ra.nts etcfand the abolition of all anti-intermarriage laws. In the
course o the struggle with such demands we will demonstrate thru
experience that these aspirations can be realized only as a result
oJtne successful class struggle against capitalism and with the
establishment of the rule of the working class in the Soviet form.
American Negro Labor Congress.
Our work among the Negroes centers ^^£t^Si
Negro Labor Congress announced tor Chi cage ° c » Der k lon
Party recognizes and supports this congiess as .a Sfnuine v
of the Negro workers and farmers of the United States. It will
"omposed according to the official call, of the following.
Delegates from Negro and mixed trade unions
Delegates from Negro workers in factories and industries where
larg lTewrgr°o Se^whrrknown for their activity in behalf
of the race. t
„ SSrSSSSa ass
and ThTcolgress therefore will be basically a gathering of Negro
W ° r TTe slogans of our Party will be incorporated in resolutions and
placed before the congress. ^-.-i.-ttoii should be formed of
At the congress a permanent ™g£?£jZLaj of Negro
groups thruout the United States _«"*£"£ v ities where this is
'" fSfASSLTSSi— »im..ar combes composed
119
miTes C C ° nneCti0n betweeu ^e struggles of the Negro and white
an* ^ COng f eS L ShOUld C0Qnect the druggies of the Negro workers
and farmers in the United States with the struggles of the nS
colomals m American possessions such as Haiti, etc ^
t.t.0,1 nf t? A eonnect the struggles of the American Negroes with
%\£%£?Z£r "' " nal,y with te - -' " lS
moTemeVtTT "'""m f" T " *" a " a ""' a '^«»"P «or the Negro
Our party fractions will work for the above program
Negro n es™^Zsf „? £*, "52?* ° f the Stniggle ° f the A ™™an
negroes with those of their African comrades, the congress «hm,M
point out he error of holding up Africa as a Negro Mecca it mut
be made clear that the connection between the African and AmeS
EESaSTaS ttTTh " £° *° C ° mm ° n St ™^ Si^? wSS
imperialism and that such schemes as migration, etc are qimniv
chimeras which serve only to confuse and conceal the reallssTs
whel C ° ng r ss , should strive to develop a leadership for h e Negro
where a workers' and farmers' government has solved succesSv
all racial and national problems. successfully
Lynching and Race Riots,
It is the duty of our Party to meet the problem of lynching and
race riots not merely with words of sympathy but with conrr^e
ofTh n e 1 Cble a m"s et t 1 o 0dS *? iCh Can * eflectiT ^ ™* * f^ZTct
l™ le ™ 1S t0 ereate a united class front of the working class
We shall endeavor to have established in localities IS hSh
Negroes and white industrial workers are employed permlnent inter
Negro afd'hitTwoT 8 ^^ **"**> ««*»' terrlXton^of
ftyot pay I^nsT r a ^ agamSt '?. e KU K1UX Klan ' against ine <^-
tL * u * a ? amst race discrimination in obtaining employment for
the full admission of Negro workers into the unions w th eaualitv
IS 6 ' P v rigMS ' f ° r the COmplete organization of bL NegJo
and white workers into the same unions. It shall be our endeaSr
to have such inter-racial committees of workers serve as a nSZ
thru which the solidarity and cooperation of the working c£ sai S
a I workers' organizations can be obtained in times of crfsis ^ch a^
strikes, race riots, attempted lynchings, etc., to present conflicts
between the workers of the two races and to prevent lynchings
The Negro and the Army.
reseSL^ T™- War &nd the cons cription of the Negro youth
resentment of discrimination and other brutal treatment in the armv
and navy became a major phenomenon among Negro toilers O J
Worker, rT COnception «*■» many slogans and demands Sh Se
Workers (Communist) Party must energetically champion! aTd which
120
especially the Young Workers League can well champion: the move-
nent against segregation of Negroes in "jim-crow" regiments; against
s^imination in the kinds of tasks assigned to Negro troop units
S?t dSrimL^on against individual Negro -J^' ^
The sharo and brutal punishment of whole groups of Negro troops
"24th Neg?o infantry'' case-13 summarily hanged, 56 imprisoned);
Lalnst the Principle of "white officers for Negro troops'; against
Negro officers' failure to defend the Negro troops from discnmina-
ti0n, The C ' customary employment of Negro troops in imperialistic ag-
gression against weaker peoples (Spanish war, the Philippines and
Mexico in 1916), intensifies the duty of the Communists to awaken
fmon? the Negro masses a sense of their own relation to the class
ZLn the United States, and their relation to the present
Sawing of the suppressed races; their rebat o n t oh e new
world-wide capitalist slogan of "white supremacy (as n China) in
Thort In understanding of the international role of capitalist govern-
ment and their own role in the revolutionary epoch.
NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS.
Partly as a result of the international transformation among the
Negro population in the United States and the West Indies and also
partly as a reaction to the war and the national liberation move-
ments thruout the world (especially the colonial ferment in Africa,
Xsia the PhUipplnes, Haiti, etc.), a Negro race movement centering
in the United States has been stimulated to large proportions. This
movement first crystallized into organizational form among West
Indian working class immigrants in New York and other United
StatS seaports as well as the British West Indian possessions but
soread rapidly among the native American Negroes, mostly of the
working Sass Under the name of the Universal Negro Improve
me nt Association a fluctuating membership, at times ™V™^S
S e half-million mark, was organized. At first it showed distinctly
anti-fmperialist tendencies, with specific working class demands such
as tn™ demand for opening the trade unions to Negroes with equality
oi lay ete as shown in the 1920 program of the Universal Negro
taprovement Association. At all times these demands have been
cr/usedTy mixed with Utopian conceptions. Rapidly, however under
the leadership of its principal founder, Marcus Garvey, the Utopian
pacifist conception that the oppression of the Negro In America and
the world could be remedied by the building of a national Negro
state to Africa, and that hence the struggle in this country is urn
necessary has become the dominant note of the organization. The
exDloiSon of the Negro masses by demagogic leaders of this organ-
izltfon who copy the arts of the Jewish Zionist movement, soliciting
tunZ from white capitalists on the ground that they will teach the
Nerro toUere to submit to "white supremacy" (d. e., capitalist B u-
premacy fn this country, while officially denying but in fact cuWvat-
?ng the .dream of mass migration to Africa, is one of the cruelest
aspects of betrayal to which the black worker is subjected.
121
t>, t n « intenSe sympath y wit ' h the colonial revolts of the Chinese
^fnnt A impenallsm IS ' however, an almost universal phenomenon
rnnan^ ei p 1Can ***" Worker "- » exists in a ^Hitant aggres^
on-paciflst form, not only among some of the rank and file of the
beforementioned organization, but also widely beyond the limit, of
any organized form. This phenomenon is found in ts hiRhes do
t? e^wf "T^ Negr ° indUStHal W ° rkers wh0 completely radiate
the cult of submission in America and who conceive th P w Jt f ♦ « i
bound up with the American .labor movement ThTele^ ^^o
gram mJ ^^/^.^-ceptionally responsive to the Common ^pro-
gram in both lts international and its domestic significance Their
merest m questions of colonial imperialism (forced upon them by
their own persecution as an "inferior" race), Increases thL ™iZ nf
the contribution which this most exploited section cf the proletarian
Negro workers can make to the labor movement. The gSnce of
this current into the channel of the labor movement and away from
of oTpTr/" " "7 hi§h taSk ° f ° Ur Parity - * Solves "he ne™
of our Party members working within the Negro race movement
o gantaTons of t^ 16 ** "**« ClMa ^^ wSinTe mTss
organizations of the race movement, including the struggle against
. Y, t0P - an eaders - a ^ n ts of the bourgeoisie. It involves combat
ng the ,deology of concessions to "white supremacy,- tnlinsTence
the" l i r COmPr0miSinS StrUgSle against the Ku Klux Klan making
these ma or issues against the reactionary leadership. Within such
iJ^TT T mUSt inSiSt UP0n the organizations taking up the
ssues of the class struggle, constantly pointing to the failing nf thf
America 10 *«"*» t0 ^ the ^ toilers Irom opp^si^
khJ acco T mp . lish thls ™ should organize Communist fractions
within the Universal Negro Improvement Association which sha"
s rive to surround themselves with the working class and poor farmer
of the NpIT f an organiza « on nghting for the class interests
of the Negro workers m the United States.
In the Negro race movements and organizations it is necessarv
constantly to emphasize the colonial program of the Communis? Inter
national pointing out that only with a united world front of all the
ShTeVeToft oTtbe^, C ° n r ct T of the proletarian revolution^
with the revolt of the colonial peoples, that victory can be attained.
We should encourage the Negro workers to take an interest in
Peop^X it* i7n V n? ent f ° r .£ eed0m * ^e suppressed colonial
?J* * ut !t ls . not Permzssible to encourage the Utopian idea
that the Negroes in this country can win their emancipaUon thru
mass migration or thru the establishment of a Negro nation in a rw,?
The reformist leaders (Garvey, etc.) do not have" a Program ftr the
liberation of the Negro peoples thruout the world. The revLlLary
movemen headed by the Communist International has a program
which wil liberate the peoples of Africa, Asia, etc., together witf the
proletariat of all countries. The Communist International and its
122
American section is a friend of all liberation movements of oppressed
peoples, and opposes only the misleaders and betrayers of the mass
organizations of Negroes.
OTHER NEGRO RACE MOVEMENTS.
The African Blood Brotherhood, with a program of class struggle
combined with a militant championing of the special demands of «fce
Negro workers against racial discrimination, is an organization wmcn
has done a pioneer work of considerable value, in organizing a mil-
itant advance-guard of Negro workers. Otherwise its chief successes
have been in those cases when it has employed the united front
tactics for enlarging its contact with and influence upon wider circles.
Our policy in relation to this organization is to have the local organ-
izations merge with the units of the American Negro Labor Congress
In the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People the Negro petty-bourgeoisie, together with middle class white
reformists and under the partial leadership of the big bourgeoisie
(such as represented by Senator Burton, chairman of the last repub-
lican national convention) finds the chief medium for its reformist
operations. Yet it is a singular paradox and a reflection of the now
passing period of the patronizing of the Negro's cause by the capital-
ist class, that this organization at its last convention appeared in
the role of championing, tho in a timid and "respectable way, Negro
workers' right to admittance in the trade unions. Even in this
organization, under present circumstances, it is permissible and neces-
sary for selected Communists (not the party membership as a whole)
to enter its conventions and to make proposals calculated to enlighten
the Negro masses under its influence as to the nature and necessity
of the class struggle, the identity of their exploiters, and their leaders
in the same persons and the treacherous nature of the reformist
measures proposed. ,,„„„,,
However it is only when the Communist work is so broadened
and extended in the field of Negro movements as to make our Party
stand out as the only real champion of the Negro against lynching,
all discriminating and all oppression and exploitation that we can
successfully combat the influence of such bourgeois movements.
The aim of our Party in our work among the Negro masses is to
create a powerful proletarian movement which will fight and lead
the struggle of the Negro race against exploitation and oppression
in every form and which will be a militant part of the revolutionary
movement of the whole American working class, to strengthen the
American revolutionary movement by bringing into it the 11,500,000
Negro workers and farmers in the United States to broaden the
struggles of the American Negro workers and farmers, connect them
with the struggles of the national minorities and colonial peoples
of all the world and thereby further the cause of the world revolu-
tion and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
(Adopted unanimously.)
123
COMMUNIST WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE
UNITED STATES.
I.
*, T . he m°J k am ° ng wome n ^ an important phase of the Party
Sv n ? W W ° rk has been ne S lect ed by our Party since its organ-
ization Only some local organizations such as New York, Boston
and Detroit have made a beginning in this respect, but there has
been no centralized direction and definite plan of .work on a national
scale These conditions must be changed. Our Party must from now
on take up this work systematically in order to establish Communist
sSX: 7Zel G rZT R W ° rkerS Jmd ^^ them int ° the geDeral
II. POLICY FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN IN THE FACTORIES.
1. It must be our aim to establish in the factories where women
are employed circles of working women for the discussion of the
problem of their place of work and for the discussion of general
problems of the working class. As these circles are developed in
certain industrial sections they should be combined into conferences
of delegates from the circle of that section and later on a city-wide
+ „ 2 ' Th t 5 l e Circles Sh0uld also be the medium for expression of
the social life of women workers and the means of providing educa-
tional opportunities. Thru the development of this form of their
activities our Party members working within them will be able to
influence the social life and the education of the women workers
and thus facilitate the work of political education of these workers.
3. Wherever the Party has shop nuclei organized in factories
where women are employed one member of the nucleus shall be
charged with the responsibility of organizing such circles of women
workers. In those sections where nuclei do not yet exist the Party
organ responsible for work among women shall appoint comrades
working in factories where women are employed to take up this work.
4. The work among the women in the factories must be closely
coordinated with the work among the women in the trade unions
For this purpose there should be appointed in the Party trade union
fractions in unions in which there are women workers a comrade
charged with the work among the women trade union members, who
must be in contact with the comrades conducting the work among
women in the factories.
III. WORK AMONG THE HOUSEWIVES.
1. Our Party must also seek to organize circles of housewives
for participation in and support of the struggles of the workers
These circles should be organized in all the working class sections
of the cities,
124
2 The Party units in the various sections of the cities shall
aoooint from among the Party members a comrade specially charged
SS caring on tWs work of organization of circles of housewives.
3 The housewives circles shall be combined thruout the sec-
tions 'of the city and on city-wide scale thru conference of delegates
from these bodies.
4 The housewives circles should carry on social and educational
activities similar to those to be carried on by the circles in the
Series They must be drawn into close co-operation with the
women circles in the factories thru the initiation of common cam-
nafcns and thr U conferences in which the members of both circles
SSpate as well as thru conferences of delegates from both forms
JTSSSSaSon. This is particularly necessary in times of strike
and other workers' struggles.
5. The organizations of proletarian housewives which have been
created thru the efforts of our Party members, such as the United
Council of Working Class Women in New York City, the Mothers
feaeue of Boston and Detroit Proletarian Women organizations
Sd be made th; basis for the development of our work in these
cities.
IV. CONFERENCES OF WORKING WOMEN.
1 In order to unite the work of the women factory circles and
the housewives circle, conferences of working women shall be called.
2 These conferences shall be held periodically at least once a
month, and shall discuss and act upon all problems arising out of
the lives of the working women.
3 The "Conference of Working Women" shall consist of (a)
women employed in shops, factories, stores, etc.; (b) Local trade
unions consisting wholly or partly of working women, and (c)
ganizations of working class housewives.
4. These conferences shall elect Executive Committees to carry
on the work between the meetings of the Conferences These com-
mittees shall be known as "Committees of Working Women.
5. The following is to be the basis of the program of the Con-
ferences of Working Women."
a! To carry on an active campaign to unionize the working
women. .
b. To fight for equal pay for equal work.
c To combat child labor. «««.««-
d. To encourage and assist working women to become citizens
° f ^ ^ffighrfor government maintenance of working mothers
for a specified period of time before and after childbirth.
for ^ ^Pecm^pe^ ^^ consciougness and activity among w ork-
lng JT Participate in all struggles of the workers jointly with
other labor organizations.
125
.he l£r^£££r*"* cult " ra, ■ ™« — — «
I To combat the high cost of living
I To° Sht for' K" h ° U ! ing faCmtieS f0r the ™**«.
facilitJ^orSng^ £55 ^ *"«"* and ed -tional
of the wo T r°kerf ' '" S ° Vernment maintenance of the school children
other" l£E22£ aU StrUgSles of the — ■ Jointly with
committed S ta^ra/ ''TheVrov^ * ^ l0CaIUy by a SPecial
ference of Worting Women •? rZ v * ** C 1 °™ mItte8 of the Con-
made up of men and women" engaged "nTX C ° mmittee is to be
the struggle of the working womTn other ™ connected with
ly. Lfo'rT'caC'trV; JmmitteeB shall be established immediate-
V. PARTY ORGAN.ZAT.ON FOR WORK AMONG WOMEN. I
th«. pI^ f °"° wing organizational apparatus shall be established n
the Party at once to conduct the work among women e&tabllShed n
SUES" " "" ~> • "• '— ■ — S.™i™
;s v;3s i trni-,'.".:,; h ^-r.-s,,",s7,-
«3SH«SS?J5Srrl
sent'to S?aTu^^ ^^ * ^^ the -^ructions
the Party units shall contain a special section instructing the
126
Party units how to apply this campaign to the work among the work-
ing women so that the women are drawn into all the general cam-
paigns of the Party,
4. The first step in putting this program into effect shall be the
calling in each city of city conferences to consist of all the members
of the branch and nuclei sub-committees on Women's Work and also
the women committees from the trade union fractions. These con-
ferences shall be made thoroly familiar with the program, and mobi-
lized to carry it out in the following manner. Similar conferences
shall be held from time to time and at a later stage of development
of the work it may be possible to hold these conferences on a larger
scale.
5, At all times the Party members in the non-partisan organ-
izations must form Communist fractions and work under the direc-
tion of the Party sub-committees on Women's Work in their respective
localities.
VI. PRESS AND LITERATURE.
1. The Party should publish literature making especial appeal
to working women and the party press should from time to time
carry articles dealing with current political questions from the same
angle.
(Adopted unanimously. )
127
THE AMERICAN COMMUNIST STRUGGLE
AGAINST IMPERIALISM.
1. THE BASIC CHARACTERISTICS OF IMPERIALISM AND ITS
DEVELOPMENT IN THE UNITED STATES.
A. The basic characteristics of imperialism are;
1. The concentration and centralization of industry and capital
result in monopolies so powerful that they play the decisive role in
economic life.
(a) Nowhere has monopoly developed to the extent that it has
in the United States, the classic land of trusts and combines.
2. An immense accumulation of money capital available for in-
vestment and exportation, and a tremendous expansion of the credit
system into a world credit system where groups of financiers finance
first whole backward countries, their industries and governments
and later to finance even industrially advanced countries.
(a) The United States leads in the manifestation of this tend-
ency also. More than half of the world's gold supply is accumulated
here. From a debtor, the United States has been converted not mere-
ly into a creditor nation but into the investor and usurer nation par
excellence. In war debts alone the world owes the United States
over eleven billion dollars. The greatest of these debtors is its
nearest rival and competitor, the British Empire with four and one-
half billion dollars in round numbers.
Ob) The world's total debt to the United States today is more
than twenty billions. In the last year alone, the American capitalists
increased their foreign investments by almost a billion and a quarter
The Dawes plna, the repeated French stabilization loans, the financ-
ing of countries like Germany, Austria, Italy and France, etc and
even the British dominions as Canada and Australia (the recent loan
of $75,000,000 to Australia) indicate clearly that it is no longer a
question -of financing backward countries but advanced industrial
countries and colonies of rival imperialist powers as well.
3. The centralization of banking capital on an ever-increasing
scale, and thru its financing, credit and investment development the
fusion of banking capital with monopoly capital and the creation of
a financial oligarchy on the basis of the thus originated "finance
capital." In the United States this tendency has gone so far that
the federal reserve system has coordinated all banking groups into a
single domestic and world financing organization under the control
of the most powerful and most concentrated oligarchy in the world
— an oligarchy which is presonified by two individuals, Morgan and
Rockefeller.
128
4. The basic determinant of world economic and political policy
becomes the export of capital and not the export of commodities.
5. There arise international monopolistic unions of capitalists
which divide the world among themselves.
6. The territorial division of the world is already completed and
each shift in relative power among the imperialist nations is marked
by a violent re-division of backward and even industrially advanced
countries.
7. The seizure of the sources of raw materials and especially
oils and metals and coal is another source of conflict for the re-
distribution of the already divided world.
(a) The United States is especially favorably situated on ac-
count of its great domestic oil and mineral supply. It controls 43
per cent of the world's output of coal; 64 per cent of the steel;
nearly one-third per cent of the petroleum; about 50 per cent of the
copper, etc. In addition to the rich supplies of raw materials in the
United States the minerals and oils of Mexico, Peru, Venezuela, Co-
lombia, Chile, etc., are increasingly getting under the undisputed
sway of the U. S. Thus the U. S. enters into the conflict for Eu-
ropean, Asian and African raw material sources with the preponder-
ance already assured in its favor.
8. Imperialism thus broadens to a world base and sharpens the
eollosal conflicts, deepens the antagonism between rival national im-
perialist groups, suppressing internal competition only to intensify
world competition.
9. This conflict tends increasingly to a violent form, accompa-
nied by domestic reaction, savage exploitation of subject peoples, an
increasingly rapid armament race, and the piling up of ever more
explosive materials in the world powder magazine.
10. It provokes increasing revolts of the subject peoples, pres-
ently evidenced by the Moroccan and Chinese situations, the growth
of anti-imperialist movements in Latin-America, the Turkish and Per-
sian situations and colonial movements generally.
11. An historical alliance is being consummated in the alliance
between the revolutionary proletariat and exploited colonial and
semi-colonial peoples. This basic strategy of the world revolution,
elaborated by Lenin is now being confirmed by history; we are wit-
nessing its conscious application, not locally, not within sectional
limits, but on a world-wide scale. The astonished buorgeoisie, which
predicted confidently the immutable binding power of nationality
over the class interests of the workers in the home countries of im-
perialism, are being treated to the spectacle of the French Commu-
nists openly aiding the heroic Riff tribesmen to throw back the
armies of imperialist France, while the socialist party, which has set
up its usual "union sacre" with imperialism, is more and more los-
ing the support of the French masses. The opportunist leaders of
the British labor party have again declared for imperialism by voting
for "imperial preference," but the Communist Party of Great Britain
is cementing its fighting alliance with the national liberation move-
129
merits of India and Egypt. Enslaved China has turned against its
imperialist oppressors; it is the beginning of the surefated liberation
of Asia and the mighty Kuomintang Party of China welcomes and
receives the support of revolutionary toilers in England, Japan,
France, America — in all the home countries of imperialism. More-
over, Soviet Russia, the expression of the international victory of the
working class, is China's staunch ally.
12. The imperialist struggles on all sides are an indication that
the partial and temporary stabilization of capitalist industry, noted
at the recent sessions of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the
Communist International, has brought no real stabilization to capital-
Ism. This is the final stage of capitalism. Bourgeois society is
hanging in the balance. It will be buried by the combined forces of
the proletarian revolution and the national liberation movements of
the colonial and semi-colonial peoples.
2. AMERICA'S IMPERIALIST POLICIES.
13. The days of "national Isolation" in America have been left
far behind. The tremendous strides of American imperialism con-
stitute one of the most significant developments of world capitalism
since the war. American imperialists have now subjected over three-
quarters of a million square miles of territory— but these figures
give no real idea of the extent of the American empire, which brushes
aside boundary lines and penetrates even into the most highly de-
veloped industrial sections of Europe. In his great work on impe-
rialism, Lenin pointed out that it is those countries that possess
capital that dominate all other nations, despite the bourgeois-demo-
cratic fiction of the equality of nations. The United States is the
greatest store-house of capital in the world; capital is being con-
stantly piled up. American export of capital has more than doubled
since the war, the total now invested abroad exclusive of war debts
to the U, S. government being over nine billions of dollars. The
United States is the world's money-lender; no big financial deal can
be put thru without consulting the House of Morgan. To guarantee
its investments and to open up new fields for them, the financial oli-
garchy centered in Wall Street makes ready use of its political in-
strument, the United States government. Also to monopolize mark-
ets and to control sources of raw material. American government
officials travel the seven seas to do the bidding of Wall Street. Amer-
ican warships break strikes in Cuba and Central America, patrol
Chinese rivers and engage in imperialist demonstrations in far east-
ern waters.
14. American foreign policy is imperialist policy. Broadly speak-
ing it revolves around three main slogans; the Monroe Doctrine, the
"open door" and the Dawes plan.
The Monroe Doctrine.
15. This is the official name for the policy in Latin-America.
Latin-America is something more than a field for the investment of
130
capital and a market to be monopolized, altho 44.4 per cent of Ameri-
ca's total foreign investment is in Latin-America. The greater part
of our raw material imports come from Latin-America. One of those
raw materials is oil, which has become an elemental, vital factor in
the life of modern capitalism — a central objective in the clash of
rival imperialism thruout the world. Latin-America is therefore con-
sidered Wall Street's eminent domain, where no foreign intervention,
other than that of the United States, is to be tolerated. The Monroe
Doctrine is a doctrine of "Latin-America for Wall Street." Native
governments are either ruthlessly thrust aside, as in Nicaragua and
Santo Domingo, where U. S. marines run amuck, putting the natives
to work in chain gangs in the dust and sweltering heat of the public
roads; or else the governments are intimidated, as everywhere in Cen-
tral America; or they are threatened with revolution, as in Mexico
and elsewhere; or they are encouraged to pro-American dictatorship,
as in Venezuela and Peru. American imperialism has even created
special organizations to assist in the domination of Latin-America,
notably the Pan-American Union.
16. Out of the 20 Latin-American republics, 11 now have their
financial policies directed by appointed officials from the United
States. Six of these 11 have their financial agents backed by Ameri-
can military forces on the ground. Four of the remaining nine have
their economic and fiscal lives closely tied to the United States thru
large loans and concessions giving special advantage to American
capitalists.
17. The Monroe Doctrine will not lose its importance to Ameri-
can foreign policy with the development of the American empire to
world-wide proportions. On the contrary, it will be pushed more
than ever to the fore. Latin-America is the primary foreign base
of American capitalism. The plan for a Mexico City-to-Buenos Aires
railway is the symbol of American imperialism just as the Berlin-to-
Bagdad railway was the symbol of German imperialism.
18. Latin-America is still the principle field of American impe-
rialism and one where its sway is relatively undisputed by rival
powers. Its population is almost equal to that of the United States,
its territory several times greater and the whole extent of a conti-
nent and a third is unified by common language, racial and social
origins, traditions and history, culture, and economic and political
conditions.
19. There is sufficient homogeneity to permit of the building of
a powerful continental movement of the workers and peasants
against American imperialism, and sufficient resentment due to the
occupation of the Central American and Carribean countries the sus-
taining of autocracies such as those of Venezuela and Peru by united
aid, the interference in the internal affairs of all of the countries,
the system of financial and military advisers, the monopolistic Mon-
roe Doctrine and the robbery of the tremendous natural resources
of Latin-America.
131
B. The Open Door.
20. The "closed door" policy expressed in the Monroe Doctrine
is substituted by its exact opposite, the "open door" in the Far East.
America came late to the Chinese treasure house. She got her first
real foothold during the world war, with the activities of the Ameri-
can International Corporation and the Asia Banking Corporation a,nd
since that time has been expanding her interests rapidly. Commerce
with the Orient constitutes 25 per cent of all America's foreign
trade. For the United States, China is principally a market and a
field for investment — an unbelievably vast one, as yet scarcely tap-
ped. The Washington conference of 1921-22 marked the definite
orientation toward the Pacific of an important phase of American
foreign policy.
21. The "open door" policy is a pretended insistence upon equal
rights for all imperialist nations. It was originally expressed in the
Hay doctrine on China, but has since been expanded to take in
Mesopotamia, Egypt, parts of Europe, etc.; in fact it has become a
general slogan of American foreign policy, when not applied to Latin-
America. In the Far East, the policy means the playing off of Great
Britain against Japan, and an attempt to dislodge both. Because of
its hypocritical "open door" policy bringing it into conflict with the
directly felt imperialist domination of Great Britain and Japan, the
United States has created the illusion among sections of the Chi-
nese people that her purposes are friendly. This dangerous idea
must be energetically eombatted. Our Party should take the lead
in educating the Chinese as to the real meaning of the "open door"
policy and the purpose of American imperialism.
The Philippines.
22. The bitterness of the Philippine people against American
exploitation and tyranny increases daily. Importance of the Philip-
pines as the key to future struggles In the Far East cannot be over-
emphasized. The anti-independence movement in the United States
and the dictatorial policy of Wood in the suppression of strikes,
murdering of natives, etc., make the Philippine situation ever sharper
and more nationalist revolutionary in tendency.
23. Our Party has already developed some influence among the
Filipinos by its defense of their interests. The American Party
should intensify and increase its activities on behalf of Philippine
independence (tie this up in the minds of the American workers with
the situation in China and the possibilities of war with Japan). The
Filipinos should be made to realize that the liberal "independence"
movement in the United States is not to be reckoned with as the
basis 'for a spirited fight against American imperialism in the Philip-
pines, but that it must look to the Communist movement and the
working class for such a fight.
24. A real effort should be made to organize the Filipino work-
ers in the United States as a step to Communist organization on the
132
islands. The immediate recall of General Wood and an investigation
of his regime should be called for. Every atrocity in the Philippines
should be the signal for protest meetings and resolutions in the
United States. Tihe Party should explain in its propaganda for in-
dependence that a "Plattized" independence is no independence at
all.
25. The campaign outlined in the Party's Filipino program is
to be prosecuted vigorously.
China.
26. The United States continues to present itself as the hypo-
critic champion of the "open door" in China. It has held it "open"
long enough to get one foot in. It is now trying to get the other
in and then kick Japan and later Great Britain out, and close the
door in the faces of the other imperialist powers. The hypocrisy
of the "open door" campaign must be exposed, the danger of war
with Japan and the Soviet Union, the tyranny of the whole foreign
intervention policy and its significance in making the East a storm
center for a new world war must be kept in the forefront. The sub-
servience of the American Federation of Labor President Green to
the American state department has caused him to issue a pronounce-
ment of the same hypocritical tone in the name o'f the A. F. of L.
The Party and the anti-imperialist league should hasten to address
and appeal to the members of the A. F. of L. explaining to them the
true state of affairs in China and presenting a concrete plan of action
on the part of the American working class. (Similar use should be
made of the Latin-American pronouncements of Green, the confer-
ences called, etc.) Our Party should intensify its work on the Chi-
nese situation and prepare for a long campaign as the Far East
situation will continue perhaps for years in an acute stage. The
Party must demand the abolition of the four-power pact, the nine-
power pact, extra-territoriality rights, concessions, etc., etc. It must
seek fraternal relations with the Chinese working class and especial-
ly intensify its relations with the Kuomintang. It must propose fra-
ternal relationship between the American and Chinese organized
workers, and mobilize opinion among the American workers against
further intervention and in favor of the Soviet policy in connection
with China.
C. THE DAWES PLAN.
27. Comrade Stalin characterized the Dawes plan as an attempt
to "cover and mask the desperate struggle between England and
France for European supremacy, the growing hostility between Eng-
land and America in the struggle for domination of the world
market, the struggle of the German people against the colonial
entente oppression." This was the final, amazing leap of American
imperialism in its onward march, made possible by the ruin of
Europe in the war and the new strength and consciousness of purpose
of the American capitalists. When the after-war boom came to an
end, it became apparent that the United States could not continue
133
to hold aloof from European affairs. The tremendously developed
industrial capacity of this country was lying idle with the bank vaults
bursting with gold (call money was being lent at less than two per
cent interest in the "outside market'*), the urge to incorporate Europe
with the American economic system and furnish an investment
market for American capital became irresistible. The Dawes plan
means not more employment for American workers, but less and
more uncertain employment. The Dawes plan is an adventure in in-
ternational monopoly built upon the enslavement of the German work-
ers and tending to force down the standard of living of British French
and American workers as well. Together with the Hurley plan for
France, the Mellon plan for Belgium, and the various systems of
control imposed upon Austria, Hungary, etc. it expresses the insolent
bid of American imperialism for world domination. But the plan is
doomed to fail. A country like Germany cannot be kept as a colony
The attempt to do so means, as Comrade Stalin says, "to place
Europe on a charged mine." Moreover, England and France cannot
reconcile their multiple differences with the United States, of which
the European situation offers only one phase. Another and an im-
portant one is the preponderant position of American capital in Cana-
da, its growing strength in Australia and other British colonies The
entire European adventure of American imperialism is in itself an
earnest of the approaching collapse of world capitalism. It rests
upon a hundred sharpening contradictions. For the American work-
ers it heralds the awful certainty of new wars.
t^ l 8 *^ EV6I l b f f ° re the War With Spain in 1898 > American capital-
ism had reached the point of development where it could no longer
maintain itself without giving up its isolation and being drawn into
the current of world events. The West was becoming populated
Money was no longer at a big premium for internal developments
American capitalists could not count indefinitely upon a constant
consumption demand in this country and industry was expanding
rapidly. In the United States itself, Big Business had developed to
the point where it was able to dictate the entire foreign policy of
the government. The launching of the United States Steel corpora-
tion m 1900, personified the fusion of banking and industrial capital
It was thru the world war and the events subsequent to it that the
United Stttes was able to lay the basis for its present expanded policy.
29. American imperialistic foreign policy will now be intensified
particularly as the race for oil becomes hotter, as American surplus
capital continues to pile up, as the clashes with rival imperialism
become more unavoidable. Already Japan and England are engaged
m fierce contests with American imperialism— Japan in the Far East
England m Latin-America, China, Asia Minor, Europe— over all the'
world. England is the main competitor, the chief capitalist obstacle
in the path of Wall Street. If England could be eliminated or ren-
dered helpless, the United States would have a comparatively free
hand with Japan. At the Washington conference the United States
134
succeeded in breaking up the Anglo-Japanese alliance and in forcing
England to recede from her age-old position of mistress of the seas,
thru the acceptance of the 5-5-3 naval basis. Too weakened to con-
duct an independent policy of her own, England has been constrained
to console herself in recent years with the role of a lesser partner
in America's new imperialistic ventures — as in the Dawes plan in
Europe— but England and America are irreconcilable rivals. The
present situation in China illustrates the impossibility of reconciling
the interests of the British imperialists with those of Wall Street.
Our Party must understand the basis of the fundamental conflict
between British and American imperialism, and must be prepared
for the titanic struggle which is approaching.
30. Another factor that imperialism cannot leave out of consid-
eration Ms Soviet Russia. Soviet Russia has made the first breach
in the circle of world capitalism. She represents the spearhead of
the international class war piercing its way into imperialist situa-
tions. She has already shown what the far-reaching effects of this
may be by her support of China. The United States as the standard-
bearer of world capitalism, has of necessity become the rallying
center for the battle against capitalism's mortal enemy. American
workers must at all times stand by Soviet Russia in the attempt of
the capitalists to wage war against her.
3. AMERICAN IMPERIALISM.
31. This "pacifist imperialism/' as it has been called, is essen-
tially warlike. The United States today spends tremendous sums of
money on military and naval preparations. Thru the medium of the
Citizens' Military Training Camps, Boy Scouts, etc., the entire popu-
lation is being drawn into the scheme of militarization. A powerful,
centralized armed force is being built up for us against the workers
at -home, and to crush the movements for freedom in Latin-America,
Hawaii and the Philippines—as well as to organize for the next war.
"Navy day," "defense day," etc., are signs of the approaching im-
perialistic conflict.
32. The American imperialists know that their struggle to oust
Japan from China is one that cannot be settled without war. The
United States is ready for that war. Hence the recent maneuvers
of the fleet in Far Eastern waters— and its subsequent friendly visit
to Australia. American imperialism is prepared to fight England,
but she wishes to detach England from Japan at all costs,, and
evidences of an Australian-American entente, together with the Cana-
dian situation, are calculated to make England think twice before
she throws in her lot with Japan. Our Party must conduct a relent-
less campaign against American militarism, inside the military train-
ing camps and out. The spread of Communism in the army, as
shown in the cases of Crouch and Trumbull, is of great significance,
and it is especially significant that they are stationed in a colonial
possession. We must expose the imperialist purpose of "navy days"
and "defense days" and we must tear the sham from off such slogans
135
as "the yellow peril," "limitation of immigration/' etc., so that the
working class may respond to our fight against the- coming war.
Imperialism and the Capitalist State.
33. The bourgeoisie develops an evermore powerful state ma-
chinery for the execution of its financial schemes, for armament for
colonial, for mandated areas and spheres of influence administration,
and tor suppression of class conflicts at home.
34. The intervention of the powerful imperialist state machine
in domestic labor conflicts (injunctions, use of force in strike break-
ing, compulsory arbitration, etc.), the growing drawin of militarism
and colonial wars and occupations, the imposing of the gigantic state
apparatus, the sharpening conflicts leading to a new world war the
growth of unemployment due to industrial stagnation at home' and
export of capital on an ever increasing scale, the use of lower
wages and living standards and longer working hours among the
subject nations and "Dawesified" European workers to depress work-
ing standards and wages at home— all these tendencies work counter
to the tendency to corrupt the "aristocracy of labor" and identify it
with imperialism, and they begin to make clear to the working class
the irreconcilable opposition of imperialist opportunism to the gen-
eral and fundamental interests of the labor movement.
35. Its enormous profits thru the exploitation of backward peo-
ples enables it to bribe and corrupt main leaders of the working
class and even create privileged industries and branches of industry
thus creating a fairly numerous aristocracy of labor. Thus there is
born the union of opportunism and imperialism, which in the United
States expresses itself in the imperialist nationalist and class col-
laboration policy of the leaders of the American Federation of Labor
and in Latin-America in the policies of the Pan-American Federation
of Labor. The creation of privileged sections of the working class
leads to their separation from the broad masses of the workers
This splitting up of the working class is very marked in the United
States and is an important contributing factor emphasizing the di-
vision between skilled and unskilled, organized and unorganized
Negro and white, foreign and native, etc.
36. The American capitalists have also succeeded in corrupt-
ing with some portion of their surplus profit leaders of the woiking
class in some of the colonial and semi-colonial countries (Iglesias in
Porto Rico and the Porto Rican socialist party, Morones in Mexico
and the Mexican labor party, De LaSelva in Nicaragua; the leaders
of the Central American Federation of Labor; the fascist elements
In the Cuban Railway Brotherhood, etc.)
American Imperialism and Labor, Aristocracy.
37. In the United States, opportunism is ripe and overripe. The
beginnings of a counter tendency are making themselves manifest
This is to be noticed in the growth of a labor party movement, the
136
Platonic response even to the abstract amalgamation campaign, the
marked tendency of the seamen to break down their isolation, etc.
38. Imperialism develops increasingly its own contradictions
which on the domestic field present themselves in the form of a
parasitic, stagnating and even decadent form of capitalism. The
capitalist is reduced to a coupon cutter. The oligarchy becomes so
small and so powerful that it is possible to neutralize whole sections
of the former supporters of the bourgeoisie, poor farmer, petty bour-
geoisie, etc., and to win away whole sections of the masses that
have hitherto followed capitalism.
The Tasks of Our Party.
39. One of the important tasks is to convince the American
workers of the living reality of American imperialism, of its menace
to them, and of the necessity of fighting against it. This involves
intensive propaganda and organization of the left wing in the trade
unions, where the labor aristocracy and especially the bureaucratic
officialdom are holding the fort for imperialism. The sinister con-
nection between these elements, the capitalists, and the superprofits
must be exposed. The imperialist role of the so-called Pan-American
Federation of Labor, dominated by the American Federation of La-
bor machine, must be exposed. It is especially important to make
the workers realize the connection between the imperialist policy of
the corrupted labor bureaucrats and their whole class collaboration
program, such as labor banking and the B. & O. plan. While an
entire section of the highly skilled workers (the labor aristocrats)
is also corrupted by imperialism, these elements should not be lump-
ed together with the official bureaucracy of the unions; consistent
efforts should be made to win the more proletarian sections of the
labor aristocracy away from their co-operation with bureaucrats and
bosses and into active struggle on behalf of their real class interests.
Anti-imperialist work in the trade unions should be linked up with
concrete proposals against imperialism. "Withdrawal of troops from
Santo Domingo !" "Independence for the Philippines!" "Uncondi-
tional release of Crouch and Trumbull!" "Stand by Soviet Russia!"
etc.
40. Educational work must go on in our Party to acquaint our
members thoroly with the problems of imperialism. The imperialist
character of the present epoch must be studied in the works of
Lenin, Bukharin, Stalin, Zinoviev, etc. Special effort must be made
to promote an understanding of the essential unity between the pro-
letarian world revolution and the national liberation movements in
the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Anti-imperialist work in
our Party must be concentrated on the independence and anti-impe-
rialist movement in the countries under the heel of American impe-
rialism.
41. The second congress of the Comintern pointed out that
"the policy of the Communist International on the national and colo-
nial questions must be chiefly to bring about a union of the prole-
137
tarian and working masses of all nations and countries for a joint
revolutionary struggle leading to the overthrow of capitalism . . ."
This is a tenet which we see working out so splendidly all around
us today, and which is ringing the death-knell of the international
bourgeoisie. In Latin-America, Hawaii and the Philippines there
is a national liberation movement, .iust as in China and the Riff sec-
tions of Morocco. The millions groaning under American imperialist
rule have indicated in no uncertain terms that they want their free-
dom and are willing to fight for it. The Filipinos have voted over-
whelmingly in favor of independence. In Porto Rico there is also
an increasing sentiment for complete independence from American
imperialism. The Cuban people are struggling to throw off the
vicious Piatt Amendment, which is strangling them. The Mexicans
stand ready to fight American intervention with arms. The Haitians
figM to the death against the American military dictatorship. We
must give active support to these movements. We must form direct
alliance with them. This must be done in close co-operation with
the other Communist Parties of the continent, and we must put forth
every effort to build Communist Parties in those countries where
none now exist.
42, There is a strong tradition of Latin-American solidarity
which is a historic force for the unification of the anti-imperialist
movements of the various Latin-American countries. This will be
an important weapon in the struggle against Wall Street. The All-
America Anti-Imperialist League was created as the expression of
the liberating movement of all the exploited peoples of the continent.
The Workers Party took part in the creation. Represented in the
League are also the Communist Parties of Mexico, Central America,
and South America, as well as student groups, labor organizations,
peasant leagues, and national societies in various countries.
43, For us, the League constitutes an organizational expression
of our determination to fight side by side with the exploited peoples
of America's colonies and semi-colonies. While we strive to make
the groups affiliated to the All-America Anti-Imperialist League rec-
ognize in the Communists and the Communist International, the lead-
ers of the world struggle against imperialism, we must work con-
scientiously to build up the league itself, to push it into activity and
to make of it a powerful driving force for the overthrow of American
imperialism.
44, The following is our concrete program of joint action with
the exploited peoples for the struggle against American imperialism.
(a) Expose the purposes and methods of American imperialism
everywhere.
(b) Demand independence for all American colonies and un-
conditional withdrawal of American troops from Latin-America, Chi-
nese and other foreign soil.
(c) Actively support Latin-American strikes against American
concerns.
138
(d) Ideological and practical struggle against the doctrine of
Pan-Americanism.
(e) Expose and struggle against the so-called Pan-American
Federation of Labor as an agency of American imperialism, and the
Mexican and American Parties shall work out joint plans for expos-
ing the true character of the Pan-American Federation of Labor and
propagate the idea of the formation of a Latin-American Labor Fed-
eration with anti-imperialist tendencies.
(f) Interchange of delegates at conventions and close co-oper-
ation with the Communist Parties of Latin- America; fraternal rela-
tions with the parties of the Far East.
(g) Help build the All-America Anti-Imperialist League into a
powerful organization for the overthrow of American Imperialism.
(h) Immediately strive to build up sections of the All-America
Anti-Imperialist League in parts of the United States, thru affiliation
of resident organizations of Mexicans, Filipinos, Chinese, etc.
(i) Support the proposed plan of the All- America Anti-Imperial-
ist League for an Ail-American Conference against imperialism.
(j) The Machete, organ of the Mexican Communist Party, and
El Libertador, organ of the Anti-Imperialist League (published in
Mexico) should be circulated among the Spanish-speaking workers
of the United States.
The American Labor Movement.
45. The decision of the Communist International on suppressed
nationalities must be adapted and applied to the peculiar situation
of the American Negro. The Negro, the foreign-born worker, the
Mexican workers in the South, and the unskilled workers generally
must receive more attention. The division of the working class into
Negro and white, foreign-born and native, skilled and unskilled, or-
ganized and unorganized, must be a central point of attack for all
of our efforts to overcome the labor opportunism of imperialism and
unify the American working class. The anti-imperialist work forms
an excellent entering wedge in this connection and should be more
intimately tied up with the trade union work.
46. Among the organized workers the attacks upon class col-
laboration, upon the corrupt leadership, etc., should be closely linked
with the anti-imperialist work. The rank and file of the labor aris-
tocracy must be won for the class struggle and its leaders exposed
in their eyes. The intervention of the powerful state machine in
labor struggles must be made the basis of major campaigns. The
relation of that domestic machine to imperialism must be made clear.
The Soviet Union.
47. All anti-imperialist campaigns must be tied up with the
Union of Socialist Republics, as the living example of a great anti-
imperialist proletarian power, and with the Comintern as the world
fighting organization of black, yellow, brown and white peoples in
139
»
a world united front against capitalism and imperialism in all their
forms. The solution of the national question by Soviet Russia has
not been sufficiently explained to the American working class. Nor
has the role of Soviet Russia in Persia and Turkey been sufficiently
capitalized. It must be made clear that the war plots and attacks
against the Soviet Union are largely a tributable to its anti-imperialist
policy thruout the world. The "Recognize Russia" campaign must
be intensified, and tied up with the struggle against imperialism.
( A d op t ed n n a n i m on w 1 y . )
HO
OUR AMERICAN PLEDGE TO THE SOVIET UNION.
When, on November 7, 1917, the Workers, Soldiers and Peasants
Councils, directed by the Bolshevik Party led by our Comrade Lenin,
seized state power from the treacherous hands of the Kerensky
regime, a new era in human history was begun, an era of the prole-
tarian revolution.
And the fire of proletarian emancipation lighted by the immortal
Red Guard has not failed to light the path and warm the faith of the
exploited and oppressed of all races and in every land.
Now, in the eighth year of the Soviet Power, the Union of So-
cialist Soviet Republics, triumphant over every foe, internal and
external, stands like a giant citadel of proletarian power from the
Baltic to the Pacific, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Ocean.
Thru the dark and terrible years since 1917, the workers and
peasants of Soviet Russia have starved and battled against every
sort of discouragement and assault. United and led by their van-
guard, the Communist Party of Russia, they themselves have been
the heroic vanguard of the world proletarian revolution.
Suffering unexampled sacrifices and starvation, the workers and
peasants of Soviet Russia have proven their right to rule and won
fervent admiration and active support of the workers of all the
world. Ringed around with the invading armies of the combined
imperialist nations, murderously attacked by white guard armies
under Yudenich, Denikin, Kolchak, and the rest, betrayed and stab-
bed in the back by the menshevik assassins of the Second Inter-
national, who were subsidized by the allied robber nations, and
starved by the allied blockade and the drought and crop failure along
the Volga thru all, the armed workers and peasants have clung
persistently to the state power of Proletarian Dictatorship, and to-
day all their Communist theory is justified, all their sacrificial action
is rewarded as the Soviet Power stands unified and extended trium-
phant and strenghtened, to the joy of the world proletariat and the
chagrin of world imperialism.
The reactionary generals are defeated, the invading armies of
the "democratic" allied robbers driven into the seas and across the
borders by the pressure of Soviet arms and the threat of revolu-
tion by the workers of the western nations. The counter revolutionary
lackeys to the bourgeoisie organized in the infamous Second Inter-
national, which has sold itself to the capitalist, discredited and un-
masked/ roost like lean vultures around the chancelleries of Paris,
London! and Washington. The allied blockade is broken, the famine
ended, and with the powerful Red Army and the watchful Red Navy
guarding the outer fortifications, the workers and peasants of Soviet
•Russia are successfully hammering out Socialist reconstruction and
building stone by stone the structure of a new society.
141
This -tremendous success of the economic' restoration of the Union
of Socialist Soviet Republics, recognized in -the Report of the British
Trade Union Delegation in 1924, has penetrated even the most re-
mote sections of the world's working class, together with the growing
fraternal relations between the Soviet Union and the races and
nationalities oppressed by world imperialism, is stirring and setting
in motion the exploited and suffering masses of the entire world.
The movement for International Trade Union Unity, the shatter-
ing of the leadership of the treacherous class collaborationist social
democracy in the unions of both Europe and America, the struggle
against the Dawes plan, the mobilization and march to the left of the
British workers, the Indian strikes, the rebellion of colonial peoples
m Africa, the savage clashes in the Balkans, the sporadic workers'
revolts in Latin-America, and the intensification of a national revolu-
tion against foreign imperialist oppression of the Chinese people
an points not only to the revolutionary stimulus which Soviet Russia
affords all oppressed by its very existence, but points as well to the
menace to capitalist imperialism which such existence constitutes.
Sensing its historic doom, the sinister forces of world capitalist
imperialism again are gathering their armies and navies, again loos-
ing their flood of lying propagandists, against mobilizing* their lack-
eys of the social democracy and trade union reactionaries to attack
the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. The so-called "Security
Pact" in the West, the arming of the puppet nations on the Soviet
Union's western frontiers, the establishment of a British naval base
on the Dago Islands in the Baltic, the efforts of the imperialist powers
to unite their forces against Soviet Russia in China, against the
Chinese Soviet repproachment, the provocation of British courts
trying Soviet citizens on Chinese soil, the attempt to sever trade
relations by the Baldwin cabinet, the British naval maneuvers in the
Baltic, the military preparations in America, and Coolidge's con-
tinued and studied insults to the Soviet Union, all indicate an ap-
proaching new war of violence and invasion against the workers and
peasants of Soviet Russia.
In this hour, the Workers (Communist) Party of America, know-
ing its duty and ready to act with vigor and decision, pledges anew
to the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia its every effort to
defend and advance the world proletarian revolution, to support
Soviet Russia and its allies among the world's exploited and op-
pressed, to extend and intensify the movement for recognition of
Soviet Russia by the American capitalist government on "the basis
of the common interests of the workers and poor farmers of America
with the workers and peasants of Soviet Russia. We shall make all '
efforts to prevent a new militant attack upon the U. S. S. R and to
hold aloft the banner of the Proletarian Dictatorship of the Ameri-
can bourgeoisie,
(Adopted unanimously.)
142
RESOLUTION ON THE YOUNG WORKERS LEAGUE.
1. With the continued existence of capitalism, the problems of
the young workers become more difficult and more manifold. Cap-
italism while it uses the youth of the worker as an excuse to under-
pay him still more than the older worker, also concentrates its atten-
tion to the educational task of moulding the young worker into the
most possible perfect robot.
2. Thus, while the struggle of the young workers is indissolubly
bound up and is part of the struggle of the proletariat as a whole,
yet the young workers are faced with various and serious immediate
problems, which can be solved only if they organize for that purpose
and if they ally themselves closely in their struggles with the revolu-
tionary movement of their respective countries.
3. The revolutionary young workers have realized this and have
organized themselves in all countries into Young Communist Leagues,
part of the Communist movement of their country, united interna-
tionally in the country, united internationally in the Young Commu-
nist International, which latter works in fraternal alliance with the
Communist International.
4. The young workers, who have been drawn more and more
into public life since the last imperialist war, will form the best de-
tachment of the proletarian revolution. A large section of the work-
ing class, past middle age, employed in the highly skilled trades,
will not be won for the revolution until after the conquest of power.
The young workers mainly thrown into the ranks of unskilled labor,
and exploited to a greater extent than the adult workers, must be
drawn into the revolutionary movement and must form a reservoir
of strength for the Communist Party.
5. The Young Workers League of America is devoted to the
task of leading the young workers in their daily struggles and in
the development of these struggles for their final emancipation. For
the United States the development of the Young Workers League is
of special exceptional importance, more than for other countries,
since the growing generation of the workers will bring both for the
working class and into our party more homogeneity and greater
freedom from social-democratic traditions and also lead to the greater
Americanization of the working class and of our Party.
6. The success of the struggles and the campaigns of the Young
Workers League depend on unity of purpose and on inner unity of
political orientation with the struggles and campaigns of the Workers
Party. On the other hand, the success of the campaigns and^ strug-
gles of the Workers Party also depends upon the close coordination
of their activities with those of the League.
7. While up to the fourth congress of the Young Communist
International there was not sufficient coordination between the cam-
143
paigns of the Young Workers League with the political campaigns
of the Party, there has been a decided improvement since. We muMt
say that despite the many difficulties, the Young Workers League
has shown its ability to develop towards a mass young Bolshevik
organization thru its active participation in the everyday struggles
of the young workers and thru the initiation of movements which
vitally affect the interests of the younth. The growth of the youth
organization has been brought about by its drive to reorganize the
league on the basis of shop nuclei, campaigns in the trade unions,
factories and industries, anti-militarist activity, the transformation
of its press into a mass organ, the building of strong children's move-
ments. In many fields of work the Young Workers League has even
set the precedent for the Workers Party to follow. The political
activity of the League has shown that it is rapidly developing into a
mature political organization which will aid the growth and clarity
of the Worker Party. But the relation between the Party and the
League is still far from being perfect.
8. The next tasks of the Young Worker® League, those of extend-
ing its trade union work, anti-militarist work, and so on, can only
be achieved thru the very closest of cooperation on the part of the
Party. The national convention declares that it is the duty of every
unit of the Party to give its utmost cooperation to the youth and
children's movement. The Party will not have fulfilled its elemen-
tary duty if it does not devote far greater attention to the Young
Workers League than heretofore. No unit of the Party should exist
which has not a corresponding Young Workers League unit. "One
of the tasks connected with Bolshevization is to win over the whole
of the working class youth in all countries, that generations of the
working class which grew up amidst the conditions of world impe-
rialist wars, and the beginning of world revolution. While social-
democracy relies mainly upon the more bourgeois sections of the
labor aristocracy, which arose in the peaceful epoch, the Communist
Parties of all countries, on the contrary, among their other tasks
must strive to organize the whole of the proletarian youth of the
new epoch under our banner," says the thesis on Bolshevization of
the parties. The national convention, therefore, urges that the units
of the Party, far more than up till now, give their utmost cooperation
and aid to the League in all of its activities, thus aiding in the
building of a Young Leninist League of a mass character.
9. The Party convention calls the attention of the Young Work-
ers League to the decisions of the Communist International and the
Young Communist International and expresses the belief that only
with the cessation of the factional struggle can these decisions serve
as the basis for the unification of the League. The achievement of
this goal should be the aim of the convention of the Young Workers
League.
(Adopted unanimously.)
144
RESOLUTIONS OF THE APPEALS COMMITTEE.
RESOLUTION ON COMRADE ASKELI.
Proposed by Minority and Adopted Unanimously.
The successful ideological Bolshevization of our party makes it
necessary to secure for the Party the use of all avenues of propa-
ganda and education. The C. E. a must keep a close watch on all
of the papers of our Party Whenever opportunist and Loreist ten-
dencies manifest themselves in the columns of any of our press, the
C. E. C. must in all cases immediately correct them and must, wher-
ever the manifestation is serious, consider the necessity of reorgani-
zation of the editorial staffs of such papers.
The convention considers that at present it is clearly apparent
that in the editorial staff of our Finnish organ, "Tyomies," is preva-
lent such an element of opportunism. This is unquestionably due
to the influence of Comrade Askeli, a member of the editorial staff
of that paper.
Askeli is the consistent exponent of Loreist tendencies. Even
at this moment, after the efforts of the C. E. C. to correct the social-
democratic expressions in the statements of the Superior Finnish
Branch, Comrade Askeli continues to defend these manifestations of
Loreism.
In view of this fact, the convention considers that the further
employment of Comrade Askeli as an editor of "Tyomies M is incom
patible with the interests of our Party and its Bolshevization.
Therefore the convention instructs the Finnish comrades of Supe-
rior to remove at once Comrade Askeli from the staff of "Tyornies"
and replace him with a comrade who understands, accepts, and fights
for the Communist line of our Party and the Communist International,
MOTION OF THE STATEMENT OF THE ARMENIAN COMRADES
TO THE CONVENTION, SIGNED BY T. M. KORKIKIAN
OF DETROIT, A. SCHMAVANIAN OF CHELSEA,
MASS., T. KALIG1AN OF NEW YORK CITY,
AND S. E, SIMONIAN OF CHICAGO.
The convention regrets the fact that there are still a number of
Armenian comrades outside of our Party, and that the Communist
elements within the Armenian Section of our Party have not yet
succeeded in unifying their forces for harmonious work. The con-
vention is of the opinion that this situation in the Armenian Section
of our Party, which is due to past internal conflicts, demands a thor-
ough investigation and a settlement that will unify and strengthen
145
the Party activities among the Armenian speaking workers of the
United States.
The Convention is of the opinion that the reorganization of our
Party on the basis of shop nuclei and international branches and the
centralization of the Party apparatus will prove an effective means
of unifying the Communist forces also within the Armenian section
The convention refers the statement of the Armenian comrades
to the incoming Central Executive Committee for immediate action
on the matter, towards the end that all the truly Communist forces
among the Armenian speaking workers be drawn into the Party and
unified for common Communist work.
MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF COMRADE CANDELA.
That the convention confirms the action of the Philadelphia con-
vention of the Italian Section of the Party and the action of the
Central Executive Committee in the case of Comrade Candela and
authorizes the incoming C. E. C. to take up the matter when deemed
necessary.
MOTION ON THE APPEAL OF A. PRESI.
That the convention approves the action of the Philadelphia con-
vention of the Italian Section of the Party and of the Central Exec-
utive Committee in the case of Presi.
MOTION ON THE STATEMENT OF COMRADE POYNTZ TO THE
CONVENTION OF THE PARTY.
The convention fully endorses the statement of the Central Ex-
ecutive Committee regarding the views and activities of Comrade
Poyntz.
The convention is of the opinion that Comrade Poyntz persistent-
ly followed the policy of Loreism, which is a right wing deviation
away from the line of the Communist International.
The convention is also of the opinion that the activities of Com-
rade Poyntz in support of the right wing Lore deviations were detri-
mental to the Party. The convention therefore demands that Comrade
Poyntz cease such activities and abide strictly by the decisions and
line of policy of the Party.
140
BUILDING OF THE COMMUNIST PRESS IN THE U. S.
The Communist Press is not only the collective organizer of the
Party of proletarian revolution but the collective organizer of the
masses for the revolution under the leadership of the Party.
This was the view of Lenin of the role of the Communist Press
and it is to make our press the collective organizer of the Party and
the masses that we must strive.
Our Party has made some progress in this direction, but in the
United States, where the propaganda agencies of capitalism have
reached their highest point of development, the fact that the masses
are almost all literate gives the press an extraordinary power both
in the hands of the capitalists and in the hands of the revolutionary
Party.
1. The multiplicity of languages (a score of language groups
within the ranks of our own Party) in America is a special difficulty
that we have to meet and overcome.
This in turn creates the need for the greatest centralization of
our press but the form of organization of our Party (inherited from
the Socialist Party) has made extremely difficult the task of bringing
under a centralized control the entire Party press. The lack of com-
plete centralized control has resulted in many organizational weak-
nesses and serious deviations from the correct Communist line.
2. It has been necessary also to work unceasingly to wipe out
the traditions of bourgeois journalism with which many of our com-
rades were infected due to the lack of proper training in the manner
and method of securing, recording and sending to our press the news
of the daily struggles of the American working class.
3 Another problem our press has had to solve was the belief
among wide circles of Party and non-Party workers that Communist
journalism consisted in hectic and flambouyant phraseology having
little if any relation to the actual feelings and struggles of the work-
ers which satisfied the revolutionary ego of the writer, which some-
times served to conceal his lack of real revolutionary understanding
but which has been characterized by the Communist International in
its thesis on the Bolshevization of the press as follows:
"Two different things may be comprehended under revolutionary
phrases in the Communist press. There are Communist papers wbich
invariably follow the principle of employing the strongest and most
urgent phraseology which they are capable of compiling and which
give the impression that the writers must have been in a state of
high fever.
"Viewed as agitation this falls to take any effect upon the masses,
repels them, and has besides this disadvantage that when the news-
147
SCsteT deal WUh S ° me ***<*« »*«*■» « ** i ts vocabularly
with the lives of the SISTERS £? J*-™ - C ° nneCti0U
facts is more effective than th P »vu«n >■ e Slmple ^ration of
of Communfet slogans * "^ and ffeartSo ^ repetition
"More faith in the thinking powers of the readers -
"CrelluT TT ;OCCaSi ° nS ' CritlCiSert «* ^ency:
of the present curve of events Tnd th! «! l\ 0bjective circumstances
captivating and intoxicate ^slogans JZ 2 *"* T^ Wonderfully
them, are the essence of Z^XZ^iS^ *""'* *"""*
And again :
to 4o'o W o y f ImZ'^ZllYT: ^ 10 t0 2 ° HneS ' ****** or 200
digested by the malse ™' T h ™\ TT*' already fair * well
Finally: ''" une Character of our Newspapers.)
"Less intellectual talk, closer contact with life ••
* dlnrSer^ rpr^cS^pon ^P^ ^f ^ «*
to waging the Party struggles IT, & Party> that in addition
duty of informing the Parfy pre s of the^T "V**** there is the
cations. y P SS of these struggles and their impli-
es newi tThf,SugSl h wlfch n o neCeSSary *" ™ ^ to -cure
some times were acfua, y ,eIdLg fromTh^ 8 , *** 6Wed aDd at
Press. ' mng > tl0m the columns of the enemy
the ^^^^^^^^^ s and maintaining
e« by the Communist press is not rT* , >l Struggles of the work-
valuable results of our 'effort has be^n lost o ' ^ mUCh ° f the
mass press-not published merelvf t V V ?" press must be *
who like to see their contHb^tion in print" ^ ° f *»" COmrades
-use: l7m P u r :rneTe^lt e rt P o Ul t a r bUt »* * °» S ° clal d — <ic
that the working cS has absorb^'^TT !T ? s — tionalism
must not neglect those popular TssuJ ! decadent rulers but it
aud organized mass interest and he VoZ 2*? ^ be aroMed
gram given to great numbers Ti workers ZZ "V? ?T?* a " d Pr °"
tive. Ul w °rKers while their minds are recep-
Com 7 mul e t re ch m a U r S acte e , "tCS^EST "ST^" *»* a «*«
Press must never be sacrificed for 1. w, P ° htiCal char acter of our
Proletarian following. At alltimes r!l '^ ° W reWard ° f a lw « 8 non -
-st be linke. first with iSftSntCjS
148
broadenend to stimulate interest, understanding and sympathy in and
action for the full Communist program.
& Every Party campaign must be carried on with tlxe fullest sup-
port of the Party press and during the period of the campaign all
material in the press, so far as possible, should be selected with the
view of mobilizing and coordinating its efforts for reaching the widest
circles of workers and farmers.
In campaigns designed to reach specially selected groups, the same
plan must be followed by all the Party editors.
There is among the language press, with a few exceptions, a
deplorable lack of cooperation with the Party at present in this
respect.
To deal effectively with the above problems of policy and organ-
ization, our Party must immediately:
1. Set up a permanent subcommittee (section of Agitprop) of the
Central Executive Committee which shall be charged with:
(a) Bringing all Party papers under the complete control of the
central committee.
(b) Establishing machinery for centralizing collection and dis-
tribution to all the Party press of Party material and for editorial
control of all publications. This control to be actual and not nominal.
2. The present corps of approximately 75 worker correspondents
must be enlarged within the next year to at least 250. The proleta-
rianization of our official organ which has taken place in the last
nine months since these correspondents have been organized and
special efforts (articles, pamphlets, special personal correspondence
and instruction) been made to acquaint them with their important
role, is sufficient justification for an immense extension of this vitally
important section of work in connection with the Bolshevization of
our press.
These worker correspondents are making our official paper a real
mass organ and altho the work is just beginning it can be said that
already they have contributed something new and virile to American
working class journalism. Almost all the news of the daily struggles
of the American workers carried by our official organ is furnished
now by these worker correspondents. With greater numbers of them
and better training our press will be able to record the class struggle
in America with but little dependence upon the capitalist press serv-
ices.
(a) The connection of the daily struggles of the workers with
the partial demands and united front campaigns of the party can be
made very directly thru the worker correspondents. The distribution
of our press in the industries and to the workers about which the
worker correspondents write is the most effective method of broaden-
ing the contact of our press and building its circulation. This method
is the Communist one and its possibilities are inexhaustible if the
work is properly conducted,
(b) The work of popularizing, circulating and maintaining the
Communist press must under no circumstances be considered the
149
r r a k , t °?H ° f th ° Se comrades wh ° are employed by our press Such
TJoTcy\TZ d l ° Ur D10St efleCUVe ^ is » ™K socS
m "t be rooted SL*™""*** C ° BCePti ° P ° f ^ fU0Cti0aia * **
to «?SSr2£?; * mUSt " e replaced b ^ a ■*«•« in and a loyalty
nl*n» m ^ arisl *S as a result of the understanding of its mishtv
Place in the struggle that will cause every comrade to never thTnfS
SStaL* gathenng ° f W ° rkerS With0Ut C °™-t pap^^di'
^uM b :^rjfU P ^a: l6CtUre8 ° n the f ° li0Wi ^ «— •
1. The role of the Communist press.
(a) in the Party.
(b) among the masses.
caTrS^ThTcrre'tl 6 TTu™ "XT* ° f f ° rmal P^^^'m^r
™J f correction of this condition will give our Dress mnoh
and the influence of worker correspondent stories on t L 1 ! P
« «r,„ g , he » „„ cannot aec ,, e ^'^Zu'^^'TZ
•» „5 '" * e , re,ore •">' Permissible for editors of onr nartv ores* ,„
struCona SUM more «.„„,„ ,„ . tena , S £* ^ ~£
150
to regard themselves as framers of Party policy rather than as inter-
Prete irni:Ses S can be avoided only by bringing the workers on
the Party press into all branches of Party "**<***?»"££**
tensive conferences with the leading committees of the Party _ at
which all phases of the Party work among the masses, its relation
wxth the Commundst International, the line of the Communist Inter-
national, and the political problems of the day are discussed.
Centralization.
An army of worker correspondents.
Leninist education of editors and contributors.
Close connection with the struggles f the workers.
Close connection with the leading committees of our party.
Close connection of the press with the inner life of our P"ty.
Understanding by the party of the role of the Communist press.
Thus will our press become a Bolshevik press, be able to aid in
building a mass Communist Party, lead the American working class,
and pave the way for the dictatorship of the proletariat.
THEORETICAL MAGAZINES AND RESEARCH WORK.
1 There shall be formed a special section of the Agitprop to
supervise, stimulate and develop Communist research work and
theoretical magazines and publications by the Party.
2 The Workers Monthly, which has already succeeded in estab-
lishing itself among wide sections of workers, shall be enlarged in
size and enriched with more theoretical material on:
(a) Marxism and Leninism.
(b) Original scientific investigation of the structure and function-
ing of American capitalism and of the current phases of the cans
st ru£t£.le.
3 A program of theoretical publications (books and pamphlets)
for the current year shall be prepared by the propaganda section of
the Agitprop which shall be carried out in cooperation with The
Daily Worker Publishing Co.
(Adopted unanimously.)
151
nc P ™J ° F M0RITZ J ' L0EB ' BUSINESS MANAGER
OF THE DAILY WORKER, TO THE FOURTH ANNUA?
CONVENT.ON OF THE WORKERS PARTY OF AME^CA
;; £aSL^/r t£«E -r^ %£?•&
, . D .. FINANCIAL.
(a) Policy.
be t f provide'^ „"%" """ PrS,SMted "*"" ™— "»U our policy
win" rutnre duE; whS rT^ P "* rflm "° " l ° ™*
in the expeSTto, T/ immedIate curre °* expenditures
of needs heTT a^din^^ ^ "* ™*« «
dollar fund I origfnaSv s« 2. t "Th, 1 "? ^ sevent ^e thousand
r?o»™
Si^S?^; e™ ed X fn n tf UreS *? the ^ D0Mlbte »™™ "
152
from an extreme financial stringency due to the lack of sufficient
working capital.
(b) Present Financial Situation,
While the present financial situation of the Daily Worker, accord-
ing to financial statements published herewith, is not as difficult as
might have been expected, nevertheless, there are certain conditions
which have made the operation of the Daily Worker Publishing Com-
pany extremely difficult and which make certain that the difficulty
will continue for some time to come.
In the first place, the fact that the Daily Worker Publishing
Company does all of the printing for the national office, the Party
institution and for a great number of the federations means, because
of the financial difficulties of these institutions and their inability to
make prompt payments on their obligations to the Daily Worker, that
the Daily Worker in fact is financing, to a large extent, a number of
Party institutions. This is made apparent in the large total of
accounts-receivable now on our books. Another instance in which
our balance sheets do not give an absolute correct picture of our
financial condition is that a large portion of the accounts-receivable
are now apparently uncollectable. The deficit as shown on the bal-
ance sheet of August 1st, 1925, is therefore actually some fifteen
thousand dollars higher.
(c) The Future.
The determining factor in the finances of the Daily Worker
Publishing Company is in the circulation of the Daily Worker. In
as much as the income from the Daily Worker subscriptions con-
stitute the most important item and, in as much also as the deficit
of the Daily Worker itself is the chief burden on the institution, the
financial problem can only be solved permanently by increasing the
Daily Worker circulation to such a point where the Daily Worker
itself will be able to balance its budget. According to the budget
which is appended hereto it will be seen that the Daily Worker
operates to a deficit of about one thousand dollars per week and the
Daily Worker Publishing Company, as a whole, to an approximate
seven hundred dollars per week deficit, or, thirty-five thousand dollars
per year. On the basis of the computed cost for the filling of addi-
tional yearly subscriptions to the Daily Worker over and above the
present number of papers printed, the net decrease to the Daily
Worker budget for each new subscription secured is approximately
two dollars. From this it will be seen that in order to balance the
budget the Daily Worker Publishing Company, all other incomes and
expenditures remaining constant, it will be necessary to increase the
Daily Worker subscription list by some seventeen thousand yearly
subscriptions.
In the meantime, it will be necessary each year during the fall
months to conduct a money raising campaign to wipe out the accrued
Daily Worker Publishing Company deficit.
The immediate task is to relieve the extremely serious financial
crisis which now threatens even the existence of the Daily Worker.
158
That the Daily Worker has been able to survive so far in the face of
the inner Party condition which has existed from the time the Daily
was established and which has become so tense in the last months
Is proof of the basic vitality of our press. But the present combina-
tion of unfavorable conditions, namely, the usual summer slackness
plus the convention period, plus the bitter factional strife has placed
the Daily Worker in a most precarious position. A considerable sum
of money must be raised immediately and in the financial campaign
which The Daily Worker will undertake during the first week of
September it will be necessary for the Party membership to give
immediate and one hundred per cent support.
ADMINISTRATION.
The administration of the Daily Worker Publishing Company
has been especially difficult due to the fact that at the time of the
establishment of The Daily Worker the Party was unable to secure
any experienced personel to undertake the task. The entire admin-
istrative staff, therefore, had to deal with new and strange duties
and problems from the very beginning. It can, however, be said that
this problem has been met and overcome and that the administrative
office of The Daily Worker Publishing Company is now able to cope
competently with its task.
(a) Administrative Policy.
This has been to a large extent determined by the lack of work-
ing capital as was previously mentioned under Finance. The policy
has always been to avoid extravagant or sensational measures cal-
culated to secure a rapid increase of circulation and to substitute
therefore cautious and economical methods. This has been done
because of the belief that The Daily Worker could not be built in
any sensational manner during the period of slow development of
the working class but must be built by pains-taking and persistent
efforts based on the regular activities of the Workers Party members
stimulated into special efforts in support of The Daily Worker. This
policy has been proved to be a correct one and it may be said that it
is doubtful if The Daily Worker could have survived had extravagant
methods been used in the attempt to stimulate circulation.
(b) Organization.
The basic plan of organization on behalf of The Daily Worker
has been to build a Daily Worker machinery inside and parallel to
the regular Party machinery. This has been attempted in the form
of the organization of Daily Worker representatives in cities and
branches of the Party. By this means some five hundred Daily
Worker agents have now been secured for Daily Worker activity
It cannot, however, be -said that from the point of view of organization
a marked success has yet been made, for there are many Party units
which still have no Daily Worker representative and of those which
have Daily Worker representatives elected only a part have main-
154
tained a consistent activity. The minimum goal must be an active
and responsible Daily Worker representative in every Party unit
who is able to secure the support and to stimulate the co-operation
of all of the members of that unit. From this base we may proceed
to extend this machinery into shops and unions and other working
class organizations. It is expected that the reorganization of the
Party into street and shop nuclei will render this task of organization
a great deal more easy.
(c) Circulation.
The Daily Worker circulation is about one-third secured and
maintained thru the operation of our agents. The balance of the
circulation has been secured and maintained by methods emanating
directly from the Daily Worker office such as the circularization of
readers and other workers and various advertising methods.
The circulation of the Weekly Worker, when it was taken over
by the Daily Worker, was just about six thousand. During the first
three months of the Daily Worker's existence this circulation was
increased to about eleven thousand and during the first annual Daily
Worker subscription campaign, March 15th to June 15th, 1924, an
additional three thousand circulation was secured raising the total
to fourteen thousand. This figure was maintained fairly well during
the summer and during the presidential election campaign the Daily
Worker circulation was increased to a total of eighteen thousand
reached the last week of October and the first week of November,
1924 From this point on, however, the circulation suffered a rapid
decrease due in large part to the publication of the Party discussion
in its columns which cost us a great many non-Party readers and due
also to the situation within the Party which decreased the Daily
Worker activity. During the early part of 1925, the circulation drop-
ped to eleven thousand. In the spring of 1925 this was increased
by about three thousand and the average circulation during the May,
June and July period has been thirteen thousand five hundred.
(d) Centralization of the Party Press.
Soon after the establishment of the Daily Worker it was deter-
mined that the English language press (Party) namely: The Daily
Worker, monthly organs and the literature department must be cen-
tralized under one management. Centralization could not take place
at once, however, due to the fact that the Daily Worker administra-
tion had not sufficiently digested the problem of the Daily Worker
and was not sufficiently organized to undertake new responsibilities.
However, in October, 1924, the first centralization was affected
when the Labor Herald, Liberator and Soviet Russia Pictorial were
amalgamated into the Workers Monthly which was, published under
the management of The Daily Worker Publishing Company. This
centralization with its attendant decrease in the number of paid
employees, has been a tremendous saving to the Party (about twelve
thousand dollars every year in overhead expense alone) and has,
moreover, in respect to the Workers Monthly tended greatly to in-
crease the effectiveness of our monthly press. All of the subscrip-
155
tions to the three previous magazines were put on the Workers
Monthly list and while in many cases those subscriptions were du-
plicated or triplicated between the three magazines, the Workers
Monthly subscription list is now almost double that of the three
magazines combined. While the circulation of the Workers Monthly
has not yet reached the combined figure of the three other magazines,
this is due to the fact that the bundle order sales have not yet been
established so as to equal this figure.
In January, the literature department of the Party was taken
over by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. A discussion of the
literature department will be given under a separate heading. The
fact is, however, that the centralization has been extremely gratifying.
It has been found efficient and practicable from the point of view of
management and, moreover, it has enabled us to increase the effec-
tiveness of the distributive machinery in that the centralizing of this
machinery and the placing of the Daily Worker, Workers Monthly
and the literature of the Party in centralized hands thruout the Party
structure has stimulated the general activity for the Party press.
III.
LITERATURE DEPARTMENT.
It may be said that up until the time the literature department
or the Party was incorporated into The Daily Worker Publishing
Company that the Party had practically no literature department
and no literature. The Party was publishing practically no literature
and therefore we had the curious example of a Communist Party in
America with no American Communist literature except, with few
exceptions, that which had been published prior to the existence of
the Workers Party.
The centralization of the literature department has resulted in
first:
(1) The beginnings of a program for the publication of Com-
munist Literature and therefore the beginnings of the existence of
Communist literature in America, and
(2) An immediate stimulation of the sale of literature.
(3) While the beginnings only have been made the establishment
or the Little Red Library and the program for the publication of
Communist books and pamphlets assures us that the Party will have
a literature department which will keep step with the needs of our
movement. The sales of the literature department of the Party
during 1924 are reported to be twelve thousand dollars which amount
includes the sale of post cards and similar items. From January
15th, the date the literature department was taken over by the Daily
Worker until March 31st, the sales of the literature department
averaged a little over one thousand dollars per month. In April the
sale totaled twelve hundred dollars, in May thirteen hundred in
June sixteen hundred. During the summer this rate cannot be main-
tained but it is expected that in the fall it will be greatly increased
The publication program calls for the periodical issuance of new
numbers of the Little Red Library, for the publication of a text book
156
on the elements of political education, the immediate publicatioii of
the Lenin Library and a series of pamphlets dealing with the basic
industries of the country. Specialized literature includes the -pub-
lication of the Fairy Tales for Workers' Children and the Report of
the British Trade Union Delegation to Soviet Russia.
The following books and pamphlets have been published since
January 15th: _ 000
Leninism vs. Trotskyism --•• <\
White Terrorists Ask for Mercy (Bedacht)... !«."""
Theory and Practice of Leninism (Stalin) - j>.ww
State and Revolution (V. F. Ulianov)... »■»■•»■•■•■■■■ J'JJJ
Fairy Tales for Workers' Children (Zur Muhlen) 10,000
Russia Today (Report, British Trade Union Delegation
to U. S. S. R.) 5 ' 00 °
Little Red Library.
No. 1. Trade Union in America (Foster, Cannon,
Browder) -. ""
No. 2. Class Struggle vs. Class Collaboration (Brow- ^ ^
der) ■>- ...,_,,... *•- **■■ '
No. 3. Principles of Communism (Engels) 10,000
No. 4. Worker Correspondents (Dunne) i".« uu
IV.
PRINTING PLANT AND EQUIPMENT.
The purchase of the Daily Worker building has made it V™*™*
to centralize the Party headquarters and the Daily Worker Publishing
Company under a single roof with attendant conveniences and em-
fipncv
Tlie printing plant comprises modern equipment for the produc-
tion of newspapers, magazines, book and job printing The pub-
lications printed in our plant in addition tc .the Dai y Worker and
Workers Monthly are: "Young Worker," "Radnik Empios Ny
Tid" and "Tribuna Robotnicza." Also, the Young Comrade and four
of the publications of the industrial groups of the T. U. E. L. ine
printing plant now operates at a substantial profit; its capacity is
such as to insure to the Party the steady and adequate supply of
books, papers, and other printed matter for sometime to come.
V.
FINANCIAL REPORTS.
REPORT OF RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS ON ACCOUNT
OF THE DAILY WORKER FOR 1924.
Sales and Receipts.
„ . . t . ....$ 61,769.91
Subscriptions 25 600.92
Dealers Sales ^,..,9
Advertising Sales JJjM;"
Donations • - „ iq fi0
Special Promotion Fund . ■ '
$118,637.70
157
Disbursements.
Advertising Expense * , nMftB
Circulation Expense * io'JmSJ
General Expense 7SI0
Production Expense 80 14fi'si
Promotion Expense 6 74fi 2J
Rent, Light and Telephone 9 ' R „ nn
posta * e ::::::::::::::: : Si!
1141,293.50
WORKERS MONTHLY
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924.
Sales and Receipts.
Subscriptions - 11( -o, ft
Dealers Sales ? i'Jg'J!
Advertising Sales ilAl
Donations , A 1
----- — 1^6
$ 5,547.04
Disbursements.
General Expense $ 2 104 03
Production for November and December... ZZ. 2!86L87
$ 4,965.90
REPORT OF SALES AND OTHER DISBURSEMENTS FOR 1924.
Sales and Receipts.
i°^Jj^ [nS ^^ $134,175.66
Rented Space -, QP;1 14
Lenin Buttdns ZZZZZZZZZZZ 110692
Interest and Discount Earned ' '659*25
$137,892.97
Disbursements.
Bank Exchange .... t ? 132 50
Building Repairs and Maintenance '" i iro\q
Gas Account.. Z...ZZZZ 75404
General Expense Z.„. S.sms
Insurance '
Interest ZZZZ~ 1358 74
Office Supplies 1' avast a
postage zz z j-;jj-jj
Payroll Z Z '"" "" 7 ?S?
Plant Supplies " ' 2 291 6?
Power . _ ;~— ■ ;
Raw Material ._ S4 g
Rent, Light and Telephone 502 34
$130,188.34
158
BALANCE SHEET, DECEMBER 31st, 1924.
Assets.
Current Assets:
Cash on Hand and in Bank $ 204.64
Accounts Receivable 37,185.bi
$ 37,390.25
Less Reserve for Bad a|c 5,204.03
Merchandise Assets:
Raw Material - * 4,580 92
Jobs in Process.,... 4,575.uu
Plant Assets:
Real Estate and Building $ 43 ' 7 qq'kI
Machinery and Equipment - 4 ^J^
Furniture and Fixtures - - *^'^
Delivery Equipment 867.5b
$ 92,844.48
Less Reserve for Depreciation 4,852.56
Miscellaneous Assets:
Insurance Prepaid * t™'™
Special Deposits - SoOOO
Goodwill ■ 25,uuu.uu
LOSS •
Liabilities,
Current Liabilities:
Accounts Payable * ^f
Loans Payable ■ ■ * ^^O.O
Notes Payable - 00*17
Defense and Relief Fund s** 1 '
Capital Stock (Common) ■ -$ 2J00O.O0
(Preferred) 74,461.11
Mortgages Payable * ^lll
Special Donations Received 9 llTo
Reserve for Taxes - £™ ^
" Unfilled Subs . 2,498.88
$ 32,186.22
$ 9,155.92
$ 87,991.92
$ 26,275.00
15,059.22
$170,668.28
$ 39,464.94
$ 99,461.11
$ 31,742.23
$170,668.28
isr
REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS, AND EXPENSES FROM
JANUARY 1st T0 JUNE 27th, 1925.
DAILY WORKER Subs $ 25,554.52
Dealers Sales , 10,111.67
Advertising Vl^n'i
Total DAILY WORKER Sales * ,o R „ 9A
DAILY WORKER Expense... ......... JZZ 25,673.33 * 8 ' 821 ' 24
Cost of Goods Sold 42,339.07 68,012.40
Lo SS on DAILY WORKER ^^JdlU
WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales ? 2,452.27
I Dealers Sales 6,984.76
Advertising 1118 51
Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales.... . " $ 10 5S r , A
WORKERS MONTHLY Expense _ 3)768 . 66 * ll >> 55 5.54
Cost of Goods Sold 7^835.98 11,604.64
Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY .... ~§ 1049 1Q
Job Printing Sales... , 93,843.48 J 93,843.48
Ex P ense .... 2,767.04
Cost of Goods Sold 80,840.56 83,607,60
Profit on Job Printing , , ^^
Literature Sales and Merchandise $ 6,536.63 $ 6,536 63
and Merchandise Expense.... _. 2,976 75
Cost of Goods Sold ' 7 95.70 3,772.45
Profit on Literature and Merchandise $ 2 ,764 18
Rented Space Sales $ ^
Expense ••-■ 1,902.39
Loss on Rented Space. j 302~39
Donations Received ,. $ 2 7,788.47
SUMMARY OF PROFIT AND LOSS BY SALES DEPARTMENTS
Loss from DAILY WORKER.. $ 29 191 16
" WORKERS MONTHLY ] ZZZ 1,049.10
Rented Space i(ti 302 39
TOTAL LOSS ^0,542.65
Profit from Job Printing $ i 0(2 35.88
Literature and Merchandise 2,764.18
TOTAL PROFITS $ 13,000.0^
Donations 27,788.47
$ 40,788.52
160
BALANCE SHEET, JUNE 27th, 1925.
Assets.
Current Assets:
Cash on Hand and in Bank.. $ 100.00
Accounts Receivable - ..»•.. 42,243.45
S 42,343.45
Less Reserve for Bad a.\c 2,626.45
Merchandise Assets:
Raw Material $ 4,309.56
Literature and Merchandise Stock... 4,266.17
Jobs in Process 2,714.81
Plant Assets:
Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67
Machinery and Equipment . 46,021.02
Furniture and Fixtures --- 3,087.67
Delivery Equipment 867.56
$ 93,720.92
Less Reserve for Depreciation 8,030.94
Miscellaneous Assets:
Insurance Prepaid $ 716.84
Special Deposits 375.00
Goodwill • 25,000.00
Deficit from 1924
Liabilities.
Current Liabilities:
Accounts Payable $ 9,375.50
Loans Payable , ». 20,419.54
Notes Payable - 7,900.42
Defense and Relief Funds 69.35
Accrued Payroll '. - 1.505.65
Capital Stock (Common).. 25,000.00
(Preferred) 74,566.11
Mortgages Payable 22,810.00
Special Donations Received ■ 3,088.03
Reserve for Unfilled Subs 2,237.82
Reserve for Taxes 630.28
Gain for Half Year
161
$ 39,717.00
$ 11,290.54
| 85,689.98
$ 26,091.84
15,059.22
$177,848.58
$ 39.270.46
$ 99,566.11
s,766.13
10,245.88
$177,848.58
REPORT OF SALES, RECEIPTS AND EXPENSES FOR PERIOD
JUNE 28th TO AUGUST 1st, 1925.
DAILY WORKER Subs... , _.j 3,529.65
Dealers Sales 1,656,52
Advertising W1M
Total DAILY WORKER Sales % ^47 7*
DAILY WORKER Expense ZZ 3,701.45 *'**'•'*
Cost of Goods Sold 6*528.38 10,229.83
Loss on DAILY WORKER $ 4^68208
WORKERS MONTHLY Sub Sales $ 243.71
Dealers Sales 648.25
Advertising . . 120.00
Total WORKERS MONTHLY Sales ... $ 1 oil w
WORKERS MONTHLY Expense 700.78 ' *
Cost of Goods Sold,... 2,052.78 2,753.56
Loss on WORKERS MONTHLY y 1,741.60
Job Printing Sales $ 16,179.29 $ 16,179.29
Expense 479.21
Cost of Goods Sold .... 15,888,35 16,367.56
Loss on Job Printing j lgg 27
Literature Sales $ 1,237.88 $ 1 237 88
Expense 397^5
Cost of Goods Sold 1,016.12 1,413.77
Loss on Literature , « j75 oq
Rented Space Sales 3 2 55.00 $ 255.00
Expense 332.12 332.12
Loss on Rented Space $ gg j 2
SUMMARY BY DEPARTMENTS.
Loss from DAILY WORKER $ 4,682.08
" WORKERS MONTHLY ., 1J41.60
" Job Printing Igg 27
Literature 175.89
" Rented Space eg 12
TOTAL LOSS ? 6,855.96
Donations 2 841 27
$ 4,014.69
162
BALANCE SHEET, AUGUST 1st, 1925.
Assets.
Current Assets:
Cash on Hand and in Bank 9 100.00
Accounts Receivable *• 44,212.48
$ 44,312.48
Less Reserve for Bad a;c » 2,232.54
Merchandise Assets:
Raw Material .. I 4,049.26
Literature Stock 3,955.58
Plant Assets:
Real Estate and Building $ 43,744.67
Machinery and Equipment...., 45,989.02
Furniture and Fixtures 3,087.67
Delivery Equipment „ 867.56
$ 93,688.92
Less Reserve tor Depreciation 8,560.67
Miscellaneous Assets:
Insurance Prepaid $ 612.68
Special Deposits ■••*•••« 375.00
Goodwill • 25,000.00
Deficit from 1924
Liabilities.
Current Liabilities:
Accounts Payable • $ 8,784.09
Loans Payable ■ 14,152.17
Notes Payable • 16,870.37
Defense and Relief Funds 69.35
Accrued Payroll —• 3,282.38
Capital Stock (Common) f 25,000.00
(Preferred) . 74,591.11
Mortgages Payable ••••? 24,080.00
Special Donations Received 3,088,03
Reserve for Taxes * -»■• 696.94
GAIN •
$ 42,079.94
$ 8,004,84
$ 85,128.25
$ 25,987.68
15,059.22
$176,259.93
$ 43,158.36
$ 99,591.11
$ 27,864.97
5,645.49
$176,259.93
163
BUDGET.
(a) DAILY WORKER Weekly Budget:
Wages $ 202.00
News Service 78.00
Rent, Light and Telephone 40.00
Supplies and Equipment 20.00
Telegrams 20.00
Photo Engraving 40.00
Miscellaneous 50.00
— — $ 540.00
Administrative:
Wages $ 180,00
Supplies 40.00
Postage ...*. 150.00
Advertising, Etc 100.00
I 470.00 $ 1,010.00
Mechanical 1,630.00
$ 2,640.00
Income:
Subscriptions $ 985.00
Dealers . 390.00
Advertising 120.00
-Donations 100.00 $ 1,595.00 $ 1,595.00
DEFICIT $ 1,045.00
::: That is exclusive of special money raising campaigns.
(b) WORKERS MONTHLY Budget:
Income (Monthly) $ 1,740.00
Expense " 1,930.00
DEFICIT (Monthly) $ 190.00
Weekly Deficit < 45.00
Including DAILY WORKER
Deficit 1,045.00
Total Deficit Weekly $ 1,090.00
(c) PRINTING PLANT (Including Daily Worker Publications of
Daily Worker Publishing Company) :
Sales ......$ 3,610.00
Expense ,. .....* 3,220.00
PROFIT $ aaoj)0
NET WEEKLY OPERATING
DEFICIT | moo
164
RESOLUTION OF PARITY COMMISSION ON INCOMING
CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
(Minutes of the Parity Commission, August 29.)
Motion that the Central Executive Committee be constructed on
the basis of an equal number from each group, with a neutral chairman.
Motion that the number be ten from each side including two
proletarians from each side.
Motion that each side elect three candidates for the €. E. C. who
participate with a. voice but no vote in all plenary sessions of the
C. E. C.
Motion that the District Executive Committees of New York.
Philadelphia, and Cleveland be constructed on the basis of an equal
number from eacli group.
Motion that the C. E. C. member elected by the Y. W. L. National
Executive Committee shall not disturb the parity character of the
C. E. C. If the group which now has the Y. W. L. representative be
in a minority in the Y. W. L. Convention, it will add an alternate to
the C, E. C. to balance the Y. W. L. member.
Motion that a control commission be elected consisting of two
members from each side. This control commission to act as grievance
committee as well as auditing committee.
Motion that the representative of the C. 1. shall be given power
by a resolution of the convention to participate in the C. E. C. meet-
ings and to cast a deciding vote and to act as chairman.
All motions accepted unanimously.
P. Green
Wm. Z. Poster
J. P. Cannon
Alex. Bittelman
C. E. Ruthenberg
Max Bedacht
Jay Lovestone
ELECTION OF THE C. E. C.
The following were nominated for the Central Executive Com-
mittee:
Majority nominees: Abern, Bittelman, Burraan, Cannon, Dunne.
Browder, Foster, Reynolds, Aronberg, with one to be elected by
Y. W. L.
Minority nominees: Ruthenherg, Gitlow, Bedacht, Engdahl, Ltove-
stone, Ballam, Welnstone, Minor. White, Schmies.
Motion: That the list of nominees make up the C. E. C. Unani-
mously carried.
The following candidates were nominated:
Majority: Krumbein, Hathaway, Johnstone.
Minority: Puro, Amter, Wolfe,
165
Motion: That these be elected. Unanimously carried.
The following alternates were nominated:
Majority: Manley, Swabeck, Olgin, Sullivan, Owens, Wagenknecht
Gem z, O Flaherty, LoeJ>.
Minority: Jakira, Kruse, Novak, Lifshitz, Bimba, Ashkenudse,
Knutson, Henry, Kuzinich.
Motion: To declare the nominees elected as alternates. Carried.
The following nominations were made for the Control Commis-
sion:
Majority: Harrison George, Nels Kjar,
Minority: D. J. Ben tall, Pelx Henzel.
Motion: To declare the nominees elected as the Control Com-
mission. Carried.
RESOLUTION ON THE SIXTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNIST
PARTY OF AMERICA.
Comrade Ruthenberg introduced the following resolution on the
Sixth Anniversary of the formation of the Communist Party of
America:
The closing day of the Fourth National Convention of our Party
falls on the sixth anniversary of the day on which our Party definitely
split from the Socialist Party, and on the eve of the day of the forma-
tion of the Communist Party.
Thru six years our Party has held aloft the banner of Communism
and the Communist International in the United States. Thru years of
persecution, deportation and imprisonment our Party has stood firm
and continued the struggle to revolutionize the American workers
and mobilize them for a Communist Society in the United States.
The Fourth National Convention marks a new epoch in the his-
tory of our Party. It has taken the steps to clear our Party of right
wing influence and tendencies and shown the way for the Bolsheviza-
tlon of the Party. It has adopted a correct statement of principles
and policy to guide the work of our Party. Our Party goes on from
this convention to new and greater achievements for the revolutionary
struggle of Communism.
The Fourth National Convention calls upon all Party units here-
after to celebrate this anniversary by holding of special mass meetings
at which the history of our Party and its struggles in the interests of
the workers shall be discussed and special efforts be made to draw
into the Party the most advanced and militant workers of this country.
LONG LIVE THE WORKERS COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMER-
ICA.
LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL.
Resolution adopted unanimously,
166
3 Pamphlets
Most Important for Members of
WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY
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i
THE FOURTH NATIONAL CONVENTION.
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50c
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FROM THE 3RD THROUGH THE 4TH CONVENTION.
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Party branches and individual members should
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TO PARTY UNITS:.. In lots of 5 pamphlets each,
at 50 cents per set. This offer cash only.
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1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, III.
A
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