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Written for The Amerika-Post by 
Fritz Morstein Marx 

Whoever wants to gain the basis for a sound and objective judg^ 
ment on Germany's National Revolution has to look upon it in the 
light of certain facts which might be summed up as follows: 

(a) During the months preceding the appointment of the present 
cabinet under the leadership of Chancellor Hitler, government it- 
self w^as on the verge of collapse. At present government is as 
firmly entrenched as in pre-war times. The pluralism of a par- 
liamentary "party state" has been superseded by an "authoritarian 
state" founded on the consent of a majority of the governed. If 
ever in international negotiations since the war a German govern- 
ment really could speak in the name of the German people the 
present cabinet can claim to do so, 

(b) The National Revolution ran its course almost without blood- 
shed because it conquered a vacuum. The leaders of the Social 
Democratic party, which represented the natural counterpart to 
the Hitlerite movement, had lost confidence in their own strength 
during the long years of hopeless economic depression; they had 
failed to win the support of the dissatisfied younger generation 
which gre%v up to enlarge the army of the unemployed; they had 
only been able to keep the solid block of older trade union men in 
line. The Communists could never expect to reach the bourgeois 
voter. The Hitlerite party, however, had taught the youth eager 
for tasks that the future of the nation depended on them and that 
a meek plea for international peace and justice — issued often 
enough in vain by German post-war governments — could never 
bring forth satisfactory results in a world armed to the teeth and 
thoroughly unwilling to make true the hope for universal pacifica- 
tion which, by the end of the war, was nursed by the whole Ger- 
man people. 

(c) The National Revolution was, therefore, not forced on the 
German people but put through by the "common man" w-ho, de- 
fying the pessimism of a "system" that, in his eyes, only resulted 
in internal and external failures, sincerely believed in the possi- 
bility of immediate reconstruction under competent and trust- 
worthy leadership of popular men of his own creed. 

(d) The National Revolution was carried through, in the mind 


of those who took an active part in it, for the cause of maintenance 
of good government, of a re-unification of the whole people and of 
an enif^ncipation from the "Marxist" notion of class struggle, of a 
Htrong central iiuthority controlling lahor and industry for the 
^roinnion ^ood under a sort of corporative constitution, and of the 
rehuhilitatum of the "Aryan" race, which was underrepresented 
in German intellectual aail cultural life though it constituted the 
nioflt valuable racial asset in the German population, as National . 
Socialist ideology asserts. Since the "Non- Aryan" stock played a f 
4niiHpi<Mious role in the legal and medical professions as well as in a 
nmiihcr of administrative departments and in the teaching bodies 
of \\iv universities it was certain from the beginning that the new 
imlhinilics would attempt to change this situation. And while the 
theory of ai>propriate representation of the "Aryan" race is doubt- 
\vm tijM'ii lo (liseussion to Americans^as the reaction of public opin- 
ion in llu' I ■Hite<l States has already indicated— the existence of this 
jIh'ihv and its practical consequences, though hard for the individual 
rSnri- Arviin," an* facta which must be faced as such. 

( <■ ) lb I' inar<^h of recent events in Germany, last but not least, is 
iiinuriurd lo u (MHiHiderable degree by the failure of the world to 
firr (Hiiiiaiiy from the frenzy of the Versailles system at a time 
vvh4'ii liic wliole (ierttian jieople still sincerely believed in the 
Trjigiir nl NalioiiH as an < ilV-ctivi* instrument for international jus- 
lice, (Hsai iiuitiu riU and pt at f\ 

'I lie \a\M I*]l<'cloriil ('aiupaign — Immediately after the decree 
li»i ibr dl.HHolulion 41!' the HiHcliHtag had been issued on February 1, 
( :iiiintt llnr IliHtn', on behalf of the coalition cabinet of Nationalists 
ami Niiiion;il S<H'ianHls, opened the electoral campaign by a broad- 
niMl proihiinalion in wliich he made public a four-year plan for the 
it'c'oiiHiinclion of (German economy. In his speech the Chancellor 
ut m'd llir (irinian pr(>|>lc as a whole to co-operate with the Govern- 
iiu'nl in (M-drr lo be wtnMhy of the great heritage of the German past. 
\\v iinn(Minrrd rbat ihc Federal Cabinet was resolved to suppress 
rrlrntb-Mslv f^pirilu;d, p(ditical, and cultural nihilism in order to pre- 
vrnt Gninini} fmni gliding oif into communist chaos. 

'*Foiii Irrn y^'ars of Marxism," he said, "have ruined Germany, 
ihw yt'iir id liolrtbevism would annihilate it." 

En nrdii- lo repair the damage done during these fourteen years, 
I he CalnnrU according to the Chancellor, had to insist that the Ger- 
injin people on election day (March 5) grant the Government for 
fonr yriirs an unreserved power of attorney. The Cabinet, in its turn, 
promised I he people to relieve the German farmer from his plight 
and lo Hwc<'p away unemployment from German soil during this 

Mc^anwliile, the tension between the National Socialist j)arty and 
I he "Marxist" |>arliea, i. e., the Social Democrals and I be Ccnnrnn- 
niwlH, greu alniOHl indiearable. The Sijeial Ueiuoerals imuU- it plain 
ihnl ibev uonEd vrlirnKiit Iv oppose llie llillei ndHiiel ibeii lejnb 

ing party organ the Vorwdrts, wrote: "Away with you, m our answer 
to Hitler and von Papen." In Prussia, Captain Giiring, Federal Com- 
missioner for the Interior, issued orders forbidding communist dem- 
onstrations. The same happened to an anti-fascist mass-meeting sum- 
moned by the Social Democratic party and the Iron Front in Berlin. 
On February 24, by order of the new Police President of Berlin, 
Admiral von Levetzow, the Karl Liebknecht House in Berlin, Com- 
munist headquarters of Germany, was closed by the police. A large 
number of Social Democratic and Communist newspapers appear- 
ing in Prussia were suppressed under a recent Federal ordinance 
which added new legal reasons on which newspapers could be forced 
to suspend publication. It was generally felt that the forthcoming 
election would mean the definite test of the inherent strength of 
National Socialist ideology. 

How serious Hitlerite authorities considered the domestic situa- 
tion was indicated by the fact that the Prussian government called 
on "patriotic" citizens to serve as auxiliary police. The new auxiliary 
police force— which, by the way, will probably be dissolved by the 
end of 1933^-was drawn from National Socialist storm troops and 
the Steel Helmet. But while this was going on north of the "Main 
Line," the Governments of the southern states of Bavaria, Baden, 
and Wiirttemberg remained in watchful opposition, contending 
that Federal intervention in the South by appointment of special 
commissioners would mean a breach of the Weimar constitution. 

The Reichstag Burns — In the evening of February 27, Berlin 
was stunned by the news that the Reichstag building was in flames. 
The public first was puzzled as to the motives of the burning when 
rumors spread that the fire had been started by incendiaries. Next 
morning, however. Captain Goring issued a communication explain- 
ing that the immediate police investigation had brought forth con- 
vincing evidence that the burning of the Reichstag had been planned 
and carried out by Communists who were linked up with the Social 
Democratic party; it was meant as the signal for a bloody uprising 
and civil war. In order to defeat this uprising at the start, warrants 
were immediately issued for two leading Communist deputies on 
strong suspicion of complicity with a certain Dutchman, van der 
Lubbe, who had been arrested on the spot. Many other Communist 
deputies and functionaries were taken into police custody; Com- 
munist newspapers, periodicals, pamphlets, and election posters 
were suppressed for a month throughout Prussia. All newspapers, 
periodicals, and pamphlets of the Social Democratic party, too, were 
forbidden for a fortnight, since the united Social Democratic-Com- 
munist front, according to the official statement, had proved to be 
an established fact. Later the period of suppression was extended, 
and Communist and Social Democratic papers, after the Reichstag 
elections, were also forbidden in the other German states, so that 
the "Marxist" press is, for the time being, wiped out. 

The Federal cabinet, on receiving a re]»ort about the Reiehslap 

( :? ) 

fir}> Imxij. Captain Goring, i»l)tiiiiKul tht; Presidcnit's sigiialiiri' to a 
new eiaergency de^re^ ^*for the protection of people and state'' of 
far-reaching import, suspending those fundamental rights which, 
under article 48 of the Weimar constitution, can be set aside in 
case of imminent danger. The death penalty may be imposed on any 
person convicted of attempting the life of the President, or members 
of the Federal government, or Reich commissioners, or of conspiring 
with others in such an attempt. The death penalty is also to be ap- 
plicable in cases of grave disturbance of the peace., of all deprivations 
of Hherty with intent to use the victim as a hostage, of high treason, 
of incendiarism, of causing floods or explosions, and of poisoning to 
the conamon danger. 

The Social Democratic party, in a public statement, "decisively" 
rejected the suggestion of the Prussian government that "it could 
have anything to do w ith those who set fire to the Reichstag." A simi- 
lar statement was issued by the Communist party. The preparations 
for the public trial of the incendiaries have not yet (May 1933 ) been 

The Reichstag fire on the eve of election day did more to alarm the 
German people than any revelation of imminent Communist plots 
had done before, while, on the other hand, the drastic measures 
taken after it put their stamp on the last week of the electoral cam- 

Election Returns— The elections to the Reichstag and to the 
Prussian diet— which had been dissolved, too, and for which elec- 
tions were set for the same day — took place in a quiet and orderly 
manner. The result was a complete victory for the two coalition 
parties representing the Federal cabinet. Between the partners, how- 
ever, the National Socialists had distinctly gained the upper hand. 
In the November elections their parliamentary force had decreased 
Jo only 195 deputies, although they remained by far the strongest 
Reichstag faction; this time they won not leas than 288 seats in a 
Federal parliament consisting of 647 representatives, on account of 
the very heavy poll of 88 per cent. More than 17 million voters out 
of close to 40 millions united under the swastika of the National 
Socialists — many of them not party members who, however, had 
grown thoroughly tired of being summoned to the polls every couple 
of months in order to express their whole-hearted support of a series 
of cabinets which always ended in a discouraging clinch with the 
growing Hitlerite opposition. 

The German National People's party headed by Minister Hugen- 
berg just preserved its strength, obtaining 52 seats in the Reichstag 
against 51 in the November elections. The same w^as true of the 
Social Democrats who, due to the yet unbroken party discipline of 
their trade union following, secured 120 seats, losing only one. But 
with them mere maintenance meant retreat in the face of a mobiliza- 
tion of more than four million additional voters as compared with 
the last Reichstag elections. The Catholic vote represented in the 


CcntR'. parly and ihc itiivjuiuii Pcoplc'H VnHy ,sl^.|iil\ inn niHcd ; 
the number of houIh coniiollrrl l»y holli faclioriH in the lie icbKitig 
went up from 90 to 92. Their jicicciilagc nl" \hv liii}'.rr poH, liovvcvei\ 
declined, while hundreds ol' l!n>uHajidH iit itir Itiivarian coiihI ilnen, 
cies were converted into Hitlerites. ThuH, Uiv the liiHt Utni\ ibc [Na- 
tional Socialists had broken the traditional hegciinmy of the* Ccntn> 
party in its own strongholds and paved the road for Federal inler- 
ference in the German south while Prussia was already in tfieir 
hands. That the Communists lost more than one million votes and 
19 seats was not much of a surprise; in spite of this conspicuous hci- 
back, with 81 deputies they kept their position as the third strong<^H( 
faction, though, while the German People's Party dwindled away 
from 11 to not more than 2 representatives. On the whole, the spHn- 
ter parties — unpleasant offspring of German discord as they were-- 
had to pay heavy tribute to their larger competitors because of the 
clear-cut issue of supporting or defeating the Federal cabinet. Only 
the Christian Socials and the Wiirttemberg Peasants' Party were 
able to survive the stringent test. The State Party, heir of ponderous 
traditions of the former German Democratic Party and itself grad- 
ually reduced to a sphnter party, notably advanced from 2 to 5 
deputies, due to a tactical electoral arrangement with the Social 
Democratic Party. 

Anyway, National Socialists and German National People's Party 
increased their percentage of the poll from about 41 per cent to 
almost 52, and in Prussia, simultaneously, from around 43 to even 
more than 52 per cent. The Hitlerite party alone advanced in the 
Reich from slightly more than 33 per cent of the total poll to close 
to 44, and in Prussia from about 36 to 43.2 per cent. Originally a 
minority government, the Federal cabinet had received confirma- 
tion hj the majority of the people — an outstanding accomplishment 
in the light of recent German parliamentary history. The time for 
lengthy negotiations with other parties outside the Governmental 
coalition was over. The Centre Party had been forced out of its pre- 
vious key position; it had to face the alternative either to stand by 
the Cabinet in more than mere benevolent neutrality or to be fought 
with the same w eapons which the Government rigorously employed 
against the "Bolshevist menace" and "Marxist conspiracy." The 
conquest of the south was a fait accompli. 

The National Revolution Captures the State—On the evening of 
election day Hitlerite storm troopers in closed formations suddenly 
rushed up to Hamburg's city hall square. After some negotiations 
with the proper authorities a detachment of them was admitted to 
the City Hall whereupon they hoisted the swastika banner on the 
City Hall tower while enthusiastic throngs saluted. In Hamburg, it 
will be recalled, the state cabinet based on the original coalition of 
Social Democrats, State and German People's Parties had remained 
in office although the outcome of the fall elections of 1931 had 
already placed it in the role of a minority government. 



When, however, the Cahiiul liirinally renij^iied in Oeloher, 1*>31, 
inslead o£ losing power, it became stronger than before; for, under 
the Hamburg constitution, the Cabinet was entitled to continue 
wielding full executive power considerably increased by emergency 
decrees of the Reich, until a majority in the Diet had constituted a 
new Cabinet— a somewhat difficult task for the Diet because its 
oppositional groups were split into the extreme right and the ex- 
treme left. Moreover, on account of its formal resignation the actual 
cabinet was freed from the constitutional check of a parliamentary 
vote of censure because such a vote would have been out of place 
against an "acting cabinet," Negotiations for the formation of a new 
cabinet between the different factions excluding the Social Demo- 
cratic and the Communist, which had gone on since 1931, never 
reached the goal. A few days before the Reichstag elections, however, 
Dr. Frick, Hitlerite Minister of the Interior in the Federal Cabinet, 
demanded the suppression of the Social Democratic Hamburger 
Echo from the Hamburg government. Since the Social Democratic 
cabinet members in Hamburg were not willing to yield to the de- 
mand they withdrew from the cabinet in cor pore. Meanwhile the 
National Socialist diet faction urged Dr. Frick to appoint one of its 
members Federal Commissioner for the Hamburg police. When this 
happened other Hamburg cabinet ministers withdrew, too, among 
them the president of the cabinet, Dr. Carl Petersen. 

The swastika on Hamburg's City Hall meant the victorious cap- 
ture of the first of those German states w hich were not already lined 
up wdth the Prussian government, Next day the swastika flag floated 
on the barracks of the Hamburg police and many other public build- 
ings. Flag shops were sold out in a few hours. Brown-shirts and Steel 
Helmet men became the actual rulers of the Free and Hanseatic 
City. Her two sisters, Liibeck and Bremen, had the same experience. 
Federal commissioners were appointed for both city states and for 
the state of Hesse. And since, as Captain Goring stated the "enor- 
mous ascendancy of the national front, especially in the southern 
states, no longer gave the South German governments the right to 
continue governing in the name of the people," federal commis- 
sioners endowed with dictatorial power followed in Bavaria, Baden, 
Wiirttemberg, and Saxony. 

Nowhere was resistance put up. Official police forces apparently 
had already been partly w on over to the Hitlerite cause by thorough 
cell propaganda during the preceding months. Apart from the well- 
trained German police forces, the 600,000 National Socialist storm 
troopers and about 200,000 Steel Helmet men excelled any other 
militant organization in size, discipline, and enthusiasm. Revolu- 
tions, of course, are not football games. Thus it is not surprising that 
a number of acts of violence occurred — grossly exaggerated and 
unduly generalized by some foreign new^spapers — which w^ere cer- 
tainly not more unpleasant to the non-Hitlerite part of the German 
public than to Chancellor Hitler himself, who soon issued an earnest 


;i|»pial to ir'li'uiii horn any iMolalfd jmIioiim wIh^ ti i oijj<J hi iitfL!, ll|i 
National licvidiil ion into iliHirpiilr. 

''^F^o^l now on", he nnid, "iIh* iialiunjil govcrnruriil haw ||ir (vrrii- 
live power in its hands iJiroilghoul Genirjiny. I'lie liirllier arrom 
plishmcnts of the nalioniil hhim jiciicc will in- H\Hreiiialir ami (lin< I- 
ed from above. I eonnnarHL theirion% slriclcHl flisciplinr." 

Several weeks later a new federal slaUil<' [lul every slui in trooper 
under disciplinary law^ according to regulations wliich llie (<haii<'<'l- 
lor will enact. 

On March 12, President von Hindenburg ordered the raising of 
the old black-white-red flag of pre-war Germany together with lh(' 
swastika banner as the emblems of a re-born Reich. A few days laler 
Dr. Goebbels, the successful campaign manager of the National 
Socialist party, was appointed Federal Minister for National Kii- 
lightenment and Propaganda. The new cabinet member, comment- 
ing on his appointment, explained that not only the press but also 
the theatre and the cinema must adjust themselves to the new era, 
and that he soon hoped to reach the point where the whole nation 
would think unitedly and at which there would be only one pnl)lic 
opinion. Meanwhile Dr. Luther, the president of the Reichsbank, 
had made up his mind to tender his resignation because, in view of 
impending adjustments in many spheres, he did not consider himself 
fit to co-operate with the Federal government as closely in all impor- 
tant questions relating to the currency, credit, public finances, and 
economic policy as would be imperative. On March 16, therefor**, 
the general council of the Reichsbank elected as his successor, sub- 
ject to the confirmation of President von Hindenburg, Dr. Hjalniar 
Schacht, "father of the stabilized mark", who had been Luther's pre- 
decessor until he resigned in 1930 in protest against the reparations 
settlement imposed on Germany by the Young Plan. Dr, Luther w as 
selected to represent Germany as her Ambassador in the United 

The first German state, previously not controlled by the two fed- 
eral coalition parties, to elect a constitutional government was Ham- 
burg. Under Hitlerite leadership former party conferences were 
resumed, and soon the Diet could be called upon to install a new^ cab- 
inet in which the National Socialists predominated, while the Ger- 
man National People's Party was represented by four ministers — 
among them two Steel Helmet officers — and the German People's 
and the State Parties by one minister each who had both already 
served in the former cabinet. President of the Cabinet is Burgomas- 
ter Carl Vincent Krogmann, son of an old Hamburg merchant fam- 
ily and devoted follower of Chancellor Hitler, By May, however, one 
Nationalist minister and the last exponent of the State Party re- 
signed while the representative of the German People's Party had 
entered the ranks of the National Socialists and, in addition, another 
National Socialist became cabinet minister. 

The Day of Potsdam — The newly elected Reichstag had been 



MItll l||(»]U 

w H.,„ (.].u,.,.l. „i 1 „t„,la,„ .,,„,,,„, „r pr„,,ia„ traditions, where, 
'-'-'". «lH- a lar,hes buried Frederick the Great. Prior to the solemx: 

", '': " "'."'« '"-f ^'''•"«"' Reichstag" by President von Hin- 

'.;...., r,, »,.,v><r., J-„r the deputies were held in the Protestant church 
S N„.|,..h.„ and ,.. the Roman Catholic Church in Potsdam; the 
"«..•. w.T,, a....„de.l hy Vice-chancellor von Papen and the depmies 
..I 11..- (.cniro ^^rty wh,j^ Chancellor Hitler and his close eollabora- 
... M.M,„,..r (.ocbbels, ostentatiously stayed away because Roman 
r.irf.ol.r bishops, on some occasions, had declared Hitlerite party 
"""."'::,,'" '"\«P««t«e« who could not be admitted to the sacra- 
'i..-.. H \VI,.„ the President drove from Berlin to Potsdam he was 
-■■.'•.■.•. .J by ,..f„-r crowds which lined the streets and waved swastika 
■ '..I l.l«.k-wln.,.rod flags. In his address to the Reichstag the Presi- 

•''"', l'''.-"";""y appealed to the deputies to support the Govern- 

...Ml «.„l, 1,1 Hear recognition of the needs of the situation, do all in 
lj.|. |„.,v,.r ,„ heJp the Cabinet in their arduous labors. Then the 
. ...- U.r the Cabinet's reply containing a vigorous repudia- 
l.i... ..I (..niiany s alleged responsibility for the war 

■■^.■i.l..r ihe Kaiser", he exclaimed, "nor the German government 
'■"■■ ""■ < '.■.".«.. people wanted the war. Only the disintegi-ation of 

'", ':"":>"'P<"lled a weak generation, against its own conscience 

....I ..(,a...«. ..H most sacred inward conviction, to accept the implica- 

' ,';' *;••'"■''" "".^'"il'- This collapse has been foUowed by Lav 

"."" ."' ;■"": P"l*t'«»J, moral, cultural, and economic. Crisis after 

.r.H.H .as sl,ak<m ibo people. But the rest of the world has not be- 
<•......' happier and wealthier through the political and economic 

hireling of an important member of its commonwealth. Prom the 
.."M«.-..H.caI .hoory of everlasting victors and vanquished has sprung 
.'li.inopl.e.'"'"'''''''"''*'""' '" ' '° """'^'1"^°'=''' *« "orid economic 
Mi'-v ,Ur Chancellor had professed Germany's sincere desire to 
,'■,'" '":f ^^'.»'; I'f^ neighbors the President laid wreaths at the 
.....I. of Ivredcnck the Great, and later he reviewed the parade of ' 

li,.rMr troops po ice in steel helmets, and of detachments of 
rtMHvii Sb.rts and Stahlhelmers. 
Tl..- U.ichstag session itself began in the afternoon in the Kroll 
,..-ra I lo,^e at Berlin since it will take months to repair the Wallot No seats had been provided for the Communist faction. 
J ho Social Democratic Party was fully represented except for those 
w ,o srdl were under arrest. The first meeting was occupied with the 
..siial formal constitutive proceedings and the Speaker's address As 
such Captain Goring was re-elected by acclamation as were the three 
v.<-e.pre8idents representing the Hitlerite, the German National 
.■opie s and the Centre parties respectively. In his speech Captain 
Goring enthusiastically saluted ChanccUor Hitler and in his person 
a re-born Germany. "Weimar", he said, "now has b;en overcome' 
a..d It was symbolic today that the new Reichstag in its old dignitv 


adoptedunder t^e T ^'''"^^'^*'.'"S ™*"i«S -^t which was ever 
tiuupt^cu unaer tne Weimar constitntinTi Ti^^ ^ i 

rotative of the pL«. u ^"^^*^^^«* which remain in the pre- 
rogative ol the President whose constitutional powers in^liirli^/.lT 
supreme command over all a™^^ f^ ^^M^^^ers including the 

Bhips were suspended. A great number of federal s"ate and 7'^" 
commissioners for certain branches of «„b]?. r'- "^^ 

cabinets obtained legislative powers similar to those of the actual 
Federal cabinet so that they could even overrule their state consti- 
tutions. According to the precedent set by the first session of the 
Reichstag, no seats were allotted to the Communist factions either 
in state diets or in municipal councils, more than 18,000 communists 
being in police custody. The former political heterogeneity of legis- 
lative bodies all over the Reich had ultimately passed away. The 
conception of federal checks and counterbalances was no longer 
part of German constitutional life. A new unitary state was advanc- 

This new unitary state received more definite shape when, on 
April 7, the cabinet passed another bill providing for the appoint- 
ment of governors for the German states by the President of the 
Reich. The Governors, who are responsible only to the Federal Gov- 
ernment, are Federal officials. They are virtually state presidents 
vested with the rights to appoint and dismiss the president of the 
state cabinet and, on his recommendation, the other state ministers, 
to dissolve the diet, to appoint and dismiss civil servants and judges, 
and to pardon. It is the main duty of the Governors to supervise the 
enactment of the Chancellor's outlines of policy. In Prussia, w^here 
a few days later Captain Goring was appointed Prime Minister (thus 
setting aside the claims of Herr von Papen who imtil then as Federal 
Commissioner was the formal superior of Captain Goring), the 
Chancellor himself took over the functions of the governor. The 
Reich-Prussia problem seemed finally solved. Constitutionally the 
Reich — once a mere federation of German princes — received the 
structure of a pyramid with the President and the Chancellor at the 
top of it. 

As a reprisal against **atrocities campaigns^* abroad, on April 1, 
for one day, a boycott of Jewish stores took place throughout Ger- 
many, It was conducted without disturbance of public order and in 
accordance w^ith general outlines issued by a special (non-official) 
national boycott committee. Thus uniformity of action w as secured. 
Uniformity of action w as also the goal of another move. By April 27, 
Federal Minister Seldte, chief of the Steel Helmet, severing from 
his former associate, Lieutenant-Colonel Duesterberg, entered the 
National Socialist party and piit his organization under Hitler's 

Restoration of the Civil Service Aet^ — On April 7, the cabinet, 
duly authorized under the new^ Delegated Powders Act of March 24, 
passed an "Act for the Restoration of the Civil Service", suspending 
the far-reaching legal protection of civil service rights embodied 
in article 129 of the Weimar constitution. The act aims at "the resto- 
ration of a national civil service" and "the simplification of public 
administration". Its general principles — applying to the federal 
civil service as well as to the civil services of the seventeen German 
slati'H (ihuH also lo luiivr'rHlty profcHsorsj and local government — 
arc ibcHc; 


(a) So-called *'party-book officials" must be dismissed from the 
civil service. "Party-book officials" are those who have entered the 
civil service since November 9, 1918, without either complying with 
the general requirements for their civil service career or possessing 
the customary training or other fitness at the time of their admission 
to the service. A civil servant has complied with the general require- 
ments for admission to the service if, especially, he has passed the 
prescribed examinations; he possesses the customary training if, on 
his entrance in the service, he has complied with those requirements 
which, as a rule, are regarded as sufficient for admission. Unfit are 
officials who are inenibers of the Communist party or its surrogate 
organizations or who have been engagecl in Communist activity, 
regardless whether they are still members of the Communist party 
or its surrogate organizations ; these latter officials, however, must be 
dismissed even if they possess the generally required or customary 

Unfitness, therefore, in the terminology of the act, applies only to 
political disqualification as it is determined by the act. According to 
the opinion of a commentator the act must be construed so as to 
exclude also those Social Democratic f unctionaires who have entered 
the service as so-called "political officials", unless they can prove a 
certain measure of higher education (final examination of a high- 
school or at least final examination of a high-school Sekunda-cl^ss) . 

(b) Civil servants whose previous political activity (especially 
since November 9, 1918) does not guarantee that they will every 
time fully identify themselves with the "^national state" can be dis- 
missed. Each official is obliged on request to inform his superiors 
about his party affiliations. Political parties are also the Reichsban- 
ner Black-Red-Gold, the J^^publican Union of Judges, the League 
for Men's Rights, the Association of Republican Officials and the 
Iron Front (militant organization of the Social Democratic party). 
Membership in a political party as such — except in the Communist 
— does not justify the assumption of political unreliability. A 
civil servant is, however, considered politically unreliable if he 
has engaged in any sort of hostile activity against the national revo- 
lutionary movement, especially if he has insulted its leaders or 
abused his official position in order to persecute, to slight or to prej- 
udice nationally-minded civil servants. If he has done so he can be 
dismissed even without having belonged to a "Marxist" party (i. e. 
the Social Democratic and the Communist parties) . He would not 
be able, for instance, to rescue himself by entering the National 
Socialist party^-at least not if he has entered the party after January 
30, 1933. Occasional back-sliding during electoral campaigns will 
be disregarded. 

(c) Civil servants of "Non-Aryan" parentage have to be dismissed, 
too. "Non-Aryans" in the meaning of the act are those persons whosr 
parents or grand-parents are "Non- Aryan", especially Jewish. The 
tlisqualification takes place if one parent or grand-iiarcnl is "IN on- 

the.r pe„«o„ unless they are not eligible for a pension at all betje 

B»org.„faii„„ „t ,H, LI p„(,„i„„ oL-The ..„, J.. 

Ita main features are the following: «™nar lines. 

(a) Attorneys-atJaw of "Non-Aryan" descent in the meaning of 

the Restoration of the Civil Service Act can be debarred, unlerthey 


have been adniiued to the bar before Aug. 1, 1914 or fou-hl -.r tli. 
ft-om durin, the war or have lost fathers or s'ons at'the f^n; " ' 

b) PerT T t'^V '**"" ^^ ^'^'^'''"^ *° the bar in futurr. 
lb) Persons who have been engaged in Communist activity ar« 

f IT ^T '^l ^'^"^ P'-ofe.sion and must be debarred. ^ 

c) Until final decision as to the application of this act on nrac 
icmg attorneys-at-law, the state ministries of justice canTs ue a pre 

hmina d,„,, prohibiting those attorneys from pracicin" "^ 

(d) Previous measures of state authorities against "Non^Aryan" 
attorneys-at-law are superseded by this act 

bell'bL"''!,''/" ^f '" "'°'' ^"'''''^ ^""'>'*="' '^-''^Pt 35, had already 
5,elt»r l"" '^' 'T"" '"""'^'"^ *° tl^^ J---h proportion of 

atoeirp "' ""'''' ^'^^ """ '"=*' °^ "'«14 lawyers formerly 

admitted to Prussian courts only 1,051 have actually been debarred 

b!?i.ot 7. C--"""i«ts) , while 2,158 Jewish lawyers are to 

be allowed to continue practicing in future in Prussia 

Corresponding legal changes have affected other vocations, e « 
the medical profession as far as doctors are emploved by publ'^ 
bodies (national health insurance authorities) ' ^ ^ 

tim^tn ?!r ^^'^'^••^^""-By Cabinet act of April 10, for the se«on,l 

ZlZflT? ' '"""^'Tri^'^'T' *^''>' Day-traditional festive 
parading-day of organized labor-became a national holiday; four- 

e eb^'ed T ' ^''^iT v7^ '"' "' ^^^^ ''' 1^"' « ^^^ ^een 
peace of fhe I """''ZV""^'^^^' '^'"^''''''^ *° "'^"^ ''^^^ "^ ^^°rl'l 
labor"' F ?^ «*^"' ^f ""'' ^""^ *" i^te^-tio-^l protection of 

iron all Marxis aspects, as a "festival of national work", in which 
employer as well as employee, craftsman as well as dock-worker 
civi servant as well as trade-union man, actively participated And 
for the first time, too, a federal ordinance of Aprif20 provided th« 
emp oyees and workers had to be compensated by their emplove 
for that amount of wages which they would earn if, instead of ,^de 
"Mixt '^''' l-^ "°*1- '"'^"^'"^^ "' "*^''™^t" tr^de unions or of 
thev w ""^ 1.' "'Z'' '^'° '"^""'^ *° '^^^ P«t i" the festival-b„t 
hey were not allowed to parade in groups nor to carrv their tradi- 
tional banners with them. In Berlin, Chancellor Hitler pro m, - 
gated the program for the first "reconstruction year," before bun 
dreds of thousands of employees, workers and storm t oop rs on ^e 
Te^pelhofer Feld, famous parading-ground of pre-war German/! 

"y.e ;vant to bring the Germans to each other again", he sai.l 
and if hey are unwilling to come we will force them together Tl t 

fhr t 1 T^7 *''°''^ ''''"t^ries, so that all men who labor in 
1. "1,1 T^'j T ""''"""^ production find each other an,! 

pen if they all did not accomplish their deal of work. Therefor,., i bi„ 

( i:i) 

cf'lt'bration stands under the motto: Honor labor and resjpect the 

The Chancellor then outlined the major tasks of the Cabinet: 

(a) To enact the great ethical idea of labor service for every 
young German — rich or poor, son of a scholar or son of a factory- 
worker^in order to get acquainted with manual labor and to learn 
to obey so that later he may be more fit for a leading position and 
will know the mentality of the common man and the people as a 
whole ; 

(b) To free creative initiative from the mischievous influences of 
majority resolutions, for German economy can only rise if a synthe- 
sis is found between freedom of creative spirit and subordination to 
the common good ; 

(c) To start organic economy by first aiding the farmer and agri- 
culture, because a sound agriculture will be the basis for a re-birth 
of German economy in its totality; 

(d) To fight unemployment through "made" work by the restora- 
tion of buildings, hy an appeal to every employer of labor, and by a 
gigantic program of road building: 

(e) To cut down interest rates and carry out an economic policy 
which secures permanence of production without destroying Ger- 
man agriculture. 

Finally, the Chancellor appealed to the German people to be 
aware of the urgent necessity to fight for equal international rights 
in complete unity. 

Throughout the Reich, May Day was celebrated ever^-where in 
large open-air mass demonstrations. 

Securing Economic and Cultural Homogeneity — The response 
of countless economic, cultural, professional, and educational insti- 
tutions and associations to the National Revolution and its avowed 
aims signifies the totality of the landslide better than anything else. 
Whatever the inside motives were, adjustment to the new order 
became a general trend. Boards of directors resigned in order to be 
re-established under National Socialist leadership. Executive secre- 
taries busied themselves in coming to terms with the new authori- 
ties. Magazines and weeklies of political and non-political character 
reflected the fundamental change not only in their editorials but 
also in a re-consideration of their personnel. "Gleichshaltung", i. e. 
securing homogeneity, became one of the most frequently used 
terms in newspaper columns and daily conversation. Political as 
well as cultural separatism suddenly were forgotten. The Protestant 
churches in the different German states, for instance, which up to 
now had been distinct cultural units within a loose national federa- 
tion of Protestant churches, felt inclined to consider the foundation 
of a national Protestant church comprehending Protestant church 
life throughout Germany. The medical and the legal professions, 
too, paid their tribute to the national cause. One of the editors of the 
JiirifitLsrhe Wothcnschrift, the renowned weekly magazine of the 


Gcrnuiii lltiion kA Ai lot nrys-iildiiw, who ncvcral wcckn n^u [iad Hn<' 
ci'cdcd Justizrat Dr. JidiuM Ma^nun, ret-rnliy published a brief ii 
which he said: 

"The legal profession and the JuHstische W ochenschrijt, too, will 
in future be one with the pulse of the German people. It must not be 
easily diverted from its purpose by the bloodless phrase that politics 
have to be kept out of science, out of jurisprudence, out of the 
Juristiche Wochenschrift, What we have lived to see is not poiiti<'ri 
in the common meaning but history, history of law of the most vehc- 
ment character, which has deeply touched and moved us. He who 
passes by that without being touched and moved, cannot claim the 
title of a real jurist. For law is not solely a matter of cold reasoning 
—one cannot even solve the inflexible formulae of the law of civil 
procedure and bankruptcy solely with it — , the heart and feeling of 
the real jurist will always swing with it. Whoever serves the law— 
judging, pleading, writing, teaching— must, therefore, return to 
the sense and spirit of the old Germanic law which was an accord of 
reason and heart, spirit and soul. The cultivation of merely construc- 
tive law, checkering with juridical concepts and statute sections, has 
indeed nothing to do with politics nor with true justice." 

Or, as the Prussian Minister of Justice, Herr Kerrl, stated in an 
address to the First German Assembly of Referendare, i. e» young 
lawyers, on May 20: 

"Certainly the judge has to be impartial; but I demand that he is 
partial to the utmost when the existence of the nation is concerned. 
There are no castles in Spain for a divine objective law. The divine 
inalienable law, my German judge, is horn with you. It is living in 
your blood, in your German conscience. Only he who has under- 
stood National Socialism in its deepest meaning can be a German 

Meanwhile a "Front of German Law" is forthcoming: a na- 
tional organization of German judges and attorneys-at-law under 
National Socialist leadership, A corresponding "Front of German 
Work" embracing all manual and desk labor as one great national 
union is already designed; it will be the foundation-stone for the 
structure of a corporate state in w^hich a reorganized representation 
of all German employers w-ili also partake. To this end "Marxist" 
trade unions, on May 2, were taken over by National Socialist com- 
missioners. Thus the Social Democratic party was deprived of its 
backbone. By May 10, on order of the public prosecutor, the entire 
property of the Social Democratic party and of the Reichsbanner 
Black-Red-Gold was confiscated throughout the country; the rea- 
son given for this action was that numerous cases of malfeasance had 
been discovered by National Socialist commissioners since the seiz- 
ure of the "Marxist" trade unions. 

High schools and universities, according to a cabinet act of April 
25, were closed to uncontrolled admission in order to balance ihe 
law of demand and supply of academic labor. The admiwsiofi liniil, 


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^ii. ^i .'II «'i)i 

irom now on, is to be fixed by ordinance of the stale frover„nie„t« 
betore the beginning of each school year. One and a half per cent of, 
the admission limit is apportioned for "Non-Aryan" students "Non- 
Aryan students, however, whose fathers fought at the front durincr 
the war, are exempt from the special apportionment. The same ap- 
plies to children of mixed marriages provided that one parent or 
two grandparents are of "Aryan" descent and the marriage has taken 
place before April 25, 1933. 

Disarmament and Peace— When in early May the news was com- 
nmmcated that the Chancellor had asked Speaker Goring to sum- 
mon the Reichstag in order to define the German standpoint on 
those questions which affect not only the German people but also 
the world, the public abroad was somewhat puzzled as to what the 
Chancellor was going to pronounce. A much-read American weekly 
of liberal creed hazarded the foUowing prediction: "Every advance 
indication pointed to a blustering, saber-rattling appeal to the gal- 
leries m Germany, for the German people demand action on the 
arms-equahty issue and Hitler must make good." Nothing of the 
sort happened, And^the London Times, which had displayed a dis- 
tinctly critical attitude toward the Hitler cabinet all the time, wrote 
commenting on the Chancellor's speech: "The world caught a first 
glimpse yesterday of Herr Hitler the statesman." 

"Germany", Chancellor Hitler, speaking for the whole German 
people, said, "demands the disarmament of all other nations because 
her claim for equality is moral, legal, and sensible. She wants noth- 
mg that she is not ready to give to others. No fresh European war is 
capable of putting something better in the place of the unsatisfac- 
tory conditions which today exist. Even by the decisive success of a 
new European settlement by force, the final result could only be an 
increase m the destruction of European balance of power, and thus 
would contain the seeds for later differences and fresh complica- 
tions. The outbreak of such an unending madness would lead to the 
collapse of the existing social order in Europe. Germany is willing 
without further reservations to dissolve her entire military forced 
and destroy the weapons left to her if all other nations will do the 
same. Germany will tread no other path than that laid down by 
the treaties. But the German people will not let themselves be forced 
into anything that might prolong their disqualification. May the 
other nations understand the unbreakable will of Germany to end 
once and for all a period of human errors in order to find the way 
to a final agreement between all on the basis of the same rights for 
^^' Fritz Morstein Marx. 

Issued by the Friends of the New Germany 
152 East Eighty-third Street, Neiv York City