The Irish Language in Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

//

TODD LECTURE SERIES

VOLUME XVIII

Nils M. Holmer

THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN
ISLAND, CO. ANTRIM

PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
(With the assistance of a grant from
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden)

DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD.

LONDON : WILLIAMS & NORGATE

T942

Price Seven Shillings and Sixpence

ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY

TODD LECTURE SERIES

VOLUME XVIII

Nils M. Holmer

THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN
ISLAND, CO. ANTRIM

PUBLISHED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
(With the assistance of a grant from
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden)

DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD.

LONDON : WILLIAMS & NORGATE

1942

PRINTED

AT THE SIGN OF THE THREE CANDLES

FLEET STREET

DUBLIN

24112//

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

ABBREVIATIONS

REFERENCES TO OTHER WORKS

INTRODUCTION
List of Speakers
Surnames
Language

The * Upper ' and * Lower End '
The * Rathhn Catechism '
The Irish of the Glens of Antrim

PHONOLOGY

General Remarks

Notes on the Dentals

Semivowels and Diphthongs

Vowel Length

Insertion and Omission of Vowels

The Elementary Sounds

Hiatus . . . .

NasaHzation ....

Accent ....

Pronunciation of the Written Characters

SANDHI MUTATIONS

Aspiration ....

Eclipsis ....

Provection ....

Combined Aspiration and Provection
Elision and Assimilation

PAGE
V

vii

viii

I
3
4
6
8
13
15

i6

20
21

22
23
24

38
40
40
41

6o
65
67
69

70

CONTENTS

ACCIPHNCH

Definite Article

Nouns

Irregular N(nnis

Adjectives

CompariscMi

I^ronouns

Numerals

Verbs

Irregular Verbs

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT

72

74

84

85

87

89

100

103

113

121

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH
From the ' Lower End '
From the * Upper End
From Gortconny, Co. Antrim
Specimen of Antrim Irish

134
142
148
154

GLOSSARY

156

PREFACE

THE present work was encouraged by the Irish Folklore
Commission, and carried out by the support of the Royal
Irish Academy, which in 1937 gave a grant (renewed in 1938)
to cover the expenses of a visit to Rathlin during August, September
and October, 1937 (completed by a fortnight's stay in October,
1938), as well as to the Glens of Antrim and southern Kintyre, in
order to get records of what remains of the Gaelic language in those
parts. The result of this research is the present grammar of
RathHn Irish.

Rathlin, situated as it is between Ireland and Scotland, and having
figured in important historical events, offers material of greatest
interest to linguists as well as to students of folklore. Irish and Scots
came here into closer contact with each other than elsewhere, so
that a description of its native dialect ought not to be without
interest for both Irish and Scottish scholars.

Though I have done my best in recording the dialect as faithfully
as possible, statements as to sounds, etc., will perhaps appear
occasionally to be more vague than might be desired. The reason
for this is that the Gaelic language in Rathlin is not so well preserved
in any of the places I visited as to make it possible to get a complete
picture of its structure as it was when commonly spoken. Hence
I have preferred not to venture upon dubious or erroneous
statements by trying to get precise information on points where
such information can no longer be had.

The printing expenses have been aided by a grant from
Langmanska Kulturfonden, in Sweden. My thanks are due to the
bodies which have supported and encouraged me in my work,
as also to the priests in the island, Fathers White and Maloney,

VI PRl.lACI.

and the teachers, who helped nic so much during my stay in
Rnthhn. To Sean O Suilleabhain, archivist of the Irish Folklore
Comnnssion, I am indebted for a revision of the text. But not
least do I owe thanks to the people who gave mc all the
information they had about their old language, and without whose
co-t^peration this work would have been impossible.

There is still a great number of short texts, of folkloristic rather
than of linguistic interest, which I hope to publish later on.

NILS M. HOLMER
Kalmar, Sweden.
February, 1939.

ABBREVIATIONS

Numbers within parentheses refer to the hst of Speakers (p. 3).
By ' 15, etc./ will be understood * 15, 15a, 15b, 15c/ or some,
or most, of them. ' An ' and a following number refers to the
speakers from the Glens of Antrim (§ 8).

abs., absolute

ace., accusative

adj., adjective

adv., adverb

An, the Glens of Antrim

asp., aspirate, aspiration

coll., collective (noun)
comp., comparative
cond., conditional
conj., conjunction

dat., dative

def art., definite article
def. vb., defective verb
dem., demonstrative
dep., dependent

E., Engl., English

f., fem., feminine
fut., future

gen., genitive

imper., imperative
imperf , imperfect
ind., indicative
indef., indefinite
interj., interjection

mterr., mterrogative
Ir,, Irish
irreg., irregular

m., masc, masculine
M.E., Middle English
M.Ir., Middle Irish

n., noun

nom., nominative

num., numeral

O. Ir., Old Irish

ord., ordinal

pers., person, personal

pL, plur., plural

prep., preposition

pres., present

pret., preterit

pron., pronoun

prov., provection

Rathl. Cat., Rathlin Catechism

refl., reflexive

rel., relative

Sc, Scot., Scottish
sg., sing., singular
subj., subjunctive

v., vb., verb

vb. n., verbal noun

REFERENCES TO OTHER WORKS

DiNNEEN, Irish-English Dictionary. Dublin, 1927.

Kneen, a Granwiar of the Manx Language. 193 1.

6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht agiis Graimear na Gaedhilge. Cuid i.

Bailc Atha Cliath, 1927.

O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, Past and Present. Dublin, 1932.

6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghaedhilge an Tuaiscirt, Dublin, 1925.
6 TuATHAiL, Sgealta Mhnintir Luinigh. Irish Folklore Institute, 1933.

Sommereelt, Dialect of Torr, Co. Donegal. Christiania, 1922.
NTS, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap.

INTRODUCTION

GENERAL REMARKS ON THE IRISH OF RATHLIN

<§o

THE present (1937) population of Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim,
is about 260, of whom, however, a rather large proportion is
periodically absent from the island. During the time of my
stay (August-October, 1937) there were, for instance, not even
200 people at home, many of the young men and women being
away temporarily at work in Ireland or Scotland. Of those
remaining I have listed 19 persons (including four on the Main-
land) who still speak (or rather remember how to speak) Irish.
Most of these are people over 60 years of age, and are generally
endowed with a very good memory. Naturally there may be a
few others who still know some Irish : it is in many cases merely
a matter of practice in speaking the old language, for the Irish
speakers live scattered all over the island, and their neighbours,
and even families, very often know no Irish at all. Counting these
as native speakers, it would appear that about ten per cent, of the
population knows Irish, About twenty years ago, when Irish was
still in common use in the island, one may suppose that the
percentage was higher.

In an island such as Rathlin, lying between Ireland and Scotland,
the distance from the former being less than three miles, and from
the latter about fourteen, and where the population used to be
fishermen and sailors, a considerable intermarriage with (Mainland)
Irish and Scots may be expected. Thus, of the nineteen persons
listed as Irish speakers, three have mentioned Scottish parents or
grandparents, three have supposed that their ancestors came from
Scotland, while the rest know of no other than their Irish descent.^
As for those who believe that their ancestors were Scots, it must
be remembered that there is a common theory in the island that
every single family of those living there now are descended from

I. This may mean either Mainland Irish or Rathlin Irish,

2 Tin: IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Scottish settlers who came to the island attcr the complete
massacres in the sixteenth or seventeenth century (cf. O'Rahilly,
Irish Diiilccts, p. 164, note 2).

Leaving; the truth value of the historical evidence of a trans-
plantation oi the inhabitants aside, it still remains a fact that the
connections with Scotland are important. Many surnames are
characteristically Scottish (McCurdy, McQuaig, McKay), and the
traditions are, to a great extent, connected with Scotland. From the
language and customs it is clear that the relations vs^ith Scotland
must once have been very close, which could not be but natural in
the old seafaring days. The relationship of the Rathlin dialect with
Scottish Gaelic will be further discussed in a following chapter. An
indication of what is the popular, and as it seems established, opinion
on this question may be stated here. The natives call their language
either Gaclc[a) or GdiliCy and in English * Irish.* Both forms, Gaclc
and Gailic, of which the former seems to be more common in the
wTStern, more remote, part of the island, are also used in the Glens
of Antrim. It is probable that * Gailic ' is one of the Scottish words
in the dialect. According to the popular opinion, the Rathlin dialect
is a ' mixture of Irish and Gaelic ' (Mrs. Glass), where * Gaelic '
(pronounced with Engl. * a ') means Scottish Gaelic. It appears,
in fact, that the grammar is on all main points that of Scottish Gaelic,
and it is also Prof. O'Rahilly's opinion, based on linguistic as well
as historical evidence, that this dialect is decidedly a Scottish dialect.
O Searcaigh {Foghraidheachty p. v) hesitates, mentioning, after having
stated the Scottish analogies, that the natives do not consider them-
selves as anything but Irish. On the other hand, the * Ragheries '
are quite conscious of their independent position, a feeling that may,
indeed, date back to the time of the petty kingdoms, and is reflected
in the common way of referring to the Irish mainland as Eirinn or
* Ireland,'^ and to Rathlin as an tir seo^ * this country,' thereby
indicating that they were of old neither part of Ireland nor of
Scotland.

I. It is sometimes maintained that the Rathlin people used to call the
Irish mainland * Ireland,' while Scotland was called y/;? Tir M6r, or * the
Mainland,' just as is common in the Scottish islands. I have not heard
this myself in Rathlin, neither has anybody whom I have asked said that
this was a fact.

INTRODUCTION 3

THE SPEAKERS

The list of speakers already referred to is the following (arranged
according to households) :

(i) Mrs. Ann Jane Craig [nee McCurdy), aged about 82, living
in Ballycarry, Lower End.

(2) Mrs. Katie Glass, aged about 80, whose grandmother belonged
to Tarbert, Kintyre, and who may thus have more Scotticisms
in her talk than the rest. Lower End.

(3) Miss Annie Black, Kinramer,^ aged about 72, according to
the information of others of a family descended from the old
stock of Irish settlers (cf. below). Upper End.

(4) Alec Anderson, Craigmacagan, aged about 75, whose father
is said to have been of Scottish descent, though born in
Rathlin. Lower End.

(5) Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach, aged about 70 ; ancestors
are said to be Scottish. Lower End.

(6) Patrick ('John Pharaic') McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged
about 70, whose mother was Scottish. Upper End.

(6a) Mrs. Murphy, Upper Cleggan.

(7) John (* Michel ') McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged about 67,
with no known Scottish connections. Upper End.

(8) Daniel (' Michel ') McCurdy, Kinranier, aged about 65,
brother of John. Upper End.

(9) Patrick (' Michel ') McCurdy, Lower Cleggan, aged about 60,
brother of John and Daniel. Upper End.

(9a) Mrs. Mary Craig [nee McCurdy), sister of Patrick.
(9b) Miss Annie McCurdy, sister of Patrick.
(9c) Alec Morrison.

(10) Joseph Anderson, Mullindres, aged about 60, same grand-
father as Aleck Anderson. Lower End.

(loa) Miss Anderson, his sister.

(11) Daniel McFall, Kinramer (Glaic an Toighe Mhor), aged about
60 or 70, said to be of Irish descent. Upper End.

I. Now living at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim.

4 Till. lUISH 1 ANGUACr. IN RATIILIN ISLAND

(12) Miss Lizzie McKcaguc, Ballyconagan, same grandmother as
Mrs. Glass. Miss McKcaguc gave inc a short hst of words
in her own spehing, which I quote in different places.
Lower End.

(13) Mrs. Mary Jane McKinlcy {ncc Hunter), Church Bay, aged
about 70. Lower End.

(14) Frank Craig, Brockley, aged about 40. Upper End.

(ts) John McCurdy, Gortconny, near Ballycastle, the youngest of
a family who left Rathlin 12 years ago.
(15a) Mrs. Mary McCurdy {nee Morrison), his mother.
(15b) Daniel McCurdy, his brother.
(15c) Miss Maggie McCurdy, his sister.

<§3 >
The most important family in Rathlin has always been the
McCurdies. Of these, however, there were several branches: some
said to have come from Ireland, others from Scotland. Mrs. Craig's
(i) people, on her father's side, were said to be descended from the
Marquis of Bute (cf. O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 164, note 2), and
to have arrived in Rathlin about 300 years ago (this, however, is
held in doubt by others). But it is certain that these people have
been living in Rathlin for generations. The form of the name
(in English pronounced ma kordi) varies considerably : ma kiCrtm
(15 &c.), ma k/Crcl{d)n, ma k^dpri (Mrs. Glass explains this name as
Mac Cuirt a' Righ mak k^:rtj 9 n';), ma k^r'jtri (3), which latter,
Mac Uireatraigh, seems to be the best. When prefixing Clann,
the form is Clann Mhuireatraigh^ kT[an v^r'jtri (3), kla:n v^CrtdU
(15 &c.), klain v^^rdpri (15a), which bears out the identity with
Mac Mhuircheartaigh, supposed by Prof. O'Rahilly {loc, cit). The
present day McCurdies in Arran, Scotland, are few, and are not
known with certainty to be of native stock. ^ The outstanding surname
in Arran is Currie, representing Gaelic (M)ac Mhuirich, which is thus
the same as was borne by the famous bardic family MacVurich.
Most of the islanders today are in some way or other McCurdies,

1. Muireatrach is also the Rathlin name of the ' sandlark.'

2. The name appears in two forms : McCurdy (pron. ma kordi) and
McKirdy (pron. ma k'lrdi).

INTRODUCTION 5

as for instance Miss Annie Black, by her mother and maternal
grandfather.

Another common surname in RathHn is McQuaig, Ir. Mac Cuaige
ma k^ag'd (3), ma 'k^-eg', which evidently corresponds to the
Scottish MacCuthaige. Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's mother was Esther
McQuaig. Two other Scottish surnames are McKeague and McKay,
of which the Irish form is Mac Aoig ma kE :g' (perhaps a localism
for Mac Aoidh, cf § 8i, a). Miss McKeague's father, John McKeague,
was of Islay descent, but her mother, Peggy McKay (or McKeague)
was a native of Rathlin.

The Andersons, Ir. Mac 'ille Andreis (Antrais) mak i H'antri\ (4),
mak i ^t'andrij (seldom Mac Aindrea ma^kandra), the McQuaigs, the
McKeagues and McKays, and by some also the McCurdies, are
reckoned to be of Scottish descent. Sometimes a theory is put
forward according to which they once left the Mull of Kintyre,
coming to Rathlin by Cushcndun, Co. Antrim (4).

Of the Blacks, Ir. Ailte Dhuibh alt^D'ylv, altp 'y^iv (7), there are
three branches, of which one is said to be of Scottish descent. The
second branch is, according to the popular tradition, connected with,
and descended from, one of the men who escaped from the great
massacre at Lag an Bhriste Mhor, and was killed by a raven at the
* Upper End ' of the Island. This man is identified with a certain
Brian Deargan brin^ d^argan, of whom many stories are told. The
title of the story of the raven, as given by speaker No. 7, is Fiach
Ailte Dhuibh, * Black's Raven,' although the narrator thought that
the title was the name of the man who was killed. Others, however,
are of the opinion that this man was the famous Brian Deargan.
The third branch of the Blacks are Miss Annie Black's people, some-
times said to have come from Scotland, but more generally supposed
to have been living in the island for a considerable time. Annie
Black's mother was a McCurdy (see above), but her grandmother
was Margaret Bradley (or Broadley), in Irish Maraighead Nic
A' Bhrollachan mdrzidd nik' d vror\ahan (3), vrohhan (4), called
Maraighead Og mBretDd j :g (4).

Other Rathlin surnames are: Craig, Ir. Mac a' Charraic mak d
xarik' {xarik'9, 5), Horen (Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's grandmother was
Nancy Horen), Hunter, Ir. Mac an tShealgair mak dti t^algdr,
McFall, Ir. Mac Phail mak fa:l\ McKinley, Ir. Mac Fhionnlaigh

6 Tin- IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

;;;(/ k'znlU Morrison, Ir. Ailtc Mhoirc rt/rp vor'c Mailc (=Mac 'illc?
cf. O Tiiathail Scauchtis Ghlcann Ghnil)hk\ p. xxiv) Mhoirc mal'9
''<''"'•' (3)1 ^i^*-! Smith, Mac Gabliain mago'iii. Mrs. McCurdy,
Ciortconny, was Mary Morrison, and licr people used to hve
at Kilpatrick. Mrs. Glass's father was John Smith, of Rathlin,
and his father had married a Scottish lady, a Miss Cameron, of
Tarbert, Kintyre, Mrs. Glass's grandmother. She thus spoke real
Scottish Gaelic, which often appears in the songs and sayings
Mrs. Glass remembers from her. An interesting instance of a purely
Scottish surname is found in the place-name Tamhnach Mhic Leoid
tavthix vi^klj.'d}, (15), which even shows the genuine Scottish GaeHc
pronunciation.

The surnames, which are mostly of the Scottish type in Mac,
are now mostly used in English: of the Irish forms, which are not
always remembered correctly, an idea can be had from 'the above
enumeration. When a given name precedes, the Mac is often
changed to 'ac, as Domhnall 'ac Phail dJjl ah fail' * Daniel McFall,'
Micheal 'ac a' Charraic mi(;al ak j xarik'D * Mick Craig ' (3). The
women's names are formed by Nic nik'{,i), e.g. Beiti Nic Aoidh
hct^i ni ke :j * Lizzie McKcage ' (3), except surnames in Ailte and
Maile, as seen above. In the great majority of cases people are not
referred to by their surname, but by their father's, and sometimes
also by their grandfather's. Christian name. Thus, for instance.
Alec Anderson is (or rather used to be) Alec Alastair Mhicheal
ahk aT\DStjr vi^al (3), and Patrick McCurdy, at Upper Clcggan, is
still * Paddy John Pharaic ' (cf. the above list of speakers).

The family is designated by the word Clann, * children,' so that
the McCurdies are called Clann Mhuireatraigh (see above), the
McQuaigs by Clann 'ic Cuaige kr]an i ^k^ag'd (3), the McFalls by
Clann 'ic Phail klan ik'Jad' (11), and the McKays by Clann ic Aoidh
kT[an i^kEi (3).

The Language

<§4>

It has already been pointed out in the introduction to this work
that out of the ten per cent of the Rathlin people who are in
touch with the Irish language there are but few who actually use it

INTRODUCTION 7

daily, and even by these people English is used to at least an equal
extent. By the majority of the Irish speakers Irish is remembered
merely as something of the past. It should not therefore surprise
anybody if Irish is no longer spoken by the present generation in
the same way as by the last. A typical instance of the simplification
or corruption of the Irish sounds is the present pronunciation of
gh (and dh), which is either silent or has become substituted for
some easier sound (see §§ 51, 81). The true sound is, no doubt,
remembered, but, owing to want of practice in speaking Irish, it
offers difficulties, and is avoided as much as possible.

On the whole, the sounds are now the same in the English and
Irish of the island, but there is no uniformity whatsoever in the
speech of different people. That there are differences in the English
of the different grades of people, according to the sources from
which it has been acquired, is as true in Rathlin as in any part of the
British Islands. But it also applies to the Irish dialects, and there
are considerable individual variations in the native speech of the
island. These are to be classed not as local sub-dialects only (of
which there are two, cf. below), but are also to be considered as
peculiar to certain families (quite independently of geographical
situation) , or else on account of varying degrees of corruption in the
language. All these peculiarities will be discussed in the following
chapters.

The EngHsh of Rathlin is mainly of the Antrim type, and thus
contains a considerable amount of Scotticisms, so that it may be
said to be a form of the south western (Ayrshire, etc.) Lowland
Scottish. The most characteristic sound is the open e-sound (reminding
one of the English short a, § 17), which is used in the whole of
(northern) Antrim, as in the SW. part of Scotland, for an original
short ' i ' ('* pedgen,*' " padgen," for ' pigeon,' etc.), while short ' u '
is given the same o-sound as in Ireland ('' trobble " for ' trouble,'
*' sommer " for * summer,' etc.) This o-sound is different from the
original short * o,' which is often narrowed to 0, so that ' bonny '
and * bony ' are pronounced alike {boni, 9 c) ; this is an Ayrshire
trait. As in great parts of Northern Ireland today, the Scottish
sounds of ' t ' in ' tune,' and * d ' in ' duty,' which resemble ' ch '
and * j ' (see § 44), are prevalent in Rathlin English: thus **Anjun
corn " for ' Indian corn,' etc. A most interesting fact is that many

8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHUN ISLAND

of these sound cliangcs have taken place in Enghsh and Irish ahke,
so that the open e-sound is found also in Irish words like giolla,
tionntachadh, biorach, in the Glens of Antrim, also in fios, beag,
where other Ulster dialects (as well as most Scottish dialects) have
a short i-sound (i). The * slender ' t, d also mostly become (Scottish)
* ch,' ' j ' in Rathlin (not, however, among old people in Antrim),
in words that in the rest of Ulster have a palatal t, d [t', d'), e.g. tig,
teid, deas. Such analogies serve to show the long and profound
intercourse between English and Gaelic in these parts of Ireland and
Scotland.

<^5>

An interesting fact that soon became apparent was that the dialect
of those people who claimed Scottish descent in no way differed
from that of the rest, with the possible exception of Mrs. Glass,
who knew and used certain Scottish expressions, not to speak of
a few short stories and songs, while her pronunciation was in general
the same as that of the * Lower End.' In the same way the language
of Patrick McCurdy, Upper Cleggan (6), whose mother was
Scottish (Lamont), was, as far as I could notice, that of his neighbours
at the * Upper End.' On the other hand, a remarkable difference
exists between the dialect of the * Lower End' and that of the
' Upper End ' of the island, chiefly in the pronunciation, but also
in points of grammar. The ' Upper End ' is the remote western
part of the island, where Irish may still be said to be spoken in three
or four houses, while the * Lower End ' is the part of the island
round Church Bay, where the piers, post office, school and churches
are situated. Of this difference in dialect between the two extremities,
which was, of course, more pronounced in olden times, the present
population is well aware. The reason for the divergence in dialect
seems altogether to depend on a certain segregation of the two
localities, and tends to prove how slight the direct effect on the
language caused by settlers from different parts may be, unless they
come in big crowds. There is also a more central form of Rathlin
Irish (as especially that of speaker No. 13), which embodies features
sometimes from the * Upper ' and sometimes from the ' Lower End,'
and which is taken as standard for the following description.

INTRODUCTION

To sum Up the dialectal variations in Rathlin, the following may
be said here:

In the pronunciation of the * Upper End/ (short) a tends to
become j, and (short) s to become a (apart from the cases where these
changes have actually taken place, see §§ 56, 60), but in many cases
both a and e are pronounced alike all over Rathlin, and so are /, e,
and J. Of the remaining vowel sounds /C (see § 25) shows a strong
tendency toward at the ' Upper End.' a pronunciation that may
almost be considered normal for the whole island, while in the
typical * Lower End * pronunciation it gets the (original) value
of a front u (u). At the same time E and (short) I, which are to be
considered as standard forms, are found in that form at the
' Upper End,' while the ' Lower End ' shows the perhaps more
original (or even iC) and ^, respectively. The * Upper End,'
however, almost regularly broadens short £ to 4 (see § 19), especially
before / and palatal sounds ; even short I may share this development,
in the above circumstances (so that tri, suidh, duine sound trni, sni,
dnn'd)} Speaking of E and /, it seems, however, that the women
favour them even at the * Lower End,' and that (as Annie Black
beheved) / is thought to be more * polite ' than ^ (just as Engl. * bit '
hit is considered more polite than "but" h^t, hEt or hnt). Thus
speaker No. i decidedly favours / in many words, while speaker
No. 3 has tiomall ^J^mjri for tjImoL

We thus get the following comparative table for the vowel sounds :

Upper End : Standard : Lower End :

Ey n; E: E; E: 0; 0:

I{n);I: I; I: ^ (/); J:

0; 0: ^ {0); /C; (0:) u; u:

As for the pronunciation of words of the type beag, see §62.

With regard to the consonant sounds and other details, there is
just as much variation, but this is not confined to any special part
of the island. It is, for the most part, individual. It is, however,
possible that some families at least at the ' Upper End ' had the
Irish pronunciation of the combinations tr, tl, gr, ghr, etc., with

I . The pronounciation trEi, sEi, may be considered as ' central * (they
are speaker No. 1 3's), while the * Lower End ' pronounciation is trI: {tri:),
sli {slj)y din's (din' 9).

10 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

' slciulcr * vowels — i.e., as t'r\ t'l\ ^^'r\ jr'. Thus Annie Black and •
her brother are said (8) to have pronounced treabhadh t'r'ojg, which
I diink she still does, as well as air an tshliabh cr du t'l'iav (almost
k'l'iaw cf. § 42); similarly she also says litrean lit^jLvi as against
Mrs. Craig's (1) litrjn. Patrick McCurdy (6) pronounces an ghrian
J jr'iaii, for standard yr'ian iyrlan). It further seems that the * broad' 1
(/, § 40) and the * slender ' r (r') arc better preserved at the ' Upper
End,' although speaker No. 7 often says j for r' and speaker No. 3
has r| for / (see § 40). But it is pretty sure that the women at the

* Lower End ' (i, 2, 13, etc.) do not know of a * broader ' 1 than
that w^iich they use in English. The hiatus seems better developed
at the * Lower End,' wdiile the nasal element (§ 54) is only found
with old people. Finally, I have an indefinite impression of the

* Lower End ' pronunciation as coming nearer Scottish Gaelic than
that of the * Upper End.'

The following words and word forms are (or were) preferred in
the different extremities of the island :

Upper End : Lower End :

nas fhcarr na ss:r {sE:r) nas fhearr na js:r (e.g. i)

glac sin gkfe jIn gabh sin gav J7/z

go leor gp rj:r gos leor g9 i^'o-.r

cibe ar bith k'eharhi cibe ar bith k'sbarbi

fhaghail aal (3) fhaghain a-in'^

thar shiubhal hsW^jl thar shiubhal /zer'f^*^/^

ar shiubhal (j) r^sl ar folbh 9r fjlv

The pronunciation and forms stated above as being peculiar to
the * Upper End ' are used by most people living there.
Speaker No. 3 is said by others to have a different pronunciation
(or rather accent) from the rest, which they attribute to the fact
that her people were of the * old stock ' (8). The typical * Lower
End ' pronunciation may be heard especially from speakers
No. I, 2, 4, 5, while the rest have rather the ' standard ' pronunciation
(see above). The Gortconny people (15, etc.), who left Rathlin

1. 1 do not know whether my first impression that the vb. nouns in -ail
were more common at the U.K., those in -(a)in, at the L.E., is quite true.

2. This is according to the statement of speaker No. 11 ; in my own
opinion, most Rathhners say hz'rUl ; as for ar folbh, it is not very common.

INTRODUCTION 1 1

twelve years ago, but still speak the old language better than many
in the island itself, have certain features of the ' Lower End ' dialect
in their speech. This is especially true of Mrs. Mary McCurdy,
who lived earlier at Kilpatrick, between the * Lower ' and ' Upper
End.' Her pronunciation strongly resembles that of Aleck Anderson
or Mick Craig, and with its clear hiatus and slightly rounded u-sound
(w, see § 25) reminds one of the Scottish pronunciation in Arran
or Kintyre. Whether this represents the ' Lower End ' sub-dialect
or is due to an archaism, I am unable to say.

<§6>

Apart from the difference between the eastern and western part of
the island, a dissimilarity is perceived, as has already been indicated,
in the talk of the different individuals. It is not altogether due to
different generations, as most of the Irish speakers are old men and
women, but rather to the want of practice the different people have
in speaking Irish. Thus, for instance, certain people (as 14) pronounce
the word duinc ' man ' as duna (J^/i^), which is doubtlessly due to
simplification; I have heard the same thing on the opposite coast
of Ireland (bona for boinne ' milk,' etc.). Similarly speaker No. i
pronounces hi (as Engl, 'boy') for boidhche (fo:p), and there
seems to be a certain tendency with some to change -9 to -/ after
a palatal sound (§ 10),^ so that it is not always clear whether t\mi,
mo:ni, kEli, Uli really represents teinidh, moinidh, coillidh, tuilidh,
in every case.

Mrs. Craig (i) has in one place du drami for an drama, John
McCurdy grzisi for greas(a), and Mrs. Glass dU din'd hni, where
15, etc., would say d^n'9 hotid, an duine shona, and in all these and
similar cases I am not quite sure whether the -/ represents an old
form (cf. § 112) or reflects the same change as I heard at times in
the Glens of Antrim, where the termination -adh, which is normally
-d in Antrim (cf 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. 190: do ghoradh),

I . As * palatal ' consonants in Rathlin are historically * neutral * con-
sonants + semi-vocalic element (see § 10), this change is analogous to the
one that makes * champion,' ' guardian ' into ' champeen,' ' guardeen,' or
' Virginia ' into ' Virginny,' in certain Engl. pron. Cf. also EngL
' Ballycastle,' etc., for Ir. Baile Chaisteail.

12 THi: IRISH LANGUAGL IN KATIILIN ISLAND

was pronounced -i (colladh kjli, gcrradh g'ari * hare,' Murlough).^
Otlicrwisc -.1 may become -rt, e.g. liiinge lEia, cuigeadh k^:g'a (3),
Garradh Liath gara I'ia, etc. But the direct influence of English is
hardly responsible tor all such changes. The Enghsh pronunciation
in Rathlin is stongly coloured by that of the old Irish-speaking
population, hi the matter of grammar, and especially of syntax,
there exists, however, a considerable direct influence due to literary
English, so that sayings and stories may not seldom be polished up
according to English rules.

As in the Scottish Gaelic dialects on the border of the English-
speaking districts, there is in the Irish of Rathlin an immense number
of English loan-words. The adoption of an article or custom, as a
rule, brings in its foreign name, and even modified or improved
products are readily named in the same way as in the country from
which they were introduced. It is only seldom that old words like
maide seisrighe ( orig. * stick of a team,' * primitive plow ') has
been retained for improved or new types, while such plain things
as ' kettle,' * clover,' * knitting ' (ceatal, clobhar, cneatan, cneatail)
have English names. Even abstract terms that do not refer to
anything new in the way of living have often been borrowed, as

* bit ' (especially used as negative complement), ' spell ' (of time), etc.

Of course, the nature and conditions of the island account for
the lack of certain native words. As there is no single river, many
people have no native name for anything bigger than a stream,
which is called sruthan, for a valley (* glen '), which is more often
called glaic, * a hollow.' Similarly there is now no native word
for a wood, though the word coillidh must once have been in use
(cf. the place-name Lag na Coillidh Boidhche, which is now under-
stood as almost anything from na CaiUighe Boidhche to na Caoraigh
Boidhche). The English word * bay ' (be) is occasionally used,
e.g. in Be na h-Eaglaise * Church Bay,' but this, the only important
bay in Rathlin, is usually called An Locha (* the Loch '). The
word eaglais itself is unknown to many: the CathoHc church is
referred to as Toigh an Aifrinn or an Teapal (* the Chapel '),

* church ' being used only of the Protestant church.

The English loan-words all represent the * Anglo-Scottish '

I. No doubt the same change as has taken place in English dialect pro-
nunciation * Santy Claus,' 'Jemimy,' etc.

INTRODUCTION I3

pronunciation (this term is also used by 6 Tuathail, Sgealta Muinntir
Luinigh, p. xxv). The EngHsh spoken in Rathlin is essentially
the same as in the opposite part of Antrim (especially Ballycastlc),
but owing to the fact that it has been introduced later into the island
it is less old-fashioned and more in agreement with standard English;
it is also to a great extent through the school that it has been taught.
Thus forms like ' droon,' * aboot/ which are heard in Ballycastle,
do not occur in RathHn. The form of the words is therefore chiefly
that of standard EngUsh, while the pronunciation, or ' accent,' is
that of Antrim.

The ** Rathlin Catechism"

<§7>
In 1722 a book was printed in Belfast,-^ entitled The Church
Catechism in Irish, This Catechism, which for its Irish parts uses a
half phonetic spelling, was designed for the teaching of the
Protestant faith in the island of Rathlin.^ The language of this
so-called * Rathlin Catechism ' is the same as the literary Irish used
at that time both in Ireland and Scotland. This book is meant to
be in the native dialect of Rathlin (some current phrases are especially
given for this purpose), and, as far as can be concluded from the
very defective way in which the pronunciation of the words is
indicated, the dialect seems to be the north eastern or the dialect
of Antrim. This especially appears in the dropping of inter-
vocalic ' h ' (a'are * father,' mo vea * my life '), the vb. nouns in -a
(a yheana * to do,' o phekka ' from sin,' tigea do riachd * thy
Kingdom come,' do choivleena * to fulfill ') instead of '-00,'^ the
use of bhfeil (im vel she sa Vaile ?) for bhfuil, etc. But there are
also certain features which point to the present-day pronunciation

1. By James Blow. Prof. (3 Tuathail, of Trinity College, was kind enough
to show me his transcript of the Catechism.

2. ' But as the Design of this Essay is not to please the Highlands, but
incorporate this Island Raghlin and other Natives with the English, we
have used it (the character ' ch ') as the English do in those words that
I have mentioned.'

3. As to the period of the change of -adh to -00 in Donegal Irish, see
O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 67.

14 THl. IKISH LANCUAC;H in UATIILIN ISLAND

ill Ratlilin, as tlic retention of the e-sound (§ 62) in the words
pekka ' sin,' mo henga ' my tongue ' (but Benn ' woman ' has now
the a-sound in Rathhn), the narrow i-sound (/, § 68) in the word
fhios (Ees), the e-sound (§ 59) in saoghal (seahal), where the Glens
of Antrim liave an u-sound (^), the absence of echpsis of b, etc.
(see § 1 01: Kani bee tu ad chovne?), the occasional use of object
forms of the personal pronoun when they are subject (§ 53: Ke
an Tire dam vel e?). But the most interesting detail is what seems
to be an indication of hiatus (§ 53). There are words and
phrases as: a*are, a-ar (athair), a Fla'is huas (Fiaitheas), da-al
(d'fhaghail), ar na-hai (ar n-aghaidh), go bee-he she Trocaragh
(go bi'odh se trocarach), la-ala (laetheamhla), etc. But the use of
the hyplien or apostrophe is not regular: it is absent in la (la ' a day'),
where it is heard in Rathlin today, whereas it is inserted in ree-
aclitanach (riachtanach * necessary ').

But the language of the Catechism also shows many features
which are obsolete in the Rathlin dialect of today, such as the
synthetic verbal inflection, the future, the use of the old subject
forms of the pronoun, the occurrence of the old termination of
the dative plural, etc. It must be remembered that the language
of the Rathlin Catechism is over 200 years old, and that many
important changes have taken place both in Irish and Scottish Gaelic
during that time. It is interesting that Rathlin has in many ways
gone with the Irish mainland since the time when the differences
between Irish and Scottish became established. Thus the Catechism
has: A deir Abraham ris, a construction which remains in Scottish
Gaelic, but in which Rathlin Irish uses leis (* to him '). Further,
the form dhaibh (yhaiv) survives in Scotland, while modem Rathlin
Irish has the Antrim and Ulster form dofa, and the same is true of
the aspiration in this word and yho * to him,' etc., where Rathlin,
Antrim, and Donegal have do. But the aspiration of d* (* to,' before
a noun) must have been adopted from Scottish usage, if the writings
d'uaskil me (* who saved me '), d'onora (* to honor ') found in the
Catechism represent the older pronunciation in Rathlin. The form
aikshin ' seeing ' is still in use in RathUn, but chunart * danger '
(if correct) is a Scotticism, which has been replaced by cunntairt.

I quote the Rathlin Catechism in the following chapters in a few
cases, to furnish comparison with the present-day language.

introduction 1 5

The Irish of the Glens of Antrim
<§8 >

A description of the Rathlin dialect is hardly complete without
a few remarks on the Irish of the opposite mainland, especially as
it was spoken between Fair Head and Glenarm. This form of Irish
was so closely related to the Rathlin dialect that the people could
easily understand one another, and certain details in the one are
further better explained by comparing with the other. The Irish of
the Glens may easily be said to be dead, although there were three
' native speakers ' living in 1937. But in a certain way the Antrim
Irish still Hves for a number of people in Glenariff and Glenarm,
chiefly those who attended the classes of the late Father Toale
(O Tuathail), and who had known his principal informant, Maire
(' Mhor ') Nic Chormaic. These people must have retained the old
Antrim pronunciation with a remarkable accuracy, as appears from
comparison of their Irish mutually and with that of the ' native
speakers.' I here give the list of the people whom I heard in the Glens,
of whom the three first (inch i b) had Irish from their childhood:
(i) Mr. James Stewart, Murlough, and his sister
(lb) Mrs. Casey, Bally castle.

(2) Barney (* Bhriain ') McAuley, Glenariff.

(3) Mrs. McVeagh, Craigagh, Cushendun.

(4) Mrs. Robins, Glenariff.

(5) Miss Mary Robins, Glenariff.

(6) Mrs. Murray, Parkmore, Glenariff.

(7) Miss Maggie McAuley, P.O., Waterfoot, Glenariff.

(8) Mrs. McNeill, Glenarm.

The chief characteristics of the Antrim Irish as distinct from the
Irish of Rathlin dialect consist in the use of the plural termination
-a, -e instead of -(e)an, the distinction between subject and object
forms of the personal pronouns, the better conservation of the old
synthetic conjugation, as well as of the old future in -f- (-fh-). There
are also other differences, in pronunciation as well as in grammar
and vocabulary, which prove that it is a question of two separate
dialects, but for practical purposes the divergences are very slight
(cf. the specimen of Antrim Irish, p. 154).

THE IRISH OF RATHLIN

PHONOLOGY

General Remarks:
* Broad ' and * Slender ' Consonants

< §9 >

ONE of the most characteristic differences between EngUsh
and Gaelic sounds is the tendency to pronounce certain
consonants (t, d, n, 1, r, s) retroflex (or ' inverted ') in the
former language,^ i.e. by curhng the tongue backward against the
hard palate, while in the latter it rests low, with the point well to
the front. This pecuHarity was strikingly expressed by an old native
speaker in the Glens of Antrim, who maintained that * you turn the
tip of your tongue upward when you speak English and downward
when you speak Irish,' and he used to test whether words in his
own vocabulary were English or Irish in this way. It seems that
the whole difference between the English and Irish sound system
is based on this simple rule. At rest, the organs of speech have a
characteristic position in every language, and in the Gaelic dialect
of Rathlin this position is about the following : The lips are slightly
drawn apart side wise (they are never protruded), the jaw is relatively
low, and the middle part of the tongue is low and rather much
retracted, while the point seems to He opposite the lower front
teeth. The easiest vowel to pronounce, starting from this position,
seems to be a back a-sound {a or :?, see § i6), while all consonants
except the alveolars readily become slightly more * back * than in
the ordinary English pronunciation. The alveolars are therefore
replaced by dentals in the native language, while in English words
either alveolar or * inverted ' sounds are heard. A Rathlin man
always has difficulty in pronouncing sounds which are formed by
advancing the tongue very far (as the French e or i), or by rounding

I. It is the pronunciation in Ireland that I have in view, not that in
England, although the latter is now steadily gaining ground also in Ireland.

PHONOLOGY 17

or protruding the lips. The latter articulation never occurs (cf.
especially the difference between the French on and ch, or the
German u and sch, and the Rathlin u and * slender' s). Nevertheless
front vowels are frequently found, and, as these are usually more
to .the front than in EngHsh, it is clear that it takes an effort to
pronounce them, which also explains the peculiar effect on the
consonant and vowel system, reflected in the terms * broad ' and
* slender.' Having the above analysis of the rest position of the
tongue in view, it is easily seen that the sounds termed * broad '
(or * wide,' as the Irish leathan rather suggests) come more naturally
to a native speaker than those called * slender ' (the Irish caol also
means * narrow '). It is by narrowing the volume of the mouth
cavity, by raising and advancing the middle part of the tongue,
that the * slender ' vowels and consonants are articulated. If the
tongue (and other organs which co-operate in forming the * slender '
sounds) could be moved from the one position to the other quickly
enough, it would be easy to pronounce * broad ' and * slender '
consonants and vowels after each other in any succession. But this
is not the case, and once the tongue has attained the difficult frontal
position it tends to remain there. It is, therefore, much easier to
pronounce sounds of the same class together (as is already seen in
English * get ' and * got,' French qui and cas, where the two first
sounds are either both * slender ' or both 'broad'). In this case
the consonant is automatically affected by the vowel. But if a sound
of one class is followed by one of the opposite class, the tongue does
not get time to move from the one place to the other, and it follows
that a vowel following a consonant will be pronounced during its
first part with the organs of speech still in the position of the
consonant, while a vowel preceding a consonant of the opposite
type will during its last part be articulated to conform with the
consonant.^ This conformation of the vowels and consonants has
resulted in the so-called * gUdes,' which are characteristic of most

I. The reason why (in Irish) it is the vowels that are affected by the
consonants, and not z^ice versa y would be that the duration of the vowels
is longer than that of the consonants, so that the time required for the shifting
of the tongue, etc., is taken off the former. Of course, this picturing of the
process is altogether unhistorical, as the present ' glides ' are in most cases
relics of old vowels or vowel elements

t8 TUH IRISH LANGUAGl- IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Irish dialects (and even noticeable in southern Scottish Gaelic), and
have so strongly aftected the Irish orthography.

< § 10 >

Rathlin Irish is in the same way characterized by the opposition
of * broad ' and ' slender ' sounds, but it is not always so well marked
in the present-day pronunciation. In many cases it entirely escapes
the listener whether a consonant is ' broad ' or ' slender,' and it
seems in any case to be of minor importance. In the present
pronunciation the differentiation between the two classes of
consonants tends to be altogether determined by the surrounding
vowel sounds, exactly as it is in English. In the vowel sounds should
then be included the (semi-vocaUc) * glides.' A * glide ' in the
Rathhn dialect is the more or less complete reduction of the vowels
/, ti or 9 (E), or the semivowels j or w, according to the different
environment. Some of these * glides ' exist in the local English,
as in the words ** cyart " k^art, i.e. k'art^ * cart,' *' gyarden " g^ardon,
i.e. g'ardjn ' garden,' ' kettle ' k^stol, h}ztdl, i.e. fe'ed/, 'blue' hl^^:
i.e. hl'K:, * fluke' jl^^k, i.e. fl'^k, **baigg" be^g, i.e. beg' * big,*
'*Moicky " ma^kiy i.e. mak'i (U.E.) * Micky,' 'Daniel' da'nhl, de'nhl,
dc'r]hl, " Ainjun corn " e^nd^Bn korn, i.e. znd^dn [sndpn) hrn 'Indian
corn,' ' old ' o''W, ' fire ' fa'ur, ' day ' de:^, etc. In exactly the same
way the Irish words are pronounced, e.g. ceart hPart, i.e. k'art ' right,'
gearradh g^arog, i.e. g'ar?g ' cutting,' giolla g'zb ' boy,' fliuch fi'^x
' wet,' trie (troic) trs^k, i.e. trzk' * often,' ainm a'nhm, i.e. an^Dm (i)
'name,' bog ho^^g, i.e. hog 'soft,' fhein he:in, i.e. he :n' (but cf.
below) 'self Hence it is also possible for a word as cuirthe k^r's
(i.e. k^r%h) to alternate with k^rhi (cf. § 6).

<§" >

In the above examples, although the different types of consonants
are no doubt mostly quite different, it nevertheless appears that it

I . According to custom, I mark ' slender * (or ' palatal *) consonants with
the accent (').

PHONOLOGY 19

is the * glides ' that make the chief difference. In Rathlin (as with
many people in Kintyre) a * slender ' consonant in contact with
another sound of the same type tends to lose its distinction. Thus
I have noted pronunciations like ghni ni : [nl:, 9) with the same ' n '
as in anois d nlj, and slinn jli :n (15) with the same *n' as in fion
or claim (cf. § 43, footnote). This and similar circumstances make it
better to answer the purpose of this work to mark with the accent
(') only such * slender ' consonants as are clearly distinguished from
the corresponding * broad ' types by any sort of * ghde.' The
absence of the (') where it is etymologically justified thus shows
that a * neutralization ' of the consonant has taken place in the modern
pronunciation, as lie lik (better I'ik') * stone' as sioc fik (better ^Ik)

* frost,' cosail hssl *like' (/ fairly * broad,' 15) as tuigeal Ug'al, etc.
Further, in words like innte en'tJ3 (e«fja, em^p) *in her,' the correct
n' is frequently reduced to n. The use of the (') is to be considered
as an abridgement of the lengthy way of representing the * ghdes.'
Hence the * glides,' which are far more audible after long vowels,
will not be written in words such as amhain j vain', cuig k^:g\
Uig /C:g'y Sliabh an Fhail \Uav d na:V (* Slieveanaille '), etc., although
an i is quite clear. ^ Only in cases where it may be doubtful whether
such a vocahc element is a ' glide ' or a full vowel it will be given,
as in laithean r\aipn (3), buinii h^in (prob. for h^:n'), gruth nuis
gr^ n^ij (12). The vowel a, which in many ways shares the function
of the * glides,' is more often written, as in beal hsdl, iota idtd (3),
etc. It should be observed that such words are not always clearly
distinct from dissyllabic hiatus-words (see § 53).^

The labial * glide ' in faoi//:, smaoinigh sml:n'i, maorach mEirax
(see § 31) is not represented, as it is often weak, and would only
complicate the phonetic writing. It seldom attains the full
value of a w, as is given by Sommerfelt and 6 Searcaigh for
Donegal.

1. Neither in teid /J<?:^^, deoch diox, which are correctly pronounced
tpe-Mi, d^^ox, etc.

2. When Mrs. Craig (i) gave me the word for *gum(s)' cair, I heard
ka-in; similarly is Annie Black's amhain not unlike 9 va'in. From this fact
it will further be understood that a ' slender ' consonant can, through the
intervention of an audible ' glide,' be better distinguished after a long

* back ' vowel than after a short.

20 the irish language in rathlin island

Notes on the Dentals

< § 12 >

Special attention should be called to the pronunciation of the
so-called * dentals ' (see § 37) in RathUn. The Irish t, d, n
(in native words) are popularly said to be ' broader ' than in English,
by which is meant that the position of the tongue is lower than in
English, and that the point touches the upper mcisors instead of
the alveolar ridge. In Rathlin English, from discussing the matter
with the people themselves (especially 15, 15b and 9c) I have come to
the conclusion that the same consonants are slightly different, the
tongue being slightly higher and forming occlusion just above the
upper incisors. Thus ' kettle ' k'ztjl (also used in Irish) is pronounced
with a different ' t * from pota pjtD ' pot ' (9c), ' nail ' with a
a different * n * from chan fheil ha nel ' (there) is not ' (15), and it
would be possible to denote the former by t and n, and the latter
by T and N. But there are several inconveniences connected with
such a transcription. First of all, the difference in pronunciation
between the two series is so sHght that it mostly escapes the
listener. Further, the * broad * series invariably occurs in native
Irish words, while the other is restricted to late English loan-
words, so that it seldom occurs in the Irish language at all.
A third reason against the use of at least N for the * broad ' is the
disadvantage arising from the use of that symbol in words like
bean * woman,' fan * stay,' cosan * feet,' which have probably the
same * n ' in Rathlin as in Donegal (and other parts of Ireland).
According to 6 Searcaigh (Foghraidheacht, § 201) that * n ' is
different not only from the English ' n ' (it is said to equal the
French n), but also the * broad ' dental * n ' in ceann * head,'
farm ' weak,' easconn * eel.' In Rathlin today there is certainly no
difference between the * n ' in bean and ceami, whether it be n or N,
but in the Enghsh * can ' ("cyan") k'an, the final is sHghtly
different (9c). Though the above method of transcribing is not
strictly accurate, it yet seems to be the most reasonable, and to
harmonize with this transcription the * broad ' * t ' and * d ' will
also be represented by t and d, and not by T and D. This is also
in consonance with the transcription of 6 Maille (Urlabhraidheacht,

PHONOLOGY 21

§ 112), Sommerfelt (Dialect of Torr, §§ 321-323). But the nature
of these sounds will occasionally be pointed out in the Glossary.^

Semivowels and Diphthongs

<§ 13 >

Another principle of phonetic writing has caused some difficulties,
namely, the use of / or j\ u or ii^ after a vowel. Here phoneticians
do not quite agree, for in combinations which are no doubt
essentially similar different writers use j, w (as 6 Maille,
Urlabhraidheacht, § 92,2; §§ 177, 178) and /, u (as Sommerfelt,
Dialect of Torr, §§ 302-306, and 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht,
§§ 103-129). There is no doubt that the so-called diphthongs

* i ' and * ow ' in English are phonetically aj and aw (in the standard
pronunciation), and that the Irish words laigh, toigh ought
consequently to be transcribed laj, tEj (in the Rathlin pronunciation).
But this plain trutli is somewhat obscured by the fact that words
as doigh * manner ' and doghaidh * will burn ' tend to become
one in the pronunciation (e.g. that of 3). If this takes place, it is
because of the same * breaking up ' of single vowels mentioned in
§ 14, whereby monosyllabic words get an almost dissyllabic (or
diphthongal) pronunciation. In such cases it is inadequate to use
the semivowels, which should then by necessity be extended to all
cases unless confusion is caused. This mode of writing is also in
many cases quite appropriate, as when lae (prop. lEj), traigh
(prop. tra:j) sound something like lEij (11), traid (4).^ In words

1 . Speakers No. 8, 9c, 1 5 make a clear distinction between the Engl.
" cyart " k'ari ' cart ' and the Ir. ceart k'arTy but 3 seems to have the
Engl. ' t,' * d/ ' n ' (biodag ^i^ag, etc.). Otherwise Engl. ' t ' and ' d *
are often given the value of /', ^' (§ 42) by old people, as ' Katie ' k'et'i (7),
which accounts for the Ir. forms Ceit k'e:tj * Kate,' Beiti toj/ ' Betty,'

* Lizzie,' etc. The ' broad ' Irish ' t,' ' d ' are only used before ' r ' in
Engl, words, as ' trouble ' Tnbsly ' wonder ' v{zv):}nD^r, etc. Hence
speaker No. 4 sometimes says Treivag for Taobhog TEivag (pl.-n.), or
TrsTi' for Engl. * thing.'

2. Speaker No. 9c finds Ir. traigh and Engl. ' try ' identical in his own
pronunciation. That the vowel length is lost when / is used is in conformity
with the rule in § 14. In the same way are naoi and toigh said to rime,

12 IHr. IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

like laii^lic, Iniidhc the i is usually nu^rc correct [lab, bi^u) — there
is a sliglit teiulcucy to confuse laigh and laighe, etc. — but some
rather say Lij.^ hxj.\ Even in the word boidheach / is found [hjiax),
but the correct pronunciation is h :jax, with a long vowel and j
(cL Engl. ' buoyant ' as against ' soya/ * Maya/ etc.)

Vowel Length

< § U >

There are three degrees of vowel length in the Rathlin Irish:
short, half-long, and long. The short vowels are never too short,
and usually much longer than in English, cf. the difference between
the native ' cat ' kat, with the English pronunciation of the words
* cat,' ' cut,' or ' cot.' But the vowel length may slightly depend
on the following consonant. Short vowels are here represented by
plain vowel symbols {a^ e, c, etc.). The half-long vowels are slightly
longer, and occur only in front of another vowel in hiatus (§ 53),
as well in final position (s in de d^e is slightly longer and more tense
than in bhfaic vek'). This is true of English as well as Irish words,
e.g. * cow ' kEu, knti, * here ' hhr ; long lEu, Ion 'ship/ laithean
laipti ' days.' The long vowels (marked by:) are very much drawn
out (about twice the length of a short vowel). In the EngHsh of
Radilin they occur mostly in final position (cf. 'do' d^:^ *wee'
v{w)I:)\ in other positions original long vowels have mostly been
shortened as in Scottish. This is perhaps connected with the fact
that there is a tendency in Rathlin Irish (as in the remnants of the
Irish dialect of Antrim) to do away with the long vowels altogether.
This may happen in a twofold way: the long vowel is simply
shortened, which mostly happens in words of more than one syllable,
e.g. (o^hmh2.r fj :v?r, fivDT 'harvest,' thainigh ha:n'i, han'i 'came/
ag amharc ? ^^aivDh, d gar<ik (of course chiefly in unstressed position),
or, vv^hat mostly happens in words of one syllable, the long vowel
is broken up into a diphthong (i.e. the two vowels belong to the

although not toigh and (ar) t'aghaidh, which latter is ' longer ' (prop. tE'i;
I5h). That the vowel was once generally short in toigh is seen from the
fact that it is often broadened to a (^tai) at the U.K., which is not the case
in (ar) t'aghaidh.

PHONOLOGY 23

same syllable), the last element of which is generally ^, as: ta ta.i
(there) is, * thu ^j * you,' Ian r]aDn (3) ' full,' or J9r {jir?, 3) * gold,'
gan fheith, gan fhuil^c? iisd g? n^l * without sinew, without blood ' (7),
cradan kraddan * burdock ' (8) ; cf. also fear Jz :r, /e^r, and other
instances mentioned in § 11. The vowels e;, 0:, /;, and E: show
tendencies to diphthongization to ei, oii, li, Ei, in English as well
as in Irish words (cf. § 18): 'day' dci-dci, dEi-dEi, *whey'
xivE:-xwEi; fhein hem-^hein *self,' (2ioi fl: -fli 'below.' All
these changes depend to a considerable extent on environing
consonants.

A long vowel is made half-long in front of another vowel in
Rathlin Irish. Mathair ' mother,' brathair ' brother,' have the same
vowel as athair ' father,' and doghadh ' burning,' is pronounced
drdg, dj?o, and ta ceo air ta: k'j er (for k'j:) ' there is mist on ' (15).
When "j becomes i (as it usually does), the preceding vowel also
shortened, e.g. traigh tra :j * beach ' > trai, doigh dj :j * manner ' >
dji; faoi/C.7 (8) 'under,' becomes either /^i, /£/ orfl:.

Insertion and Omission of Vowels

<§ 15 >

A so-called ' epenthetic ' vowel is sometimes inserted between
two consonants in order to facilitate the pronunciation. This is
especially the case between a liquid or nasal and ch (where it is a)
and between a stop and a following consonant, e.g. dorcha doraxo
' dark,' Donnchadh donaxdg ' Duncan,' Sliabh an Chonnaidh \Vzvd
na xjnl (pl.-n.); naipicin mpdkin 'napkin,' eaglach egdlax 'afraid,'
' timid,' caglais egdll\ ' church.' In the latter case the epenthetic
vowel is, however, more instable, cf. eaglais zgr\i\ (3), eadtrom
e:dr9m ' Hght.'

Between a Hquid or nasal and a following consonant there is
regularly no vowel insertion in Rathlin Irish, except in the case of
contact between originally ' broad ' and ' slender ' consonants, as :
farraice farik'd ' sea,' from O. Ir. fairggx (with the double rr
' broadened '), orainn jrin ' on us,' cf Early Mod. Ir. oirne,
O. Ir. fornn; similarly ainm an' dm 'name' (i), but also commonly
ar'm (§ 89). In other cases no vowel is normally inserted, so that

!.[ VUW lUJSH I.ANGUAC;!-: IN RATHIJN ISLAND

the words boladh hjl\(i ' smell/ and bolg h[{^ ' stomach/ arc dis-
tinguished in the pronunciation (is, etc.). But a certain tendency
exists to eliminate such type of distinction, which both depends
on tlie occinrence of an obtrusive epenthetic vowel and on the
obscuration of the unstressed vowels. Thus some speakers pronounce
garbh i^arjv ' rough/ scarbh skarjv * cormorant/ gealbhonn g'abvan
'graylag' (8, for 'sparrow'?), sugh sealbhan sik (jik) ja^ovan (3)
'strawberry,' and, on the other hand, figheadoireacht fidtraxt
'weaving/ anam arm, fuarog foDtg (12) 'oatmeal and milk';
wliether earn karn ' cart,' has in a similar way arisen from carran,
is not quite certain, as the shorter form is the only existing one,
and the plural is formed cairn kEr'n' ; cf. however corn, from corran,
in the north of Ireland (6 Tuathail, Sgcalta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 50).

The Different Sounds and their Occurrence

hi the following two sections will be given (i) the extant number
of elementary sounds, found in the Irish of Rathlin, and (2) their
occurrence in words, from a comparative and historical viewpoint.
That these sounds and their application do not perhaps represent
a generation-old state of things has already been pointed out.

The Elementary Sounds

The following elementary sounds may be recognized in the
present-day speech of Rathlin, given by their phonetic symbols:

[A) Vowel Sounds

a

<§I6>

By this symbol we represent the ' Anglo-Irish ' short a-sound
(' bad ' had, ' Daniel ' dan'dl, * fire ' fai?r, ' dry ' drai), which ranges
from a ' back ' a (French has) to a rather ' front ' a (French chat),
the former being more general at the ' Upper End' (" mon " for
' man,' etc.), and eventually passing over to a real o (§ 56). When
long or half-long (as in ' calm ' k'a ;m, ' car ' k'a ;r, the front pro-
nunciation is the rule, and the native people fmd a marked difference
between their own vowel in mathair mazr 'mother,' and that of

PHONOLOGY 25

Donegal Irish, which often approaches j : mohir' . In unstressed
positions the pronunciation is more lax (cf. the local pronunciation
of *Islay* zila), so that it is rather an a or even an d (see below):
the diminutive suffix -an {-an) should be different from the plural
suffix -an {-9n), but the two often sound alike.

< § 17 >
This symbol also stands for a wide range of sounds, whose
standard value may be taken as the typical pronunciation of short
English a, or the local pronunciation of short English e or i
(* cellar ' szbr, * skillet' sk'zbt, * drive' drziv). At the 'Lower End '
the pronunciation is almost that of an open e-sound (French jette,
laii), but at the * Upper End,' especially in contact with * palatal'
sounds, it is more or less hke an a-sound (English short o; cf. in
the local pronunciation, * paddy,' * padgen,' * podgen,' ' Moicky,'
for * pity,* * pigeon,' 'Micky'). The long (s;) and half-long sound
are more tense, and never broader than in English ' care,' * where '
(cf. local * Mary,' used of the Virgin). Unstressed, the same sound
is more obscure, and interchangeable with d and i.

<§i8 >

This e-sound is usually narrower than the English short e in
* let,' * get,' and equals the local (and Scottish) pronunciation of * a '
in many words (* shape ' Jep, * paper * pep?r, ' Rachel ' ret\dl). It is
narrower at the Lower End (* Rachel ' is almost * Richel ' with
speaker No. 2) than at the Upper End, but the difference is not so
marked as for s. The long sound (e :) is approximately the EngUsh
sound in * vary,' * Sarah ' (cf, local pron. of * Mary,' as a woman's
name). In unstressed position, this vowel hardly occurs, and can
not be clearly distinguished from e, ^, and /.

E

< § I9>
The third e-sound found in Rathlin is a retracted (or * mixed ')
form, pronounced with a half-open mouth and just slightly rounded

-:() TIIL lUISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

lips. This sound is chiefly the product of contiguous consonants,
and is in many cases only slightly different from e and c. Particularly
after a ' broad ' (especially k, g, x, sec below) or neutral consonant E
appears instead of £ (cf. ' live ' lEVy ' little ' lEtdl, * winter ' vEnt<ir
{I'H'Entjr), ' cow ' kEn, ' quickly ' kwEk'li, in the local pronunciation),
but also occasionally before such a consonant. This sound is typical
of the ' Upper End,' where it is often broadened to a, or the typical
sound of English short u, § 27: * quiet' is rather kwnidt than kwEiot),
or almost an a-sound (' quiet ' kwaijt). The long and half-long £,
also typical of the ' Upper End,' is more tense, and rather a retracted
form of c;, with which it is often interchangeable ('whey' xwE:,
xwc:, * day ' dE:, de:, * McQuaig ' ma kwE:g'y ma kwe:g'). The
unstressed form of these is nothing but an ? (see below).

As described above, E may be considered as the standard form
in Rathlin, at least in words which at the * Lower End ' are
pronounced with an oi /C (see below). In front of r, i and u, E is
often automatically changed to 0, ^, as in (local) English * heard '
liErd or hard {hrd), ' white ' xwEit or xwoit, xwoit, ' cow ' kEu or
kou, km. This rule also apphes to Irish words: O Beirn o ^bEr'n*
or D ^hor'n/ ^bjr'n' * O'Byrne,' toigh tEi or toi (L.E.).

< § 20 >

The Rathlin i-sound is rather narrower than the English short i,
and somewhat equivalent to the local (and Scottish) vowel sound in
certain words (* steel ' stil, * deaf ' dif, Mead' lid, * indeed ' dtidid).
It is practically the same all over the island. The long /; is the
same sound sustained, and the unstressed / is only slightly obscured,
and may interchange with 6 and d.

I

< §21 >

This is an open, flatly articulated 1, bearing the same relation
to i as £ to 6 or c (cf. local * wheelbarrow ' xwllbard). It is about
identical in sound when sustained (J:), but less distinct in unstressed
positions (where it interchanges with i). Except after a velar, it is
seldom sharply distinct from i.

PHONOLOGY 27

J
< § 22 >

By J the open o-sound of Rathlin English is represented
(* trouble ' tnbdl, ' corn ' hrti, ' shop ' jjp, ' Gustie ' gjsti, ' Scotland '
shthnd). This sound, which is fairly uniform throughout the island,
is far narrower than even the Enghsh short o in ' cost,' ' often,'
but not unlike the vowel in French bonne, epaule (cf Irish * trouble,'
* cut '). The long form {j :) is practically the above sound sustained,
and thus narrower than in English 'fall' (c£ local 'small' smj :!,
'at all' 9 toil, 'Oh, no' d: no:). In unstressed positions it hardly
occurs.

< §23 >

The narrow o-sound in Rathlin is much narrower than any
o-sound in English (cf. the local pronunciation of ' coal ' kol, * police-
man' Spoilsman, 'boat' hot, 'goats' gots, 'post office' post^jfis). It
is perhaps normally the vowel in French eau, beau, but it shows
a strong tendency to become u (Enghsh 00). The long 0: is about
the English (non-diphthongal) o in 'go,' but often narrower as in
French janne, and occasionally bordering on u : (local ' low ' is often
pron. In:, similarly Ir. mor may sound mu:r, 8). This sound does
not occur in unstressed position.

< § 24 >

This vowel is very rare in Rathlin, and hardly ever occurs
independently. It is most frequent at the ' Lower End ' (cf the
local pron. of 'shorn' ^urn, 'door' du:r). It is the English
00-sound in ' good ' and ' do.' At the * Lower End ' it often appears
for standard ^ (q.v.), uasal uas9l, urlar urlar (15a), bruachan
hnvaxdn (4), but in front of x or h (always short) it is pretty general
all over the island (see § 73). Unstressed, it forms the last
component of certain diphthongs (' cows ' kEuz, kduz, ' house *
hEus),

2h rut IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

< § 25 >

This vcr\' typical Rathlin sound is the local pronunciation of
English * oo,' and diverse other sounds (cf. ' school ' sk^l, ' use ' j^s,
*roof' rXf, * too old' /*{" 'oW, 'wind* v{w)^nd, 'Willie' v{w)£li,
'a wee bit' d vwI : h/Ct, *'pirn" (=' bobbin') p/Crn, * discourse '
di^sk,{rs). Normally, and more often at the * Lower End,' it
resembles a relaxed form of the French u, or the characteristic
Glasgow and Belfast oo-sound, while at the * Upper End ' a sound
resembling the French cu (approximately the English vowel in
' girl,' ' hurry ') is more common. Certain people at the
'Lower End' (2, 4, 5) often use a front u (cf. 'shorn' Jwr/f,' above).
The sustained form underlies the same alternations (cf. 'sure' j^:r,
p:r 'door' d/( :r, dd:r). This sound cannot be clearly distinguished
in unstressed positions.

< § 26 >

This vowel is also less stable in its occurrence. It is found both
at the ' Lower ' and ' Upper End ' of the island, though in quite
different functions. As already indicated above, certain ' Lower End '
people (2, 4, 5) show a tendency to use this sound (or ^) for E
(cf 'spinning' spdnir\, 'lily' Mi, 'minister' mdniltdty 'quickly'
kwok'li), at the same time as they retain the old value of u
(see above), while the ' Upper End ' people are inclined to use the
sound for the normal /( ('roof rof, ' use ' Jo5, 'shorter' jortDr),
Before r, however, the sound is usually or p, ' McCurdy '
ma^kordi, ma^kDrdi, if originally short ' u.' This is also true of the
long form (0;), which is occasional even E:, as an Uig 9 nE:d' (6).
The unstressed form is 9,

< § 27 >

This vowel is characteristic of the ' Upper End,' where it
quite often replaces the standard (short) vowel E (cf. local * live '
lav, etc.).

PHONOLOGY 29

<§28>

The irrational vowel is as common in Rathlin as in
other parts of Ireland and Scotland (cf, * the boat ' bj hot,
*away' dv{w)E:, * thristle ' (=* thistle') ^rEstil, 'Michel' mzk'dl

* skillet' sk'sht, *gannet' g'andt, 'cellar' szhr). As in English, the
occurrence of d is highly dependent on the lack of stress : full vowels
are constantly reduced to 5, while even in such plain suffixes as -an
(plur.) or -ain(n) the vowel may occasionally appear as a or e,
when the stress is heavier. It is often impossible nowadays to ascertain
whether a full vowel or j is normal in many words in Rathlin Irish.
In stressed positions d is sometimes found in diphthongs (' white '
xwditj * cow ' kdu, * flower ' jldudr), Ir, roimh mheadhon lae ro vjan
hi * a.m.' (2), as well as before ' r ' in Irish and English words:
O Beirn :?' hDt'n' (also: o ' hdr'n\ o ' hEr'n\ j * hjsr'n').

(B) Semivowels

By semivowels (which are j and w in Rathlin) we mean an 1 or xi
(see above), pronounced so short that in combination with another
vowel it does not count as a long. Formerly these semivowels
occurred freely before or after any long or short vowel, but
nowadays, as in English, they tend to be ousted from any position
other than before a stressed vowel.

J

< § 29 >

This is the English consonantal * y ' in * yes ' (cf. ' yes ' jzs, jEs,
*use' j^s, jos, in the local pronunciation). In Irish words, it
originally occurred also after a long or short vowel (see § 13), but this
is no longer the case in the current pronunciation of most people.

w

< § 30 >

This is the EngHsh * w,' e.g. in * water,' * winter.' It is a still
rarer sound in Rathlin, where it chiefly occurs after a guttural
(cf. the local pronunciation of * quiet ' kivEidt, * white ' xwEit,

* while ' xwEil), As for the occurrence after a labial, see §§ 31, 33.

30 Tin". IRISH languac.I' in uAriiiiN island

(C) Cousoihvihil Sounds

As already mentioned (§ lo), the accent (') marks the distinctly
forward pronunciation of the consonants, especially when it is
accompanied by a * glide.' A fe, g, or / may thus be slightly advanced
before or after an f, without being marked.

The voiceless stops arc like the same sounds in EngHsh, but the
voiced stops sliow a certain tendency towards unvoicing. Truideog
trld^ag may thus occasionally sound trlt^ag (cf. the more or less
regular change of d, g to t, c, under certain conditions, § 80, 84),
and people from the Irish mainland sometimes think that they say
' pisness ' instead of ' business ' in Rathlin. If such tendencies exist,
they are not even so pronounced as in Arran, in Scotland, where
the Scottish unvoicing of the mediae has as yet barely started.

Labials
The two lips are opposite each other (also: Bilabials).

< §31 >

Of these the first is a voiceless, the second a voiced labial stop,
like the English ' b,' * p ' (cf. local * picture ' pzkt\dr, * happen '
hapdu, ' bad ' had, * Kebble ' k'zhdl)^ while m is a voiced nasal, like
English *m* (cf. local * Michel' mzpU tmk'dl, 'calm' U'aim),
These consonants are * neutral ' or * broad,* according to the
surrounding vowels, and it should be observed that a * broad '
off-glide is often heard before /, E (only in Irish words), e.g.
smaoinigh $ml:n'i 'think,' muineal mEn'dl (U.E.) 'neck' (cf.
6 Searcaigh: maoin Mwlih, m'aghaidh MwE:i, baile bwceh,
Foghraidheacht, § 181),

p\ h\ m\

< § 32 >

By these symbols the same sounds with slightly tightened lips
(cf. § 9) are designated. By tightening the lips, at the same time
as the tongue is advanced, a ' slender glide ' is developed, as in
bean h'an, h'zn * woman,' beannacht b'snaxt * blessing,' which are,
however, mostly pronounced: bjan, bjanaxL

PHONOLOGY 31

Labiodentals
The upper incisors are opposite the lower Hp.

/. ^'

< § 33 >

These are labiodental fricatives, the former voiceless, the latter
voiced, as the English * f,' ' v ' (cf local * fire ' fabr, ' enough ' dud/,
' voice ' vols, * live ' lEv). They are * neutral ' or ' broad.' In front
of ^, /, or £, a ' broad ' or labial * glide ' is developed, which
sometimes jresembles a 'w' (cf 6 Searcaigh: fuil, bhuail,
Foghraidheacht, §§ 181, 169). This sound combined with the labial

* ghde ' seems to be equivalent to the Rathlin English ' w ' (cf

* wind * v^nd, vw^nd, 'winter' vEntjr, vipEutir, 'water' vipat.n),^

< § 34 >

These are the same as above, pronounced with tightened lips and
advanced tongue, so that a * slender glide ' arises. They are not so
common now, e.g. fear far * man,' an bhean 3 v'an, d v'sn ' the
woman,' which are more commonly pronounced jf/'<ir, vjan.

< § 35 >

By this symbol we represent the voiced labiodental nasal, which
is only found in Irish words, and is therefore getting rare. Its
acoustic effect is almost mv (cf. also § 77), as in: amharc avdrk

* looking ' (7), an Ceann Reamhar dT\ k'an ravdr * Kinramer ' (3).
Usually a plain (broad) v is substituted, but occasionally also w,
as in oidhche mhaith I;p ma [va) * good night,' an bhfaca d mah

* did ... see?' (7, 15a, cf § 77); also cf the alternative spelling

* Kinramer,' * Kinraver ' in English. This sound is practically always

* broad ' or * neutral.'

I. ^^^ is here used for the labial ' glide,' which naturally resembles the
English ' w.' In native words, as mentioned before, it only occurs in front
of /, Ey or <C (before the last it is less pronounced).

32 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Intcrdoitah
The tip of tlic tongue is opposite the upper as well as lower incisors.

t, 9.

< §36 >

By these symbols the voiceless and voiced interdental spirant are
represented. The local pronunciation agrees fairly well with that
of standard English (cf. * them things happen* 6tm ]psr]z hcip9n).
These sounds are only found in English words.

Dentals
The tip of the tongue is opposite to, or a little above, the upper incisors.

/, dy «, n.

< §37>

For the twofold nature of the dentals, see §12. In English words,
as * tea,' * kettle ' (ceatal), * broonie,' the tongue is held in the same
position as in local English (cf. * teacher ' tit\dr, * day ' de:, * gannet *
gan?t), i.e. the point of it touches the alveolar ridge, thus tl:, k'stjl,
hr^ni (L.E. hruni) ; some people (7, etc.) make the English ty d pretty
near t\ d' (§ 42). In Irish words the pronunciation is ' broader,'
the tongue being lowered so that its point touches the upper incisors.
The voiceless n («), which is not very common, is like /i«,
e.g. cuta de shnath ki(t3 d^z na: * a cut of yarn ' (3).

5, z,

< §38 >

These are dental spirants (or sibilants), the former voiceless, the
latter voiced. The point of the tongue slightly touches the root
of the upper teeth, and there is no marked difference between the
*s' in native and English words (cf. * cellar* sehty *just' d^zsty

* skillet' sk'zht). Speaker No. 9b has an almost interdental pro-
nunciation of * s ' (5) in front of * r,' e.g. sroin Sroin' (also STn:n')

* nose,' srianach Srianax * bridleneb,'^ while 15 and 15b pronounce
a kind of * sh ' (Jrianax). Also before n, s is different than before

I . There are analogies to this pronunciation in parts of Kintyre, Scotland.

PHONOLOGY 33

Other consonants: snath is almost Sua: [sNa:?), After *r' it is often
difficult to hear whether 5 or J is used, e.g. giorsach (gcirseach)
g'zrsax or g'^rjax * girl.' The voiced spirant {z) only occurs in
English words ('things' ^erj^, * cows ' hEuz).

Alveolars
The tip of the tongue is opposite the alveolar ridge.

< § 39 >

This is the common Scottish and Irish (non-inverted) 1-sound,
formed by the middle part of the tongue raised, the point making
contact with the alveolar ridge (cf. local * coal ' kol, ' live ' lEv,
* well ' v(xv)sl, * lead ' lid, ' steel ' stil). This sound is not much
different from the French /, but it may vary slightly in width
according to the surrounding vowels: speaker No. 15 has a fairly
deep * 1 ' in Engl. ' haul ' {h ;/, almost h ;/, § 40), which is the same
as he uses in Irish 61 :?:/ {p :t) 'drink.' The voiceless variety (|)
is only found in Irish words.

< §40>

By this symbol is meant a variety of the original * broad ' 1, which
is independent of surrounding vowels. It is formed by lowering
the middle part of the tongue still more than for /; it is not a dental
sound as the so called ' unaspirated ' 1 in Donegal, etc. (O Searcaigh,
Foghraidheacht, § 207), but it gets a fuller, more hollow sound,
yv^hich resembles that of Dutch or Austrian ' L' The manner of
producing this 1, which is now seldom used, is described by the
native people as ' taking your mouth full of it ' (3 ; this speaker,
however, always pronounces an r|, or a very similar sound); cf.
6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht, § 60. Speaker No. 11 has it, but very
loosely articulated, in words hke boladh bohg ' smell,' toigh solais
tEi sotlj ' Hghthouse,' where it is half suppressed, or suggests a faint
*w'^; / and its unvoiced counterpart / are only found in Irish
words.

I. Cf. also Cunntae an Dil M/^i/ai n dai^l (5) * Cushendall' or ^Antrim.'

34 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN UATIILIN ISLAND

r, r.

< § 41 >

The Rathlin * r ' is the same as is mostly used in Scotland
(and Antrim), i.e. a soft, alveolar trill. It even shows a tendency
to be suppressed after certain consonants (cf. ' Bruce's Cave *
b{r)^S3S k'e :v, or sc(r)iobadh, sc(r)iobhadh, in Irish). The corresponding
voiceless sound, r, is with most speakers identical in sound with r.

Pre-Palatah

The front part of the tongue is opposite the anterior part of the
hard palate.

< § 42 >

By these symbols ** palatal'' *t' and *d* are represented. The
front or middle part of the tongue forms occlusion against the front
part of the hard palate, as in the Irish pronunciation of the Enghsh
words ' tune ' and * duty.* These sounds are nowadays of a very
limited occurrence, and are chiefly found before J and j (see § 44),
or after J or 5 (chiefly in Irish words). With some people this sound
also represents the Engl. * t ' (* Katie ' k'et'iy 7). Whenever
palatal * t,' * d ' are used instead of /J, d^ (§ 44), there is a strong
tendency to confuse them with k\ g\ in Rathhn as in the Glens
of Antrim (and even parts of Scotland).

n'y n\

< §43 >

This is a pre-palatal nasal, or an ' n * pronounced by advancing
the tip and middle part of the tongue toward the front part of the hard
palate and the alveolar ridge. It is found in the local English dialect
instead of nj (as in * opinion *) in standard English, whereby the semi-
vowel becomes fused with the nasal, or is weakened to a mere * glide *
(cf * Daniel * dan'9l, den'dU ' new ' n'^:). Before or after a 'slender *
vowel (especially i), in final position, and in many other cases, this

PHONOLOGY 35

sound is simplified to the dental n.^ The tendency to change n' to r|',
so common in Ireland and Scotland, is not very marked in Rathlin.
The voiceless tf in a few Irish words is somewhat like hn\

< § 44 >

These are pre-palatal spirants and affricates. Of these J designates
the voiceless spirant (cf local * shark ' \zrk, ' fmish ' fEni\), and j
the voiced spirant in Engl. * azure.' The front part of the tongue
is in contact with the front part of the hard palate, as for t\ d' , n' ,
They are thus much more forward than * sh ' in England ; in certain
cases J comes near f, or the initial sound in EngHsh * human.' The
sound 5 does not occur independently, at least in Irish words.

As for the affricates t\ and rfj, they are identical with the sounds
which in Scottish English (and often in northern Ireland) represent
the initial sounds in * tune ' and * duty,' as well as the affricates in

* church ' and * judge.' Thus 9c pronounces *Jew' (^^^:) and

* duty ' {d^iCti) with the same initial, using the same sound as in
Rathlin Irish deoch d^ox * drink.' The Rathlin rj, d^ are much
more forward than the corresponding sounds in England, and
approach t\ d' (e.g. * vegetables' vzd'dtdhdlz, 13), but they show
no tendency to become k' , g' (cf. § 42). In Aleck Anderson's
pronunciation of thuit hlt\ * fell,' there is a clear spirantic sound
at the end, and O Searccaigh understands duirt eisean as duirt seisean
(Foghraidheacht, p. 190). 9c has the same sound combination in
thuit e hitl 6 *he fell' as in buitseach hiCtjax * witch,' so that there
is no doubt about the correctness of this transcription. As for the
use of real t' and J' in a few cases, see §§ 80, 95.

^ GO.
< §45 >

This symbol represents the original ** slender " * 1,' produced by
pressing the front part of the tongue against the alveolar ridge. In
the local English pronunciation, this sound usually substitutes Ij in

I. The difficulty in pronouncing a final V appears from the fact that
speaker 15b is inclined to add an -^ (thus -n'i) in order to facilitate the
pronunciation, e.g. in the plural -ain {;-an'i).

36 TIIH IRISH LANGUAGE IN KATllLlN ISLAND

Standard Englisli (as in * million'), where the semivowel consequently
vanishes into the * slender glide ' of /' (cf. local * million ' mEl'?n,
*Huke' fi'Xk, 'blue' bl'^:). It is very often replaced by a neutral
* r (/), especially in final position and in contact with front vowels (i).
Combinations as l'^ sound more or less Ug, cf. the following §.

^'» r'-

< § 46 >

The palatal * r ' is formed in somewhat the same way as /', at least
in its original form. It usually sounds as a more or less complete
fusion of r andj, as aon bhreac in vrjak ' one trout ' (3). Some rather
say y (muir vUj 'sea/ 7), but most people use a plain r (e.g. 15);
this at least is the case before 1 and in final position. When r' comes
before another consonant it almost sounds as r', e.g. ainm ar'm
[arhn) ' name,' ceird k'sr'd^ {k'er^d^, 6). The voiceless r' almost
sounds as r^, as cuirthe k'^p ' tired,' braithrean bra ir'dn * brothers,'
fuirc f^r'k' ' forks ' (3).

Palatals
The middle part of the tongue is opposite the top of the palate.

fc'. g\ n'.

< §47 >

These symbols designate the palatal voiceless and voiced stops,
and the palatal nasal, which occur in the English or Rathlin for
' k,' * g,' and ' ng,' under special conditions (cf. ' kettle ' k'ztsU
'Michel' mzk'dU * guillemot' g'shmjty *big' bsg'y 'English* er| '5/1J).
The tongue is further advanced than for the pronunciation of
' kettle,' ' big,' ' English,' in the standard English pronunciation.
Some people (e.g. 6) are inclined to pronounce t' and d' (or even
/J, d^) instead of k'y g' (cf ' McGregor ' ma^gred'dTy ma ^grid'dVy
' Kinkeel ' kintjely in the local English), e.g. scillinn ruadh st'il'in roa
' penny,' Nollaig nohd' {-d^) * Christmas,' and speaker No. 6 may
say Dun na nGiall d^ :n d ti'ialy for d^:n 9 r^'ial (pl.-n.).

< §48 >

This is a palatal fricative, as in Lowland Scottish ** driegh "
(=' tedious '), or the initial sound in English 'human,' * huge '

PHONOLOGY 37

(cf. local ' driegh ' rfr/f, * Michel ' mspl). It is reduced to an * h '
with a palatal ofF-glide {h'), or even occasionally suppressed in the
middle of Irish words. It is sometimes substituted by g\ e.g. an
Chrich 9 xrizg' * Creigh ' (pl.-n.), probably under the influence of
English (cf. § 50).

Velars
The back of the tongue is opposite the soft palate (or velum).

^% g^ ^» p-

< § 49 >

The ' k,' * g,' and * ng ' in Rathlin are approximately identical
with the same sounds in English, in * cog,' * song ' (cf. the local
pron. of *coar hoi, * goat ' got, *song' s3t\). The voiceless i^ (ji)
is only found in speaker No. 3's pronunciation: shluasaid v^oaszd-^
{hT[daszdi) ' shovel.'

X.

< § 50 >

By X the voiceless velar fricative, or the Scottish sound in ' loch,'
is represented (cf. local ' laugh ' lax). It is frequently, by many
speakers (3, etc.) almost regularly, weakened to h, especially in
medial position, in suffixes (-ach, -acht), and in unstressed words
(cha * not ' is usually pronounced ha or d).^ On the other hand,
some speakers (as 2, 12) more or less regularly use ^, as is customary
in English in words as loch (lough).

y-

<§5i >
By this symbol we designate the voiced velar fricative, a sound
which is on the decline in Rathlin. It is heard almost only initially
in native Irish words, and even there it seems to cause difficulties
to the speakers, e.g. Baile Ghoill haVd yEil *Ballygill (pl.-n.).
Thus it may be rendered by gr (Madadh Alia maddgrah, 5), or by r
(dh'fhaodadh rd:d?g, 4), or be altogether suppressed: feoil ghoirt
jjj'.V ort\ * salt meat' (2), Carraic an Ghoill karik' d ail (2, pl.-n.),
Lathrach Da Dhuibhean la:r td Uven (pl.-n.).

I. Inversely an ^ pronounced more emphatically may result In x, as:
a h-apron p xaprpn ' her apron ' (3).

;,N mr. luisii i.anc;uac;i; in rathlim island

The Aspirate
h.

< § 52 >

By // the aspirate ' h/ as in English ' home/ is represented
(cf. ' hcnise ' liHus, 'home' ho :t}iy 'hills' liElz, in the local pron.).
Except as weakening of x or f, h never occurs in other than initial
position.

Hiatus

< §53 >

By this term is understood a vowel meeting, arising in a word,
or in context, whereat the vowels belong to different syllables.
Hiatus, which existed in Old Irish (judging from the ortho-
graphy), but which seems to have almost entirely disappeared from
Ireland during the Middle Irish period,^ though it still survives in
Scotland and Rathlin, has always depended on suppression and
quiescence of consonants (cf. §§ 8i, 96, etc.). In Rathhn the hiatus
is not nearly so marked as in Scotland: cumhang 'narrow' may
rime with uan ' lamb.' It is mostly characterized by a minimum
of intensity which marks the syllabic limit, and which will be
marked here by an inverted period (•), in cases where it is clearly
audible. But it is in many cases difficult, especially owing to the
diphthongization of long vowels (§ 14), to perceive the hiatus when
it occurs in Rathlin words. The people at Gortconny, Co. Antrim,
especially, make a clear distinction between cases of diphthongs
and hiatus. Thus with 15a, words like bruach hr^'ax 'grade,'
' slope,' ' brae ' (Scot, bruthach), fiach fi-ax, ji'dx ' raven ' (Scot,
fitheach), sciathan sk'van 'wing,' are distinct from: bruach hr^ax
' edge,' ' river bank ' (Scot, bruach), fiach jiax ' worth,' * debt '
(Scot, fiach), scian sk'ian ' knife,' which distinction is not made by 8,
9, etc., 13. Speakers 15, 15b, 15c, as well as 8, say that they can
hear the difference, but are not able to pronounce it. On the other
hand, they and many others make a clear distinction between hiatus
and long vowels in the words: la la-d ' day,' mnan mra-m * women,'
doghadh dr?g ' burning ' (13), gnoithe grri * business ' (3), and

I. For modern cases of hiatus in Connaught Irish, cf. (3 Mdille,
Urlabhraidheacht, § 305, X,

PHONOLOGY 39

ta ta: '(there) is,' Ian la:n * full,' doigh dji * manner ' (3), even
though they may * break up ' the long vowel into a diphthong
(see § 14). The vowel is always short when the hiatus is marked
by a strong reduction of intensity (as with 13, 15a), otherwise it
is given the half length (§ 14), and this holds good whether the vowel
was originally short or long (cf the above instances). In the following
words there is a more or less clear hiatus: agad a-jd ' with you,'
againn a'in ' with us,' aghaidh E'i ' face,' agus a'ds ' and,' Aunghus
nE'9S * Angus,' arist d n'-/jr' * again,' athair a-jr * father,' athais ci'^J,
a-a^ ' back,' bhiodh vi\ig * would be,' bidh hri * will be,' blathach
bla-ax * buttermilk,' bleoghan blo'Dii ' milking,' bodhar bo'9r ' deaf,'
brathair hra'9r * brother,' cag ka-ag (15a), 'jackdaw,' ceathair k'e'ir,
k'e'dr (4, 5), cladhacht klE-axt * digging,' crathadh kra-dg ' shaking '
(4, 12), cradhadh kra'og ' tormenting ' (12), crudha knC'j
'horseshoe' (11), Domhnall djdl 'Donald' (5, cf. § 54), faghail
fa-al ' getting ' (3, 4), faghain fa'in * getting ' (2), fast fa-ast ' yet,'
' stiir (2, 6), but/cj:5^ (12), feitheamh ^^-iV, /e-^y 'waiting' (2, 5),
fichead^-^J ' twenty,' gabhail ^o-s/, go-al ' taking,' ' singing ' (3, 6),
gheobhadh (gheodh) coid jo'?g at ' they would get' (5), gnoithe grj'i
' business ' (3, 13), chan itheadh ha ni'?g ' would not eat ' (5), la la-d
'day' (12), lobhtha /ov 'rotten' (6), leathan Vz'du, Vcm 'broad,'
mathair ma-zr ' mother ' (12), nigheanan nvdUdn ' daughters ' (3),
praidhinn pra-in ' haste,' rudha nC'd ' pohit,' scist(e) sk'i'i\t' ' rest ' (6),
soitheach salann so'dh sahn ' saltcellar ' (6), tri fichead tri fi'dd
'sixty' (6), ubhall ^'dl 'apple' (3), craobhan ubhallan krE:v?n
^'dhn ' apple trees,' uisce beatha I\k'd hz'd * whisky.'

In the following cases single, long vowels or diphthongs appear
for an expected hiatus: bodhar hour 'deaf (6), Lag na Coillidh
Boidhche lag na kEli hi (pl.-n., i), doghadh dj:g 'burning' (i),
but dr9g (13), (ist fa :st 'yet' (12, cf above), faghail /?:/' 'getting'
(6), tha ead ha:d 'they are' (14), etc. Speaker No. 4 says Hugha
l'/C'9 'lithe' (fish), but his wife says T^:. Similarly 'Rue Point'
is called in Irish an Rudha 9n r^'9, but in English r^; pjint. The
forms without hiatus thus occur (i) with people who have not
practised the Irish language for a long time, (2) occasionally with
other people, through carelessness, and (3) in unstressed position;
cf especially the pronunciation of agad, againn, agus: a{:)d, ain,
as, ds.

40 tlll irish language in rathlin island

Nasalization

< § 54 >

The nasal affection of vowels and consonants in Rathlin Irish is
not very marked. It consists in the gradual raising of the soft palate
after it has been lowered for the pronunciation of one of the so-called
nasal consonants (§§ 31, 32, 35, 37, etc.), whereby also the
neighbouring sounds get a share of the nasaUty. The lowermg of
the soft palate is (except in the case of m, m', », n', r|, r|') marked
by the tilde (*), which is placed on a vowel or v (see § 35), or
between vowels. It usually marks compensatory nasalisation, which
occurs when a nasal consonant has become quiescent, when an n
has become changed to an r, or when a v has become unvoiced to f
(whereby it naturally loses its nasality). E.g. Domhnall djDl (5),
djjT] (3), also dj :n,il * Donald,' corran cnaosaigh hran kr^ :si * dulse
hook' (15a), cno km, cnon krjhn *nut,' * nuts' (15a), lamhthach
la:fax * handy ' (15), sclamhaire sklafir 'greedy person,' and also
in miofar mi:vDr * ugly ' (15), instead of mi :vjr. With most people,
even in the case of P (cf. § 35), the nasality is now lost.

Accent

<§55 >

The stress in Rathlin Irish is almost invariably on the first syllable
of native words. In cases where it falls on any other syllabic it is
marked by the vertical bar ('), placed immediately in front of the
syllable which carries the accent. E.g. laetheamhail lE^avon (for -dI)

* daily,' comarasan k^tm^rasm 'scurr,' corra ghrian hrjyrEidn

* heron,' comrada kotn{h)ra:dci * comrade.'

The pitch accent or melody of speech is much the same as in
Antrim. It is chiefly characterized by a falling accent, and is quite
different from the rising accent of Donegal and Derry. Old people,
especially at the * Upper End,' where according to the * Lower End '
people the pronunciation used to be very chanting and drawn out,
have a characteristic intonation, whereby the tone of a word first
goes a good bit down, to be slowly raised again toward the end
of the word, e.g. ur-lar nrlar * floor ' (15a); others mostly say /Chr,

PHONOLOGY 41

It is also heard in their EiigUsh, as in the pronunciation of the word
' I-rish ' (the tone goes slowly down on ' T and rises again on
' rish,' (2, 8). I believe this movement is intimately connected with
the ' breaking ' of long vowels in words like era-dan krajdan (8)
*bur' (see § 14). The same intonation may be heard from old
people in south eastern Kintyre and Arran.

The Pronunciation of the Written Characters

This chapter gives a historical survey of the different sounds and
their occurrence, in relation to the v^ritten forms and the other
Gaelic dialects.

(.4) Vowels

a, a, ai, ea, eai.

< § 56 >

In stressed position these vowels usually get the value of a, when
short, and a:, when long. The short *a' more or less regularly gets
the alternative value of:? in certain words, as: aca jk? ' with them,'
chan fhaca ha noko ' did not see,' an f harraice d norik'? * the sea,'
garbh gorv * rough,' and especially in Sloe na Marann shk na mordu
(seldom marDti) and go maram gj mordtn ' (I) suppose ' (etym.
doubtful; cf. O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht : aca, talamh, salann, etc.).

Before bh, *a' often becomes (gabhar ^o-.7r 'goat'), and before
dh, gh it gets the sound of E (laghach lE'ax * nice ').

In front of m, 11, nn, at the end of a word, a is often, especially
at the * Upper End,' lengthened to a:, e.g. am a:m * time,'
thall ha :l * yonder,' clann kla :n * children,' and before rr in the
same position this lengthening is the rule: barr ha:r 'crop.' In
bannca bau^k? (8), a diphthong appears, for unknown reasons. *A' is
not lengthened before rd, etc., as in most other dialects, thus ard
ard * high,' etc.

In unaccented position, a is always short, and often reduced to p.
The full sound remains in the terminations — ach ax, and -an an
(dim. sufF.), after i and u in orig. diphthongs, as Niall nial * Neil,'
fuar ^ar *cold,' and occasionally also in other cases (cf. § 16).
The proclitic words ca, fa, ma, na, and especially cha ha, a, have
more often a than d; an * if,' perhaps more often ?.

42 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

< § 57 >

This vowel lias, according to the best authorities (but cf. § 13),
the value of Ei in the word lae, gen. sg. of la * day,' and not E{i)?,
as might be expected. As for laetheamhail, sec § 55.

In cunntae kiCntai, k^ndai * county,' it has the value of at (from
unstressed j/, Ei).

ai.

<§58 >

Accented short ai has a twofold value in Rathhn Irish: (i) a
(commonly), and (2) £ (£). The former sound is found in most
words, but many of them have an alternative pronunciation with e,
as: ainm z'rm ' name ' (6), baile * town,' esp. before the main stress:
Baile Bhocan ts/'^ ^vjikdu (5), Baile No hzl'd ^nr9 * Ballynoe,' but
also in go Doire Bhaile g9 dEr'? vzV? * to Derry Town ' (3),
Claigeann klzd'dti (6), Druim na Claiginne drlm na kT\sg'in'd (3),^
craiceann krsk'dti (6), an fhaic thu d nsk' ^ * do you see?' (5), gos
an bhfaic me gBS d vzk! me ' till I see ' (3, but she thinks that vak'
is correct), go bhfaic gd vzk* (i), nach fhaic na hzk' (11), fhaicin
zk'in ' seeing ' (8), mana bhfaigh man9 vzi * unless gets ' (12), chan
fhaigheadh ha nzjdg * they would not get' (12), cainnt kzmt\
(kEint^ * speaking,' glaic glzk' * hollow' (4), saighdear szid^zr
' soldier.' It is regular in in airde 9 nzrdp, adv. * up,' nas airde
na szrdp 'higher* (3), seldom na sardp, nas fhaide na szdp
Monger' (3), cnaip krzp 'button' (3), maighdean mEidpn 'maiden,'
and maighstir (scoil) mzijt'zr (skjl) ' (school) master.' Further in the
plurals cait, crainn (croinn), scait, tairb (§ 109, a).

Unaccented, e is the rule in the termination -ain (when the vowel
was formerly long), as radain radzn' 'rats,' sciathain sk'i{')zn'
' wings,' etc., and often in -(amh)ail, as cosmhail hszl * like,* which
often also sounds -al (or even -«/, 15). When unstressed ai was

I. Annie Black thinks klag'an {kr\ag'dn) is the correct Irish, but points
out that the polite English pron. is klzgdn ' Cleggan.' Similarly an Caibeal
9T\ kabjdl is officially called * Kebble,' locally pron. k' absl (seldom k'zbsl),
just as a ' bee skep ' is pron. sk'ap. It is likely that the official names reflect
an older pronunciation with e.

PHONOLOGY 43

originally short it should give /, but there is the same fluctuation
as between a and 9 (§ i6), e.g. fantainn ^n^m - fantzn' * staying/
loscain loskin - losksn * burning.' The suffix -air sounds either sr or dr.
In thar shiubhal * away,' thar often sounds hzr before the palatal
sound: hz^r'^dU

ao, aoi.

< § 59 >

The pronunciation of this vowel is usually E: (or o, /C, at the
'Lower End,' see § 26), e.g. gaoth gE: * wind,' daoine dEin'd
'people,' maorach mEirax 'shellfish,' fraoch /r£ ;.\: 'heather.'

In a few words, especially in contact with a nasal, the value is /;,
e.g. h-aon hl:n 'one' (also hE:n, h^ :n, aonach I:nax 'fair'
(also E'.nax, (C:nax), laodog llidag ' little finger' (also IE: dag, U :dag),
smaoinigh sml:n'i 'think.' Inean im'zn 'port,' had originally aoi,
as appears from Scottish Gaelic dialects.

In the words h-aon ' one ' and aonach ' fair,' De h-Aoine
d^c h^'.n'd 'Friday' ao sounds as ^: (i.e. RathHn u). This
pronunciation has analogies in Scotland, as un ' one,' in Tiree, etc.

When shortened, the value is ^ or /, e.g. an Taobh Tuath dn tXv
Ua ' the North side ' (4).

e, ei.

< §6o>

This vowel is regularly pronounced e, as: te tje, deir d^er\
meilt meltj, an pheige ruadh d Jeg'? r^a ' the still.' The words
peictear 'picture,' and Peigi 'Peggy,' sound p'zktl^r, pzkt^Dr and
pzg'i (after Engl.).

Ei is lengthened in front of nn in beinn he :n' {he :n, 10)
' mountain top.'

After r, ei often sounds z, as: greideal grzdpl * griddle,' reithean
rz^zn 'ram,' reic rzk' 'sell,' freiseail te /rsj^/^p 'fresh,' etc. At the
' Upper End ' these words often have a, as : gradpl (8), rak' (9a),
fra^altp (3, 8). It seems that this change, as the one of a to o in some
words (§ 56), is not merely the 'Upper End' broadening of z
which is mentioned in § 17.

Before r, on the other hand, ei undergoes different changes. It is
sometimes broadened to z (or E after a ' broad ' consonant), and

44 '>nr. luisii language in katiilin island

sonictiincs pronounced /C or /, e.g. is fheirrdc ssrd^j * is better,*
ceird k'srd^ * trade/ O Bcirn j b'er'n' (also :? hEr'n', o hor'n'),
beirneis /jLt;//j (15), hdrn'^l (3) 'bare promontory,' eirg ^r'g' or
lr\^' * get up,' 'away' (impcr., 15). Cf. § 28.

Final -e is pronounced «?, as: duine d^)i'<i ' man,' etc. That there
is a strong tendency to change it either to a or /, has already been
pointed out (§ 6). Otherwise e is often widened to s in unstressed
position, e.g. le /s 'with,' me mz 'I,' 'me,' e e 'he,' 'him,'
de d^z 'of,' 'off' (then also stressed £(;), Jje), caisceim kajk'zm
' step,' etc.

c, ci.

< §61 >

The sound of this vowel is usually c;, as: goide^j J^e;, tcid tje :d^,
le chcile /b ge :h 'together.' In cin 'chickens,' the sound is e;,
after the sing, can e:n: z:n\

In front of dh, ci is shortened to s, as: rcidh re/ 'ready.' Areir
' yesterday,' is pronounced d rair.

ea, eai.

< §62 >

These vowels have normally the same value as a, ai, i.e. a (initially,
ea is ja), e.g. bean bjan ' woman,' ceannaigh k'ani ' buy,' gealach
g'alax * moon,' ceart k'art * right,' each jax ' horse.' It never tends
to become :>, but often assumes the sound of e, e.g. leabaidh Vsbi
'bed' (2), beannacht b'enaxt 'blessing' (2), bean an scoil b'sn ^ skol
' the schoolma'am' (6), geannairc^'e/i/V^ * hammer,' an Ceann Fionn
dT\ k'zn fjsn ' Fair Head.' This especially happens in rapid pro-
nunciation. Peacadh * sin,' peacthach * sinner,' have rather commonly
e, p'zkdg, p'skax.

In front of g, the pronunciation is regularly e at the ' Lower End,'
and e (occasionally a) at the ' Upper End.' Speakers 15, etc., have
£ or c in these words. E.g. beag beg (L.E.), beg (3), bEg (15, etc.),
eaglais egllj (L.E.), Bay na h-Eaglaise be: na hzgT]iJ9 (3), leag Veg
(L.E., 15, etc.), I'zg (3) 'throw' (the vb. n. leagain is I'agin with 11).
For teanga, teangaidh, see § 90.

In front of bh, ea often sounds (leabhar l'o'?r 'book'), and before
dh, gh, th, there is fluctuation between z and e (meadhon me-p«,

PHONOLOGY 45

me'9n 'middle/ leathan Vz-du, Vcdti *broad'). Before d and s, the
pronunciation is always e : deas d'^es * nice/ fcadanaigh fedani

* whistling ' (13).

Ea sounds e; before double r in final position, and s before
r + consonant, e.g. is fhearr ? sz:r *is better,' b'fhearr learn berbm

* I had rather,' ceard k'erd * tinker/ Sometimes the vowel is long
also here: bearnach bs:rnax 'gapped' (15). Gearr * cut * is ^'^.t
after gearradh g'(ir9g. Before a double n or 1, in final position, ea
may sound a:, as in geall^'^;/ ' promise/ ceann ya:n ' head,' peann
pja :n * pen/ This is more common at the U.E.

Unstressed, ea is either e or a, and frequently ?, e.g. eilean el'en
(el'dfi) 'island,' tcidheag tleag, t\iag 'heat' (v.), an Caibeal 9r\ kahjdl
' Kebblc ' ; the plural suffix -ean is pronounced -3n, The common
suffix -car, as in saighdear 'soldier,' may sound either er, ar, or dx.

< §63 >

The common sound of this vowel is e; (often e^, § 10), as: mear
ms.T 'finger,' fear/e.T 'grass,' deanadh d^z:n?g 'doing/ But in
some words, especially before d or g, it sounds e;, as in cead k'e:d
'hundred,' breag bre:g ' lie' (also hrs:g)^ In realt 'star,' ea sounds
ea, thus re^lt, Rcaltog ' star,' and rcaltach ' starry,' sound rialtag,
rialtax (5).

In front of a double consonant, ea is often shortened to s, as in
Bearla herb * English language.' The verb dean ' do ' also often
shows a short vowel: deanadh d^stiBg, etc.

eo, coi.
< §64 >
This vowel is pronounced in deoch d^ox * drink,' and gheo
(bhaidh) jo * will get.'

The suffix -eog is pronounced ag or sometimes eg, e.g. cuileog
k^l'ag *fly,' uinneog ^n'eg 'window' (i). Similarly iteogaigh it^agi
* flying.' The suffix -eoir, as in muilleoir * miller,' sounds er, ar
or 9r,

I. It seems that in case of alternation between e and e the former sound
is more common at the L.E., the latter at the U.E.

46 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RAIHLIN ISLAND

CO, coi.

< §65 >

The long CO (mostly written co) has the value of:?; (initially j:?;),
as in: bco bp : * living,' ceol k'j:! * song,' deor dp :r * tear,' geola
^<l'o:h 'yawl,' colas j:?;/^5 * knowledge.' Seorda * sort ' sounds both
p irdj and pr^.7.

i.

< §66 >

The short i has mostly the value /, as: min miii' * meal,' sinn
\in' ' wc,' ' us,' tircam tjir'^m * dry.' In sin * that ' it sounds 1, /,
£ ^: jin (i), jlij (commonly), j£», j^n (4); the latter three represent
orthographic sion. After r, i often becomes s, e.g. rith rsg * run,'
trie trsk' * often,' rig reg' * reach ' (also rig'),

* r is not lengthened in front of final 11, nn, and m, but 15 pronounces
slinn * weaver's reed' as jU :n. After r, however, lengthening takes
place in rinn rEin * did,' representing orthographic roinn (cf. Scot.
Gaelic) .

In unstressed position the value is properly 1, but this is often
slurred to p, so that the words maidin * morning ' and maidean
* sticks,' may be pronounced alike: madpn (9, 9c).

1, 10.

< §67>

These vowels have mostly the same sound /;, as in min mi:n'
{mi:n) * smooth,' diog d^i :g * ditch,' fion fi:n * wine,' sios J/:s
' down,' but the latter is often * broken ' to i9 : jidti, ^ids, cloch
liomhaidh khx I'idvi 'grindstone' (5); then again contracted to e:,
as in diot dieit ' of you ' (rfji;^ diidt).

In rapid pronunciation 10 is often shortened to io, i.e. £ (§ 68),
e.g. sc(r)iobadh sk'zhdg * scratching,' sc(r)iobhadh sk'zvdg 'writing' (3).
It reflects the original pronunciation /;+* broad glide.'

io.

< §68 >

This vowel is normally pronounced £ (initially j£), from E (see § 19),
whence it sometimes appears as at the * Lower End,' e.g. biorach

PHONOLOGY 47

b'srax {bjsrax) 'heifer,' fiodh fjsg (also jiu, see § 8i) 'wood,'
prionnsa prsnso 'prince' (5), tionntachadh t\zntadg 'turning,'
\orms2ic\i^&i jznsadg {L.B.jdnsa9g) ' learning,' sionnach Jsm^x ' fox' (3).
Occasionally it is e, as in bioscaid hjesksd^ ' biscuit ' (12).

Especially in front of c, d, t, s and m, io sounds either ^ or 7
(as for the alternation, cf § 5), which latter may then become 1,
e.g. sioc J/fe (15), Jffe (5) 'frost,' bit (biota) b£t or bit {bit?) 'bit,'
fios^5 'knowledge,' tiomall ^J^m^rj (3), tlimdl (2) 'about.' So also
is ionann \£ndn or \Indn ' it is the same,' and sometimes tionntachadh
tjindag (2),

ia.

< §69 >

The usual sound of ia is ia, or more commonly idy as: iarann
iarDtt, idr?n ' iron,' fiacail fiakil {fidkdl) ' tooth,' fiagair fiagdr ' lea.'
With many people the sound is is, as: iascach izskax 'fishing' (15),
batan iascaigh ba :tdn isski ' fishing boats ' (6), fiach fiex ' raven '
(7, etc.). Alsoje;, as: iarraidh mise jV;n mijd (2).

Ia is frequently shortened to e (js), e.g. a dh'iarraidh nan bo 9
jsri nam fo; 'after the cows' (3), Sliabh an Chonnaidh J/'st'p na
^xonl (pl.-n.), diabhal diziidl ' devil.' Brian Deargan usually sounds
brin ^d^argan.

o.

< § 70 >

Short o has two sounds, and 0, which are about equally common.

The former more often corresponds to the Donegal j, e.g. cos kos

' foot,' troscadh troskdg ' fasting,' dona don? ' bad,' bocht bjxt ' poor,'

bocan bokan * mushroom,' bord hrd ' table,' chonnaigh xoni, hnl

saw.

The other pronunciation, 0, is more common in words that
have n^ in Donegal, as: tobar tob9r * well,' ag obair 3 gobir ' working,'
loscadh losk3g ' bruning,' bodach bodax * old man,' boladh bobg
{bjhg) 'smell,' lom lorn 'bare' (also lo:m).

Original in front of r becomes ^ in Rathlin and the Glens of
Antrim, e.g. port, purt p^rt ' port,' bord, burd b^rd ' table ' ; ' top,'
lorg lorg, lurg Urg 'trace,' 'track'; tabhair, tuir t£r (< to:r),

I. In O Searcaigh's denotation.

48 THE IRISH LANGUAGl- IN RATIILIN ISLAND

In front of final 11, nn, rr, and ni, o is often lengthened either to
j: or t);, as: poll po :l 'hole,' tonn to:ti * wave,' toni to:m (torn)
'bush,' corr kj :r 'odd.' So also in the pl.-n. Eascann nan gCorr
cskvi fiar[ gj:r (3, etc.), which seems to mean 'the Bog of the
Cranes,' but in the pronunciation of some o gets a diphthongic
sound JH {ail), thus: cshn nax] {intur (8), g:ftur (9, etc.); cf. 8's
pronunciation of bannca, § 56. In front of rd, or is long in ordog
j:rdag 'thumb,' otherwise it is usually short before a double
consonant: ord jrd ' hammer,' dorn djm ' fist.'

Unstressed, o usually sounds j, e.g. o d, prep. ' from.*

6, oi.

< §71 >

The long 6 usually sounds :>:, e.g. 61 oil ' drink,' coir h :r' {h:r)
' right,' or j :r * gold,' moine tm :n'e ' peat,' bocan h :kan * spirit,'
' ghost.' Only in mor * great,' and moran ' much,' the narrow
sound 0: is used: nio:r, moiran.

oi.

< §72 >

This digraph has many values :

(i) It sounds in: coineog kon'ag * rabbit,' coinfheascar kon'dskdr
' evening,' scoil skol * school,' toil tol * will,' etc.

(2) It sounds in: coisigh ko^i ' walk,' cois feaj (from cos, * foot '),
coire kor'D ' caldron ' (but coir k^r * guilt '), loiscte lojt'9 ' burnt,' etc.

(3) / in anois 9 nlj * now.'

(4) E (or £, see § 19) in most other cases, as: coileach kEl'ax

* rooster,' coiUidh kEl'i * wood,' goil gEl ' boihng,' goile gEl'd

* stomach,' doiligh dEl'i [dzVi) difficult,' toigh tEi [tzi) * house.'
The * Upper End ' has here often n (almost a): dnl'i, tni.

In front of double 1 and n, in final position, oi usually sounds H,
e.g. roinn rEin * divide,' croinn (crainn) krEin * masts,' Baile Ghoill
bar? ^yEil (pl.-n). The typical U.E. pronunciation is ni.

The termination -oir sounds properly er, but very often pr,
e.g. figheadoir fioter, fiotdr * weaver.'

PHONOLOGY 49

u, iu.

< § 73 >

This vowel is pronounced AT (see § 25) in most cases (initially,
iu is jX), as: cunntas k^iitDS 'counting/ rudha nCj * point,' furasta
f^rdstd * easy,' iuchair j^xdy ' key.' As for the alternative pron. /,
e.g. rud rid ' thing,' cf. § 5. Before ch the pronunciation is more
often w, as: Tobar na Luchoige tohdr na liihag', much mux [m^x)
' early.'

In front of nn, u is lengthened to ^: in anunn d n^:n * away,'
but 9 n^n is also heard.

u, ui, iu, iui.

< §74>

All these digraphs have the same sound, ^; (»;) (initially, iu isj/C:),
as in: sugh s^ : * juice,' luth U: * strength,' ur ^:r * new ' («.t, L.E.),
uir ^;r' * earth,' bruideamhail brn:d^sl * brutal' (5), giuhn g' ^ dan

* carrying,' siucra \£:kdr * sugar,' ciuin k'^ni' * quiet.'

When shortened in unstressed position, the pronunciation often
becomes /, e.g. cul nan gcnoc kll nar] grok ' back of the hills,' sugan
muineal sigan m^n'A * straw collar.'

ui.

< §75 >

The digraph ui has also several sounds :

(i) ^, which may be said to be the normal sound, e.g. cuir k^r'
{k^r) * put,' cuid kiCdi ' part,' muineal m^n'dl * neck,' muileann
tn£l'3n * mill,' muir m^r' * sea,' chan f huilin ha n^l'in * won't suffer,'
cluintin kUntjin * hearing ' (4), tuigidh t^g'i * understands ' (2).

(2) I (or I, § 21) is heard with many people, where others
use X (cf § 5), e.g. duine din'? * man,' uisce beatha I^Wb hzd * whisky,'
suidhe sh * sitting ' (i), thuit hlt\ {hit\, i) ' fell,' druidte drlt\d

* shut,' suipear sipzr * supper,' cluintin kllntjin * hearing,' truideog
trld^ag ' trush,' sluigeadh sllg'jg ' swallowing ' (3), an dtuig thusa
dn dig' ^$3 * do you understand?' (4), sluise sll\{9) * sluice' (4).

(3) E (or a)y especially at the Upper End, e.g. duine dEn'9 * man *
(9), muineal tnEn'dl * neck ' (6), tuigidh me tEg'd mz * I understand,'

50 THE IRISH language in rathlin island

suidhc sEi.-) ' sitting/ That words of the type suidhe have E as
normal pronunciation in Rathhn was stated in § 5.

hi front of nn, ui is lengthened to ^: in uisce fa thuinn ^jk'3 fa
liX :n' ' subsoil water.'

ua, uai.

< §76 >

This digraph has the value of a diphthong ^Cfj, or commonly ^9,
e.g. fuar fi(ar, JiCdr ' cold,* an Ceann ud Thuas dx\ Wan a h^as * the
Upper End/ uaine /Can'd * green/ buail h^al' * strike/ cruaidh kr/Cal
' hard/ Uai often sounds ^s, as: luaithe /^Csp * sooner.* The prep,
uaim, uait, etc., ' from me, you,' gets an initial v, thus: viCdm, v^dt^.

In unstressed position ua is often shortened to :?, e.g. c'uair a kor d
(for d), nuair a nor d (^xdx i) * when,* uamha ovd * cave * (in pl.-nn.),
cuaille an leabaidh koVd n I'abi * the bedpost ' (2), fuasach fisax
'terribly,* * very,* bhuaint na monadh vjnt\? n? ^moindg * (of ) peat
cutting.* This reduction has become regular in the verb boin hon\
vb. n. boint fo»^J, * touch * ; * belong * (originally buain, buaint,
cf Mainland Ir. bain * reap,' * pick,* * take ').

(B) Consonants
b, bp, bh, bhf.

< § 77 >

These consonants are pronounced h (b, bp) and v (bh, bhf) before
most vowels and all consonants. Before ea, eo, io, iu (except when
they sound e, E or /, I) the pronunciation is h\ v\ or more often
6/', ty", e.g. bata haUd * boat,' beag heg [beg, bEg, see below) * little,'
bean hjan ' woman,' beo bp : * living,* Caibeal kabj^l * Kebble '
(pl.-n.), bo bo : * cow,' a bheag 5 veg * anything,' an bhean 9 vjan
* the woman,' Rudha na bhFaoileann rX? na vEiVdn (pl.-n.).

In front of io (=s) the pron. is usually t', v' {bj, vj), as biolar
bjehr * watercress,' but in front of ea (=&) it is usually 6, f, as:
beag beg (U.E.), Bearla berh * English.* This shows that these sounds
were originally different.-' Before ei (=s) there is fluctuation,
as: O Beirn o'b'sr'n\ o^bsrV {bEr'n\ § 28).

I . They still are in a way, as the latter sound shows no (or less) tendency
to become «^ or <^ at the Upper End.

PHONOLOGY 51

Bh is vocalized in gabhlach go: lax * forked,' and often dropped
after a vowel: gabh go ' sing,' leabhar I'ojr * book.'

Bhf, as far as it comes after n (quiescent or not), sounds v, which
may become m (§ 35), e.g. an bhfaca 9 makd (7, 15a); the same
sound is heard in banbh harmn * young pig ' (13).

<§78 >

The sound of c is fe or k\ the latter before or after e, i, or after
a cons, preceded by these vowels, the latter in other cases, but k
may also be heard before or after i, e.g. cat kat ' cat,' c6 ko : ' who ? '
cuileog k^l'ag * fly,' ceart k'art * right,' ceithre k'er'd ' four,' ciall
k'ial (kial) ' sense,' lie lik' (Jik) * flagstone,' creid kred^ * believe,'
cliu kl'X: * fame.'

ch.

< § 79 >

Ch sounds f before or after e, i, or a consonant preceded by e, i,
in other cases x, e.g. da chat da : xat * two cats,' chonnaigh xml
*saw,* chualaigh x^all * heard,' le cheile /s ^e:h * together,' chi me
ff : me * I see,' chreid xred^ * believed.'

Ch shows a strong tendency to become h (cf §50), as: mullach
m^lah * top,' bealach bjalah * road,' direacht dp ir'aht * straight,'
cealachadh k'alahdg * smoking,' chi hi: * sees,' and is even altogether
suppressed, as in: -achadh -a9gy -a:g, eiteachan et\a:n * bobbin' (3),
rachadh radg * would go ' (3), fichead^*aJ * twenty * (cf Manx feed).

It becomes fc, or unvoices the 1, in bachlach halax {batah; baxlaXy
15, etc.) * boy,' and Reachlainneach rar\m'ax * of Rathlin ' (3). It is
entirely silent in tiomall (timcheall) t^/Cmdly t\imdl * around.'

d, dt.

< § 8o>

The sound of d and dt is d, except before or after e, i, or after
a consonant preceded by these vowels, where it now sounds d^.
E.g. doras dotds * door,' druim drim * back,' goide g? d^e : * what ? '
airde ardp * direction,' an dtainigh 9n dan'i * came ? ' an dteid
9n die :di * will go ? '

52 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

The older pronunciation of d was no doubt d\ which is still
occasionally heard (for instance by 15b): goide ^j d'e:, go dti ^*? d'i:
' to,' as deidh as d'zi ' after/

D is often unvoiced to / in unstressed position, e.g. cadar cad
cd.n at ' between them,' agad ajd, ajt ' with you,' airgcad ar'g'dt
'silver' (3), co nihead ? k.-) fit 'how many' (13), tibhcad tlivjt
'thickness' (3); it is especially the case between two vowels, as:
deargatan d^arq.itau ' flea,' (from deargadan). So also before s in
eadsan etsjn * they,' * them.'

dh, gh.

< § 81 >

These two digraphs have the same pronunciation, namely, y
before a, o, u (but cf below), or (usually) a consonant, and j before
or after c, i. After a, o, u, it now mostly sounds gy or is quiescent.
E.g. ro dhona n yytiD * to bed,' ro gharbh n yarv * to rough,' an
ghrian d yrian ' the sun,' cha ghleidh xa yle, * won't keep,' mo dhruim
If 13 yrim * my back,' an ghealach 9 jalax * the moon,' deanadh
d-^z{:)njg 'doing,' madadh mad9g ' dog,' fiadhain ^ij^e« 'wild' (5),
saoghal sE\il sE?l ' world,' ruadh fiCag, r^a ' red (of the hair),
modh nw ' manners ' (3), meadhon me'?n ' middle,' laghach lE'ax

* nice,' ladhran lE:r?n 'toes.'

The above rules apply to the general development of dh, gh after
vowels. The details, which are rather complicated, are given below.

[a) After ' broad ' vowels. In final position dh, gh originally had
the value of y. This can still be heard in the pronunciation of
speaker No. 2, who has a faint y in words of the type ruadh r^ay
(cf. 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 322, p. 138); in madadh, etc.,
she will usually say -d} Speaker No. 12 pronounces fiodh * wood,'
and gcadh ' goose,' as fiu, g'z :«, while 8 says something like g'zidg
(-y?), ^2ioA\). glEidg (-y?) 'call,' 'cry.' Others usually pronounce
final dh, gh as g [jig ox: fjzg, g'z :g)y and this pronunciation is no doubt
well established in Rathlin. It accounts for the fusion of the two
words leag ' throw ' and leagh ' melt,' which are now both

I. I have once also heard ionnsachadhy<9>?/^^«, cf. Rathl. Cat. a ghrachu

* to love him ' ; otherwise the Catechism usually has -a : a yheana

* to do.'

PHONOLOGY 53

pronounced I'cg (L.E., 15, etc.), I'sg (U.E.), and have the same vb. n.,
Icagain.^

{b) After ' slender ' vowels. Here the original pronunciation was /,
which sometimes remains (boidheach Iv :jax * bonny,' buidhe bi(jj
'yellow'), but more often becomes / (at least in final position:
toigh tEi ' house,' suidh sli, sEi * sit '). Speaker No. 3 further some-
times pronounces istoigh d stEi^ ' in,' and amuigh d mEi^ ' out,'
which is the current pronunciation in Donegal.

Before a consonant, followed by a * slender ' vowel, speaker No. 6
saysj, as: an ghrian j jrian {jCr'iaii), but this is exceptional.

f.

< § 82 >

The pronunciation of is /, /', fj, according to the same rules as
b, bh, e.g. fada fadj * long,' fear far, fjar ' man,' faoi //; ' under,'
fiolar f'sbr {fjshr) ' eagle,' flinch Jl'^x * wet.'

fh.

< § 83 >

This digraph is always silent, except in the words: fhein, fhe he :n,
he: * self,' fhuair h^sr\ h^or * found,' * got,' where it sounds h;
c£ the futures feadfhaidh and thiocfhas (§ 137), where it unvoices
the preceding consonant.

< § 84 >

These consonants are both pronounced g or g\ according to the
same rule as c, e.g. garradh gci:r3g * garden,' gabhaidh me gavi ms
' I will take,' nan* gcailleach naT[ gal'ax ' of the old women,' geal
g'al * white,' gaoth in gceann gE ?n g'a :n ' headwind,' gleann gFan
* valley,' ghc glik' * wise,' grian grian ' sun,' leig I'eg' * let.'

G is often unvoiced to c in unstressed position, especially between
vowels, e.g. Pa(d)raic pa:{d)rik' 'Patrick,' Sroin an Easpaic sn :n' ?
nespik' (pl.-n., cf. easpuig), farraice farik'9 ' sea ' (from farraige,

I. The same rule applies to Arran Gaelic, as : a ghrian p yrian, deanadh
d'^z:npg, geadh g's:g, where g is half voiceless.

S4 Tin- IRISH LANGUAGl. IN KATHLIN ISLAND

taiiri^c), gcalacan (j'(i/.)t.'m/ 'yolk' (from gcalagan). Cf. 6 Tuathail,
Sgcalta Mhuintcr Luinigh, p. xxii.

gh, see dh.
h.

< § 85 >

H, which only occurs initially, usually sounds //, except before
ca {=(i)y CO, io (=£), and iu, where it either sounds g (more correct)
or j. E.g. liata liatj * hat/ hall h :l (Engl.), na h-aingil na hail
' the angels ' (3), na h-cich * the horses,' Loch na h-Ealadh lox na galig
(pl.-n.), na h-iuchran na jiCwirjii * the keys ' (13).

L

< § 86 >

The difference between the so-called * aspirated ' and ' un-
aspiratcd ' 1, whether * broad ' or * slender,' is imperceptible in
Rathlin Irish. The difference between * broad ' and * slender ' 1,
however, is still much the same as in Munster Irish, though there
is a tendency to introduce a medium 1 (probably the same as
6 Scarcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 213, finds with learners of Irish).
The ' broad ' 1 (/, /, or r|, §§ 39, 40) is properly used only before
or after a, o, u, while the ' slender ' 1 (/') is used before or after e, i.
In reality, however, the * broad ' 1 (except / and r|) or the neutral /
are mostly used in all cases, except initially before ea, eo, io (=s),
and iu (sometimes e and i), medially between ' slender ' vowels,
and finally after ai, (ci, 1), 6i, ui, in which cases /' is found.
E.g. talamh tabu {tar]^v, 3) * earth,' Gaelca gE:lkj (gEitk?, 11,
gE:r[h, 3) 'Irish,' boladh hhg {bobg, 11) * smell,' scoil shl 'school,
till rj// ' return,' tillcadh t^il'^g ' returning,' goil gEl ' boiling,' goile
gEl'j * stomach,' cuileog k^Vag {k^lag) ' fly,' in lie j n'iiV? * in Islay,'
Sliabh an Fhail slbv ? na:V * Slieveanaille ' (pl.-n.). After r, / is also
common: comhairle kodxb ' counsil ' (2), for Wdxl'd.

The * neutral ' 1 is especially common in the suffix -ail, which
sounds -e/, -a\^ e.g. togail togal * lifting,' cosmhail kosa\ ' like,' and
in forms of the prep, le \z ' with,' as leam lam * with me/
leofa h :f9 (I'j :Jd) ' with them/

In the word slanlus 'plantain,' 1 sounds d: slandss (15).

PHONOLOGY 55

m.

< § 87 >

M sounds m, m\ mj, according to the same rules as b, bh,
e.g. mala uia:b * bag,' mear ms:r 'finger,' Purt na Meannan p^rt
na mjandu (pi. -n.), smaoinigh smiin'i * think,' min mi:n' * smooth,'
mnan mradu * women.'

mh.

< § 88 >

This sound is now usually v, v\ vj, according to the same rules
as for b, bh, e.g. oidhche mhaith l:p va * good night,' mo mhcar
md vs:r 'my finger,' traigh mhm trai vim' 'smooth beach.' Some-
times, however, m appears instead of v, which may be an attempt
to pronounce v (cf § 35). Such instances are: oidhche mhaith I:p ma
(i, and many others), sean-mhathair \ainnaY' ' grandmother' (3, also
^anvar'y janvsr), Glaic an Toigh Mhor glak' du tEi*mo:r (regular, pl.-n.),
cuinneog mhaistridh kiCn'ag mastri (3), maistri (5) ' churn,' da mhadadh
da: maddg 'two dogs,' adharc a Mhaol (nom. for gen.) edrk d mE:l
' the Mull foghorn ' (6). Otherwise v is practically only heard after
a (' broad ') vowel, e.g. amharc avjrk ' looking,' samhradh savrdg
' summer,' reamhar ravor ' thick,' ' fat,' reamha leis ravj lej ' before.'

Sometimes after a vowel, ip or 11 is substituted, as: gamhain gawin
* calf (11), reamhar rawjr, raudv, samhradh sawr?g, saiirdg, geimhreadh
g'^wtdg * winter ' (2).

n.

< §89 >

The distinction between ' aspirated ' and ' unaspiratcd ' n is no
longer found in Rathlin, but ' broad ' and ' slender ' n are dis-
tinguished as in Munster Irish. Thus the former is found before
and after a, o, u, and the latter before and after e, i, but there is a
strong tendency to pronounce n ' neutral ' or ' broad ' also here,
in final position (especially after a short vowel) or before another
consonant, as well as initially before i. E.g. nach nax ' not,' naire
na :r'd ' shame,' namhaid na ivid^ ' enemy,' chan itheadh ha n'i'dg
' would not eat,' in lie 9 n'i'A'd * in Islay,' ghni me ni: tns *I will do,'
Niall n'ial, nial * Neil,' min mi:n' 'smooth,' radain radzn' 'rats' (i),
sciathain sk'izn' 'wings' (8), naoi nJ;, nEi 'nine,' sneoinean

s6 rm: iiusn languac.i. in ratiutn island

su'jin'zu 'daisy.' Fhciii 'self,' is pronounced he :n by 15 and 15a,
but he :u by 15b, clian c ' it is not ' is with sonic ha n's:, with others
//(/ ue: (3, 9, 13), and chan fhcil ' (tlicrc) is not ' is more often ha ncl
than ha u'cl} Many speakers avoid n (as 3, 13) and pronounce:
duinc r/.0/,7, dau.^ ' man,' gloine (^lE)Ui * glass,' gaineamh gan?v * sand,'
bairneach harnax ' barnacle ' (2), coirneal Umidl * corner,' and other
words especially after r.

This consonant is often silent in Domhnall J55/ [h :n?l) ' Donald,'
and f hein (f he) he : [he :n) * self,' and becomes r in front of m, in the
w^ords: ainm ar'ni 'name' (with its derivations; also an'?m^ i),
anam atdm * soul,' and after c and m: cnoc krok ' hill,' mnan mradn
' w^omen.'

In front of c, n sounds ri, e.g. fanca far\kd * shcepfold,' i dteanca
do d^ar\kD d? * next to.' As for the assimilation or elision of the n
of the def. art., see § 105 (2).

< §90 >

The ng in Rathlin has hardly ever the same sound as in English>
although speaker No. 15 thinks that langa * ling,' is correctly pro-
nounced lax\d. The actual sound is, as in the north of Ireland
generally, the same as for gh, i.e. y [g) or j (r), see § 81. The fricative
y I have, however, only heard in teangaidh t\ayi (i), do theangaidh
dj (;ayi (5, 12) ' (your) tongue,' na h-eangaigh ua ^ayi * the nets' (5),
and even in this case I am not absolutely sure that it is not a g.
Speaker No. 2 pronounces long ' ship ' louy, with the same weak
y as in ruadh (§ 81), while 8 and 12 say respectively lEn and loii.
Otherwise the pronunciation is g between ' broad,' and j (/) between
' slender ' vowels, e.g. langa lagj ' ling ' (14), teanga tjsgD * tongue,'
aingcal aLil ' angel. '^

1 . The following variations might be added : air an f hear er' d nz:r
(9, 13, 15, 15a), er' d n'z:r (15b) 'on the grass,' in Eirinn 3 netrtn
(9, 13, 15, 15a), 9 n'eirin (15b), 'in Ireland,' Pairc na n-Eich /'^.r'^'
na ne( (pl.-n., 9), gan f heith ^^ mp ' without a sinew ' (7), but always cuid
de'n eorna kU-^ 9 n'jirn? [^d-^sn joirn?) ' part of the barley.'

2. Similarly in Arran, Scotland : lag?^ ^i^^^y where g is, however, half
voiceless.

PHONOLOGY 57

p, ph.

< §91 >

These consonants are pronounced as p {p', pj) and / (/', fj),
according to the same rules as for b, bh, e.g. paiste pm^t^t 'child,'
peann pja:n 'pen,' pota pjt.i *pot,' priseamhail pri:^sl * precious,'
mo phaiste m? fa:\t'd 'my child,' mo pheann ttid fja:n 'my pen,'
aims an phota aiis d fitj ' in the pot,' paipear pa:pzr ' paper,' capall
kapdl ' mare.'

r.

< §92 >

of the two varieties of r, r and r\ corresponding to the original
' broad ' and ' slender ' r, the latter is on the verge of disappearing
in Rathlin Irish (cf. § 46). It is still heard before ea (=fi), io (=£), eo,
and iu, as well as between ' slender ' vowels, while it is often
indicated by a ' glide ' after ai, 6i, ui. In other cases, especially in
the suffixes -(a)ir, -(e)oir, it is the ' neutral ' r, e.g. coire kor'd
' caldron,' Muire m^r'? ' the Virgin,' paipear pa :pzr ' paper,'
saighdear ssid^cr 'soldier,' piobaire pi:hir\i 'piper,' na fiolaire
na fjzUr'j ' of the eagle,' drcimire dreimir'd 'ladder,' Mairi Muire
ma :ri m^r'j ' the Virgin Mary,' stoirm stjrm * storm,' coirce kork'j
' oats ' (2), dreallog dr'alag ' swingletree,' breac hr'ak ' trout.'

Before a voiceless consonant, r may be unvoiced, as fuirc Ji^r'k'
' forks ' (3); similarly rth and thr are pronounced r (see § 96).

On account of the tendency to suppress r in certain positions
(§ 41), the verbs scriobadh ' scraping ' and sciobadh * snatching '
have been partly mixed up.

s.

< §93 >

The pronunciation of s is 5 before and after a, o, u (or when
separated from them by a consonant), before an initial consonant
(but cf. below) ; in other cases it sounds as J. As for the pronunciation
before and after r, see § 38. E.g. saoghal sEdl 'world,' scan Ian
'old,' snath sua: 'yard,' sroin sro:n' 'nose,' giorsach ^'srs^JA: *girl.'

In the combination st, si, sn, before e, i, the pronunciation varies
between s and J", as: isteach d \t'ax, d st'ax (e.g. 9c) 'in,' sleamhain
sVavin, \Vavm ' smooth,' sneachta sn'axtd, \n'axtd (9c) * snow ' ;

E

58 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

ill medial position J" is more common: paiste pa:^t'j * child/ aiste
jj/'c ' out of her.' As for maistreadh, sec § 95.

After n, tj is often pronounced instead of J, as: ma innseas mise
nhi ifit^.^s nii\j ' if I tell ' (5), dh'innseadh c jintjjg a * he would tell/
an seo Jti t\j ' here/ an sin i)n tjin ' there/ an scadh h-aon ,vi tlco liTn
' the sixdi ' (11); so also in saoilsin sE{:)lt^in * thinking/

< § 94 >

Sh has the value of h (see § 85), e.g. fhuair me mo shaith hi(zr ms
nu ha:^ ' I got enough/ Oidhchc Shamhna I:^j hainui * Hallowe'en/
mo sheanathair m,i ^ana9r * my grandfather' (11), da sheachtain
da: ^axtin 'two weeks/ shiubhail ^/^dl * died/ a Sheonaid ? p'.nzdi
*Janet ' (voc). Of ar shiubhal * away/ the pronunciation is seldom
.n^iOl (this is said to be the L.E. pron.), but more often d r'^ol
(e.g. 3, 7) or J r£)/ (e.g. 2).

The combination shn sounds », e.g. cuta de shnath k^t^ d^z na:

* cut of yarn' (3), but shl is plain / with 5: ga shlashadh ga laJBg

* being slashed ' (from Engl.).^ For shr I have no examples.

t, t-sh.

< §95 >

These two symbols are pronounced alike, viz. as t or t\, according
to the same rules as for d (§ 80), e.g. ta ta: 'is/ te tje * hot/
tir tji:r * country/ tobar toh9r * well/ tunnog t^nag * duck/ tri tri:,
trEi * three/ pota pjtd * pot/ litir litjir * letter/ an t-shaoghail
9n tEA * of the world/ an t-shearmoin 9n tjarmzn * the sermon/
an t-shroin 911 trom' * the nose'; t-shn sounds tr, as: an t-shnathad
dti tra^d * the needle.'

Before a consonant followed by a slender vowel, the pronunciation
is usually t, e.g. treabhadh tr'o9g {tro?g) * plowing,' maistreadh
maistrdg * churning ' (5 ; hence also in the pret. mhaistir vaist9r

* churned,' 12), baintreach haintrah ' widow ' (3), litrean litrDtt
' letters ' (i), but speaker No. 3 has often t' here: t'r'o9g, air an t-shhabh
er 9n t'liav * on the mountain ' ; she also says lltldYdn, Otherwise t' is

T. Unless it represents lashadh (from Engl. 'lash').

PHONOLOGY 59

used only after s and J, as isteach j st'ax, 3 jt'ax 'in,' loisctc lo\t'c
' burnt '; in the pronunciation of 15b, it is also heard in other cases:
tig t'ig' 'come,' teacht t'axt *coming,' tioradh t'iirdg {k'iirdg) ' grist.'
In tu 'you' (§ 127), t is sometimes voiced to d: feidhmidh tu
feimi diC 'you must' (12); the same is the case in Arran, Scotland.

th.
< §96 >

For th (as far as it occurs initially) the same rules apply as for h
or sh, i.e. it sounds h or f, e.g. tharrain harin 'pulled,' do theanga, do
theangaidh dj hzg?, dj ^ayi ' your tongue,' thig hig ' will come,' a
thiocfhas 9 g^Ckds * who will come,' thionntaigh ^snti * turned,' obair
throm ohir ro :m 'heavy work' (3), mo thruagh mj r^o 'alas' (2).

Initially and finally, th is silent after a ' broad ' vowel, but often
sounded as g after a ' slender ' vowel, e.g. athair a'Sr ' father,'
mathair masr ' mother,' snath sua : ' yarn,' boitheach fo :gax ' byre,'
gnoithean gropn 'things,' laithean laipn, T\aipn (3), laidn (7),
dh'itheadhjV*^'^ ' would eat,' gnoithe (?) gro-i ' business ' (cf. §§ 6, 48).

The combinations rth, thr, thn sound r, r', h, «', e.g;. lathrach
T\a:rax 'site,' 'ruin' (3, braithrean hrair'dn 'brothers,' roithneach
ron'ax ' bracken,' cuirthe k^r'j ' tired.' It is likely that the voiceless r
might have changed Lathrach Da Dhuibhean (pl-n.) to Lar'ta
Dhuibhean lairt d ^ylvzn, with almost voiceless r.

Th is silent in the following words: thu ^:, ^, thusa ^sd 'you'
(§ 127),^ thro D * through,' aithigh an'x ' know,' ' recognize ' (with
its derivations), ceithre lier'd ' four,' ceathramh k'axdiy) ' fourth '
(noun and ordinal, but not in ceathrar k'apr, § 135), and with most
people in the vb. athraigh a :ri ' change,' ' shift.' If the verb rothl
(vb. n. rothladh) rjT] (3) ' roll,' originally contained th, it also is
silent now.

I. Cf. abair thusa ahr ^S3 (imper.. An iV

SANDHI MUTATIONS IN RATHLIN IRISH

THE satidhi mutations peculiar to the Celtic languages are in
Rathlin Irish: (i) Aspiration (or lenition), (2) Eclipsis (or
nasalization), (3) Provection, (4) Combined Aspiration and
Provection, and (5) Elision.

Aspiration.

< §97 >

With regard to aspiration (or lenition) of initial consonants,
Rathlin Irish mostly agrees with northern Mainland Irish, Manx
and Scottish Gaelic. According to the rules of aspiration, the
following consonants (and consonant groups) undergo changes:
b (bl, br) becomes bh (bhl, bhr), c (cl, en, cr) becomes ch (chl, chn,
chr), d (dl, dr) becomes dh (dhl, dhr), f (fl, fr) becomes f h (fhl, fhr),
g (gl, gn, gr) becomes gh (ghl, ghn, ghr), m (mn) becomes mh (mhn),
p (pi, pr) becomes (ph, phi, phr), s (si, sn; sr?) becomes sh (shl, shn;
shr?), t (tr) becomes th (thr); other consonants and combinations of
consonants are unchanged, e.g. air an chiiigeadh la de July er d x/C:g'd
r\a: d^s d^^'lai (3).

There are cases where speakers want to * correct ' the language,
or make it clearer, by eliminating the aspiration and maintaining
the original form (as: sean bean bocht). Such instances are: mo
fear (2), sean bean (14), sean cat (14), aon pighinn deag !in9 pin
^d^e:g (11). Especially English words, place-names, and unusual
Irish words are treated in this way.

Special attention ought to be drawn to the m-sound. This letter
seems especially often to be left unaspirated. The reason of this
may be that the ancient sound of mh {v) has in most cases been lost,
especially initially, where it might have "been simplified to m
(see further § 88).

SANDHI MUTATIONS 6 1

Occurrence of Aspiration.

(A) All initial consonants.

< §98 >

Aspiration occurs more or less regularly (cf. above) after certain
words or in certain grammatical functions. Any initial consonant,
capable of aspiration, is changed after the following words:

a ?, the vocative particle (see § 109), e.g. a Sheamais 3 he :mij 'James'

(voc); but cuit kiCtj, kitj * puss,' from cat.
a .7, poss. pron. * his,' e.g. a chos d xjs * his foot '; a dha chuinneag

uisce 9 ya: x^n'ag /jfe'5 * his two water stoups ' (3), where it is

the numeral that is affected by the pronoun, and not the

following noun, as in most Irish dialects,
a a, the relative particle (except in certain irregular verbs), see §§ 146-

154.
a dj before the verbal noun, see § 139.
ar cr, ar, prep. * on,' in some cases, as: air bhreitheamhnas er vredVds

* to judge ' (in the Creed, 9), air chraobh er xroiv * on a tree,'
air Chlaigeann er xlagd'n *at Cleggan' (maybe contracted from
air a' Chi.); but in most cases (especially when the prep, is
pronounced ar) no aspiration takes place: cur sios ar paipear k£r
\ids dr pa ipzr * putting down on paper,' ar deas laimh De dr d^es
la:v die: * on the right hand of God,' ar beal an t-shaic
dr hzdr\ dn tEk' * on the opening (mouth) of the bag ' (3), da
oirleach ar tighead, ar fad da : orlax dr t\ivdt, dr fad * three inches
broad, long ' (3), ar toiseacht dr to^axt * at first ' (3).

da da:, num. * two,' e.g. da chearcal da: garkdT] * two hoops' (3),

da chead da: ge :d * two hundred ' (cf. under a * his ').
de rf^s, dd, prep. *of,' e.g. de choinnlean d^s xEil'dn * of candles' (3),

fichead bliana de dhiffer fihdd bliand dd yEfdr * twenty years'

difference' (3).
do ddy prep. * to,* e.g. do Sheamus dd he :mds * to James.'
fa fa, prep. * about,' * toward,' * under,' e.g. tarrain fa dheas

taren fa jes *pull southward' (2), uisce fa thuinn Ijk'd fa h^:n'

* subsoil water.'

le /s, prep. *in order to,' only before the verbal noun, as: le theacht
Is gaxt * in order to come ' (3).

62 rilH IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

ma tihi, prep. * about,' ' toward/ e.g. ma dheas ma jes ' southward/
ma dhcircadh tna jcr'og ' at last/ ma mheadhon lac ma vjan lEi
' about noon.'
na ua, conj. ' or/ e.g. seachtain na dho ^axtin na yo: * a week or two ';
but the aspiration is not regular, cf. do na tri do: na tri: * two
or three.*
ro rj, adv. *very'; * too much,' e.g. ro bhog n vog 'too soft,'
ro dhona n ymd ' too bad,' ro gharbh ro yorv ' very rough ' (2),
ro the ro he * too hot,' ro fhada ro add * too long.'
ro(imh) ro * before ' : ro mheadhon lae ro meBU [vcdu) lEi * A.M.*
thro(imh) ro * through,' in: thro theine ro hin'd ' on fire.'

After the numerals tri, ceithre, cuig, naoi, and deich, aspiration
takes place irregularly, e.g. tri mhiosa trEi vbsj ' three months ' (3),
tri mhcaran trEi vz irdu ' three fingers,' tri chroinn trEi xrEin * three
masts' (8), tri phonta trEi font? *3 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but also:
tri braitlirean trEi hrair'dn ' three brothers' (11), tri cosan trEi kosdn

* three feet ' (under a pot, 3), tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv ' three
quarters' (cf § 108), tri doirsean trEi dor\dn 'three doors'; ceithre
phonta k'er'd font? '4 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but ceithre croinn fe'er'a
krEin 'four masts,' ceithre bachlaigh k'er'd ball 'four boys' (11);
cuig phonta k^ :g' fonto * 5 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cuig drairthean
k^:g' dra ir'dn ' five drawers ' (3), naoi phonta nEi font? ' 9 lbs.' (2, 15),
deich phonta d^eg font? ' 10 lbs.' (2), but cf § 102.

< §99 >

Aspiration of any initial consonant also takes place in the following
cases :

(i) of a noun, after one of the adjectives corr ko :r, kor * an odd,'
and droch drox ' bad,' which precede the noun as attribute,
e.g. corr fhocal kor ok?! 'an odd word' (corr daoine kor dE:n'?

* odd people' may be a mistake; notice also corr h-aon kor? hX:n

* an odd one ') ; droch bholadh drox vol?g * a bad smell * ;

(2) of an attributive adjective (or pronoun), following the noun,
in the nom. & dat. sg. fem., the gen., dat., and voc.^ masc. sg.,
and in the nom. (& obi.) pi., if the noun is formed with internal
vowel change (§ 109), e.g. an bheinn mhor ? vein' vo:r * the big

I . Notice also : thu dhona, dhona ^: yons yon? * you bad one.'

SANDHI MUTATIONS 63

mountain,' an Bhcinn Mhor d vcn' voir 'Fair Head/ an ghiorsach
bhocht D jz{r)sax voxt * the poor girl ' (3), an bhodaigh bhan d vodi
va:n * of the fair old man' (in a pl.-n.), do'n duine bhocht djii
d^n'd voxt * to the poor man,' air an bhealach mhor er o vjaT\ax voir
' on the main road ' (3), air an phoU bheag er 3 for\ veg ' on the little
hole' (3), na h-ein bheag na hzin' veg * the little birds,* eisc mhor
e;jfe voir * big fish' (pi.), caoraigh bheag kEiri veg * little sheep'
(pL); after other plural nouns the usage is unsettled, as: na daoine
bheag (or: beag) na dEin'3 veg {beg) 'the little folks,' na daoine
bhocht na dEm'o voxt * the poor people' (3), but na daoine coir
na dEm'd kjir' * the fairies.*

(3) of the ordinal cead, after the definite article (though not
regularly), e.g. an chead la d glad la3 * the first day,' an chead toigh
3 <;iad tEi 'the first house*; but also an cead duine 3T[ k'eid d^n'3,
an cead toigh .ir| k'eid tEi.

(4) of a noun in the genitive, used after another noun as attributive,
especially if the first noun is a fem. sg. or the second noun a proper
noun or a plural, e.g. oidhche Dhomhnaigh /;p yjini 'Sunday
night' (13), oidhche Shamhna lip havn3 * Hallowe'en,' min choirce
min'{3) xor'k'3 ' oatmeal,' Cunntae Dhoire kiCntai yEr'3 ' Co. Derry '
(15), Loch Dhoire lox yEr'3 'Derry Loch,' 'Loch Foyle ' (15),
seorda (de?) chruit \drd3 xrlt^ 'a kind of hump' (3), but seorda
madadh pri? tnadsg (14, cf. § 88).

(5) of the finite verb, in the imperfect and preterit, in the cases
which appear from the paradigms of the regular and irregular verbs
(§§ 146-155)-

(6) of certain forms of the personal pronoun, in cases specified in
§ 124.

(B) All initials except the dentals (t-, d-, s-).

< § 100 >

After the following words all consonants except t-, d-, s- are
usually aspirated (words in f- also undergo provection of n, § 103):

an 3n, int. part. & conj., sometimes aspirates f: an fhaic thu?
9 nak' <C ' do you see ? ' an f haigh thu 3 nai £ * whether you
will get.'

64 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

an 311, .1, the definite article, in the nom. & dat. fern, and the gen.
dc dat. niasc. sg., e.g. an chos 9 xjs ' the foot,' an bhachlaigh
D vaU ' of the boy,' do'n fhear sin d^ n'ar \In * to that man ' (ii),
but: an doigh cheart 9n dji gart * the right way,' anns an toigh
ans du tEi ' in the house,' Sroin an Deargain sn in' dn d^argBU
(pl.-n.); but also: beir air an thaobh sin ber er dn hE:v jln * catch
that side ' (3).

ba b?, imperf. and pret. of the copula (§ 146), e.g. ba choir do
b9 xo:r do: * it ought to ' (3), b'fhearr bz:r ' was (were) better,'
but: ba deas leat bd d^es lat 'you would hke.'

cha xa, commonly ha, a, neg. adv. * not ' and form of the copula
'is not' (§ 146), e.g. cha chuir ha x^r' 'will not put' (cf. § T42),
chan fhada ha nad? {—han ad?, § 103, fo), chan fhanainn ha nauin
' I would not stay,' but: cha dean ha d^e:u ' will not do,'
cha seid ha ^c :d^ 'will not blow,' cha saoil ha sE:l'
' will not think.'

g2in gDUy gj (with prov. of n), prep. ' without,' e.g. gan chead ^^w ged
' without permission ' {gjn k'ed, probably wrong), gan cheist ar
bith gDit gcjt' dT hi 'without doubt,' gan fheoil gd n'oil'
* without flesh,' gan f heith, gan fhuil gd nzd gD n^l ' without
sinew, without blood' (7, cf. § 103); sometimes also: gan
ghaoth, gan thuradh gdu yE : g?n hXrjg ' without wind, without
fair weather ' (5).

man tnd{n), s'mana $mand[n), conj. ' before,' and mana m9n9{n),
conj. ' unless,' sometimes aspirate f- or b-, e.g. man fhaigh
m9 nai ' before . . . gets,' s'manan f hag me thusa smatt? na :g
mi ^S9 * before I leave you ' (8, s'mana bhfag sman9 va :g, is said
to be more correct), mana bhi m9n9 vi: * if there will not be '
(13), but mana dtuir fnan9 d£r' ' before . . . brings.' Cf. § 102.

nach nax, na, neg. rel. and conj. ' which not,' ' that not,'
aspirates f-, e.g. nach f heil nax el {na hel) * which is not,' etc.,
nach fhaic thu na hzk' ^ * may you not see ' (11).
This partial aspiration also takes place in a noun, preceded by one

of the attributive words aon In, In9 ' one,' an ath 9 na, an atha

9 na9 (3) ' the next,' an chead 9 glad ' the first,' and sean \an * old,'

e.g. aon mhear In vz :r ' one finger,' but aon seomra In pmbdr

' one room,' an ath bhliadhna 9 na vliann ' next year,' an ath mhios

SANDHI MUTATIONS ()^

d na vids ' next month/ but an ath doras j na dords ' next door/ scan
bhean ^an vjan ' old woman/ but sean toigli scoil Ian tEi skol
* old schoolhouse/ sean slave \an sle:v ' old slave * (3).

ECLIPSIS.

< § loi >

By eclipsis in this chapter is understood the conversion of
initial c, p, t, f, g, b, d to g, b, d, v, ng, n, m (written: gc, bp, dt,
bhf, mb, ng, nd) after certain words that cause eclipsis. Of the
three last changes (those of g, b, d) there are, however, only stray
examples in Rathlin Irish, which may be of secondary origin. The
only old passage of d to n (nd) is perhaps in the phrase : cha dtug
me i ndear ha d^g me n'ar ' I did not observe ' (cf fa deara, faoi ndear,
in other Irish dialects). Other cases such as: Purt Dun na uGiall p^Crt
d^:n 9 n'ial (for T\'ial, 6), cf. Dun nan Giall d^:n dV[ g'ial (pl.n.), c'uair
a mbi thu ar t'athais hr d mi ^ or taa\ * when will you be back? ' (6),
i ndeidh d n'ai * after' (6), can be explained in the same way as an
nine for aon duine (see 6 Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh,
p. 22); cf. especially an dtainigh thu? pron. d nam'i /C (3)
' did you come ? ' The same development takes place in Scottish
Gaelic (esp. Skye). Usually g, b, d are not eclipsed in Rathlin,
thus: indiu dti d^^ * today,' inde 9n d^e : * yesterday,' as against
Donegal inniu, inne (cf. also Manx jiu, jea).

The Rathlin eclipsis further differs from the Mainland Irish eclipsis
in the retention of the nasal which originally caused the eclipsis,
in certain cases. It happens in some words which in the common
Irish orthography end in a vowel, such as a * theirs,' i *in,' go *that,'
etc. which in Rathlin Irish usually appear as an, in, gon. The only
exceptions would be the stereotyped i bhfad (3) vad *long,' *far,'
chuir i bhfalach x^r 3 vav[ax * hid ' (3), i dteannca do (le) d^ar\k9
dd (Iz) * next to ' (11), which never show the nasal. Other cases
where the nasal is absent may be explained as of a later origin, such
as: Rudha na bhFaoileann n^? na vEil'dti (pl.-n), cf. Uig an Mhuilinn
^:g' d viCl'in (see § 105); some place-names, as Sloe na gCailleach
slok na gaVax * Sloaknacalliagh,' may, however, rather represent an
earlier stage in the history of eclipsis.

66 Tin- IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

111 the Rathliii Catechism there are many instances of echpsis of
d (to n), as in Mainland Irish, e.g. go nultfm ' that I should
renounce ' {^o ndiultfainn), a niu * to-day ' (indiu).

Occurrence of Eclipsis.
< § 102 >

* Eclipsis ' in this chapter does not include the provection of n-»

which is sometimes reckoned as eclipsis. Eclipsis occurs regularly

after the following words:

an (a) <?», <), poss. pron. * theirs,' e.g. an gcosan 9T\ gjsdu ' their feet.'

an (a) dn, d, rel. part., e.g. cait an bhfeil e ka:tj dn pel e 'where is
he? '; so also gos an gDS on, con], ' until'

an :)n [d), interr. part. (:=Lat. num? -ne?), e.g. an dtig thu? du dpg' ^
' will you come ? ' an bhfan thu ? dn van ^ * will you stay ? ' (but
cf. § lOo).

an an, Dn (^), conj. ' if,' e.g. an dtuir thu dn d^r ^ ' if you give.'^

ca ka, interr. adv. * where ' : ca bhfeil thu ? ka vel ^ * where are you ? '
cf Rathl. Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee * where do you live? '

gon (go) g^fi, gd, conj. 'that': gon gcuir gDT] g^r' 'that . . . will put.'

in c);?, D, prep, in, only sporadically, as: in dtoigh beag (for bheag)
DH dEi beg 'in a httle house' (3), in gcuil an gharraidh 9r\ g^'.T
d yairi 'in the corner of the garden' (i), in gCille Pharaic dX]
g'il'dfa :rik' (i i) ; in most cases no ecHpsis takes place: in Failleacht
dn fal'axt 'at F.', in Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'an^ravDr 'at Kinramer.'

man nwt, mana(n) m9n9{n), conj. ' before,' e.g. mana bhfag me
ntdnd va :g niz ' before I leave ' (but cf. also § 100).

manan, mana nidndUy mdnD, conj. ' unless,' * if not,' e.g. mana dtuir
thu uait e nxdUd d^r ^ v^ztj z * if you do not give it away.'

mur (mar) nidr, poss. pron. * your,' e.g. ag mur gcumail gd mdr g^mal
* keeping you * (mur piur mdr pj^'df * your sister, is wrong).

nach nax\ nah, na, neg. part. & conj. (i) Lat. nonne?
(2) ' which not ' (rel.), (3) * that not * (subord. conj.),^
e.g. nach dtuir thu ? na{x) d^r ^ * will you not give ? ' nach
gcuir ua{x) g^r' ' which will not put,' nach gcuireadh e na{x)

1. Prob. also the rare nan nan * if.' An, int. part, and conj., may also
aspirate an initial f, see § 100.

2. Except f-, which is aspirated (see § 100).

SANDHI MUTATIONS 67

g^r'jg a * that he would not put'; but as copula: nach fuasach

me nax fiCjsah me ' am I not terrible? ' (3).
nan nan, na, gen. pi. of the def. art., e.g. Rudha na bhFaoileann

r^9 na vEiVdn (pl.-n.).
nar ndr, poss. pron. ' our,' e.g. nar bpeacaidh mr h'aki * our sins ' (i),

nar bhfiachan ndr viaxdn * our debts ' (in the Lord's Prayer) ;

nar piur n?r pj^'9r ' our sister ' is wrong.
s'mana(n) smand{n), conj. * before,' e.g. s'mana bhfag me sman?

va:g me ' before I leave ' (but cf. also § 100).
After cha * not ' (§ 145), only t is ' eclipsed ' to dt, e.g. cha dtig
ha dpg' 'will not come,' cha dtuir ha d^r * will not give'; but as
neg. copula: cha tusa ha Us9 ' it is not you.'

The numerals seacht, ocht, naoi, deich eclipse the following noun
according to some speakers, e.g. seacht bpont \axt hont (hont?)
* seven pounds ' (money, 8), seacht bponta jaxt bmtd * 7 lbs.' (3, 15,
15b), ocht gcead oxt g'e :d * 800 ' (3), naoi bponta nEi hontd ' 9 lbs.' (3),
deich bponta dieg hontd ' 10 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cf. § 98; see further
under the numerals (§ 135).

In analogy with Mainland Irish, the noun is eclipsed in air an
dtalamh er dn dax\dv ' on earth ' (in the Lord's Prayer, 3), but this is
exceptional.

Provection.

< § 103 >

Provection is the carrying over of the final consonant of a proclitic
(or any) word to the following word, if it begins with a vowel
(cf. Engl. **a tall" for 'at all,' " a-nother " for *an-other').
So also in Irish: an buaint againn dm b^en t\ain 'our harvest' (4).
The consonants that are normally carried over are: h, n, t and ch.

[a) Provection of h,
Provection of h, which is ancient, consists in putting a hyphenated h
in front of the initial vowel of the following word. It takes place after :
a a, poss. pron. ' her,' e.g. a h-athair d hadv ' her father.'
a a, part, before numerals (§ 135), e.g. a h-aon d hl:n * one.'
ca ka, kd, ga gd, interr. pronn. * what ' (before a following noun),
e.g. ca h-uair ? ka h£sr' ' what time ? ' ' when ? ' ca h-ainm ?
ka har'm ' what name? ' ca (ga) h-ait? go ha:tp ' what place? '

68 THH IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

dc d^c, * day,' in the names of the days of the week: De h-Aoine

d^c ^hX :n',^ * Friday.'
^o gj, prep. ' to,' e.g. go h-Eirinn ^.) he :ri}i' * to Ireland,' go h-aitean

eilc gj ha:t^.vi el'd * to other places,' go h-uilinn g:i UXlin * to the

elbow.'
na na, cony * neither,' *nor': na maith na h-olc na ma na hoik

* neither good nor bad.'

na na, gen. sg. fern, of the def. art., e.g. Cnoc na h-Uige knk na
h£:g'd (pl.-n). Loch na h-Ealadh lox na ^abg *Ally Loch.' hi
bannca h-abhainn bnuT\k9 ho'in * river bank' (8), h is irregular.

(6) Provcction of n.
Provection of n is partly ancient, in which case it is represented
by a hyphenated n before the initial vowel of a following word,
but even though the n be written on to the preceding word it is
carried over to the following vowel in the pronunciation. Provection
of n takes place after:
an DH, 'n n (after some prepp.), the def. article, in the nom. & dat.

fern., and gen. dat. masc. sg., e.g. an acair 9 nakir * the anchor '

(3), an eala 9 n'ah * the swan,' an eich d neg * of the horse '

(in pl.-n.), do'n each dd n'ax ' to the horse.'
an dn, poss. pron. * their,' e.g. an athair 9 nasr' * their father.'
an Dn, rel. part., e.g. ait an amhairc thu a:t\ d navdxik' X * where you

will see.'
cha xa, ha, a, neg. adv. * not ' and negative copula ' is not ' (§ 146),

e.g. chan urrain ha nXrin ' cannot,' chan e ha n's : (ha nz :) * it is

not he ' (or * it ').
gan gdu, prep, * without,' e.g. gan uisce gd hI^Wb * without rain.'
go, gon g9n, conj. * that,' e.g. go n-amhairc e g9 nav9nk' a * that

he will see.'
in 9n, prep. * in,' e.g. in Eirinn 9 ne :rin' * in Ireland,' in Albain

9 nalbin * in Scotland.'
manan m9n9n, conj. * before '; * unless,' * if not,' e.g. mana n-amhairc

thu m9n9 nav9rik' X * unless you see.'
nan nan, gen. pi, of the def. art., e.g. Pairc na n-Eich pa:r'k' na neg

(Pl-n.)-
s'manan sman9n, conj. * before,' e.g. s'mana n-eirigh thu sman9 niiri X

* before you rise.' So also man m9n * before.'

SANDHI MUTATIONS 69

{c) Provection of L

Provection of t consists in the carrying over and hyphenating
of a t to a following word beginning with a vowel. It takes
place after the nom. sg. masc. of the definite article (an), e.g. an
t-athair 9n tazr' 'the father,' an t-each du t\ax * the horse,' an t-im
9n t\im 'the butter' (8), an t-iaro du t^iarod 'the grandson' (15),
an t-innear du t\in'zY 'the anvil' (15, &c.). In many cases the
provection is avoided, e.g. an arbhar d narvdr 'the corn' (14; an
t-arbhar du tarvdr, 8), an Aifreann d nafrju ' Mass,' an aidhear 9 nahr
'the air' (an t-aidhear dti taidr, 15), an ainm a bha ortha ? nar'm
2 va op 'their name' (15b; an t-ainm du tci/m, 8). In the same
way, air an aon 9r 9 nin and air an t-aon er 911 tin 'on the one,' may
be used promiscuously (11).

[d) Provection of ch,

Provection of ch consists in the carrying over of ch (pron. h) to
a following word beginning with a vowel, and is conditioned by
the weakening of ch to h (§ 50), especially in unstressed position.
This form of provection takes place more or less regularly after
nach nax, nah, na (see § 145) and gach gax, gah, ga, 9, indef pron.
' each,' ' every,' e.g. as gach olc as ga hoik ' from evil ' (in the Lord's
Prayer, 9), a h-uile (=gach uile) 9 Ml' 9 'every' (see § 134, B, a) ; further
examples in the following §. So also after ach ax, ah, conj. ' but,'
and the termination -ach -ax, ah, e.g. fuasach amscair fjsa hamsker
' very careless ' (15), chan fheil arach air ha nel a:ra her' ' it cannot
be helped ' (11).

Combined Aspiration and Provection.

< § 104 >

Combined aspiration and provection only takes place in words
beginning with s- or f-. According to § 97, these consonants are
aspirated to h and zero, respectively, whence the same provection
rules are applied as to words beginning with a vowel. Thus s-
becomes t-sh after the nom. & dat. fem., and gen. & dat. masc. sg.
of the def. article: an t-sean bhean 9n t\an vjan 'the old woman,'
an Toigh 's an t-Shabhall 9n tEi s 9n tav9l ' the House and the Barn '

70 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

(pl.-n.), fear an t-shaoghail jf/^r ^m Ucl * the man of the world' (i),
but incorrectly also: .in tEi s jn savA (6), toigh an sagart tEi dn sag.irt

* the parochial house.' Similarly si-, sn- become t-shl-, t-shn (pron.
tr, cf § 89), and si becomes t-shl (pron. //), e.g. air an t-shliabh er'
.VI t'liav, cr .vi tUav * on the mountain ' (3), an t-shnathad ?n tnwd

* the needle,' scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE:il i n trEim *she untied the
knot' (3), but irregularly: an shluasaid 9 T[d(issd^ * the shovel' (13),
Ceann Chnoc an Shlugan k'an xnk .in (i^gan (pl.-n, 9).

An f- is affected by combined aspiration and provection after
those particles which cause both aspiration and provection (see
§§ 97, 103), thus after: an (def. art., § 106), cha (neg. adv. & form
o( copula, § 146), gan (prep. §§ 100, 103), man, manan (conjj.,
§§ 100, 103), nach (conj., §§ 100, 103), e.g. an fheannog <i n'anag
' the crow,' do'n fhear d3 n'ar ' to the man,' chan fhaigh ha nai * won't
get,' chan fhada ha nad.i * it is not long,' gan fhcith, gan fhuil gj nzd
g.i mil * without sinew, without blood ' (7), gan fhiosta g3 nlstd
' secretly ' (3), man fhaigh nid nai * before . . . gets,' s'manan fhag me
sman? na :g me * before I leave,' nach fhag ? na ha :g * won't leave ? '
nach f haigheadh tu na hsJ9 U * that you wouldn't get,' nach fhaic
thu na hzk' ^ ' may you not see ' (11), but also: nach fhuaigheadh
nax naj?g * that would not sew ' (15a).

Elision and Assimilation.

< § 105 >

* Elision ' will here be used to describe the dropping of either a
vowel before a vowel, or a consonant before a consonant, in sandhi.

(i) Vowel and vowel.
The obscure vowel [d) is always dropped in front of a stressed
vowel in ordinary speech, but may be retained in careful pro-
nunciation by the force of analogy. Thus monosyllabic words
ending in d lose this vowel, and the consonant (or consonants) is
carried over to the following word: mo athair * my father ' becomes
m'athair niazr\ a athair * his father' becomes: athair atr' (but * her
father' is: a h-athair). Some speakers retain the vowel in: mo ata
m? aUi * my hat,' do ata do at? * your hat' (12), for usual: m'ata,
t'ata (cf. § 127).

SANDHI MUTATIONS yi

After a stressed vowel, the obscure vowel reniaius, and also often
after an unstressed vowel, e.g. ainti an mala £;/rJ/ jii }iia:b 'into
the bag ' (i), thilg e an mala hil'g' a ,i ma:h ' he threw the bag ' (j).
Instead of this the obscure vowel may be assimilated to the first
vowel, e.g. aar' for a^r' ' father,' ar athais ^'r aa\, for <7'r a\i^, a'i\

* back,' bruach hr^'^x, for hr^'dx, hr^-ax * slope.' Finally, the two
vowels may be contracted, as in -achadh aog, a:g (§ 79).

After do, prep, and vb. particle (§ 142), dh y (it is historically a
repetition of do) is inserted in front of a following vowel, e.g. thcid
a (=do) dh'ol he :d^ o yoir] *is going to drink' (3), cha do dh'aithnigh
ha dj yan'i ' did not recognize ' ; ceathramh do dh'ocht k'ardv dd oxt
'a quarter of eight' (2), is probably due to the usual suppression of y.
Similarly also with the compound prepositions a (do) dh'- ionnsaighe
3 jensi ' toward ' and a (do) dh'iarraidh .? jiari {j^ri) ' after.' But
de (do) meaning 'of is not followed by dh': de iteogan d^s i^i^P^^

* of feathers' (3), de uisce d^s Ijkj 'of water,' de airgead ^^s ar'g'od

* of money,' de or d^s :r ' of gold,' ccithir bliadhna d'aois k'e'ir
hliaud dd:\ 'four years of age ' (4).

(2) Consonant and consonant.
An unstressed consonant is very often dropped in front of a con-
sonant beginning a stressed syllable. The final n of the article is
regularly dropped in front of certain fricatives or spirants (x, y,
/, t^, J"), e.g. a' chaithear ? xa^er ' the chair,' for an chaithear, a' ghrian
D yrian ' the sun,' anns a' bhata ans d va :td ' in the boat.' In front
of other consonants also, the n is frequently dropped: a' ceann d k'ani

* the head,' a' doras a djrss ' the door.'

If the n is retained, it is usually assimilated to the following consonant,
so that it becomes m before a labial, and r| before a guttural, e.g. an
bachlach jm haUx ' the boy,' an ceann dT\ k'a :n ' the head,' etc.

In the same way -g from -y is elided in front a consonant, cf.
madadh caorach niad^ kE:rax 'sheep dog,' madadh ruadh madj r^a
' fox,' c£ madadh alia madj^g ah ' wolf.'

In other cases, especially when it is important that the consonants
remain, an epenthetic vowel is inserted between them (see § 15).
Thus do'n bhachlach ' to the boy,' is pronounced dd na [nd) vahx
{dd valax means ' to a boy ' : do bhachlach) ; similarly Sliabh an
Chonnaidh ^lev^ na xoni (pl.-n.), for \Vzv ?n xonl.

ACCIDENCE

As compared witli the Irisli of Donegal, the grammar of
/ \ the Irisli of Rathlin is rather simple. In this respect it
JL Vapproaches Scottish Gaelic and Manx, but it must be
remembered that simplifications may take place in different spheres
independently. A more original state of things may be perceived
in constructions found in place-names, as well as in stereotyped
phrases, in prayers, etc.^

The Dehnite Article.
< § io6 >
The forms of the definite article arc:

Singular,
Nom., gen., masc. & fem.: an dn [om, dt], <i, n, § 105).
Dat. masc. & fem.: an du, etc.; 'n », na, uj (see below).

Dual
Nom. & gen.: an da on da: * the two,' * both.'
Dat.: an da du da:, \i da n da: (cf. below).

Plural

Nom. dat. masc. & fem.: na na {nj).

Gen., masc. & fem.: nan nan {nam, nar], na, n3, etc., § 105, 2).

E.g. an bachlach din balax * the boy,' an bhachlaigh ? vali * of the
boy,' do'n bhachlach dd na vaUx * to the boy,' an da bhachlach
du da : vahx * the two boys ' or * of the two boys,' do'n da bhachlach
ddu da : vahx * to the two boys,' na bachlaigh na baU * the boys,'
nan bachlach nam hahx * of the boys,' do na bachlaigh d^ na hall
* to the boys'; an ghiorsach d[n) jersax * the girl,' na giorsaighe

I. In the prayers it is, however, possible to assume an outside influence,
as the clergy often came from the Irish mainland. On the other hand,
some of the common prayers may be of great age, and thus be typical of
the old popular speech of Rathlin.

ACCIDENCE -73

g'ersi ' of the girl/ do n ghiorsach dm jsrsax ' to the girl/
c.x da ghiorsach dh da : jsrsax ' (of) the two girls/ do'n da ghiorsach
dDH da: jsrsax 'to the two girls/ na giorsachan na g'srsakm *thc
girls/ nan giorsachan naT\ g'srsahn 'of the girls/ do na giorsachan

giii:>, iiaii giuL^^dcudii na^ g

dd na g'srsahju * to the girls/

< § 107 >

Some prepositions assume special forms before the definite article,
of which the following are worth noticing:

aig * at * : aig an Aifreann sg' 3 nafrdu * at Mass ' ;

ar (air) 'on': air an bhalla er d vaT]j 'on the wall' (3); air an
cheann er d ^a:n 'on the head/ air (an?) Chlaigeann er xlag'jn
' at Clcggan/ air na mnan er na mram * on the women ';

chun 'to' (only with the def. art.): chun an bhaile hn d val'j,
usually na bhaile na vaV^ 'home' (adv.), na scoil na shl
'to school,' (chun) na tirtean amuigh na t\i:rt\dn d maig 'to
foreign countries ' (3) ;

de ' of,' ' off': de'n bhalla d^s na vav\d ' off the wall ' (3), de'n tir seo
d^z n t\i:r p ' of this country ' (i.e. ' Rathlin '), Ian de na grastan
T\a :n d^z na gra :stdn ' full of grace ' (in the Hail Mary) ;

do 'to': do'n duine bhocht don d£n'j voxt 'to the poor man' (3),
do'n chat do na xat ' to the cat ' ;

faoi 'under,' 'below': faoi'n uisce//; nl\k'3 ' under the water ' (3),
faoi'n phota//; na fot? 'under the pot,' faoi'n Cheann Riabhach
//; na ganriax 'below Ceann Riabhach';

in *in': anns an traigh ans dn tra{:)i 'in (on) the beach,' anns an chuan
ans d XiCan ' in the ocean,' 'san t-shiopa sm tppj ' in the shop,'
'sa' bhata sd vaitD ' in the boat,' anns na speirean ans na spe:r?n
' in the sky,' 'sna glasaidcan sna glassdpn ' in the shoughs or
furrows ' ;

le ' with ' : leis an chaiftin lej 3 xaft\zn ' with the captain,' le na tuaghan
/s na t^agdn ' with the axes ' ;

o 'from': cobhar o'n fhairrge kodr o narik'd 'foam from the sea/

With the preposition in, special forms may arise, wherein the
preposition and the article are contracted to s, as in the common
adverbs isteach d st'ax ' in ' (motion, from anns an teach) and istoigh
d stEi 'in' (rest, from anns an toigh). In the same manner, anns

F

74 THt lUISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

an traigh 'in (on) the beach/ becomes istraigh d sfra{:)i (13) and
anns an t-shabhall ' in the barn/ is-t-shabhall d stavdl (15a).

Tlic definite article is used much in the same way as in Enghsh.
The specifically Irish use of the definite article to express something
indefinite but remarkable is also found in RatWin, as is seen from the
following instances: chuala me na ceoltan x/CaV[d mt na k'd:r\tDn

* I heard (some) singing ' (3)/ chualaigh e na daoine ag gabhail nan
gceoltan xKaT\i z na dEm'd ? goal nar\ go:T\tdn *he heard some people
singing' (3), where it is all the time the fairies that are in question;
in another tale one finds: thainigh an fiach han'i dti jiax *a raven
came' (7), and thainigh an rogaire fiach han'i dn roigir'd fiax {3),
cf the English * the rascal of a raven/ In analogy with Anglo-Irish
usage, the following construction is also current: b'ead na peathran
bs:t na pzrdn * they were the sisters/ i.e. * they were sisters ' (15).

The Noun.

Gendery Case and Number,

< § 108 >

There are, as in other modern Celtic languages, only two genders
in the Rathlin dialect: masculine and feminine; the old neuters have
mostly become masculines, as: ainm * name,' loch(a) Make,' im

* butter,' arbhar ' corn,' sliabh * mountain,' toigh * house/ But
an ainm, an arbhar is sometimes used for an t-ainm, an t-arbhar
(cf above). Tir * country ' is now, however, a feminine.

The grammatical gender may, of course, be different from the
natural gender: bata * boat,' capall * mare,' cailean * girl,' are
grammatically masculines, though naturally feminines, and referred
to by 1 * she ' as in Enghsh.

There are only three case forms in the singular and plural: the
nominative, genitive and dative. In the singular the dative form
is, however, not always, and in the plural seldom, clearly distinguished
from the nominative. The dative form is only used after a
preposition, e.g. air an tehiidh * on the fire,' de'n teinidh * off the
fire,' air a chois * on his foot ' (i.e. * feet '), ar bealaibh an toigh

I. Cf. Imram Brain (Ed. Kuno Meyer, p. 3, 8) : cocuala a ceol larna
chul ' he heard some singing behind him.'

ACCIDENCE 75

' in front of the house,' air a chulaibh * behind ' (adv.). The vocative
is usually (except in nouns of the ist decL, § 109) of identical form
v^ith the nominative.

There are three numbers: singular, dual and plural; the dual
is only found after the numeral da ' two,' e.g. da bhachlach ' two
boys,' da chat * two cats,' da bhean * two women,' da chos * two
feet ' (for da mhnaoi, da chois) ; the dual is thus always Uke the
nominative singular, as in the southern Scottish dialects. The
sg. is often used for the plur. after a numeral, e.g. cuig mionaid
kK::g' mjzned^ * five minutes,' tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv ' three
quarters,' etc.

The genitive plural is distinguished by a special form of the
definite article (nan or na n-). Otherwise it is either hke the nom.
sing, (especially of masc. nouns, the plural of which are formed
without the ending -an, as: nan bhfear ' of the men '; other instances,
as nan gcailleach * of the old women,' are common in place-names),
or, what is more common, the nom. plur. : nan daoine, ag blcoghan
nan ba (or nan bo), alt do mhcaran * your finger joint.'

The genitive sing, (and sometimes plur.) is mostly identical with
the nom., except in special phrases and in some place-names, but
may nevertheless be distinguished by the form of the definite article,
or by the presence or absence of aspiration, e.g. Coire Breacain
kor'd hr'akan {-on), bean an toigh(e) hjan m tEi{D) 'the woman of the
house,' crioman fheoil krimanjjil' ' a bit of meat,' as beal mo bhrog
as hzdl ntj vroig * out of my shoe ' (10), crann na long kran na Ian
*the mast of the ship' (13), gaoiseaid na n-eich gE:\zdi na n'eg
'horsehair' (3), gabhail nan gceoltan goel nax] g'j:r\t?n * singing
songs' (3). After the verbal noun and prepp. governing the gen.
case, the nom. is very often used instead of the more correct genitive,
e.g. ag glanadh na soithean * washing the dishes,' cealachadh an phiop
(or: na pipe) 'smoking the pipe,' cul a chluas k^r\ d x\\^ds 'back of
his ear ' (3), cul an chloch mhor * back of the big stone ' (3), and
sometimes also in other cases: oir an abhainn or' d ncin 'the river
bank' (* edge,' 8), but correctly: ag cruinneacha ' smear 'picking
blackberries ' (10), ag iomain nan gamhna ' herding the calves,'
ag blighean nan bo ' milking the cows,' ag gabhail nan gceoltan
(see above), coireach nan brogan * mending the shoes ' (6), a
dh'iarraidh nan bo ? jsri nam h : ' after the cows ' (3), trasna na tire

76 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

' across the country,' ar son nan gcaorach * for the sheep,' fad na
h-oidhche ' during the night,' fad an bhcalaigh * along the road.'

Declension.

The five types of declension in Irish are all represented in the
Rathlin dialect, but sometimes a noun originally belonging to one
type has passed into another (as verbal nouns in -adh, see below).

First Declension,

< § 109 >

In nouns of the first declension, usually comprising grammatical
masculines, the nom. and dat. sg. end in a * broad ' consonant,
which is attenuated in the gen. and voc, sg.; the nom. (dat., voc.)
pi. is (a) cither Hke the gen. sg., or [b) formed by addition of -an,
or {c) by addition of -adh; the genitive pi. is properly identical with
the nom. sg.

The largest category comprises nouns in -(e)ach, -an, -(e)adh
(the latter usually verbal nouns, which originally belonged to the
third decl., see § iii). They are declined according to the following
paradigm (bachlach * boy,' radan * rat,' madadh ' dog ') :

Nom. sg. bachlach halax radan radan

Gen. sg. bachlaigh ball radain radsn\ radan radan

Nom. pi. bachlaigh baU radain radsn'

Gen. pi. bachlach balax radan radan

Nom. sg. madadh madjg

Gen. sg. madaidh madi

Nom. pi. madaidh madi

Gen. pi. madadh maddg
At least of words in -an, the gen. is mostly identical with the
nom. sg. (perhaps because the ' slender ' -n is hardly distinguished
from the * broad ' -n, cf § 43); but cor shugain kjW ^:gan' * twist-
rope ' (15), is correct.

The old dative pi. form only remains in adverbial expressions,
as: ar bealaibh an toigh dr bzdhv m tEi * in front of the house,' ar a
chulaibh dr d x/C:hv * behind ' (8).

ACCIDENCE

77

Other examples: fad an bhealaigh fad d vjall 'along the road,'
fad an gheimhridh/^J d jzvdti ' during the winter,' taobh an fhuaraidh
tE:v d HiCari 'the windward side,' maide mullaigh madp m^ll
' ridgepole ' (8), Cos an Duitsigh hs jn dltji ' the Dutchman's leg '
(pl.-n., but cf. Stac an Duitseach stak dn dltlax)^ Toigh an Fhiaigh
tEi d ni'i ' the Crowbie's House ' (pl.-n.); a mhadaidh d vadi ' dog '
iyoc), anois mo bhachlaigh nlj ma vaxll ' now, my boys ' (voc).

The nouns gnothach ' thing ' ; ' business,' soitheach ' vessel ' ;
' ship,' and beathach * beast,' form their plurals: gnoithean (' things ')
or gnoithe(5) grri (' business '), soithean and beithean (' cattle ')}

Monosyllabic nouns often change their root vowel with the
attenuation of the final consonant, according to the following
paradigms (tarbh * bull,' each ' horse,' fear * man,' ean ' bird,'
ceann * head,' crann 'mast'):

Nom. sg. tarbh taw
Gen. sg. tairbh (toirbh) tEr'[d)v
Nom. pi. tairbh (toirbh) tEr'{d)v
Gen. pi. tarbh taru

Nom. sg. ean e:n

Gen. sg. ein e:n\ comjj:n'

Nom. pi. ein e:n'

Gen. pi. can z:n

Other examples: cloch aoil khx E:V ' limestone,' h-aon iarainn
hin iarin * an iron one* (3), sceil sk'eiV 'of a story,' toradh do
bhroinn t:}r9 dd vrEin ' the fruit of thy womb ' (gen. sg. orig. bronn),
muUach an chroic m^x\ax d xrok' (and xrEk'Fy 3), beal an t-shaic
bedT[ dn tEk' 'the opening of the bag' (3), sciathan scait sk'van skEt\
'skate fms,' corp (fear) an t-shaoghail hrp {fjar) dn tEiV {t£:l\ i)
' body (man) of the world,' uair nar bais £sr ndr ha ;J ' the hour of
our death' (bas orig. 3d decl.), doras an chleibh djrds d xle :v
'the pit of the stomach' (from cliabh * chest'), Creag an Airgid
kreg d nar'gid^ (pl.-n.), MuUach an Ghoirt m^lax d yort\ (pl.-n.),

I. Cf. Northern Irish gnaithe. Father Short (see Prof. (3 Tuathail,
Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 26) writes soithigh ' vessels ' soihye in
phonetics, which seems to answer well to the Rathlin forms.

each jax

fear fjar

eich eg

fir fir

eich eg

fir fir

each jax

fear fjar

ceann k'a:n

crann kra :n

cinn k'in'

croinn krEin'

cinn k'in'

croinn krEin'

ceann k'am

crann kra :n

7<S THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

an Toigh falluis ,vi tEi fall\ ' the Swcathousc ' (pl.-n.), Eadaii an
Chinn Rcamhar c:dm ,i ^in ^ravsr (pl.-n.), bcannacht Dc (Dia) hjauaxt
d^e: {d^ict) * God's blessing,' Goirtean 'ic an Tdillear ^or^Je/i ik (efe') on
ta'A'zr (pl.-n., from mac * son*); a Shcamais d he:mij * James ' (voc),
a Dhe (Dhia) d je : {jia) * God ' {voc).

Of cat * cat * the gen. sg. and nom. pi. is either cait katj,
coit kEtjy or cuit k^tj, fe//J, and the latter form (which is originally
a voc. * puss ') is also often used as nom. sg. (cf also scuit, in
Glossary).

(b)

A few words form their plural in -a or -an, which originally
represents the old ace. pi. E.g. focal, pi. foclan * word,' doras,
pi. doirscan, Bonn, pi. buinn or bonnan * sole (of shoe),' each,
pi. cich or cachan (see above), foid, pi. foidean * sod,' na Maca(n)
Tire * the Wolves' (pl.-n.).

Of these some (especially when the final consonant is -1 or -n)
form the plural in -ta or -tan, as: ccol, pi. ccolta (ccoltan, 3) * music ';
*song,' sccal, pi. sccalt(a), scealtan * story '; also cf grastan * graces ';
others, especially those in -r, unvoice this consonant: bldr
pi. blarthan (8) * field,' drar, pi. drairthean (3) * drawer,' leabhar,
pi. leabharthan * book,' gabhar, pi. gabhair or goirthcan gor'DH * goat.'
In part the latter may have been influenced by the plurals of
athair, mathair, brathair (see § 113, d).

(c)
Words in -ean usually form their plural by addition of -adh,
according to the following paradigm (eilean * island ') :

Nom. sg. eilean el'sn

Gen. sg. eileain eVsn', eilean el'sn

Nom. pi. eileanadh eVdtidg

Gen. pi. eilean eVzn, eileanadh el'dndg

Other examples: sneoinean, pi. sneoineanadh * daisy,' boitean,
pi. boiteanadh * wisp ' (of straw), chicken (E.), pi. chickenadh;
bodach an chipean hodax ? gipsn (a ghost, 15). Some words end
in a slender consonant even in the nom. sg., as: surclain sorklan'
* primrose ' (15), cartlain hairtlau' * peppermint ' (15).

ACCIDENCE 79

Second Declension.
< § no >

The second declension comprises grammatical feminines, having
the nom. sg. {a) in a * broad/ or {b) in a ' slender ' consonant, and
the gen. sg. in -e (which is often silent). The dat. sg. was originally
formed by attenuation of the final consonant (with or without vowel
change, cf below), but is now mostly like the nom. sg. So is the
voc. sg. and (according to the rule) the gen. pi. (though the form
is often identical with the nom. in the spoken language). The plural
(nom., dat,, and voc.) was originally formed by addition of -a
(see § 115), but is now usually in -(e)an. Words ending in -(e)og
(pron. ag), and fem. nouns in -(e) ach belong to this declension,
according to the paradigms below (cailleach * old woman,*
fideog * whistle,' muc * pig ') :

(a)

Nom. sg. cailleach kal'ax fideog fid^ag

Gen. sg. caillighe kal'i fideoige Jid^sg'3

Nom. pi. cailleachan kaVaxm fideogan Jid^agm

Gen. pi. cailleach kaVax fideog(an) fidiag[dn)

Nom. sg. muc m^fe
Gen. sg. muice m/Ck'?
Nom. pi. mucan m^hn
Gen. pi. muc tn^k

Other examples: Tobar na Luchoige tohr na lnhag' (pl.-n.), Purt
na Luinge (Loinge) p^rt na lEh {lljdy 4, from long * ship '),
eireacht na greine e:r'axt na grE:n'[9) * the sunrise' (from grian),
na fiolaire na fjzr\ir'j * of the eagle,' Druim na Claiginne drim na
kr\egin'd (pl.-nn., 3, from Claigeann), na faoilinne na jEil'in * of the
seagull,' pipe piipd * of a pipe' (from piop), uigh (ceann) circe
/Ci {k'ain) kirk'? 'a hen's egg (head),* chois na tuinne xoj na t£n'd

* beside the sea' (from tonn *wave'), bogha frois(e) hod Jro\
'rainbow' (from fras, frais 'shower'), gall gaoithe gaT\ gE:p
*a bird* (3), muileann gaoithe m^/'^tt gE:p 'windmill,* na gaoithe
na gE:p * of the wind* (from gaoth), na boise na ho\? (foj^)

* of the palm,* na coise na kol? * of the foot,* Inean na Cloiche

80 rilli IRISH LANCUAGL IN RATIILIN ISLAND

i:n'sfi na if/op (pl.-n., trom clocli 'stone,' 15), Faircacan na Lcice
farikivi uii rck'j (pl.-n., cf. below).

A few dative forms belonging to this declension have survived:
uisce fa thuinn xjk'j fa lh{:n' 'subsoil water' (from tonn 'wave'),
air mo lie cr tuj lik' ' on my stone ' (from Icac * stone slab ' ; also
cf the pl.-n. an Leic dii I'ck'), air mo (do) chois cr niD {dj) a'oJ ' up '
(also: cr dj xjs ; cf also the prep, cois 'beside'), air goil ?r gEl'
' boiling ' (from extinct gal ' steam '), tri braithrean de chloinn
'ic Phail trEi hra:r'3n d^c xlEn' ik fa:!' 'three brothers McFall '
(11, from clann ' children ').

Traces of plurals in -a are: clocha meallain kbx9 mjaku 'hailstones,'
na Clocha Dubh ua khxj d^ 'the Clochadoos' (pl.-n.), na Clocha
Breaca na kbxj hr'akd (pl.-n.), corraga dearg koragd d^arg ' hips '
(berries, 8), sugha sealbhan sIg[D) jalvan 'strawberries' (13);
see further § 115.

Marthan tna:pn 'queen,' forms its gen. sg. na marthan (15),
and its plural marthanadh.

(b)

The other group has a ' slender ' vowel in the nom. and dat. sg.,
and the gen. sg. in -e, the nom. pi. in -ean. It is sometimes the case
of an old dative form which has become generalized, as frais fraj
'shower' (15, etc.). E.g. Bay na h-Eaglaise be: na htgr]!^?
'Church Bay' (3, from eaglais), Stac na Bainnse stakj na bainjd
(5, pl.-n., from banais 'wedding'). Lagan na Beinne lagan na hen'd
(pl.-n., from beinn ' mountain top '), an Uig, gen. sg. na h-Uige na
h^:g'd ' Ouig.' To this declension probably also belong the proper
names Caitin ' Katie,' and Moirin ' Moreen ' (2).

The words sciUin ' shilling,' and naigin * noggin,' form their
plurals scillineadh and naigineadh. Abhainn 'river' (orig. 5th decl.)
has abhainneadh or abhannadh.

Third Declension,

< § III >

To the third declension belong masculine and feminine nouns of
three distinct types, which all form the gen. sg. in -a or -e (often
silent). Nouns of the first type [a) end in a ' slender ' consonant
in the nom. sg., and form the gen. sg. in -a. Nouns of the second

ACCIDENCE <Sr

type {b) end in a ' broad ' consonant in the nom., and form the
gen. either in -a or -e, while nouns of the third type (c), which
originally made a distinction between the nom. and dat. sg., the
former ending ' broad,' the latter ' slender/ now usually end in a
' slender * consonant (the old dat.), and form the gen. sg. in -e.
Type {a) comprises old i-stems, type {b) old u-stems, and type (c)
old s-stems. Nouns of the 3d declension usually syncopate dissyllabic
words in the gen. sg. (see below); the plural is formed in different
ways. Paradigms: gamhain * calf,' mios 'month,' loch 'lake,'
toigh * house ' :

Nom. sg. gamhain gavin
Gen. sg. gamhna gavm
Nom. pi. gamhna gaviw
Gen. sg. gamhna gavn9

Other examples: coileach troda kEl'ax trod 'gamecock' (from
troid ' fighting '), a dh'ionnsaighe na tragha d jensi na tra:gD ' to the
beach * (from traigh), muc mhara m^k vavD ' porpoise,' Purt na
Mara p^rt na marj, pl.-n, (from muir ' sea '). To this declension
further belong all nouns in -(e)oir, as seoladoir ' sailor,' plur.
seoladoirean,^ and further the nouns fail ' peat spade,' pi. falta,
and sail * heel,' plur. saltan, suil * eye,' pi, suilean (and suile, § 115).

(b)
Nom. sg. loch lox Nom. sg. mios mi:s

Gen. sg, locha Ioxd Gen. sg. miosa ( ? )

Nom. pi. miosa mi:s9, miosan tniisdn

Other examples: bainne maistirte ban'd mastdYt\d * churn-milk,'
'buttermilk' (from maistreadh 'churning'). Lag an Bhriste Mhor
lag d vn\t'd vo:r (pl.-n., from briseadh 'battle'), an mhasa d vais?
{-a, from mas 'buttock'), oUa (olna) oh 'of wool' (15b, from
olann, orig. 2d dec!,), tri mhiosa trEi vids? * three months ' (3),
Cois an Locha feoj" dn lohd (pl.-n., 11); locha is also often used as
nom. sg.

I. The nom. sg. is usually pron. -ear sr, but the plural -(e)oiren -zr'dn;
the same termination is found in saighdear (orig. saighdiuir) ' soldier.*

82 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

(c)
Nom. sg. toigh tEi

Gen. sg. toighc tEi.?

Nom. pi. toighcan tEiDU

Gen. pi. toighean

Other examples: tir ^Ji.t, gen. sg. tire tji:r'<i, pi. tir(t)ean
t^i:r{tj)j}i * country.' Boitheach h:^ax 'byre,* has conserved the
original nom. in a ' broad* consonant; the dat. sg. is boithigh h:gi:
anns an bhoithigh ans d vo :^l * in the byre ' (2), which is, however,
now also used as nom.

Fourth Declension,

< § 112 >

The 4th declension has the whole singular, which ends in a vowel,
unchanged (except in the word la *day*), and the plural is of different
formation (usually in -n, -an, or -chan, -achan), according to the
following paradigm (bata * boat,' bogha ' bow,' eala, fem. * swan ') ;

Nom. sg. bata ha:td bogha ho'd

Gen. sg. bata haitB bogha ho'9

Nom. pi. batan ha itsn boghachan bo-ahsn

Gen. pi. batan boghachan

Nom. sg. eala jah
Gen. sg. eala jah
Nom. pi. ealachan jalahdn^ jaT\ahdn (3)

Other examples: claidhmhe, pi. claidhmheachan * sword,' bucsa,
pi. bucsachan * box,' oidhche, gen. sg. fad na h-oidhche /^(i na hl:p

* during the night,' pi. oidhchean.

Baile, m. ' place,' has the plur. bailtean (cf § 109, b), bhadhna

* year,' has bhanta, bliantan, and duine, m. * man,' has daoine

* people.' La, m. * day,' forms it gen. sg. lae lEi [lEj\ 15b, lEi, 9a, 11),
and its plural laithean (3).

Some words have the gen. sg, and nom. pi. in -(a)igh /, as:
fanca * sheepfold ' (**fank"), cf. the pl.-nn: Purt an Fhancaigh
p^rt 3 nar\ki, Ceathramh an Fhancaigh k'ardv d naT\ki (13); the plural
is fancaigh; Gill Eannaigh kiU'z:ni * Killeany ' (pl.-n. = Eanna's
church?). Cf further § 116.

ACCIDENCE 83

Three nouns form their plural in (silent) -the, namely coisidhe
* footman/ pi. coisidhthe, and stocaigh (?) * stocking,' pi. stocaigh-
the, urnaighe * prayer,' pi. urnaighthe.

For the plural na Coireachan Salainn, see § 115.

Fifth Declension,

< § 113 >

The nouns of the 5th declension have two stems — a shorter one
in the nom. sg., and a longer one for the other cases. The gen. sg.
usually ends in a ' broad ' vowel, which was originally attenuated
in the dat. sg. and nom. pL, which latter is now formed in various
ways. According to the different elements by which the other cases
are distinguished from the nom. sg., there are several sub-classes,
as shown by the paradigms (caora, f. * sheep,' teine, f *fire'):

(a)

Nom. sg. caora kE:r9

Gen. sg. caorach kE:rax

Nom. pi. caoraigh kE:ri

Gen. pi. caorach kE:rax
Other examples: fiagar, f. * lea,' gen. sg. Cnoc na Fiagrach knk
na fiagrax (pl.-n.), sceir, f. * skerry,' gen. sg. na sceireach ban
na sk'er'ax ham, Liugha, pi. liughach * lithe ' (fish), Uamhach O
Beirn (pl.-n.), criidha, pi. criiitheach * horseshoe,' represent the old
ace. plur. in -a, cf Donegal cruitheacha.

(b)

Nom. sg. teine tlin'd

Gen. sg. teineadh t\in'dg

Dat. sg. teinidh t\in'i
Other examples: moine (originally moin), gen. sg. monadh mjindg,
dat. sg. moinidh mo :n'i * peat,' uamha, gen. sg. uamhadh Kavdg,
dat. sg. uamhaidh /Cavi, pi. uamhachan ^avahdn, f. * cave,' an Ealaidh
d n'all (orig. dat. sg.), gen. sg. na h-Ealadh na ^ahgy f * Ally ' (pl.-n.),
leabaidh Vabi (orig. dat. sg.), pi. leabthaidh, leapaidh Vapi, f * bed,'
mala, dat. sg. malaidh mall (e.g. codal in mo mhalaidh) * eyebrow,'
coille, dat. coillidh * wood,' teanga, dat. teangaidh * tongue.' The
nom. and dat. cases are mostly used promiscuously.

84 Till: HUSH LANc;uAc;i-: in rathlin island

(c)

0( the once numerous stems with the gen. sg. in -an(n) there

are now only traces left, as: sugh sealbhan slg{<)) ^alvaii {lar\jvau, 3)

' strawberry ' (tor sugli talmhan, from talamh * earth '), abhainn

(orig. dat.), gen. sg. na h-abhann tui ho-jii (15) ' river ' (cf. § no, b).

(d)
To the 5th declension also belong the words of relationship:
athair * father,' mathair ' mother,' brathair * brother,' and piur
' sister.' The gen. sg. was originally different (athar, mathar,
brathar) from the nom. sg., but they arc now identical, except of
piur, which forms pcathar, e.g. mac do pheathar inak d? Jz'dr
' your nephew,' nighcan do pheathar ni'dn dd fz'Dr * your niece '
(15a); the gen. dual is the same: an da pheathar dn da: Jz'dr
* of the two sisters ' (15b). The dat. and yoc, sg. are also like the
nom. sg. The plural forms are: aithrean, maithrean, braithrean,
and peathran, which are at least used as nom., dat., and voc.

Irregular Nouns.

< § 114 >

The following three nouns are irregularly declined: bean, gen. sg.
mna (? ), nom. pi. mnan mra'?n, gen. pi. ban (?), f. * woman';
bo, gen. sg. bo fo:, nom. pi. ba ha, gen. pi. bo fo:, or ba (cf. § 108),
cu, n. pi. coin kon' ' hound,' ' dog.'

Plural in -a^ -e,

< § 115 >

The plural, which in Rathlin Irish is in -(e)an, was originally in
-e or -a, of which now only traces are found. They are especially
common in construction with a following attributive adjective or
genitive. The following examples are found: gamhna (see § iii);
sccalta, ceolta (§ 109, b); blianta; miosa (§ iii); gnoithe (gnothaigh?
see § 109, a); corroga dearga hrag9 d^arg{9) 'hips' (berries), suile
buidhe s^l'? h^id ' corn marigolds,* sugha sealbhan s£k \alvan (15),
sip \aT\ovan (3) * strawberries,' na Maca Tire na makd t\i:T'd 'the
Wolves,' na Coireacha Salainn na kor'axd salin' ' Saltpans,' Uamhach

ACCIDENCE 85

O Beirn ^avah o h'zr'n' (pl.-n.), Blarthach Boidheach hlairox b :jax
(pL-n.). Here also belong the plurals of the 5th declension in -(c)ach
(§ 113, a, b), and the plurals in -(c)adh (§§ 109, c, no, b), which
latter termination is no doubt identical with -adha (pron. -ai) in
other Irish dialects (cf. § 159).

< § 116 >

The following plurals in -/ have been heard: coisidhthc * footmen,'
stocaigh 'stockings' (§ 112), dramaigh drami * drams ' (i),
fancaigh 'fanks' (§ 112), chickenaigh t^ik'jni 'chickens,' and pccleraigh
pihri ' peelers ' (the latter maybe from a sg. peelerach).

< § 117 >

A few words get the English plural in -s: divers dzivjrs (3),
bicycles bsisikjls (3), hikers hzikors (3), cuddans k^djns ' cuddies '
(small fish, very young saithe), conagles hnag,ils ' conversation/
Similarly the Enghsh -s is added in cases where the Irish plural is
unknown, e.g. longs (loghs) Ions 'ships' (2), righs ri:s 'kings' (2).
An original plural is butais b^:tii (from Middle Engl, botes), which
is now understood as singular ' boot,' and forms its plural butaisean

Collective nouns have a singular form and plural sense, and may
be preceded by the plural form of the definite article, e.g. na
h-eanfhlaith na hs:llg 'the poultry' (13). Paiteanach patlduax
'rooster'; 'chickens' is sometimes said to be a singular (13),
sometimes a collective (8).

The Adjective.

The adjective in the positive degree is used attributively,
predicatively and as a substantive. The attributive adjective usually
follows the noun, but in a few cases it precedes the noun (causing
aspiration, §§ 99, 100; see below). The predicative adjective is, except
in a few cases (see under the Copula, § 146), construed with the
so-called substantive verb (see § 146), as: ta e mor 'he is big,'
cha rabh an paidheadh go ro mhor ' the pay was not overly big ' (3).

86 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

Inflection.

< § Ii8 >

The inflection of the adjective is very much siniphficd in RathHn.
Usually there is only one form in use (the nom. sg., masc. and fern.),
for the attributive as w^ell as predicative adjective, according to the
paradigm below (bachlach mor * big boy/ giorsach bheag * Httie
girl'):

Nom. sg. bachlach mor hahx nio :r giorsach hhc2ig g'srsax veg

Gen. sg. bachlaigh mhor balj voir giorsaighe hczg g'srsi beg

Nom. pi. bachlaigh mhor halj vo :r giorsachan beag g'srsahju beg

Gen. pi. bachlach mor baUx mo :r giorsach(an) beag g'zrsax beg

Originally, however, the gen. sg. masc. was in a * slender *
consonant, the gen. sg. fem. in -e, and the nom. and ace. plur. (both
genders) in -a, of which traces are still found, especially in old
phrases or in place-names: foid moine Eireannaigh^:rfj mom' eir'sni
'a sod of Irish peat* (15), nighean Domhnall Ruaidh nidu dobl r^ai
' Donald Roe's daughter/ Druim an Chreisean Duibh drim d xrelsn
d£iv (pL-n.), Ailte Dhuibh alt\d ylv * Black,* Purt Inean Duibhe
pX*rr in'zn dlv9 (pl.-n.). Lag na Coillidh Boichche lag na kEl'i bji (i),
na kE'.ri bj:p (5), na Clocha Breaca na kbx9 br'akj (pl.-n.), corroga
dearga hragj d^argD * hips' (3), giorsachan oga g'zrsahn o:gd ' young
girls' (5), ceithre gioUan oga k'er'9 g'zhn j:gj * four young lads' (2):

The adjective fiadhain * wild,' h according to 15b pronounced
fiagsn in the sg., and Jiagsn\ in the plur., e.g. gcidh fhiadhain
g'si iagsn' ' wild geese.' Of sona * happy,' the gen. sg. sonaigh
(as fancaigh, § 112) occurs once: cuid an duine shonaigh kiCd^ gn
d^Oi'j luni 'the happy man's property' (2); but cf. § 6. Similarly
the plural of dana ' bold,' is danaigh damiy with speaker No. 3.

The predicative adjective is more seldom inflected, e.g. bha na
casogan dearga va: na kasagjn d^argj * the coats were red' (3).

< § 119 >

The adjectives corr * odd,' droch * bad,' * evil,' leath * half,' and
scan ' old ' (which originally entered into compounds with the
noun), are always uninflected, e.g. corr fhocai hr okdl * an odd word,'
droch sceal drox sk'zil * evil news,' droch bholadh drox vohg

ACCIDENCt Sy

* bad smell,' leath chloch I'e xbx ' a half stone,' Icatli phonta I e font)

* a half pound ' (weight), sean bhean ^an vjan ' old woman,' sean
daoine Ian dEin'o *old people,' sean lathrach \an lairax 'old rum'
(cf. the pl.-n. an Seanlathrach on jandrax, ?n \aT\Yax, 3, *Shandragh'),
sean toigh scoil \an tEi shl * an old schoolhouse ' (cf. 'shanty').
Similarly ath, atha ' next,' see § 134, B, a.

< § 120 >

Examples of the substantival use of the adjectives: gabhaidh
'ch-uile dath dubh, ach cha ghabh dubh dath (saying, 2), na danaigh
na daini *the wicked ones! ' (3; cf. § 118), go rabh maith agad gd ro
ma ad ' thank you,' as gach olc as ga Ivlk ' from all evil,' Ian sac de
chlochan r\a:n sak d^e xr[oxjn 'a bag-full of stones ' (3).

Comparison.

< § 121 >

The three degrees of comparison: equativc, comparative and
superlative, which are peculiar to Celtic languages, are formed from
the positive in the following ways in Rathlin Irish:

[a) Equativc.
In absolute equation co kj (or cho .v:?) is put in front of the
adjective, e.g. co dona kj djm ' so bad,' ta e co fuar ta j kj f^ar
* it is so cold' (=^'very cold'). In relative equation the prep, le
(from O.Ir. fri) is added, e.g. cho maith leinne xj ma len'd ' as good
(well) as we,' ta e co comasach le duine airithe ta j h komjsax
Iz d((n' dri * he is as powerful as anybody.'

[h) Comparative.
For the comparative a special form is used, for which see below.
When the comparative is absolute, this form is preceded by nas nas
(for the present) or na ba na hd (for the preterit), e.g. ta e nas fhearr
ta d na sz:r 'it is better,' and a relative comparative is further followed
by na na * than,' e.g. ta e nas fhearr na sin ta d na ss :r na jIn ' it is
better than that.' In attributive construction: duine nas fhearr (na

S8 ihf: irish languagl in ratiilin island

b'fhcarr) ' a better man,' duinc nas fliearr (iia b'thcarr) na 'a better
man than,' etc. Ct. further under the Copula (§ 146).

(c) Superlative,
The superlative is expressed by the same form as the comparative
(see below), preceded by is P5 (for the present) or ba hj (for the
preterit). It is usually found in attributive construction, as: an music
ba dcise chualaigh duine riamh n nij^:sik b<i rfjcp x^ar\j d^u'9 riav
'the nicest music man had ever heard' (3), peacadh is lugha pzlzD
J /'.u 'the least sin' (7), an biadh is fhearr dm hidg d se:r 'the best
tood,' air an aon is sine cr' o nin 9 J/h'p * on the oldest one.'

Comparative and Superlative Forms,

< § 122 >

The following comparative and superlative forms are in current
use in Rathlin Irish:

ard 'high': nas airde na sErd^j (13), s<nd^<) (15) * higher.'

beag 'little': nas lugha nas l^o (4), Hd (15, etc.), I'iCo (7) *lcss,'

' smaller.'
deas * nice ' : dcise d^e].! * nicer.'

dona ' bad ' : nas measa nas miso [tnesj), na ba mheasa na bj visj * worse.'
fada *long': nas fhaide na ssd^D, na b'fhaidc na bed^o Monger';

' farther,' ' further.'
furasta *casy': nas fhasa na sasD * easier.'
glan 'clean': nas gloine nas glon'o [gUn'j, 5) 'cleaner.*
goirid 'short': nas goiride nas gErid^D 'shorter.'
iseal ' low^ ' : nas isle na si :jl\i ' low^er.*
luath 'quick'; 'early': nas luaithe nas Uep 'quicker'; 'earlier,'

' sooner.'
maith 'good': nas fhearr na Je.T (L.E.), na sz:r (U.E.), na b'fhearr

na bz:r 'better'; cf. also: b'fhcarr leam bz:rbm, bsrhm 'I had

rather'; cf. na ss:r (An i).
mall 'slow'; 'late': nas moille nas uiEI'd 'slower'; 'later.'
mor ' great,' ' big ' : nas mo nas mrj ' greater,' ' bigger.'
scan * old ' : nas sine hd jin\i ' older ' (11).
tiream ' dry ' : nas tiorma nas tjsrm<i ' drier.'
tiugh 'thick': nas tiugha nas t\^'d 'thicker' (15).

ACCIDENCE 89

< § 123 >

A special extended form is used of the comparatives fhearr,
measa, mo, viz. fheirrde, mhiste, mlioide. As for their origin, the
following construction may be compared: ta me nas fhearr de
ta: ins na ss:r d^z 'I am (the) better of it.' In this sense the longer
forms are used, always after the copula, e.g. is fheirrde sinn e
ssrd^D jin' s *we are the better of it,' cha mhiste leam ha vi^t'd bm
' I don't grudge (you) ' (13), cha mhoide go rig thu leas ha voided
gj rig' £ Vas ' it won't avail you ' (12).

Pronouns.
Pcrsoial Pronouns.

< § 124 >

The personal pronouns show simphfications the same as in Manx
and Scottish GaeHc, making no distinction between subject and object
forms. The following forms are used:
me mi:, me me, m.?, mi^ 'I,' *me'; emphatic mise m/p;
tu, thu ^/C;, t£, d£ (^2)> *^*» ^ 'thou,' 'thee,' *you' (sg.); emph.

tusa t^sj, thusa £sd\
e £.', Sd (3), £, rt, d 'he,' 'him,' 'it'; emphatic eisean s\?n, or

esan zs3n, eisean-sa slmso (8);
i /;, i 'she,' 'her,' 'it'; emphatic ise /J,7 or ise ii^j (correct?),

isean iJ^h, isean-sa ilduso (8);
sinn [in [\in') ' we,' 'us'; emphatic sinne I'ln'j;
sibh \iv 'you' (pi.); emphatic sibhse J/VJ.7, \i:\.i (13);
ead z:d {e:d, 14), sd, ad, dd, d 'they,' 'them'; emphatic eadsan

zidsdn, ztsdn. — Rath. Cat. aid (obj.).
The forms with a long vowel are used in stressed position, chiefly
as predicate: is me s mi: 'it is I,' thu dhona, dhona £: yonj yon?
' you bad one ' (2) ; the short and reduced vowels, in unstressed
position. Of the reduced forms of the pronouns e and ead, the forms
£, zd are more common as object, the others as subject, e.g.
chover e e xovsr a £ ' he covered it ' (3). The reason for this is that
the object forms, which are often placed toward the end of the
sentence, have usually more stress.

I. The latter form chiefly before vowels.

90

TIIL IRISH LANGUAc;E IN RATIILIN ISLAND

Of the tonus tu, tusa, thu, thusa (which arc only used of a single
person), those in t arc employed (as subject) after a verbal form,
ending in -(a)idh, -(c)adh, or -(e)as,^ or after the forms of the
copula (§ 146), e.g. feidhmidh tu fc:mi tii * you must,' is tusa
.)5 t^s.-i ' it is you.' But * and you ' is: agus thusa js i^sj.

Older forms arc found in songs, as: an rabh tu in gCill Ailcan?
,m ro tii ?T\ g\^\'a:\'zn 'have you been in C. ? ' mise agus tusa agus
iorball na muicc ;////.? s i^s:i s ^rb.ir] na m^k'n (3), air a bhi si (?) dol
do'n t-shcarmoin cr ? vilo dol dm t^arnisn ' when she was going to
the sermon ' (8). Cf. Rath. Cat. Jhc * he'

< § ^25 >

The personal pronouns arc fused with most prepositions in a
similar way to the Enghsh colloquial forms *with 'cm,' *to 't,' etc.
The prepositions which form such combinations with a personal

pronoun arc: aig, aige £^'('') * ^^»' ^^ (^^0 ^'^' ^^^ * ^^'' ^^ ^^ *^^^ ^f''
de d^s ' of,' do dj ' to,' faoi * under,' in dh * in,' le k * with,*
and o ' from.' By incorporation of the different pronominal
elements, the following forms arise:

agam agjtrty ajm, am at mc

agad agjdy a?d, ad * at you '

aigc zg'3 * at him '

aice zk'd * at her '

againn agin, a- in, a in 'at us '

agaibh ag3v, av * at you '

aca akD, okd * at them '

(cf. Manx oc, ocsyn, Knccn, § 37)

diom d^idm, d^i :m * of (off) me *

diot d^idt * of (off) you '

de d^E * of (off) him '

di, dithe (?) 'of (off) her'

dinn d^in ' of (off) us '

dibh d^i:v * of (off) you '

diofa dp :fi ' of (off) them '

orm jrni on mc
ort jrt ' on you '
air cr\ cr * on him '
uirthe ^p, £rj ' on her '
orainn orin ' on us '
oirbh jw ' on you '
ortha jrd, otd ' on them '

domh d/C 'to me '

duit d^t\, ditj ' to you '

do dj : ' to him '

di d^i:, dithe d^ip 'to her'

duinn d^n', d^n (14) * to us '

daoibh dl:v 'to you'

dofa do :fd * to them '

I. Except monosyllabic forms: shuidh thu (not tu) ; see further under
Irregular verbs, §§ 146-154.

ACCIDENCE Lji

learn ram, lam, bm ' with me ' bliuam v^9m ' from mc '

leat I' at, lat * with you * bhuait v^zt\ ' from you '

leis lei ' with him ' bhuaidh v^ai ' from hiui '

leithc lep, le :p (3) 'with her' bhuaithe v^zg^ 'from her'

leimi len' ' with us ' bhuainn ViCsn' ' from us '

leibh lev ' with you ' bhuabh v^dv ' from you '
leo /':?;, leofa l'o[:)fd * with them' bhuafa v^dfd 'from them'

From in are formed: annam andm ' in me,' annad arut ' in you ' (4),
ann a:n, an 'in him' (also adv. 'there'), innte int\d, zint\d, zntli

* in her,' annta antd ' in them '; from as: as as ' out of him ' (also adv.
' out '), aiste a\t'B ' out of her '; from faoi: ixxm. fi£'dm ' under me ' (4,
8), (nt f^'Jt 'under you' (4), (zoi f^i, fl: 'under him' (also adv.
'below'), faoithe fh, fuithe f^i9 (15) 'under her,' fuinn fi-iii'

* under us ' (4). Other prepositions do not usually fuse with the
pronoun, thus: frid c fri :d^ a 'through it' (4), eadar ead ed^r at
'between them' (3); cf. also: faoi mise/Cf mij?, faoi eisean ^i sJjh,
faoi isean f^i iloti (8), faoi ise //: ijj (4), faoi sinne //C/ litu (8),
faoi ead-san//: ztS9n (4).

< § 126 >

In order to express emphatic forms, the following emphatic suffixes
are added: ist pers. sg. -sa sj, 2d pers. sg. -sc p, 3d pers. sg. masc.
-sean jon, fern, -se J"^, ist pers. pi. -ne u'd, 2d pers. pi. -se J,),
3d pers. pi. -san sjn. The following forms may especially be noticed:
agaibh-se avJ9 * at you ' (unstressed), dibh-se d^ivjj ' off you,' dinne
d^in'9 ' of (off) us,' domh-sa diC:sD ' to me,' duinne diCn'^ * to us,'
daoibh-se dlvi9 *to you' (pL), leisean /eja« 'with him,' leinne len'j

* with us,' bhuait-se v^zt\d * from you ' (sg.). Cf. also faoi ise,
faoi ead-san, above.

Possessive Pronouns.

< § 127 >
The possessive pronouns are:

mo md (before a consonant and j) * my/

m' m (before vowels) * my,'

do dd (before consonants) ' thy,' * your ' (only of one person),

t' t (before a, o, u), t\ (before e, i) ' thy,' ' your,'

92 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

a c? (before consonants and j) ' his/ ' its ' (§ 98),

zero (before vowels) ' his,' ' its ' (cf. § 105, i),

a J * hers/ ' its ' (§ 103),

nar n<n ' our ' (§ 102),

niur (mar) nur * your ' (only of more than one person; § 102),

an, a du, d ' their ' (§§ 102, 103).

The above forms are used attributively before a noun (or nominal
word); the emphatic particles mentioned in § 126 may follow the
noun, e.g. mo each-sa mo jaxs<i ' my horse * (2). The use of the
forms mo, m*, do, t', is not always regular, cf mo athair md adr,
do athair d<i aor (12), for m'athair, t'athair, mo ata mo atd, do ata
do ato * my, your hat* (12), do anail do anal * your breath,' mo ordog
mo dirdag * my thumb' (4); t'cadan tcdon [tEidon) or t\c:don
'your face,' t'cadach tc :dax (tEidax) * your clothes' (2), but
regularly: t'eicli fhe t\eg he: * your own horses' (also * flee
yourself,' 2), m'athair m azr, t'athair t asr, athair azr *his father/
a h-athair hasr, nar athair nor asr, mur athair mor aer, a n-athair
nazr,

< § 128 >

After a preposition the following forms occur:

a (before the infinitive, sec § 139): dol a mo thcidheagadh fhein
dol a mo hiago hc:n * going to warm myself (11), but also:
ag mo mharbhadh go mo varvog ' to kill mc' (10), ga fhaicin
ga akin, ga amharc ga avork * to see him,' as for the gerund.
So also from the prep, a dh'ionnsaighe jsnsi * toward': a mo
iomisaighe a mo jsnsi * toward me,' a t'ionnsaighe a t^ensi
' toward you ' (sg.), a nar ionnsaighe a nor jensi ' toward us ' (3),
a n-ionnsaighe a n'znsi ' toward them ' ;

ag (before the gerund, see § 139): ag mo ghiulan go mo j^:x\on 1

* carrying me' (3), gat fhaicinn ga takin, gat amharc ga tavork ■

* seeing you,' gat itheadh ga tjipg * eating you ' (6), ag do
chumail go do XiCmal ' keeping you,' ga fhaicin ga akin, ga
amharc ga avork * seeing him,' ag mur gcumail go mor g/Cmsl ^
'keeping you,' gan deanadh gan d^zmog 'doing them';

ainti * toward,' ' to,' ' into ': ainti na bhrathair zntli na vrazr * to his
brother ' (3), ainti na bhean znt\i na vjan * to his wife ' (3);

ACCIDENCE 93

ar (air) * on ' : air (ar) mo dhruim er (^r) md yrim * on my back/
air mo lie er m? lik * on my rock,' ar m' athais dr m aa\ ' back ' ;
air do cliasog er dd xasag 'on your (sg.) coat,' air do cliul
er dd x^il * behind you,' ar t'athais dr taal * back,' ar t'aghaidh
dr tE:i ' ahead '; air a h-athais er d haa\ (fern, sg.), air a n-athais
er d naa\ (pi.) * back ' ;

as * out of ' : as a dheidh as d jsi ' after him,' as an deidh S9n d^si

* after them ' ;

de * of,' * off': de mo dhruim d^s m? yrlm * off my back,' de do
ghualainn d^s dd ydar\in ' off your shoulder ' (3), de na dhruim
diz na yrlm * off his back,' de na chosan d^z na xosdn * of (off)
his feet,' de na mhearan d^z na vzirm * of (off) his fingers ';

faoi * under ': faoi na ascail/7: na askdl * under his arm ' (3);

in *in': in mo phaiste dn mdfa:\t'd 'being a child' (3), mo sheasamh
md hesdv ' standing,' 's (for anns) mo shuidheacan s md hijdkan

* sitting ' (5), anns mo chorp ds md xorp * in my body ' (2),
mo shuidhe md h^jd * sitting ' ; in do cheann dn dd ga :n

* in your head ' (sg.), anns do chorp as dd xjrp ' into your body '
(sg., 2) ; na dheidh (or dheaghaidh ?) na je'i * after him, 'na
dhuine maith na yMd ma 'a good man,' na laighe na v^ap

* lying ' (3), in a lamh na v^a-.v ' in his hand ' (3); bha ead na
gcomhnaidhe va dd na go :ni ' they were living ' ;

le * with ': leis mo bhrog lej nid vroig *with my shoe,' le na mhathair
/e na vazr 'with his mother,' le na iorball /s na ^rbar] 'with
his tail ' (3);

ma * about ' : ma na chosan ma na {nd) xosdn ' about his feet.'

The forms anns mo, anns do, leis mo, for in mo, in do, le mo,
are taken from the forms before the definite article; see § 107.

Possessive pronouns are also expressed in other ways, as with a
possessive plus cuid k^d^ * part,' * lot,' followed by a plural noun,
e.g. an gcuid peathran dx\ g^d^ pzpn * their sisters,' an gcuid mnan
as an gcuid paistean dX] g/Cd^ mradn dS dT] g^d^ pa :jt'dn ' their wives
and children' (3), or with a following prep., as: an buaint againn
am b^znt^ ain 'our harvest' (4), an baile aca fhe dm hal' akd he:
* their own place.'

After the copula, a substantival possessive pronoun is expressed

94 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN KATHLIN ISLAND

by the prep, le, as: is leain js I' am * it is mine,' is Ico J I'o:
' it is theirs ' (3).

'One's own' is expressed by a following fhein (see § 129), as:
mo thoigh fhein (fhe) * my own house/

Reflexive Pronoun,

< § 129 >

The reflexive pronoun is fhein he :n (also fhe he:^ fe /e;) *self';
*own/ which is construed in the following way: me fhein
m3 {nti) he :n (usually he:) * myself/ teich fhe tje^ he: * flee yourself/
dithe fhe d^ip he: * to herself; is geal leis an fhiach a phreachan
fhein ds g'al lej d niax ? frz:xan he:n * the raven thinks his own
young is white/ le mo choir fe /e nw x^r fe: * through my own
fault ' (in the Confiteor, 9).

Reciprocal Pronoun,

< § 130 >

The reciprocal pronoun is a cheile {d) ge:l'j {ge :h) * each other/

Demonstrative Pronouns,

< § 131 >

The bases of the demonstrative pronouns are the three particles,
referring to different distances from, or relations to, the speaker,
namely: (i) seo Jj * this ' (i.e. 'the one close by the speaker';
*the latter'), (2) sin |m' (i), jln, j^n (4), jzn, ^du 'that' (i.e. 'the
one farther from the speaker, or nearer the person addressed ' ; ' the
former '), and (3) siod lid ' yon,' ' yonder ' (i.e. ' the one far away
from cither person ' ; originally used in a hinting way of anything
distant, but later almost in the same way as sin); as the Latin ///e, it
preferably refers to the 3d person.

These pronouns, which are flexionless, are either used independently
or as attributive adjectives after a noun, preceded by the definite
article, e.g. ta sin go maith ta : ^In gd ma ' that is good,' an duine seo
?n d^n'd J:? ' this man '; instead of siod, lid ad, at is used after a noun:
an cnoc ud 9T] krok ad ' yon hill,' seo in gceann i J:? dx\ g'an i
' take her ahead ' (15).

ACCIDENCE 95

After a copula form, a personal pronoun must be inserted
(cf § 146), e.g. gon b'e seo na hikers g? fee J:? na hsikDrs *that this was
the hikers' (3), b'e shin obair throm ba hin ohdv ro:m * that was
heavy work ' (3).

After a preposition, the definite article is inserted, as: go leor
de'n sin gd Voir d^s na ^In * enough of that ' (3), but also: frid seo
fri:d:^ jj * through this,' i.e. * through here ' (4).

An exception is o shin j hIn * since ' (adv.), where sin is aspirated,
e.g. fada o shin fad j hIn ' long ago ' (15a).

Sin is sometimes aspirated to shin hIn, hen (cf above). This takes
place especially when something is pointed out (cf. French voila),
e.g. shin an doras hIn du djtds * there is the door,' shin an doigh
hln dn dol * that is the way.'

Further in o shin, see above.

Relative Pronoun,
< § 132 >

The relative pronoun is expressed (i) by the relative form of the
verb (see §§ 140, 141), or (2) by special pronouns followed by the
relative form.

(i) The relative form is used alone when it refers to an antecedent,
and is the subject or direct object of the sentence, e.g. duine (a) bha
coisidheacht air burd na beinne d£n'd va: ko^iaxt er hiCrdd na hen'd
* a man who was walking on the top of the mountain ' (3), rud ari
(a) thoileochas tu r^d dri hol'agds U * anything you like ' (12).

(2) There are certain relative pronouns, which include a general
antecedent, as Engl. * what ' (=* that which '), viz. an ^n, cibe fe'/fee,
k'iba, which are always followed by the relative form of the verb.
E.g. cibe thachair domh k'iba haxor dK * what happened to me ' (3),
cibe rinn ise k'ibz rEin i\9 *what she did' (3), le cibe dhoirt ead arms
an troch k k'iba yjrtj at ans m trox *with what they poured into
the trough ' (3).

■^The relative which has a special antecedent is an dn when preceded
by a preposition, but usually some kind of circumlocution is
used in Irish, e.g. an aite an abair ead an Cnocan leis d na:t\d nabdr
at pT| krokan /ej * the place which they call Knockans ' (lit. * to which
they say K.,' 11), aon aig a bha Domhnall air In sg'd va: dodl er

96 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

* one named Donald' (lit. 'on which was D./ ii), bha toigh ann
in Reachlainn a bha cad ag deanadh poitean ann va: tzi an dn
raxlln o va ad j d^zn^g poitlzn an * there was a house in RathUn
in which they were making whisky,' (i), bha h-aon eile, bha Alastair
air va hin el'd va abstzr er * there was another named Aleck '
(ht. * another, it was A. on him/ ii), etc. Similar circumlocutions
express a relative pronoun in the genitive case.

An 9n by itself also means * where/ as: ait an amhairc thu
a :tl d navdtik' ^ * a place where you will see.'

Any direct or indirect interrogative word must be followed by a
relative construction, e.g. goide innseas me duit g? d^e : inJ9S me d^tj

* what shall I tell you ? ' or * what I shall tell you,' which literally
means * what is it that I shall tell you,' etc. Similarly: c6 air an dtig e ?
ko er DH d^ig' z * whom shall it befall ? ' * who is it that it shall come
on ? ' edit an deachaidh e ka :tl dn d^axi z ' where did he go,* etc.

The same rule appHes to certain conjunctions (see § 144), as:
goide mar shaoileas tu g9 d^e : mdr [d) hEiVds t^ * how do you think ? '
(4), cibe ar bith mar a bhios an sion k'zharhi nidr d vi'ds dn \i?n

* however the weather will be * (L.E.).

Interrogative Pronouns.

< § 133 >
The interrogative pronouns, which are also inflexible, are either
substantival or adjectival. The former are: c6 ko:, ko, ko *who?*
and goide gdd^e:, de d^e:, d^e *what?' The latter are: co h,
ca ka, ko, ga gd, c k, c6 an ko (a)«, goide an gdd^e : (a)«, de an d^e :«,
ge an g'e :n (perhaps contracted from goide an) * what ? * * which ? '
In construction with a finite verb, the interrogative pronouns are
always followed by the relative form of the verb (see § 132).

(a) Substantival: co t'ann? ko ta:n * who is there? ' goide ta thu
ag deanadh? {gd)die: ta /C [gd) d^zindg * what are you doing?'
CO e ? feo e ; * who is he ? * co ead ? ko £ :d * who are they ? *
goide sin? {g9)d^e : jIn * what is that?' goide is ciall do.? gdd^e:
s kial do : * what does it mean ? '

(b) Adjectival: co h-ainm? ko har'm *what name?' ca mhead?
kd vid [kd fit, 13) * how many? ' ga h-aite? g9 haitld * what place? '
c'ait kaitl * where ?'; co na daoine t'ann? ko na dEin'd ta:n 'what

ACCIDENCE 97

people are there ? ' ; goide an seorda d^e n lordd * what knid ? ' ge'ii
t-am? g'ein tarn * what time? ' (5), ge'n ait? g'e: naitj * what place? '
goide an f had a ta thu an seo ? g9 d^e: nad {g9 d^e: ad) d ta ^ \o ' how
long are you here?' (9a). — Rath. Cat.: ge, gud e ('what?'), ka
hainim ta ort?

Cf. also the construction: ga do an boin e? gd do: hon' a * whither
(where) does he belong ? '

The Scotticism co dhiobh (dhiu) h jX : 'anyway/ is sometimes,
but seldom, heard (e.g. 2).

Indefinite Pronouns,

< § 134 >
Under this heading are given certain pronominal and adjectival
words of different origin and function, of which the majority
correspond to the so-called indefinite pronouns in most languages.
They are either substantival or adjectival.

(A) Substantival.

As substantives the nouns duine d^n'9, dln'd, dEn'd * a man,' and
rud r^J, rid * a thing,' are very much in use, as : chan f heil duine
istoigh ha nel d^n'd stEi ' nobody is in.'

In the plural muinntir m^nt\ir {mKt\iry -dr) * people' is used,
e.g. muinntir gheal, muinntir dhearg, muinntir ghorm, muinntir
uaine m^t\ir jal m^tjir jarg m^tjir yorm tn^tjir ^an'd * some (boxes)
white, some red, some blue, some green ' (3). Similarly cuid k^di
* part,' ' some.'

These are also combined with the adjectival words (see below),
as duine eile * another,' muinntir eile * others,' a h-uile rud * every-
thing.' The following are most important: cuideicin k^d^ek'in,
cuideiginteach 'fe^Jj eg'intjax * somebody' (notice sing.), rud-eicin
rXdek'in, rEdzk'in' (2), rodek'in' (4), rud-eigin r^dzg'in, rud-eigint
r^deg'intf * something.' For * anybody ' and * anything,' duine ari
dXn'd ri and rud ari r^d 9 ri{: Y are used, as well as the compounds
with ar bith and ariamh (see below).

I . Formally it might be dirithe ' a certain,' but the sense is the same
as duine ariamh, duine ar bith, etc.

9S THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN UATIILIN ISLAND

Instead of fear and bean (e.g. an fear sin on f jar jIn * that one,' 13),
h-aon hX:u, hi :n, hin, aon In (in) are more frequently used for * one/
e.g.: corra h-aon kjrj h^ :n * an odd one,' h-aon fada hin fadd * a long
one,' h-aon iarainn ///// iarin * an iron one ' (3), an t-aon eile du tin el'?

* the other owe ' (3), an t-aon lir ?n tin ^:r * the new one,' an t-shean
aon dn t\an In ' the old one.' Similarly gach aon, a h-aon * everyone,'
e.g. a h-aon aca d hIn ok? * everyone of them.' — The Scottish te * one '
(fem.) is recognized, but not much in use, e.g. te eileac t\e ^el'?k
{tjeldk) ' another ' (4, 9, 13), an te mhor ?n t\e : voir * the big one ' (13),
an te an sin on t^e : dn \In 'that one there' (13).

Cach ka :x, which originally meant ' everybody,' now means

* the others,' * the rest,' e.g. comhlach le each kj :r\ax Is ka:x * along
with the rest ' (3). In the same way athrach a :rax is used: chan fheil
fhios aig an athrach air ha nel Us eg' 9 nairah er ' the others do not
know it ' (9), nach do rinn sinn an t-athrach nax dd rEin lin' dn ta:^ax

* that we did not do otherwise ' (15, etc.).

(B) Adjectival

The adjectival indefinite pronouns either (a) precede or (b) follow
the word they define.

(a) Preceding.

Of the old pronominal adjectives, which preceded the word they
defined, the following are still in use in Rathlin: h-uile, gach, and
aon (originally forming a compound with the following word).
H-uile h^r? * every,' * all ' (originally gach uile, cf. gach aon, above),
is used in the following way: a h-uile seorda ? h/CV? \o{:)rdd * every
kind,' *all kinds,' h-uile rud maith go leor h/Cl'd rKd ma g? Voir

* everything good,' h-uile storas ? h/Cl'd stoiras *all stores,' a h-uile car
d h/CVd kar * all the time,' a h-uile gnothach 9 h^l'9 gro9X * every tiling,'
a h-uile la 9 h/^l'9 la9 * every day,' air a h-uile cloch er 9 h/CV9
kT\ox *on every stone' (3), de'n h-uile seorda d^e n h£V9 loird?

* of all kinds.' Uile is also a substantive in: uile go leir ^1'9
{h^l'9, 13) g9 Ve:r * all together.' Gach gax, ga (§ 103, d) * every ':
as gach gabhadh as gax ga :v9g * out of every danger ' (i), as gach olc
as ga hoik * from (all) evil ' (in the Lord's Prayer). Aon * one,' with
the def. art. * the same,' e.g. an aon taobh 9 nin lEiv * the same side '
(3). Aon also seems to be used in the sense of * any,' e.g. bhfeil aon
iota ort ? vel in i9t ort * are you thirsty ? ' (3), aon luachan maith

ACCIDENCE 99

9n Uaxdu ma * any good prices * (15 b), a construction which is
common in Donegal Irish.

Similarly construed are also iomad imad, iomadh (iomdha?) ima,
imag, iomadhach imdgax * many ' and 's ionann * the same,' which
were originally (as the latter is still) construed predicatively (see
§ 146). E.g. iomadh duine imag d^n'9 * many people,' 's ionann rud
]ln9n riCd * it is the same thing/

An ath 3 na, an atha (an ath ?) 9 nao ' the next ' : an ath sheachtain
9 na gaxtin * next week,' an ath mhios 9 na vi9s * next month,'
an ath doras 9 na dor9S * next door,' an ath bhliadhna 9 na vhan9

* next year,' an atha rud a chonnaigh ead 9 na9 r£d 9 honi ad

* the next thing they saw ' (3).

All these pronouns are, in the proper idiom, always followed by
a singular noun, but after iomadh * many ' the plural may come in
by mistake.

(b) Following.

These are either pronominal adjectives or adverbs, serving as
attribute of the preceding (substantival) word.

Eigin e{:)g"m, eiginteach e['?jg'int\ax, eigint e{:)g'int\, thaobheicean
hE[:)vik'9n {he:vik'9n, 8, 13), thaobhaingte hE:viT\tJ9 * some,' e.g.
duine thaobh-eicean d^n'9 he:vik'9n * somebody,' leabharan thaobh-
eicean Vo'9r9n he :vi'k9n * some books' (2).

Ar bith 9r hi, ari 9 n(;), ariamh 9 riav * any,' duine ari diCn' 9 ri

* anybody' (3), e.g. duine ar bith d^n' 9r hi * anybody at all,' rud
ar bith r^d 9r hi * anything (at all),' aite ari a 1(^9 eri * any place ' (3),
uair ari ^9r' 9 ri * any time ' (8), la ari a ta e ag cur T\a9 ri 9 ta 9 k^r

* any day it is raining ' (3).

Eile e/'5, eileac el 9k (3, 4) ' other,' e.g. crapan eile krapan el' 9

* another potato,' le dist eile fe d^i'ijt' el'9 * with two others,'
muinntir eile m^t^ir eV9 * other people,' h-aon eileac h£:n el' 9k

* another one ' (4), goide eileac? g9 d^el'9k * what else? ' (3).

Ceadna k'e :dn9, kiadn9 * same ' (not common) : an duine ceadna
dT\ d^n'9 k'e:dn9 * the same man,' an t-aon ceadna 9n tin kiadn9

* the same one.'

Amhdin 9 va :n' * a single ' (not common) : uair amhain ^er 9 va :n'
*once* (* one time,' 7), aon la amhain In r\a9 vain' (3), la amhain
hd va:n' (15) * one day,' cnapan amhain krapan 9 va:n' *(only) one
potato' (15).

TOO

THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Numerals.
Cardinal Numbers.

< § 135 >
The cardinal numbers often have different forms according to
their different functions. Thus the cardinals 1-4 have a special form
used in counting, or merely giving the number, and another when
used (attributively) in front of a noun. All numerals up to ten
originally had a separate form w^hen they were used as substantives
(=' one person or thing,' etc.), but these forms (except the one for
' two ') are hardly in use any more. The numerals are given below:
(a) in their counting form, (b) as adjectives before a noun, and
(c) as substantives.

(b)

(^)

(c)

I

h-aon hd:n, hE:n (L.E.)
hE:n, hem (U.E.)
hi£ : n; hi : n , h i : n
(U. & L.E.)

aon 7rt, lud, in, in?

2

do do:

da da:

dist dii'i\t\
die'i\ (i)

3

tri tri:, tri:, trEi;

tri tri:, tri:, trEi,

triur tr^:ry

trni, trai (U.E.)

etc.

tr'£: (15b)

4

ceithir k'e'ir, k'e'dr

ceithre k'er'?

ceathrar fe'^r^r

(Rathl. Cat. keir)

ceithir k'e-ir, etc.

(isb)

5

cuig k^:g' (Rathl. Cat.
koog)

cuig ki^:g'

—

6

se \e:

se \e:

-

7

seacht laxt

seacht \axt

-

8

ocht oxt

ocht oxt

-

9

naoi nl: (L.E.)

nEi {nni, etc., U.E.)

naoi n/;, nEi, etc.

-

10

deich d^eg

deich d^eg

II

h-aon deag h/C:n {hl:n)

aon -deag In{?)-die

■g

4^-5

(see below)

12

do dheag dj : je :g

da -dheag da:-je:g

-

13

tri deag trI: {trEi) d^eig^

tri - d(h)eag, tri : - J^e

■■g

(^•5)

-

ACCIDENCE TOI

(9 (b) (c)

14 ceathair deag k'a-ir ceithre (ceithir) - deag

4^-^ (3)

ceithir deag k'cir d^eig (2)

15 cuig deag k^:g' d^e :g cuig - deag

etc. etc.

20 £ic\ie2idji'?d{jihd,i), fichead ^-.W, etc.

21 h-2ion 2is (ic\ic2id ho: n Dsji'^d
30 deich as fichead d^eg ds ji'dd
40 da fhichcad da[:)H'dd

50 deich as da fhichead d^ei; 3s da vdd

60 tri f(h)ichead trl: (trEi, etc.) ji'dd {vjd)

70 deich as tri fichead d^eg ds trl: ji\id [i'dd)

71 h-aon deag as tri fichead hd:n d^c :g ds trl: fi'od
80 ceithre fichead k'er'd fi-pd (Rathl. Cat. kerfichid).
90 deich as ceithre fichead d^eg ds k'cr'D fi'Dd

100 cead k'e:d

loi cead 's a h-aon k'e:d sd hd:n (etc.)

105 cead *s a cuig k'e:d sd k^ :g'
cead as cuig k'e:d dS k^ :g'

200 da chead da: ge :d

300 tri chead trl: {trEi, etc.) gc:d

400 ceithre chead k'er'? ge:d

500 cuig chead kiC:g' ge :d

600 se chead Je; ge:d

700 seacht gcead jaxt g'e:d (3), seacht chead jaxt ge :d (2)

800 ocht gcead jxt g'e:d (3), ocht chead oxt ge:d (2)

900 naoi gcead nEi g'e :d (3), naoi chead nEi ge :d (2)
1000 mile mi:V9

Where special forms for (b) and (c) are not found, the (a)-form
may generally be used. This form is often preceded by the
particle a d (cf § 103), as for loi, 105 above.

The form h-aon has three different pronunciations: hE:n (with the
general value of ao), hl:n (with the special value of ao, see § 59), and
h^:n (which properly goes back to h-un; cf the pronunciation in
Tiree, Scotland). These forms are not restricted to any part of the
island: hE:n is used by 2, h^:n {hd:n) by 11, 12, hl:n by 3, etc.

102 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Examples ot the numerals: h-aon, do, tri liBni dj : tri : (in
counting), h-aon o chlog h^ :n .7 xlog ' one o'cl.,' i ndcidh a h-aon
.) 11' ai .) hX:ti 'after i (o'cl.)'; h-aon aca ///;// [hln) oh ' owe of them '
(3); aon uair In {in) uer * one o'clock' or * once ' (also pron. Iitzr,
15, etc.), aon mhcar in vzir 'one finger,' tri mhiosa trEi vioso
'three months'; ceithre ramh k'cr\i ra:v * four oars' (3), ceithir
giollan oga k'c-ir g'zhn j:gd (2); cf. further under Sandhi mutations
(§ 100), Nouns (§ 108), and Indefinite Pronouns (§ 131, B).

Ordinals.

< § 136 >

The ordinals, which are now flexionlcss, arc the following :

1st an ccad (5) ^iad (sometimes ^e :d, dt\ k'e:d)

2d an darn a dh darnj, an dara 9n darj, an dala jn dab (sec below)

3d an triadh (triomhadh) on trEi?

an treas dh tres (4)

4th an ceathramh 9r\ k'arov, k'arj (Rathl. Cat. an kearrav)

an ceithreadh dt] k'er'd (8)

5th an cuigeadh dT\ k£:g'9 {-a)

6th an seadh 9n \ed (/Jt'j, § 93)

7th an scachtmhadh (?)

8th an t-ochtmhadh (?)
9th ?

loth ?

20th an ficheadamh dn Ji'jdj, etc.

The ordinals always precede the noun, e.g. an chead la d ^iad la-j,
an chead toigh d ^iad tEi, an cead toigh 9n k'eid tEi; an darna toigh
<in darn? tEi, an dara la deag ;)n dar? la d^e :g * the 12th day'
(the 13th day used to be called: an la thall ar an dala la deag
on lad hal ?r dn dab ra (for la) d^e:g); air an chuigeadh la
er 9 xX'.gd r\ad * on the fifth day ' (3).

When the ordinals are not followed by a noun, they must be
construed as follows: an darna h-aon dn darnd hX{:)n * the second
one' (4), an triadh h-aon 9n trEid hln * the third one' (11), an
ceathramh h-aon dr\ Ward hln * the fourth one ' (11).

I

accidence 103

Verbs.

The verbal system is also very much simplified in Rathlin Irish
as compared with the Mainland dialects, and approaches in structure
that of Manx and Scottish Gaelic, Thus the so-called analytic
conjugation is almost entirely used, and the personal endings that still
survive are very few. The tendency to use the analytic conjugation
in preference to the synthetic is already found in Donegal and
Northern Irish generally.

The use of special absolute and conjunct forms, as well as of a
relative form in -(c)as, in the present indicative and in the irregular
verbs is in conformity with Northern Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and
Manx, thus: cuiridh me ' I (shall) put,' cha chuir me * I shall not put,*
a chuireas * who puts ' (or * will put '), nach cuir * who will not put '
(or ' that . . . will not put ').

Tenses and Moods,

< § 137 >

There are single and periphrastic tenses, and special forms exist
for each of them in the present, future, imperfect-conditional, and
preterit indicative, as well as for the present subjunctive, and the
imperative. The present subjunctive is always preceded by the
conjunction gon * that ' (neg. nach * that not ').

Of the present tense, except of the so-called substantive verb
and the copula (ta, is ' is '), which former is used to form periphrastic
tenses, only traces are found. Thus there is a form in -(a)ighidh of
the verbs of the 3d conjugation, which is apparently used as a future
(as for instances, see § 143), In the prayers there are a few present
forms in -(e)am (ist pers. sg.), for instance creideam in Dia
* I believe in God ' (see further below). In most other cases there
is only one form for the present and the future (the present- future),
which is chiefly used in the future sense (the true present being,
as in Scottish GaeHc and Manx, expressed by the periphrastic present,
§ 140). Only a few verbs are used in a present sense, as: chi * sees,'
cluinidh * hears,' boinidh * belongs,' and the conjunct forms
aithnigh * knows (by sight), '^ cuimhnigh 'remembers,* mar a
mhaitheas sinne dofa ' as we forgive them ' (in the Lord's Prayer).

I. Literally : ' will recognize.'

104 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

The future is found only of the substantive verb (being also,
as originally, used for the habitual present) and the verbs of the
3d conjugation, e.g. ceannochaidh me * I will buy.' Otherv^isc
there are only traces, as feadfhaidh tu * you must' (§ 155), or
(in the Creed) a thiocfhas * who shall come.' Of all other verbs
there is, owing to the loss of the characteristic -f- (-f h-) a common
form (hke the present) for the present and the future (see above) ;
the sense is chiefly that of the future, e.g. fagaidh (orig. fagfaidh,
fagf haidh) ' I will leave ' (but the futures aithneochaidh me * I know
(by sight),' and cuimhneochaidh me ' I remember,' have a present
sense, cf. above).

The coalescence of the present and future forms is partly found in
the Glens of Antrim, where forms as gabhaidh (gobhaidh) me
go-i mz *I will take,' dcanaidh sin cuis d'zmi \in k^:\ * that will do,'
cuiridh me ar shiubhal k^ri nu r^jl * I will put away ' (An i), faga'
niefa:gj ins *I will leave' (An 5, 8), scriobhaidh me duit skri:vi
fiis d^t\ * I will write you,' innsidh me do sa/J/ ms do: * I will tell him '
(An 4). Contrariwise, tifea (tchifea) me go maith k'i:f3 {k'ipj)
ms gj mag 'I see well' (An i), is used for tim (tchim).^ Historically,
the fusion of the present and future tenses is thus principally due
to the disappearance of -f-, but the process was accelerated by the
fact that present (or apparently present) forms could, even long ago,
be used in a future sense, cf. tiagasa conecius doib * I will go and tell
them ' (LU 70 a 13), timorcsa in cethri forsind ath ' I v/ill drive the
cattle to the ford ' (LU 74 a 44), fer mar Find ni thic cu brath ' a
man like Find will never come (again) ' (AS 161). At the same time
the periphrastic present became more and more common in every
present sense, as is the rule in Welsh, Scottish Gaelic, and Manx,
as well as often in northern English to-day.

The imperfect-conditional is similarly a true compromise between
the old imperfect and conditional. The form is, of verbs in the ist and
2d conjugation, that of the imperfect, in verbs of the 3d conjugation,
that of the conditional. The sense is chiefly conditional (or habitual,
Engl. ' would '), but a few verbs show the sense of an imperfect,
as: bhoineadh 'belonged' (the pret. bhoin means * touched').

The other tenses are used as in (local) English. The difference
between the preterit and perfect is small, and only rarely is a true

I. Cf. Arran Gaelic, chibh ' sees,* chibheadh * would see.'

ACCIDENCE 105

perfect used (by circumlocution), as: ta e ar shiubhal 'he has (is)
gone ' (chuaidh e * he went '), ta me in deidh tilUdh ' I have
returned ' (thill me ' I returned ').

The subjunctive mood (used in the optative sense) is only found
in the present, after the conjunction gon (cf. French and Spanish que).
It differs from the conjunct present indicative in having the ending
-(a)idh for all persons, as it seems, however, only in the positive
form. Thus: gon gcuiridh * may (he) put,' but gon gcuir * that
(he) will put ' (indicative, conjunct form), nach gcuir ' may (he)
not put * (subj.), * that (he) will not put * (ind.).

Person.

< § 138 >

As already mentioned, every verb has generally only one form for
each tense (historically the 3d pers. sg.), which must be followed
by a subject (a noun or pronoun). There are now only a few (so-
called synthetic) forms,which incorporate a personal pronoun, namely :
(i) the ist pers. sg., pres. ind., of a few verbs: creideam krcd^dm
' I believe,' aidigheam a:d^9m *I confess' (9), tuiream duit Ur'9m d/Ct\
'I give thee' (9 a), in the prayers, etc.; also tuigeam se tig' 9m ^j

* I understand ' (14), whether correct or not; (2) the ist pers. sg.,
imperf.-cond., e.g. dh'fhagainn 'I would leave,' chan fhanainn ha
nan'in * I would not stay,' but it is also possible to use the analytic
form (dh'fhagadh me, see § 140, 2); (3) the 2d pers. plur. of the
imperative, e.g. cuireabh * put ye' (but. cf. § 140, 5); (4) the 3d
pers. sg. of the imperative, chiefly in imprecations : biodh bcal cam
ort hi9g bz9l kant ort * may you have a twisted mouth.' — In the Rathl.
Cat. many other synthetic forms are used: lavirim * I speak,' hiukfid

* they will come,' do vadar na neehefhe * these things were.*

Verbal Nouns and Participles,

< § 139 >

The verbal noun, preceded by the preposition ag, is used to express

the gerund and periphrastic tenses, e.g. goide bha thu ag deanadh

an sin g9 d^e : va ^ g9 d^z :ndg 9n \In * what were you doing there -. '

The old function is seen in: fear innseadh a sceil fjar in\9g 9 sk'ciV

* a man of telling his story,' i.e. * a man who has a story to tell ' (7).

TOO THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Preceded by the preposition a, it expresses the infinitive, as:
a dheanadh n JE ;;;.9(t ' to do.'

Participles are formed either from verbal nouns, e.g. ta me ar
shiubhal ' I am gone,' ta me in deidh tillidh * I am (have) returned,'
sec above, § 137, or more usually derived from the verb, as in English,
e.g. chan fheil moran faigte * there is not much left,' lasta * lit,'
posta ' married,' an Stac Polka (pl.-n.), scallta go bas ' scalded to
death.' They were originally, and are often still, participial
adjectives (cf. Engl. * open ' and * opened ').

There is no present (or active) participle, v^liich must be expressed
by circumlocution.

Periphrastic Tenses.

< § 140 >

The most common periphrastic tenses are the present and preterit,
which both originally expressed progressive action (ta me deanadh

* I am doing,' bha me in mo shuidhe * I was sitting,' but shuidh mc

* I sat '). But, in the present usage, the present is frequently used
also for the English simple present, as: ta me smaoineachadh

* I think,' ta me ag aireamh ' I reckon,' bha ead nan gcomhnaidhe

* they lived' (*were living'). The periphrastic future and conditional,
as well as the imperative, are also often found, e.g. bidh cad ag
tachairt ort hi at d tanrtj ort *you will meet them' (6), na bi ag cogar
na hi kogor * don't whisper ' (12).

As for the double construction with ag or in plus a poss. pron.,
sec the examples.

Active and Passive.

< § 141 >

Of passive forms the only ones that are in current use are the
preterits rugadh e r^gjg s * he was bom,' and togadh e tog9g s

* he was raised.' In the prayers a few more passives are found, which
are, however, often not understood as such, e.g. go naomhthar
t'ainm gj nlivdr tar'm (3), naomthar t'ainm nl :v9{r) tar'm (9),
n/Cvdr tar'm (9 a) (the latter imperatives) * hallowed be thy name,'
gon dcanthar do thoil gm d^zmdr (3; gd d^zmd, 9, gon d^e:ntD, 9a)
J,9 hjl ' thy will be done,' mar a ghnithear m9r d nidr ' as is done '
(3, 9), go maithear nar bhfiachan g? ma?r Udr viaxm * forgive us
our debts,' etc.

i

ACCIDENCE 107

Paradigms,
< § 142 >
There arc three regular conjugations in RathHn Irish, namely
(i) verbs of which the imperative sg. is monosyllabic, ending either
(a) in a * broad ' or (b) in a ' slender ' consonant, (2) verbs of which
the imperative sg. is of more than one syllable (except those in
-(a)igh); the final consonant is usually 'slender,' and (3) verbs of
which the imper. sg. ends in -(a)igh. The type verbs are: fag * leave,'
cuir * put,' foscail * open,' ceannaigh ' buy.'

la. lb.

fagaidh fa :gi cuiridh ki£r'i

chan fhag ha na:g cha chuir ha x£r'

an bhfag dh va:g^ an gcuir dT\ g^r'

gon bhfag go va :g gon gcuir gjr] g^x'

nach fhag na ha:g nach gcuir nax g^r'

a dh'f hagas d ya :gjs a chuireas d x^r'ds

2. 3-

fosclaidh fjskli ceannaighidh k'ani

chan f hoscail ha imkil cha cheannaigh ha gani

an bhfoscail dh vjskil'^ an gceannaigh dX] g'ani

gon bhfoscail g,i vjskil gon gceannaigh ^.7ri g'ani

nach f hoscail na hskil nach gceannaigh nax g'ani

a dh'fhosclas d yjskbs (a cheannaigheas)

E.g. fosclaidh mc fj$kr\i mz * I will open' (3), eirighidh an ghrian
much na mall / :r'i yrian mux na mal * the sun will rise early or
late' (5); as for the form in -igheam, see § 143 (i).

Future.
la fagaidh, etc., ib cuiridh, etc., 2 fosclaidh, etc.,

as pres. as pres. as pres.

3 ceannochaidh k'anaxiy k'anai, kana?}
cha cheannaigh, etc., as pres.
E.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma x^in'ads U * if you remember.'

1. The ending is usually pron. -i before a vowel, and -p before a
consonant : fagaidh e /a:gi s, but fagaidh me fa:gp {fa:gi) mz, mi.

2. Also : an fhag p na:g, an f hoscail p noskil (see § 100).

io8

Tin. IRISH LANGUACI IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Iwpcrfcct-
la.

dliTliagainn ya :^in
dh'f hagadh ya :i^.\q
chaii f hagainn ha na :gin
chan f hagadh ha na:g;)g
an bhfagainn Dti va:giti^
an bhfagadh jn va :g?g^
gon bhfagainn
gon bhfagadli
nach f hagainn na ha :gm
nach f hagadh na haigog
a dhThagadh d ya :gdg

2.

dh'fhosclainn yosklln
dli'fhoscladh yoskbg
chan f hosclainn ha mshlin
chan f hoscladh ha njshhg
an bhfosclainn Dn vjsklin^
an bhfoscladh m v:)skhg^
gon bhfosclainn
gon bhfoscladh
nach f hosclainn na hsklin
nach f hoscladh na hskbg
a dh'f hoscladh 9 yoskbg

-Conditional

lb.
cliLiirinn x/ir'in
chili rcadh x^r''?g
cha chuirinn lia Xi{r'i}i
cha chuireadh ha XiCr'jg
an gcuirinn jx] gXr'ui
an gcuircadh pt) g^r\jg
gon gcuirinn
gon gcuircadh
nach gcuirinn nax g^r'in
nach gcuircadh nax g^r'?g
a chuireadh d x/Cr'dg

3.
cheannochainn ^anaxin, ^anain
cheannocliadh ^anaxDg, ^anadg
cha cheannochainn ha ganaxin, -ain
cha cheannocliadh ha ganax9g, -aog
an gccannochainn Dn g'anaxiny -ain
an gceannochadh 9T\ g'anaxjg, -a,ig
gon gccannochainn
gon gceannochadh
nach gccannochainn naxg'anaxin,-ain
nach gceannochadh nax g* anaxdg, -ajg
a cheannochadh 9 ganax,ig, -a?g

E.g. dh'fhiosrochainn jisrain * I would ask,' nach gcostainn nax
gostin * would I not need ? '

Preterit,

dh'f hag ya:g
cha d'fhag ha da:g
an d'fhag 9n da:g
gon d'fhag gdn da :g
nach d'fhag nax da:g
a dh'f hag d ya:g

chuir x^r'

cha do chuir ha dd Xi^r'
an do chuir p// dd xXr'
gon do chuir gdn d^ x^r
nach do chuir nax dd x^r'
a chuir d x^ir'

I. or an f hagainn, an f hagadh, an f hosclainn, an fhoscladh (see § 100).

ACCIDENCE 109

Preterit.

dhThoscail yjskil cheannaigh gani

cha d'fhoscail ha doskil cha do cheannaigh ha dj gani

an d'fhoscail dh doskil an do cheannaigh du d? gani

gon dThoscail gon doskil gon do cheannaigh g?n dd gani

nach d'fhoscail nax doskil nach do cheannaigh nax dj gani

a dh*fhoscail d yoskil a cheannaigh ? gani

Present Subjunctive,

go bhfagaidh gd va :gi^ nach f hag ( ?)^

gon gcuiridh go g(Cr'i^ nach gcuir ( ?)

gon bhfosclaidh go voskli^ nach fhoscail (?)

gon gceannaighidh gd g'ani nach gceannaigh (?)

E.g. go deanaidh me gd d^s:no mz ' may I do ' (i), go gcuiridh
Dia rath air gj giCr'i d^ia ra er ' may God prosper him ' (10), gon
beannaighidh Dia thu gjtn hjani d^ia /C ' God bless vou/

Imperative,
la. lb.

f=ig fa 'S ^^^^ ^^^'

na fag na fa :g na cuir na k^r'

(igzdli fa :gDg cuireadh k^r'pg

fagabh fa :gjv cuireabh kiCr'^v

na fagabh na fa :gjv na cuireabh na k£r'dv

2. 3.

foscail ^:>sfe// ceannaigh k'ani

na foscail na foskil na ceannaigh na k'ani

£QSc\2i^ foskhg ceannaigheadh (?)

fosclabh j35fe/c?v ceannaigheabh (?)

na fosclabh na foskhv na ceannaigheabh ( ?)

E.g. na scaoileabh an triomhadh snaidhm na skE:l'dv ,dn trEid
snE:m * do not untie the third knot ' (pi., 3).

1. As for the pron. of -(a)idh, cf under the present.

2. Cf. nach fhaic thu /?^ ^sk' \ 'may you not see' (11).

1

ACCIDENCE 1 1 1

(3) Verbs beginning with a vowel prefix d' or dh' in the same
cases as the verbs in f-, e.g. an d'iarr i dh dpar i * did she ask?'
an d'innis du d^ini\ ' did . . . tell? '

(4) The verbal forms which incorporate a subject pronoun, i.e. the
1st sg. imperf -cond. in -(a)inn, and the 2d person of the imperative,
have special emphatic forms (cf § 126) in -sa sj (ist pers.) and -se J^
(2d pers.), e.g. chuirinn sa x^r'in sd ' I w^ould put,' rachainn sa
raxin sd * I would go,' nach gcostainn sa nax gjstin S3 ' which I would
not need,' ceap se k'ap Id * turn (thou).'

(5) The 2d pi. of the imperative is not very common, e.g. na
scaoileabh na skE:l'dv * do not untie' (3), but is often replaced by
the 2d sg., e.g. tuir leibh an sol ti^r lev du sol ' take the bottom
(of the net) with you' (when fishing, 2).

(6) In the present indicative there are three distinct forms : [a) the
positive (absolute) form (cuiridh, etc.), which is used in all positive
main clauses, (b) the relative form (chuireas, etc.), which is used in
all positive relative clauses, except after an (see § 132, i), and
(c) the conjunct (or dependent) form (gcuir, etc.), which is always
used after the relative an (§ 132, 2). The conjunct form
corresponds to the forms with prefixed do or d' in the imperfect-
conditional aiid preterit (see the Paradigm).

The relative and conjunct forms are further used after certain
adverbs and conjunctions. In the imperf -cond. the former is
represented by the plain form or the form in dh' (see § 142), and
the latter by the form in do or d'.

< § 144 >
The Relative Form.
The relative form is used after the following words :
a 3, the rel. part, (cf the Paradigms, § 142), and all compounds in

which it enters (see below).
air 2i er 9 * when,' e.g. air a theid me laighe san oidhche er d he :d^

mi lai sd nl:gj * when I go to bed at night ' (2).
c'uair a kXdr d, hr 3, kdr ? * when ? ' e.g. c'uair a bhios tu ar t-athais ?
kor d vis t£ dv taa\ ' when will you be back ? ' but also
(incorrectly): c'uair an mbi thu ar t-athais arist ? kor d mi ^ dx
taa\ d rii\i' ' when will you be back again? ' (6).

J 12 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

cad a ka dj, cad 's a kat sj [hot sj), conj. * though/ e.g. cad a bhiodh
tu ka dj vi\) tX ' though you were * (13), cad 's a ta c fuar kat so
ta £ /Or ' though it is cold * (8). — For cad *s nach, see the
following §.

nia ma, coiij. ' if,' e.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma x^in'aos t^ * if you
remember.'

mar a mdr d * as,' e.g. mar a mhaitheas simie mdx d va?s \in'd * as we
forgive.'

nuair a n^^r 9, nor d * when,' e.g. nuair a td ni^9r d ta: * when there is,'
nuair a thilleas me mr d hil'ds mi * when I return.'

o na D na, na (perhaps partly mixed up with the prec.) * since ' ;
' when,' e.g. an fada o na thainigh thu? 9nfad na han'i <C * is it
long since you came 5 ' (10), ta spell na f huair sinn ta: spel na
h^zr jin' * it is a while since we got,' o na mharbh sinn a'
mhuc mhara j na varv I'm' 9 v/Ck vard * since (as) we killed the
porpoise ' (i); na chualaigh iad na x^av[i ad * when they heard '
(3), na thig i na hig' i * when she comes.'

< § 145 >
The Conjunct Form.

The conjunct (dependent) form is used after:
an, the interrogative particle (see the Paradigms, § 142).
an 9n, rel. part. (§ 132, 2), e.g. far an robh/ijr dn ro ' where was.'
an dn, indirect interrogative and conditional conjunction ' if,' e.g. an

buail thu h-aon aca buail ar fad ead dm h^sl ^ hin akd biCel er

fad zd * if you strike one of them strike them all.'
ca ka, ' where,* e.g. ca bhfeil thu l ka vel ^ * where are you ?*

but also: ca chuir e i bhfalach e ka x^r a vaT[ax e * where he

hid it * (3), for cd do chuir.
cha xa, ha, a * not' (neg. adv.), e.g. cha do rug esan air ha dr^g zsdn er

* he did not catch him.'
go, gon gd, gdn, conj. * that ' (not in the present subjunctive, see

the Paradigms, § 142). So also all compounds with go,

e.g. an bre go * if it was not that,' etc.
e;os an g9S 9n, conj. ' until,* e.g. gos an bi g9S 9m hi: ' until there

will be' (13).
man nwn, manan m9n9n, conj. * before,' e.g. man d'f huair e bds

ACCIDENCE 113

mp« d/Cer s ba:s * before he died,' man fhaigh niur intinn call
m? nai mdr intjin kal * before your mind decays.'

manan mdndtiy conj, * unless,' e,g, mana n-eirigh thu mdUd ni :ri /C
* if you don't get up.'

nach nax, na, neg. interr, particle, e.g. nach dtuir thu > nax d^r £
' will you not give ? '

nach nax, na, neg. rel. particle, e.g. nach gcuir nax g^r ' who will
not put.'

nach nax, na, conj. * that not,' * lest,' e.g. nach duit thu nax d^tj /C
*lest you fall.' Similarly all compounds: cad 's nach fheil me ro
mhaith kats na hel mi ro va 'though I am not too well' (8), cad 's
nach fhaic me e kat s na hak' mz z * though I do not see it' (8).

nan nan, conj. * if,' e.g. nan rabh e an seo nan ro a dn \d ' if he were
here' (8).

s'manan smandn, conj. * before,' e.g. s' man d'fuair ead an litir
sman d^zr at dn litjir * before they got the letter,' s'manan dtainigh
smandn dan'i * before . . . came ' (8), s'manan fhaic thu e
smand nak' ^ z ' before you see it ' (8).

Irregular Verbs.
[a) The Substantive Verb and the Copula,

< § 146 >

The difference between the substantive verb ta (* there is ') and
the copula is (* it is ') is the same as in other Gaelic dialects. The
copula has now a rather limited use (see the notes below every tense).

Present,
ta ta:, ta * am,' * is,' etc. is {9)3 * am,' * is,' etc.

tha ha: (seldom)
chan fheil xa {ha) nel, hal (4), cha xa^ ha

nEl (9a), n'el (9b)
an bhfeil d{n) vel an d{n)

go bhfeil gd[n) vel gur gdr * that it is '

nach bhfeil nax vel (Rathl. Cat. nach nax, nah

vel, vail). Cf. vel (An i)
a ta p ta: (rel.) is {d)s (rel.)

a tha [d) ha: (seldom)

114 Tllii IRISH LANGUAGH IN UAIIILIN ISLAND

Notice the following constructions with the copula: mas troni
leat do cheann tnas tro:m lat d.i (;a:}i 'if you think your head is heavy,'
is fhearr lz:r (L.E.), ss:r (U.E.) 'it is better,' is ionann J///.?// 'it is the
same,' chan ionann ha ti'hijn 'it is not the same,' an ionann? p n'lrijn
'is it the same?' is leo J I'j: 'it is theirs,' gur ro throm c gjr 'n 'ro:m
s: 'that it is very heavy.' — With personal pronouns the forms are as
follows: is e Js; 'it is he,' is i J/; 'it is she,' siod ^Id 'it is that (yon),'
CO e? ko e; 'who is he?' an e seo? j n'e ^j 'is it this?' gur e gj
rz: (lo), gon c gd n'z: (3) 'that it is he (it),' chan e ha nz: 'it is not
it' (3), chan c mise ha ti's: m/Jj 'it is not I,' mas c ma Je(;) 'if it is
it,' 's nach e 5 iia he: 'and (or) that it is not,' mana mhaith leam mauD
va I'am, manan deas leam maiun d^es Vam 'if I do not like' (13).

The O.Ir. os (' as for ') is now understood as agus (is) ' and,'
e.g. is mise cronan air mo Uc ds mi\d hrjinan er nid lik' ' and I crooning
on my stone,' i.e. ' as I am crooning,' etc., agus (is) ise gan ata
dS i\d gdn atd ' and she without a hat ' (15, etc.).

With the substantive verb: ta fhios agam ta Us a{g9)m *I know,'
chan fheil fhios agam ha nel Us a{gj)m ' I do not know.' The
pronunciation was formerly also ha Utels agjm (15's grandmother).

Future,
bidh bi'i, hi * shall, will be,' etc. gon bi g3m hi :
cha bhi ha vi : nach bi nax bi :

an bi 9m hi: a bhios ? vi'ds, d vis (rel.)

This tense is used as future and habitual present.

Imperfect-Conditional,
bhinn vi'in, vin * I should be ' ba, etc., see under the Preterit,
bhiodh vi-dg, vlg * would be,' etc.
cha bhinn ha vvin
cha bhiodh ha vi'dg, vlg
an biim dm hi' in
an biodh dm hi'9g, big
gon binn g9m hi' in
gon biodh g9m bi'9g, big
nach binn nax bvin
nach biodh nax bi-9gy big
a bhiodh 9 vi'9g, 9 vlg (rel.)

ACClDliNCli 115

Preterit.

bha va:, va *was,' *were/ etc. ba h?, b' h *was/ *were/ etc.

cha rabh ha ro cha ba ha fc(a)

an rabh 9n ro an ba 9m 6(5)

gon rabh g3n ro gon ba g9tn fc(a)

nach rabh nax ro nach ba na{x) t(^)

a bha (.?) va : (rel.) ba b, b' b (rel.)

The preterit of the copula is also used as imperfect-cond. The
following constructions are worthy of notice : c6 b'e ? ko hz :

* who was he?' (rare), b'eisean fesj^/z * it was he' (11), nach ba
naire duit? na 1)9 na:/9 d^t\ 'was it not a shame for you?,'
cha b'e ha be: * it was not he (it),' b'e sin an doigh b9 jln 9n dji

* that was the way,' cha b'e mise ha be mils ' it was not I,'
cha b'i a bh'ann ha hi d va :n * it was not she that was there,'
gon b'e g9 bs: ' that it was he (it),' gon b'e seo g9 fee jj * that it was
this,' ma (ba) mhaith leam ma va I' am ' if I liked' (13; correct?).

Of the substantive verb, notice: cha rabh fhios agam ha ro ^Is am

* I did not know.' An old pret. bhi is probably found (in a song) in :
air a bhi si dol er 9 vi\9 dol * when she was going.' The Rathl. Cat.
has va and vee (sg.), vavar (2d pL), vadar (3d pL).

Present Subjunctive.

gon rabh g9n ro * may be,' etc. gur g9r * may be '
nach rabh nax ro

This tense is especially used in the phrase: go rabh (gur) maith
duit (or: agad) g9 r9 ma d^t\ [cig9t) ' thank you.'

Imperative.

bi fci:, bl * be (thou) ' na bi na bi: * don't be '

biodh bi-9g ' let him (it) be ' na biodh na bi'9g * let him

bibh (?) * be ye ' (pi.) not be '

Infinitive,
a bhith 9 vi * to be '

a bheith 9 vz (e.g. bheith fhios againn vz Us ain " that we
know,' 3; the Rathl. Cat. has vee, veith, and beith).

] 16 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Tlic verbal noun of the substantive verb is only used in the
infinitive and after the preposition gan ' w^ithout,' e.g. an do thuit
gan a bhith ar shiubhal m d? hlt\ qm ? vi d r' ^A ' if it happened
that he was not away ' (8).

(fc) Other Irregular Verbs,

The following irregular verbs (given in the imperative sg.) are
current in Rathlin Irish : abair * say/ cluin * hear/ dean * do/ * make/
faic ' see/ faigh * get/ tabhair (tuir) * give/ teid ' go/ tig ' come.*

abair:

< § 147 >

Pres, ind.: deir d^er' * says/ an abair j nahdr (ii), an deir
dn d^er (12); pret. dubhairt (duirt) d^Drtj; imper. abair abir (2, 12);
gerund: ag radh j gra:g {gra:), g? ra:g, ag rait d ra:t\, e.g. goide
ta thu ag rait? gd d^e: ta ^ raitl (9).^ Cf rait (rait, An i).

cluin:

< § 148 >

Pres. ind.: cluinidh me klln'iy klEn'i (8) tns ' I hear/ * will hear/
cha chluin ha xlln\ an gcluin thusa 3r\ gr]In' ^sd (3), ma chluineas
tu ma xIIh'ds t^ ; pret. chualaigh XiCall {x^aT]i, 3), chuala x^ab,
x/Cax\d (3; the form in -aigh is usually preferred before a vowel
or in pausa, the one in -a, before a consonant), cha do chuala ha dd
x^ab, an do chualaigh thu 9n d? x^all ^, an do chuala tu 9n dd x£ab
t^, an do chluint thu 9n dd xllnt\ £ (10), the latter probably wrong;
gerund : ag cluintin d kllntlin,

dean:

< § 149 >

Pres. ind. (future sense): ghni me ni: mz *I will do, make*;
future: deanaidh me dizini ms, cha dean ha Jje.-n; imperf.-cond. :

I. According to 9, rait means * saying,' rddh rather * talking ' (cf. iomradh
* talking about ').

ACCIDENCE 117

dheanadh je :npg ; prct.: riiin rEin [rain, rain, 3), d'rinn ead drEin ad
'they did ' (not correct), cha do rinn ha d{j)rEin, an do rinn thu sin
on d{d)rEin ^ \ln, gus an do rinn ead gds du d[d)rEin at ' until they
did,' nach do rinn nax d[?)rEin; passive forms, see § 141; imper.:
dean d^s:n\ gerund: ag deanadh 9 d^e:iijg, g? d^z:ndg\ past, part.:
deinte d^e;/j/J^. Cf. r^n\ pret. (An i).

Note. — The vowel in dean- is often short: d^sn, d^en^g, etc.
Of special uses of this verb, notice : ag deanadh aran p d^sngg aran
* baking,' ag deanadh amach d d^enog ? max ' making out ' ; * reaching
(a place),' ta me deanadh ta: nis d^sindg ' I am thinking.'

faic :

< § 150 >

Pres. ind.r chi mc ^f: (///;) mz *I see,' chan fhaic ha nak' [nek'),
an fhaic thu 9 nak' ^, an bhfaic thu 9{n) vaW AT, gon bhfaic gd vsk\
fan gus an bhfaic me fan gdS d vzk' ms * wait till I see ' (3); pret.:
chonnaigh honl, chonna tu honD t^, chan f hacaigh ha naki, chan f haca
ha nak? [nDhj), an bhfacaigh e D[n) vaki £, an bhfaca tu D{n) vakd
[makd) t^, an fhaca tu j nakj /*<*, nach f hacaigh e e na haki a e; pres.
subj.: nach fhaic thu na hzk' ^ (11); gerund: ag fhaicin d gak'in
(12, 14), ag fhaicsin j gak^in (4); infinitive: gach uile ait fhaicin
9 h^r a:ti ek'in ' to see every place' (8), ga fhaicin ga ak'in * to see
him.' Cf. Rathl. Cat. aikjhin.

Note. — Of the forms chonnaigh, chonna, fhacaigh, fhaca, etc.,
the former (those in -aigh) are preferably used before a vowel or
in pausa, the latter before a consonant (cf. chualaigh, chuala,
under cluin).

faigh :

< § 151 >

Pres. ind. (future sense): an fhaigh thu 9 nai ^ (12), feach an fhaigh
JZ9X 9 nax * try if . . . can get,' gus an fhaigh g9S 9 nai, manan bhfaigh
m9n9 vai\ future: gheo me jo mz *I will get'; imper f -cond. :
gheobhadh }0'9g (3), chan fhaighinn ha nain, chan fhaigheadh thu
ha nai9g ^ (2, not correct), chan fhaigheadh ead ha nai9g at (12),

Il8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

go bhfaighinn sa {Jj vain sj, iiacli fhaighcadh tu na hai? tiC (3);
prct. : fluiair //.Cer', //.Or, an dTliuair jn J.Or ; gerund: ag faghail
J fiinl fii:l\ fcvl (2, 3, 13), ag faighin j fa-hi; infmitivc: a f haghail
a-al (13).

Note. — This verb means both ' get * and ' find '; it is also used in:
goidc mar a t huair thu ar t'aghaidh o shin ? gjd^c : mot d h^sr /C dr
tE:i hJn ' how did you get on since ? * etc.

tabhair:

< § 152 >

Pres. ind. (fiiture sense) : bheir me ver mz, Jcir mi (2) * I will
give * (3), tuiream (§ 138), tuiridh me Uri me * I will give '
(13; correct?), cha dtabhair ha door, dor, d^r * will not give,' gon
dtabhair gj dor (8), gus an dtabhair g<is ?n d^r, nach dtuir thu?
nax diCr ^\ imperf.-cond. : cha dtabhrainn (dtuirinn) ha doirin, d^riti,
nach dtabhradh tu nax do ir? U\ pret. : thug hiCg *gave'; pres.
subj.: go dtabhraidh (dtuiridh) g;) d/Cri ; imper.: tabhair (tuir)
to :r, t^r, tuir domhsa tjr djisd * give me ' (U.E., cf. Note); gerund:
ag tabhairt (tuirt) d tsrtl (U.E.) * giving '; p.p. tabhairte (tuirte) aiste
t£rt\3 ajt'o * brought out of her ' (3). Cf. t^r diC (imper., An i).

Note. — Tabhair means both * give ' and * take,' cf. thug bhuam
h/(^g v^dui *took from me,' tur leat tiCr I' at 'take with you' (sg.), tuir
Icibh t^r lev 'take with you' (pk). Of other senses one may note:
bheir me on fcir mi ort ' I will give you ' (=* beat you,' 2), bheir
me ort a dol^'*/r mi ort d dol ' \ will make you go ' (2), tuir in aire
tiCr d nar'd ' take care ' (2).

The imperative is often expressed adverbially, i.e. without a
finite verb : domh na stocaighthe do na stokl ' give me the stockings '
(12), domhsa bannach d'oisd hanax ' give me a bannock ' (3), us piosa
paipear ^s piisd pa:pzr ' give me a piece of paper ' (15). In the same
way, usa iCs{D) used to be said by the old people in the Glens of
Antrim: usa an conair Mhuire iCs9 r hn^r v^r'd ' give me the rosary,'
where usa is perhaps bhus (= bhos) * here ' (cf. O Tuathail, Sgealta
Mhnintir Liiiiiigh, p. xx).

Also cf. under teid and tig.

ACCIDENCE 119

teid:

< § 153 >

Prcs. ind.: theid mc he :d^ tns ' I will go ' (2), tcid me tie:d^ mz (3),
cha dteid ha d^e :d^, an dtcid thu? 911 d^c :d^ ^, an bcalach a thcid
thu jm hjalax ? he :d^ X 'the road you will go' (4); imperf.-cond.:
rachainn sa raxiu sd, rachadh rah^g * would go,' an rachadh 911 rasg
' if . . . went' (3); pret.: chuaidh x/Cai, xodi, hodi, hwEi (3, 7,
etc.), cha dcachaidh ha d^axi, an dcachaidh, deacha 9n d^axi, d^axD ;
imper.: teid tje :d^; eirg ^r'/, Ir'g\ dt'g' (15, etc.); gerund: ag dol
3 dol (cf. tjl, An i); p.p. ar shiubhal dr (;£?!, d r'tCjI, {?) rbdl (U.E.),
9 r'ddT\ (3), ar folbh dy jolv (2, 15; rare).

Notes. — The following phrases are in current use: ag dol a
thuiteam 3 dol d hlt\dm ' going to fall ' (3), ta e dol a bhith flinch
ta d dol d vi jl'uh ' it is «going to be wet,' ta an teine ag dol as
ta DU tlin'd d dol as * the fire is going out.*

The imperative is often expressed by the past participle: ar shiubhal
? r'^dl (often hz'r'^A, cf. Iist^dI, An i) * away,' * begone,' e.g. ar
shiubhal leat [9) rd9 I' at ' away with you ' (cf. under tabhair and tig).

tig:

< § 154 >

Pres. ind.: thig me hig' ms *I will come' (2, 3, 11), tig me
t\ig' //i£, an dtig e 9n d^ig' z ; future : a thiocf has 9 ^i<^k9S (§ 137) ;
pret.: thainigh (thainig, thaine) ha:n'i, han'i, ha:n'9, han'd, seldom
hain'ik' (stressed form), cha dtainigh ha da:n'i {da:n'9), an dtaine
9n da:n'9\ imper.: tig tl'ig 'come' (cf Note); gerund: ag teacht
9 t\axt (t\aht) ; cf. teacht an la t^axt 9n la9 ' the dawn.'

Notes. — The following constructions are common: thig learn
hig I'am * I can,' thig (tig) ort t\ig ort ' you must,' thainigh ortha
ha:n'i op ' they had to ' (3); ag teacht air 9 t\axt er ' coming on '
(as of a season, etc.). The vowel in thainigh, etc., is short or long,
according to stress; the forms in -igh are preferred before vowels
or a pause, those in -e before a consonant.

An alternative imperative is thugainn h^gin {hHg9n, 4), e.g. thugainn
leam h^gin Vam ' come with me.' It may originally have been an
adverb, cf. Ir. chugainn ' to us,' and under tabhair, theid.

120 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

(c) Defective Verbs.
< § 155 >

The following verbs arc defective in Rathiin Irish:
ars arSj arsa ars?, as?, dso * said ' (Lat. inqiilt), e.g. arsa Calum

Fighcadoir ars? [asd, dsd) kahmfi<idzr * said Calum the Weaver ' (2),

ars eisean arhz\m, ars esan ar^szsm * he said,' ars ise arhi\d

' she said.'
faod, only in dh'fhaodadh yd :d.ig, yEid^ig * might,' e.g. dh'fhaodadh

a bhith yd:djg d vi * it might be' (4), dh'fhaodadh thu sin a

radh yE:djg £ jIn d ra:g * you might say so,' and ma dh'fhaodas

me ma yEiddS me * if I can ' (15b).
fcad, only in feadf haidh fe :ti, fe :t9 * must,' e.g. fcadf haidh tu dol

fe:tD t£ dol *you must go' (2), but^ cf. an dteid thusa learn?

fcadaidh me dn d^e :d^ ^sj Vam fe:dj mi ' will you go with me?

I might '(15).
fhcatar, in is f hcatar ie:t9r, b'fheatar be:tDr, hcitd (4), hztD (3) * must ';

* may,' e.g. is fheatar domh \e:tDr d£ * 1 must,' b'fheatar domh
hztn d^ *I had better' (15), b'fheatar duit be:t9r d£tl * you
must,' b'fheatar gon innis bst? gj nini\ * maybe . . . will tell' (3),
b'fheatar beU? * maybe ' (in answer). Is meatar duit sme:t3r d^tj
*you must' (2) no doubt depends on a mixture of this verb
and is meithid (mithid) duit. Cf. be:t9r ' perhaps ' (An i).

urra, urraidh, urrain (orig. * capability ') ' can,' in the following
expressions: is urra leam s ^td lam * I can,' cho maith 's is urra
leat xo ma Sd s^Xd lat * as well as you can,' an urr' leat
d n^ht * can you? ' (3), chan urr' leam \ia n/Chm * I cannot ' (3),
chan urr' leithe iteogaigh ha n£li itjagi * she cannot fly ' (6),
is urrain domh s^rin d/C * I can,' chan urrain ha n£rin ' cannot,'
b'urra leat a dhol i bhfalach annta b^r9 lat 9 yor] d var]ax antd

* you could go and hide in them ' (3), cha b'urraidh ha b£ri

* could not,' cha b'urra me ha b^TB ms * I could not.'

I

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT

< § 156 >

TO UNDERSTAND the true character of the relationship
between the Irish of RatUin and the Irish Mainland dialects,
on the one hand, and the Scottish dialects, on the other, it is
necessary to examine several details in the structure of these languages
from a phonetical, grammatical and lexicographical point of view.
By Mainland Irish is here preferably meant the Antrim dialect,
which is now practically extinct,^ but also, to a certain extent, the
Irish of Derry, Tyrone and Donegal (which have been described by
O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghacdhilge an Tuaiscirt, and 6 Tuathail,
Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh), As far as Scottish Gaelic is concerned,
the dialects of Islay, Kintyre and Arran will be considered in the
first place It is far from certain, however, that they are the dialects
that have the closest affinities with the Rathlin dialect, which, in
any case, must be seen against the background of an older type of
Scottish Gaelic than any now in existence.

With regard to the phonology, one of the most characteristic
distinctions between Irish and Scottish Gaelic consists in the treatment
of original short o. In Ireland it either remains as an o (usually open
in the North) or becomes, as partly short u, a sound resembhng
that of Engl, short u (it is commonly represented by 0). In Scotland,
however, it always remains as an o-sound, being either open [j)
or closed (0). The narrow sound often (but not always) occurs in
the same cases as g in northern Irish. In this respect Rathlin Irish
undoubtedly approaches to Scottish Gaelic. One may compare the
words cois, obair, bodach, goirt, bog, with the corresponding words
in Donegal Irish and southern Scottish Gaelic. In Antrim the case

I. In the Glens of Antrim to-day, there may actually be only three people
whose native language was Irish (see § 8). But a fairly good idea of the
old Antrim dialect may be had from many persons in the Glens who know
Irish second hand, and, by comparing the language of these people with
the fragments obtainable from the native speakers, a good many features
of Antrim Irish may be illustrated.

T22 THE IRISH LANGUAGIi IN RATIILIN ISLAND

is slightly different. The o-sound regularly remains, as in Rathlin
and Scotland, but it does not seem to differ at all from the open o
(as in Rathlin cos, codal, cloch); in Antrim the short o has rather
an intermediate sound between the open and closed Rathlin o,^ at
the same time as the a-sound approaches the open o in Rathlin
(cf. § 1 6), and original u becomes ^ or f> (§ 25), as in Rathlin. With
regard to the representation of short o, Rathlin thus comes closer to
Scottish Gaelic than Antrim.

Another characteristic of Scottish Gaelic is the fact that original
short e, followed by a * broad ' consonant (i.e. Middle Irish ca),
remains as an open e (e), except in front of d, t, s, g (in Arran and
Kintyre also c), where it becomes a narrow e {c). In Ireland, except
in certain parts (see Sommerfelt, South Armagh Irish, NTS. II, p.
Ill), ea mostly becomes a (except before g, loc. cit), while e followed
by a ' slender * consonant (M. Ir. ei) becomes e. In Antrim ea becomes
a in most cases, except before d, t, s, g and dh (gh), where it becomes
a very open e-sound, most like the Rathlin e (§ 17). This e also
stands for short i (io or oi), in Donegal, and further for original a
before g and dh (gh), so that it may be said to correspond to the
Donegal sound usually represented by t (see Sommerfelt, Dialect of
Torry §§ 32, 201, O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 114). In Rathlin
ea becomes a in the same cases as in Antrim, but e before t, d, s and g,
and ei becomes e. Thus Rathlin Irish agrees with the Irish Mainland
with regard to such words as fear, bean, but with Scotland with
regard to words such as beag, deas.

Regarding the short open i (from io, oi, or sometimes also ai, ui),
which in most northern Irish dialects seems to give the above-
mentioned sound i (according to O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht,
§§ 87, 92; cf Sommerfelt, Dialect of Torry §§ 30, 31), the Rathlin
dialect shows distinctly Irish affinities. In Antrim the * mixed' i (f)
is almost invariably represented by the above open e-sound (e), and
of this there are clear traces also in South Armagh (Sommerfelt in
NTS. II; cf. especially: briongloid, chuige, doiHgh, tairbhe, tionn-

I . Also in the English of old people, the * oa ' in * road ' seems to be
the same as the ' o ' in * God,' only shorter {nJy gJ:^), while young people
often give a narrower sound to * oa ' (=Scot. short, narrow o, § 23).
The former is the so-called New England sound in ' home,' * road '
("hum," "rud").

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT I23

tuigliim, in his Vocabulary). It is, however, an ekisive sound,
coming sometimes near o, sometimes rV which is also reflected in
Sommerfelt's description. In Rathlin the sound is s, i.e. more or less
the same as in Antrim. Curiously, this agreement with Mainland
Irish seems nevertheless to have its roots in Scotland. If it is hkely
that the oldest form of this sound is a short, open i (i*, or a similar
sound) it strikes the observer that the change of this sound to s
(with its variants) is intimately connected with the same change
of short i in southern Lowland Scots, the centre of which seems
to be in Ayrshire. Thus in the English of these parts of Scotland
(often also in Kintyre, Gigha, and Islay), as well as in Rathlin
and parts of Antrim, a short Engl, i is constantly rendered by this
open e-sound (cf. § 17). It is enough to quote such common words
as * pig,' ' mixed,' ' thing,' * still,' in the English of Antrim. The
correspondence goes, however, still further, for also an original
short u (which had early the value of or 0) takes part in this change
in southern Scots in words of the type ' dun,' ' honey,' ' hussy,'

* nut,' * summer.' Thus it appears that at one time it became
customary in that whole area to pronounce both i' and a with this
open e-sound, in Irish as well as in English. It appears that this sound
change, which is, perhaps, strongest in Ayrshire and Galloway, is
very typical of the kind of Scotticisms that exist in Northern Ireland,
especially in the Glens of Antrim and Rathlin.^

The short a before a * slender ' consonant (i.e. M. Ir. ai) has
usually become e (or a similar sound: O Searcaigh writes it ce) in
the north of Ireland, and so it also sounds in the Glens of Antrim,
e.g. cailleach te/'^x, ainm sr'm, airgead srg'dd.^ The same develop-
ment takes place with ai in southern Kintyre, but not in Islay, Middle
Kintyre, and Arran, where it remains as a in the majority of cases;
in Arran the conditions are, however, so special that no analogies

1. As I understand this sound from existing descriptions, it is a neutral
vowel, not much different from p.

2. Another interesting agreement between the local English and
Irish is the treatment of original in front of r (§ 70) : Ir. tabhair to:r
becomes tuir t^r, port > purt />^r/, just as Engl. ' door ' > M:r,

* shorn ' > j^rn,

3. The s undergoes the same variation as e from / (see above) ; in a
great number of words, of the type i^ai/e, ai becomes the neutral o,
mentioned above, in a great part of north-eastern Ireland.

124 THI: IRISH LANr.UACil- IN RATIILIN ISLAND

with Ratlilin Irisli can be traced. In Rathlin a either remains, which
is maybe most common now, or becomes e (see § 58).

The change of short open o to a, which is characteristic of Scottish
Gaehc, has not gone any further in RathUn than in the North of
Ireland generally, cf. cos * foot,' cloch ' stone,' codail * sleep,' etc.

Let us end the discussion of die vowel sounds widi the peculiar
pronunciation of u (long or short) in RatUin. The two varieties
X and () (see §§25, 26) are acknowledged by O Searcaigh [Foghraidh-
cacht, § 31 ; cf. also O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 176, 177) for the
Glens of Antrim,^ where u furtherniore has the same sound as ao (AT;).
Of this diere are no traces whatsoever in the southern Scottish Gaelic
dialects, but the whole thing seems nevertheless to have originated
in Scotland, as did the change of T, to e (see above). In southern
Scots (Ayrshire, etc.) it is very usual to pronounce the EngUsh * 00 *
(i.e. Xi) with a front sound (e.g. in * food,' * do,' etc.), and this
development must have been rather old, for the has in some places
had time to undergo a new change, namely to e (cf. § 59). It is
hardly too rash to think that this was also the value of u (at least,
the long u) in the Gaelic dialects of these places, which by and by
spread to Antrim. It is still characteristic of parts of Scotland and
northern Ireland to pronounce the u-sound almost as AT.

It will be rather difficult to deal with the consonant system
historically, since it is so broken down in the Rathlin dialect, and
probably does not at all represent the original state of things. As
has already been said, there is no longer any distinction perceptible
between the so-called * aspirated ' and * unaspirated ' 1, n and r
(§§ 86, 89, 92), neither is there any sharp and definite distinction |
made between most of the consonants with regard to their being I

* broad ' or * slender.' In these respects the Rathlin dialect resembles I
the Irish that is still heard in the Glens of Antrim.

One important difference exists, however, between Rathlin and
Antrim on this point, namely, in the pronunciation of * slender' t, d.

* Slender ' t and d in the north of Ireland are generally palatal t, d
(see 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, §§ 235, sqq.), or roughly the sound
in English *tune,' 'duty.' So, too, in the Glens of Antrim, t, d are,
unless they have been made plain English t, d (cf. above), palatal t, d,

I. This is the way I also heard it from the people in the Glens of
Antrim.

THE POSITION OF THB RATHLIN DIALECT 125

which very often interchange with the palatal k, g.^ In Rathlin,
however, such a t or d is affricative (fj, d^, sec § 44) in any position
except after s, where a t remains palatal {t\ §§ 80, 95), in complete
agreement with the southern Scottish dialects. But it must be
observed here that t\ d' are not unknown also in other positions
(see §§ 80, 95), and further that the Scottish pronunciation is now
very often heard also on the Mainland.

Typically Irish is the unvoicing of 1, n, r in contact with a th
or ch, as in the words bachlach, foithne, aithrean (see § 96). This
is unknown in Scottish Gaehc (cf balach ' boy '), except in Arran.

A close Scottish analogy, on the other hand, is furnished by the
occurrence of the semivowel j in words of the type colach, eorna,
each, which are all, according to the Scottish custom, pronounced
with an initial j. This is not the case in the Glens of Antrim, as is
shown from the pronunciation of the words eallach abx ' cattle,'
Eoghan D:n ' Owen.'

< § ^57 >

Before leaving the phonology, one more detail of the uttermost
importance for the placing of Rathlin Irish among the Gaelic
dialects must be considered. It concerns the kind of vowel meeting
termed hiatus. By this term is meant that two vowels (either
short or long), belonging to different syllables, enter into immediate
contact with each other, thus differing from the diphthongs (§§ I3j 53)»
which always form only one syllable. It has almost been an axiom
that hiatus, which is very common in Scottish Gaelic (e.g. Islay,
Kintyre, Arran), is entirely absent from Irish Gaelic (as well as Manx);
see, for instance, O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 142 sqq. As in order
to constitute a hiatus, it is not sufficient to note the concurrence of
two vowels (even though they do not look hke a common diphthong),
but also to ascertain that they belong to different syllables, it is, of
course, a most difficult undertaking to record cases of hiatus, especially

I. In the English pronunciation of old people in the Glens, words such
as ' question,' ' Christianity,' ' Canadian,' are pronounced kzvssk'pn, kris-
k'anid, hneg'pn, etc., but the younger generation uses the Scottish
affricates. In the same way the Glens Irish often has isteach psk'ax,
teine k'in'^, etc.

126 THE IRISH LANGUACH IN RATULIN ISLAND

when pronunciation is so worn down as it actually is in Rathlin
and the Glens. To any unsuspecting person, listening to the articulation
of the Irish words in Co. Antrim, there is absolutely no difference
between Rathlin and the opposite mainland in this respect. It is
only upon approaching the question in an indirect way that the
true facts may be revealed. The popular expression : thar shiubhal leat

* away with you ' is pronounced almost identically by a Rathlinman
and a Glensman, but, while to the former the word shiubhal has
two syllables (sec § 53), it may often be felt as havnig only one by
the latter. I But as the Antrim speakers of to-day can in no way be
supposed to have the pure articulation of their ancestors (it is a fact
also in Rathlin that the name of Rue Point, which is dissyllabic in
Rathhn Irish, is pronounced r/C; in Rathlin English), the matter is
perhaps still not very clear. On account of facts laid down in § 10,
a vocahc ' glide,' which may easily be mistaken for a syllabic vowel,
is often developed in front of many consonants. Thus there are two
concurrent vowels in tim k'ijnty t'hni ' I see,' as well as in caithim
ksjm ' I must,' in nim nidtn * I do,' as well as in nighean nhn

* daughter,' in the Antrim pronunciation. But it seems that the oc-
currence of such a vowel in final position should have some other
reason. In words like teanga (teagha, tiogha) t'e^, t' £d (cuinnigh do
thiogha k^n'x h h^d * hold your tongue,' An i) * tongue,' se do
bheatha Je h vzd * you are welcome,' leaghadh lea ' reading,'
gabhaidh me gox ms, go? me *I will take' (6 Searcaigh writes
gv jo :v rtid * that I will get,' for Antrim), it seems that this -5
has some sort of function (cf. the words gaoth g^: ' wind,'
bo h: * cow,' and even gaoth tuath g/C: tiC: * north wind,' from
An i). But, even so, the existence of hiatus in the Glens can not be
assumed as a fact from such data as are available at present. That
a hiatus once existed where a th became quiescent is perhaps not
unlikely, and, according to O'Rahilly [Irish Dialects, p. 175), the
word athair * father ' is not simply pronounced air in the parts of
Ulster where th became silent. As this (the quiescence of h) is the
case for the Glens of Antrim, it might be of interest to give the

I . It was, for instance, acknowledged that the English word * fuel ' was
dissyllabic, while *mule' (in Antrim pron. with a short vowel) formed only
one syllable, and that shiubhal was not pronounced after the manner of the
former, but with one long vowel.

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT 127

actual pronunciation of such words to-day: ceathair k'eir * four/
truthan tr^dti, tr<Can 'stream,' bothar hj:r * road ' (An i)j

But the occurrence of hiatus will ultimately depend on metrical
practice. It is a pity that there are very few songs in Irish from die
Glens. From the following verses made by a native poet a couple
of generations ago (cf 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. 188),
hiatus might be assumed in the italicized words: a mheinn fcin in
Aird a* Chuan (cf Rathhn hi- in), ghoinn (also gheoinn) 61, ccol
agus iomairt (cf Rathlin yo'in), se mo chroidhe a ta trom (Rathlin
niD xrEid) go hhfaighinn bas i n-Eirinn (Rathlin gd va-in, g? vz-in);
in the last two words, however, the two vowels may be separated
by a consonantal semi-vowel (j). It thus appears that, while it is
possible that hiatus might have existed in Antrim Irish as in Scottish
GaeHc, though it has practically disappeared to-day,^ it still exists
in Rathlin, at least fragmentarily. With respect to hiatus, Rathlin
Irish shows indubitable Scottish affinities, but it must be remembered
that this feature, which shows strong tendencies towards obliteration
in southern Scottish Gaelic as well as in Rathlin Island, may once
have been more general also in Ulster Irish. Manx, which is more
akin to Scottish Gaelic than to Irish, entirely lacks this type of
vowel meeting.

< § 158 >

Passing on to morphology, the first detail subject to dialectal
variation is initial mutation, more especially what is called eclipsis
(see §§ loi, 102). The difference between Irish and Scottish Gaelic

1. According to O'Rahilly and O Searcaigh, the lirst vowel is long, but
O Searcaigh regularly writes a long vowel even for the true diphthongs
(e.g. ruadh ru:a. Hath Li: a), where Sommerfelt, for instance, hears a short
vowel (fiadhT?^, luath Lua, Dialect of Torr, %% 78, 79). As far as I can
hear, the vowel is very often short, but perhaps half-long normally.

2. Since the above was written, I have had occasion to hear Prof.
Tuathail's phonographic record of the same song, recorded from an old
native of Glendun (who died a few years ago). The hiatus came through
clearly in the words a mbeinn a ms'in, gheo(bha)inn jo'in, mo chroidhe
m9 xri'9'j the first vowel was long or half-long. As the vowel is rather long
in Rathhn in the same case (see §§ 53, 13, footnote), it now appears that
'the Rathlin dialect does not essentially diverge from Antrim Irish on this
point.

I2S run luisii lancuac.h in rathlin island

in this respect is well known: in the former language (and in Manx)
c, p, t, b, g, d are in a considerable number of cases ' echpsed * to g
(gc), b (bp), d (dt), m (mb), ng, n (nd), the nasal which originally
caused the eclipsis being regularly elided, while in the latter only
c, p, t^ may in a few sporadic cases appear as g, b, d, the nasal of the
ecHpsing word being normally retained. Characteristically, Rathhn
Irish occupies a truly intermediate position with regard to eclipsis:
b, d, g are unchanged, c, p, t quite often, and, in well defined cases,
are * eclipsed * to the corresponding voiced sounds. The nasal mostly
remains as in Scottish Gaelic, but in certain words, which in Scottish
Gaelic never cause eclipsis, there is never a trace of the original nasal,
so that the analogy with Irish Gaelic is perfect (nar bpiur, mur bpiur,
seacht bponta, etc., § 102). Here, however, older Scottish Gaehc
(O'Rahilly, Irish DialectSy p. 156) shows a closer (though not complete)
correspondence with Rathlin Irish, which here demonstrates its more
old-fashioned nature. The retention o( the * eclipsis ^-causing nasal
has stray analogies in Ulster Irish (/// often stands for / with eclipsed
consonant, before a proper noun; see O'Rahilly, Irish DialectSy p. 156,
footnote).

An interesting analogy with Manx is found in the occasional
aspiration after the interrogative an (§ 100): an fhaic? or an bhfaic?
cf. Manx vaik 00 > naik? (Kneen, § 57).

< § 159 >

The morphological similarities between Rathlin and southern
Scotland are altogether remarkable. This fact, like so many others,
is accounted for in part by Irishisms in southern Scottish Gaelic,
in part by the strong Scottish influence on northern Irish. The most
significant trait in the nominal inflexion is the plural termination
-(e)an, which has no analogy on the Irish mainland,^ but which is
common in Scottish Gaelic and Manx. This is an innovation which
was without doubt once developed in some part of Scotland, whence

1. b is eclipsed only in gu'm bu (pron. gu mu) 'may be/ in Scottish
Gaelic.

2. Even around Ballycastle the plural is formed by -a (-e), which is often
quiescent : mo Idmha mp la:v * my hands/ mo chos md xos ' my feet '
(An I).

THE POSITION OF THE RATHUN DIALECT 129

it spread, and the few examples of the older termination -a (-e)
found in Rathlin have partial analogies in older Scottish Gaelic;
it is still heard in for instance Kintyre (cf. especially the place-
name na Coireacha Salainn, in Antrim and south Kintyre). The
plurals blianta, scealta, ceolta (see §109, b) have now at least no
analogies in southern Scottish GaeHc. The plurals beithean, gnoithean,
soithean (§109, a) have Manx rather than Scottish analogies
(cf Manx beiyn, siyn); also cf Father Short's form **soihye"
(O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinighy p. 26).

The original diminutive -in (cf Donegal cailin ' girl ') is in Rathlin
-ean, as in Scottish GaeHc. The form seems exactly to be that of
Arran Gaelic (e.g. cilean, gen. sg. eilein 'island'; in Kintyre and
Islay the nom. sg. is eilein), but the plural is entirely different.
All words of this type in Rathlin form their plural in -adh (eileanadh),
which must be connected with the north-eastern Irish -annu (-nadh),
for which see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. xxxiv, and
Sommerfelt, NTS. Bind II, p. 170 (trasna na bpairceannadh).

That the nouns in -(e)ach (with the above-mentioned exceptions)
form their gen. sg. and pi. in -(a)igh, -(a)ighe, as in Irish and
southern Scottish Gaelic, is to be expected, and likewise that the
gen. sg. in -adh is restricted to nouns of the 5th declension (in Islay,
this termination is also the rule in the 2d declension).

Among the pronouns there are few forms that are peculiar to
Scottish Gaelic, namely: mi (unstressed also me), and the original
object forms e, i, iad (ead), which are also used as subject in Rathlin,
the interrogative c6 * who ? ' for cia, ce, and the extensive use of
an ath(a) for * next.' The other pronouns are generally found in
the north of Ireland also.

The conjugation of the verbs reminds one strongly of Scottish
Gaelic. The analytic conjugation, which is typical of Scottish Gaelic,
is properly a simplification of the original synthetic conjugation,
and the former is gaining ground also in Northern Irish, especially
among the younger generation. The old synthetic form in -(e) am
(see § 138) is better preserved in Rathlin than in Scottish Gaelic,
where it is preferably used in an imperative sense (cf. also O'Rahilly,
Irish Dialects, pp. 169, 170). The typical confusion of the original
present and future has been dealt with in § 137; it appears that the
Rathlin Irish has preserved a little more of the old system. In the

130 Tllli IRISH LANGUACI- IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Other tenses the forms arc the same as in both Northern Irish and
Scottish, except the present subjunctive in -(a)idh, which is only-
Irish, and the 2d pers. ph of the imperative in -(e)abh, which is
only Scottisli.^ The past part, in -ta or -te is more general in Ireland
than in Scotland, although the latter is very common in South Argyll
(which is, to some extent, due to English hifluence). Very Scottish
also is the aspirated dh' in the preterit (Rathlin and Scot, dh'fhag
as against Irish d'fhag), the insertion of do, d' after the verbal particles
an, gon, cha, nach, instead of the Irish -r,^ and finally the repetition
of the prep, do before the verbal noun when it is used as infinitive
(do dh'fhaghail, a dh'fhaghail, for Irish d'fhail, fhdil).

Of the irregular verbs the following forms are predominantly
Scottish: fheil (also used in Antrim), bidh, bi, bhios (fut.) and bhiodh,
bhinn (imperf.-cond.), bha, pret. (in the Glens of Antrim, bha and
bill), bhith, vb. n., rinn * did,' dcanadh * doing,' chi * will see '
(in the Glens, ti = tchi), faic (* see '), gheabh, faigh (* get '),
f huair * got.'

The following are essentially Irish: ta (pres. * be,' though used in
the older Scottish literature^), bheith (vb. n. *be'), deir (pres. *say*),
dubhairt (pret. * say '), tuir (imper. and pres. * give '),4 chuaidh
(pret. *go'), teacht (vb. n. *come*; also used in Arran, Scotl.).

Of the defective verbs, urra, urraidh, urrain, for * can,' is
typically Scottish.

Of particles (prepositions and conjunctions), the prep, faoi and
frid are typically Irish, thro * through ' (only in the rare phrase
thro theine * on fire ') and ma * about/ Scottish. The conjunction
an *if ' is found in Antrim, and the rarer form nan only in Scotland;

1. In the Glens of Antrim forms like : teigheabh * go,' tuireabh ' give/
marbhabh ' kill,' itheabh, olabh, agus bibh go sugach * eat, drink, and be
merry,' were also in use (An 2).

2. In the Glens of Antrim the -r form only is used (char chreid siad
* they did not believe,' see p. 155).

3. The verbs ti, teid (imper.), tig (imper.) are hardly ever aspirated in
Rathhn, and the Scot, forms tha, theid, thig are consequently almost
unknown.

4. In southern Scot. Gaelic the verbal forms bheir, toir (pres.-fut.), and
their (' say ') are disyllabic in pronunciation {ve-^r, do-dr^ he'9r)y while the
corresponding Rathlin forms (bheir, dtuir, deir) are mostly short and
monosyllabic.

I

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT I3I

far an 'where' (=Ir. mar a), and the forms man 'before' and
manan * unless ' are common in southern Scot. Gaehc, but s'man,
s'manan (from seal ma, sul ma) * before ' has Irish analogies
(see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhnintir Lninigh, p. 12 : su* ma robh an
bhuatais lionta), and is not found in Scottish Gaelic.

< § 160 >

In vocabulary there is also much agreement with Scottish Gaelic,
either by the existence of purely Scottish words and phrases, or so
that common Irish words have a Scottish meaning. The following
are instances of the former type (an asterisk marks words which are
also found in the Glens of Antrim) : mar a b'abhaist * as usual,'
ta me ag aireamh ' I reckon ' (common in Kintyre), ag aiteamh

* thawing,' astar * distance,' *bachlach * boy ' (the pronunciation is
often the same as in Arran, Scotland), biodag ' dagger,' boidheach
'pretty,' 'bonny,' boireann 'female' (adj.), braosc 'grin,' *bruach
' slope,' ' brae,' buitseach ' witch,' cag ' crow ' (in Kintyre =
'jackdaw'), caibeal 'chapel,' *caisceim 'step,' canamhain 'language,'
caolas ' strait,' ' channel,' car ' twist,' ' while,' carach ' crooked,'
ceabhar ' gentle breeze,' ceardaman ' beetle,' clachan ' stone heap,'
cnap(an) ' potato,' coimhearsnach ' neighbor,' coiteachadh ' arguing,'
comhlach le ' together with ' (in Scotland comhla ri), cordadh le

* agreeing with ' (Sc. cordadh ri), costamhail ' costly,' *cruiscean

* primitive lamp' (Sc. "cruisie"), *cuidhil 'spinning wheel,' *cuilean
' pup,' cuireacan ' cap,' cumannta ' common,' air an daoraigh
' drunk,' deidheamhail * fond,' diomach ' displeased,' ' angry,'
daitheo ' water hemlock,' *eilean ' island,' fail ' peat spade,'
*fallus ' perspiration,' faod ' may,' mios na Faoilleach ' February,'
feidhm ' must,' fideog ' whistle,' foithne ' wart,' ar folbh ' gone,'
*garradh ' garden,' gleidh ' hold,' gogan ' pail,' inean ' port,'
ionchainn ' brain,' *iteog ' feather,' iteogaigh ' flying,' iuchair

* key,' leitheogan (liagan) * tangle,' luidhear ' vent,' ' chimney,'
miola-chuileog ' gnat,' mughairne ' ankle,' oir * edge,' Ollaic

* Christmas ' (also Manx) ; ' the New Year,' pioghaid ' magpie,'
piiir ' sister,' priseamhail ' precious,' puinnsean ' poison,' rabhairt
' springtide,' fa rireabh * seriously,' rudha ' point,' scat ' skate ' (fish),
scitheach, scitheog ' thorn bush,' seile, seilean ' bee,' slaightear

13^ Tlin IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATIILIN ISLAND

* rascal/ sluig * swallow/ spog * paw/ stac * stack ' (steep clifF),
stribli * toil/ stuth * stuff/ tairncach, tairncanach ' thunder/ thugainn

* conic * (inipcr.), *tog * lift ' (short o), toisigh * begin ' (long o),
torradh * funeral/ truscan * suit of clothes/ *tunnog * duck/
*uinneog * window/ *urad * quantity/

The next group comprises such words as arc certainly Irish,
though their sense is usually not that of Irish, but of Scottish Gaehc.
They are: *amhairc * look,' brathair * brother,' ^brothchan

* porridge,' *capall *mare,' cladh * cemetery,' *craobh *trce,' *druid

* shut ' (a door), *duil * expectation,' each * horse,' Eoin *John,*
taobh an f hascaidh * the leeward side,' feach * try,' taobh an f huaraidh
' the windward side,' gadhar * lurcher ' (dog), *goirid * short,'
*idir ' at all ' (rare), ionnsaigh * learn,' laghach * nice,' neonach * odd,'
piseog * kitten,' riabhog * skylark,' scith * tired ' (rare), scrog * bite,'
tamailte * afflicted,' * sorry,' go trie * often,' trinnsear * platter,'
ur * new/

According to Prof. O'Rahilly {Irish Dialects, p. 191), the dialect
is * essentially a Scottish dialect/ This will, no doubt, be the opinion
of any reader who peruses the preceding pages, especially those
dealing with the accidence. If it be admitted that this is a characteristic
specimen of Gaelic of the Scottish type, it must not, however, be
thought that the difference between the Rathlin dialect and, for
mstance, that of Kintyre or Arran is approximately the same as
between the latter and that of Islay or Skye. Though the distance
between Rathlin and the Mull of Kintyre is only about one tenth of
the distance between the latter and Skye, the differences are far greater.
And, though historically the Rathlin dialect shows closer affinities
with Scottish than with Irish Gaelic, the external similarities with the
neighbouring Irish dialects are more prominent. This means that a
person from Tirconnel would not have very great difficulty in
understanding a Rathlin man, while a native speaker from the
opposite part of Antrim speaks practically the same language.

The apparent contradiction can be explained in several ways.
First of all, the fact that relations with Scotland have been inter-
rupted for over a century must have left its traces in the language.
Further, it must be taken into consideration that the Gaelic spoken
in opposite parts of Scotland about three hundred years ago (when
according to popular tradition the first Scottish settlers arrived) was

i

THE POSITION OF THE RATHLIN DIALECT I33

very difFcrent from the present-day dialects of Islay, Kintyre and
Arran, and that the Rathhn dialect might be expected to show a
number of archaisms. A third very interesting point is whether
the Scottish settlers actually came from any of the places mentioned
here. There may be some truth in the tradition that the Rathlin
people came by the Glens of Antrim (§3). This would mean that
the colonization of Rathlin might have been part of the migration
westward from Ayrshire and Galloway (which also reached the
Isle of Man, cf. O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 117). Some facts which
actually point to Ayrshire were mentioned above (§ 156). In
addition, the great difference between the Rathlin dialect and the
hving Gaelic dialects in Scotland might be more easily explained
if it could be assumed that the colonists spoke the Ayrshire dialect
of Gaelic, which is now extinct.

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH

[(i) The * Lower End/
I. — By Mrs. Attn Jane Craig, Ballycarry,

va: tsi an ^n raxlln <? va ad o d^e:ti.ig pjU^sn an. as x^ali tta pihri
?tn hal'ci^xa\t'd t\iint?lt er as hatt'i at ? ttal gD raxlin. xjtti balax beg zd d
tjaxt sntji jn tsi. rz<; s st'ax ag.is h^g Icj tttaib. hil'g a dj: tia tri: fi:d^m
ttijiti'i stitji ?n tttaih ag?s hil'g a j ttta :h er o yrltn. rsf a max as
sxas DT] krjk agds tta pihri as d jei. rsg e lej s^js dt] krok gjs on ro ad
? tjaxt dies do:, hil'g e ttta:h d^s tia yrltn agds ar^sz\dn. ha nel hit an
ax do : na tri : fi :dpn vj :n'i or son tttj fj^'dr agos ha dd yEd^ tni zd.
hiV ad er o^tiaj. va: hs ak3 dn lin tiax ro d veg an.

ho: ro: go d^iV on dranii
ho: ro: go d^il' on dranii
ho: ro: go d^il' Dtt dratni
jitnad [jar or) g'al er

nor d he:di on dratn so xlag'on
kal'i \iti'd U: tiar\ goson
hi liti'j laio (s?) tta glassd^on
go ni:n fokol fesm/J ain

3. — By Mrs. Glass.

— go d^e : ta : so pot agod, oso kalom fi-jder

— ta: kriman jo:l' hir'otn {y)ort\, oso kalotn ta:l'zr

— hi'i tni a-od o g'vo noxt, oso kalotn Ji'odsr

— d^itnon gretn er he :di os do xorp, oso kalom ta :l'zr

4.
er d he:di tni lai{o) so nI:go
ta: mi tjindag an mo : ran
mor n'al or tE:v tiar] kiCrk'on
Js gE:l mo yra:g rEin tno l'o:n

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I35

Bha toigh aim an Reachlainn a bha cad ag deanadh poitean ann.
As chualaigh na peelerigh in Baile Chaisteal tiomalt' air, as diainigh
ead anall go Reachlainn. Chonnaigh bachlach beag ead ag teacht
ainti an toighe. Roith e istcach, agus thug leis mala. Thilg e do
na tri foidean moinidh ainti an mala, agus thilg e. an mala air a
dhruim. Roith e amach as suas an cnoc, agus na peelerigh as a
dheidh, Roith e leis suas an cnoc, gos an rabh ead ag teacht deas
do. Thilg e an mala de na dhruim, agus ars eisean, ''Chan fheil
bit aim ach do na tri foidean mhoinidh ar son mo phiur, agus cha
do ghoid me ead." Thill ead air a n-ais. Bha fios aca ann sin nach
rabh a bheag ann.

Ho ro gon dtill an drama.
Ho ro gon dtill an drama.
Ho ro gon dtill an drama,
'S iomad fear in geall air.

Nuair a theid an dram sa chlaigeann
Caillidh sinne liith nan gcosan,
Bidh sinne laighe 'sna glasaidean
Gan aon f(h)ocal cainnt againn.

Goidc ta sa' p(h)ota agad, arsa Calum Fighcadoir.
Ta crioman fheoil thiream, ghoirt, arsa Calum Taillear.
Bidh me agad ag ithc anocht, arsa Calum Figheadoir.
Dimean greim air a theid arms do chorp, arsa Calum Taillear.

Air a theid me laighe san oidhche,
Ta me tionntachadh in m'on'ran (?),
Mar an eala ar taobh nan (g)cuircean,
Se gaol mo ghradh a rinn mo leon.

\}() \\[\. HUSH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

The following short verses are instances of the Scottish so-called
puirt-a-beul, or ' mouth tunes,' which were once very popular in
Rathlin as in the Scottish Highlands. They arc dance music, and
were, therefore, sung very fast, so that the words, which arc generally
funny and very monotonous, often lost their original meaning.
The ' mouth tunes ' were sung to common dance tunes at dances
where no instruments were played.

5-
la: n'idH .? rX/'er almix
ta: n'idn d v^l'zr i :vax
ta: n'hn 3 vtCl'zr lE-ax gr'ni {gri :n')
as hi i cr' d do :ri

t£r dram d.y n'en j ViCl'zr, t^r dram d,i n'en j viCl'sr
tiCr dram dj n'en j v£l'zr nar o gav i fE:xag

6.

na mrawt er' jn dahri
s na mra'on er' du do :ri
va: \i: (sic) losk^ k^rik'd[n)
va: \i: losk? lem'?
va: J/: loskd haprm
at\ d vlg dn re:t\?g

d^inad grim he :d^ mi lai?

g?s d vai mi rEd?k'in

tri : hsjn tri : kjs.vi tri: koson kE:rax

tri: kosm agjs k'a:n

hrjlax agcis me :djl

davsdg . . .
kra'9g ad I'eddnax
raxdg agjs ril'dg
rax3g ad ? nD:rd?r

tri: ni^n, tri: nidn, tri: ni?n sparijax,

tri: ni?n spari\ax 9S k'er'j g'il'du {g'^hn) o:g?

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I 37

Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aidhcarach,
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aoibheach,
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir laghach, grinn,
Agus bidh i air an daoraigh.

Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Tuir dram do nighean an

mhuilleoir,
Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Nuair nach gabh i faochog.

6.

Na mndn air an dallaraigh,
'S na mnan air an daoraigh,
Bha te ag loscadh a cuiricean,
Bha te ag loscadh a leine,
Bha te ag loscadh a h-apron,
Ait a bhiodh an reidhteach.

Dionad grerni theid mi laighc

Gus an bhfaigh mi raod-eicin,

Tri cosan, tri cosan, tri cosan caorach,

Tri cosan agus ceann,

BroUach agus meadal.

Damhsadh . . ,

Crathadh ead Icadaiiach (explained as * soles,' maybe

' heads of hair ' ?)
Rachadh agus reeladh,
Rachadh ead in order:

Tri nighean, tri nighean, tri nighean spairiseach,

Tri nighean spairiseach is ceithre gillean (giollan) oga.

The above specimens recited by Mrs. Glass properly do not re-
present Rathlin Irish, as they originally came from Scotland. Some
were sung by Mrs. Glass's Scottish grandmother. There are several
Scottish Gaelic words in them, as: in m'on'ran, prob. = in m'aonaran
*all by my lonesome,' gaol, used for * love,' spairiseach ' stylish,' etc.

13^^ THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

By Aleck Aiidcrsofi, CraiiimacagaH,
9. — The Old Woman of Islay.

I'll : ba:tj j raxUn' ha:l j ii'i:!',} as ini : stormzl as xa bxrj c; a :gaL
va ad ,? fantiii' .) u'i:l\}. [va :) Ian vjaii as jn \hi hi(g i pi:sj sjia:^en
olvi (1j :fi, a.is va : trEi snoim.m aos man,m ro ax hcgan gE:g va ad 3
skoiWig Uxn d^z na snonn.vi as an ro t^l^i gE:g jn darno h/C{:)n d
skiid'jg (ax) g.in ,vi trcs IU:n a skdil'jg jr son am ha:j

Cf. by speaker No. 3: na sUEiI'dv m trEh snE:m, as ma
skE'A'js llv £ hii \lv le:d^ijt',i naT] jn jj d riijt'

4. — By Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach,

10. — From the Story About Murchadh and Mionachog.

sjp dm vo: d^oir dj na xat kat d hH'jg {hil'g'?) lux lux d

sk'ib.ig im im j xjs,) go : {g^ :) gi(: d rz(; flag Jiag j snaiv ^Ik'D

xlk'j .1 xiCr cr lijv I'ijv j x^r jr t^ag t^ag d v^znt\ slat slat j
ViQhg cr' mjznaxag j (j)/f ntj x/Cd^ s^ :

II.

san gjn (lal vi'js na nira-jn
bre:gax bre :gax 9 n'anag Via
i:ri yrian mux na mal
san h d^ia vi'os on la-?

I

12.
va mi n'eirin va mi nalbin va mi r\ k^ndai («) da:l [da'M) va mi
n'arin, ax 9 I'e'id^ d nCdjn g'al d tjcag d glan xa mkd mi riav an

I

13.— Song.
g'zrsahdn oigo dT\ glak \iv m? xjirl'?
hi jiv gDH po :sDg ?m blianj
blian dn d^/C hi J/i; g9n hro :gjn
hi 97] g^:n ag9V krjxti9 lej 9m pkt^ cr' 9 xiiihv
as 9m hahi S9 xliav 9 g^l

I. English 't'

SPECIMENS OF BATHLIN IRISH I39

Bha bata o Rcachlainn thall in lie. As bha e stoirme'il, as cha
b*urra e (scil, ' Islay ') f hagail. Bha cad ag fantaiii in lie. Bha scan
bhean (scil. in Islay), agus an sin thug i piosa snaithean olann dofa.
As bha tri snaidhmean, agus manan rabh ach beagan gaoithe, bha
ead a scaoileadh h-aon de na snaidhmean, agus an rabh tuille gaoithe,
an darn a h-aon a scaoileadh, ach gan an treas h-aon a scaoileadh
ar son an bais.

(By speaker No. 3): The old woman told them: Na scaoileabh
an triadh (triomhadh) snaidhm, agus ma scaoileas sibh e bidh sibh
scidiste anall an sco arist.

10.
Sop do'n bho, deor do'n chat, cat a shcilg luch, luch a scriobadh
im, im a chosa gadhair, gadhar (gaoth) a roith fiadh, fiadh a snamh
uisce, uisce a chur air liomh, liomh a chur ar tuagh, tuagh a bhuaint
slat, slat a bhualadh air Mionachog, a dh'ith mo chuid sugh.

II.
'S ann gan chiall bhios na mnan,
Brcagach, brcagach an fhcannog liath,
Eirighidh an ghrian much na mall,
'S ann le Dia bhios an la.

13.

Bha mi in Eirinn, bha mi in Albain, bha mi in Cunndae an Dal
(' Cushendair), bha mi in Arain (?), ach a leithid dc rudan geal,
ag teidhcaga' go glan, chan fhaca mi riamh ann (the changeling
said when he saw the eggs being roasted at the fire).

13.
Giorsachan oga, an glac sibh mo chomhairle,
Bidh sibh gan posadh in bliadhna.
Bliadhna indiu bidh sibh gan brogan,
Bidh an guna agaibh croichte leis an plaid air a chulaibh,
As an babaidh san chhabh ag gul.

140 THH IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATllLIN ISLAND

14. — By Joseph Anderson y MuUindress.

— ,vi ro i{ Z(^' J uajrm on d^^

— ha ro, va mi na:t\,} na hz:r. va mi hi:s jn la:r tijr.in [lairt a
ylvzn) J krx'n'ax.i sms:r

15. — St. Coluinba inquit:
f/Carag joirn? as hs:,il nui vroig jm hiag j sz:r ? hiizr mi riav

16. — The little bird says:

ma Js d^n'D heg d rjh mj n'ed
g,i giQ'i d^ia ra er'
ma Js diCn'j mo :r j rob mj n'ed
gj g/Cr'i d^ia har h hz:n a

17. — The Corncrake says:

min min henar [menar) vz-il nxt o narvjr

gd mo varvdg or son gra :n'd kor'k'd jig mi^^ rair

18. — By Miss Lizzie McKeagne, Ballyconagan,

na hi misk'zl dn tEi d m:l {nj:stj)
na hi kagjrt Iz do h^:l'
na hi kogor l'j:fi t] k/C:l'
{hi) mor j xr^'i d^ia £ vjan

19.
kl:n'i er on xr^isr
dn lad nuir j :g'D
niD nai m?r intjin kal

20. — Sayings.

(a) DT] kar ? ta: Sdn t^an vadp ds dEl'i hort\ as

(b) hi ta-i er dd xard^dn ax na hi ta-i ro trzk' op

(c) ha yavdg ad na koji as ha nzidg ad na marki

(d) he :di dn d/Cx9S frid^ na kregdn

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I4I

14.

— An rabh thu aig an Aifreann indiu?

— Cha rabh. Bha mi in aite na b'fhearr. Bha mi thios in Lathr*
Da Dhuibhean ag cruinncachadh smear.

15.
Fuarog eorna as beal mo bhrog, an biadh is f hearr a fhuair me
riamh.

16.
Mas e duine beag a rob mo nead,
Go gcuiridh Dia rath air,
Mas e duine mor a rob mo nead,
Go gcuiridh Dia thar le beinn e.

17.
Min, min, b'e nar (mo) b(h)eatha(-se) (?), ucht an arbhar,
Go mo mharbhadh ar son grainne coirce dh'ith mia reir.

Na bi meisceamhail in toigh an 61 (osta),

Na bi cagairt le do shuil,

Na bi cogar leofa in (g)cuil,

Bi mar a chruthaigh Dia thu, bhean.

19.

Cuimhnigh air an Chruthaightheoir

In la mur oige,

Man fhaigh mur intinn call.

20.
{a) An car a ta san t-shean mhaide is doiligh a thabhairt as.
(6) Bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach na bi taithighe ro thric ortha.
(c) Cha ghabhadh ead na coisidhthe, agus chan f haigheadh ead na

marcaigh (*A gave ad na Coshie agas an Nie ad na Markie ').
{d) Theid an diithchas frid na creagan (' Heig an Ducas frige na

Craigen *).

142 rill-: IRISH LANGUAca: in kathlin island

(/;) The * Upper End/

By Jolin McCurdyy Upper Ckggcin,

21. — Comical Story.

va : fjar an oar <? va :n' as va : bjan zg'o as ha ro^ sla :nt\d va zk'd

as va: fjar ? mah 9 gohir' as va: vjan 3 fa-al ha:s as ho :n dj na la-in

(for laiDu) va i skartlj lej tfa'g (for tlig') 9 st'ah wccl d^e : ta k'a:r ort

wa'l ta i jo'i /t'J {k^?) iva'l ka:tl j vcl ^ jd-9l ta: j6'9l hansj dpa

wa^l ma vv9S i ko fado zg'9 d^ia as 9 ta ^ aomsd h'vi d^ia fa:s

kor'^ It' p.

22. — Riddles.
giran big er g'lV {g'eV)
hwEi a har 9 mi^j
fjar injjg 9 sk'e:l'
fjar gd nz9 g9 nul

23.
ha n'el grz:si riav 9 j'wig kahm f'9dzr' na hdaJ9g kahm ta:l'zr'

24.
krE:v 9 ta: fa:s 9 m^i 9 ba:r ji9S — ^rb9l bo:

25. — Songs.
ho d; mo n'idti do:n h:jax
h ro : tiw n'i9n do :n bj :jax
m9 xaVzn I'akax bo :jax
xa fi :sin ax ^:

26.
d^e^dj:ni dol 9n tjarmzn
I'e d9 ribzn d£ 9S d^arg
as k'e:d pizd 9r d9 x^ :l

27.
jo una hop an beg vr'i\ mi\9
\z n to:! 9 h^g m9 vilt'im

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH 1 43

21.

Bha fear ann uair amhain, agus bha bean aige. Agus cha rabh
an slainte mhaith aice. Agus bha a' fear amach ag obair, agus bha
a bhean a faghail bas. Agus h-aon dc na laithean bha i scairt leis,
" Tig isteach." ''Well, (goi)de ta cearr ort? " "Well, ta i (for me)
ar shiubhal leithe." " Well, edit a bhfeil diu ar shiubhah " " Ta
ar shiubhal ionns air Dia/' "Well, ma bliios i (for tu) co fada aig
Dia agus a ta thu agamsa, bidh Dia ag fas cuirthe leithe (for leat)/'

22.

Gillean (?) beag air gil (?),
Chuaidh e thar muir.
Fear innseadh a sceil.
Fear gan fheith, gan fhuil.

(A letter)

23.
Chan fheil greas ariamh a dh'fhigheadh Calum Figheadoir nach
fhuaigheadh Calum Tailleoir.

24.
Craobh a ta fas amuigh, a barr sios. — lorball bo.

25.
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach.
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach.
Mo chailean laghach(?) boidheach,
Cha phosainn ach thu.

26.
De Domhnaigh dol do'n t-shearmoin
Le'd ribeain dubh a's dearg(a),
A's cead plaid ar do chul (cf. No. 3x3).

27.
Se ioma copan beag (a) bhris me,
Se an t-6l a thug mo mheas diom.

144 I'll^ HUSH LANGUAC.L IN KATHLIN ISLAND

28. — By Daniel McCurdy, Kinramcr,
I:pfc:I hri:d^D bfiQijiiax
bXsl JT\ k'ain d^z tia fatlvtax

Referring to the poultry being killed at St. Brigid's Feast
(cf. No. 37, d).

29. — Songs.
1119 heidi X val'c n diCmDUj
as gj d^e : na davsD komik'o
mj he :di ^ go d^^ira
J g9 dor na mra-jn kl'^: d^tl
patjjn dj x^d'D
pUk'j h^r {hr) d<i vonatj ort
do r^djbm d<i r^d?hm
ds r^djl d'id'jl dam dj^

Hd to: md n'idn do :n hoijax
hd to: ntd n'hn do :n hoijax
m? xal'zn I'akax hoijax (or; dies ds hoijax)

er' 9 viJ9 dol 9n tlarmsn'
as rih9n d^ 9S d^arg 9r
k'ed pht er' 9 x£ibv
er fad an du d^arg

By Patrick McCurdy, Lower Cleggan.
31. — Songs,
(a) er' 9 jo Jm' p9tait9 saivaltl9 tlir'9m
as 9m hait9 9 naitJ9 Ve'9gax
er' 9 jo jin' n9 Ve'intrax 9S na skadan'
hin er' 9 nil \9n 9m poiS9g

(Wi kaitj 9n ro /C d^^ s 9n d^ei
pa I mi m9 m9 yro'9X he i
rsg nam haltJ9n
g9 n'iari g9n gam ho iS9g

I. d' maybe for English *d/ cf, § 42.

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH 145

28.

Oidhche feil' Bride bruiteanach [= ?),
Buail an ceann de'n phaiteanach.

29.

Ma theid thu a Bhaile 'n Luimnigh (j

A's go dti na damhsa' comic,

Ma theid thu go Diura ('Jura '),

'S go dtoir na mnan chu duit.

Paitean do chuile (— ?),

Pluice (= ?) thar ( ? ) ^^ bhonaid ort.

De rudelam, De rudelam,

De rudel, diddle, dam-da.

30.

Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach,
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach,
Mo chailean laghach (?), boidheach.

Air a bhi si dol do'n t-shearmoin,
A's ribean dubh a's dearg' uirrth',
Cead plaid air a chulaibh
Ar fad arm in dearg.

31.

{a) Air a gheo sinn potata sabhailte tiream,
A's an bata in aite . . . (?=*safe').
Air a gheo sinn na liontrach (?=' nets'?) as na scadain.
Shin air a ghni sinn an posadh.

(&) Gait an rabh thu 'diu 's inde?
Bha me ma mo ghnothach f he,
Rith nan bailtean, rith nan bailtean,
'ga n-iarraidh gan 'gan bposadh.

146 THE IRISH LANGUACli IN KATIIUN ISLAND

32.— By Daniel McFall, Glaic an Toigh Mlwr.
hxai jv\ k'zrdjnim ajs ,n] k/Cl'ag
cr' k'c :l'i m sjn rl :
lixtj .in xxlag sjn rj//;',?
s va: T[ k'srd.mun .1 kH:n'j

33. — By Miss Atniic Black, Kinramcr.
— • ka :tj m TO X ro.i rair

— va : mz s,i ya :rjg

— g3 d^e: va i{ gj d^znog on \ln

— va: me kT]Eax p Uaiton

— ko : va : krin'ag

— va : mo fjujr mazr i

34. — The Two Men And The Fairies.

va : don' 9 sd gan ^ravdr as va : n don'd (jIn 9) jsri nam ho : kon'dskdr
DS hwEi a s^as dn d^e n jafto as xdar]i s na dEm'd d gozl mtr] g'j:r]tjn
jin na dEin'd kj:r' d^er' mi I'jifd va at o goal d^c ^r]dzn ds d^e ^ma:rt
d^e *r[dzn 9S d^e Una:rt ds h:ji mije h:r]9 h: as doBrtj mi d^e ^k'ednd
va:t b^iax d^z na p :t] na xdaT]i at d^e ^k'eidno wzl va: jyrdj xrltj
cr' D y^aT[in as jisdri at d^i :m hd d^es lat \In d vi d^z dd y^^i^m

ha:n'i mijo na vaV as haxir mi cr' don'? bzg el'd as jinij mi\d
dj : kiha haxir do gd^^ dozr mi\d xrltj d^z md y£ar\in son fikdhn
bzg k'j:r[ sm go dd xXd^i mi b:f<) k'j:r] ini^ag as ma he:d^ £sd s^as jo
AT J/rt he : k^d^axt ma x^r'ds t^so fikor] el'? lej 9 p :r] jo ^S9 d^e :t
k^d^aht xoai on don' 9 soas 9 jiari nam bo : as haxir at er' 9 goal 9 p ;r|
as ho:li mil9 ko :t[9 lo : os doort mijo b :f9 go-i mijo ko :r]9 h:
ma x£r'os ti£ mo xrltl d^z mo yrim ho :ji at os yo at d^e ^r]dzn
die hna:rt d^e ^k'e:dno d^e ^r]dzn d^e ^ma:rt d^e ^k'e:dno as doort'
mijo lo: d^er ^dE:n' wzl ha da:n'i d^er ^dE:n' st'ah ^ro jes as na
xoni ztson jln XiCr' zt krltj on don' el' er' as ha:n'i n din'd boht na
val'o s da: xrltf er'

35. — How Rathhn Was Made.
That Rathlin Irish has strong similarities with the Gaehc in Scotland,
and even that it originally came into the island from Scotland along
with Scottish settlers, is a statement often made in Rathlin (cf § 3).

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I47

32.

Chuaidh an ceardaman a*s an cuilcog
Air ceilidhe ionns air an righ;
Thuit an chuileog san tcine,
'S bha an ceardaman ag caoine'.

33.

— Cait an rabh thu ar shiubhal areir?

— Bha me san gharradh.

— Goide bha thu go deanadh an sin?

— Bha me cladhach potatan.

— Co bha cruinncachadh ?

— Bha (sic) mo phiur mathair i.

34.

Bha duine san Cheann Rcamhar, agus bha an duine sin a dh'iarraidh
nan bo coinf heascar. Agus chuaidh e suas an dti ( ?) an gheafta, agus
chualaigh c na daoine ag gabhail nan gceoltan. Sin na daoine coir
(deir me leofa). Bha ead ag gabhail, ''De Luain a's De Mart,
De Luain a's Dc Mart." Agus thoisigh misc (c) comhla leo, agus
diiirt mise, ''De Ccad'na." Bha ead buidheach dc'n cheol nuair
a (o na ?) chualaigh ead ' De Cead'na.' Well, bha seorda chruit air
a ghualainn, agus dliThiosraigh ead diom, *' (An) ba deas leat sin a
bhith de do ghualainn?"

Thainigh mise (eisean) na bhaile, agus thachair me (e) air duine
beag eile. Agus dh'innis me do cibe thachair domh, gon d'fhuair me
an chruit de mo ghualainn (ar) son foclan beag ceol (ar son gon do
chuidigh me leofa an ceol fhinisheadh). "Agus ma theid thusa suas,
gheo thu sin fhe cuideacht." Chuaidh an duine suas a dh'iarraidh
nan bo, agus thachair ead air ag gabhail an cheol. Agus thoisigh
mise (eisean) comhla leo, agus duirt me (e) leofa, *' Gabhaidh mise
ceol leofa (leibh) ma chuireas tu mo chruit de mo dhruim." Thoisigh
ead, agus ghabh ead, " De Luain, De Mart, De Cead'na, De Luain,
De Mart, De Cead'na," agus duirt mise (eisean) leo, '* De'r Daoin."
Well, cha dtainigh ' De'r Daoin ' isteach ro dheas, agus na
chonnaigh eadsan sin chuir ead cruit an duine eile air, agus thainigh
an duine bocht na bhaile 's da chruit air.

14-^ THE IRISH LANGUACH IN RATHLIN ISLAND

The following short story is evidence of the popular theory that
Rathlin was originally part of Scotland, and not of Ireland.

va: ^aii xal'ax na va i ja:gal ka'n t\oxd gj d^e: h^g i Icp na hapdron
raxT\iii. iijs na va i (]or\ j j\{:T\aii Icp g.y lic:riii' as vrij hin d^z na
srz'an' ajs xalV i va: na hap.invi j Icp ha drEin' i cirin' d^z as h^tj i
as ? hapjrjii as yar'mi /p s gj fcs p raxr\in va i ga a :gal on J:?

According to another theory, however, Rathhn was cut out of
the Antrim soil, near Annoy, where a depression is said to be found
closely corresponding with the outline of Rathhn.

36. — How Lough Neagh Arose.

Irish traditions are not less familiar to the Rathlin people than are
Scottish stories and songs, as appears from the following version of
the story about Lough Neagh.

r|o.Y n's'ax hj:li a lc\ on tohdr fur^lk'd ads va: hjan z^d kon'dskdx
adS ha dd xl:n'i i er' d xv[a:r d x^r er' va: gV[ast'd d h^V I:p adS na ji:r'i
h^l\i dE:n'd go d^e: va: ax r\oha mo :r as szti mo:r {haVd mo :r) va:
kalt'aT\ mo:r a:n s g? l'o:r tEidu k^d^axt as va: h^l'd dEn'd va:n kailt\?
fio a le\

[c) From Gortconny, Co. Antrim.

By the McCurdies, Gortconny.

37. — Riddles And Sayings.

(a) g'ir9 beg er gil
han'i z hat m^r'
va: g"inl?g sk'zdl
g3 nzd gd n£l

(b) \l'ilag er' d n^rlar

J d^el? n'i: drandan

ho :n ho :jax b^i9

agds slatag d^zn dd rar\kax

(c) k'a:n mo :r hEgan a:n
k'a:n k'ir'k'd er' amddan

(d) I:p I' bri :d^d br/CtJ9nax

t^r dT\ k'a :n d^e na fatJDnax

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I49

Bha scan chailleach. Na bha i fagail Ccann Locha (* Campbeltown,
Kintyre'), goide thug i leithe in a h-apron: Rcachlainn. Agus na
bha i dol a ghiulan leithe go h-Eirinn, (agus) bhris h-aon de na
sreangain, agus chaill i bha na h-apron leithe. Cha do rinn i Eirinn
de. Agus thuit i (scih ' Rathlin ') as a h-apron, agus dh'ainmigh i e,
go b'e seo Reachlainn bha i ga fhagail an seo.

36.

Loch n-Eachach. — Thoisigh c leis an tobar fior-uisce, agus bha
bean aige coinfheascar. Agus cha do chuimhnigh i air an chlar a
chur air (bha e glaiste h-uile oidhche). Agus na dh'irigh h-uile
daoine {sic), goide bha ach loch mor. Agus (' there used to be ')
city mor (baile mor); bha caisteal mor ann, agus go leor toighean
cuideacht, agus bha h-uilc duinc bh'ann caillte. Flow e leis.

37.

(a) Gille beag air gil (?),
Thainigh e thar muir,
Bha e ag innseadh sceal,
Gan fheith, gan fhuil.

(cf. No. 22)

(J)) Sliseog air an urlar
Is deise ghni dranndan,
Bonn boidheach, buidhe
Agus slatog deanta de fhrancach.

(A fiddle)

(c) Ceann mor — beagan ann,
Ceann circe air amadan.

[d) Oidhche '1' Bride bruiteanach,
Tuir an ceann de*n phaiteanach.

150 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

By Daniel McCiirdy, Gortconny.

3S. — l1ic Story About The Bannock

va: trPJ dliiti'j an rauj Jj j nar'ni j va: jrj gi:g\mi js go:g\vn
.IS hi hjxt J b'.g.vn arsj g'i'g<^^n h gD:g'<vn jr'g nj v^Von
arsD hi hxt g.) h :g,ini lie :d^ J///' ^C/'j g.i Veir' h^g z:d ^t]
k'i:r.\iJ n,) val'o arsj g'i:g.vn h g'j:g'<^m e:r'i js d^zn hanah cir'i
X he :n' asj hi hxt gj l'j:g\vn he :d^ jin' Xl'j gj I'eir ji'.r'i ?n trEi
.IS rEUi' zd oni hanah er' va : rzi ,n son j gantajg aso g'i:g'jnt
eir'i js tlznti om hanax asj g'j:g\vn iir'i X he:n' asj hoi hxt o l'o:g,im
heidi \in' XVj gj I'eir jiir'i on trEi os ^znti zd z:

han'i .1 niadj rXag ,1 jt'ax js hXg a skng as j vanah hz^r'Xol lei
J vadc'ig rXag ps <i hanax na jzi max Iz g'i:g'<yin ds g'd'.g'jm as hi
hxt D V Dig' Dm as g'zi j vanL han'i Dm hanax gj d'i: tr'X:
vont\D Hd moinDg ka:t\ on da:ni X as d vanl voxt han'i me :>
g'i:g'jm as g'oig'jm as hi hxt d Vo'.g'om as hi'i (ms) vXdvJd
ma yEid^s mz

hil'[g') ad IIds na falti nu :nDg as d'zi d vanax han'i m hanax gB
k'apr J ri no gEl'o ka:t\ on da:n'i X vanl voxt {y(i:g niz xEl'i
at ha:l, 8) han'i mz as g'iig'om . . ., etc., I'jig'jm as on trX:r hnt\d
na mo'.nog as hi mi vXov\3 ma yE'.dos mz

hil'g' zd \iDs na tXagon aos as d'zi na vanax han'i om hanax
go d'i: o'in' as ha b/Cro I'dI on vanax dol trasno no'in' hahor z
er' D vadog rXag ha ;/J on dan'i X, etc. . . . han'i mz g'i ig'om
. . . , etc. I'o'.g'om as on trX:r, etc. . , , as or] k'ara ri na kEl'o , . .
go d^e : mor ta X [dol) har no'in' xXai z ^t'ax no'in' as dXortj
z lei '^ ^^'^^ ^'^'^'^ ^^' ^ ^^^^'^^ ^^'' Xjl'Xx nl\ ta ta ta : t'ig' er' mo rXmpo
veV XfX'x n/J ta ta fa: t'ig' er' mo yrlm vel' X fi' Xx nl\ ta ta:
t'ig' er' mo (;a:n vel' X Jl'Xx nlj ta ta: t'ig' er' ha:r mo p:n' vel'
xfl'Xx nlj ta ta: t'ig' er' mo Vihor ard vel' Xfl'Xx nil xwah os sllg'
9 madog om hanax.

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH I5I

38.

Bha tri daoine ami reamha sco, an ainm a bha ortlia: Gfgeam
agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a Logam. Arsa Gigcam le Gcoigcam,
'*Eirg na nihuileann." (Arsa Geoigeam, "Eirigh thu fhein."). Arsa
Bol Bocht go Logam, '*Thcid simi uile go leir." Thug ead an tioradh
na bhaile. Arsa Gigeam le Gcoigcam, "Eirigh, agus dean bannach/'
"Eirigh thu fhein." Arsa Bol Bocht go Leoigeam, "Theid sinn uilc go
leir." Dh'irigh an tri, agus rinn ead an bannach. Air a bha e rcidh ar
son a thionntachadh, arsa Gigeam, "Eirigh, agus tionntaigh an ban-
nach." Arsa Gcoigcam, "Eirigh thufhein." Arsa Bol Bocht a Leogam,
" Theid sinn uile go Icir." Dh'irigb an tri, agus thionntaigh ead e.

Thainigh an madadh ruadh istcach, agus thug e scrog as an
bhannach. Thar shiubhal Icis an mhadadh ruadh agus an bannach
na dheidh. 'Mach le Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a
Leoigeam as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh an bannach go dti triur
bhuaint na monadh. " Gait an dtainigh thu as, a bhannaigh bhocht? "
" Thainigh me o Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam,
agus bidh me bhuabh-se ma dhfhaodas me.

Thilg ead sios na falta monadh, (agus) as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh
an bannach go ceathrar ag reidhcadh (?) na gcoille(adh). " Gait an
dtainigh thu, a bhannaigh bhocht? " " DhThag me an choillidh ud
thall. Thainigh me as Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a
Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus bidh me bhuabh-se
ma dhThaodas me.

Thilg ead sios na tuaghan, agus as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh
an bannach go dti abhainn, agus cha b'urra Icis an bhannach dol trasna
an abhainn. Thachair e air an mhadadh ruadh. " Gait an dtainigh
thu, a bhannaigh bhocht ? " " Thainigh me o Gigcam agus Gcoigcam
agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus
an ceathrar ag reidhcadh (?) na coille(adh), agus bidh me bhuait-se
ma dhThaodas me." " Goidc mar a ta thu dol thar an abhainn? "
Chuaidh e istcach an abhainn, agus duirt e Icis an bhannach teach t
air a iorball. " Bhfeil thu flinch anois?" " Ta, ta, ta." **Tig air
mo rumpa. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta, ta." ** Tig air mo
dhruim. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois? " " Ta, ta." " Tig air mo cheann.
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta." '* Tig air barr mo shroin.
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois ?" "Ta, ta." **Tig air mo liobar ard. Bhfeil
thu fliuch anois? " Whagh! Agus s(h)luig an madadh an bannach.

152 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

By Mrs. Mary McCurdy, Gortconny.

39. — A Story About A Mermaid.

V(i : haxlax an hi(g a hid ua val'd ajs fi :s a i : agjs va : trEi d^e
xh:n akj ajs <'^ fjcir g<J he :rin' as han'i h^n d^c ua pa:jt'Dn ? It' ax
? va?r ? mak'j (sic) /C du r£d d^cs ta: m^i d^s tav?l ko^i d yra:g j
It' ax 3 (?) tal'm diCis? liKai /p le\ d ja:\t'd as ex' d h'Kai i max hiCsr i
DT] kh:h {jT\ koxdla) vig /Cp as cr' d hiCsr i a h^sr i d r'^dl as ya:g i s:d

40. — Suil Ordoigc.

sd:W jrdjg (cf. below) — s^H'ord?g ? vain xwEi [xwdi) i I'e nan
d^in'sr va: dEin'd ok? hdant\ mo :ndg a?s x£r' a masr' i I'e nam blag
aos x/Cr i kl'iav er ? drim ads han'i fra\ ^p a3S htCai \t'ax fl: kopag
as va: ho: ans d fa:r'k' as jig ? vd: ? xopag ds s^W ordzg'd m azr' (s md)
vazr' d g'iari mild ads mil? "^ ^^(? ^^^ riavag va dt ? gardk er d son as xa
h^rd I'd : a-aV aos x^r' at d st'ax (sk'ax) dn riavag ads varv ad i adS
h^sr zd s^:H' oirdag' gm hlg na riavag

{d) Prayers From Rathlin.

(a) gh:r' dd najr s djn vak s ddn spjzrdd n^:v mdr d va h/CdS ? ta:
nil dS m?r d vxds sE:l gdn sE:l (9a)

(b) Js: do vzd v^r'j ta: la:n d^z na gra:stdn ta: n tlijrnd I' at
ds bjani X er' na mraon s ds bjani toro do vrEin' i:sd

n^ m^r'd maor d^e: gEi or na pjzki d nil ds Xdr nor ha:l
amz:n (9a)

(c) mr adr a ta : er n'av n£vdr tar'm gdn d^ig'i dd riaxt gdn d^znt?
dd hjV er' dn taldv mor d nidr er n'av ndr adr leavzn tiQ d/Cn' dn
Jj/C ds gd madr ndr viaxdn mdr d vads lin'd dd :fd as sE :r' lin as
ga hoik d nil *^^ ^"^^ "''^ ^^'l (^^^

(d) kred^dm dn d^ia nadr ^I'd x^ax kr/Cizr er n'av dS taldv (9a)

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH 1 53

39-

Bha bachlach ann. Thug e aon na bhaile, agus phos e i, agus bha
tri de chlann aca. Agus (chuaidh) an fear go h-Eirinn. Agus thainigh
h-aon de na paistean isteach: **A mhathair, an bhfaca thu an rud
deas a ta amuigh is' t-shabhal? " — '' Coisigh, a ghradh, isteach agus
taiseain domh-sa." Chuaidh ise Icis an phaiste, agus a'ir a chuaidh
i amach fhuair i an cloca (an cochala) bhiodh uirthe. Agus air a
fhuair i e, fhuair i ar shiubhal agus dh'fhag i ead.

40.
Suil Ordoige. — Suil Ordoige bha aim. Chuaidh i Ic nan dinnear:
bha daoine aca ag buaint monadh, agus chuir a mathair i le nan
biadh. Agus chuir i cHabh air a druim, Agus thainigh frais uirthe,
agus chuaidh i isteach faoi copog. Agus bha bo anns an phairc, agus
dh'ith an bho an chopog agus Suil Ordoige. ** M'athair (agus mo)
mhathair ag iarraidh mise, agus mise in bolg na Riabhog." Bha
ead ag amharc air a son, agus cha b'urra leo fhaghail. Agus chuir
ead isteach an Riabhog, agus mharbh ead i, agus fhuair ead Suil
Ordoige in bolg na Riabhog.

[a) Gloir do'n Athair, agus do'n Mhac, agus do'n Spiorad Naomh,
mar a bha o thus, mar a ta anois, agus mar a bhios le
saoghal gan saoghal.

(6) Se do bheatha a Mhuire a ta Ian de na grastan, ta an Tighearna
leat, is beannaighthe thu air na mnan, agus is beannaighthe
toradh do bhroinn, losa.

Naomh Muire, Mathair De, guidh orainne na pcacthaigh
anois agus uair nar bais. Amen.

{c) Nar Athair a ta air Neamh, naomhthar t'ainm, gon dtigidh
do rioghacht, gon deanta(r) do thoil air an talamh, mar a
ghnithear air Neamh. Nar aran laetheamhail tuir duinn
indiu, agus go maithear nar bhfiachan, mar a mhaitheas sinne
dofa; agus saor sinn as gach olc, anois agus uair nar bais.

{d) Creideam in Dia, an Athair uile-chumhachtach, Crutli-
aightheoir air neamh agus talamh;

L

154 TFIF IRISH LANGUAGF IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Je; ni:sti kri:st d<i vah sj lur d^brnd r^gjg (?) on spjzrjd
nl:v (9) ? x^ai sLis Dr n'av j sni <n d^es la:v d^c : ds Ji« d
^i(Lys jr vrcwDS ?r vp: ds er varv

hrcd^dtn sjn spjsr^d «<C;f ,1 n^:v cgli^ xatlax (9a)

(c) aid^Dm d^t\ ? jia mo :r tin gb:r'9
tiE: m£r'3 va riav na h:g'd
tiE: mill ark ai?l
uE:v jj:n' haist'? s pcdsr s pj:l

Ic vriar le smE:n'ag s le ttu x^r ^fc: s le itui Vj x/Cr ^fe: (9)
(f) i:s9 v^/9 sd p:s?f {-v?) t^rDtn d^t\ ntd xrah s mar dm (9a)

Specimen Of Antrim Irish.

A Story About St. Patrick.

By Mrs. Robins, Glenariff.

n^9r d heni n^:v paidrlg gj tabv glas rid he :rin' h£?l hd dEini gd
ro nis mo: no h^:n d'id va:n an kr^n'i nX:v paidrig nd dl:nd listd
t'£mdlt cr la: va:n d£drt' Je l'o:fd ha nel ax h^:n d'h va:n an ax ta:
tri: ^pnrsdni d n'i? lojr lidd le\ xa xrsd'dm \in no xa xrsd'dm gj he :g
no gd d'j : ha ro '^5 [ss) zg' nX:v pa :drig gd d'e : jzudd Je {jznin') host
\z tdSdxi d 'p« agds d sm^:ndxi xr^n'i Je nd tl:sd o:g agds nd dl:nd
i :std t'£mdlt cr d la : zli agds d£drt Js d r£d k'e :nd har xrzd' \zd e : d nlj
xrom j£ z fe:n' agds v£n' \z ^\dmrag d^drt \e Vd:fd ?n vzk U \In
Jm gas d va:n ax ta: tri: dXl'dgi d fa:s as jIn tr/£:r ni£:n d£drt'
jzd lej krzd'dm agds krzd'dm gd he :g agds gd d'o : z

By (stressed) d in the above excerpt I represent the typical northern
Irish sound which is usually transcribed by t (Sommerfelt,
O Searcaigh, etc.). As this symbol has not been already used in this
description, I choose the phonetic symbol which comes nearest to it.
It is the same sound as is heard from many people in Antrim for
Engl, short *i/ and sometimes *u,' e.g. *hill,' *does,' where others
say hEl, dEz {hzl, dzz). Cf § 156.

SPECIMENS OF RATHLIN IRISH * 155

Se in losa Criost do Mhac-sa nar dTighearna, rugadh (?)
o'n Spiorad Naomh, a chuaidh suas air Neamh, ag suidhe ar
deas lamh De, as sin a thiocfhas air bhreitheamh(n)as air bheo
agus air marbh.

Creideam san Spiorad Naomh, an naomh Eaglais
Chat(o)l(aice)ach.

(e) Aidigheam duit, a Dhia mor na gloire,
Naomh Muire a bha riamh na h-6ige {sic),
Naomh Micheal Arc-Aingeal,
Naomh Eoin Baiste, is Peadar is Pol,

Le (mo) bhriathar, le (mo) smaoineachadh, agus le mo choir
fe, agus le mo ro-choir fe.

[f) losa, Mhuire, agus a Sheosamh, tuiream duit mo chroidhc
agus m'anam.

Nuair a thainigh Naomh Padraig go talamh glas na h-Eirinn, shaoil
na daoine go rabh nios mo no h-aon Dia amhain ann. C(h)ruinnigh
Naomh Padraig na daoine aosta tiomallta air la amhain. Duirt se
leofa, ** Chan fheil ach h-aon Dia amhain ann, ach ta tri pearsana (?)
i nDia/' Labhair siad leis, *' Cha chreideam sin," no, " Cha
chreideam go h-eag no go deo." Cha rabh fhios aig Naomh Padraig
goide dheanfhad se (dheanfhainn). Thoisigh se a thosachadh a chionn
agus a smaoineachadh. Chruinnigh se na taosa 6g agus na daoine
aosta tiomallta air an la eile, agus duirt se an rud ceadna. Char chreid
siad e. Anois chrom se e fein, agus bhuin se seamrog. Duirt se leofa,
**An bhfaic tu (for sibh) sin? Sin gas amhain, ach ta tri duilleoga ag
fas as. Sin triur i n-aon." Diiirt siad leis, ** Creideam, agus creideam
go h-eag agus go deo e."

Notice se, siad for * he,' ' they,' the plural in -a (pron. r, § 6),
the 1st sg. pres. in -cam, the pret. with char (in RathHn: cha do),
and the eclipsis of d to n (i nDia). With regard to the pronunciation,
' slender ' t, d still sound t\ d\ not ^J, d^. In Antrim Irish u and ao
have the same sound (^:); Mrs. Robins, however, often uses the
Donegal pronunciation of ao, i.e. /:, /: (and E: in one case). For e, o,
Antrim Irish often has e, j; as for the latter sound, see § 156.

GLOSSARY

For the numbers within parentheses, see Abbreviations. The
paragraphs refer to the Grammar, Phonology, etc.

a, Yoc, part., see § 98.

a (an), poss. pronn., see §§ 98, 102, 103 (a), 127.

a, rel. part., see §§ 130, 144.

a, particle before numerals, see § 135.

a, prep, before the infinitive, see §§ 98, 139.

abaidh abi, adj. * ripe.'

abaigh, vb. n. apachadh, see gealach.

abair, irreg. vb., see § 147.

abalta a:h3lLi, adj. 'able': cha bhi thu abalta ha vi ^ aihdltd (2).

abhainn (abhann) o'in, o'dh (15), pi. abhainneadh o'in'dg (3),

ahbannadh O'dUdg (9a), n.f. * river ' (§ no),
abhaist, adv. in: mar a b'abhaist imr d ha:vi\t' 'as usual' (5),

na b'abhaist na ha:vi\t' * than usual' (after a comp.).
acair ahlr, n.f. ' anchor ' (3).
ach ax (sometimes prov. ch), conj. * but ': chan fheil ach aon seomra

ha nel ax hi jjtnhr ' there is only one room ' (3).
achadh ax<igy n.m. ' field,' common in pl.-nn. : Achadh M6r

ax?g mo:r,
acras ak<ir?s, n.m. ' hunger ' : chan fheil acras orm ha nel ahros orm,

bhfeil an t-acras ort? vel ?n takor^s jrtj ta an t-acras orm

ta 911 takdrjs orm ('to be hungry '). Cf. akr^s (An i).
ada, in: mac an ada mak o nah 'the fourth finger' (15).
adach adax, pi. adaigh adi, n.m. ' stook ' (' double row of sheaves,

there being six on either side,' 4). Also adog.
adog adag, pi. -an ?n, n.f. 'stook' (15, etc., see adach).
adharc e?rh, n.f. ' horn '; in pl.-nn. : Adharc na Bo edrk na h: (2),

Purt na h-Adharc p^rt na he,irk (3).
adhlac(adh) enlki, n. ' burial.'
aer, see aidhear.
ag, prep, before the gerund, see § 139.

GLOSSARY 157

aghaidh * face,' in constructions: ag dol ar aghaidh d dol ^V ci

'going ahead,' goide mar a ta thu dol ar t'aghaidh?

gddie: nwr ? ta ifi dol dr te'i {tE'i).
agus, as (is) ag^Sy aos, as, 55, conj. * and.'
aibhleog, see eilbheog.
aidhear aidr, n.m. * air.' — Rathl. Cat. aicr.
aidhearach aidrax, adj. ' merry.'
aidigh, v. * confess,' see §§ 137, 143.

aifreann afrdu, n.m. * mass': aig an Aifreann zg' o nafrjn ' at Mass.'
aig £^'(^), prep. *at' (§§ 125, 128): ta Gailic mhaith aig Miss

ta : ga il'ik' ma zg'd mzs * Miss speaks good Irish.'

aileacht * hiccuping ' : ta an aileacht air ta 3 nal'axt er (8) ; cf. aileag.

aileag, n.m. 'hiccup': an t-aileag 3n tal'ag (13, 15).

ailte, in surnames, see § 3.

aimsir ^mjir, amldr, n.f. * time ' ; * weather ' ; an rabh aimsir mhaith

agad? ro am\lr va ad ('a good time'),
aingeal abl, ^^l {2), ^i.^ri (3), pi. aingil :?•//, oil'dn (2), abl (3), a'il

(15), n.m. ' angel.'
ainm an' 3m (i), ar'm (3, 8, etc.), pi. ainmean ar'm3n, n.m. 'name';

goide an t-ainm a th' ort ? g3 d^e : 3n tar'm a hort ' what is your

name?' — Cf. zr'm (An i).
ainmeamhail an'dmal (i), ar'mal, adj. ' famous.'
ainmhidhe en'3vi (i), an'Ji (3), n. ' horse * (a word used by the past

generation; same in S. Kin tyre),
ainmigh ar'mi, vb. 'mention'; vb. n. ainmeachadh ar'maig (3).
ainti znt\'u znh\i:, dti tji:, prep, (with nom. or gen.) 'to,' 'into':

ag dol ainti an traigh 3 dol ent^i n trai (13), ainti an doras

sntji n dor3S (3), ainti an toighe zntli n tei3 (i).
air (a), conj., see § 144.
air, prep., see ar.
Aircill, pl.-n. ' Arkill ' : Lag an Aircill lag 3 nar'k'il' (4) ; cf. oirceal

' mill-paddle ' (?).
airde ardi3, n.f. ' point,' * direction ' : an airde aniar 3 nard^3 niar,

' the west,' ceann na h-airde aniar, anear k'a :n na hard^3 niar,

n'ar ' the west (east) end (of a net) ' (15).
airde, in: i n-airde 3 mrdp, adv. ' right up.*
airde, comp., see § 122.
airdeach ord^ax (4), Erd^ax (Mrs. And.), n. ' height.'

158 THE IRISH LANGUACF. IN RATHLIN ISLAND

aire cir\\ n. 'liccd': tuir in aire nacli dtuit tlni tXr {k^r) j nar'd

uax d.Q\ X ' wateh you don't fall/ tuir in aire duit fliein

tXr J nar'j rf^Uj he -ji (15), tuir aire do'n diiil bhocht t^r ar'<i dm

dX:l'j vjxt (2). — Cf. Ur ,y nan) d£t\ na k/Cr ar'j cr (An i).
aircanih, vb. n. 'reckoning/ 'calculating/ conmion in the phrase:

ta me ag aireamh go bhfeil ta : me ga :r\w gd vcL
airgcad ar'g'jd, n.m. 'silver'; 'money'; airgead geal ar'g'nd g'al

'silver money' (3); Creag an Airgid krcg d nar'g'id^ (pl.-n.).

Cf. er'^W (An 1).
ais (athais), in: ar a(tha)is, thar a(tha)is ^ VaJ, (/i)p'rrt*4, {h)9^ra:j,

adv. ' back ' : bhfeil thu ar t'athais ? vel ^ dr ta'aj, ar m'athais

3r tna'aj (ist pers.).
aiseach a:jax, adj. 'easy*: aiscach leis an chork a:jax /ej d xork

(fishing term, 4).
aisleach, aisleadh, vb. n. 'dreaming': ag aisleach d gall' ax (15),

ag aisleadh ^ g(^\l'^g (8).
aislin al?Un, n. 'dream': bha aislin agam areir va a\dlin agdm d

rair (12).
aistear, see astar.
ait at\, adj. * funny.'
ait ^."^J(^), n. m. (fern., 11) 'place'; ait an teine a:tj 9n tym'd

' the fireplace.'
aiteamh, vb. n. 'thawing': ta e ag aiteamh ta .7 gat^dv (15, etc.).
aiteannach at\dnax (3, 9), aitinneach at\in'ax (15), n. ' furze/ ' whin '

(cf. aitinn).
aith a:^[?)y n. * kiln.' Cf. a:ig (An i).

aithnigh an'i, vb. 'know'; vb. n. (ag) aithneachadh d gan'aig (6).
aithris, vb. n. 'mimicking/ 'jeering': ag aithris air d gari\ er

(8. 13).
aitinn atjin, n. ' furze/ ' whin ' (3).
alainn 'pretty/ in: Pairc an lomaire Alainn pa:rk' d n'im?r a{:)lin

(pl.-n.).
Ala:,tair ahstjr (2, 13), aT\Dstzr (3), n. m. ' Alexander/ * Aleck/
Albanach alhdnax, aT[h?nax (3), n. m. (i) * Scotsman/ (2) a kind of

puffin, called ' (wild) parrot ' (3, 9b).
alia, see madadh.
allt, see Fallt.
alius, see fallus.

GLOSSARY 159

alt alt, n. * joint' (15, etc.): alt do mhearan alt dd vzirdn,

altoir aT[tzr, n. * altar ' (3).

am a:m (3), am (2), n. m. 'time': cha rabh am agam ha ro am
adm (2), ta e an t-am a stad ta: n tam ? stad (2), goide an t-am
a ta? ^^ d^e: n tam d ta:, an t-am ur dti tam £:r * the daylight-
saving time ' (5).

amach 5 max, adv. * out ' : teacht amach tjaxt d max, fada amach
fad d max * far behind,' i.e. * late,' amach leat max lat ' out! '

amadan amddan, n.m. * fool.'

amen a^mz :n * amen.'

amhain, indef. pron., see § 134.

amhairc avdrik' , v. * look ' ; pres.-fut. amhaircidh av?rkl ; vb. n.
amharc avdrk, adrU, ardk: ag amharc air d gardk er (3), ta an
cladach ag amharc go dona ta ?t] kladax d gavork {g)9 djrw

* the shores are looking bad.'

amharc ardk, n. m. * sight ' (3); in pl.-n. Cnoc an Amhairc knk

d navdxxk (15).
amhran o:ran, n. * song ' (2); usually ceol (q.v.).
amhsan avsan, n. m. * gannct ' (8).
amscair amskzr, adj. * careless ' (15).
amuigh d m^i, d ml: (L.E.), d mEi (U.E.), d mEig, d mig (3),

adv. * out ' (rest) ; usually amach is used for amuigh.
an, def art., see §§ 106, 107.
an, rel. pron., see §§ 102, 132, 145.
an, interr. part., see §§ 102, 145.
an, conj. * if,' see §§ 102, 145.
anail anal, n. * breath.'
anam ardm, n. * soul ' : m'anam agus mo chroidhe ort marDm s md

xrzid ort (common blessing and exclamation, 15). Cf. m ardm

(An i).
an bre dm {am) brz:, dm br'z: (8), dm bre: (2), with gon, conj.

* had it not been that,' * only ' : an bre go bhfeil dm brz : gd
vel ' only it is ... ,' an bre gon dtainigh e dm br'z : gdtt dan'i z

* had he not come ' (8), an bre go bhfeil e ar shiubhal dh'innseadh
eisean duit dm br'z : gd vel a r'^dl jintjdg zjdn d£t\ * he would
tell you, only he is away' (8), well, an bre gon rabh e fuar,
rachainn wzl dm br'z gd ro a f^ar raxin * well, if it was not cold,
I would go ' (4). Cf mare, mari.

GLOSSARY l6l

asal asjl, n. ' donkey/

ascal * armpit ': faoi na ascail//: na askdl * under his arm ' (3).

astar astdr, n.m. * distance'; * speed': astar fada astdr Jadd, na
b'f haide air astar na bsd^D jr ast?r * farther away ' (3) ; astar mor
astdr mo :r ' great speed ' (15).

ath, atha, indef. pron., see § 134 (B).

athach aax, n. m. ' giant ' (3).

athair asr\ a?r, pi. aithrean ar'du, n. m. ' father/

athais, see ais.

athrach, indef. pron., see § 134 (A).

athraigh a :ri, a :ri, v. ' change/ * shift ' : an do dh'athraigh thu
an capalh m dd ya :ri ^ dr\ kapDl (9, 11); vb. n. athrachadh
a:rag, a:rag: rinn me athrachadh do notion rEin mi a:rag do
noildti 'I changed my mind' (n); p-p- athraiste a:rl\t'd:
dh'feidhmeadh ead a bhith athraiste ye :m;?^ at d vi a:ri\t'd.

babaidh hah'u n. m. * baby ' (5).

baban hahdu, n. m. 'bobbin/ Scot. *'pirn": baban dubh hahdu d^,

baban ban habdii ba:n.
baban babjn, n. * pond hly ' (11); in pl.-n. Lochan nan Baban lohan

nam babdn (4, 5).
bacach bakax, adj. ' lame ' (5).
bacail, see beiceail.

bachaille, n. 'lady's mantle': an bhachaille d vaixil'd (15).
bachlach baxlax (13, 15b), bar\ax (3), baUx, balax, pi. bachlaigh

baU {baT\i, 3), n. m. ' boy.' Cf. baxlax (An i).
bacht baxt, n. 'small lake/ 'marshy ground' (15).
badan badan, n. m. ' tuft.'
badog badag, n. f. ' tuft/ ' tassel ' (2), ' tufted hen ' (3) ; a pl.-n.

an Bhadog d vadag, aig an Bhadog zg' ? vadag ' (fishing) at

Baddag ' (a small point, resembling a tuft),
baidhte bnitld, bdit\d, n. * bait ' (U.E.).
baidhteadh bnit\dg, vb. n. 'baiting': ag baidhteadh an dubhan

d bnit\dg on d^an (U.E.).
baile bal'd [beVj, § 58), pi. bailtean balt\dn, n. m. * town '

(= * townland,' baile fearainn) ; ' place ' ; ' home ' : a bhaile

[d) val'd, na bhaile na vaV?, adv. ' home,' anns an bhaile

ans d val'd, aig an bhaile zg' ? val'd ' at home/

^6l THE IRISH LANGUA(;i: in rathun island

Bailc an Chaistcil bal'j xaft'zl, n. * Ballycastlc/

bain, sec horn.

baincann, sec boircann.

bainis, sec banais.

bainnc ban\i, n.ni. ' milk ': bainnc goirt han'<} ji^ortj ' buttermilk ' (5),

bainnc milis baii'.i milij ' sweet milk/ bainne go dorn, im go

h-uilinn han',i ^d dorn im go h^l'in (churning charm),
bainrioghain, see marthan.
baintreabhach haintrah, n. ' widow * (3).
bairneach haw' ax (15), bamax, pi. bairnigh barni, or (coll.) maorach,

(q.v.), 11. m. ' barnacle,' * limpet '; in pl.-n. Tobar an Bhairneach

tob.ir J varn'ax.
baistc, in: Naomh Eoin Baiste nE:v join' ba ;//'<? *John the Baptist' (9).
baisteadh bajt'jg, vb. n. * baptizing.'
balla bah, bar]^ (3), pi. ballachan bar]ahn, n. m. * wall.'
ban ba:n, adj. * fair '; each hin jax ha:n * white horse '; cf. geal,
banais hani^, pi. banaisean haniiDU, n. f. * wedding ' (§ no),
banamhail bansl, adj. * womanly.'
banbh bauDm, n. m. ' young pig,' ** bonham " (13).
bannach banax, n. m. 'soda bread,' * scone,' * bannock'; bannach

boise banax bold * scowder scone' (15). Cf. banax bjj (An i).
bannca bnur\k9y n. *bank': bannca h-abhainn baur]kD hcin (8).
bara bara, n. m. * wheelbarrow,' * pushcart.'
Bara(ch) bara, n. m. name of an ancient hero; Caisceim Bara

kajk'em bara, rough place in the sea off Fair Head,
barach, see maireach.

baraille barl'd, n. m. 'barrel': toin an bharaille to :n' d varl'd (11).
barr ba:r, n. m. 'top'; 'crop.'
barraidheacht bariaxt {barjaxt, bajaxt, 6), n. ' more.'
bas ba:s, n. m. 'death' (§ 109); ag faghail bas 9 fad' bats 'dying';

go bas gd ba :s * till death,' ' for ever.'
bascaid basked^, n. ' basket ' (8).
bata batD, n. m. ' walking stick ' ; bata milis bat3 mirij ' rose noble '

{Scrophularia, 15).
bata ba:t{9), n. m. ' boat' (referred to as a fern., § 108).
bathadh baDg, vb. n. 'drowning'; p.p. baidhte (baite) ha:tJ9

' drowned.'
bathlach, see bachlach.

GLOSSARY 163

bay (E) k;, be :i (8); Bay a' Mhuilinn be: d v^l'in 'Mill Bay,'
Bay O Beirn be : bjzrti' ' O'Biriie's Bay.'

beacht bjaxt, n. 'mind' (15, etc.): ta me thar mo bhcaclit
ta : nis har md vjaxt ' I am at my wit's end.'

beag beg, bEg (11), beg (3), adj. * small,' ' little '; chan fheil a bheag
ann ha n'el' d veg an ' there is nothing.'

beagan began, n. * a little.'

beal bs^l, bs:r] (3), n. m. *mouth' (§ 109, a); beal na h-ineain be^l na
hi in'sn ' the mouth of the inean ' (q.v.) ; as beal mo bhrog
as bs?l m<i vn :g * from out of my shoe ' ; air a bheal er' ? vsdI
' upside down ' (13); ar bealaibh or bsohv, prep. * in front oV :
ar bealaibh an toighe dr bzdbv m tEh ' in front of the house,'
ar do bhealaibh er d? vzdbv ' in front of you.'

bealach bjalax, bjar]ax (3), bjslax (8), pi. bealaigh bjali, n. m. ' way ';
*road'; an bealach mor nm bjalax mo :r * the main road';
bealach goirid bjalax gErid^ * a short cut ' ; Bealach an Aifrinn
bjalax d nafrin (pl.-n.), Bealach Churachaig bjalax x^rahsg
(pl.-n.). Cf bjelax (An i).

Bealtaine bjaltin, bsiltin (2), bzltin (§62), n. * ist of May';
mios Bealtain miisd bzltin ' May.'

bean bjan, pi. mnan mradn, n. f * woman ' ; bean an toighe bjan on
tEiD ' the landlady.'

beannacht bjanaxt, n. f. * blessing ' ; fagaidh me beannacht leat fa :gi
mz bjanaxt I' at ' I will bid you good-bye ' ; beannacht leat
bjanaxt I' at, beannacht Dia leat bjanaxt d^ia I'at ' good-bye.'

beannaigh bjani, vb. * bless ' ; gon beannaighidh Dia an toigh a ta
gdm bjani d^ia dn tEi d ta : ' God bless this house ' ; p.p. bean-
naigh the bjani (in the Hail Mary), otherwise usually beannaiste
bjanilt'd ' blessed.'

Bearla bzirh {bzrh, § 63), bz{r)r\^ (3), n. f. 'English language';
chan fheil Bearla aca ann ha nel bzrl ok an ' they do not speak
English there.'

Beam, n. m., the name of an ancient hero: Mearan Beirn mz:rdn
bjzr'n' ' the giant's finger marks ' (8). Cf O Beirn.

bearnach bz:rnax, adj. 'gapped' (15).

beatha bz9, n. ' hfe ' ; Dia do bheatha d^ia ds vzd * Hail.'

beathach bzax, pi. beithean bzpn, n.m. * beast,' pi. ' cattle.'

beer (E.) bidr, be :r.

164 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

bcinn be :ii' {hz:ti, 10), 11. £ * rock,' * cliff': faoi bhcinn //; ve :n'
' under the rock heads,' chnaidh le bcinii x^ai Is he :n' * went
down the rocks,' thar le beinn har h be :n' * over the rock heads/
in pl.-nn.: an Bheinn Mhor d ve:n' voir *Fair Head,' Lagan na
Beinne lagan na ben' 9.

beir her, v. *bear'; (with prep, ar) *catch'; irreg. pret. rug r^^,
cha d'rug xa dr£g\ pass., see § 141; vb.n. breith bre,

beirneis bErti'ej, bErnij (15, etc.), h^rn'ei (8; cf. § 60), n. * bare
promontory' (?); in pl.-nn.: Beirneis na Gaoithe bErn'zj na
gE:p (8, 15), Beirneis na gClcireach b^rn's^ na gl'eir'ax (8).

beist be:\t'{?), n.f. * beast ' (a monster, otter, or reptile); in pL-n,
Allt na Beiste alt na be: ft' 9.

Beiti betfi, bstji, n.f. * Betty,' ' Lizzie.'

b'fheidir, see fheatar.

bheast vest, n. * vest.'

bheir, see tabhair.

bhfad, see fad.

bhfos vos, adv. *over': bhos an seo vos du t\j * over here/ |

bhfus, see bhfos.

biadh blag, n. m. 'food'; biadh eanain biag zinan' * sorrel ' (13). |

bicycle (E.) hzisikdl (§117). j

big, big, big big big big, call to chickens (3).

binn hin'y adj. * sweet ' (of sound): ceol binn k'oil hin\

Binneog bin'ag, pl.-n. ' Beanig ' (5), Cf ben'ag (pk-n., An i),

Biobla biibdh, n. * Bible ' (i).

biodag bidag, pi. -an dn, \\. ' dagger ' (3).

biolair (bealair) hjzhr (5), h]ar\dr' (3), n. ' watercress.'

bi orach hjerax, adj. * pointed ' (5).

biorach bjerax, birax (2), pL bioraigh bjsri, n.f 'heifer'; in pl.-n.
Cloch na Bioraighe kbx na bjsri ' the Standing Stone ' (at Lag
an Bhriste Mhor), Pairc an Chlocha Bioraighe pa:r'k' d xhxd
bjsri (the field where it stands), Stac na Bioraighe stak na bjsri.

biorain hjsran', pi. ' sticks of firewood ' (9a).

biscuit (E.) hjesksdi (12).

biseach bi\ax, n. 'improvement': chan fheil moran biseach ha nel
mo :ran bijax (scil. 'in the weather,' 13).

bit (E.) b^t, bit, bitd : cha dtabhair me bit duit ha dor me bit d^tf (3),
chan fheil bit cron (ann) ha nel bit kron (' no harm at all ').

GLOSSARY 165

bith, in: ar bith dt hi * at all*; c£ § 134 (B).

blar hla:r, pi. blarthach hlairax (4), blarthan hlaipn (8), n. 'field';
in pl.-n. Blarthach Boidheach hla :rax [bla :pn, 8) fo :jax,

bias br\as (3), n.m. * taste/

blath bla:, adj. * warm,' * mild,' * lukewarm.'

bliadhna bliatw, pi. bHadhanta hUantd (2), bliadhantan hliantdu (3),
n.f. * year ' ; in bliadhna Dm hlianD ' this year.'

bliadhnach blianax, pi. bliadhnaigh hliani, n. * yearling ' : bliadhnach
capall (each) blianax kapjl (jcix).

bligh, vb. n. bleoghan bl'oDtt * milking.' Cf. blijn (An i).

bo bj:, pi. ba ba, n.f. *cow'; in pl.-nn. Inean na Bo in'sn na fo;,
Purt na Bo p^rt na bo ;, Lorg na Bo Urg na h : * the Cow's Track.'

bocan bokan, n. ' mushroom.'

bocan boikan, n.m. * ghost,' * spirit'; in pl.-n. Baile Bhocan
bal'd vo'.kan.

bocht hoxt, adj. * poor.'

bochtain boxtln, n.f. * poorness ' ; * illness ' : ta bochtain orm ta :
bjxtin orm, aimsir na bochtaine amlir na boxtin'? * poor weather.'

bodach bodax, pi. bodaigh bodi, n.m. * old man'; * ghost';
* cod(ling).'

bodhar bo3r, adj. * deaf

bog bog, adj. * soft.'

bogha bo-?, pi. boghachan bo'axm, n.m. (i) *bow': bogha frois
bo9 frol * rainbow ' ; (2) * reef ' (orig. bodha) : Bogha Clachan
bod kx\ah?n * Clachan Reef (3); (3) * wave (breaking over a
submerged rock)': boghachan trom boaxdn tro :m * heavy
waves ' (4). Cf. Manx bo we * breaker ' (Kneen, § 6).

boidheach b:> :jax, boiax, adj. * bonny,' * pretty.'

boin bon', v. * touch ' ; * belong,' * be related ' : cha bhoin e leat
(duit) ha von' a Vat (ii), diCt\ (12) * he won't touch you,' mar
duirt clog Baile Mhargaidh: an rud nach boin leat na boin do
ntdv d£3rtl klog baV? vargi ?n r^d na bm' Vat na bon' do : ; vb. n.
boint hnt\, bointin bdnt\in : cha rabh cead aig duine ar bith
na craobhan sin a bhointin xa ro k'ed eg' d^n' dr bi na krE:vdn
\in ? vont\tn (i), ta boint agam dofa ta : bjntj ag?m dj :fi * I am
related to them.'

boireann bor'dn, adj. * female': gamhain boireann ^(ti?m bor'dn.

t66 the IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

boitin Iwt^iii (15, 15 a), hotj.vi, pi. boiteanadh botjjtug, n. * wisp of
straw,' "bottle": boitin coiinlach hotjiti koilax (15a);
cf. scifcog.

boithcach Iv :(;ax (15), /u:f/ (2), 11. m. *byrc,' *cow house' (§ iii).
Cf. lv:(^ax (All i). Sec variant spelling bo-theach.

boladh Iwl^g, hoT\cg (3), hbg (15, T5b), n. \sinell/

bolg Ivlg, n. * stomach.'

bolgam hox\g<vn (3), n. * a bit (of food)/ Cf hlg.vn (An i).

bolla bob, n.m. * boll ' (dry measure of twenty, otherwise six, bushels);
Lcabaidh an Bholla I'ahi ? vob, field name (15).

boltan buidhe hj :ltan biCin (12), bor[tan b^i? (3), also hxlan b^jd (2),
hkMan b>{jo (5), b/CrtMn b^}<i (15), n.m. * ragwort,' * benweed,'
a tall, yellow composite plant, commonly called ' fairy horse '
in Rathlin, because they were thought to be transformed into
horses on Hallowe'en for the fairies to ride on.

bonn bo:n {bon), pi. bonnan bonon, or buinn b^:n\ bl :n\ n.m. * sole
(of shoe) '; bonn do choise bon h xo\d (3); thug e na bonnan
leis h^g a na bonm /cj * he scrambled ' ; partly mixed up with
bun * bottom,' e.g. aig a' bhonn zg' d vo:n * at the bottom' (4);
bonn is used of the * bottom ' of a field, kettle, etc. (12).
Cf bdn ' bottom ' (An i).

bonnog, sec bannach.

borb fori, adj. *wild': each borb j^x hrb (15, etc.).

bord bdxA, pi. buird b^rdi, n.m. * table ' ; * top (of mountain) ' ;
in the latter sense often pronounced b^ri (3), which is the regular
Rathlin form (cf § 70), bord * table,' being probably a literary
word (cf tabla) ; burd na beinne b^rid na bcn'j ' the top of the
mountain ' (3).

bos /u5 (3, 15), n.f * palm of hand ' (§ no). Cf bjs (An i).

bo-theach bj:^ax, bj:jax, boiaXy see boitheach.

botsaic lvt^slk\ n. pi. * snipe ' (15).

bradach bradax, adj. * thievish.'

bradan bradan, pi. bradain bradan' (15), n.m. * salmon ' ; Purt a
Bradain p^rt d bradzn' (pl.-n., 3).

bradog bradag, n.f ' thievish woman.'

bramog, see breimeog.

braosc bre :sk, n. *grin': ta braosc air ta: bre :sk er (13).

bratach bratax, n. * flag.'

GLOSSARY T67

brathair bradr, pi. braithrean bra :r'dn, hra ipn, n.m. * brother.'

bratog hratag, n.m. 'rag': bratog eadach hratag Eidax.

breac hr'ak, n.m. * trout'; brie (pi.) fiadhain brik fiagsn, is said to

mean ' wild ducks.'
breac br'ak, adj. * spotted'; bo bhreac bj: vr'ak; na Clocha Breaca

na khx3 br'ak3 (pl.-n.).
Breacan br'akan [brakju), n.m. * Bracken,' name of an ancient hero;

in pl.-nn. Uamh Breacain ^jv br'ahn {-an) ' Bracken's Cave,'

Leac Breacain lakj br'akan (8).
breacan brakan, n.m. * plaid.'

breag bre:gy pi. breagan bre:g3n {bre:g3n, 2, 12), n. * lie.'
breagach brzigax (15), bre :gax (2, 5), adj. * lying,' 'false.'
breaghdha brz:, bre: (5), adj. 'brave'; *fme*; la breaghdha laj brs: (10),

solus breaghdha sobs bre: *a bright light' (10), ta an fhairge

breaghdha socair ta : narik'? bre : sjkir (5) ; the proper sense is

*brave' (2); cf. Antrim Engl. *a brave mile' (=*a good mile'),
breasail bresjl, n. * raddle ' ; tabhair breasail do'n taobh eile t^r

bresdl ddn tE:v cVd (of a pancake, 3).
breicfeast brskfssty n. 'breakfast' (11).
breid &re;rfj, n. * cloth,' 'table cloth' (2).
breimeog bretnag, n.f. ' filly.'
breitheamhnas 'judgment': air bhreitheamhnas er vredvds 'to pass

judgment' (in the Creed, 9).
Brian brian, brim, n.m. 'Brian'; Brian Dearg bridn d^arg, name of

famed hero and giant; also Brian Deargan brin ^d^argan

(13, cf Deargan); Cloch Bhriain khx vrizn, Toigh Bhriain

tEi vrbn (pl.-nn., 3).
briathar 'word': le (mo) bhriathar I'e vriar (in the Confiteor, 9).

Rathl. Cat. brecar.
brice bri:k'?, pi. bricean bri:h'dn, n. 'brick.'
Brighde bri:di?, n.f * St. Brigid'; la fheile Brighde la: I'd ^bri:d^9

'February ist ' ; Cille Brighde k'il'9 bri :d^9 (pl.-n.).
brilleacht bril'axt, n.f. * merriment ' : brilleacht Nollaig bril'axt

nollg' (12).
bris, V. 'break'; pret. bhris me tr/J ms (15); vb.n. briseadh (q.v.).
briseadh br'i^^g (11) ' breaking '; * massacre '; Lag an Bhriste Mhoir

lag d vYi\t'9 vo:r (pl.-n., i); Bruach an Bhriste Chroidhe

brudx d vr\\t'd xrEi (pl.-n.).

l68 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

bristc hrijt'.j, part. adj. 'broken*; cf. briscadh.

brochan, sec brothchaii.

broclach, n.f. * badger's lair'; 'mess': ta c na bhroclaigh ta d na

vnkll (13); aims an Bhroclaigh ans d vnkll * at Brocklcy '

(pl.-n.).
brod hrjd, n.m. ' prickle ' (as of furze),
brog hnq, pi. brogan hrj:gan, n.f \shoe.'
brollach (broillcach) bnlax (2, 15), hr3r]ax (3), n.m. * breast'; but

broillcach ban hrEl'ax bam, is * white foam on edge of kettle*

(15).

bronn ' womb ' : is beannuighthe toradh do bhroinn losa 9S bjatii

toTD do vrEin' i:s.i (in the Hail Mary, 9).
broonie (brownie, E) bruni {br^ti'i, 10), n.m. * a house spirit.'
brosnain brjsnan\ n. pi. * sticks of firewood ' (9 a),
brothchan (brochan) brjxan, n.m. * porridge,' * gruel * (2).

Cf. bnxan (An i).
bruach br£ax {bruax, 15a), n. * edge,' 'bank' (of river): bruach an

abhann bruax 9 no'dn (rare, 2, 8, 15a).
bruach hnC'DX {hrwax, 15a), pi. bruachan br^'axon (4), n.m. 'slope,'

Sc. "brae," 'hill': bruach trom bnC'dx tro :m 'steep hill';

in pl.-n. Bruach an Tobair br/C9x 3n tobir,
bruid bru:d^ (5), n. 'brute.'
bruideamhail brw.dizl (5), adj. 'brutish.'
bruin (E.) br^-an (15, etc.), broan (8), n. ' bear.'
bruiteanach, n. ' measles ' : dona leis an bhruiteanach doiid le\ d

vrltf9nax (15, 15b).
bruith brs^, adj. ' cooked,' ' boiled.'
bruithte brstl9, part. adj. ' cooked,' ' boiled.'
buabhall hd^ifjl (U.E.), n. ' horn.'
buachaill b^dxdl, n.m. ' herdsman ' (3).
buachailleacht b^9Xdl'axt, vb. n. ' herding ' (3).
buafraigh boafri, vb. n. ' roaring ' (of a bull, 15).
buaic b£sk', n. * wick ' (of " cruisie,*' 2).
buail 6<Ce/, v. 'strike,' 'beat'; 'play'; vb. n. bualadh b/Cabg: ag

bualadh nan bpiopan 9 b^ar\9 nam hi:p9n (3); p.p. buailte

b^zltJ9,
buailidh b^al'i, n. ' booley,' ' cattle pen ' (orig. dat.).
buailtean bi^ahjeUy n.m, ' beetle ' (of mortar, etc., 3) ; cf. also suiste.

GLOSSARY 169

buain(t) bXzn\ b^sntf, n.f. and vb. n. * harvest'; * reaping,'
* cutting.'

buarthadh h^apg, n. * mischief (15).

bucsa hi£ks9, pi. bucsachan h^ksadti, n.m. * box ' (3).

buideal h^d^dl, pi. h^d^zl {h^didl, 3), n.m. * bottle'; in pl.-n. Loch
nan Buideal lox nam b^dpl (where there used to be a distillery).

buidhe b^ij, adj. * yellow'; in pl.-n. Bealach an Stac Bhuidhe
hjalax 911 stak v^i9 {vb, 3).

buidheach b^iax (b^jax), adj. * pleased,' * content ' (3, 15, etc.).

buidheachas b^jax9Sy n. * thanks ' (15, etc.).

buidheagan b^i9gan {bbgan, 6), n. * yolk of egg.'

buille fe^/'p, n.m. ' blow ': buille trom i^/'^ tro:m,

buitseach b^tjax, pi. buitseachan b^tjax9n, n. * witch.'

buitseachas b^tjax9S, n. * witchcraft ' : cuiridh me buitseachas ort
k^r'i mi b^tjax9S ort (2, 3).

bullog b^lag, b^r[ag (3), pi. bullogan b^r\ag9n, n, * bullock.'

bun b^n, n. * root ' (2, 4) ; bun a bhachran (mharthan ?) b/Cn 9
va:xran (15, va-.pn, 15), b^n 9 ba:r9n {va:r9n, 5), n. *bogbine';
originally also * bottom,' * foot,' as in Bun an Duinne b^n 9n
d^n'9 * Cushendun,' Bun na Dala b£n na daih * Cushendall ' ;
cf. bonn.

butais b/C:ti\ (13), pi. butaisean b^:ti\9n (2), n. * boot,' esp. * top-
boot ' (9).

ca ka:, ka, kariy adv. * where'; ca bhfeil e? ka vel s, can rabh e?

kan ro z. — Rathl. Cat. : kam bee tu ad chovnee * where do

you hve ? '
ca, interr. pron., see § 103 (a), 133.
each, indef. pron., see § 134 (A),
cad, conj., see § 144.
cafraidh ka :fri, n. * sour oat meal, eaten with sweet milk or

cream ' (2) ; cf. subhan.
cag (cabhag) ka'ag (15a), kaag, n.f. * crow.'
cagailt kag9ltj, vb. n. * raking up the fire ' : a cagailt an teine

9 kag9ltl 9n t\in'9 (10).
cagairt kag9rt\, vb. n. * winking ' (12).

M

TyO THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

caibcal, prob. * a chapel ' (cf. Scot. Gaelic), in the pl.-ii.: an Caibcal

.IT] kahjA (3) ' Kebble/ the most westerly townland m RatUin;

ta c na chomhnaidhc anns a* Chaibeal ta: na xj :m sj xahjdl (3);

ta me dol a Chaibeal ta: ml dol n xabj.il (4).
caiftin kaftjeti, n.m. * captain.'

caile * girl,' pi. cailean kal'?n (2). — Cf. kal'^n, kEl'.m (An i).
cailin kal'zn, n. * girl' (used by old people); cf. geirseach.
caill kail'y v. *lose'; p.p. caillte kailtj.i Most.'
cailleach kal'ax, n.f. * old woman'; cailleach oidhche kal'ax I:p

'an owl'; Sloe nan gCailleach slok na{vi) <^al'ax (pl.-n.);

also the last of the harvest: ta 'chailleach learn ta: xal'ax Vam (4).

Cf. UEl'ax (An i).
caineadh ha:n'?g, vb. n. ' miscaUing,' * reviling ' (15, etc.).
cainnt kEintj, ksittti (L.E.)» f^^^^^^i (U.E.), vb. n. ' talking ' (with le

* with ').

caiptin kaptjsn (3), n.m. * captain'; cf. caiftin.

cair ka:r' (i; cf. § 53), pi. caircanadh ka:r'dndg {ka:irdmg, 3),

n. * gums.'
cairdeamhail kard^zl, adj. ' friendly.'
cairt kartl, n. ' cart.'

cairtidheacht kartliaxt, n.f and vb. n. * carting ' (13).
cais ka:l, kaa\ (3), n. * cheese.'
Caisc ka:jk', n. * Easter': ar son an Chaise ?r son d xa:jk'

* for Easter.'

caisceim kalk'stUy n. m. *step'; in pl.-nn. Caisceim Mor kalk'em
mo:r (Mor is understood as a woman's name), Caisceim Bara
ka\k'zm bara {see Bara). Cf. kEsk'^m har? (An i).

caisteal ka\t'ay\ (3), n.m. * castle'; in pl.-nn. Purt an Chaisteail
pi'Crt ? xalt'zl, Leac an Chaisteail I'ak ? xalt'?l.

caith, vb. n. caitheadh (cathadh) kasg 'wearing'; p.p. caithte kat\d
' worn.'

caithir ka(;zr, kapr, kahr, n.f. ' chair.' Cf. ka^er (An i).

Caitriona gdtrbn?, n.f. * Catherine ' (3).

cal ka:l, n. 'cabbage,' 'kail.'

cal fath kal ^fa: (15 a), kaT] ^ja: (3), k?l fa: (15), n. * nettles.'

call kal (12), n. ' loss.'

Calum kahm, n.m. ' Malcolm.'

cam kam {ka:m, 11), adj. 'crooked.'

GLOSSARY 171

canamhain, pL canamhainean ka:mn'jn, n. * language ' (3).
caochan kd:xan * whiskey ' (2), kE:xan * poor whiskey/ 'ale* (3).
caoin kE:n\ v. * cry '; vb. n. caoineadh kE:H'9g. Cf. kiC:H'i (An i).
caoineacht kE:H'axty n.f. * keening,' ' weeping ' (2, 5).
caol kd:l (L.E.), kE:l (U.E.), adj. * narrow,' ' thin '; an Ceann Caol

?r\ k'an kE:l * KinkicL'
caolas kE:hs, n.m. * strait,' * sound ' ; an Caolas ^irj kE:bs 'the

Channel ' (between Rathlin and Fair Head),
caora kE:r9 (5), pi. caoraigh kd:ri (2), kE:ri (11, 14), n.f. 'sheep';

Eilean nan gCaorach e/'e/i nar\ gE.rax ' Sheep Island,' Toigh

nan gCaorach tEi nar] gEirax (3, pl.-nn.). Cf. k^:ri (pi.. An i).
capall kapdU kapDT] (3), n. gramm. masc. (§ 108) ' mare.'
car kar, n.m. ' twist.'
car kar, n.m. 'while': car beag kar beg; cait an rabh thu a h-uile

car ? ka :^j" 9n ro ^ h^l? kar ' where were you all the time ?'
carach karax, adj. 'crooked'; in pl.-n. Eilean Carach efju karax

* Illancarragh ' (ace. to 5; it is rather Eilean Carrach).
caraid karid^, n.m. ' friend,' ' relation.'

caraidh 'weir' (?), in the pl.-n. Baile Caraidh hal\i kari {k'ari, i)

* Ballycarry.'

caraigh kari, v. ' move ': na caraigh na kari ' don't move,' carraigh

ort kari ort ' hurry on ' ; vb. n. carachadh kara[ :)g. Cf kari,

n. ' hurry ' (An i).
carbhaidh karvi, karji ' caraway seed.'
cardadh kard?g, vb. n. ' carding.'

Carghas kargdS, n.m. 'Lent'; de'n Charghas d^z na xargds (2).
earn karn, pi. cairn kEr'n' (15), n.m. ' cart.'
carnan karnan, n.m. 'cairn' (2, 3); in pl.-nn. Carnan an Duitseach

karnan du ditjax, Carnan an Ghille Ruaidh karnan d jil'? ^r^ai,

Cnoc an Charnain krok d xarndn,
carraic karik' , n. 'rock,' 'cliff'; in pl.-n. Carraic na Goill karik

na gEil; Carraicean (?) k'ark'zn (15), k'drkdn, t'drkdn (— E.).
cartlain ka:rtlan', n. 'peppermint' (15; properly 'watermint' ?).
cas kas, v. * twist ' ; vb. n. casadh kasdg,
casa, in: casa an doras ka:s dn dorss 'the doorpost.'
casaidheacht kasiaxt, kaseaxt (8), vb. n. * coughing.'
casan kasan, n.m. * footpath ' (15). Cf. kasan (An i).

172 Tin- IRISH LANGUAGF IN RATIILIN ISLAND

casan (cosan) uiscc has <? iiljk\i (ii), kjs ? iiljk'j (8, 15), n. * waterfall.

cascairtc kasLntjci, part. adj. * thrown about in disorder * (15).

casog kasa^^, pi. -an -^ji, n.f. * coat.*

cat kat {klt^, sklt\, properly calls to a cat), pi. cait katj (14),
kEtj (4, 15), fcAT/J, kitj (12), kotj (10), n.m. *cat'; cat fiadhain
kat fia^zn * tiger ' (5). An i kEt, Cf. scuit.

cathbhruith, see cafraidh.

catlaiceach katlax, adj. * catholic * (9).

ccabhar k'zivdr, n. * gentle breeze' (8).

cead k'ed, n. * permission * : an fhaigh me chead? d nai mi ged (2).

ccad, numeral, see § 135.

cead, ord., see §§ 100, 136.

Ccadaoine, in: De Ceadaoine d^e ^k'e{:)dn9 * Wednesday/

ceadf haidh kiati, n. * opinion ' : goide do cheadf haidh de'n oidhche
seo? gd die: d? ^lati d^z nl :p jj * what do you think of this
night? ' (15b).

ccadna, indef. pron., see § 134 (B).

ceairsleog k'a:rirag, n.f. * ball of thread * (15).

ceangail k's?l, v. * bind,* * tie * ; vb. n. ceangal fe'sa/ : cuir ceangal
air k^r k'zdl er (8); p.p. ceangailte k'zdltld (8).

ceann k'an (i, 2, 12), k'ain (U.E.), pi. cinn k'in' {kin)^ n.m. 'head';
*end*: an Ceann Caol 9r\ k'am kE:l, an Ceann ud Thios 97]
k'an a Uids ' the Lower End,' an Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'a :n ravdr,
an Ceann ud Thuas ?r\ k'an a \i£as * the Upper End,*
(of Rathlin) ; cinn dubh k'in d^, name of a plant, see sleamh-
anadh; with prepp.: air do cheann er d? ga:n * ahead of you ';
in gceann uair 9r\ g'an ^sr ' in an hour's time,* in gceann a chuig
bliadhna fichead 3T] g'a:n ? x^:g' hliandfidd * above (his) twenty-
five years,* ta an ghaoth in do cheann ta du yE: dn dd ga:n * the
wind is against you,* gaoth in gceann ^E; 9r\ g'a :n ' head- wind ';
chan f haca me i o cheann fada ha nak? mi i gan fad? * I have not
seen her for a long while,' o cheann spell gan spsl * for a while ';
OS do cheann as dd ga :n ' over your head,* * above you,' ard,
ard OS do cheann, bidh la maith amaireacht ann ard ard as d?
ga:n hi la? ma ? mair'axt a:n (cf. under crann); thar an gceann
har dr\ g'a :n ' for their sake,' ' for them.* Cf. k'zn (An i).

ceannaigh k'ani, v. * buy ' (§ 142).

GLOSSARY 173

ceannann, prob. adj. * white-faced,' in an t-Each Ceannann ^n t^ax

k'anan, name of a fairy horse; also in the pL-n. Lochan an

Ceannann lohan d k'anan (3); now a swampy meadow,
ceann-ruiscte k'an nCijt'?, part. adj. * bareheaded.'
ceap (kep) k'ap, v. * turn ' (Scot. *'kep" (pron. k'ap in the local

dialect) has many meanings, as * catch,' * intercept,' * fetch,' etc.
ceapaire k'apgr'j, n.m. * piece ' (of bread and butter) : tuir ceapaire

do tiCr k'ap?r'd do: (9a, b).
cearc k'ark, pi. cearcan k'arkdn, n.f. * hen.'
cearcal k'arkdl, k'arkdT[ (3), pi. cearcail k'arkdl (3), n.m. * hoop,'

* circle ': ag dol in gcearcal 9 dol dx\ g'arkdl (4).
ceard k'zrd, pi. ceardan k'zrddn, n. ' tinker ' (also ' a garrulous

woman,' 2); in the pl.-n, Baile nan gCeard hal'd naT[ g'srd

(2, 13; also^'W) * Ballynagard.'
ceardach k'e irdax, k'erdax (5), n. * smithy.'
ceardaman k'zrddtnan, n.m. 'beetle,' ** black clock" (3), * spider '

(2,^ 5, 12).
cearr Wair, adj. * wrong ': goide ta cearr ort? gd die: ta: k'air jrt.
ceart k'art, adj. * right,' * correct.'
ceatal k'ztdl (Engl. * t '), n.m. * kettle.'
ceathair, num., see § 135.
ceathramh, ord., see § 136.
ceathramh k'ardv, n.m. * quarter ' ; * quarterland ' : an ceathramh fa

dheireadh 3T[ k'ardv fa jer'dg * the last quarter (of the moon),'

ceathramh cloch k'ardv kbx * a quarter stone ' ; in pl.-n. Sroin

an Cheathramh srj:n' d ^ardv (8).
ceathrar, num., see § 135.

ceidhe fe'ea, fe'e;, n. *quay': aig an cheidhe zg' d ge-? (3).
ceileachadh k'e :l'a :g, vb. n. * changing ' (of the weather) : ta e

dol a cheileachadh ta d dol d ged'ag (9).
ceilidhe, n. * visit': air ceilidhe er k'e:li * visiting ' (11).
ceiling (E.) sebg (3).
ceird k'3rdi{9), k'srid^ (6), n.f. ' trade.'
ceist k'e:jt' {k'e^t'), n. * question'; 'fondness': gan cheist ar bith

g9n (;e\t' dx hi ' without doubt,' bhfeil ceist agad air na

giorsachan? vel k'e:\t' agdt er na g'zrsaxdu ('are you fond of).
Ceit k'eitl n.f. 'Kate.'
ceithir, ceithre, num., see § 135.

174 •"' IKlSll LANCUACh IN KATHLIN ISLAND

ceo k'j ;, n.ni. * mist.'

ccol k'j:l, pi. ccolta(n) k'j:ltjy k'j:r[tj{u) (3), n.m. 'music';

' song ': ag gabliail nan gccoltan d goal nar]g'j :r]t.m ' singing ' (3).
clia, ncg. adv., sec §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 104, 145, 146.
clicana lian,i, adv. ' already/ ' before.'
chcile, reciprocal pron., sec ^ 130.
chicken (E.) tiik\in (§§ 109 (c), 116).
chun kvi, prep, with gen. 'to'; chun an bhaile Iwi d vaVo ' to the

place,' ' home,' ag dol na (=chun a') bhaile d dol na val'd {id),

ag dol na scoil ,1 dol na skol ' going to school.'
cia, sec CO and cad.
ciall k'iaU n.f. 'sense': goidc is ciall do? g? d^c : s k'ial do:

* what does it mean ? '
cibe, rel. pron., see § 132.
cibe ar bith k'charhi, k'sbarbi (§ 5), adv. ' anyway,' ' however.' —

Cf. k'ebarbi (An i).
cill k'ir{d)y n.f. 'church with cemetery'; in pl.-nn. Cille Brighde

k'il'j briidi? 'Kilbride,' in gCill Phadraic dr\ g'il'? fairik'

'in Kilpatrick,' Cill Eanna (?) k'iH'zini ' Killeany.'
Cingis, in: Domhnach Cingis domax k'iT[g'i\ 'Whitsunday' (15, etc.).
cinn k'in\ v. ' grow ' (rare, 2).
cior fc'i.T, n.m. 'comb': cior fineailte k'iir ji:n'alt\d, cior garbh

k'iir garv.
cior, V. 'comb'; vb. n.: ag cioradh do cheann d k'iird dd ^(i(:)n.
ciotach k'itaXy adj. ' lefthanded ' (15).
cipean k'ipen, pi. cipeain k'ipzn', cipeanadh k'ipdtidg, n.m. 'tethering

stick '; Bodach an Chipean bodax d gipen (name of a ghost),
ciste k'ijt'9, n.m. 'chest'; pl.-n. an Ciste pr| k'ijt'd. j

clabar klabdr, n. ' mud ' (8).
clabhsta klEust3, kUustd (U.E.), adj. ' close.*
clachan kT]ahan, n.m. 'stone heap' (3); pl.-n. Clachan klaxan i

(cf under bogha ' reef), Eilean an Chlachan e/'en 9 xlahdn (11).
cladach kladax, n.m. ' shore,' ' shores ': ta an- cladach ag amharc (go)

dona ta ?r\ kladax 9 gavdrk (5) don?,
cladh klEg, n. ' cemetery ' (cf. garradh).
cladh, V. 'dig*; vb. n. cladhach(t) klEax{t), kr]Eax (3); p.p. cladh-

aiste klE'ilt'?: gus an bi na potdtan cladhaiste g9S dm bi : na

p.ita:Lvi klE'ijt'? (10). ,

GLOSSARY T75

cladhachan klo-axan, vb. n. ' digging ' (L.E.).

claidhmhe kT[SV3, pi. claidhmheachan kT[Zva?n (3), n.m. * sword.'

claigeann klag'en, k^ag'du (3), n.f. 'skull'; pl.-n. Claigeann

klag'dti 'Cleggan' (§ 58), go Claigeann gD klag'du (i, 4),

Druim na Claiginne drim na kT\eg'in'9 (3).
clampar klampsr, n. * mud ' (from rotting seaweeds, 5); in pl.-n.

Poll (Pollog) an Chlampar pel {polag, 9) d xhmp?r (5, 13).
clann klam (6, 9, kT\a:n, 3, klan, i), n.f. * children ' (coll., § no),
claoidhte kll:vt\d, part. adj. 'exhausted' (4).
clar klair, pi. claran kh:rdn, n.m. 'board'; 'lid (of kettle).' — Cf

klair ? fot3 (An i).
cleacht, v. 'train,' 'practice'; vb. n. (& n.m.) cleachtadh kl'axtdg

' training '; ' practice '; p.p. cleaichte kVaxt\d (with le).
clia, adj. 'left': mo lamh chlia nid la:v xlia (5, 15).
cliabh kl'iav, n.m. ' chest ' (2), ' basket ' (15a), ' cradle ' (5).
cliath fosraidhe kliav jsri, n. * harrow ' (2).
cliu kl'^:, n. ' fame.'
cloch khx, kT[jx (3), pi. khxjti, n.f. 'stone': cloch Homhaidh

kbx li:vl 'grindstone' (2), clocha meallain khxd mjalzu 'hail-
stones,' cloch Phadraic kbx fa:drik\ name of a medicinal plant

(2, 15); in pl.-nn. na Clocha Dubh na kbx? d^ ' the Cloghadoos,'

na Clocha Breaca na kbx? hr'ako.
cloca kb:kd, n.m. 'cloak' (15a).
clog klog, n. ' bell ' ; ' clock ' ; goidc o chlog a ta ? ^p d^c : xlog ? ta :

' what time is it? ' — Cf kbg (An i).
cloigeann, see claigeann.

clover (E.) kbudr : clover wild kbudr vEild * wild clover.'
ciuas kl^as, pi. cluasan kl^asdn, n.f. ' ear.'
cluin, irreg. vb., see § 148.

cnaimh-f hiach kra : viax, pi. cnaimh-f hiaigh kra : vii, n. ' crow.'
cnaipe krep (i, 2), pi. cnaipean krep?n, n. 'button'; poll cnaipe

por\ krsp ' buttonhole ' (3),
cnamh kra:p, pi. cnamhan kraivdn, n.m. 'bone'; cnamh gabhlach

kraiv go:lax (8), go:T\ax (3) 'forked bone' (in chicken),

* wishbone.'
cnaosach, n. 'edible seaweeds,' in: corran cnaosaigh kjran kr^:si

' dulse hook ' (15a). — Cf. kr^?sag (An i).

176 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN KATHLIN ISLAND

ciiap krap, v. * pull ': ciiap istcach an duine sco krap ? It' ax on di£n'd

\3 (in nursery rime, lo).
cnap krap, cnapan krapati, n.m. * (a single) potato'; cf. potata.
cniotail krstal (8), krstan (13), vb. n. * knitting'; a cniotail na

stocaighthe j krztal na stj:ki (13).
cno krJj {kn^}, pi. cnon knm {kn?n), n. * nut.'
cnoc knk, pi. cnoic krEk', knk' (3), n.m. * hill.'
Cnocan, an Cnocan 9T\ krokdu, pl.-n. * Knockans ' (11).
cnumhog kr^'ag, n.f. * maggot,' * worm.'
CO, interr. pron., see § 133.

cobhar ko3r, n.m. * foam ' (on or from the sea),
coca kokoy conj. * whether ' (from cia aca 'which of them'): coca

se sin a dheireadh 's nach e hk? Je JJ« 9 jer'dg s na he : * whether

that is the end of it or not ' (3).
coca hk?, pi. cocan fofon, n.m. * haystack.'
cochala koxdla, n.m. * cloak,' ' covering ' (15a).
codail kodil, koddU v. * sleep': pres.-fut. codlaidh kodll: vb. n. codal

koddl: bha mise in mo chodal va: mild md xoddl * I was asleep,'

ta an codal orm ta dv\ koddl orm * I am sleepy.'
codalach koddlax, adj. * sleepy.*
codtrom, see cudtrom.

cogadh kogdg, n.m. * war '; vb. n. * making war ' (8).
cogar kogdr, vb. n. * whispering ' (2, 12).
coigthigheas kok'is, kak'ds, n. * fortnight.'
coil (E.) kEil, n.
coileach kEl'ax (U.E.), koVax (L.E.), pi. coiligh kEl'i, n.m. * rooster ';

coileach dearg kEl'ax d^arg * grouse,' coileach dubh kEl'ax d^

* blackcock,' coileach Turcach kEl'ax t^rkax * turkey cock.' —

Cf kEl'ax (An i).
coilean, see cuilean.
coilear kol'zr, n. * collar ' (15).
coille kEl'd, coillidh kEl'i (U.E.), kol'i (L.E.), n.f * wood,' * grove *

(§ 113); in pl.-n. Lag na CoilHdh Boidhche lag na kEl'i h:p

(2, 4), lag na kE:ri hoig? (5, 13), lag na kEl'i hoi (i, 2), lag na

kal'i hoi (2), showing associations with caora and cailleach.
coimhleacht, in: coimhleacht learn ko'A'axt lam * along with me';

cf. comhlach.

GLOSSARY 177

coimhtheach kEvax, adj. 'strange'; duine coimhtheach diCn'D kEvax

* stranger/

Coineagan, in: Baile Coineagan hal'j km'agdu ' Ballyconagan/

coineog hn'ag, pi. -an dh, n.f. ' rabbit.'

coinf heascar kon'dskdY, n.m. * evening ' : coinf heascar maith duit

kon'dskdY ma d^t^.
coinne, coinneamh, in: as mo choinne as wd xou'd across from me '

(6), as coinneamh an seo as kon'dv d \d ' across from here ' (10).
coinneal kdn'9l (2, 12), kEn'dl (U.E.), pi. coinnlean kEil'dn,

n. (masc. 2) ' candle.'
coir k^r, n. * guilt.'
coir koiTy adj. * right,' 'honest'; a dhuine choir d y/Cn'd xjir (2);

ba choir do hd xo :r do: ' it ought ' (3).
coirce kor'k'd {kork'd), n. ' oats.'
coire kor'd, pi. coireachan kor'axdn (see below), n.m. (i) ' caldron,'

'kettle,' 'boiler* (as for cooking potatoes for cattle, etc.); (2)

* hollow in mountain ' (in pl.-nn. ?), (3) ' a kind of boat ' (12);
na Coireachan na kor'axdu 'Saltpans' (pl.-n.); Bay Allt an
Choire he: alt d xox'd (8), he: av[t d xor'9 (3) 'Altacorry Bay.' —
C£ hr'? (An i).

coirigh, vb. n. coireachadh ko:r'ahdg (4), coireacht kj:r'axt, ko:r'ax

(6) 'mending'; p.p. coiriste ko:ri\t'd 'mended': an d'fhuair

thu do bhrogan coiriste? dti d^dr ^ dd vro:gdn ko:rijt'9 (6).
coirneal korn'aly korudly n. ' corner.'
cois, see cos.
coisceim, see caisceim.

coisidhe, pi. coisidhthe feoj/, n.m. ' footman,' ' man on foot.!
coisigh ko\i, vb. ' walk ' ; coisigh istoigh ko^i d stEi (15) ; vb. n. coisidh-

eacht kojiaxt (kojaxt).
coisreacan kjfrik, n. ' blessing ' : c'ar son nach do rinn thu coisric ?

kar SDH nax ddrEin' ^ ko^rik 'why did you not sign yourself?' (12).
coiteachadh kd:tlahdg, vb. n. 'arguing' (15b).
CoUainn kolIn\ n.f. * New Year's,' ' hogmanay '; oidhche na Collainn

I:p na kolln' ' New Year's Eve '; aig an ChoUainn zg' ? xolln';

also ' gift at hogmanay.'
colman kalman, kolman, n. * pigeon ' ; Uamh nan gColman ^dv nar\

galman [golman, § 16), ^av? nav\ golman (pl.-n.).
coma kom?, in: is coma leam ds koutd I' din ' I do not care,' etc.

lyS rill- IRISH LANCUACl IN RATHLIN ISLAND

coinh, chonih, adv., sec § 121 (a).

comhairlc k?\nl'.i, 11. ' advice ' (2).

coniarasan koitu^rasjii, k^tiui^rasjii (2, 12, 15a, kam^ostan, 10),

n. * scurr ' (small insect living on the bottom of w^ells).
comasach kofujsax, adj. * mighty': ta e comh comasach le duine ari

til <7 kj kjuijsax I'd d^n\i ri (8).
comharsnach (coimhearsnach) kEv,irsiiax, pi. coimhearsnaigh kEvdrsni^

n.m. * neighbour/
comhlach, in: comhlach learn kj:T[a Vam, comhlach leo kD:V[a I'o:

' along with me, them ' (3).
comhnaidhe ko mi, vb. n. * living'; * visiting': bha ead nan

gcomhnaidhe va ad naT[ go:ni * they were living' (3), also:

bha mo shean-athair a chomhnaidhe va: m? (;anadr <? xo:ni (11);

na bi comhnaidhe air na hi koini cr' 'don't visit him,' oidhche

chomhnaidhe I:p ^xj:ni 'visit at night'; in gcomhnaidhe.

?{t\) go:ni, adv. * always': ta pian in gcomhnaidhe agam ta:

pian 9 go:ni ag^m, ta me in gcomhnaidhe leam fhein ta: me

go:ni ram he: (13). — Rathl. Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee.
comhthrom hrDrn, adj. * even.' — Cf. hrjm (An i).
company (E) hmpDui, n. (3).

comrada hmWa:dj, kjm^bra:d9, n. 'comrade' (15).
conagal kotiDgdl, ph conagals koiidgdls, n. * chat,' ' conversation.'
congaibh, see cum.
connadh, n. ' fire-wood,' in pl.-n. Sliabh an Chonnaidh \1'zvd

na xotil (15), J/'sfp n9 xonl (3).
connlach Uo:{n)lax, h :lax (15a), h :r[ax (3), n. 'straw.'
conntae, see cunntae.
contabhairt, see cuntairt.
contabhartach, see cuntairteach.
content (E) hnUznt, adj.
contraigh hntrai, n. ' neaptide ' (15).
copog kopag, n.f. * dockins.' — An i kopag,
copogach kopagax, copogaigh kopagi, n. ' dockins ' (3).
cor shugain h^riC:gan\ n. ' twisthandle ' (in rope making),
cord (E) hrd, n. (2, 3).
cord, V. 'agree': goide mar a ta an t-eilean ag cordadh leat?

g9 d^e : mdr d ta dti t\eVen ? kjrd9 Vat * how do you Hke the

island? ' (4).

GLOSS AHV 179

cork (E) hrk, n. (4).

coroin Mhuire km'ag^v^r^D (2, 12), n. * rosary.'

corp hrpy n.m. * body ' ; toigh an chorp tEi d xjrp * wake house.'

corr, n. * crane/ in pl.-nn., see ease.

corr ghrian hr^^yrinn (2, 8), hrD^yri'DH {-an, 15), hn^y rEijn (3),

n. * heron.'
corr h:r, adj. *odd': corr fhocal hr jhdl, corr daoine hjr dE:n'd,

corr h-aon Uor9 h^:n (15); corr agus (as) ko:r js, hr ds

* more than ': corr as dusaen ko:r ds dXsen (15).
corran hran, n.m. * reaping hook.'
corrog hrag, n.f. * first finger' (15 also hl'pag); corroga dearga

koragD d^argD * hips ' (berries, 3,8).
corruigh, see caraigh.
cortha, see cuirthe.
cos kos, pi. cosan kjsjn, n.f. * foot '; * leg '; Cos an Duitseach kos du

dlt\ax * the Dutchman's Leg ' ; cois ko[, a chois ? xo\ (dat. sg.,

§ 108), prep, with gen. * beside': cois na teineadh ko\ na tjin'Dgy

a chois na tuinne ,1 xoj na t^n'o, Cois an Locha koj dn lohj

(pl.-n., 3, 11).
cosain hsin (pret. xj^jn, 3), v. 'earn,' 'save'; vb. n. cosnadh

hsnog', p.p. coisinte kj\intl? (3).
cosan, see casan.

cosmhail kjszl, kosal, adj. ' like.'
cos-ruiscte kos r^:jt'Dy part. adj. ' barefooted.'
cost hst, V. ' need ' : costaidh e spain f hada a theid a dh'ol leis an

fhear olc kjsti a spam' ad? he :d^ d yo:l {go:h) le\ ? n'ar oik

(saying, 3).
costamhail kostal, adj. ' costly ' (5).
cota ban h:Ui ba:n, n.m. ' groat' (fourpenny piece),
coup (Sc): choup e sios e xop a \ids e * he threw him down' (3).
course (E.) kiCrs, n. 'conversation' (short for 'discourse'),
cover (E.): chover e e xdvdt a s (3).
crabhog kra:vag, n. 'anything melted' (as butter, 13).
cracarsaigh krah{r)si, vb. n. ' cracking ' (as of fire, 13).
cradan kraidan (3), kraddan (8), n.m. 'burdock,' 'burs': bun a'

chradan h^n d xraidan.
crag kra :g, n. ' big hand or foot ' (10).
craiceann krak'jn, h. ' skin ' (3).

l80 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

craiii kra :n\ n.f. * sow.*

crane (E.) /.ts//, n. (iron arm).

crann kra:ti [kratt), pi. croinn krEin, n.m. * mast*; ta crann an chuit

(scuit) in airde, bidh Id maith ann i maireacht ta: kra :n d xli\

{sklt\, 13) d nzrii? bi laj ma an 9 mair'axt (3, 13), a saying about

the cat when it lifts its paw behind the ear (cf. ceann).
craobh krEiv (U.E.), kroiv (L.E.), pi. craobhan krEivdu {krd:v9n),

n.f. * tree.' — An i kr^:v * tree.*
craos krE:Sy n.m. * mouth *; locaire chraois bfor^ xrE:l * razor * (15).
creag kreg, pi. creagan kregjn, n.f. * rock,* * cliff*; in pl.-n. Creag

Macagan kreg ma^kagdti.
crathadh kradg, vb. n. * shaking * (i, 8, 12, 13).
ere kre:, n. * clay.*
creathal kredl, kridl (5), n. * cradle.'
creatuir kreitdr, n. * creature.*
creid kredi, v. * believe*; vb. n. creideal kred^al, kred^ai] (3). — Cf

Manx credjal (Kneen, p. 37).
creideamh kred^jv^ n. * faith,* * religion*: chaill i a creideamh xail

i kredpv (3).
creisean kreletiy pi. creiseain krejeti' (15; according to others krejan'

is the sg.), n.m. ** screel ** (a kind of shelf in the rocks); in pl.-nn.

an Creisean Dubh 9T[ krelzn diC, an Creisean Ban arj krejen ha :n,
Crioch krijx, pl.-n. (fem.): thuas aig an Chrich hiCas eg' d xri:g (13);

the Engl. pron. is krig.
criona kr'mid, adj. * wise.*
cro kro:, n. * pen * (for cattle, etc.): cro muc kro: m^k *hog pen';

cro cearc kn : k'ark * chicken coop.*
croch knx, v. * hang *; vb. n. crochadh knxDg] p.p. croichte kr:)xtJ9,
crock (E.) knk: Ian crock mor la:n knk mo:r * a whole crock full*
crog kn:gy crogan kn:gan (15), n. * hook * (at fire-place),
croiceann, see craiceann.

croidhe krh, krEb, n.m. * heart.' — Cf. krzb (An i).
croidheamhail krEisl, adj. * hearty.'
crois kro\, n. * cross.*

croman kroman, n.m. * kite ' (or a similar bird),
cron kntty n. * harm.'
cronan kn man, vb. n. * crooning.*
crosta knstD, adj. * cross,' * angry.'

GLOSSARY l8l

cruach krXdX, pi. cruachan kri£dXdn, n.f. * stack,' ' heap/

cruach, v. * make into stacks'; p.p. cruaichte kr^axtjd,

cruadhaigh krM, v. 'harden/ *bake'; vb. n. cruadhachadh

kr^ahdg (3).
cruaidh kr^ai, adj. * hard ' (not= * difficult/ cf. doiligh).
crubach kr^:bax, adj. * lame/ * crippled.*
criiban kr£:ban, n.m. * crab.*
crudha kr^3, kr^: (15, etc.), pi. cruitheach kr^:gax (4, 15),

n.m. * horseshoe.'
crug kr^:g, n. * tool for twisting ropes ' (10).
cruinn kr£n', krin', adj. * round.'
cruinnigh kr^n'i, vb. 'gather' (§ 142); vb. n. cruinneachadh

kr^n'ahdg hrln'ahdg, krln'a{:)g; p.p. cruinniste kr^n'iit'9 (10).
cruiscean fer^;Jfe'e« {krilk'sn, i), n.m. ' a primitive lamp/ Scot.

** cruisie." — Cf. kr^:lk'en (An i).
cruit krltl, n. * hump.'

Cruphort, Bealach Chruphort bjar]ax xr^:fdYt (3), pl.-n.
cruthaigh, vb. * create': mar a chruthaigh Dia thu mdr d xr^-i d^ia

/C (12).
cruthaightheoir knCisry n.m. ' creator ' (9, 12). — Rathl. Cat. kruior.
cu, pi. coin km', n. * hound/ * dog.'
cuach k^ax, pi. cuachan kiCax?n, n. * cuckoo.'
Cuaig, see mac.
cuaille k^aVd, n. 'post/ 'pole*: cuaille an leabaidh kol'^ n I'ahi

(4

cuairt k^aYt\ [k^:rtj, 2), n. * visit/ ' w^alk/

cuan kd9ny n.m. * sea/ * ocean ' ; an Cuan Mor 9r\ kodtt mo :r * the

Atlantic'
cubhar, see cobhar.
cuckoo (E) ku*k^:.
Cu Chulainn h*x/Cr]in, prop. n. (3).
cudan k^djn, pi. cudanadh k/Cddtidg, or cuddan k^dgn, pL cuddans

k^ddtis, n. ' young coalfish/ * cuddy.'
cuid k^d^, n.f. * part/ * deal'; see also § 128.
cuid eicin, eigin(teach), indef. pronn., see § 134 (A),
cuideacht kXd^axt, n.f. * company ' (2).
cuideacht k^d^axt, adv. * also/

t82 the IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

cuidcanihail k.Cdizl, adj. * kind/ *nicc': geirseach chuidcamhail
o'crlax xXd^zl (13). — Cf. ^'crjax k^d^sl (An i).

cuidhil kl:i klA (L.E.), kEil, k^il (U.E.), n.f. 'spinning whcer*,
cuidhil snionih kl :l sn'i:v, k/ii<il sn'i:v (8), idem; there are two
kinds: an chuidhil blieag .? xnil vcg * the common wheel/ and
an chuidhil mhor .? x^il vo :r * the castle wheel * (3); in pL-nn. :
Allt a Chuidhil alt ,1 xl:l (8), aT[t .? xl:l (3), possibly a different
word. — Cf. k{}{jl SHi:v (An i).

cuidigh k^d^i, vb. * help ' (§ 142); go gcuidighidh Dia leat (or: thu)
gj gi<^d^i d^ia I' at (iC) (2).

cuig k£:g\ num. * five.'

cuigeadh, ord., see § 136.

cuil ki(:l\ n. ' nook/ * corner * (12).

cuilc ki^l'k' {kiCl't\ 15a), pi. cuilcean k^l'k'Dtty n. *recd*; cuilc
Fhrancach k^l'k' raT\kax ' bamboo/ * fishing rod * (15, etc.).

cuilcean koil'k'zn, n. * hinge of door * (15, etc.).

cuilean k^I'zn, n.m. * pup.* — Cf. k^l'Dti (An i).

cuileann ki(l'?n, n. * holly ' (from which spinning wheels were
made in Rathlin, i).

cuileog k^l'ag, n.f. * fly ' ; cf. miol-chuileogan.

cuileog (colag) Im kolag d I'iin {I'ein'), n. * earwig * (2, 12).

cuihth k/C:l'i (15, etc.), knil'i (5), kotl'i (9), unstressed fe/C/'i,
n. * narrow inlet * ( ?) ; in pl.-nn. Cuilith Dhomhnall Fonn
koil'i yjbl fo:n (9), feE/'j Yj:n9l fo:n (8), fe/C/'i yondl fo:n (13),
Cuilith Allt a Chuidhil ki^Cl'i av^t d xl:l (3), k^l'i alt? xl:l (13).

cuimhne kl:n\i (L.E., 3), kEin'd (U.E.), n.f. * memory'; ta cuimhne
mhaith aige ta: kl:n'j {kEin'9) va sg'?; ta cuimhne a(ga)m
ta: kl:n' am ' I remember/ also: is cuimhne learn 3S kl:n'? I'^m, }

cuimhnigh kl:ti'i [kEin'i, cf cuimhne), v. * remember/ * think/

* fancy' (§ 142).

cuing k/Ci, n. * doubletree (* swingletree ') of plow ' (15).
cuinneog kMag, n.f. * pail ' (a wooden staved vessel for carrying

water); cf. maistreadh.
cuir k/Cr\ vb. 'put'; * rain ' (§ 142); vb. n. cur ki^r * putting';

* raining': ta e cur ta d k^r * it is raining/ ag cur uisce trom
;? k^r Ilk' J trom,

cuircean k^rk'9n {k9rk'9n), n. pi. * peat heaps' (8); * rocks ' (?, ^).

GLOSSARY 183

cuiricean kiCrik'jriy k/Cr'dkan, n. * woman's headdress or bonnet ' (2).

cuirtean buidhe k^rt\m? h^idy n. * carrots ' (15).

cuirthe k^r'd, adj. (orig. p.p. of cuir) * tired.'

cuis fe/C;J, n. * thing/ only in: ghni e cuis ni: a t^:J * it will do,'
ghni iad cuis di ni: ad ki£:\ d^i: * they will do for her.'

cuisle k^\l'd, n. *vein': cuisle mo chroidhe k^lVd md xrl : (term of
endearment, 2).

cul k^:l (feX;r|, 3), n. * back ' (chiefly in prepositional expressions):
in gcul cloch ^ri g^:r] kT]DX * behind a stone ' (3); ta an ghaoth
air do chul ta du yE: er d? XiC:l * the wind is on your back
(* behind you'), air a chulaibh cr d xi£:hvy adv. 'behind' (8);
as do chul as d^ x^ :l * from behind you,' as cul Cnoc Leithid
as kiC:l {ki(:r\, 3) knk Vz-'idi * from behind Knocklaid'; prep.

* back of,' 'behind*: cul nan gcnoc k/£:l {k^l, kll) nax] grok

* behind the hills,' cul an toigh k^:l ?n tEi * behind the house.'
cullach k^Iax, n.m. * boar.'

cum (=Sc. coom) fe^m, n. * dust of turf or sods ' (9a). — Cf. k^m

(An I)- . , . ,

cum k^m, vb. *keep'; 'hold' (§ 142); vb. n. cumail kernel {-al)',

p.p. cuimte k^mtl? (i).
cuma, see coma,
cumhang k^.viy adj. 'narrow'; Bealach an Inean Chumhang

bjalax nin'zn [n'in'zn) h^?n [x^du) (pl.-n.).
cumasach, see comasach.
cumannta k^m.intj (9a, 13), k^m?taXy k^m^tjy k^mjti (5), adj.

* common ' ; adv. * commonly ' : ta e dol cumannta ta j dol
k^nidtD * he is always going ' (6).

cunntae kintal (8), k^ndai (5), n. ' county.'

cunntas kiCntjs [kontDS, 5), vb, n. ' counting,'

cuntairt k^nt:)rt\, n. 'danger' (15).

cuntairteach k^nt.ntlax, adj. 'dangerous' (15).

cupard k^hdrdy n. ' cupboard ' (3).

cupla k^pAy n. * couple ' (in roofing).

curach k^raxy n. ' coracle.'

Curachaig k^rahe{:)g, k/Crahgy k^ra^g, pl.-n. * Cooraghy.'

curam k^:r?m, n. ' care.'

curamach k^:r?maXy adj. * careful ' (2).

cuta k^tdy n. ' cut' (of yarn): cuta do shnath k^td ds na: (3).

184 run IRISH LANGUAGE IN UATHLIN ISLAND

da, num., sec § 135.

da-bhliadliiiach daivl'ianax, pL -aigh -/, n. & adj. * two-year-old

(animal).'
daithco da\j (3), rfe'p^ (i5^)» ^^- ' water hemlock.'
dall da:l, dal (13), da:T\ (3), adj. 'blind.'
dam dam, n. * dam ' : Dam Dhomhnall 'ic Artair (Cairteoir) dam

yodl i kart^sr (pl.-n., 4).
damlisadh dar^sng, vb. n. * dancing ' ; bha sinn ag damhsadli aig a'

Chollainn va: J/«' d davs.ig zg' ? xolln' * we were dancing at

hogmanay.'
dan ' fate,' only in: ta e in dan domh ta ? n da :n d£ * it is my fate ' (3).
dana dam?, adj. * bold ' (used, as in local English, for * bad ' or

* wicked'): na bi dana anois na hi: da:n d nif ; cf. § 118.
Daoin, see dia.

daor dd:r (L.E.), dE:r (U.E.), adj. * dear ' (of value).

daorach dE:rax, only in: air an daorach (-aigh) er dn dEirax (dd:ri, 2)

' drunk.'
dara, darna, ord., see ^ 136.
dath da, n. ' color ' ; gabhaidh chuile dath dubh, ach cha ghabh

dubh dath gavi x^I'd da d^ ax xa yav d£ da (saying, 2).
de d^z, prep. * of,' * off' (§§ 98, 107, 125).
deacht d^axt, adv. *just': deacht mar a bha ise tionntachadh a'

bhannach d^axt mdt d va i\d t\znta:g d vanax (3).
dcag, num., see § 135.
dealan, see teine.

dealan de dealan d^e: {dizlan d^e:, 8, d^zhm d^e:), n. * butterfly.'
dealg d;^ag (3, for d^ar]g), pi. deilg d^el'g'y n.m. '(stocking) wire.'
deamhan, see dimean.
dean, irreg. vb., see § 149.
dear, in: cha dtug me i ndear ha d^g mi n'ar 'I did not notice'

(15, etc.).
dearg d^arg, adj. * red.' — Cf g'arg (An i).
Deargan d^argatty n.m. (name of an ancient hero, cf. Brian), in

pl.-nn. : Purt an Deargan p^rt ?n diargdti (3), Sroin an Deargan

srj :n' m d-^argdn, Sroin Deargan srj :n' d^argdti.
deargatan d^argDtan, pi. -ain en', n.m. * flea,'
dearmad, in: ta me deanadh dearmad de ta: mz d^zuBg d^arrndd d^z

* I forget it ' (3).

GLOSSARY 185

dearmadach d^arm^dax (4, 15), d^arm9tax (3), adj. * forgetful/

deas d^es, adj. * pretty,' * fine/ 'nice'; ag teacht deas do j t^axt

d^es do: * coming close on him' (i); cha ba deas leis xa ho

dies lei * he did not like.'
deas d^es, adj. * right': ar deas lamh De dt d^es la:v d^e: * on the

right hand of God ' (9, in the Creed),
deas dies, n. * south'; ag dol ma dheas ? dol ma jes * going

southward ' (10).
deich, num., see § 135.
deidh, only in: in deidh du dizi [m dial, ? n'al, U.E.), as deidh

as diziy prep. * after'; in deidh meadhon lae dn dizi mz'?n lEi

* in the afternoon,' * p.m.,' in deidh sin .9/1 diai jln ' after that '
(3), in deidh ocht 9n diai jxt * after eight '; with pron. objects,
see § 128; it forms past participles, see § 139.

deidheamhail dizizl (4), dizial (13), diaial (U.E.), adj. *fond';
bha e deidheamhail air dram va j diaial er dram * he was fond
of a dram.'

deifrigh diefri, vb. * hurry ' (§ 142).

deilbh diel'v, n. * warping,' * ** start " of a net' (15).

deireadh dier'dg, n.m. * end ' ; go deireadh gd dier'?g * to the end,'
an bata ma dheireadh jm haUd ma jer'jg * the last boat.'

deoch diox, n. * drink ': deoch an doras diox m dords * stirrup-cup.'

deor dio:r, n.m. *tear'; 'drop,' * drink'; ag sileadh nan deor
d \il'dg nan dp :r (15).

dia, de die, n. * day,' only in the days of the week: De Domhnaigh
die do :ni * Sunday,' De Luain die Uzn' * Monday,' De Mairt
die ma ;r^J * Tuesday,' De Ceadaoine die k'? :dn? ' Wednesday,'
De'r Daoin dier dE:n' {dd:n') 'Thursday,' De h-Aoine die
hiC:n'{3) * Friday,' De Sathairne die sadvn ' Saturday.'

Dia diia, n.m. ' God ' (§ 109); Dia duit ar maidin diia d^i\ dv madiin

* good morning ' (3), Dia 's Muire dhuit di'ia s m^r'd y^t\
(salutation, 3), beannacht Dia (De) leat hjanaxt diia {dp:) Vat

* good-bye,' a Dhe 's Muire ? je : s m^r'd (interj.).

diabhal dizudl (L.E.), dpudl (U.E.), n.m. 'devil'; go seididh an
diabhal thu g? le:di 9n dpudl ^, go stroicidh an diabhal thu
gd stro:k' dn diaudl ^ (curses); diabhal bit go bhfeil ann
diaudl hit gd vel a:n 'there is nothing' (cf. dimean).

diallait diialidp n. * saddle.'

1 86 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

diasog, sec liasog.

dichcall, in: mo dhichcall m? ji(;A, m? jiA 'my best' (15a).

differ (E.) liEJDr, n.m. ' difference'

dileas d^i:l'js, adj. 'faithful.'

dimean d^inim, an intensifying adv. (cf. diabhal): dimcan greim

d^inuvi grcm ' devil a bit,' similarly d^inad grim (2).
ding, V. 'press,' 'squeeze,' 'push': mana n-eirigh thu as an sin

dingidh me san phit thu mmui n'iirl ^ as 9 Jm d^in'i ms Sd fztd AJ

' I will push you into the pit ' (12); vb. n. dingeadh d^in'pg,
dinnear d^iu'sr, n.m. {d^in'er vo:r, 3) 'dinner.'
diog (dig) d^i :g, n.f. 'ditch'; in pl.-nn. Dig an Mhuilinn d^i :g d

Viil'ln, Dig Mhor d^iig voir.
diolt, V. 'deny': dioltaidh ead thar an gceann e d^i :lti zd har 9T\

g'a:n a * they will deny that they did it' (5).
diomach d^zmax, adj. ' displeased ': cha rabh e buidheach na diomach

ha ro a biCiax na d^zmax (15, etc.).
dionach diiduax, adj. ' tight,' ' dry ' (of boat, 4).
diornach d^i:rnax, diorsach d^iirsax, adj. ' tedious ' (Sc. " langsome "),

'insistent,' 'stubborn' (12).
diospoireacht d^isp.iraxt, vb. n. 'disputing' (15).
direach d^i:r'axt, adj. ' straight,' ' right': ta e direacht ta d dp:r'axt

* it is correct.'
dis, dist, num., see § 135.
diver (E.) JsiVjr, pi. divers dzivDrs (3).
do dj, prep, 'to' (§§ 98, 107, 125): oidhche mhaith duit I:p va

[ma) d/Ct\ ' good evening ' [Ir. ' good night ' (when calling or

meeting, cf. le)], cuig do dho k£:g' dd yo: 'five (minutes)

to two,' deich mionaidean do h-aon d^ei; mjznadpn do: hE:n

(stressed),
do, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128.
do, num., see § 135.
docha, see doigh 2.

doigh dj :j\ doi, n.f. ' manner ' : sin an doigh cheart \ln on do :j gart.
doigh, in: is doigh leam 9S do: hm, is docha leam ds doxd hm

' I think ' (12; rare),
doigh, V. 'burn': pres.-fut. doighidh me do'i mz\ vb. n. doghadh

dj-dg\ p.p. doighte do:t\d,
doihgh dEl'i, adj. * difficult.'

GLOSSARY 187

doimhncacht djin'axty n. ' depth ' (4).

Doire dEr'?, n. * Derry * : Cunntae Dhoire k^titai yEr'j, Loch Dhoire

lox yEr'd (15).
doirt dort\, v. * pour ' ; vb. n. dortadh dj :rtdg ' pouring/
domhain do'in', adj. * deep.'

Domhnach, see dia; oidhche Domhnaigh /;p djini * Sunday night/
Domhnall doiudl, Ji5/, d^^r\ (3), n.m. * Daniel'; in pl.-n. Uamhaidh

Dhomhnaill Bara ^avi yohl haira (3).
dona doHDy adj. * bad ' (§ 122); ta e go dona ta ? g? don? * he is sick.'
donn do:n, don, adj. ' brown/ * dun '; Mairi Dhonn ma:ri yon,
Donnchadh donaxdg, n.m. * Duncan'; '(King) Donn'; in pl.-nn.

Shabh Dhonnchaidh sUdV yonaxi (2), Purt Righ Donnchaidh

p^rt rEi donaxi (4).
doras djrdSy pi. doirsean dyr^du, n.m. 'door'; doras a' chleibh

djTBS d xleiv (cf. ucht).
dorcha djrax?, djrahag {djraig, 3, § 79), adj. * dark.'
dorn dorn, n. 'fist/ 'hand' (cf. under bainne); is fhearr ean san

dorn na dis ar chraobh Je.T z:n Sd dorn na d^cij er xrd:v

(saying, i).
dosaen, see dusaen.
drachaidh dra:xi, adj. 'wet/ 'dirty' (of the weather): ta e go

drachaidh ta: gd draixi. — Cf. draixi (An i).
draighean draiju, n.m. 'brier'; in pl.-nn.: Purt an Draighean p^rt

dti draidu, Bealach Inean (an) Draighean bjar\ax in' en draidn (3).
drake (E.): an Draca dn draikd ' the Drake ' (name of a ship, 3).
drama draniD [drami, i), n. 'dram' (§ 116).
dranndan drandan, n. 'noise/ 'sound' (15, etc.).
drar (drawer) dra'DTy pi. drairthean dra:r'9n, n. ' drawer ' (3, § 109b).
dreallog dr'alag, n.f. ' swingletree.'
dreas dres, n. 'bramble,' 'brier'; in pl.-n. Inean nan Dreas in'en

nan dres,
dreasog, see driosog.
dreimire dreimir'd, n. 'ladder.'
dressed (E.) drtstl? (6).

driegh (Sc.) drig 'slow/ 'tedious/ " longsome " (5, 13).
driosog (dreasog) drzsag (8, 15), dresag (6), pi. -an -<?«, n.f * brier.'—

Cf. drzsag (An i).
driseog, see driosog.

I 88 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

droch, adj., sec § 119; droch na daoine dnx na dEin'? * poor people/

Droghcda (E.) dnx^da.

droichcad drj(;jd, dn<;sd^ (8), n. ' bridge/

drolach dnlax, pi. drolaigh dnll (-5/), n.iii. * pothook ' (4, 13).

droniach, see lus.

droman drotnan, n. * elder ' (Ir. ** burtrcc *').

dromanach dnnunaXy n. * back rope' (of harness, 15, etc.).

drop (E.): drap el' 9 * another drop'; drapan *wee drop' (Sc. *drap').

druid dr^di, vb. * shut ' ; p.p. druidte drlt\? * shut.'

druim drhn, n. *back': air mo dhruim er hid yrim (3); Druim na
Claiginne drhn na kT\zg'in'd ' Cleggan Ridge ' (pl.-n.).

dti, only in: go dti gd d^i: (15 b), g.i d^e : (3, 8), prep, 'to':
o'n t-shnathad go dti an acair jn tradd g9 d^i: nakir * from the
needle to the anchor ' ; mixed up with ainti (q.v.) or in deidh
(q.v.): in de an gheafta 9n d^e{:) n jaftd * to the gate' (3).

dubh JiC, adj. * black': Domhnall Dubh dTA d^ * Black Daniel,'
Ailte Dhuibh alt\d ylv {yliev) * Black ' (surname) ; in pl.-nn. :
Druim a' Chreisean Duibh drim xrelzn d^iv, Purt Inean Duibhe
p^rt in'dn div?,

dubhan d/^-aUy diCan (15, etc.), n.m. * fishing hook.'

Dubhar f/^^r, (pl.-n.).

Dubhghall d^dl, d^dX] (3), n.m. * Dougald.'

Dubhthach, in pl.-n. Uamha (an) Dubhthaigh (?) ^avD diC'i (8),
iCav9 n d^'i (6).

duibhean divzn, n.m. * cormorant ' (or similar bird) ; in pl.-n. Allt
an Duibhean^/^ m dlvzn ar\t 9n dlvzn, 3), Lathrach Da Dhui-
bhean (?) la:rt ? ylvzn {r\a:rt9 ylvzn, 3).

duibheas dIvDS, n.m. * a kind of bracken growing in caves ' (5).

duil(e) d^:l'9y n.f. * creature'; an duile bhocht 9n d^il'd voxt,
a dhuile bhocht d y^il'd vjxt (voc, 2).

duil diCd'y n. * expectation,' in: ta duil agam ta: d<C:L agdm [am)
' I expect ' (2, 15).

duileasc dir9sky d^l'dsk (15, etc.), n. * dulse.*

duilleach d^l'aXy n. * foliage,' * leaves': ta an duilleach ag tuiteam
ta du d^l'ax ? t^t\dm (5).

duilleog diCl'agy n.f. Meaf; duilleog Phadraic diVag faidrik' * rat-
tail ' (9b, ace. to 9a, another plant).

GLOSSARY 189

duine d^n'9y dln'o (L.E.), dEn'd (U.E.), pi. daoine dom'd (L.E.),
dEin'd (U.E.), n.m. * man ' (§ 112); na daoine beag na dE:n'j
beg, or: na daoine coir na dE:n'd h :r' * the fairies' (3).

duir d^r' d£r' d^r\ dlV diV diV dll' (call to pigs).

Duitseach dlt^ax, n.m. * Dutchman ' ; in pl.-nn. : Carnan an
Duitseach karnan dh dltjax (3), Stac an Duitseach stak du
ditjax (3), Cos an Duitsigh hs dti dltli * The Dutchman's Leg '
(a formation in the rocks, 3).

diin d^:n, n.m. (i) * fort ' (common in pl.-nn.); (2) *heap':
dun mor de iteogan d£:n tno:r d^z itjagBU (3).

Dun, in: Cunntae an Duin k^ntai n d^:n' (15), k^ndai m d£:n' (3),
n. * Co. Down.'

dusaen diCszn, n. * dozen': leath dusaen cloch Ve d^ssn kr[ox (3).

duthaigh, n. * country': frid an duthaigh fri:d^ dti d£'i * through
the country ' (4).

duthchas d/£xds (12), n. * nature.'

e, pers. pron., see §§ 124, 125.

each jax, pi. eich ef , or eachan jaxdti^ n.m. * horse.'

eadach eidax^ n.m. (i) * clothes': eadach leabaidh e:dax I'ahi * bed

clothes ' ; (2) * sail ' : cuir an t-eadach uirthe fe^r' dn te :dax ^rj

* set the sails.*
eadail, in: m'eadail m eidzl * my treasure ' (term of endearment, 2).
eadan eiddn, n. *face'; also in pl.-nn.: Eadan an Chinn Reamhar

eiddn d gin ravdr (3).
eadar eddr, prep. * between.'
eadtrom eidrdm, adj. 'light' (not heavy),
eagal egdl, egdV\ (3), n.m. *fear': ta eagal air ta: egdl er', or: ta an

t-eagal air ta m t\egdl dr' * he is afraid. — Cf. zgdl (An i).
eaglach egdlax, adj. * timid,' * afraid.'
eaglais zgll\, n.f. * church '; Bay na h-Eaglaise he: na hzgx\i\,

(3), he:i na hegllf (15) * Church Bay.'— Cf sglii (pl.-n.. An i).
eagnais, in: as eagnais as cgnijy prep. Sc adv. * without (it)' (15,

etc.).
tdl2i jahy pi. ealachan Jfiri^fofi (3), n.f. *swan'; cf: iolar na eala(r)

na amhsanje/^r na jabr na avsan (from an old saying, 8).

190 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Ealaidli, in: an Ealaidh j n'all 'Ally' (pl.-n., at the Lower End);
air an Ealaidh er j n'all, n'av[i (3) 'at Ally,' (cf. Uig); Loch
(or: Lochan) na h-Ealadh lox [loxan) na <;alig ' Ally Loch ' (5).

eallach 'cattle': an t-eallach m tjohix 'the cattle' (15).

Eamonn e:m?n, n.ni. 'Edmund.'

ean £:», pi. ein z:n\ com join' (4), and eanlaith, q.v., n.m. *bird';

* chicken ' (especially in the pi.): na h-ein bheag na hz:n' vzg

* the chickens'; ccarc an ein k'ark d n'zin' [nz:n'), or cearc
an coin k'ark ? n'oin', or cearc na n-coin k'ark na n'oin'

* clucking hen.'

eanlaith, n. 'fowls,' * poultry': na heanlaith na hs:ll^ (13).
Eanna (?), in the pl.-n.: Gill Eanna (Eannaigh?) k'iWenii (k'il'd na

l'e:ni, 4) * Killeany.'
eangach egax, pi. na h-eangaigh na ^ayi (5), n.f. *nct'; tarrain na

h-eangach tarin na hegax ' pulling the nets ' (8).
earrach jarax, n. * spring ' (season).
Easan csan, pl.-n. — Cf. es * waterfall ' (An i).
ease * marsh,' in the place-name: Ease nan gCorr eskj na{r]) gj:r

(3, 5, is), cski nax] gjudr (9, etc.), gnudr (8).
easconn, n. * eel,' in: Lochan na n-Easconn lohan na ncsk?n

* Cleggan Loch' (9, 11).

easpog * bishop,' in the pl.-n. Sroin an Easpuic sroin' d n'espik'.
easrais, n. 'passage,' in: Easrais (Eiris) a Ghamhna erij d yavno (3);
cf. Engl. ese\nd^gavn? (old), e\nd^gavnd (new) * Esrishnagowna '

(pi-:"-)- ^

cigean, in: is eigean domh leig'dn dX ' I must,' b'eigean do heig'dn

{hzig'dn, 3) do: * he had to,' ma's eigean domh ma \e:g'dn d£

' if I must.'
eigin, eigint, eiginteach, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b).
eilbheog el'vag, n. * burning coal,' (15a, b).
eile, eileag, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b).
eilean el'zn, pi. eileain, el'zn' , eilcanadh el'?ndg, n.m. * island.' —

Cf. el'm (An i).
Eilispe elispSy n.f. * EHzabeth ' (2, Scot.),
eirigh e:r'/, /:r'i, v. * rise * (§ 142); vb. n. eireacht: ag eireacht

? g'eir'axt, g'iir'axt, eireacht na greine eir'axt na grem'd [grEin')

* the sunrise ' (8).

GLOSSARY 191

Eireannach e:r'Dnax, n. & adj. * Irishman'; * Irish.'

Eirinn e :rin\ n.f. * Ireland.'

Eiris a Ghamhna, see easrais.

eist, vb. * hsten ' ; vb. n. ag eisteacht (Ic) d g'e :lt'axt h * hstening

(to).'
eiteachan etjahan, n.m. ' bobbin,' * reed or quill in weaver's shuttle '

(Scot. '*pirn"); cuidhil eiteachain kail et\ahan' * reel (for

winding yarn) ' (3).
eitearnog etldrnag {-dg'?), n. * shuttle ' (3).
eiteog, eiteogaigh, see iteog, iteogaigh.
eochair, see iuchair.
Eoin jj;/i', n.m. 'John,' e.g. Daniel Eoin Ban den' ?l join' ha:n\

feil Eoin/e:V' jin' *St. John's feast,' * midsummer,' La feil Eoin

la: l'j:n' ' St. John's Day,' Mios fheil Eoin mi:sD Vo:n' *June.'
eolas j:?;/r?5, n. * knowledge.'
tornz joirtid, n. * barley'; min eorna mi^n' oirud (9b).

fa fay prep. * about,' * toward,' * under ' [see §§ 98, 125) : fa dheas
fa jes ' southward,' fa thuath fa h^a ' northward,' fa near
fa n'ar * eastward ' (?); cf ma; uisce fa thuinn, see under
tonn.

(sichzch faxax, pi. fachaigh /fix/, n. * shearwater ' (bird, 3, 9b).

fad fad, n.f. ' length ': troigh ar fad trEi dr fad * a foot long ' (3);
i bhfad (,?) vad, adv. * long,* * far ' : an rabh thu i bhfad ? du
ro /C vad 'were you far?' (6); prep, with gen. 'during,'
'along': fad na h-oidhchc /f7fi na hl:p, fad an gheimhridh
fad d jzvriy fad an bhealaigh /firf d vjall\ fhad agus ad 3s, conj.
* as long as ' : fhad agus ta e tiream ad ds ta ? tjir'Dm ; cf. faid.

fada /^rf^, adj. 'long'; 'far'; chan fhada bhuainn anois ha nadj
v^zn' d nlj ' it is not far from us now,' le fada h fad? ' for a
long time ' (with negation, 8).

(zdzhch fadalaXy adj. 'lonesome,' 'weary.'

fag fa :g, v. ' leave ' ; vb. n. fagail fa igal, fagain fa :gin, fagailt
fa:galt\ (14); p.p. faigte J^j ;^^J^ : chan fheil moran faigte ha nel
mo iran fa :gt\d,

faic, irreg. vb., see § 150.

193 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

taid /dJ^, 11. f. ' length' (orig. dat. sg. of fad, q.v.): goide an fhaid
o na thainigh thu? gj d^c : nad^ o na han'i ^ (lo), gc an fhaid
na thainigh thu? g'c: nad^ na hain'i ^ (6) * how long is it since
you came ? '

faigh, irrcg. vb., sec § 151.

fail, pi. falta faltj (also used as sg.), n. * turf spade': na falta
monadh na faltj n\D:n?g 'the turf spades' (15, etc.).

Faileacht /(7/'(7.v/, pl.-n. (in Ballyconagan).

failte /rt :/rJ.7, n. 'welcome': failte san toigh/rt:/rJa son tEi (3).

(iinnc fa :n\i, n. ' ring (for finger)': fainne 6v fam'd o:r (2).

faireacan farikan, pi. -ain an\ n. ' ledge or terrace in rocks '
(cf creisean); in pl.-nn.: na Faireacain (Faracain) na farokon
(at Craigmacagan), Cnoc na bhFaireacan knk na var'ikon
{yarikdn, varigdn, 4), Baile na bhFaireacan hal'd na vargdn^ bal na
vardgdn (8), hal'd vardgdn (10), hal'd faragon, E. hab ^varigdn

* Ballynavargan ' (the old name of Mullindres); cf. Dinneen:
faireog, farog, farragan.

faircadh /rt .t'^^, n. * dawn': faireadh an li fa :r'pg on lad,

fairrge, see farraice.

faithne, see foithne.

£i\fa:l, n. ' fold,' * pound '; * wall' (?); in pl.-im. Fal na Gamhna

fail na gavnd, Fal Tuaithil, see Tuafal; Fal Dubh/cz:/ d^ (4),

Sliabh an Fhail slidv d naiV * Slieveanaille,' a dangerous place

on the north coast.'
falach, n. * hiding,' only in: i bhfalach {d) valax {vaT\ah, 3),

adv. * in hiding,' * hidden ' : ag dol i bhfalach d dol d var]aht

* going to hide,' ga chur i bhfalach ^^ XiCr d vaT\ah * hiding it ' (3).
fallan/ci/rt«, adj. * healthy ' (15).

fallsa/^/55, adj. * false ' (15, etc.).

fallt/rtto, n.m. * glen ' (with stream at bottom, 15, etc.); in pl.-nn.:
an Fallt dn fait * Auk ': ag obair anns an Fhallt d gobir ans d nalty
Sruthan an Fhallt sr^dn d nalt, Bruach an Fhaillt hr^dx d nailtj (8) ;
in other names: Allt (Alt), as: Allt an Choire ar\t d xor'd

* Altacorry,' Allt an Duibhean alt dn divsn, Glaic Ailt an
Duibhean glak' altl dn divzn (3).

fallus faldSy fav[ds (3), n.m. ' perspiration ' ; an Toigh Falluis dn

tEi fall\ * the Sweathouse.'
falmatar falnidtdv, n. * tiller of rudder.'

GLOSSAKY 193

(201 fan, V. 'stay'; vb. n. fantain /^/^rm (2, 3, 12), {zntzil fat ital

(11, 13), hns-cht fanaxt.
fanca /<irifc^, n.m. *sheepfold' (Scot. **fank"), pi. fancaigh faT[ki (13);

in pl.-nn. Purt an Fhancaigh p^rt d nar\ki, Cnoc an Fhancaigh

knk 9 nar]ki (15), Ceathramh an Fhainc (?) k'ardv d nzx\k'd (4).
faobhar /£:i/5r, n. * edge ' (4).
izochzn fE'.xan, n. 'mussel' (15).
faochog /£ ;.v^^, n. 'dregs/ 'ale' (2); cf. caochan.
faod, def. vb., see § 155.

faoi//;; f^i, fEi (8), prep, 'under' (§§ 107, 124, 125).
faoileann /c):/'^« (L.E.), /J5;/'^h (U.E.), n.f. 'seagull'; in pl.-nn.

Creag na bhPaoileann kreg na vEd'dn, Rudha na bhFaoileann

r/0 na vE:l'?n.
Faoilleach, in: Mios na Faoilleach mi:s na foil' ax (5), mi:s na vEiVax

(13) 'February'; generally understood as: Mios na

bhFaoileann miisd na vE:V3n [fEd'dn), from the seagulls

following the plow,
faoin /£;»', adj. 'silly.'
far, rel. adv., see § 145.
fareir ghear/rt're;r ^e.T, interj. 'alas' (2).
farraice farik'd, n.f. ' sea.'
(is fa :s, v. ' grow '; vb. n. idem : ta e fas mall ta 3 fa:s mail ' it is

getting late.'
fascadh /(i5^a^, fa^k'^g (8, 9a), n.m. 'shelter'; taobh an fhascaidh

tE:v d naski ' the leeward side.'
(2ist2id\i fa stjg, vb. n. 'hiring': aonach fastadh :nax fast?g (4).
fast, hstz fa3St, fa :st {12), fastj (4), adv. 'still.' — Cf.fi :st3 (An i),

Manx foast (Kneen, § 72).
feach^;.v, v. *try'; vb. n. feachaint /s :x/«/J.
fead fed, n. * whistle ' : fead ar son an dinnear fed dt son jn d^in'zr.
fead, def. vb., see § 155.
feadanaigh /erfrt»/, vb. n. 'whistling' (13).
feadog fedag, n. ' plover ' (9a).
feag, pi. (c2ig2in fegjn {fEg9n, 15), n. 'rushes.'

feairt, in: na cuir feairt air na k^r fjartj er' 'do not heed him' (2, 15),
(c^imzin fjamin, fjanun (15), n.f. 'seaweed,' 'wrack'; in pl.-nn.

Talamh na Feaman tahv na fjanidn (15), Talamh na Feamanta

tal3v na fjamjntD, Purt na Feamanta p^rt na fjamdntd (8).

194 "THE IRISH LANGUAGH IN RATHLIN ISLAND

fcannog fj(iif(^g, n.f. ' gray crow/

fear /Jjr, pi. fir ^V, n.m. *man'; Muisband': fear Mhary Jane

fjar vcri dicn\ fir chlisne (chlisle) JiV xli\n'd {xli\l'S) 'northern

light' (15, etc.).
fear/e.T, n.m. 'grass'; 'hay': ag obair aig an fhear d gobir eg'

D n'zir.
fearann ' land ' (' townland '), prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine

fjar {fjsr) iid sUyIih'b (4); cf. serin,
fearr, fhearr, comp., see § 122.
fearban ^'rtr/)rt/;, n. * weed growing among potatoes' (3); Dinneen:

Ranunculus.
feart, see feairt.

feasog /e :5rt^, n.f. 'beard' (3).
fcidhm/e:m, n. ' use ': ta feidhm agam air ta: fe :m agom er' ' I can

use it/ 'I need it/ ghni sin feidhm domh ni: jIn fe :m d^

*I can use that' (10), ghni (deanaidh) sin feidhm ni: [d^sni)

llnfe:m ' that will do/
feidhm, def. vb., see § 155.
feidhmeamhail /e.-me/, adj. 'needy': ta ead feidhmeamhail a ta

feitheamh air ta ad fe :mel d la: fe'dv er (saying about the fairies),
feidir, see f heatar.

feith/6% V. 'wait'; vb. n. feitheamh /t^-^i^ 'waiting.'
feith, n. ' sinew ' : gan f heith, gan f huil gd nz? gd nul ' without

sinew, without blood ' (7).
feochadan f^?fddan (6), f^dfir (14, prob. corrupt), f^?SDgan (4),

n. ' thistle.'
feoilj(/'j;/', n.f. * flesh '; * meat '; feoil muicej^':?:/' m/Ck'9 ' pork ' (3).
f heatar, def. vb., see § 155.
fhein, refl. pron., see § 129.
fiacal (fiacail) fiakily pi. (izchnfiakhny n. 'tooth.' — Cf. Jiafea/ (=fiacla,

pi., An i).
fiach fax, pi. fiachan fiaxdn^ n. 'worth,' 'price'; 'debt': td

fiachan orrtha ta: fiaxBu op 'they are in debt'; fiach mur

saoithreach, see saothar.
ii2ich. fiax , fi' ax (15a), n.m. ' raven '; in pl.-nn. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh

I'etrdni d n'i'i, Vetrdm d n'iax, Toigh an Fhiaigh tEi d n'i'i

' the Crobie's House/
fiadh flag {fizg, 5), n. * deer/

GLOSSARY 195

fiadhaidh Jisgi, adj. * wild ' (5).

fiadhain Ji£^e«, adj. ' wild ' (§ 118); tunnog fhiadhain t^nag iagen (3).
fiadhnaisc, see ianais.

fiafraigh jiafriy vb. * ask ' (§ 142); pres.-fut. fiafrochaidh ^^/m,
jiajra? ; mixed with iarr : fiarraidh me dithe fizri mz d^ip

* I will ask her.'

(i2ig2ik jiagir {is),jiagDr3 [is2l), fiag3r {5), n.f. * lea ' (land which has

not been plowed for many years); in the pl.-n. Cnoc na

Fiagrach knk na fiagrax.
fichead, num., see § 135.
ficheadamh, ord., see § 136.
iiAcoQ^ fid^agy n.f. * whistle ' (4); in pl.-nn.: Glaic na Fideoigc

glak' na fidizg'd (3), jidiag'i (3), jid^agd (4), Inean Fideoige

in'zn fidiag'd {-ag'i, 3)-
fidheal^-^/, pi. fidhleachan Ji^/^x^» (i), n.f. * fiddle' (4); ag bualadh

na fidhil d h^abg na fi'dl (cf. buail).
fidhleoir ^ :/'er, ^'/'er {15), n.m. * fiddler.'
figh, vb. * weave ' ; imperf.-cond. a dh'f higheadh p ji-Dg ; vb. n.

(ightfa (3).
figheadoir jiDdzr, n.m. * weaver ' ; * spider.'
figheadoireacht ^a^r^x^ {l), fiddraxt (12), n.f. * weaving.'
fine jin'd, n. * family,' * people'; fine coimhtheach jin'3 kEvax

* stranger (s) ' (2).

f ineailte ^ :«'^/^j5, adj. * fine.'

finish (E.) : ta me finishte ta : me fini^t'D (3) ; an ceol f hinisheadh

DT] k'j:T\ inijag * to finish the song ' (3).
fiodhj% (6, 8,^ 11), fig {15) Jm is), fin (12), pi. fiodhan //^.9« (8),

n. * wood,' in pi. * ribs ' (of ship),
fiolatan (?), in pl.-n.: Purt na Fiolatan p^rt na Jjzhtan.
fiolarys/t^r (8), jf/*rtr|pr' (3), pi. na fiolaran na fjzbrdn, n.f. * eagle ' (8);

an fhiolar d n'ebr * the eagle' (8); in pl.-n.: Cnoc na Fiolaire

knk na fjzviir'd (3), kT]ox na fjer]ir'd (3), krok na fjzlag'd (5),

partly mixed up with feannog.
fion Ji:«, n.m. * wine ' (i); in pl.-n. Purt an Fhion p£rt d n"\:n (3).
fionnjO'ew, adj. *fair*: an Ceann Fionn d\\ k'anfjzn * Fair Head.'
fionnadh Jjzndv, n. * fur,' * hair ' : fionnadh cat fjtnsv kat,
fior fi:r, adj. *true': fior sin fi :r J/«, ta sin fior ta: J/n fi:r

* that is true.'

196 THE IRISH LANGUAGl: IN RATHLIN ISLAND

(lOT-uiscc Ji irX^k'j, n. 'spring water': tobar fior-uiscc tobor ji:ri(k'D,
fios /i5, 11. 'knowledge'; ta fhios again, see § 146; aig Dia ta fios

{e^') d^ia ta: [fis 'God knows' (3).
fiosta, in the adv. gan fhiosta^.i tilstj ' without (anybody's) knowing,'

' secretly ' (3).
fiosraigh, vb. * ask ' (§ 142); pret. dh'fhiosraigh ise dc jisDri iJ3 d^z

* she asked him ' (3); vb. n. fiosrachadh fisraag.
fireann /zr<7», adj. *male': gamhain fireann ^^i>m^r^/i.
firinn, n.f. * truth ': an fhirinn d n'iirin,
flaitheamhnas /?rt^i^^/ic95 (8), n. ' Heaven.'
flinch //'£v, adj. * wet.'
Fliuchog Ji'^bag, pl.-n.
flower: jiau3r, n. (3).
flur ^/C.T, n. * flour'; cf. plur.
flur^^.T, pi. fluran J?^:rptt, n. 'flower' (2).
focal fok?U fikdT\ (3), pi. foclan fihbn (3), n. ' word.'
fochann foxjti, 11. ' blades of corn ' (9).
fod, see foid.
foghmhar ^;t>^r {fivofy 2, 3), n.m. 'harvest'; 'autumn': ta an

foghmhar mall ta 3n fovdr ma:l; san fhoghmhar sa wv^r ' in the

fall ' ; Mios an Fhoghmhair mi :s d novdr ' September,' Aonach

an Fhoghmhair iinax ? novdr * the Autumn Fair.'
f6id^:Jj, pi. foidean ^ ; J^^«, n. 'sod': foid mhonadh^.-ij vj :m^

' peat sod ' (9).
foithne J3»'^, pi. foithnean ^tt'^«, n. 'wart' (3).
folach, see falach.
folbh fjlv, in: theid me ar folbh he :d^ me r filv 'I will go away*

(§ 153).

follain, see fallan.

fonn fo :n, n.m. * tune ' ; ' voice ' : chan f heil fonn maith aige xa

nel fo:n ma eg' 9 (3).
fore, pi. fuirc f^r'k\ n. ' fork ' (3).
fortan firtan, n.m. ' fortune ' : rinn iad fortan maith annsin rain'

ad fortan ma dti \in (3).
fos, only in the adv. i bhfos {?) vos * over,' ' over here ' : bhfos

a' seo vos ? \o * over here ' (3).
fos (fast, (2ist2) fajsty fa:st [12), fast9 (4), adv. * still ': ta e garbh fasta

ta d garv fasto (4).

GLOSSARY 197

foscadh, see fascadh.

foscail /:?5fo/, vb. * open ' (§ 142). — C(. fisk9l (An i).

fostaigh, see fastadh.

Frznczch. frar\kaXy adj. * French '; as n.=cuilc Fhrancach.

fraoch/ro:x (2, s)ifiE:x (U.E.), n.m. 'heather.'

fraochog frE:xag, n.f. * whortleberry.' Usually moineog. — Cf.

fr^'.xag (An i).
frzsfras, frais /r^J (15, etc.), n.f. * shower ' (§ 110).
frasaidheacht /rrt5ifi:v^, vb. n. * raining in showers' (15, etc.).
freagair, vb. * answer ' (§ 142); pret. cha do fhreagair xa dd rcgir;

vb. n. freagair t fregjrtj.
freiceadan, n. * watch(ing) ' (Scot.), only in the pl.-n. Cnoc an

Fhreiceadan knk dh rzk'ddan [rik'ddan, 5, krok {p) rzk'dtan, 4,

rzk'dtd, 9c, rek'dd, 15), or (corrupt) krok na frik'ddan.
freisin /r^Jm, adv. 'also' (4).
freshailte /re Jfi/rJ^ {2), f raj alt j 9 (3, 8), adj. * fresh': uisce freshailte

Ilk'9frz\alt\9 {fralaltl^).
frid/n:J^, prep, 'through' (§ 125).

frithir /"r^r, adj. 'sore': ta mo mhuineal frithir ta: md v^n'al frhr.
frock (E.): pi. na frockachan na frjka<in (3).
fry (E.): p.p. fryte /rrt/7J^.
fuacht f^axt, n. ' cold ' : ta fuacht orm ta: f^axt orm * I am

cold.'
fuadaiste /C(zi/J/'^, p.p. 'carried away' (as by the wind; 15, etc.).
fuaigh, vb. * sew ' : pres.-fut. fuaighidh me fM [f^aji) ntz ; vb. n.

fuaighean f^ajzn (13).
fuaim f£am, n. * sound.'
fuar f/Car, adj. * cold.'

fuaradh, in: taobh an fhuaraidh tE:v d n^ari 'the windward side.'
fuarog/Crtrrt^ {f^arg, 12), n.f. 'oatmeal with cold sour milk' (taken

especially at harvest time); fuarog eovnz f^arag j:) :mj (10).
fuascladh /Cfi5^/5^, n. 'relief (15, etc.).
fuathasach/C<i5^:v,/5d,v, adj. and adv. * terrible '; ' very ': fuathasach

stoirmeamhail f/Casax stmml, fuathasach maith f/Casax ma

* awfully good,' uair fuathasach dona ^ar fisax dm? * very bad

weather.'
fuigh, see faigh.
fuil /<■/', n. m. ' blood.'

19^^ THH IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHUN ISLAND

fuiling, vb. 'suffer': chan f hailing thu an teas, as chan fhuiling
tliii an fuacht, chan fhcil f hios agam goide ghni mc leat ha nKlin
X ,m t\i's as ha n.^lin x ,m f^axt ha ncl '/5 am go d^e: ni: mi I' at (2).

fuinneog, sec uinneog.

fuirseadh, sec cHath.

fuiseog, sec uiseog.

furn/Cn;,/Crc?/i (15, etc.), pi. furnan/Cr»j«, furanadh /Crj«p^ (15, etc.),
n. ' puffni.'

furusta /Cr<?it(.7), adj. * easy ' (§ 122): ta e furusta radh ta d f^tdst
d ra :g * it is easy to say.'

Q^Migav, vb. * take '; go, vb. * sing '; vb. n. g^hhdiil gaval * taking ';
gosl {-al) * singing': gabhail ceo\ gozl k'oil, an urr' leat ceolta
ghabhail? ? n^Vdt k'j :T[tD yozl * can you sing? ' (3), but some-
times also * taking ': gabhail notion gosl no:J9n (3).

gabha, gabhain go-in, n.m. ' smith ' (originally dative form).

gabhadh ^<3;fc7^, n.m. * danger.'

gabhadoir go'dtzr, n.m. * singer ' (3).

gabhal deorach go:l dp:raXy n. * snipe ' (8).

gabhar goor, pi. gabhair go-ir (5), g0'9r (3), gabhrthan goipn,
n.m. ' goat.'

gabhlan g2iokhc go dan gE:g9, n. * swallow,' * swift * (8).

gach, indef pron., see § 134 (B) (a).

gad gad, n. ' withe.'

gadhar, n. * lurcher ' (dog), see Text No. 10.

Gacdheal, n. * Gael,' in pl.-nn. Purt a' Ghaedheal pXrt 9 yE:J9l,
Baile an Ghaedheal hal'9 yE '.jol * Ballygill ' (the latter, at least,
doubtful, cf Gall).

Gaedhilg (Gailic; Gaelca) ga:l'ik' (i, 2), gE:lk9 (11), gE:r[k9 (3;
never d), n. * Irish ' (language): ta moran Gaelc aige ta:
mo:ran gEilk zg'9 'he has (knows) much Irish.' The term
Gailic seems especially to designate the Scottish form, Gaelca,
the Irish form of speech (2). — Cf gE[:)lk (An i).

gagan gagan, vb. n. * cackling ': ta iad ag gagan ta od ? gagan (6).

Gailic, see Gaedhilg.

gaineamh gan9v, n. * sand.'

GLOSSARY 199

gair, vb. * laugh ' (§ 142); pret. ghair Ya:r'; vb, n. (ag) gairidheacht
d ga:r'iaxt ' laughing.'

gairdcan gard^sn, n. ' brachium,' * upper part of the arm.'

Gall, n. ' Lowlander,' * native of the ** Low country " in Antrim '
(cf the Rathlin Catechism, § 7), chiefly in pl.-nn. : Baile Ghoill
bal'3 yEiV * Ballygill,' Gall-bhuaile gar)v^al'i (3), garivaVi (3),
galvan'i (9, etc.).

gall ga:l (6), gav^ (3), gEil (from pi, 4), pL goill gEiV (6), goillean
gEihn (4), n.m. *a small kind of seagull, called kittiwake ' (8);
prob. orig. identical with the prec. word, cf. Albannach ; gall
deorachan gal dp iraxan, a night bird, 1 5 ; gall gaoithe gaT[ gE :p :
* to be blethering like a Gall gaoithe,' 3 ; in pl.-n. Carraic nan
Goill karik' na gEil; popularly supposed to occur in Ballygill,
see under Gall.

galla gab, n. * bitch ' (5, Scot.).

gdimhzm gav in, gawin [gauin), pi. gamhna ^^t?«^, n.m. * calf; in pl.-n.
Fal na(n) Gamhna/^;/ na gavn? (g. sg. or pL).

gan, prep. * without,' see § 100.

gann gain, adj. * scarce ' (i).

gaoiseaid gE:jsd^, n. * horsehair': gaoiseaid na n-eich gEijsd^
na n'e^.

gaol ^E. 7, n. Move' (Scot., cf. gradh).

gaoth^o; (L.E.), gE: (U.E.), n. f. *wind': gaoth tuath gE: tiCa,
gaoth ma thuath gE: ma ^h^a, gaoth dheas gE: jes (wrong?),
gaoth ma dheas gE: ma ^jes, gaoth aniar gE: n'iar, gaoth anear
gE: n'ar; bealach na gaoithe bjalax na gE:p * windy passage.'
— Cf giC: (An i).

garbh garv, adj. * rough ': ta e garbh, garbh ta d garv garv; ro gharbh
n yarv.

Garbhach g'arvax, pl.-n., from the Engl. pron. g'arvD {-a).

g2irhh2in2ic\i garvjnax, garm9nax (4), pi. garbhanaigh garvdni, n. * a fish '
(Dinneen: * brazor ' or * sea-bream ').

garradh ^^ :rp^ (^^ :m, 12), n.m. * garden'; *yard'; * stone fence';
balla an gharraidh hav^d n ga:ri * the garden wall' (3), garradh
chruach ga:r^g xr^ax * stackyard,' garradh na(n) cladh ga:r?g na
klog * the graveyard ' ; in pl.-nn. Bruach an Gharraidh Mhor
br^ax d ya:ri vo :r (13), Bealach Charraic an Gharraidh bjar\ax
xarik' 9 ya:ri (3).

200 THIi IRISH LANGUAGI- IN RATllLIN ISLAND

gascan (7^75^^//, n.in. * little boy' (15, etc.).

geadh i^/s .;i7 (i5),^ij'e/.i^ C?'^'''T» ^).,^'^:ii {12), g' si, ^^'ai (U.E., from pL),

pi. gcidh (j's:i (15), g'zi, g'ai (U.E.), g'sbn, g'ahti, 11. m. ' goose.'
geafta g'(ijt.\ n.iii. * gate.'
geal g'al, adj. * white,' * bright ': ag fas geal j Ja:s g'al * whitening '

(of corn); oidhche ghcal I:p jal * bright night' (15).
gealacan g'abkan, n. ' the white of the egg ' (6).
gealach g'alax, n.f. * moon ' : ta solas deas air an ghealach ta : sobs

d^cs cr ?n jalax * the moon is bright,' oidhche ghealaighe I:p

jali (15), an ghealach ag apachadh <i jalax .7 gcipajg * the ripening

moon' (6)= gealach na buaint galax na b^antj * the harvest

moon.' — Cf. g'alax (An i).
gealbhan g'ahan, pi. gcalbhain g'ahsn', n.m. * graylag ' (8), * linnet '

(15, etc.).
gcsilhhzn g'ahan, n. * fire ' (used by 15's grandmother),
geall g'a ;/, vb. * promise.'

geall, in: in geall air 9r\ g'al er * fond of (r, 5).
geannaire g'anir'd {g'snir'?), n. * hammer.'
gearj^'e.T, adj. 'sharp' (3). — Cf. ^'e.T (An i).
gearr, vb. *cut'; pres. gearraidh me g'ari me; pret. ghearr ja:r\

vb. n. ag gearradh d g'cirdg ; p.p. geairrte g'artJD * cut.'
gearr-fhiadh, gearradh g'arag, g'ardg (4), n. * hare.' — Cf. g'ard, g'ari,

g'ardi (An i).
geola ^':7 ;/r7, n., gramm. masc. (§ 108) * yawl,' *boat'; ta an geola

ag teacht anois ta 9r\ g'j:b t^axt d nil (they used to say in the

old time),
geimhreadh g'^vrdg, g'^nrdg, n.m. ' winter ' : san gheimhreadh

SD jenr9g (3).
geimnigh /e ;;aw'/, vb. n. Mowing' (of cattle, 15).
geirseach, see giorsach.
Geogan g'jgan, an Geogan 9r\ g'ogan, name of a tidal current off the

west coast of Rathlin (E. pgan)\ ag iascach anns an Gheogan

? g'iaskax ans ? pgan (15, etc.), leigidh me Gheogan ar folbh

I'eg'i mi jjgan dr folv (4).
giall, n. * hostage,' in the pl.-n. Purt Dun nan Giall (na nGiall)

p£rt d^:n naT\ g'iaT\ (3), p^rt d^:n na n'ial (6).
gil, in: air gil er g'il' * white ' (?).
gille^'i/'^, n.m. * boy,' * lad.' Cf giolla. — Dim. gillean ///'<?« (?, 8).

GLOSSARY 201

gimlead, gimlcan ^'///u/ti//, n. 'gimlet' (lo).

giobach g'ibax, adj. * rough ' (of the weather or the sea),

giolla ^'e/c?, pL giolhn g'zhn, n.m. 'servant boy/ 'boy,' 'lad.'

GioU'easpaigh glaspi, glaspj (ii), glaspi (2), gT]aspi (3), a.m. 'Archie.'

giorsach (geirseach) gzrsax, g'ejax (4, 5), pi. giorsachan g'ersahdti,
ii.f. ' girl.' — Cf. g'zrsax, g'crjax (An i).

giulain, vb. 'carry': pres.-fut. giulanaidh me g'iC:T[ani me,
cha ghiulain ha ji<::r]in (3); pret. ghiulain jiC:T[in (3); vb. n.
giulan ^'^.7f7/r, p.p. giulain te ^'^;r|,9n/Jc? (3).

giumhas ^'i<"*c?5, n. 'bog fir used for candles'; cf lasog.

glac, vb. ' take ' (§ 142): an glac thu copan tae? dT[ glak ^ kopan tE:,
glacaidh e uair glaki a £ar ' it will take an hour.'

glaic glak\ glzk' (4), n.f (i) ' hollow of the hand,' (2) ' hollow in
the ground,' ' valley,' in pl.-nn. : an Ghlaic Fhliuch j ylak' I'ux,
Glaic Dhorcha glzk' yorax? (4), Glaic an Toigh Mor glak' du
tEi mo ;r, Glaic an Chairn glak' d ham' .

glaimsear ^/mnjer, n. 'greedy dog or cat' (15, etc.).

glaiseog gabhail (guail) ^/dj^ ^g^al, n. 'wagtail' (13).

glan, vb. 'clean,' 'wash'; vb. n. glanadh ^/a«d[j : ag glanadh na
soithean d gland na sjpn.

glan gr\an (3), adj. ' clean ' (§ 122).

glaodh glEhg (-y) (8), vb. n. 'calling': glaodh nan sraon glEiD
nan srE:n.

glas glas, n. ' lock.'

ghs glas, adj. 'green,' 'pale': duine dubh glas diCn'9 diC glas (2).

glas glas, vb. ' lock ' : glas an doras glas 9n djrds ; p.p. glasta glasL

glasaid, pi. glsiSdiidezn glaszd^jn, n. 'furrow,' Ir. " shough."

glasan glasan, n.m. ' gleshin,' ' glaishin ' (E. pron. glzlju), the coal-
fish in a certain stage.
. Glasgow, Glasco : gr[asko (3).

gleann gra{:)n, n. 'glen': na Gleann na gl'an 'the Glens (of
Antrim) ' (4).
• gleidh, vb. ' hold ' : cha ghleidh xa yl'e,

gleireach^/'c.Trt.v, gl'eir'axt, n. 'light'; 'haze': ta gleireach o'n (de'n)
ghealach air an uisce ta: gl'eirax on [d^zn) jalax er ? nl\k'?\
ta gleireach air a' ghealach ta: gl'e:rax er d jalax; gleireacht
de'n ghealach gl'e:r'axt d^zn jalax ' moonlight.'

glic glik', adj. ' wise ': duine glic d^n'd gl'ik' .

202 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

i;liogarsaigh sll'i^<^{r)si, vb. n. ' glittering ' (13).

glioniach ^^rinuix, n.m. Mobster'; in pl,-n. Part nan Gliomach

p.Crt liar] gl'iniax.
gloine ^jlBti'.i, n. ' glass.'
gloir ^ijtij.t' (3), n.f. 'glory,'
glor gh:rj n. ' voice ' (13),
^\un gU: 11 {gln:n, i), n, 'knee/
gnothach grj\ix, pi. gnoithc grri (3, 13), gnoithean gr^pn (13), n.ni.

'thing,' * business ' (csp. in pi.): ar shiubhal Icat tiomchall

air do ghnoithe p r'/i? lat tlKm?l er d? yrri (3).
go gd, adv. part., corresponding to *-ly': ta sin go maith ta: \in

g.i ma, ta sinne go maith ta: I'lu'd gj ma, ta i go deas ta i gj

d^cs * she is pretty.'
go, prep. *to,' *tiir (§ 103 a); also gos: is fada gos amaireacht s add

g?s ? mair'axt ' it is long till tomorrow.'
go, gon, conj. (§§ 102, 103 (b), 145).
gob gob, n. * beak,' ^bill'; * point ' : gob laidir goh la:d^ir\ in

pl.-nn.: Gob an Tairbh gob dn tEr'v (8), Gob na Bo gob

iia h: (10).
gobach gobax, n. * dogfish.'
goban goban, n. * point ': sin Goban Tor fin goban tjr ' that is Torr

Head ' (5), Goban an Easpuic goban ? n'espik'.
gobog gobag, n.f. * a flat fish ' (Dinneen: ' sand-eel'),
gogan gogan, n.m. '* cogie," * pail,' a w^ooden dish for containing

food: chuir thu gogan mor do Eoin, a mhathair x^r ^ gogan

mo:r d.i J:f:n' d va?r (2); bord nan gogan h:rd naT\ gogan

* cupboard ' (for the cogies).
goid gEdi, vb. * steel.'

goide, interr. pron., sec § 133.

goil gEl\ vb. n. 'boiling': ag goil ? gEl\ or: ar goil er [dr) gEl'

* boiling ': pota ar goil pot dr gEl (3, 13).
goile gEVd, n. * stomach.'

goirid gErid^, adj. ' short ' (§ 122).

goirt gortj, adj. * bitter,' * sour ' (* salt,' Sc).

goirtean gortjzn, n.m. * small field,' in pl.-n. Goirtean Garbh

gortjen garv.
gol, see gul.
gor, see gur.

GLOSSARY 203

gorm gonn, adj. ' blue.'

goit gjrt, n.m. * field ' (10, 15, 15b); in pl.-n. Mullach a' Ghoirt

w^lax d yort\ [mKla ^hortj), miCh ^yort\zn (9, etc.).
grad, in go grad gd grad, adv. * soon.'
gradh gra:g, n. Move'; a ghradh mo chroidhe 9 yra:g md xrEij

(term of endearment, 2), in gradh le dj] gra:g h ' in love with.'
grainnc gra:n'd, graidn'd (3), n. * grain': grainne coirce grant'?

kork'd (10), grainne oUa^r^i.-fi' oh *a bit of wool' (15b).
grainnean gra :n'en, n.m. * grain ' ; ' shot ' : chan f heil grainnean ann

ha nel grain'zn an * there is nothing' (13); in pl.-n. Bealach an

Ghrainnean hjzlax d yram'zn (8).
gnin gram, n. 'shot' (in gun, 15b).
granna graiUD, adj. ' ugly.'
gras gra :5, pi. grastan gra:st3n, n. * grace.'
greas grs:s, n. * web.'
greasaidhe ^re ;5i, n.m. * shoemaker ' (15).
greasair ^rs ;5er, n.m. * saddler ' (15).

greideall gred^al, gred^ax] (3), grsdpl (11), grad^dl (8), n. * griddle.'
greim grem, grim, n. *bit': dimean greim air dpmon grem er*not a

bit of it ' (2).— Cf. grim (An i).
grian ^rm«, n.f. 'sun' (§ no). — C(.gri:n (An i).
grianach ^rm?/fi.v, adj. 'sunny': la grianach la'd grianax,
Grianan, an Grianan 3 grianan, aig an Ghrianan zg' d yrianan (pl.-n.).
grinn grin', adj. ' gay ' (2).
griseog gri:\ag {gr^'-lag, 10, loa), n. 'embers': chan fheil ann ach

cat griseog ha nel an ax kat gri:jag (of person afraid of the cold).

Cf. gri:lax (An i).
grod, see grad.
grosaid grj :sed^, n. 'gooseberry': craobhan grosaid krEivdn

grjiszdi (8).
gruag, gruaig gr^ag, gr^ag' , n. ' hair (of the head).' — Cf. gr^:g'

(An I),
gruagach gr^agax, n.m. ' brownie ' (' male fairy,' 2, 3). — Cf. gr^igax

(An I),
gruagan gr^agan, n.m. ' liver.'
gruaidh gr^ai, n. ' cheek.'
grunta gr£nti, gnCnd (4), n. ' ground,' ' reef.'
gruth gr^, n. ' curds ' ; bainne gruth ban'? gr^ ' beestings/

204 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

glial iiXiil, n.ni. * coal.'

giialainn i^M'rt/i/i, pi. guaillcan j^r.^J^/'j/i, n. 'shoulder': air a ghualainn

cr .? yXiirihi {-jh, 3).
giiidh (fl : (i), iiEi (9), vb. *pray'; vb. n. guidhc air gl : cr

' cursing,' ' imprecating.'
giiitcar qXitjsr, n. * hole in stable wall ' (15).
gul ^^/, vb. n. * crying,' ' weeping.'
guns. g^:tij {s)ygti:n (15a), n. * dress.'
gunna gXuj, n.m. * gun.'
gur g£r, only in: cearc gur k'ark g^r ' clucking hen,' bainne gur

ban? gur *cluck egg' (6), leagain gur I'zging^r ^setting of eggs' (3).
gur, form of the copula, see § 146.
guta gi'Cu.iy n.m., said to mean * channel' or ^narrow inlet' (4),

in pl.-nn. Purt an Ghuta p^rt ? y^'Ad (4), Giita Gorm g^:td

gmn (4).
guth gi(, n. * voice ' (poet., cf. fonn): guth na h-eala g^ na gab.

hall (E.) fo;/.
hata hat^, at?, n. * hat.'
haul (E.) fo:/, v. (15).
hikers (E.) h^ikdrs (3).

hobais ^ho:^ha\ (interj., at lifting heavy things),
hogshead (E.): togsaidean mor de leann togsad^9n mo:r d^e Van (3).
huit h^Ut ^Ut £Ht, t^it ^it Kit (3), call to ducks,
hunt (E.) : ag huntadh na gcearcan ? hent9g nag'arkdn * chasing the hens/
hut (E.): huttail hotal (Engl. ' t '), vb. n. 'making into sheaves,'
* hutting.'

i, pers. pron., see § 124.

iad, pers. pron., see § 124.

iall ial, idl, n. ' leather strap.'

ialltog leathair alta^gVe'lr^ alt?^gl'e'ir [gVeir), n. prob. * bat,' but said

to mean * swallow ' (6, 8, 15).
ianais, in: goide thug ort a dhol i n-ianais an duine? gd d^e: hiCg

ort d yol ? n'ianij jn d^n'd * what made you go into the presence

of the man? ' (15).

GLOSSARY 205

iarann iarjti, n.m. 'iron'; an Chailleach larainn j xal'ax iarin {-^n),

person in old story (3).
iaro iar:)9 (15), ^i^'d^, ijrwd (2, 11); n, 'grandchild' bidh iarno aig

an miol bi idrnoD eg' dn mi?! (2).
iarr iar, vb. *ask': iarraidh mi jciri mi (2), an d'iarr i? dti d^iar i.
iarraidh iari, vb. n. ' seeking *; n. * try/ ' test,' cf. under uiseog.
iarraidh, in: a dh'iarraidh 9 jiari (jen), prep, with gen. * after '

(lit. * to ask'): a dh'iarraidh nan bo 3 jiari {jsri) nam ho:.
iasacht iasaxt, n. 'loan' (15, 15b).
iasc iash, pi. disc e:lk\ n.m. 'fish.' — Cf. i :sk (An i).
iascach iaskax, vb. n. and n.m. 'fishing': ag iascach o g'iaskax;

batan iascaigh ba :tj n'iaski * fishing boats '; in pl.-nn.: Leac an

lascaigh I'ak 9 n'iaski, Carraic an Iascaigh karik' d n'iaski.
idir idiir, intensifying adv. ' at all.'— Cf. ig'ir (An i).
ifreann ifrm, n. *hell': go h-ifrcann sios g? hifrdn li:s (curse),
lie ill'?, n. ' Islay ' (in Scotland): in lie ? n'id'?, as lie as i:l'?.
Ileach ill' ax, n.m. and adj. 'Islayman'; 'of Islay': Mairi Ileach

mziri {mar'i, 3) ill' ax, name of a rock that used to stand on

the north coast,
im im, n.m. * butter.'
imirt, vb. n. 'playing,' * plying': ag imirt ramh ? g'inwrit^ raiv

* rowing ' (15); cf. iomair.
in, prep., see §§ 102, 107, 125.

inbhear in'?v?r, n. 'port,' 'inlet,' in the pl.-nn. Inbhear Liath in'?v?r
Via, Stac Inbhear Liath stak in'?v?r Via ' Stacknavarlea ' ; often
explained as Inean (see below) na bhFear Liath (E. stah in'?fjtr lia ;
cf. Bealach Ine bhFear Liath hjaT\ax in'? var lia, 3).

inchinn, see ionchainn.

inde ?n d^ei, adv. 'yesterday.'

indiu ?n d^^, adv. ' today.'

mean iin'en (11), iin'?n, pi. ineanadh iin'?n?g (3, 15), n.m. (and f.)

* port,' ' green way down to the sea, between rocks,' ' hollow ';
chiefly in pl.-nn. (usually pron. in'zn, in'?n, or in'?) : an t-Inean
Cam ?n t^in'sn ham, an t-Inean Loiscte ?n t^in'sn r\ost'? (3), Inean
Leathan in'zn Ve?n, Inean Mheadhon in'? {en'?) vz?n (3), Inean
na bhFear Liath {see under Inbhear); an Inean Odhar ? nin'?n
o'?r, Beal na h-Inean bsil na hin'?nK

inghean, see nighearl.

206 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

ingnc i :ti\\ pi. ingncan lin'jn, n. 'nail' (6, 15).

inncan, iniicar in'zn (3), in'zr (15), pi. inncanadh in'jtiog (3),
11. m. * anvil.'

innis, vb. 'tell': prcs.-fut. innsidh nic inii (e/ij/, 3) me, prct. an
d'innis? .m d^inij', vb. n. ag innse brcagan (or: nan breag)
J g'itiln hrz :gnn, nam ire :g.

intinn /»rj///, n. * mind.'

iolar, sec fiolar.

iomad, iomadh, iomadhach, indcf. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).

iomain, vb. *hcrd'; vb. n. ag iomain j g'inieu', d g'imax (4).

iomair, vb. * row ' ; vb. n. ag iomraim d g'^mDr.im ; cf. imirt.

iomairc mun, pi. iomairean imir<vi, n.m. 'ridge'; in pl.-nn.:
Pairc an Iomairc Alainn pa irk' d n'inuir adiu, Pairc an Iomairc
Cham pa:rk' 9 n'iniir xam.

iomdha, indcf. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).

iomradh, n. * mention ' : cha dtug cad iomradh air ha d^g ad imrag
er * they did not mention it ' (15).

ionaltradh, vb. n. 'grazing': ag ionaltradh 9 g'inar\trDg (3).

ionann, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a).

ionchainn, n. * brain ': an ionchainn d n'ztidxdn (6), d n'znahan (3, 9b).

ionga, see ingne.

iongantach v?ntax, adj. * v^onderfuL*

iongantas v?nt9s, n. 'v^onder': chan fheil iongantas ann ha nel
i'dntds an.

ionnsaigh jznsiy jEnsi (U.E.), jonsi (L.E.), vb. * learn ' (§ 142) :
fut. ionnsochaidh me jznsai (jznsa:) me; vb.n. ionnsachadh
jznsaDg, jznsa{ :)g,

ionnsaighe, a dh'ionnsaighe 9 jznsi [jansiy U.E., znsi, dnsi)^ prep,
with gen. * toward,' 'to*; *for': ag dol ionnsaighe athair
's a mhathair 9 dol znsi [9nsi) a'9T S9 va'9T, a dh'ionnsaighe na
Macan Tire 9 jznsi na tnak9{n) tji:r'9, a dh'ionnsaighe an Fhallt
9 jznsi nalt *to Ault,' a dh'ionnsaighe an t-siopa 9 jznsi n t\op9
'to the shop'; ciiig mionaid a dh'ionnsaighe ocht k^:g'
mjznzdi 9 jznsi oxt * 5 minutes to 8 ' ; partly mixed up with the
fol.

ionns 'air hans9, h9ns9 (mixed up with chun *to'?), prep. *to':
ionnsair Dia hans9 d^ia (7), is eigean domh dol ionnsair an
ghreasaidhe leis mo bhrog \e:g'9n d^ dol h9ns9 yre;5i lej m? vro:g.

GLOSSARY 207

iorball ^rbol, iCrbjr\ (3), n. * tail ' ; in pl.-n. lorball na Bo iCrbjl tin
ho: (8, 10).

losa i'ds (3), idSd (9), n. 'Jesus' ; losta Criost iistd krlist {9).

iota idtd, idt (3), n.f. * thirst ' : bhfeil iota ort? bhfeil aon iota ort?
vel idt ort, vel in idt ort * are you thirsty J ' (3), bha an iota mhor
air va d n'i?t voir ex (3) ; iota mhor iM? voir (10).

is, see agus.

is, copula, see § 146.

iseal ii\d\, ii\dT\ (3), adj. * low ' (§ 122) : ta i fas iseal ta i fais /;Jar|

* it (the fire) is going down ' (3) ; in pl.-n. faoi Rudha Chailean
Iseal//; r^j xal'zn r;Jjr| (3).

isteach d st'ax, adv. ' in ' (motion).

istoigh d stEi, ? stai (U.E.), 3 stEig (3), adv. * in ' (rest) : istoigh san

t-shiopa 9 stEi sm tjopj.
istraigh, see under traigh.
iteog itjag, pi, iteogan itjagju, n.f. * feather.'
iteogaigh, vb. ' fly ' : pret. dh'iteogaigh c jitjagi s (3) ; vb. n. idem:

chan urr' leithp iteogaigh xa n^l'i itjagi * she cannot fly' (6).
ith /f, V. * eat ' ; vb. n. ithe, itheadh /v (a s'^'^, 2), ipg,
iuchair j^xir (3), j^xer (13), pi. iuchran j^xrdu, n. ' key.'
imzn j^ I ran {juiran, 4), n., a certain weed, * cow parsnip' (4) ;

in pl.-n. Leac na n-Iuran lak na n'^iran (4).

July (E.): air an chuigeamh la de July er d x^ig'a T[a: d^e d^^Uai (3).

kep, see ceap.
knit, see cniotail.

la la'9, r\a'j, r\ai (3), pi. laithean laipn (15), T]aipn, r]aipn (3),
lapn, laidn, n.m. * day ' (§ 112): la maith lad ma * good day';
meadhon lae mz'dn {mjan) lEi * noon,' ' midday,' roimh
mheadhon lae ro vzdn ll: * in the forenoon' (2), in deidh
mheadhon lae 9n d^zi vz'dn [vjan) lEi * in the afternoon ' ;
a cuid laithean saoire d kXd^ laidn sEir d (6), r\aipn sEir (3),

* her holidays,' * her vacation.'
labog la ibag, n.f. * dirty woman.'

labhair, v. * speak ' : pret. labhair e sin lo'9r a jin, cha do labhair
xa dd Vo'dr (2) ; vb. n. labhairt lavdrtl, lo'drt\, l'o-drt\ (2).

20S THE IRISH LANGUACIZ IN RATHLIN ISLAND

lachta, in tlic pl.-n.: Coirc Lachta kor'j laxtj (4).

ladhar, pi. ladhran tH:r.m, T\E:rjit (3), n. 'toe/

lacthanihail lE^awm, adj. * daily ' (9a), from die Lord's Prayer;

cf. Antrim Ic^havA (An 4, 5).
lafta lajt.i {t\-), n. 'loft'; in pl.-n. Lafta an t-Shagairt T\ajt du

t^.Vrti (3).
lag /(7(^^ r]a^^ (3), n. 'hollow' ; in. pl.-nn. : Lag na Bo ta^ na ho:^

Lag an t-Shagairt lag du tag.irt\. — Cf. lEg (An i).
lagan lagan, ' small hollow.'
laghach IE' ax (9, 13), IE'dx, lE:x, T{Eax (3), adj. 'nice/ * civil '

(Ir. ' free,' 2).
laidir laid^ir {-or), adj. 'strong.'

laigh lai, V[ai (3), vb. 'lie (down)'; vb. n. laighe laiDy r]aij,
laigheacan labkaii, vb. n. 'lying': dol a laigheacan dol d labkan

* gohig to bed ' (5), ta mc mo laigheacan ta : mi mo labkan (13);

cf. suidheacan, treabheacan.
laiseog ghuail la\ag y^Ce/, n. 'wagtail' (15).
lamh la:v, r\a:v, pi. lamhan laiVDU, n.f. 'hand.'
lan^hchrann la:fr<m, 11 • * handle ' (cf. suiste).
lamhthach la: fax, adj. 'handy,' 'smart' (15).
Ian lain, T[a:n (3), adj. 'full.'
land (E.): landog, vb. n. 'landing.'
langa lag? (4, 14, 15a), lar\d (15), n.m. Ming' (fish),
lantern (E.): lantorjn (8).
laochan lEixan, n.m. ' young man ' (Sc).

laodog l^idag (15, etc.), llidag (15), lE:dag (11), n.f. 'little finger/
las, vb. 'kindle,' 'light': pret. cha do las me an criiiscean xa dd

las me dt] krX :jk'en ; p.p. lasta lastD,
lasog lasag, n.f. ' light ' (from giumhas, q.v.).
lasog guail, sec laiseog.
lathrach la:rax (13), T]a:rax (3), la:rax, n. 'site,' esp. in pl.-n.

Lathrach Boidheach la :rax {bla :rax, 8) h :jax, Lathrach

Da Dhuibhean (?) lairax tj 'y/Vew, la:r to 'yZi^sM, T\a:r to

'ylvm (3).
le /'e, /e, prep. ' with ' (§§ 107, 125, 128) : oidhche mhaith leat

l:p ma I' at ' good night ' (when leaving, both from those

leaving and those remaining, cf. do) ; is leam (p)s I'am * it

is mine'; le theacht /e (;axt ' in order to come' (§ 98).

GLOSSARY 209

leabaidh rcibi (3), Vebi, pi. Icapthaigh I'api (13), n.f. *bed'; in pl.-n.

Leabaidh na Bo I'abi na h : (3).
leabog I'z'.hag, n.f. 'flounder* (15, etc.).
leabhar I'o-dt, pi. leabharan I'o'Dvm (2, 3), n.m. * book.'
leac Vah, n.f. 'flagstone' (§ no): leac mhor de cliloch Vah voir d^e

XT\JX (3); dat. lie, 5a' § no; in pl.-nn. Leac na Cille I'ak na

k'il'j; an Leic (?) m I'ck' (3).
leag I' eg (L.E.), I'zg (U.E.), v. ' timible,' 'throw'; vb. n. leagain

I'zgin (3); leagain gur I'sgin giCr 'setting of eggs ' (3).
leagh Vcg (15, etc.), leg (11), vb. 'melt': pres.-fut. leaghaidh e

i'^gi a (3); vb. n. leagain I'cgin (4, 9, 15, etc.), regin (3, 11),

lagin (11); leaghadh re'?g (15).
lean VaUy v. 'follow'; vb. n. leantain I'antin (2, 13), leanailt

I'analti (13).
lean rcDti, n. 'sorrow': a rinn mo lean d rEin md I'edu (15).
leana, n. ' meadow,' in the pl.-n. Cille na Leanaidh k'iV? na Is :ni

(dat. sg.) ' Killeany ' (?, cf under Eanna).
leanab, leanabh I'anDV, I'zndh, n.m. ' baby.' — Rathl. Cat. Lenav.
leanaban I'an^ban, Vsnjban, n.m. ' baby.'
leann Ian (a usually short), n. 'ale'; in pl.-n. Bcalach an Toigh

Leann bjalax m tEi Van<w (corrupt),
leannan I'anan, n.m. ' sweetheart.'
leas, n., in: cha rig thu leas, sec § 123.
leasaigh, v. ' manure ' ; vb. n. leasachadh Vesah?g.
leas-mhathair Ves vasr\ n.f. ' stepmother ' (15 etc.).
leath /V, adj. 'half (§ 119).

leath /V, pi. leathan Vewi, n. 'half,' 'piece': tri leathan tri: Vcdn,
Icathan ^'z•^n (15 etc.), Vcm, adj. ' broad.'
leathar Vcdt, n.m. ' leather.'
leath-chrun I'exr^n, n. * half-crown.'
leath-phaiste l'cfa:lt'd, n. 'twin': da leath-phaiste da: l'efa:\t'd

(15 etc.).
leath-phighinn Vefin, n. * halfpenny.'
leathtrom I'etrom, n. 'slope'; esp. in the pl.-n. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh

I'etroni d n'i'i (8; often also Veprom).
leathtromach Vetromax, adj. 'sloping' (8; doubtful),
leath-uair /'e*pr, n. * half hour ' : leath-uair in deidh ocht I'edr dn

d^ai jxt.

210 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Icig I'cil'y ^'K^'-> ^^- 'It^t': Icig donih-sa l'c{f' {I'ig') (l^(:sj * let iiic';
prcs.-fut. Icigidli inc I'cii'i nis (4); vb. n. Icigiii I'cg'iii (3),

Icigh I'civ, V. 'read'; vb. n. leigheadh l'c:v,^g.

leigheas I'r.is, n. * cure ' (9).

leini /'('.•//;, v. *junip.'

leiin /'('.*///, n. *jump.'

leine I' c:\i\i, lend (2), n. * shirt/ * shift'; brollach leinc hrolax

I'c iHD * shirt front ' (15).
leis /'('J, n. ' thigh.'
leisc l'c\k\ adj. * lazy.'
leisce l'i'fk\i, n.f. * laziness ' (3).
leiscirc rcjk'ir\i, n.m. ' lazybones.'
leithead l's\id, n. * breadth ' (4); Cnoc Leithid knk Iz-idi (15a),

krok I'e-idi {I'citl) * Knocklaid ' (in Antrim),
leithid, only in: a leithid (de) d I'e-id^ (4, 15), 9 Vcldi [?) *siich';

chan fhaca me a leithid ariamh ha nako ml ? Veid^ d riav (12).
leithcheann /Vp//, n. * cheek.'
leitheogan I'eagan (5), I'iagdu (12, 15), n. pL (?) * tangle*:

leitheogan dubh I'eagDn d£ [idem, 5).
leithphighinn, see leath-phinginn.
leoghan I'oigdti, n. * lion ' (15 etc.); in pl.-n. Uamha nan Leoghan

^av9 nan I'oigdn.
leointe Vointld, part. adj. * sprained.'
leomhan, see leoghan.
leor, only in: go leor gd Voir, gos leor gd ll'oir (L.E.) * enough';

am go leor am g? Voir *time enough' (15 etc.).
leora Voir?, adv. * surely': leora ta Vo{:)rd ta:, leora chan fheil

I'j'.rd xa nel,
liagan, see leitheogan.
liasog I'idsag, n.f. * ear of corn.'
liath Via, adj. * gray(haired) ' : duine Hath d/£n'd Via.
liath-shioc Viahik {-hik), n. * hoarfrost ' (2).
ligh, V. *lick': vb. n. hgheadh VtDg, Ve'dg (15; mixed with leagh?);

ta e ga Hgheadh fhe ta d ga Vi?g he: (6); cf. Viag 'sucking'

(of a calf, 15).
liobar Vih^r, n. * lip ' (i, 15b).
liomh ViDV, n. * grindstone ' (5).

GLOSSARY 211

Hon /'/;//, n.m. 'flax,' 'lint.'

lionadh I'iimg, n.m. 'flood': ta an lionadh ag tcacht ta m I'i'.ujg
d i\axt (8).

litir \"\t\\r (i, 3), \"\i\dr (12, 13), pi. litircan \"n\\rdn (3), litrcan
Vxtrm (i), n.f. ' letter.'

liugha \'^-d (4, 15 etc.), V ^ag (9), V ^dg (2), pi. liughach (liughagan)
V^-ax (4, 15 etc.), V^agdn (9), V ^dgdu (2), n. 'lithe' (fish).

Lizzie (E.) : Izs'x,

lobhtha lo'dy part. adj. 'rotten.' — Cf. \o: (An i).

locaire chraois \dk?rd xrE:\, n. ' razor ' (15).

loch loxd, lox, loh, T\ox[?) (3), n.m. 'lake,' 'loch': an Loch(a)
du Iox{d) 'Church Bay': air an Locha er d r\oxd (3), Loch
n-Eachach t\ox hi'e-ax ' Lough Neagh.' — Cf. hx (An i).

lochan lohaii, n. ' small loch.'

Lochlann, Lochann T[jXDn (3), n.m. ' Laughlin.'

lod, pi. loid, n.m. 'load': deich loid d^eg r\:>:(l^ (3).

lofta, see lafta.

loingeas lEins, n. ' big ship ' (15).

loinithe, see lonaithe.

loisc, V. 'burn'; vb.n. loscadh losk^g; p.p. loiscte last's,

lomair, v. 'shear'; vb.n. lomairt r\oinDrtlD (3), see under Uamha.

lonaithe hni (3, 9a, 12), n. * churnstick.'

long lo^, lou^ (2), loii (4, 12), lEii (8, 13), Inii (3), buy (15a),
pi. soithean szpn (cf. soitheach), n.f. ' ship ' : long mhor air
beagan tir lo^ voir er began tji:r (saying, 2); crann na long
kran na Inn (3) ' the mast of the ship ' ; in pl.-n. Purt na Luinge
(Loinge) p£rt na lEid [dn lEid), na v^aid (3), Cnoc Tomhas Luinge
(Loinge) krok to'ds lE'd (9c). — Cf. p^rt no lEid (An i).

lorg lorg, n. * track,' * trace,' ' mark ' (4); cf lurg.

lorga, see lurgan.

luach l£ax, pi. luachan UaxDn, n. ' worth,' * price ' (15 etc.).

luachrach, in: airgead luachrach ar'g'dd Uarax, n. * agrimony' (15).

luadhog, see luidheog.

luaidhe UaJ9, n. * lead.'

luaith Uag (3), Ua (4, 6), n. * ashes.'

luaithreach l/Car'ax, n. ' ashes.'

Luan, see under dia, i ; La Luain las l£an' (= La Brath ' ever,'
* never '),

212 THE IRISH LANGUAGt IN RATHLIN ISLAND

luascadh, in: airgcad luascaidh nrj^'jd Ldiski (15), ar^ii'jd L^asax (8),

n. ' mercury/
luath /.V(7, adj. * quick'; 'early' (§ 122): ta e nas fhearr a bhith

luadi na bhith mall ta .1 na sz:r ? vi Ua na in mai
lub, vb. 'fold'; p.p. luibtc U:htj;}.
luch ln.\\ n. 'mouse' (i, 5).
luchog luxn^^y n.f. 'mouse' (5); luchog fhcir luxag c :r' 'field

mouse ' (2) ; in pl.-n. Tobar na Luchoige tohnr na luxag'

[luxag; diere are several in Rathlin).
lucht ri^.vr (3), n. ' cargo.'

lucht r\i(xt (3), n. * people ': ainti lucht an righ zutji T\£xt ?n ri:.
luck (E.): Uk: go dtuiridh Dia luck ort gj d/Cri d^ia Uk ort.
ludog, sec laodog.
lugha, sec § 122.
Lughnast U:tust, n. 'the last day of July ' (6); Miosa Lughnast

nii:sj U:tijst 'August.'
luidhear lEhr, n. ' flue,' ' chimney ' (15, etc.).
luidheog Hag, lEiag, n.f. ' lithe ' (fish),
luigh, see laigh.
lunn Un, n. 'roller under ship': cuir lunn faoithe (fuithe) Mr Un

p,i (15).

Lunnainn Unin, n, 'London': in Lunnainn 3n Unin.

lurg Urg, n. ' trace,' ' track ' ; in pl.-n. Lurg na B6 Urg na h:

' the Cow's Track ' ; cf. lorg.
lurgan l/CrgDn, n. 'shin': lurgan na coise T]^rgan na koj? (3).
lus Us, n. 'plant,' 'herb'; lus na Fraince Us na frav[k'd 'common

tansy ' (5) ; lus an dromaigh Us dn dromi (name of a certain

plant, 2).
kith U:, n. ' strength.'

ma, conj., see §§ 98, 144.

ma, man, manan, conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 145.

ma ma, prep, 'about' (§ 98): an taobh ma thuath dn tE:v ma *hi(a,

an taobh ma dheas m tE:v ma 'jes 'the north, south side':

cf. fa.
mac mak, n.m. 'son'; mac tire mak t\i:r'dy pi. maca tire makd t\i:r'?,

n. 'wolf; na Maca Tire na mak? tji:r'? [makjn tji:r?, 4) 'the

Mackateeries ' (5^ makdUji:riz), name of two big erratic blocks.

i

GLOSSARY 213

Macagan, Creag Macagan kreg makagdu {-g'dn, E.), pl.-n.

Mac Aindrea, see § 3.

Mac an Bhrollachan, see § 3.

Mac an Charraic, see § 3.

Mac an Ghobhain, see § 3.

Mac an Sealgaire, see § 3.

Mac Aodh, ^t'f § 3.

Mac Cuaige, see ^ 3.

Mac Fhionnlaigh, see § 3.

Mac 'ille Aindreis, see § 3.

Mac Uireatraigh, see § 3.

mach, see amach.

madadh mahg, pi. madaidh madi, n.m. *dog'; madadh caorach
madd kEirax 'sheep dog,' madadh ruadh mad? r^a * fox,'
madadh alia madjgab * wild dog,' *wolf'; in pl.-nn.: Leim
an Mhadaidh Ve:m d vadi (in Antrim), Sroin an Mhadaidh
srj'.n' d vadi, sroin' d tnad<i\ an Madadh Alia madd'yah,
d madd^yall * Maddygalla ' (point on east coast).

maide madpy n.f. * stick'; maide bhriste mad^D vrilt'd [brilt'9),
n. * fire-tongs'; maide mhuUaigh madi? PiCli (miC/i), n. 'ridge-
pole' (8); maide seisrighe mad^? Jf'J^n, ^esri (2), ie:jt'9 (4),
pi. maidean seisrighe mad^du \el{r)i (3), n. ' plow.' — Cf. twd'j
hrilt'd (An i).

maidin madpn, n.f ' morning'; maidin mhaith duit mad^in ma diCt^
' good morning,' ar maidin dr mad^in ' in the morning.'

maighdean, in : an mhaighdean mhara 3 vEid^?n vard * the mermaid '

(15).

maighstir mzi\t'zr, n. 'master': maighstir scoil mzi\t'zr skol (9b),

mastdr skol (8).
Maile Mhoire, see § 3,

mair, vb. 'last': cha mhair e fada xa var' s fadd (12).
Maire, see Mairi.
mairg mar'g\ n. 'woe': is mairg a mharbhadh muiltean foghmhair,

as mise cronan air mo lie s marg' d varvdg m^ltlzn fovdr 3S mi\?

krj man er m? I'ik' (the limpet says at ebbtide); is mairg a

thainigh s mar'g' d han'i.
Mairghread, see Maraighead.
Mairi ma:r'i, n.f. ' Mary.'

214 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Mairt, n. 'March': san Mhairt iV va:rtj 'in March.'

niairthcaiinach mar\max, adj. ' lasting ' (12).

niaistir, v. 'churn'; prct. mhaistir vaistir (12); vb. n. maistrcadh
maistrjg (5), maistjr (12); cuinncog nihaistridli k^ii'ag mastri (3),
maistri (5), vaistnr (15a), vaistjr (12), vasOr (8); bainnc maistirte
ban' J ffiast.irtlj 'churn-milk' (8); p.p. maistirte niaistirt^j (5).

maircach, i maircach (amaircach) {j) ma:r'axt, adv. ' tomorrow.'

maith uia, adj. 'good' (§ 122); go raibh maith duit (agad) g.i nhna
diQ^ {^g<^t) ' thank you,' go raibh maith agad f he ^^.9 r.?'//m agjt he:
' thank yourself,' or ' same to you,' go raibh mile maith agad
<^ci ro mi:!' J ma at; chan fheil moran maith air ha ncl mo:ran
ma cr.

maith, v. 'forgive': go maithear nar bhfiachan mar a mhaitheas sinne
dofa^c? majr tur viaxm mor 9 vajs ^iti'D doifi (the Lord's Prayer, 9).

maithcamhnas ma^vn^s, ma.wjnns (i), mavjtws (2), n.m. 'forgiveness.'

mala ma:b, n. ' bag ' (i).

mala, malaidh mah, mail (§ 113), n. 'eyebrow' (i): mo dha
mhalaidh m? ya: vall, codal (in) mo mhalaidh koddl [on) mo vall
(portent of a visit, 4, 15); pl.-n.: thuas aig an Mhala h^as zg'
d vah (13).

malairt malartj, vb.n. 'swapping,' 'exchanging' (15).

mall mad (12), ma:T\ (3), mal, adj. and adv. 'late' (§ 122); thcid
me laighe mall he:d^ mi law ma: I.

mallacht malaxt, mjlaxt, n. ' curse.' — Cf. Manx mollaght.

mana, conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 145.

manadh manag, maiwg, n. 'omen,' 'spirit': droch-mhanadh dnx
vaiug ' evil sign ' (5).

maol mE:ly n.f. 'rounded promontory,' 'Mull': an Mhaol 9 vE:l
' the Mull of Kintyre,' adharc an Mhaol e^rk ^ mE:l ' the Mull
foghorn' (6), Sruth na Maoile sr^ na mEil'd 'the Moyle,'
Maol na h-O mE:l na ho: ' the Mull of Oa ' (in Islay, 15, etc.).

maol, adj. 'bald'; 'rounded' (of a hill); Maol-chnoc mEilxrok
(pl.-n.).

maorach mo : rax (L.E.), mEirax (U.E.), n. 'shellfish.'

mar m?r, adv. 'as,' 'like'; goide mar? g? d^e : mjr 'how?' mar
sin leat nwr \hi I' at ' same to you.'

mar, conj., see § 144.

mar, rel. adv., see far.

GLOSSARY 215

Maraighcad tiurehd, tiwrsht, msraidt (3), m3rz'9t (3, 4), mdra'dt (2),
n.f. * Margaret.'

mar a ta mot <i ta : ' indeed it is ' (orig. Muire ta, cf. early Mod. E.
' marry, it is ').

maram, in the phrase : go maram go go morom gd ' I suppose that ' :
go maram gon bi e deas imaireacht gj mordtn gdtn hi a d^es .1
mair'axt (3), go maram gon glac e sc miosan gd iwrom g<i gr\ak
s Je; miison (3). Same in Antrim; from m'anam *my soul' (?).

marbh marv, adj. * dead.'

marbh, v. 'kill'; vb. n. marbhadh marvjg.

marcach markax, pi. marcaigh marki, n.m. * horseman.'

marcaidheacht markiaxt, vb.n. * riding ' (11).

mare, mari, in: mare go rabh m^r's; gj ro * had it not been,' mari
gon rabh i laidir mm gsn ro i la :d^ir * had she not been strong.'
Cf. an bre.

mart mart, n. * beef (ox or cow fatted for food, 3).

Marta ma:rt{n), n. 'March'; san Mharta S9 vairt 'in March';
Miosa Marta mi :sd ma :rt ' March ' ; cf. Mairt, of which it is
originally the gen. sg.

marthan ma:pn, pi. marthanadh maipnjg, n.f. 'queen' (3).

marthannach, see mairtheannach.

mas ma:s, n.m. 'buttock'; also a pl.-n.

match (E.) //m/J, n.

mathair maer', masr, pi. maithrean ma :r'Dn, n.f. ' mother.'

meabhair mp'Dr, n. 'memory' (15).

meacan, in: meacan aillean mjakau [m'akati) aVzn, n. ' elecampane ' (5).

mead mz:d, mc:d, n.f. 'size'; co mhcad Li vid, k? jit (13) 'how
many ? ' : co mhead nigheanan a ta 'gad Ud vid n'imDU d ta : g?d,
CO mhead blianta? h vid blianti, co mhead braithrean h vid
bra :r'?n ; an mhead 's a bha ann d vz :d s? va :n ' as many as
there were.' — Rathl. Cat. ka vead, ke ved.

meadal mz:d;)l, me:dA, n. 'stomach'; *a certain part of the sheep's
stomach,' ' tripe ' (2); mo mheadal m? veidan ' my stomach ' (10).

meadhon mz?n, mean (unstressed: mzn, mjan), n., adj., & adv.
'middle': meadhon oidhche mz?n I :p 'midnight'; roimh,
in deidh mheadhon lae, see under la; in meadhon an tabla
r? mem m ta:h3l\ go meadhon much g? mean mux ' middhng
early,' ta me go meadhon ta: me gB mean (3).

2T6 the IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

iiicadhonacli mzjnax (15), nicanax, tncouax, adj. * middle';

* middling ': an Bailc Mcadhonach jui hal'j tiizjuax ' Ballymcna '

(in Antrim); go mcadhonach (7.7 Dizjnax (adv., cf. mcadhon).
mcanfadhaigh nisjiifl, jnsnifl (15, etc.), vb.n. 'yawning': nuair a

bhios iad ciiirthc bidh iad a<2; mcanfadhai^li n^.n ,1 vhs ad kiQlil

hii ad j mzmjl (3).
mcannan mjanan, n.m. 'kid'; in pl.-n. Purt na Meannan piirt na

tnjauan (3).
mcar ;/i£;r, pi. mearan ms:rm, n.m. 'finger'; an mcar meadhon

D tns:r mem (ii).
mcaracan mz:r?kan, n.m. 'thimble'; mearacan nan daoine coir

tnz'.rjkan nan dE:n\i ko:r ' the foxglove.'
meas mis, n. 'respectability'; 'estimation'; mana bhi meas oirbh

air an Ui<^, bidh meas oirbh air an Ealaidh tmne vi: mis orv

cr d Ui^'.g' hii nils orv er 9 n'all 'if they do not like you at

Ouig, they will like you at Ally' (saying, 13).
measa, see § 122.

measamhail misal, adj. 'respectable' (15).
measca, in : ar measca er misk ' drunk ' : bha thu air measca

va £ er misk; cf. misce.
meascamhail (misceamhail ?) tnisksl (-fe'-?), adj. 'given to drink.'
meathadh me<ig, vb.n. 'spoiling' (' maigh,' 12).
medal (E.) med^l (13).
meid, see mead.

mcighligh ;;j£.7/, vb.n. ' bleating.'
meil mel, v. 'grind'; vb.n. meilt meltl.
mcirleach mz:rl'ax, mzrVax, n. ' thief.'

meithid, in: is meithid domh smei{d) d^ ' it is time for me * (2).
miann mian, n. ' desire.'

mias mi^s, n.f 'platter': Ian mias mhor T\aDn mids voir (3).
Micheal midl, mzpl (E.), n. * Micheal'; naomh Micheal riE: midl (9);

feil Micheal /e:/ midl (8), Oidhche feil Micheal I:p feVmidl (12).
mil mil (' meillc,' 12), milt\ax (13), n. ' honey.'
mile mi:l'.i, n. 'mile': tri mile trEi mi:l'9,
mile, num., see § 135.
milis /////' I J, adj. ' sweet.'
mill, v. 'spoil'; p.p. millte milt\d.

GLOSSARY 217

mille-riugail miiygrXgol * ground ivy ' (EngL * robin-run-the

hedge/ 2).
min min' (15), mm, n. * meal.*
min mi:n', adj. 'smooth' (15).
minic, go minic go minik, adv. * often.*
ministear min'ilt'Er, n.m. ' mmister (of the church).' — Rathl. Cat.

Minijtcr.
miola-chuileog, pL miola-chuileogan melax^l' agdu, n. ' midge,'

'gnat/
miofar muvdr, adj. *ugly,' ^horrible' (15); orig. mi-bhuadhmhar (?).
miol midl, n. * louse.'

Mionachog mjznaxag, n.f. (name of woman in rigmarole),
mionaid mined^, mjznzdi, pi. mionaidean minzd^jn (12), mjznzd^Dti,

n. * minute'; san mhionaid sj vjznati (3).
mios mijs, pi. miosan mhsDU, n.m. * month': tri miosa trEi vidSd (3).
miostadh miistjg, n. * damage,' * mischief (5, 15).
miotal mit3T\ (3), n. * metal.'

mire, in: dol ar mire dol dr mir'd * going mad, wild ' (15).
misce mijk'o, n. * drunkenness ' (15). — Cf. er miik' (An i).
mise, pers. pron., see § 124.
mithid, see meithid.
mix (E.): p.p. mixte mikstJD.
mo, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128.
mo, see § 122.
moch, see much.

modh mo, n. 'manners': chan fheil modh agam ha nel mo am (3).
moide, see § 123.

moine mom'd, mom'i, n.f. ' peat'; * moorland.'
moineog mo:n'ag, n.f. 'whortleberry' (15); cf. fraochog, which

is said to be a Mainland word,
mointeach mo :ntjax, n. ' moss.'
molt molt, n. ' wether.*
Mor mo:r, n.f., woman's name,
mor mo:r, adj. 'great,' 'big' (§ 122): cha mhor nach b'urra learn

ha voir na h^r? I' am 'I could hardly,' cha mhor mios ha voir

mi :s ' almost a month ' ; goide is mor ort goide an solas a ta ann

gd d^e : s mo :r jrt gd d^e : n sobs 9 ta a :n ' what matter is it to you

what yon light is ? ' (2).

21 8 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

nioran wjr.vi, n., a fish called * gunner ' (5).

nioran ino:rit}i, n. 'much': nioran gaoth mo : ran ^^'.^ moran am

wo:ran a:m, moran airgid mo :ran ar'g'id^ (13), moran do dhiffcr

mo:ran S yEf.ir.
Morag mo :riig, n.f., woman's name,
modiachadh mjaig, vb.n. 'feeling' (3).
mu, see ma, 3.
niuc m£k, pi. mucan m^kon, n.f. 'pig'; muc mhara m^k var? (i),

muc na mara mi^k na mar,i, 11. ' porpoise,' sometimes ' whale.'
Muclaigh m^kll, Barr na Muclaighe ba:r na mMl (pl.-nn., 13).
mucogan mi<^kagju, n.pl. ' hips ' (berries, 9a).
much mtix, m<C.v, adv. 'early': eirighidh an ghrian much na mall i:ri

yrian mux na ma:l (5), much agus mall m^x os mail 'early

and late.'
mughairne (mughdhorn) m^drn'd, m^rn'? (5), n. ' ankle.'
muilead m^ht, n. * sorrow ' : ta muilead orm ta : m<Cbt ?rm.
muileann m^l'dn, n.m. 'mill'; muileann gaoithe m^l'm gE:p

'windmill'; in pl.-n. Purt an Mhuilinn p^rt 9 v/Cl'in.
muilleoir m^l'zr, n.m. ' miller.'
muiltean m^lt^sn, n.m. 'wether'; car an mhuiltean kar ? v/CltJEn

' somersault ' (15).
muinchille m^/fm, n. ' sleeve ' (15).
muineal mMal, n.m. 'neck'; * throat.'
muinntir nu^ntl'ir, m^t^^r, n.f. ' people ' ; an da sean mhuinntir

9n da: ^an v^tjjr (3); muinntir eile m^ntjir el' 9 'other people';

indef pron., see § 134 (A),
muir m^r\ n.f. ' sea '; esp. in pl.-nn.: Purt na Mara p^rt na matd (10),

Cnoc na Marach knk na marax (5); cf. also under sloe.
Muir-chreag m^r'jxreg, pl.-n. (3).
Muire m^r'9, n.f. 'the Virgin': Maire Muire ma:r'i m£r'd, naomh

Muire nl: (nE:) m^r'j (9) ; a Mhuire 9 v^r'd, Muire f hein m^r'?

hc:n {he:n'D, 15, etc.), a Mhuire mhin 9 v/Cr'9 vi:n\ interjections,
muireatrach miCr'dtrax, n. ' sandlark.'
Muireatrach, see § 3.
muirnin, n. 'darling': a mhuirnin 9 vjrn'en (prob. Engl, pron.),

cf. * avourneen,' ' mavourneen ' (2).
mulaid m^lsd^, n. 'sorrow': ta mulaid orm ta: m/Clsd^ orm (13),

cf. muilead.

GLOSSARY 219

niulaiJcach tiuihd^ax, adj. ' sorrowful.'

mullach m^lax, n.m. *top'; *roof'; * ceiling'; mullach an Duin
Mhor m^lax dn d^:n' vo:r, mullach do cheann m^lax dj ^a:n
(8; aIso=' hair '), mullach an toighc m^lax dn tEh,

muna, mur, see mana.

mur, poss. pron., see § 102, 127.

music (E.) wj^:sik (3).

na, def. art., see §§ 103 (a), 106, 107.

na, neg. adv., see §§ 140, 142, 146.

na na, conj. * than,'

na na, conj. * or,' see § 98.

na na, conj. * neither,' ' nor,' see § 103 (a).

na, nas, comp. part., see § 121 (b).

nach, neg. adv., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (d), 137, 145, 146.

naigin nag'jn, pi. naigineadh nag'in'?g, n. * noggin ' (3, 15, etc.);

according to 15, naigin is used of a * glass,' noggin nogan, of

the measure,
naipcin nspjkin, n, * handkerchief.'

naire na:r'?, n. * shame': nach ba naire duit? nax hd na:r'j d^tj,
naireach na:r'axt, adj. * shameful.'
namhaid na:vsd^, na:vid^, n. * enemy.'
nan, conj., see §§ 102, 145.
naoi, num., see §§ 102, 135.
naomh nE:v, n£:v (9), nE:, n^:, nl:, adj. * holy ' : an Spiorad

Naomh jn sp'zrsd nE:v, naomh Muire nl: m^r'j * the holy

Virgin.'
naomh, v. * hallow': go naomhthar t'ainm gj nl:v3r tar'm (3),

naomhthar t'ainm nl:v? tar'm (9) * hallowed be thy name.'
nar, poss. pron., see §§ 102, 127.
nead n'ed, n. * nest ' (10).
neamh n'av, n. * heaven ' : nar Athair a ta ar neamh n3r azr d ta dt

n'av (3).
neamh-ghnathach, see neonach.
neamhnaid n'amdnid'^, n'amdridi, n. * tormentil.'
neart n'art, n. 'strength'; *a lot': neart daoine n'art dEm's *a lot

of people,' neart clann n'art klain * big family,' neart aca n'art

akd ' many of them.*

220 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

ncoincan, sec sncoincan.

iiconach ii'jniax, n'j'.n'ax (15), adj. * odd,' 'peculiar.'

Niall n'iaU u'iav\ (3), n.m. ' Neil.*

nic, sec § 3.

nighean n'iwi, pi. nigheanan n'rjujn, 11. f. * daughter.' — Rath. Cat.

eehan, pi. echana.
1110s, sec § 121 (b).

iiiutan n'iOan, n, * joint': niutan mo ordoige n'^tan mo j:rdag (4).
no urn, adj. 'new,' only in: ur no ^:r nrj 'brand-new' (13);

in pl.-n. Baile No bal\i hio'3 ' Ballynoe.'
noinin, sec sneoinean.
Nollaig, sec Ollaic.

notion (E.) no:lDn\ gabhail notion gaval no:\Dn (3).
nua, see no.
nuair, conj., see § 144.
Nuala n^ah, n.f. 'Nelly' (13).
nus, in: gruth nuis gr£ niC'ij ' whey ' (12).

o, prep., see §§ 98, 125; o cheann fada ? (;a:n fah *long ago' (8),

deich bliadhna o shin d^e^ hliatiB h'ln ' ten years ago ' (4).
o na, conj., see § 144.
6 :»:, interj.

6 0'?, n.m. 'grandson' (2, 15, etc.): an t-6 dn to-?,
obair ohir, obor, n.f. ' work.' — Cf. obi)r (An i).
obair obir, okir, vb.n. 'working': ta e ag obair ta d gobdx,
O Bcirn o*b'ern\ n.m. ' O Birne ' (E. j^born), name of an ancient

hero; also Beirn (Beam?), q.v.; also a pl.-n. j'b'srn' (below Ault);

in other pl.-nn.: Sruthan O Beirn sr^an o^b'sm', Bealach O Beirn

bjalax ?*b'ern' (3).
ocht, num., see §§ 102, 135.
ocras, see acras.

odhar odr, adj. *gray,' 'dun'; in pl.-n. an Inean Odhar j nin'zn ojr,
og ^'g^ adj.^' young.'

oibrigh, v. ' work'; pret. dh'obraigh iad yohri ad (3).
oidhche I :g9, pi. oidhchean Eig9n (U.E.), n.f 'night': oidhche

mhaith /:p va {ma)y oidhche mhaith leat 7:p va Vat. — Cf. ^:p

(An i).

GLOSSARY 221

oige o'-^d, n.f. * youth '; Rioghacht na h-Oige xbx: na hj:g'? (=Tir

na n-Og).
oighe, n. * virginity ' : in a h-6ighe na h :g'? (mixed up with the

prec. word, 9).
oighreog I'.rag, n. *ice': oighreog agus sioc I:rag ag^s ^ik (5).
oilean, see eilean.
oir or\ n. * edge ' (8).
oiread, see urad.

oirleach orlax, n. *inch*: da oirleach da: orlax (3),
61 :?:/, V. *drink'; an 61 e? ^ nj:! £, chan 61 thu e xa noil ^ s;

vb.n. idem: ag 61 ? go:l\ uisce 61 ^\k' o:l * drinking water.'
olann ohn, n. * wool.'
olc jlky n. & adj. * evil.'
Ollaic olIk\ dig', nolIk\ nohd' (6), n.f. * the New Year ' (originally

'Christmas'): an Ollaic ? nolIk\ nolIg\ nor\ig' (3), go dti an

Ollaic gj die: nox\ig' * to Christmas' (3), Ollaic mhaith duit

ollk' va d^tl, La an Ollaic Ud nollk' 'Christmas Day' (15). —

Cf. Manx Ollick (Kneen, p. 40),
6pa j:p^, n. ' narrow channel between two skerries ' (cf. Scot. 6b) ;

in pl.-n. Opa an Ghrianan o:p? grian?n (3).
6r :r, n.m. ' gold.'
ord ord, n. ' sledge.'
ordog J :rdagy n.f. 'thumb' (4),

osnadh ostw, n.m. 'sigh': osnadh trom :)sn^ tro:m (2).
oven (E.) jvjn, n.

package (E.) pahzd^.

padhal pe-^/, n. 'pail' (15a).

Pidraic pa:rik\ pa:rig\ n.m. 'Patrick'; in pl.-n. Cnoc Phadraic

krok fa:drik'[-g'),
paidh pci:j, pai, v. 'pay': paidhidh mise duit pa'i mil? ^^^i (3)»

vb.n. (& n.m.) paidheadh pai9g 'paying'; 'pay': shin do

phaidheadh hin dd faisg (3).
Paidi pad^i, n.m. ' Paddy.'
pailt palt\, adj. ' plentiful.'
pailteas paltjjs, n. ' plenty.'
paipear pa :pzr, pa :p?r, n.m. ' paper * ; san phdipear s? fa :psr ' in

the paper.'

222 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

pair (E.) pe;r, ii.

pairc pa:r'k\ n.t. * field ' (Ir. 'park'); in pl.-n. Pairc Ur pa:rk' <C;r

(E. park^j^:r), Pairc Clocli na Bioraighc pa:r'k' kbx na b'zri;

Bruach na Pairc br^xx na pa:rk'.
pairt pairtj, n. *part': in da phairt <vi da: fa:rtj * into two parts/
paistc pa:lt\i, pi. paistcan pa'.jt'DU, n.m. 'child*; in mo phaistc

.111 m,ifa:jt',i * as a child.'
paiteanach pat^viax, n.m. 'chicken' (13) or 'chickens' (coll.):

bhfeil moran paiteanach agad ? vel mo : ran patJ9nax add (3).
pardun pa:rdjn, n. 'pardon': gon gcuiridh Dia pardun donih

g,iT\ g^ri d^ia pairdon d^ ' God forgive me.'
partan partan, n.m. ' small crab.'

passage (E.) pasid^; passage maith pasid^ ma *a good crossing.'
peacadh pzkdg (7), pi. pcacaidh p'zki, n. 'sin': nar bpeacaidh

nDr bjaki ' our sins ' (1). — Rath. Cat. pekka, pi. pekkea.
peacthach, pi. pcacthaigh p'zki (9a, 13), pjaki, n.m. * sinner': guidh

orainn na pcacthaigh gEi orin' na pjaki,
Peadar pedDr, n.m. * (St.) Peter' (9). — Cf pzdjr (An i).
peann pja:n, n.m. *pen'; peann luaidhe /?/a;tt l^aJ3 'lead pencil' (15),

scian pheann sk'ianfja:n 'penknife' (3).
peata, n. ' pet ': ta i na pheata ta i na fst9 (corrupt, 6).
peeler (E.) pi{:)br, na peelerigh na pihri * the peelers ' (i).
peicealach pcik'dlax^ n.m. 'showy person.'

peictear (pioctair) p'zxtzty fzxtdr, pzktjzr (prob. E.), n. ' picture.'
peige ruadh peg'9 r^a, n. ' stilL'
Peigi pzg'i, n.f ' Peggy.'
pian plan, n. * pain.'
pigin, peigin, see peige.
pinginn, pighinn pi'in\ pi:n\ pi. pighinnean pi'in'dn, pim'dn,

n.f. ' penny ' : bidh pighinn mhor aice coisinte go dti an OUaic

bii piin voir zk'd ko\intld gd d^e: nor]ig' (3); da phighinn da: ji:n'

'two-pence' (11), se pighinnean \e: pi:n'9n 'six-pence' (11),

aon phighinn dcag inj pin d^e:g 'eleven-pence' (11).
piobaire pi:bir'd, n.m. 'piper.'
piobar plbdr, n. ' pepper.'
pioc, V. ' pick '; pret. phioc^fe (7); vb. n. piocadh pik?g, ga phiocadh

gafikDg (3).
pioghaid pi'adi, n. ' magpie.'

GLOSSARY 223

pionna (sidsL pjsfw fadj, n. 'middle finger' (15).

piopa pi:p9, pi:p, pi. piopan piipdti, n.f. 'pipe' (instrument).

piosa pi :sD, pi :s, n. * piece ' : ith pios ig pi :s, leanaidh me thu piosa

lani mi iC pi :s, piosa da scillin pi:s? da: sk'il'in,
pisear pi\zr {pildr), n. ' pease ' (13).
piseog pi\cig, n.f. * kitten.'
pisreog, pi. pisreogan pijragDU, n.f. * charm.'

pit (E.) pzt[d), n. *pit for ashes, under the fire-place': san phit s? fzt[d),
piur pj(^dr, pi. peathran pepn, n.f * sister.'
plaideog, see ploidcog and pluideog.

plaosc plEisk, n. * shell' (of egg): plaosc an uigh plE:sk d n^i (6).
plaster (E.): plast3rjg, vb.n.
plata pla its, pi. pla :t^ti, n. * plate.'
play {E.)ph:, n. * fun.'
ploideog pbd^ag, n.f. * rag ' (4).
pluc pUk, n. * cheek ' (8).
pluideog pUd^ag, n.f ' plaid,' * cloak ' ; in pl.-n. Cnoc na Pluideoige

knk na pUd^ag'^ [pUd^ag, phd^agj, 4).
plur pU:r, n. * flour ' (13); cf flur.
poca pok9, n.m. * bag,' * pocket ' ; poca breagach pok3 hrt :gax

'crosscurrent' or *tide eddy' (8, 15 etc.).
poca p;fe^, n. * pocket.'
pog pj :g, n. * kiss.'
poitean po :t\zn, pjtjeu, n.m. ' poteen.'

Pol p;/, n.m. ^Paul'; in pl.-n. Uamha Pol D{:)vd pod (5).
poll po:l, poU pi. puill p^iV {pl'l\ pEil'), n.m. *holc'; *mine':

puill ghuail piCil y^el; in pl.-n. Poll Gorm pol gorm (in

Church Bay), Poll Dubh po:l d^ (8).— Cf pol (An i).
pollog polag, n.f. * rabbit hole ' (4).
pollog polag, n.f. * saithc,' * pollock ' (fish, 4).
pollta poiltd, part. adj. * pierced,' * hollow,' in pl.-nn.: an Stac Pollta

d stakd po'.ltd, an Chloch Phollta d xhx foilts (4).
p6nairep:tt/r [po'.ndr, 13), hinir, honir (5), n.m. * beans.'
ponta ponts (pont?), n. * pound ' (avoirdupois): da phonta siucra

da: jontd l£:krdy ceathair ponta deag sa' chloch k'eir pontd d^e:g

S9 xhx; seacht bpont jaxthnt {bont?) * seven pounds' (money, 8).
port, see purt.
porter (E.) portdr (=* stout,' 3).

224 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

pos pj :s, V. ' marry ' ; fideog as foidcog, bidh nas f hcarr man an

bpos tliii fidicig DS fjidiag hit na ss:r man <vn h:s ^ (said to

children, when they had hurt themselves, 13); vb.n. & n.m.

* marriage,' * wedding '; p.p. posta pj :stj: fear posta fjar pj:st.j.
posy (E.): posenadh pj:z.vi,ig (13), po:s,vi,yg (3), n. *posies,' 'flowers/
post (E.): postadh posLig, vb.n.: litir a phostadh l'it\.ir d fostjg,
pota pjtj, n.m. 'pot'; pota oven pjt^i ovm 'oven pot.'
potata pjUa:tj, pjta:t,i, p,ita:t.iti (10, prob. wrong), n.m. 'potatoes':

potata ur pjta:t iC:r; cf. cnap, cnapan. — Cf. pdtaitd, hotaUo

{-a. An 1).
praidhinn pra'in, n. 'haste': ta praidhinn ort ta : pra'ln ort 'you

are busy,' bha e na phraidhinn va z na fra'in (' was in a hurry ').
praidhinneach pra'ln' ax, adj. ' busy ' (6).
praiseach pra\ax, n. ' charlock ' (4).
preab prch, n. ' kick ': cuir prcab air an spada k^r preb er dn spaidd

' step on the spade ' (15).
preachan przixan, n.m. 'young of raven': is geal leis an fhiach

a phreachan f hein ds g'al lej d n'iax d Jyz :xan he :n (proverb) ;

also used of ' a bad boy ' (15 etc.).
press (E.) pres {=' cupboard,' 3).
prionnsa prsns?, n.m. ' prince.'
pris pri :jy n. ' price.'

priseamhail ;)r/:Je/, adj. 'precious,' 'splendid.'
pruchog prtihag, n.f. ' mouse hole.'
pucan p^kan, n.m. * small bag,' in pl.-n. Lag nan bPucan lag nam

hXkan. — Cf. pXkan (An i).
puinnsean ptOijan (4), p^nJDn (2), n. ' poison.'
purt p^rt, n. ' tune,' ' air.'
purt p/Crt, n. * port,' * inlet ' ; in pl.-nn. Purt an Duine pXrt dn dKn'd

(5, 10). — Cf. p/Crt (An i), Manx purt (Kneen, p. 57).
putog, pi. putogan pi^tagm, n.f. 'entrails' (3, 7).

rabhairt rodrt], n, ' springtide ' (15).
raca ra:kd, n. 'rake' (tool),
radh, raite, see abair (§ 147).

radan radan, pi. radain radzn\ raddn?g (3), n.m. ' rat ' (i). — Cf. Manx
roddan.

GLOSSARY 225

raic, in: ag dol go raic .? dol g? rsk' ' going to ruin or waste.'

raithneach, sec roitlincach.

ramaisc ra:msik\ vb.n. ' doing work the wrong way.'

ramh ra:v, n. ' oar.'

rath ra, n. ' prosperity ' : £^0 gcuiridh Dia rath air gD giCri d^ia ra er

(10).

razor (E.) rs:zDr, n. (15).

Reachlainn, see Reachraidh.

Reachlainneach rahT]in'ax, raT\in'ax, n.m. ' Raghcryman ' (3).

Reachraidh (Reachlainn) rax?ri, raheri (11), rctxmn', raxlin\
rahT]in (3), n. ' Rathhn.'

rcalta re^to, pi. realtan redlt?n, n. * star.'- — Cf. mlt (An i).

realtach rialtax, adj. * starry': oidhche realtach lip rialtax (5).

realtog rialtag, n.f. * star ' (5, 11).

rcamhad ravDd, n. ' suet ' (3).

reamha ravD, reamha Ic ravD /e, prep. ' before ' : ta eagal air reamha
leis ta : egjl er ravo lei ' he is afraid of him,' a bha reamha leat
d va: rav? Vat 'that you were thinking of (3); reamha seo
ravd Id * long ago.' — Cf. ravd le\ * before ' (An i).

reamhar ravor, raii^r, adj. * thick': bainne reamhar ban' 9 rav^r;
in pl.-n. an Ceann Reamhar .^ri k'an ravdr (3), rau?r (2)

* Kinramer ' (' the Thick End ').

reic refe', rah' (U.E.), v. * sell' (with prep. Ic *to'); vb.n. idem\

p.p. rcicte rak'tl^i * sold ' (9a).
reidh re/(L.E.), rai (U.E.), adj. * ready.'
reidhte re:t\D, part. adj. * clean,' 'cleared,' * made ready.'
reidhteach re :tl3g (for -ax, § 50), n. (prob.) * marriage contract,'

' marriage.'
reidhtigh, v. * clear,' 'solve,' 'arrange'; vb.n. reidhteach (q.v.);

p.p. reidhtiste re:tli\t'3 (2).
reithean refe«, n.m. * ram ' (i).
riabhach, n.m., in pl.-nn. Inean an Riabhaigh in'd n riavi, in'zn

riavi (3).
riabhach rlax, adj. ' brindled,' in pl.-nn. Sceir Riabhach sk'er riax

* Skerriagh ' (3), faoi'n Cheann Riabhach//; n ^an riax (3).
riabhog riavag, n.f. 'skylark' (12); 'brindled cow.'

riach, in: chan fheil thu ach ag cur ma riach ha nel ^ ax d k^r ma
riax ' you are only joking ' (12).

226

THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN UATHLIN ISLAND

riaghailtc rialtj.i, part. adj. * ordered/ 'ordained,' in: bean riaghailte

bjiVi rialtlj ' midwife/ ' nurse ' (orig. * nun ').
rianih r/(7r, adv. 'before'; 'ever.'
ribean rihs)i, n. ' ribbon ' (7).
riblie rlv.\ n. 'a certain kind of land/ in pl.-nn.: Pairc an Ribhc

pairk' <m rlv<i, Toin (an) Ribhc Moinc to:n' ,1 rlvd mj'.n'?,

Toin Ribhc Lcathan tj :n' rivj I'swi, cf. tj:n rav? Vzman (4),
rideanacht rld^anaxt, vb. n. ' scampering ' (' riganaght/ 12).
rig r/ij', rE{j\ rzg\ v. 'reach/ 'attain': pres.-fut. rigidh rzg'i; pret.

rig e thoigh fhc rig' a liEi he:; vb.n. rigin reg'in (13).
righ rl: (n:), rEi (4), pL righthean rl:pn (3), n.m. 'king' (§ 117).
ring (E.) rix] : do na tri rings de na daoinc coir dj : na trEi riT\s d^z

na dE:n'? ko:r (3).
rioghacht rlaxt, rEiaxt (3), pi. rioghachtan rIaxLvi (8), n.f. 'kingdom.'

— Rathl. Cat. riachd.
rireabh, in: fa rircabh /n ri:rjv, adv. 'seriously' (8); cf. riach.
rith (roith) rsf, v. ' run '; vb.n. idem.
ro, intensifying adv., see § 98.
rob (E.) D&, V.

rogaire nigir'o, n.m. 'rascal' (3).

Roger nd^DV, n.m. ' Roger/ in pl.-n. Moine Roger tm :n'd rjdpr.
rogha rd'9, n. ' choice ' (L.E.).
roilleagach nligax, adj. 'brindled': oidhche roilleagach I:p

Tjl'igax (5).
roimh o, prep. ' before/ see § 98.
roimh d, prep. (§ 98), ro theine ro hin'? ' on fire ' (orig. troimh

' through/ cf. Scot. Gaelic),
roimhe, see reamha.
roinn roin' {r^n\ 5), rEin\ vb. 'divide'; vb.n. roinnt rEint\\

p.p. roinnte rEint\d.
Rois n:J, n.f. ' Rose ' (woman's name, 3, 12).
roithlean, n. 'roller,' in: earn roithlean karn rll'en (13), pi. cairn

roithleain kEr'n' rll'an' (15a), a kind of cart,
roithneach ron'ax, n.m. (?) 'bracken'; in pl.-nn.: Inean an Roithnigh

in'd n ron'i (3), Bealach an Roithnigh hjax\ax d rjtfi (3); seldom

ran'i. — Cf. ran' ax, rEt/ax (An i).
rol (rothl) rjx], vb. 'roll' (3); pret. idem.; vb.n. roladh (rothladh)

GLOSSARY

227

roller (E.) rankr, n. ' (bread) roller ' (3).

romhair rj:v3r, v. 'delve' (5); vb.n. romhar n:v3r,

ron n:n, n.m. 'seal'; in pl.-nn.: Inean an Roin in'sn ? rj:n\

Rudha an Roin (nan Ron) r^j n rj :n\ r£9 nan rj'.n,
ronnach (runnach) ronax (4), r^nax, pi. ronnaigh roni (15),

n.m. ' mackerel.'
ropa Yo :p3, n.m. ' rope.'
ros n :s, n. ' rose.'
ros, V, 'roast'; vb.n. rosadh n:s3g (5, 12); p.p. roiste rj:st'9

' roasted,' ' roast ' (12).
roth n, n. ' wheel ' : roth a mhuilinn o d v/Cl'in.
rotha ro?, n. ' wheel.'
ruadh nCa, riCdg, adj. 'redhaired,' 'red': Domhnall Ruadh do'A r^a\

in pL-nn.: Dun an Ruaidh dK:n an (dn) r/Cai (variously explained

as Dun Eoin Ruaidh or Dun an Righ), Moine an Ruaidh

mo: no r£ai (3).
ruagach r^agax, vb.n. 'roaming': bha me ruagach tiomall va: mi

r^agax tj^m<iT\ (3).
rucan r^kan {-on?), n.pl. ' turf ricks ' (15).
rud r^d, rid (2), pi. rudan r/Cdon, n.m. * thing.'
rudha r/Cj, n.m. * point ' (at sea); in pl.-nn.: an Rudha on r£o

' Rue Point.'
ruiseog r^jag, n.f. ' skylark.'
ruiseog aoil (guail?) r^ja^gool, n.f. 'wagtail' (8); cf. glaiseog, laiseog.

sabh sa:v, n. ' saw.'

sabhail, v. 'save'; p.p. sabhailte sa:valtjo 'saved,' 'safe.'

sabhall savol, n.f. ' barn,' rith cat eadar da shabhall rsg kat edor da:

havol (saying, 2); in pl.-n. an Toigh 's an t-Sabhall on tEi son

tavol [savoU 6). — Cf. savol (An i).
sac sak, n.m. * bag ' ; an Sac Ban on sak ha :n ' the White Bag '

(name of a monster) ; in pl.-n. Bealach nan Sac hjalax nan sak,
sagart sagort, n.m. 'priest'; toigh an sagart (for t-shagairt) tEi on

sagort ' the parochial house.' — Rathl. Cat. do hagart.
saighdear said^er (13), ssid^sr, n.m. ' soldier.'
saile sa :l'o, n. * salt water.'
saillte sailt\o, part. adj. ' salted,' ' salt.'

228 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

sail iiilionadh sal' {si(l') Uonuq, ii. *peat spade' (15a; corrupt?, cf. fail),
saith, n. * sufficiency,' in: fluiair me mo shaith hi(sr me mj ha:^

* I am satisfied' (3), am mo shaith am mj ha:(; * enough time,'
' plenty of time ' (15, etc.).

sal 5(7;/', pi. saltan sa:v\tm (3), n. Miecl'; do shail dj ha:il (3).

salann salvi, n. ' salt.'

samhailt, see tamhailt.

Samhain, n.f. * Hallowe'en ' : Oidhche Shamhna I:p haviid

* Hallowe'en ' (3), Aonach Oidhche Samhna max /;p
savHD (4), Miosa Samhna mi:s? savuD * November.'

samhog, see sobhrog.

samhradh savrjg, saur?g, n.m. * summer'; san t-shamradh Sdn

tavrjg (3).
saobhshruth ( ?) ssv?rag, n.f. * countercurrent ' : an t-Shaobhradh

Bhreagach 9n tsvdrdg vre:gax * the False Countercurrent ' (5).
saoghal sEdI, n.m. * world.' — Rathl. Cat. seahal.
saoil, V. * think'; pres.-fut. saoilidh sE:li, cha saoil ha sE:l' \ pret.

shaoil me hEl mi, hll mi; goide mar a shaoileas tu de? g9 d^e:

mdr d hEil'ds t^ d^s *what do you think of it' (4); saoileabh an

dtainigh soVdv du dan'i *I wonder whether he has come' (8);

vb. n. saoilsin sE{:)lt\in (3), sElt\in (15), sil\in (14).
saoire, see under la.
saor Si<^:r (L.E.), sE<ir (3), n.m. * joiner.'
saor 5/C;r (L.E.), adj. * cheap.'

saor sE:r, v. * deliver ': saor sinn as gach h-olc sE:r jin' as ga hlk (9).
saothar, n.f ( ?) * work,' * labor ' : ta fiach mur saoithreach innte

ta: Jiax mjr soir'ax sintjj *you have enough (fish) in her [scil,

the boat) for your pams.'
Sasain, Sasana sasin, sasm?, n.f. * England ' : bratach na Sasain hratax

na sasin, dol go Sasana dol g3 sas^im (3).
Sasanach sasDuax, pi. Sasanaigh sas^ni, n.m. * Englishman'; in pl.-nn.

Purt an Sasanach p^Crt ? sas?nax. Lag an t-Shasanaigh T[ag dti

tasni (3).
sasta saist?, part adj. * satisfied ' (3): sasta de sa:std d^z * pleased

with it ' (4).
saucer (E.) saiszr {-dt?), n. (3).
scadan skadan, n.m. * herring.'
scaile skad'dy n. * shadow ' (3).

GLOSSARY 229

scairbhigh skorvi, n. * rough stony ground or place,' in pl.-n.

Scairbliigh Dhomh'all ic Airteoir skorvi yo :l i^kart^er (4).
scairt skarti, v. 'call'; vb.n. idem: bha i scairt leis va i skartl lc\,

ta an coileach ag scairt ta m kEl'ax j skartj (8).
scaithte skatlj, p.p. ' dressed ' (by separating the tops and cars for

thatching): connlach scaithte koilax skat\?,
scala, pL scailtean skailtldu, n. * scales.'
scall, V. * scald'; p.p. scallta go bas ska:T\Li gj ha:s (3).
scaoil skE'.r, vb. ' solve,' 'loosen': scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE:!' i

dti trl:m (3).
scarbh skarv, pi. scairbh skoru ' (L.E.), scarbhan skarvjUy n.m.

' cormorant.'
scat skat, pi. scait skEti, n.m. * skate ' (fish, 15).
scath skaiy n. 'shadow.'
sceal sk'zdl, sk's:v\ (3), pi. scealta sk'zdltd (sometimes also sg., 15),

sk'z'At, n.m. 'news,' 'story'; 'reason': goide ta sceal duit?

gd die: ta: sk'zdl dXtj 'what is your reason?' — Cfi sk'i9l (An i).
sceir sk'er, n.f. 'skerry'; in pl.-n. an Sceir Dhubh 9 sk'er'{9) yAT,

an Sceir Bhan 9 sk'er'{?) va:n, Sceir an lascaigh sk'er' d n'iaski.
sceitheach, in: craobh sceitheach krE:v sk'vax, n. 'thorn bush' (3).
sceitheog sk'vag, n.f. 'thorn,' 'brier' (15).
sciamhghail sk'iavel, vb.n. 'whining' (of dogs, etc., 15).
scian sk'iatiy pi. sceanan sk'aiDU, n.f. * knife.'
sciathan sk'ian, sk'van (15, § 53), pi. sciathain sk'vzn' (15a), n.m,

'wing'; 'fm': sciathan scait sk'i'an skEt\y cnamh sciathan scat

kra:v sk'ian skat,
scilleaid sk'ilsdi, n. ' skillet,' ' small saucepan.'
scillin sk'il'in, pL scillineadh sk'il'itug, n. 'shilling'; 'penny':

scillin ruadh sk'ilin r^a,
scimlear sk'imlsr, n. ' straying animal ' (15, 15b).
sciste sk'i'i^t', sk'i:st' (13), n. 'rest': ghni me mo scist anois ni: ms

nid sk'iijt' ? nl\ (3), ag deanadh do scist 9 dizn9 d9 sk'li\t',
scith sk'i:, adj. ' tired ' (not common, cf. cuirthe).
sclamhaire sklaf9r, n. 'greedy person' (15).
sclate (Sc): scleite skletJ9 'slated,' p.p.
scod skj :dy n. ' sheet ' (of sail).

scoil skjV, skdl, n.f. ' school ' : toigh a scoil tEi 9 skol, bean an scoli
bjan 9 shly bachlach aig an scoil balax sg' 9 skol ' a boy at school'

230 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

scoilt skoltj, V. * split'; p.p. scoiltc skoltj.j (2).

scoilt skohj.y, 11. ' cleft/ * gap,' pl.-n. Scoiltc Dubh skoltjj d^ (8).

scoriiach shj:rnax, n. 'throat.'

scornau, n. * gully'; pl.-n.: thios aig an Scornan hi:s eg' c

skjrnaw (15).
scraith skrai;, pi. scrathan skrawi, n.f. * green sod'; in pl.-nn. Scraith na

Smear skra^ na snis:r (9a), Cnoc na Scraith knk na skra^ (15, etc.).
screach skrzx (loa), v. * scream'; vb.n. scrcachlaigh skrs:xli,

screadlaigh shrzidli (13), screachlain skrz:xl\n\ in pl.-n. Cnoc

an Screachlain knk .1 skrz:xlin (lOa), knk na skrzidli (13),

cf. Scriodlain.
serin, n. * shrine,' prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine fjsr na

skritn'd (4).
scriob skri :b, sk'i{:)b, v. * scratch': pres.-fut. scriobaidh i thu leithe

skri :hi i ^ \e\\ ta na cearcan praidhinneach ag scriobadh ia:

na k'arkdn pra'in'ax ? skri :hg (6). Cf. § 92.
scriobh skri:v, v. * write'; vb. n. scriobhadh skri :vjg.
scriodlain skridjUn, v. ' screaming,' in pl.-n. Cnoc na Scriodlain

krjk na skridjlin (,? skrid.ilin), near ancient battlefield,
scriol skri,il, n, ' loose sand (on rock side),' E. ' scree/
scrobadh skrjhg, vb.n. ' scratching/
scroban skrj :han, n.m. 'gizzard.'
scrog skrjgy n. ' a bite ' (15b).
scrog, V. ' bite ': vb.n. scrogadh skrjg9g: ta na deargatain ag scrogadh

ta: na d^argdltn d skrog.ig,
scuab sk^ahy n. * broom,' ' besom.'
scuab skiCab, v. * sweep ' ; vb.n. scuabadh sk^abjg : scuabadh an

urlar skiCab.ig .1 n^hr.
scuinear sk^:n'zr, n. * schooner' (8).
scuit skltl, skEtf, interj. 'away' (to cats): scuit amach skEtj d max

(t5 etc.).
scuiteadh (scuitseadh) skltjjgy vb.n. 'hackling,' 'scutching (flax)':

stac scuitidh stak sklt^i ' a frame for scutching ' (3).
se, num., see § 135.

seabhac Jo*,?^, pi. seabhaic Jo-/fe, n.m. ' hawk ' (i).
seachad ^ax^d [-t), adv. ' past': ta an samhradh seachad ta dn saurdg

jaxjty De Domhnach a chuaidh seachad d^e^doinax d x^ai jax9t

' last Sunday/

GLOSSARY 23 1

seachain, vb. * miss *: sheachain me air gaxin mi er ' I missed it ' (15).
seachran, in: dol ar seachran doT\ dr \axdran ' going astray' (3).
seacht, num., see §§ 102, 135.
seachtmhain [axtin, pi. seachtmhainean laxtin'^n, n.f. 'week': aon

uair san t-sheachtmhain in ^zr Sd tjaxtin.
seadh, ord., see § 136.
seafach ^afaXy n. ' heifer ' (5).
Seamas je:mDSy n.m. 'James.'

sean ^ati, adj. 'old' (§§ 100, 119, 120): ta an fear sin sean ta dti Jjar
\in lan\ in pl.-n. an Seanlathrach dti \andrax 'Shandragh'; orig.
a plur.: cul nan Seanlathrach kiC:n nan lav[rax (3).
sean-athair \anadr (11), \anzr, n.m. 'grandfather.'
seangan, see sioghatair.
sean-ghoirtean, n. ' old field,' in pl.-n. Druim an Sean-ghoirtean

drhn ?n \anyort\zn.
sean-mhathair ^anvsvy janvar, janmar (3), n.f. 'grandmother'; do

shean-mhathair dj ^anva/ (3).
searbh farv, adj. ' bitter.'

searmoin larmzn\ n.f. 'sermon'; aig an t-shearmoin sg' dh t\armzn',
searrach [arax, n.m. ' colt.'
seas, V. ' stand ' ; vb.n. seasamh lesdv : ta e na sheasamh ta d na

\iesdv,
seascann, n. ' marsh grass,' in pl.-nn. Glaic an Sheascann ^ak' d

heskjn (5), Lochan an Sheascann lohan a heskdn (4); cf. § 97.
seibhin, sec seifeog.

seiche, n.f. 'hide': an t-seicheas mhor 9n tjeps voir (15; corrupt?),
seid \e :(/§, vb. ' blow ' ; pret. sheid he :d^ ; vb.n. seideadh Je :d:^9g ;

p.p. seidiste je:d^ijt'3.
seifeog, pi. seifeogan \efagdn, \ifagdn (9a), n.f. ' sheaf: cruinneachadh
na seifeogan agus leigin na boiteanadh le gaoth krin'aho na \efagdn
as Vig'in na hotldn3g h gE: (2).
seile jeVdy n. ' bee.'

seilean Je/'sw, pi. seileain Jf/'en' (Je/'stt), n.m. * bumblebee.' (2).
seileastrach ^eV^straXy n. ' flags ' (Iris).

seipeal, n. ' chapel,' in pl.-n. Bruach an t-Sheipeal br^ax 9n t\epdl (3).
seisreach leJ9r'ax, n. 'team' (15a); cf. under maide.
seo, dem. pron., see § 131.

232 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

scol Jj.7, 11.111. 'sail ': bata scol ha:tj fj:L

scol fighc ij:T\fij (3), lo'Ajijt (12), n. 'loom.'

scoladoir \j ibtzr (15), ^j :\\,-)dzr (3), pi. scoladoirean ^j djtsrju (15),

jy:r\jder\vi (3), n.m. 'sailor' (3).
sconira Ijnihjr, n. ' room ' (3).
Sconaid jj:nnd^, 11. f. 'Janet.'
scorda p ;rJ,?, ^jrdj (3), Jj.tAj, n. 'sort': goidc an scorda madadh ?

d^c: ;/ jj-.rd,} mad.ig 'what kind of a dog?' (14), scorda cagla

lj:rd c^A 'kind of fear'; an aon seorta o nin jj:rtd, a h-uile

scord J hxi'.i jj:rd (3).
seorsa jjirsj, n. 'sort'; cf. seorda.
seorta, see seorda.

Seosamh, n.m. 'Joseph': a Sheosamh d pisdv (voc, 9a).
settHste (E.) sztUlt'3, p.p. 'settled* (4).
shawl (E.) IrA (3).
shift (E.) Ji/d, n. ' a cut of yarn.'
shine (E.): cha mhiste learn cad do bhiodh tu do shineal ha vi\t'd

I' am ka d<i vh U d,i jzin'al (13).
siapan ^iapjn, 11. ' soap ' (15).
sibh, pers. pron., sec § 124.
sicin, see chicken.
Sile Jf:/'<9, n.f. 'Julia,' 'Sheila.'
sileadh jil'Dg, vb.n. 'shedding' (15).
sileastar ^ir^sLir, n. ' sedge.'

simileaid liinihd^, n. ' chimney.' — Cf. J/w^/sr (An i),
sin, dem. pron. & adv., see ^ 131.
sin, V. 'stretch'; vb.n. sineadh fim'^g: ag sineadh mo chosan

<i li:n'<i m? xjs.in (3).
Sine ^i:n\i {-a), n.f. 'Jean,' ' Sheena.'
sinn, sinne, pers. pron., see § 124.
sin-sean-athair Jm fanzr\ n.m. ' great-grandfather.'
sin-sean-mhathair Jm \anvsr\ n.f. * great-grandmother.'
siobadh sneacht ji:ki sn'axt, n. 'snowdrift.'
sioc \Ik (15), \ik, n. 'frost': sioc liath |7fe Via (=liath-shioc), sioc

dubh Ilk d£ ' hard frost.'— C£ jsk (An i).
sioghatair jig^tzry n. 'ant' (13).
siol jidl, n. ' seed ' : cuir siol k^r \idl ' sow.'
sion juM, n.m. ' weather.'

GLOSSARY 23 3

sionnach ^stiax, 11. m. * fox ' ; ta an teine leat anois niana dtuir an

sionnach uait e ta dh t\m'd Vat d nl\ mm? d^r dyi \znax v^atl s

(said when anybody was lighting a fire). — Cf. Iznax (An i).
siopa |:>p, \ap3 (4), \ap, n.m. * shop,' * store ': san t-shiopa sdti tjopj.
sios si :s, shs, J/ :s, adv. * down ' (direction) : ta an teine ro f hada sios

ta 9n t\in'? n ad? Ji>5 * too far down/
siosur, siosaer Ji;5er, n.m. * pair of scissors/ in pl.-n. Poll an

t-Shiosaer po :l du tji :ssr (if anybody puts his ear to it, he will

hear a sound like that of a pair of scissors),
siotraigh Jf^jn, vb.n. * neighing ' (15).
siothlachan (siolachan) liaT\ahan, n.m. * sieve ' (3).
siubhail, v. * go/ 'pass'; 'die'; pres.-fut, siubhlaidh \£:li (12),

s^:li (2); pret. shiubhail e ^^jl' a 'it died' (of animals);

vb.n. siubhal, in: thar shiubhal (§§ 139, 153).
siucra i^:hr Q^:k.ir?), n. * sugar.'
siud jid, dem. pron., see § 131.
siur, see piur.

siurailte f^:ralt^{?), adj. ' sure '; go siurailte g? j^:raltj? * surely/
skep (E.) sk'apy n. ' bee skep ' (U.E.).

skimp (E.): ag skimpadh leo ^ sk'stnp?g Vo: * saving for them-
selves ' (3).
slaightear slaitj?r (15), sr]Eitjsr (3), sll:tizr (4), n.m. * rascal.'
slainte sla :nt\d, n.f. * health.'
slainteamhail sla:utjsl, adj. 'salutary.'
slanlus sland?s, n. 'plantain' (15a).

slanuightheoir : an Slanuighthcoir ?n sla:nlsr 'the Saviour' (3).
slaod, V. 'pull/ 'trail/ 'carry on back' (15, etc.); vb.n. slaodadh

slE :d?g.
slaodan slEidatiy n.m. 'cold (in one's head)': ta slaodan orm ta:

slE:dan orm. — Cf. sU:dan (An i).
slat slat, n.f. ' rod ' ; ' yard ' : ag cunntas slat gan eadach 9 k^ntds slat

g? nE'.dax {ne:dax), saying (2); slat mhara slat? var?,
slate, see sclate.

slatog slatag, n.f. '(violin) bow' (15, etc.).
slave (E.) sle:v, n. (3).
sleamhain sl'avin, adj. 'smooth'; sleamhanadh sl'avdtidg (14),

a kind of smooth thistle (Centaurea ?) ; earn sleamhain karn

iVavin 'slide cart' (15); cf. slipe.

234 T^"E I^I^H LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

sliabh sihvy pi. slcibhtcan sic :vticm, u.m. 'slope,' 'mountain':

air an t-shliabh cr m t'Viav (3).
slibistcan sl'ihilt'Dn, n.pl. * awkward people ' (12).
sligc sli^\\ pi. sligcan slig\vt, n. 'shell' (6); also part of the

" cruisie."
sliniear J//://ier, n.m. ' lazy person ' (15).
slinn ili:n, n. 'weaver's reed'? (15).
sliocht sl'ext, n.m. 'trace,' 'scar'; in pl.-n. Sliocht an Fhianais (?)

sl'sxt ? n'bni\ [n'iznil).
slipe (E.) \lEip {\lolp), n. 'slide cart' (a kind of sled for carrying down

sods from the mountains); also: earn sleamhain.
sliseog [Ulcig, n.f. 'shingle' (15, etc.).
sloe slok, n. 'gully*; in pl.-nn. Sloe na gCailleach slok na gal'ax.

Sloe na Moran (Mara) slok na mordti (seldom mar?), a rough

place in the sea, off the south point (orig. a place inland). —

Cf. shk {slok?) n? mordu [mar?y\, An i).
sloe shk, ST\3k (3), sok, slok (9, 15b), V. * pull,' in nursery rime:

sloe isteach an duine seo slok [sT[3k, sok, slok) d \t'ax dn d^n'd

{dEu\i, 9) p.
slogan, sec slugan.
sloig, sec sluig.
sloinneadh sUn'?g (L,E.), slEn'?g (U.E.), n.m. 'surname';

' meaning ' (5).
sluagh sliCag, n.m. 'host,' 'crowd,' 'people,' 'fairy host*;

according to 15, etc., sluag is the * king of the elves';

in pl.-n. Bealach an t-Shluagh hjalax m tUag.
sluasaid sluassd^ (i5^)» sT]dased^ (3), n.f. ' shovel.'
slugan sr\Xgan (3), n.m. ' vortex,' in pl.-nn. Slugan Dun nan Giall

sT]^gan d^:n nar] g'iar] (3), Slugan Inean Riabhaighe sr\iCgan

In'zn rtavl (3). — Cf. sUg.vi (pl.-n., An i).
sluice (E.) iZ/CJ".?, sllj;), n.

sluig sUg\ sllg' (15b), V. 'swallow*; vb.n. sluigeadh sUg'9g (8).
sman(an), conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (c), 145.
smaoinigh smi:n'i, smE:n'i (9), v. 'think'; vb.n, smaoineachadh

smi:n'aKig, smE:n'ag (9).
smear 5m£;r, pi. smearan smzirm, n. 'blackberry.*
smearach sms:rax, n. 'thrush.'
smeorach, see smearach.

GLOSSARY 235

smigead smig'jd, 11. * chin.'

smoke (E.): bhfeil tliu smokadh (smocadh) ? vcl ^ snijikjg,

smug sm^g, n. 'spittle': thilg i smug air hilg' i sm^Cg er 'she spat

on it' (3).
snaidhm snE:m (sno :m, 4), pi. snaidhmean snoniwn (4), n.f. *knot':

an t-shnaidhm dh trl:m (3).
snaithean sna ;fsw, n. * thread.'
snamh sna:v, v. 'swim'; vb.n. idem: ag snamh 9 snaiv, dol a

shnamh dol ? na:v (4); also used for sniomh: bean snamh

hjatid snaiv 'spinning woman' (14).
snaoisean snl:\zn, n. 'snuff'; sean snaoiseanadh Ian snlildtidg

' old notions.'
snath sna:, n. 'yarn': cuta de shnath h^t? d^e hna: {na:) 'a cut

of yarn ' (3).
snathad snajd, snadt, n.f. ' needle ' : a h-uile ni o'n t-shnathad go dti

an acair (?) h^Ki n'i: o:n tradt gd d^i: nakir (3). — Cf. tra:d

(An i).
sneacht sn'axt{j), n. ' snow.' — Cf. sn'axt (An i).
sneoinean sn'om'zn, pi. sneoineanadh sn'o'.n'zndg, n. 'daisy' (4, 13, 15).
sniomh sn'i:v, vb.n. 'spinning': bha iad in gcomhnaidhe sniomh

va ad DT\ go:ni sn'iiv (cf. snamh).
snug (E-) sniCg, adj. * pretty.'
so, dem. pron., see § 131.
sobhaircin, see surclain.
sobhrog soirag (su:rag, § 23), n.f. 'sorrel' (with strong taste, 13);

cf. biadh eanain.
socair sokir, sokor, adj. 'quiet.'
soirbheas, n. 'windward': ta an bata air an t-shoirbheas ta dm ha:t

er dn torvos ; cf. ta i dol go maith air an t-sairbhearacht ( ?)

ta i dol gd ma er* m taivdraxt (9), er du tarvdrax (15 etc.).
soirbhigh, v. 'speed,' 'prosper': go soirbhighidh Dia duit ^p szrvi

dpa dXtj (3).
soisealta so:jalt9y adj. 'kind,' 'sociable': duine beag soisealta

d£n'9 beg sj:lalt3 (15).
soitheach sr9X (8, 15), sE'dx, szax szdx (3), pi. soithean sopn, sEpn,

sspn (3), n.m. 'vessel,' 'ship'; ag glanadh na soithean 9 gland

na sopn ' washing the dishes.'
sol sol, n.m. ' bottom of net *: tuir leibh an sol tdr lev 9n sol (2).

236 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

solas sobs, sobs (11), sot\,is (3), 11. m. 'light': gan solas pn sobs,

(an) toigh soluis {ju) tEi solij (11), tEi hor\ij (3) 'lighthouse/ —

Cf. sjbs (An i).
son, in: ar son jr son, .ir lun, prep, with gen. ' for . . . sake,* ' for ':

ar son do dhinnear nr son d? jin'sr, ar shon an luath 9r hn

J L{a (' ashes '), ar son niarcaidheacht pr sjtt markiaxty ar son

tiormachadh .ir son tjzrma:g (3), ta iad ro dhaor ar shon a

gceannacht ta ad n yE:r ?r lion d g'anaxt 'they are too dear to

buy ' (6) ; car son kar ^son * why ? '
sonas son?s, n. ' luck ': sonas ort son?s ort : in pl.-n. Purt an t-Shonais

pXrt on tojiil * Portantonnish ' (4).
sop sop, n. * wisp/

sopog, pi. sopogan sopagon, n.f. 'sheaf,' "hut."
Sorcha sora:g, n.f. 'Sarah' (3).

spad, V. ' strike,' * kill ': spad iad e le cloch spad ad e fe khx (i).
spag, spog spo:g, n. ' paw '; in pL-n. Purt an Spag p^rt dn spa:g. —

Cf. spa:g (An i).
spaid, spada spa:d[d), spa:d^ (15), n. 'spade': spad monadh spa:d

mo'MDg (4). — Cf. spaidd (An i).
Spain spam', n.f. 'spoon'; spain bheag spam' veg, Spain tae

spa:n' tE: (3). — Cf. spam (An i).
spairiseach spari^ax (2), stari^ax (8), adj. ' haughty.'
spawn (E.) spanadh spa:n;ig, vb.n. (15 etc.).
speal spjal, n. * scythe.'
speal, V. 'mow'; vb.n. spealadh spjabg: bha me spealadh va: mz

spjabg (15).^
speak spjalt, n. * milt ' (of fish),
speir spe:r, pi. spcirean spc :rdn, n. 'cloud' (in pi. usually

' the sky ').
spcireach speirax, adj. 'cloudy' (2).
spell (E.) spd ('a while'); chan fhag me Reachraidh cheann spell

ha na:g m? raxm ^a:n spsl, ta spell gos an bi e reidh fast

ta: spsl g;)s ^m hi e rei fa9st (13).
spiorad spjznd, n. * spirit.'
spog, see spag.
spool (E.) spXl (3), n. 'spool,' 'bobbin' (Sc. 'pirn'); spoil (15)

' shuttle.'
sporan sporan (13)^ n.m. 'purse' (13).

GLOSSARY 237

sprig (E.) sprsg', n. (8).^

spuin sp£:n\ spd:ti\ n. 'spoon' (U.E.), c£. spain.

sraon srE:n, n. * corncrake ' (8).

sraothartach, see srofartaigh.

srathair srajr, n. * straddle ' (3).

sreangan srz-an, pi. sreangain srs-an', n. ' shoestring,' ' apron string '

(3).
srian srian (Jrw»), n. * bridle ' (15, 15b).
srianach srianax, n. ' bridleneb ' (a bird, 3, 12).
sroin sn:n\ n. ' nose,' ' point ': tiomall an t-shroin /{^m^ri m tn:n' ;

in pl.-nn.: Sroin an Mhadaidh srj:n' d vadi, Sroin an Mhinistear

sroin' d tnin'ijt'sr, Sroin an ToUabhae so :n' dti tolave.
srofartaigh srDf?rti, [str-, 8), vb.n. * sneezing': bha e srofartaigh va ?

snfdrti.
sruth STiC, n. * brook,' ' stream.'
sruthan sr^atij n.m. ' stream,' also ' chute or spout for rain water ' ;

in pl.-nn. Ceann (an) t-Shruthan k'cin tr^an {tr^du, 3, 8).
stab (E.) stjh, v.; stab iad e stoh ad z {3).
stdbla staihsl, n. * stable.' — Cf. staihdl (An i).
stac stak, n. * stack ' (conical top), in pl.-nn. : Stac na Caillighe

stak na kal'i, Stac Mor stakj mo :r (3), Stac Buidhe stak? h^jj (4),

Stac na Bainnse stakj (stakan?) na hainJD (5).
stad stad, v. * stop ' ; vb.n. idem.
staighre stEir'9, n. ' stairway ' : suas an staighre s^Cas Dn stEir's

* upstairs.'
stairseach (starsach) starsax, n. ' threshold,' * doorsilL'
stealladh st'aT]?g, vb.n. * spraying.'
stearnal (stairneail) starn'dl (3), n. * sea swallow.'
Steochan (Steofan), in: La Steochan lad st'oixan *' Boxing Day."
stick (E.); pret. stick \t'ik (3); vb.n. ag stickeadh d \t'ik?g (3).
stiuir st'^ir, n. ' helm.'

stocaigh, pi. stocaighthe stoiki (stjki), n. * stocking.'
stoirm stjrm, n. * storm.'

stoirmeamhail stormel, adj. * stormy.' — Cf. stormalt, stErmalt'd (An i).
stol stj :l(d)y n. * stool.'
storas sto :ras, n. ' stores,' * property.'

stradog stradag, n. * spark ' : stradog as an teine stradag as dn t\in'?.
stribh stri'.v, vb.n. 'toil,' 'struggle': tig ort stribh le theacht frid

238 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

an saoghal clio inaith \ is iirra Icat rjig' prt str'r.v k ^axt fri:d^

JH sEdI xj ma sj s^rj Vat (3); cf. EngL * strive/
stroic strj:k\ v. * scratch/ 'tear': ta eagal orm gon stroic c mo

lamlian ta egdl orm gjn sto:k' {stn:k) a mo la:vjn; vb.n. strocadh

stnihd (3); cf. under diabhal.
stuama st^amjy adj. * wise,' * dignified.'
stuaman st^aman, n. * solitary or dull man': duine stuaman dxn'D

st^aman; pl.-n. an Stuaman dh stuaman (an isolated stack),
stuif, see stuth.

stuth st^, n.m. 'stuff': stuth maith st^ ma,
suas (.7) s^as, adv. ' up ' (direction) : cumaidh iad a suas k^mi at d s^as

* they will keep up.'
subh, see sugh.

subhan cafraidh s^jti kaifri, n. ' sowens ' (with sour milk),
sue sik sik sik {siCk, 2), call to young calves.

sugan s^:gan, pi. sugain s^:gan\ n.m. * rope ' ; sugan muineal
sigan m^n'dl (11), mEn'ol, sugan connlach sigan kr.lax (11)

* horse collar ' (filled with straw) ; cf. cor shugain.

sugh, n. * berry': sugh sealbhan (orig. talmhan) sik \ar]Bvan (3),
jik \aT\dvan (3), sigd jalvan (13), SiCk [alvan (15) * strawberry.'

sugh 5/C;, n. * juice.*

siigha 5^;, n. * soot ' (3).

suidh slj (i), si (L.E,), sEi, sai (U.E.), v. *sit'; vb.n. suidhe sIJ9 (i),
sEio, said, said (3): bha e na shuidhe va d na haid, ta me mo
shuidhe ta: me md haid (ta me shuidhe ta: me hEid),

suidheacan, suidheachan, vb.n.: bha me suidheachan va: mi
sljdxan (4), ta mise ('s) mo shuidheacan ta: mi\d s m? hijdkan (5),
ta: me hEidkan (13), ta: me saiokan; cf. laigheacan.

suil s^:l\ pi. suilean s£:l'dn, n.f. *eye'; suile bhuidhe siCVd ^v^id

* corn marigold.'

suilean s^:l'en, n. * bubble ' (15).

suipear siper, n. * supper ': in deidh shuipear dn d^ei hiper (3).

suiste 5<C;J/'^, n, ' flail,' consisting of buailtean h/Calt\en and

lamhchrann la:fdrdn (* handle '), connected by a strap (iall ial),
surclain sdrklan\ Sdrklan', n. * primrose ' (15); cf. Dun Surclain

d^:n sirklan* * Dunseverick ' (15).
swing (E.): pret. shwing e hwiT\ e (3).
sycamore (E.): sekdmo:r.

GLOSSARY 239

ta, substantive vb., see § 146.

tabhair, irreg. vb., see § 152.

tabla ta:b^l ta:bh, te{:)b9l (U.E.), n. * table.'

tacaid, n. *tack': tacaidean brogan takat\?n hro:g?n (8).

tacaite takit'j, part. adj. * hobnailed ' : brogan tacaite hroigon

takit'9 (15).
tachair, v. * happen ' : pret. thachair iad air hax3r at er * he

met them' (3); vb.n. tachairt taxdrtj, ta'?rtl (6): bidh iad

ag tachairt ort hii ad d tadrt\ ort ' you will meet them ' (6).
tacht, V. * choke'; pres.-fut. tachtaidh me thu taxti mi ^ (8);

p.p. tachtaiste taxti\t'd.
tae tE:^ n. * tea ' (cf. tea),
rafann taJdUy vb.n. * barking.*
taileag, see aileag.
taillear ta:l'zr, n.m. * tailor.'

tairne tar'n'{d), pi. tairnean tar'n'dn, n. * nail' (8, 13).
tairneach tarn' ax, tarnax, n. * thunder ' : ta tairneach ann ta :

tarn' ax an (15).
tairneanacht tarn'znaxty tarn'dnax (15), n, * thunder.'
tairnge, see tairne.
taisean (taiseain?) ta\zn, tajjn, v. 'show'; * give (me)*: pres.-fut.

taiseanaidh mise ta^eni {ta^Bniy ta^ni) mij^; pret. an do thaisean?

9n h ha\zn.
taithighe ta-i, vb.n. * visiting': bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach

na bi taithighe ro trie ortha hi ta-i er d? xard^dn ax na hi ta-i ro

trek' op (12).
talamh tahv, taT[dV (3), n.m. * earth ': air an dtalamh er dn dar\dv (3);

cf. under sugh.
tamailte ta:malt\d, adj. 'afflicted,' * sorry': ta me tamailte ta: mz

ta:tnalt\d (15).
tamhailt tavilt\, tavdlt\, tamaltl, n. * monster ' (15).
tamhnach tavnax, n.m. * cultivated piece of land,' common in pl.-nn.

— Cf. tavnax (An i).
tana tanj, adj. ' thin.'
tanalacht, n. * dizziness,' * giddiness': ta tanalacht in mo cheann

ta: tanalaxt dn md ^a:n.
taobh tE:Vy t^v, n. * side': an Taobh Tuath 9n tXv tKa * the North

Side,' aig an taobh zg' dn tE:v, aig taobh cloch mhor zg' tE:v

240 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

kr\xx vo:r (3), taobh a suas tE:v 9 s^as, istcach d st'ah, istoigh

.? stEi, ainach d max, ainnigh j mji (adverbs, 13)^ — Cf. t^ :v

(All i).
Taobhog tEivag (trcivag, 4), pl.-n.
taod (tcad), 11. 'rope,' * tether': cuir an t-each air taod ki^r du

t\ax cr (E:d * tether the horse ' (15).
taoman tEnmmy 11.111. 'bail' (for baihng water),
tapaidh tapi, adj. 'quick/ 'smart'; go tapaidh g^ tapi 'quickly';

ceanii tapaidh k'a:n tapi * smart head' (3).
tarbh tarv, pi. tairbh tow (L.E.), tErv (U.E.), n.m. * bull '; in pl.-nn.:

Cnoc an Tairbh knk ?n tErv [torv). Loch an Tairbh

lox DU tErv (8).
tarrain tarin, tarzn, tarjti, v. * pull,' 'haul': pres.-fut. tairmidh mc

tarn'i [tarni) mz\ pret. tharrain harin\ vb.n. tarrain tariw,

tarrain do anail tar?n h anal, a tharrain na torpan d harin na

torpdu * to pull the sods ' ; also n. * draught.'
tarrthail ta :ral, vb.n. * helping ' (8) ; n. ' help ' : chostainn tarrthail

XDStin ta:ral (8) *I v^ould need help.'
te tje, adj. * hot.'
tea ti: (Engl. * t '), n.; cf. tae.
tcacsa tjeksd, n. * permit ' (15).
tead, see taod.
teaghlach tje:lax, n.m. 'family': ta teaghlach mor aige ta: tjedax

tnoir zg'd,
teallach tjalax, n. ' hearth * (also said to mean * blacksmith's tongs,' 4,

evidently mixed up with teanchair).
teanchair tjanaxer, n. * tongs ' (15 etc.).
teanga, teangaidh tjeg9 (2, 3, 15), tfayi (i, 5, 12), n. * tongue':

an teangaidh 9n tjayi (5); cum do theanga (tjieangaidh) k^m

dd hzg? (ffiyr, 5). — Rathl. Cat. mo henga.
teannta (teannca), in: i dteannca do (le) diar\kd d? (/e), adv. * near,'

'next to': i dteannca do'n fhear (duine) sin d^ar]k3 dd n'ar

{dm d^n'j Jm, 11), an t-aon i dteannca do'n laodog 9n tin d^aT\k9

ddu lE'Jag * the fourth finger' (11), an t-aon i dteannca leis

dn tin d^ar]k9 lej (11).
teas tjes, n. ' heat.'

teich tje^, v. * run,' *flee'; pret. theich he^; vb. n. teicheadh tfepg^,
teid, irreg. vb., see § 153.

GLOSSARY 241

teidheag tjcag, tjiag (9), v. * warm,' 'heat'; pres.-fut. tcidlieagaidh
tjcagi, tjcaxi (?, 12); pret. theidhcag heag (13); teidheag thu
fhem tjeag ^ he :n (imper), teidheagaidh me do leithcheann
tjeagi mi d? lepn (2); vb. n. teidheagadh t\eag?g (3, 13), t\iagdg
(9), t\i'ag (?, 5): ta me dol a mo theidheagadh fhein ta: mz
dol a m? heagd {hiagj) he :n (11).

teine tiui'D, n.f. 'fire' {§ 113): teine aidhear tjin' aijr, teine dealan
tjin'D dealan ' Hghtning ' (i).

teintean, m cloch teintean kT\jx tiintjen\ n. ' hearthstone ' (3).

thall ha:l, hal, hax\ (3), adv. 'over,' 'yonder'; thall air hal er,
prep. ' over.'

thaobh-eicin, indef. pron., see § 134 (B, b).

thar har, adv. and prep. ' over,' ' across ' (usually thar le, q.v.).

thar le har /s, prep, 'over,' 'across'; thar le beinn har h hem'
' over the rock heads ' ; thar leis har lei, ^dv. ' over ' :
ag bruith thar leis d fcrsf ^hardle\ ' boiling over.'

thios hi:s, adv. 'down' (rest).

thro(imh), prep., see § 98.

thu, thusa, pers. pron., see § 124.

thuas h^aSy adv. ' up ' (rest) : thuas ud hi^as ad ' up there.'

thugainn, see § 154.

tibhead t\ivdt, n. ' thickness ' : da oirleach ar tibhead da : orlax dr
t\iv?t (3).

tig, irreg. vb., see § I54-

tighead, see tibhead.

tighearna t\idrnd, n.m. ' lord ' : nar dTighearna udr diidrtid ; ta an
Tighearna leat ta dti t\idrn9 lat.

till, V. ' return '; pret. thill iad na bhaile hiV ad na val'd ; vb.n. tilleadh
tlil'^g.

timcheall, see tiomall.

timthire teallach t\imDr U^alax, n. ' fire-tongs ' (=maide bhriste).

tinn tjin, adj. ' sick,' ' ill' : ta e tinn ta ? tjin, ag fas tinn 9fa :s tlin (3).

tinneas t^iti'ds, n.m. ' disease.'

tiomall, tiomallta ti^mdlt{9), t\iCmdl, t\i£mdr\ (3), t\imdl (2), adv. and
prep, 'around,' 'about': tiomall an choirneal t\i^mdl ? xjrn'al,
tiomall fichead tl^nidlfidd ' about twenty ' ; usually with air or thart :
tiomall air tl^ntdl er ' about it,' cuiridh sinn tiomallta air dramai
k^ri jin' tl^mDlt er drami, tiomall air a h-uile rud t\/^mdl er ?

242 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

Il{1\i fiCd, tiomall chart Reachraidh t^^mDl hart raxm * round about

Rathliu.' — Cf. k'^mjlt (An i), Manx chynimylt (Kneen, § 8i).
tionntaigh tjztiti (-/, -j/), v. * turn '; vb.n. tionntachadh tientahg (2, 4),

tlsHta{:)g (3, 13); p.p. tionntaiste tfentijt'9.
tioradh tli:rjg, n.m. * grist (dried in the kiln)' (15b).
tiorniaigh, v. * dry ' : imperf.-cond. an dtiormochadh e 911 d^zmiaig

£ (6); vb.n. tiormachadh t\zrmah?g (2, 13), t\zrma:g (3, 6).
tir t\i:r, pi. tir(th)ean t\i:rdn (4), tirtean t\i:rtldn (3), n.f. * country';

an tir seo ?n tji:r J:? {=' Rathlin ').
tirim, tircam tjir\vn, adj. * dry ' (§ 122).
tiuc tj£h{j) tSi{k{D) 'tj^k, call to hens.

tiugh tj^, adj. * thick': ta an fharraice tiugh leis ta ? narik'd t\^ lej,
tiugainn, see thugainn.
tobaca to^bak,i, n. * tobacco ' (5).
tobar tokir, n.m. 'well'; in pl.-nn.: Tobar an Uisce tohdt d

nljk'j (3)-— Cf. t^fb'^r (An i).
tog, V. * lift,' * raise,' ' take '; * build '; pret. thog hog; vb.n. togail

togel, togdl.
togail togzl, togal, n. ' building.'
toigh toi, tEi (L.E.), tEi, tai (U.E.), tEi^ (3, sometimes), pi. toighean

tEidfi, n.m. * house ' : toigh soluis tEi soU\, toigh scoil tEi skol,

toigh an Aifreann tEi d nafrdti * the chapel,' toigh 61 tEi oil

* tavern ' ; bean an toighe hjan dti tEid ; in pl.-n. Glaic an Toigh

Mor glak' dti tEi mo .t.
toil tol, n. * will ' : do thoil dd hoL — Rathl. Cat. do hoil.
toiligh, V. * please': fut. ma thoileochas tu ma hol'ads t^ (3),

ma hol'ds t£ (6, 12), rud ari thoileochas tu rXd dti hol'agds (for x)

t^ (12); p.p. (part, adj.) toiliste tDli\t'd 'pleased.'
toin to:n\ n. 'bottom': ta an toin as a' phota ta dti to :n' as Dfitj;

in pl.-nn. Toin an Ribhe Moine tj :n' d rlvd mom'd,

Toin Ribhe (?) Leanan toin ravd I'zman (4), Toin le Gaoith

toin h gE:p (4; cf Toin ri Gaoith, in Arran, Scotl.).
toiseach to\ax, tojaxt, n. ' beginning ' : o'n toiseach on tojaXy dn tojax

'at first,' teid me air toiseacht tjeid^ mi er to\axt 'I vj\\\ go

first' (3).
toisigh, V. 'begin': pres. (fut. sense) toisighidh me 0;Ji mi (12),

fiit. toiseochaidh me amaireacht to:\axd mi mair'axt (12); pret.

thoisigh iad ho:\i ad (3, 12), ho\i ad.

GLOSSARY 243

toit tjtj, n. ' smoke.'— Cf. t?t' {tot\. An i).

toit tDt^, vb.n. ' smoking.'

Tollabhae *tolave(:), pl.-n. * Tolloway.'

tom to :m, torn, n. 'bush.'

tomhais, v. * guess'; 'measure,' 'weigh': prct. thomhais me
hrii niE (15); vb.n. tomhas trjs.

tomhas trds, pi. tomhais, tomhaisean to'il (also sing. ?), tri^DHy
n. ' measure'; ' weight,' sean tomhaisean jan tril^n; cur amach
tomhaisean kQ d max iT\\dn ' putting riddles ' (15).

tonn io'Ai, n.f. *wave'; uisce fa thuinn l\k*d ja h^:n' ' subsoil water.'

tonnog, see tunnog.

Tor t^y n. *Torr' (in Antrim, 5).

toradh, n. ' fruit ': toradh do bhroinn losa torD dd vrEin' ids? (9).

tordan tordan, n.m. * bunch or tuft of heather ' (5).

torp torp, pi. torpan tjrpjti, n. ' (heather) sods ' (for burning); buaint
torpan h^Dtitj tjrpjtr, in pl.-n. an Torp du torp. — Cf. tjrp. An i.

torr, see Tor and tur.

torradh tjirdg, n. 'funeral': aig an torradh zg' ?n tj:rjg {to:r^ 2).

tost, in: bi do thost hi: dd host ' be silent.'

tostach tostax, adj. ' silent.'

tota totD, pi. totachan totah?n, n.m. ' seat ' (in a boat) ; the seats are
named : an tota beag du totd h'Eg, an tota reiste (reidhiste ?) reilt'd^
an tota togaile togal'd, an tota chroinn xrEin, an tota
gualann g^ahn (15).

tow (E.): towte isteach toitld st'ax 'towed in' (3).

track (E.) trzk\ n. (3).

traghadh traigdg (i), tra:g, vb.n. 'ebbing'; tragadh phoc traig? fok
' countercurrent,' 'whirlpool' (15, etc.); cf. poca.

traigh traij, trai, n.f 'beach': an traigh mhin dti tra[:)i vi:n\
traigh gaineamh traij gan'dv {idem); ta an traigh ag teacht
ta dti tra :j d tjaxt ' it is ebbing ' (8) ; ta miann a chait anns
an traigh, ach cha dtuir c 2is g ta : mian d x^tl ans dn tra :j ax xa
d^r a as a, ta biadh a' scuit istraigh ach cha dtuir e fhe as e
ta: biag d skltj d stra:j {strai) ax xa dXr a he: as a (13, proverb).

traona, see sraon.

trap (E.) trap, *a two- wheeled cart': bha trap aca va: trap akd.

trascadh tra:skdg, n. 'feeling of hunger': ta an trascadh orm ta: n
tra:skdg orm (12), bha trascadh orm va: tra:shg orm (13).

i

244 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

trasna trasnj, prep, with gen. 'across': trasna an ciian trasnj t]

kiQn (8), trasna na tire trasnj na tji:rD (3).
trc, see thro(inili).
trcabliacan, in: rcidh Icis an treabhacan rsi /ej dh t'r'o'dkan * ready

with the plowing' (U.E., ace. to 13); cf. laigheacan.
trcabhadh tro\ig (1, 8, 13), tr'o.ig (3, ace. to 8: t'r'ojg), vb.n. * plowing.'
trean trsjn, adj. *fast': cho trcan 's a b'urra leithe x:> trzon s j

hXrj kp (3).
tri, num., sec § 135.

tri-bhliadhnach trEivlianax, adj. * three-year-old.'
trie (troic), in: go trie gj trek' * often,' ro thric n hrzk' (refe')

* very often.'

triobloid tribhd^, n. ' tribulation,' * trouble.'

trinnsear trEnisr (15), trEinjsr (3), trenjer, n. * (wooden) plate.*

triomhadh, ord., sec § 136.

triur, num., see ^ 135.

troid tnd^, vb.n. * fighting' (3); coileach trod kEl'ax {kol'ax) trod

* gamecock.'

troigh trEi, pi. troighean trEidti, n. 'foot' (measure): troigh ar fad

trEi dr fad (3).
trom tro itUy trom, adj. 'heavy': mas trom leat do cheann, gur ro

throm e mas troitn I' at dd ga:n g9{r) ro roitn e: (a hogmanay

game, 3, 13).
troman, see droman.

troscadh troskd{g)y vb.n. 'fasting' (* troska,' 12); cf. trascadh.
troscan, see truscan.
trough (E.) trox, n.
truagh tr^a, tr^ag (12, 15 etc.), n. & adj. 'pity'; 'pitiful':

mo thruagh ntd r^a (r^a) 'alas,' mor an truagh mo:r dti tnCa

'it is a great pity,* cf. truaighe; is truagh leam ?s tr^a {tr^ag,

12, 15 etc.) lam [I'dm) 'I pity.'
truaighe tr^ajj, trXai, n. * pity ' : mor an truaighe mo :r dtx tr^ajd,

ba mhor an truaighe hd voir Dti tnCai (15 etc.).
truideog tr^d^ag {trld^ag), n. ' thrush.'
trup (truip) trip, n. ' the fairies ' ; in pl.-nn. : Bealach an Truip

hjalax dfi trip; Inean an Truip (Truimp) in'en dti trip [trimp, 4;

the latter maybe from tromp ' jew's-harp,' associated with fairy

music).

GLOSSARY 245

truscan tnCskan, n.m. * suit of clothes ' (3).

tu, tusa, pers. pron., see § 124.

tuafal (tuaitheal, etc.) Uafal, tiCafdl (8), t^afdr (3), n. and adj. ' booby ';

' stupid,' ' awkward ': chan fheil tuafar ami ha nel Uafdr an (3),

duine tuafal d/Cn'd UafA (8); in pl.-n. Fallt (Fah) Tuafal al^Uafjl,

fav[U/Cafdr (3), Fallt Tuaitheal faVtuapl (5), aVtuapl (12),

aVUafrax {^), faVt^af? {^), faVt/Caji (2), a dangerous place on the

north coast,
tuagh t^ag, pi. tuaghan Uagdti, n. * ax.*
tuaitheal, see tuafal.
tuath tiCa, n. * north': an taobh tuath 9n tE:v t^a, ag dol ma thuath

9 dol ma h^a * going northward.'
tuathal, see tuafal, etc.
tubaiste, pi. tubaistean t(£hi\t'dn, n. * mishap,' * accident': is trom na

tubaistean air na slibistean ds tro :m na t^hi\t'dn er na sVibi^t'm

(saying, 12).
tug (E.) tugachan tiCgaxDU * chains of plow ' (15, 15b).
tugha t£9, n. ' thatch.'
tuig tiCg\ tig', tEg' (U.E.), V. * understand ' : pres.-fut. tuigidh

t^g'i, tig'i; vb.n. tuigsin f^gjiUy tuigeal t^g'al, tig'al, tXg'el (13),

Ug'ax] (3).
tuighte (tuite) ^^rj.?, part. adj. ' thatched.'
tuille (tuilidh) t^l'? (3), t/CVi (3, 13), n. *more': ma ta tuilidh ann

ma ta: t£l'i an (3), chan fhaca sinn e tuilidh ha nakd \in' e t^l'i

* we did not see it any more ' ; tuille 's choir, tuilidh 's coir
t^l'd s? xo:r, t/Cli s kj :r * too much ': ta tuille 's choir salann air
ta : t^V? s? XD :r sahn er.

tuit t/Ctl, titj, V. ' fall '; vb.n. tuiteam: ta an toigh ag dol a thuiteam

ta ?n tEi ? doT\ ? hit j 9m (3).
tuiteam t^tJ9m, n. * fall ' : tuiteam na bliadhna t£tf9m na bl'ian?

* fall of the year ' (10), tuiteam uisce t^tJ9m /Jfe'a * waterfall ' (8).
tunnog t£nag, pi. tunnogan tXnag9ny n.f. * duck ' : uigh tunnog

^i t^nag * duck's egg' (8). — Cf t^nag (An i).
tur r^r, n.m. ' heap,' ' hill,* in the pl.-n. an Tur Mor 9n t^r mo :r.
turadh ti^Ydg, n. * dry (fair) weather.*
turcach t£rkah, n.m. * turkey'; coilcach turcach kElax tXrkah

* turkey gobbler.'

tiis, n. * beginning,* in: mar a bha o thus m9r 9 va: h^9S.

i

246 THE IRISH LANGUAGE IN RATHLIN ISLAND

uachtar bainnc Aaxt.n ba}i'D^ n. * cream/

iiaigh xnj, xai, pi. uaighcan Xajjn, n. ' grave*

uaigncach xeg'n'ax, nzg'n'ax (15a), adj. 'lonely/ 'lonesome* (8).

uaine Xan'j, adj. ' green.*

uair Xar, i(er, A.?r, n.f. 'time*; 'weather*: aon uair san la in Xzr
sj la J, uair am ^sr am ' an hour*s time * (2) ; uair mhaith
iCar va [ma) 'fine weather*; c*uair, interr. adv., see § 144;
uair a, conj., sec air a.

uamh, uamha ^ap{j), pi. uamhachan iCavaxm (5), n.f. 'cave* (§§ 113,
115), in pl.-nn. : Uamha nan gColman ^avd naT\ golman 'the
Pigeons* Cave/ Uamha Pol d(f)vd p;/, Cnoc na h-Uamhadh krok
na h^avDO, Inean na h-Uamhadh in'zn na h^av.ig (4), Uamhach
O Beim iCauah 3 *b'zrn\ Uamhaidh Dhomh*all Bara ^avi yol
ba:ra (3), an Uamhaidh Lomairte j n^avi (mvi) r^omdrtl? 'the
Shearing Cave * (3).

uan £an, ^jn, n.m. ' lamb.*

uasal uasjl (15a), in: duine uasal d^n' Xasjr\ (3), pi. daoine uasal
dE:n' ^asol (2), n. 'gentleman.*

ubh, see uigh.

ubhall iCjl, pi. ubhallan ^^hn, n. * apple * : craobhan ubhallan
krE'.vjn iCdhn 'apple trees.'

ucht HXt, ^xt, n. 'breast* (2); 'stomach pit.*

Uchtaigh i^xtiy pl.-n. (below Brockley).

ud ad, adv. * yonder/ usually in combination with thall: an toigh
ud thall dn tEi a*tal ' yonder house.*

Uig {(:g\ n.f. ' Ouig * : an Uig ^ n^:g' {nE:d\ 6), air an Uig
er D n^:g' 'at Ouig/ ag dol go h-Uig J del g9 h^:g';
Cnoc na h-Uige knk na h^:g'9 (pl.-n.); Uig an Mhuilinn
^:g'D v^l'in ' Mill Bay * ; uig originally= ' bay ' ?

uigh Xi, pi. uighean ^JDn, ^idn, n. * egg *: uigh cearc (circe) ^i k'ark (3),
k'irk'3 (12), uigh tunnog ^/ Unag, uigh geidh ^i g'zi (3), uigh
turcach £i t^rkah (3).

uile, indef pron., see § 134 (B, a).

Uilleam ^I'am, n.m. ' William * : Uilleam cratha* t'iorball ^Vam krad
tiCrbnl ' the wagtail * (8).

uihnn <C/m, n. * elbow.'

uinneog /Cn'ag, Mzg (i, 13), n.f. ' window.* — Cf. ^n'dg (An i).

uisce ^k'd, Ilk' 3, n.m. 'water*; 'rain*: bhfeil an t-uisce ann? vel

GLOSSARY 247

5;/ tljk' an ' is it raining ? ' cosmhail leis an uiscc hsal lef d nllk'd
' looking like rain,' cha bhi gaoth laidir riamh ann gan uiscc
ha vi: gE: laid^dr riav an gd nllk'd (saying), uisce beatha
^\k'd {I\k'd) hzD * whiskey'; casan uisce, see casan. — Cf. £sk'd,
esk'3, dsk'd (An).

uiseog, n.> in Rathlin name of a sea bird: bheireadh an la sin iarraidh
air na uiseogan ver'dg m lad fin iari er na ^fagm (said of a
very wet day, 15).

ur iC.T, adj. ' fresh,' * new,'

ur (liir) ^:r, n.f. * earth ' (3).

urad ^r3t, n. * quantity ' : an urad 's a ghlacadh tu 9 n^rdt Sd r\akd t£
* how much you would take ' (3), sin urad 's ta fhios agam-sa
jIn ^Tdt s ta Us agdmsd, is esan an urad duine 's thainigh na bhaile
fzsdn ^rdt diCn'd sd hain't na val'd (3).

uraidh, in: i n-uraidh ? n^ri Mast year.'

urlar urlar (15a), Mdr, £hr, ^r\?r (3), n. 'floor'; also 'bottom of a ship.'

urnaighe ^rni, pi. urnaighthe ^rni^ n. and vb.n. * prayer '; ' praying ':
bha e ag urnaighe va: g^rni * he was praying' (2), bha e ag
gabhail a gh-urnaigh(th)e va ? goal d y^rni {idem, 2); ag gabhail
an urnaighthe ? goal d nXrni * saying their prayers.'

urra, urraidh, urrain, def. vb., see § 155.

urramach ^r?max, adj. ' honorable,' ' respectable ' (15).

us ^5, adv. * here,' 'give me' (§ 152) : us piosa paipear £s pi:s9
pa:per (15).

Usaid ^sE>d^, n.f ' Ushet ' (pl.-n.): san Usaid sj n^sad^ * at Ushet ' (3),
LoCh na h-Usaide lox na h^sid^j (5), loha na h^sjd^ (4)
' Ushet Loch.'

lisaideadh ^:sadpg, vb.n. * using ' (2).

lisaideach ^isad^ax, adj. ' useful.'

use £'5fe, n. ' fish oil ' (used for burning in the '* cruisie ").

utan, see niutan.

watch (E.) xvotl, n.: watch oir wot\ o:r' ' gold watch.'
well (E.) wzU ^El, interj.

whip (E.) hwip: whip e leis e hwip a lef s (3).
wild (E.) tvEild, vEild, adj.

yoke (E.), vb.: yoke e e isteach^ofe a s st'ax ' he yoked him in ' (3).

4
'^f^

'K V

■il

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Royal Irish Academy, Dublin
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