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Nils M. Holmer 


(With the assistance of a grant from 
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden) 




Price Seven Shillings and Sixpence 




Nils M. Holmer 


(With the assistance of a grant from 
the Langmanska Kulturfonden, Sweden) 













List of Speakers 

The * Upper ' and * Lower End ' 
The * Rathhn Catechism ' 
The Irish of the Glens of Antrim 


General Remarks 

Notes on the Dentals 

Semivowels and Diphthongs 

Vowel Length 

Insertion and Omission of Vowels 

The Elementary Sounds 

Hiatus . . . . 

NasaHzation .... 

Accent .... 

Pronunciation of the Written Characters 


Aspiration .... 

Eclipsis .... 

Provection .... 

Combined Aspiration and Provection 
Elision and Assimilation 













Definite Article 


Irregular N(nnis 






Irregular Verbs 












From the ' Lower End ' 
From the * Upper End 
From Gortconny, Co. Antrim 
Specimen of Antrim Irish 





THE present work was encouraged by the Irish Folklore 
Commission, and carried out by the support of the Royal 
Irish Academy, which in 1937 gave a grant (renewed in 1938) 
to cover the expenses of a visit to Rathlin during August, September 
and October, 1937 (completed by a fortnight's stay in October, 
1938), as well as to the Glens of Antrim and southern Kintyre, in 
order to get records of what remains of the Gaelic language in those 
parts. The result of this research is the present grammar of 
RathHn Irish. 

Rathlin, situated as it is between Ireland and Scotland, and having 
figured in important historical events, offers material of greatest 
interest to linguists as well as to students of folklore. Irish and Scots 
came here into closer contact with each other than elsewhere, so 
that a description of its native dialect ought not to be without 
interest for both Irish and Scottish scholars. 

Though I have done my best in recording the dialect as faithfully 
as possible, statements as to sounds, etc., will perhaps appear 
occasionally to be more vague than might be desired. The reason 
for this is that the Gaelic language in Rathlin is not so well preserved 
in any of the places I visited as to make it possible to get a complete 
picture of its structure as it was when commonly spoken. Hence 
I have preferred not to venture upon dubious or erroneous 
statements by trying to get precise information on points where 
such information can no longer be had. 

The printing expenses have been aided by a grant from 
Langmanska Kulturfonden, in Sweden. My thanks are due to the 
bodies which have supported and encouraged me in my work, 
as also to the priests in the island, Fathers White and Maloney, 


and the teachers, who helped nic so much during my stay in 
Rnthhn. To Sean O Suilleabhain, archivist of the Irish Folklore 
Comnnssion, I am indebted for a revision of the text. But not 
least do I owe thanks to the people who gave mc all the 
information they had about their old language, and without whose 
co-t^peration this work would have been impossible. 

There is still a great number of short texts, of folkloristic rather 
than of linguistic interest, which I hope to publish later on. 

Kalmar, Sweden. 
February, 1939. 


Numbers within parentheses refer to the hst of Speakers (p. 3). 
By ' 15, etc./ will be understood * 15, 15a, 15b, 15c/ or some, 
or most, of them. ' An ' and a following number refers to the 
speakers from the Glens of Antrim (§ 8). 

abs., absolute 

ace., accusative 

adj., adjective 

adv., adverb 

An, the Glens of Antrim 

asp., aspirate, aspiration 

coll., collective (noun) 
comp., comparative 
cond., conditional 
conj., conjunction 

dat., dative 

def art., definite article 
def. vb., defective verb 
dem., demonstrative 
dep., dependent 

E., Engl., English 

f., fem., feminine 
fut., future 

gen., genitive 

imper., imperative 
imperf , imperfect 
ind., indicative 
indef., indefinite 
interj., interjection 

mterr., mterrogative 
Ir,, Irish 
irreg., irregular 

m., masc, masculine 
M.E., Middle English 
M.Ir., Middle Irish 

n., noun 

nom., nominative 

num., numeral 

O. Ir., Old Irish 

ord., ordinal 

pers., person, personal 

pL, plur., plural 

prep., preposition 

pres., present 

pret., preterit 

pron., pronoun 

prov., provection 

Rathl. Cat., Rathlin Catechism 

refl., reflexive 

rel., relative 

Sc, Scot., Scottish 
sg., sing., singular 
subj., subjunctive 

v., vb., verb 

vb. n., verbal noun 


DiNNEEN, Irish-English Dictionary. Dublin, 1927. 

Kneen, a Granwiar of the Manx Language. 193 1. 

6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht agiis Graimear na Gaedhilge. Cuid i. 

Bailc Atha Cliath, 1927. 

O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, Past and Present. Dublin, 1932. 

6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghaedhilge an Tuaiscirt, Dublin, 1925. 
6 TuATHAiL, Sgealta Mhnintir Luinigh. Irish Folklore Institute, 1933. 

Sommereelt, Dialect of Torr, Co. Donegal. Christiania, 1922. 
NTS, Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap. 




THE present (1937) population of Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim, 
is about 260, of whom, however, a rather large proportion is 
periodically absent from the island. During the time of my 
stay (August-October, 1937) there were, for instance, not even 
200 people at home, many of the young men and women being 
away temporarily at work in Ireland or Scotland. Of those 
remaining I have listed 19 persons (including four on the Main- 
land) who still speak (or rather remember how to speak) Irish. 
Most of these are people over 60 years of age, and are generally 
endowed with a very good memory. Naturally there may be a 
few others who still know some Irish : it is in many cases merely 
a matter of practice in speaking the old language, for the Irish 
speakers live scattered all over the island, and their neighbours, 
and even families, very often know no Irish at all. Counting these 
as native speakers, it would appear that about ten per cent, of the 
population knows Irish, About twenty years ago, when Irish was 
still in common use in the island, one may suppose that the 
percentage was higher. 

In an island such as Rathlin, lying between Ireland and Scotland, 
the distance from the former being less than three miles, and from 
the latter about fourteen, and where the population used to be 
fishermen and sailors, a considerable intermarriage with (Mainland) 
Irish and Scots may be expected. Thus, of the nineteen persons 
listed as Irish speakers, three have mentioned Scottish parents or 
grandparents, three have supposed that their ancestors came from 
Scotland, while the rest know of no other than their Irish descent.^ 
As for those who believe that their ancestors were Scots, it must 
be remembered that there is a common theory in the island that 
every single family of those living there now are descended from 

I. This may mean either Mainland Irish or Rathlin Irish, 


Scottish settlers who came to the island attcr the complete 
massacres in the sixteenth or seventeenth century (cf. O'Rahilly, 
Irish Diiilccts, p. 164, note 2). 

Leaving; the truth value of the historical evidence of a trans- 
plantation oi the inhabitants aside, it still remains a fact that the 
connections with Scotland are important. Many surnames are 
characteristically Scottish (McCurdy, McQuaig, McKay), and the 
traditions are, to a great extent, connected with Scotland. From the 
language and customs it is clear that the relations vs^ith Scotland 
must once have been very close, which could not be but natural in 
the old seafaring days. The relationship of the Rathlin dialect with 
Scottish Gaelic will be further discussed in a following chapter. An 
indication of what is the popular, and as it seems established, opinion 
on this question may be stated here. The natives call their language 
either Gaclc[a) or GdiliCy and in English * Irish.* Both forms, Gaclc 
and Gailic, of which the former seems to be more common in the 
wTStern, more remote, part of the island, are also used in the Glens 
of Antrim. It is probable that * Gailic ' is one of the Scottish words 
in the dialect. According to the popular opinion, the Rathlin dialect 
is a ' mixture of Irish and Gaelic ' (Mrs. Glass), where * Gaelic ' 
(pronounced with Engl. * a ') means Scottish Gaelic. It appears, 
in fact, that the grammar is on all main points that of Scottish Gaelic, 
and it is also Prof. O'Rahilly's opinion, based on linguistic as well 
as historical evidence, that this dialect is decidedly a Scottish dialect. 
O Searcaigh {Foghraidheachty p. v) hesitates, mentioning, after having 
stated the Scottish analogies, that the natives do not consider them- 
selves as anything but Irish. On the other hand, the * Ragheries ' 
are quite conscious of their independent position, a feeling that may, 
indeed, date back to the time of the petty kingdoms, and is reflected 
in the common way of referring to the Irish mainland as Eirinn or 
* Ireland,'^ and to Rathlin as an tir seo^ * this country,' thereby 
indicating that they were of old neither part of Ireland nor of 

I. It is sometimes maintained that the Rathlin people used to call the 
Irish mainland * Ireland,' while Scotland was called y/;? Tir M6r, or * the 
Mainland,' just as is common in the Scottish islands. I have not heard 
this myself in Rathlin, neither has anybody whom I have asked said that 
this was a fact. 



The list of speakers already referred to is the following (arranged 
according to households) : 

(i) Mrs. Ann Jane Craig [nee McCurdy), aged about 82, living 
in Ballycarry, Lower End. 

(2) Mrs. Katie Glass, aged about 80, whose grandmother belonged 
to Tarbert, Kintyre, and who may thus have more Scotticisms 
in her talk than the rest. Lower End. 

(3) Miss Annie Black, Kinramer,^ aged about 72, according to 
the information of others of a family descended from the old 
stock of Irish settlers (cf. below). Upper End. 

(4) Alec Anderson, Craigmacagan, aged about 75, whose father 
is said to have been of Scottish descent, though born in 
Rathlin. Lower End. 

(5) Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach, aged about 70 ; ancestors 
are said to be Scottish. Lower End. 

(6) Patrick ('John Pharaic') McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged 
about 70, whose mother was Scottish. Upper End. 

(6a) Mrs. Murphy, Upper Cleggan. 

(7) John (* Michel ') McCurdy, Upper Cleggan, aged about 67, 
with no known Scottish connections. Upper End. 

(8) Daniel (' Michel ') McCurdy, Kinranier, aged about 65, 
brother of John. Upper End. 

(9) Patrick (' Michel ') McCurdy, Lower Cleggan, aged about 60, 
brother of John and Daniel. Upper End. 

(9a) Mrs. Mary Craig [nee McCurdy), sister of Patrick. 
(9b) Miss Annie McCurdy, sister of Patrick. 
(9c) Alec Morrison. 

(10) Joseph Anderson, Mullindres, aged about 60, same grand- 
father as Aleck Anderson. Lower End. 

(loa) Miss Anderson, his sister. 

(11) Daniel McFall, Kinramer (Glaic an Toighe Mhor), aged about 
60 or 70, said to be of Irish descent. Upper End. 

I. Now living at Ballycastle, Co. Antrim. 


(12) Miss Lizzie McKcaguc, Ballyconagan, same grandmother as 
Mrs. Glass. Miss McKcaguc gave inc a short hst of words 
in her own spehing, which I quote in different places. 
Lower End. 

(13) Mrs. Mary Jane McKinlcy {ncc Hunter), Church Bay, aged 
about 70. Lower End. 

(14) Frank Craig, Brockley, aged about 40. Upper End. 

(ts) John McCurdy, Gortconny, near Ballycastle, the youngest of 
a family who left Rathlin 12 years ago. 
(15a) Mrs. Mary McCurdy {nee Morrison), his mother. 
(15b) Daniel McCurdy, his brother. 
(15c) Miss Maggie McCurdy, his sister. 

<§3 > 
The most important family in Rathlin has always been the 
McCurdies. Of these, however, there were several branches: some 
said to have come from Ireland, others from Scotland. Mrs. Craig's 
(i) people, on her father's side, were said to be descended from the 
Marquis of Bute (cf. O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 164, note 2), and 
to have arrived in Rathlin about 300 years ago (this, however, is 
held in doubt by others). But it is certain that these people have 
been living in Rathlin for generations. The form of the name 
(in English pronounced ma kordi) varies considerably : ma kiCrtm 
(15 &c.), ma k/Crcl{d)n, ma k^dpri (Mrs. Glass explains this name as 
Mac Cuirt a' Righ mak k^:rtj 9 n';), ma k^r'jtri (3), which latter, 
Mac Uireatraigh, seems to be the best. When prefixing Clann, 
the form is Clann Mhuireatraigh^ kT[an v^r'jtri (3), kla:n v^CrtdU 
(15 &c.), klain v^^rdpri (15a), which bears out the identity with 
Mac Mhuircheartaigh, supposed by Prof. O'Rahilly {loc, cit). The 
present day McCurdies in Arran, Scotland, are few, and are not 
known with certainty to be of native stock. ^ The outstanding surname 
in Arran is Currie, representing Gaelic (M)ac Mhuirich, which is thus 
the same as was borne by the famous bardic family MacVurich. 
Most of the islanders today are in some way or other McCurdies, 

1. Muireatrach is also the Rathlin name of the ' sandlark.' 

2. The name appears in two forms : McCurdy (pron. ma kordi) and 
McKirdy (pron. ma k'lrdi). 


as for instance Miss Annie Black, by her mother and maternal 

Another common surname in RathHn is McQuaig, Ir. Mac Cuaige 
ma k^ag'd (3), ma 'k^-eg', which evidently corresponds to the 
Scottish MacCuthaige. Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's mother was Esther 
McQuaig. Two other Scottish surnames are McKeague and McKay, 
of which the Irish form is Mac Aoig ma kE :g' (perhaps a localism 
for Mac Aoidh, cf § 8i, a). Miss McKeague's father, John McKeague, 
was of Islay descent, but her mother, Peggy McKay (or McKeague) 
was a native of Rathlin. 

The Andersons, Ir. Mac 'ille Andreis (Antrais) mak i H'antri\ (4), 
mak i ^t'andrij (seldom Mac Aindrea ma^kandra), the McQuaigs, the 
McKeagues and McKays, and by some also the McCurdies, are 
reckoned to be of Scottish descent. Sometimes a theory is put 
forward according to which they once left the Mull of Kintyre, 
coming to Rathlin by Cushcndun, Co. Antrim (4). 

Of the Blacks, Ir. Ailte Dhuibh alt^D'ylv, altp 'y^iv (7), there are 
three branches, of which one is said to be of Scottish descent. The 
second branch is, according to the popular tradition, connected with, 
and descended from, one of the men who escaped from the great 
massacre at Lag an Bhriste Mhor, and was killed by a raven at the 
* Upper End ' of the Island. This man is identified with a certain 
Brian Deargan brin^ d^argan, of whom many stories are told. The 
title of the story of the raven, as given by speaker No. 7, is Fiach 
Ailte Dhuibh, * Black's Raven,' although the narrator thought that 
the title was the name of the man who was killed. Others, however, 
are of the opinion that this man was the famous Brian Deargan. 
The third branch of the Blacks are Miss Annie Black's people, some- 
times said to have come from Scotland, but more generally supposed 
to have been living in the island for a considerable time. Annie 
Black's mother was a McCurdy (see above), but her grandmother 
was Margaret Bradley (or Broadley), in Irish Maraighead Nic 
A' Bhrollachan mdrzidd nik' d vror\ahan (3), vrohhan (4), called 
Maraighead Og mBretDd j :g (4). 

Other Rathlin surnames are: Craig, Ir. Mac a' Charraic mak d 
xarik' {xarik'9, 5), Horen (Mrs. Ann Jane Craig's grandmother was 
Nancy Horen), Hunter, Ir. Mac an tShealgair mak dti t^algdr, 
McFall, Ir. Mac Phail mak fa:l\ McKinley, Ir. Mac Fhionnlaigh 


;;;(/ k'znlU Morrison, Ir. Ailtc Mhoirc rt/rp vor'c Mailc (=Mac 'illc? 
cf. O Tiiathail Scauchtis Ghlcann Ghnil)hk\ p. xxiv) Mhoirc mal'9 
''<''"'•' (3)1 ^i^*-! Smith, Mac Gabliain mago'iii. Mrs. McCurdy, 
Ciortconny, was Mary Morrison, and licr people used to hve 
at Kilpatrick. Mrs. Glass's father was John Smith, of Rathlin, 
and his father had married a Scottish lady, a Miss Cameron, of 
Tarbert, Kintyre, Mrs. Glass's grandmother. She thus spoke real 
Scottish Gaelic, which often appears in the songs and sayings 
Mrs. Glass remembers from her. An interesting instance of a purely 
Scottish surname is found in the place-name Tamhnach Mhic Leoid 
tavthix vi^klj.'d}, (15), which even shows the genuine Scottish GaeHc 

The surnames, which are mostly of the Scottish type in Mac, 
are now mostly used in English: of the Irish forms, which are not 
always remembered correctly, an idea can be had from 'the above 
enumeration. When a given name precedes, the Mac is often 
changed to 'ac, as Domhnall 'ac Phail dJjl ah fail' * Daniel McFall,' 
Micheal 'ac a' Charraic mi(;al ak j xarik'D * Mick Craig ' (3). The 
women's names are formed by Nic nik'{,i), e.g. Beiti Nic Aoidh 
hct^i ni ke :j * Lizzie McKcage ' (3), except surnames in Ailte and 
Maile, as seen above. In the great majority of cases people are not 
referred to by their surname, but by their father's, and sometimes 
also by their grandfather's. Christian name. Thus, for instance. 
Alec Anderson is (or rather used to be) Alec Alastair Mhicheal 
ahk aT\DStjr vi^al (3), and Patrick McCurdy, at Upper Clcggan, is 
still * Paddy John Pharaic ' (cf. the above list of speakers). 

The family is designated by the word Clann, * children,' so that 
the McCurdies are called Clann Mhuireatraigh (see above), the 
McQuaigs by Clann 'ic Cuaige kr]an i ^k^ag'd (3), the McFalls by 
Clann 'ic Phail klan ik'Jad' (11), and the McKays by Clann ic Aoidh 
kT[an i^kEi (3). 

The Language 


It has already been pointed out in the introduction to this work 
that out of the ten per cent of the Rathlin people who are in 
touch with the Irish language there are but few who actually use it 


daily, and even by these people English is used to at least an equal 
extent. By the majority of the Irish speakers Irish is remembered 
merely as something of the past. It should not therefore surprise 
anybody if Irish is no longer spoken by the present generation in 
the same way as by the last. A typical instance of the simplification 
or corruption of the Irish sounds is the present pronunciation of 
gh (and dh), which is either silent or has become substituted for 
some easier sound (see §§ 51, 81). The true sound is, no doubt, 
remembered, but, owing to want of practice in speaking Irish, it 
offers difficulties, and is avoided as much as possible. 

On the whole, the sounds are now the same in the English and 
Irish of the island, but there is no uniformity whatsoever in the 
speech of different people. That there are differences in the English 
of the different grades of people, according to the sources from 
which it has been acquired, is as true in Rathlin as in any part of the 
British Islands. But it also applies to the Irish dialects, and there 
are considerable individual variations in the native speech of the 
island. These are to be classed not as local sub-dialects only (of 
which there are two, cf. below), but are also to be considered as 
peculiar to certain families (quite independently of geographical 
situation) , or else on account of varying degrees of corruption in the 
language. All these peculiarities will be discussed in the following 

The EngHsh of Rathlin is mainly of the Antrim type, and thus 
contains a considerable amount of Scotticisms, so that it may be 
said to be a form of the south western (Ayrshire, etc.) Lowland 
Scottish. The most characteristic sound is the open e-sound (reminding 
one of the English short a, § 17), which is used in the whole of 
(northern) Antrim, as in the SW. part of Scotland, for an original 
short ' i ' ('* pedgen,*' " padgen," for ' pigeon,' etc.), while short ' u ' 
is given the same o-sound as in Ireland ('' trobble " for ' trouble,' 
*' sommer " for * summer,' etc.) This o-sound is different from the 
original short * o,' which is often narrowed to 0, so that ' bonny ' 
and * bony ' are pronounced alike {boni, 9 c) ; this is an Ayrshire 
trait. As in great parts of Northern Ireland today, the Scottish 
sounds of ' t ' in ' tune,' and * d ' in ' duty,' which resemble ' ch ' 
and * j ' (see § 44), are prevalent in Rathlin English: thus **Anjun 
corn " for ' Indian corn,' etc. A most interesting fact is that many 


of these sound cliangcs have taken place in Enghsh and Irish ahke, 
so that the open e-sound is found also in Irish words like giolla, 
tionntachadh, biorach, in the Glens of Antrim, also in fios, beag, 
where other Ulster dialects (as well as most Scottish dialects) have 
a short i-sound (i). The * slender ' t, d also mostly become (Scottish) 
* ch,' ' j ' in Rathlin (not, however, among old people in Antrim), 
in words that in the rest of Ulster have a palatal t, d [t', d'), e.g. tig, 
teid, deas. Such analogies serve to show the long and profound 
intercourse between English and Gaelic in these parts of Ireland and 


An interesting fact that soon became apparent was that the dialect 
of those people who claimed Scottish descent in no way differed 
from that of the rest, with the possible exception of Mrs. Glass, 
who knew and used certain Scottish expressions, not to speak of 
a few short stories and songs, while her pronunciation was in general 
the same as that of the * Lower End.' In the same way the language 
of Patrick McCurdy, Upper Cleggan (6), whose mother was 
Scottish (Lamont), was, as far as I could notice, that of his neighbours 
at the * Upper End.' On the other hand, a remarkable difference 
exists between the dialect of the * Lower End' and that of the 
' Upper End ' of the island, chiefly in the pronunciation, but also 
in points of grammar. The ' Upper End ' is the remote western 
part of the island, where Irish may still be said to be spoken in three 
or four houses, while the * Lower End ' is the part of the island 
round Church Bay, where the piers, post office, school and churches 
are situated. Of this difference in dialect between the two extremities, 
which was, of course, more pronounced in olden times, the present 
population is well aware. The reason for the divergence in dialect 
seems altogether to depend on a certain segregation of the two 
localities, and tends to prove how slight the direct effect on the 
language caused by settlers from different parts may be, unless they 
come in big crowds. There is also a more central form of Rathlin 
Irish (as especially that of speaker No. 13), which embodies features 
sometimes from the * Upper ' and sometimes from the ' Lower End,' 
and which is taken as standard for the following description. 


To sum Up the dialectal variations in Rathlin, the following may 
be said here: 

In the pronunciation of the * Upper End/ (short) a tends to 
become j, and (short) s to become a (apart from the cases where these 
changes have actually taken place, see §§ 56, 60), but in many cases 
both a and e are pronounced alike all over Rathlin, and so are /, e, 
and J. Of the remaining vowel sounds /C (see § 25) shows a strong 
tendency toward at the ' Upper End.' a pronunciation that may 
almost be considered normal for the whole island, while in the 
typical * Lower End * pronunciation it gets the (original) value 
of a front u (u). At the same time E and (short) I, which are to be 
considered as standard forms, are found in that form at the 
' Upper End,' while the ' Lower End ' shows the perhaps more 
original (or even iC) and ^, respectively. The * Upper End,' 
however, almost regularly broadens short £ to 4 (see § 19), especially 
before / and palatal sounds ; even short I may share this development, 
in the above circumstances (so that tri, suidh, duine sound trni, sni, 
dnn'd)} Speaking of E and /, it seems, however, that the women 
favour them even at the * Lower End,' and that (as Annie Black 
beheved) / is thought to be more * polite ' than ^ (just as Engl. * bit ' 
hit is considered more polite than "but" h^t, hEt or hnt). Thus 
speaker No. i decidedly favours / in many words, while speaker 
No. 3 has tiomall ^J^mjri for tjImoL 

We thus get the following comparative table for the vowel sounds : 

Upper End : Standard : Lower End : 

Ey n; E: E; E: 0; 0: 

I{n);I: I; I: ^ (/); J: 

0; 0: ^ {0); /C; (0:) u; u: 

As for the pronunciation of words of the type beag, see §62. 

With regard to the consonant sounds and other details, there is 
just as much variation, but this is not confined to any special part 
of the island. It is, for the most part, individual. It is, however, 
possible that some families at least at the ' Upper End ' had the 
Irish pronunciation of the combinations tr, tl, gr, ghr, etc., with 

I . The pronounciation trEi, sEi, may be considered as ' central * (they 
are speaker No. 1 3's), while the * Lower End ' pronounciation is trI: {tri:), 
sli {slj)y din's (din' 9). 


' slciulcr * vowels — i.e., as t'r\ t'l\ ^^'r\ jr'. Thus Annie Black and • 
her brother are said (8) to have pronounced treabhadh t'r'ojg, which 
I diink she still does, as well as air an tshliabh cr du t'l'iav (almost 
k'l'iaw cf. § 42); similarly she also says litrean lit^jLvi as against 
Mrs. Craig's (1) litrjn. Patrick McCurdy (6) pronounces an ghrian 
J jr'iaii, for standard yr'ian iyrlan). It further seems that the * broad' 1 
(/, § 40) and the * slender ' r (r') arc better preserved at the ' Upper 
End,' although speaker No. 7 often says j for r' and speaker No. 3 
has r| for / (see § 40). But it is pretty sure that the women at the 

* Lower End ' (i, 2, 13, etc.) do not know of a * broader ' 1 than 
that w^iich they use in English. The hiatus seems better developed 
at the * Lower End,' wdiile the nasal element (§ 54) is only found 
with old people. Finally, I have an indefinite impression of the 

* Lower End ' pronunciation as coming nearer Scottish Gaelic than 
that of the * Upper End.' 

The following words and word forms are (or were) preferred in 
the different extremities of the island : 

Upper End : Lower End : 

nas fhcarr na ss:r {sE:r) nas fhearr na js:r (e.g. i) 

glac sin gkfe jIn gabh sin gav J7/z 

go leor gp rj:r gos leor g9 i^'o-.r 

cibe ar bith k'eharhi cibe ar bith k'sbarbi 

fhaghail aal (3) fhaghain a-in'^ 

thar shiubhal hsW^jl thar shiubhal /zer'f^*^/^ 

ar shiubhal (j) r^sl ar folbh 9r fjlv 

The pronunciation and forms stated above as being peculiar to 
the * Upper End ' are used by most people living there. 
Speaker No. 3 is said by others to have a different pronunciation 
(or rather accent) from the rest, which they attribute to the fact 
that her people were of the * old stock ' (8). The typical * Lower 
End ' pronunciation may be heard especially from speakers 
No. I, 2, 4, 5, while the rest have rather the ' standard ' pronunciation 
(see above). The Gortconny people (15, etc.), who left Rathlin 

1. 1 do not know whether my first impression that the vb. nouns in -ail 
were more common at the U.K., those in -(a)in, at the L.E., is quite true. 

2. This is according to the statement of speaker No. 11 ; in my own 
opinion, most Rathhners say hz'rUl ; as for ar folbh, it is not very common. 


twelve years ago, but still speak the old language better than many 
in the island itself, have certain features of the ' Lower End ' dialect 
in their speech. This is especially true of Mrs. Mary McCurdy, 
who lived earlier at Kilpatrick, between the * Lower ' and ' Upper 
End.' Her pronunciation strongly resembles that of Aleck Anderson 
or Mick Craig, and with its clear hiatus and slightly rounded u-sound 
(w, see § 25) reminds one of the Scottish pronunciation in Arran 
or Kintyre. Whether this represents the ' Lower End ' sub-dialect 
or is due to an archaism, I am unable to say. 


Apart from the difference between the eastern and western part of 
the island, a dissimilarity is perceived, as has already been indicated, 
in the talk of the different individuals. It is not altogether due to 
different generations, as most of the Irish speakers are old men and 
women, but rather to the want of practice the different people have 
in speaking Irish. Thus, for instance, certain people (as 14) pronounce 
the word duinc ' man ' as duna (J^/i^), which is doubtlessly due to 
simplification; I have heard the same thing on the opposite coast 
of Ireland (bona for boinne ' milk,' etc.). Similarly speaker No. i 
pronounces hi (as Engl, 'boy') for boidhche (fo:p), and there 
seems to be a certain tendency with some to change -9 to -/ after 
a palatal sound (§ 10),^ so that it is not always clear whether t\mi, 
mo:ni, kEli, Uli really represents teinidh, moinidh, coillidh, tuilidh, 
in every case. 

Mrs. Craig (i) has in one place du drami for an drama, John 
McCurdy grzisi for greas(a), and Mrs. Glass dU din'd hni, where 
15, etc., would say d^n'9 hotid, an duine shona, and in all these and 
similar cases I am not quite sure whether the -/ represents an old 
form (cf. § 112) or reflects the same change as I heard at times in 
the Glens of Antrim, where the termination -adh, which is normally 
-d in Antrim (cf 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. 190: do ghoradh), 

I . As * palatal ' consonants in Rathlin are historically * neutral * con- 
sonants + semi-vocalic element (see § 10), this change is analogous to the 
one that makes * champion,' ' guardian ' into ' champeen,' ' guardeen,' or 
' Virginia ' into ' Virginny,' in certain Engl. pron. Cf. also EngL 
' Ballycastle,' etc., for Ir. Baile Chaisteail. 


was pronounced -i (colladh kjli, gcrradh g'ari * hare,' Murlough).^ 
Otlicrwisc -.1 may become -rt, e.g. liiinge lEia, cuigeadh k^:g'a (3), 
Garradh Liath gara I'ia, etc. But the direct influence of English is 
hardly responsible tor all such changes. The Enghsh pronunciation 
in Rathlin is stongly coloured by that of the old Irish-speaking 
population, hi the matter of grammar, and especially of syntax, 
there exists, however, a considerable direct influence due to literary 
English, so that sayings and stories may not seldom be polished up 
according to English rules. 

As in the Scottish Gaelic dialects on the border of the English- 
speaking districts, there is in the Irish of Rathlin an immense number 
of English loan-words. The adoption of an article or custom, as a 
rule, brings in its foreign name, and even modified or improved 
products are readily named in the same way as in the country from 
which they were introduced. It is only seldom that old words like 
maide seisrighe ( orig. * stick of a team,' * primitive plow ') has 
been retained for improved or new types, while such plain things 
as ' kettle,' * clover,' * knitting ' (ceatal, clobhar, cneatan, cneatail) 
have English names. Even abstract terms that do not refer to 
anything new in the way of living have often been borrowed, as 

* bit ' (especially used as negative complement), ' spell ' (of time), etc. 

Of course, the nature and conditions of the island account for 
the lack of certain native words. As there is no single river, many 
people have no native name for anything bigger than a stream, 
which is called sruthan, for a valley (* glen '), which is more often 
called glaic, * a hollow.' Similarly there is now no native word 
for a wood, though the word coillidh must once have been in use 
(cf. the place-name Lag na Coillidh Boidhche, which is now under- 
stood as almost anything from na CaiUighe Boidhche to na Caoraigh 
Boidhche). The English word * bay ' (be) is occasionally used, 
e.g. in Be na h-Eaglaise * Church Bay,' but this, the only important 
bay in Rathlin, is usually called An Locha (* the Loch '). The 
word eaglais itself is unknown to many: the CathoHc church is 
referred to as Toigh an Aifrinn or an Teapal (* the Chapel '), 

* church ' being used only of the Protestant church. 

The English loan-words all represent the * Anglo-Scottish ' 

I. No doubt the same change as has taken place in English dialect pro- 
nunciation * Santy Claus,' 'Jemimy,' etc. 


pronunciation (this term is also used by 6 Tuathail, Sgealta Muinntir 
Luinigh, p. xxv). The EngHsh spoken in Rathlin is essentially 
the same as in the opposite part of Antrim (especially Ballycastlc), 
but owing to the fact that it has been introduced later into the island 
it is less old-fashioned and more in agreement with standard English; 
it is also to a great extent through the school that it has been taught. 
Thus forms like ' droon,' * aboot/ which are heard in Ballycastle, 
do not occur in RathHn. The form of the words is therefore chiefly 
that of standard EngUsh, while the pronunciation, or ' accent,' is 
that of Antrim. 

The ** Rathlin Catechism" 

In 1722 a book was printed in Belfast,-^ entitled The Church 
Catechism in Irish, This Catechism, which for its Irish parts uses a 
half phonetic spelling, was designed for the teaching of the 
Protestant faith in the island of Rathlin.^ The language of this 
so-called * Rathlin Catechism ' is the same as the literary Irish used 
at that time both in Ireland and Scotland. This book is meant to 
be in the native dialect of Rathlin (some current phrases are especially 
given for this purpose), and, as far as can be concluded from the 
very defective way in which the pronunciation of the words is 
indicated, the dialect seems to be the north eastern or the dialect 
of Antrim. This especially appears in the dropping of inter- 
vocalic ' h ' (a'are * father,' mo vea * my life '), the vb. nouns in -a 
(a yheana * to do,' o phekka ' from sin,' tigea do riachd * thy 
Kingdom come,' do choivleena * to fulfill ') instead of '-00,'^ the 
use of bhfeil (im vel she sa Vaile ?) for bhfuil, etc. But there are 
also certain features which point to the present-day pronunciation 

1. By James Blow. Prof. (3 Tuathail, of Trinity College, was kind enough 
to show me his transcript of the Catechism. 

2. ' But as the Design of this Essay is not to please the Highlands, but 
incorporate this Island Raghlin and other Natives with the English, we 
have used it (the character ' ch ') as the English do in those words that 
I have mentioned.' 

3. As to the period of the change of -adh to -00 in Donegal Irish, see 
O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 67. 


ill Ratlilin, as tlic retention of the e-sound (§ 62) in the words 
pekka ' sin,' mo henga ' my tongue ' (but Benn ' woman ' has now 
the a-sound in Rathhn), the narrow i-sound (/, § 68) in the word 
fhios (Ees), the e-sound (§ 59) in saoghal (seahal), where the Glens 
of Antrim liave an u-sound (^), the absence of echpsis of b, etc. 
(see § 1 01: Kani bee tu ad chovne?), the occasional use of object 
forms of the personal pronoun when they are subject (§ 53: Ke 
an Tire dam vel e?). But the most interesting detail is what seems 
to be an indication of hiatus (§ 53). There are words and 
phrases as: a*are, a-ar (athair), a Fla'is huas (Fiaitheas), da-al 
(d'fhaghail), ar na-hai (ar n-aghaidh), go bee-he she Trocaragh 
(go bi'odh se trocarach), la-ala (laetheamhla), etc. But the use of 
the hyplien or apostrophe is not regular: it is absent in la (la ' a day'), 
where it is heard in Rathlin today, whereas it is inserted in ree- 
aclitanach (riachtanach * necessary '). 

But the language of the Catechism also shows many features 
which are obsolete in the Rathlin dialect of today, such as the 
synthetic verbal inflection, the future, the use of the old subject 
forms of the pronoun, the occurrence of the old termination of 
the dative plural, etc. It must be remembered that the language 
of the Rathlin Catechism is over 200 years old, and that many 
important changes have taken place both in Irish and Scottish Gaelic 
during that time. It is interesting that Rathlin has in many ways 
gone with the Irish mainland since the time when the differences 
between Irish and Scottish became established. Thus the Catechism 
has: A deir Abraham ris, a construction which remains in Scottish 
Gaelic, but in which Rathlin Irish uses leis (* to him '). Further, 
the form dhaibh (yhaiv) survives in Scotland, while modem Rathlin 
Irish has the Antrim and Ulster form dofa, and the same is true of 
the aspiration in this word and yho * to him,' etc., where Rathlin, 
Antrim, and Donegal have do. But the aspiration of d* (* to,' before 
a noun) must have been adopted from Scottish usage, if the writings 
d'uaskil me (* who saved me '), d'onora (* to honor ') found in the 
Catechism represent the older pronunciation in Rathlin. The form 
aikshin ' seeing ' is still in use in RathUn, but chunart * danger ' 
(if correct) is a Scotticism, which has been replaced by cunntairt. 

I quote the Rathlin Catechism in the following chapters in a few 
cases, to furnish comparison with the present-day language. 

introduction 1 5 

The Irish of the Glens of Antrim 
<§8 > 

A description of the Rathlin dialect is hardly complete without 
a few remarks on the Irish of the opposite mainland, especially as 
it was spoken between Fair Head and Glenarm. This form of Irish 
was so closely related to the Rathlin dialect that the people could 
easily understand one another, and certain details in the one are 
further better explained by comparing with the other. The Irish of 
the Glens may easily be said to be dead, although there were three 
' native speakers ' living in 1937. But in a certain way the Antrim 
Irish still Hves for a number of people in Glenariff and Glenarm, 
chiefly those who attended the classes of the late Father Toale 
(O Tuathail), and who had known his principal informant, Maire 
(' Mhor ') Nic Chormaic. These people must have retained the old 
Antrim pronunciation with a remarkable accuracy, as appears from 
comparison of their Irish mutually and with that of the ' native 
speakers.' I here give the list of the people whom I heard in the Glens, 
of whom the three first (inch i b) had Irish from their childhood: 
(i) Mr. James Stewart, Murlough, and his sister 
(lb) Mrs. Casey, Bally castle. 

(2) Barney (* Bhriain ') McAuley, Glenariff. 

(3) Mrs. McVeagh, Craigagh, Cushendun. 

(4) Mrs. Robins, Glenariff. 

(5) Miss Mary Robins, Glenariff. 

(6) Mrs. Murray, Parkmore, Glenariff. 

(7) Miss Maggie McAuley, P.O., Waterfoot, Glenariff. 

(8) Mrs. McNeill, Glenarm. 

The chief characteristics of the Antrim Irish as distinct from the 
Irish of Rathlin dialect consist in the use of the plural termination 
-a, -e instead of -(e)an, the distinction between subject and object 
forms of the personal pronouns, the better conservation of the old 
synthetic conjugation, as well as of the old future in -f- (-fh-). There 
are also other differences, in pronunciation as well as in grammar 
and vocabulary, which prove that it is a question of two separate 
dialects, but for practical purposes the divergences are very slight 
(cf. the specimen of Antrim Irish, p. 154). 



General Remarks: 
* Broad ' and * Slender ' Consonants 

< §9 > 

ONE of the most characteristic differences between EngUsh 
and Gaelic sounds is the tendency to pronounce certain 
consonants (t, d, n, 1, r, s) retroflex (or ' inverted ') in the 
former language,^ i.e. by curhng the tongue backward against the 
hard palate, while in the latter it rests low, with the point well to 
the front. This pecuHarity was strikingly expressed by an old native 
speaker in the Glens of Antrim, who maintained that * you turn the 
tip of your tongue upward when you speak English and downward 
when you speak Irish,' and he used to test whether words in his 
own vocabulary were English or Irish in this way. It seems that 
the whole difference between the English and Irish sound system 
is based on this simple rule. At rest, the organs of speech have a 
characteristic position in every language, and in the Gaelic dialect 
of Rathlin this position is about the following : The lips are slightly 
drawn apart side wise (they are never protruded), the jaw is relatively 
low, and the middle part of the tongue is low and rather much 
retracted, while the point seems to He opposite the lower front 
teeth. The easiest vowel to pronounce, starting from this position, 
seems to be a back a-sound {a or :?, see § i6), while all consonants 
except the alveolars readily become slightly more * back * than in 
the ordinary English pronunciation. The alveolars are therefore 
replaced by dentals in the native language, while in English words 
either alveolar or * inverted ' sounds are heard. A Rathlin man 
always has difficulty in pronouncing sounds which are formed by 
advancing the tongue very far (as the French e or i), or by rounding 

I. It is the pronunciation in Ireland that I have in view, not that in 
England, although the latter is now steadily gaining ground also in Ireland. 


or protruding the lips. The latter articulation never occurs (cf. 
especially the difference between the French on and ch, or the 
German u and sch, and the Rathlin u and * slender' s). Nevertheless 
front vowels are frequently found, and, as these are usually more 
to .the front than in EngHsh, it is clear that it takes an effort to 
pronounce them, which also explains the peculiar effect on the 
consonant and vowel system, reflected in the terms * broad ' and 
* slender.' Having the above analysis of the rest position of the 
tongue in view, it is easily seen that the sounds termed * broad ' 
(or * wide,' as the Irish leathan rather suggests) come more naturally 
to a native speaker than those called * slender ' (the Irish caol also 
means * narrow '). It is by narrowing the volume of the mouth 
cavity, by raising and advancing the middle part of the tongue, 
that the * slender ' vowels and consonants are articulated. If the 
tongue (and other organs which co-operate in forming the * slender ' 
sounds) could be moved from the one position to the other quickly 
enough, it would be easy to pronounce * broad ' and * slender ' 
consonants and vowels after each other in any succession. But this 
is not the case, and once the tongue has attained the difficult frontal 
position it tends to remain there. It is, therefore, much easier to 
pronounce sounds of the same class together (as is already seen in 
English * get ' and * got,' French qui and cas, where the two first 
sounds are either both * slender ' or both 'broad'). In this case 
the consonant is automatically affected by the vowel. But if a sound 
of one class is followed by one of the opposite class, the tongue does 
not get time to move from the one place to the other, and it follows 
that a vowel following a consonant will be pronounced during its 
first part with the organs of speech still in the position of the 
consonant, while a vowel preceding a consonant of the opposite 
type will during its last part be articulated to conform with the 
consonant.^ This conformation of the vowels and consonants has 
resulted in the so-called * gUdes,' which are characteristic of most 

I. The reason why (in Irish) it is the vowels that are affected by the 
consonants, and not z^ice versa y would be that the duration of the vowels 
is longer than that of the consonants, so that the time required for the shifting 
of the tongue, etc., is taken off the former. Of course, this picturing of the 
process is altogether unhistorical, as the present ' glides ' are in most cases 
relics of old vowels or vowel elements 


Irish dialects (and even noticeable in southern Scottish Gaelic), and 
have so strongly aftected the Irish orthography. 

< § 10 > 

Rathlin Irish is in the same way characterized by the opposition 
of * broad ' and ' slender ' sounds, but it is not always so well marked 
in the present-day pronunciation. In many cases it entirely escapes 
the listener whether a consonant is ' broad ' or ' slender,' and it 
seems in any case to be of minor importance. In the present 
pronunciation the differentiation between the two classes of 
consonants tends to be altogether determined by the surrounding 
vowel sounds, exactly as it is in English. In the vowel sounds should 
then be included the (semi-vocaUc) * glides.' A * glide ' in the 
Rathhn dialect is the more or less complete reduction of the vowels 
/, ti or 9 (E), or the semivowels j or w, according to the different 
environment. Some of these * glides ' exist in the local English, 
as in the words ** cyart " k^art, i.e. k'art^ * cart,' *' gyarden " g^ardon, 
i.e. g'ardjn ' garden,' ' kettle ' k^stol, h}ztdl, i.e. fe'ed/, 'blue' hl^^: 
i.e. hl'K:, * fluke' jl^^k, i.e. fl'^k, **baigg" be^g, i.e. beg' * big,* 
'*Moicky " ma^kiy i.e. mak'i (U.E.) * Micky,' 'Daniel' da'nhl, de'nhl, 
dc'r]hl, " Ainjun corn " e^nd^Bn korn, i.e. znd^dn [sndpn) hrn 'Indian 
corn,' ' old ' o''W, ' fire ' fa'ur, ' day ' de:^, etc. In exactly the same 
way the Irish words are pronounced, e.g. ceart hPart, i.e. k'art ' right,' 
gearradh g^arog, i.e. g'ar?g ' cutting,' giolla g'zb ' boy,' fliuch fi'^x 
' wet,' trie (troic) trs^k, i.e. trzk' * often,' ainm a'nhm, i.e. an^Dm (i) 
'name,' bog ho^^g, i.e. hog 'soft,' fhein he:in, i.e. he :n' (but cf. 
below) 'self Hence it is also possible for a word as cuirthe k^r's 
(i.e. k^r%h) to alternate with k^rhi (cf. § 6). 

<§" > 

In the above examples, although the different types of consonants 
are no doubt mostly quite different, it nevertheless appears that it 

I . According to custom, I mark ' slender * (or ' palatal *) consonants with 
the accent ('). 


is the * glides ' that make the chief difference. In Rathlin (as with 
many people in Kintyre) a * slender ' consonant in contact with 
another sound of the same type tends to lose its distinction. Thus 
I have noted pronunciations like ghni ni : [nl:, 9) with the same ' n ' 
as in anois d nlj, and slinn jli :n (15) with the same *n' as in fion 
or claim (cf. § 43, footnote). This and similar circumstances make it 
better to answer the purpose of this work to mark with the accent 
(') only such * slender ' consonants as are clearly distinguished from 
the corresponding * broad ' types by any sort of * ghde.' The 
absence of the (') where it is etymologically justified thus shows 
that a * neutralization ' of the consonant has taken place in the modern 
pronunciation, as lie lik (better I'ik') * stone' as sioc fik (better ^Ik) 

* frost,' cosail hssl *like' (/ fairly * broad,' 15) as tuigeal Ug'al, etc. 
Further, in words like innte en'tJ3 (e«fja, em^p) *in her,' the correct 
n' is frequently reduced to n. The use of the (') is to be considered 
as an abridgement of the lengthy way of representing the * ghdes.' 
Hence the * glides,' which are far more audible after long vowels, 
will not be written in words such as amhain j vain', cuig k^:g\ 
Uig /C:g'y Sliabh an Fhail \Uav d na:V (* Slieveanaille '), etc., although 
an i is quite clear. ^ Only in cases where it may be doubtful whether 
such a vocahc element is a ' glide ' or a full vowel it will be given, 
as in laithean r\aipn (3), buinii h^in (prob. for h^:n'), gruth nuis 
gr^ n^ij (12). The vowel a, which in many ways shares the function 
of the * glides,' is more often written, as in beal hsdl, iota idtd (3), 
etc. It should be observed that such words are not always clearly 
distinct from dissyllabic hiatus-words (see § 53).^ 

The labial * glide ' in faoi//:, smaoinigh sml:n'i, maorach mEirax 
(see § 31) is not represented, as it is often weak, and would only 
complicate the phonetic writing. It seldom attains the full 
value of a w, as is given by Sommerfelt and 6 Searcaigh for 

1. Neither in teid /J<?:^^, deoch diox, which are correctly pronounced 
tpe-Mi, d^^ox, etc. 

2. When Mrs. Craig (i) gave me the word for *gum(s)' cair, I heard 
ka-in; similarly is Annie Black's amhain not unlike 9 va'in. From this fact 
it will further be understood that a ' slender ' consonant can, through the 
intervention of an audible ' glide,' be better distinguished after a long 

* back ' vowel than after a short. 

20 the irish language in rathlin island 

Notes on the Dentals 

< § 12 > 

Special attention should be called to the pronunciation of the 
so-called * dentals ' (see § 37) in RathUn. The Irish t, d, n 
(in native words) are popularly said to be ' broader ' than in English, 
by which is meant that the position of the tongue is lower than in 
English, and that the point touches the upper mcisors instead of 
the alveolar ridge. In Rathlin English, from discussing the matter 
with the people themselves (especially 15, 15b and 9c) I have come to 
the conclusion that the same consonants are slightly different, the 
tongue being slightly higher and forming occlusion just above the 
upper incisors. Thus ' kettle ' k'ztjl (also used in Irish) is pronounced 
with a different ' t * from pota pjtD ' pot ' (9c), ' nail ' with a 
a different * n * from chan fheil ha nel ' (there) is not ' (15), and it 
would be possible to denote the former by t and n, and the latter 
by T and N. But there are several inconveniences connected with 
such a transcription. First of all, the difference in pronunciation 
between the two series is so sHght that it mostly escapes the 
listener. Further, the * broad * series invariably occurs in native 
Irish words, while the other is restricted to late English loan- 
words, so that it seldom occurs in the Irish language at all. 
A third reason against the use of at least N for the * broad ' is the 
disadvantage arising from the use of that symbol in words like 
bean * woman,' fan * stay,' cosan * feet,' which have probably the 
same * n ' in Rathlin as in Donegal (and other parts of Ireland). 
According to 6 Searcaigh (Foghraidheacht, § 201) that * n ' is 
different not only from the English ' n ' (it is said to equal the 
French n), but also the * broad ' dental * n ' in ceann * head,' 
farm ' weak,' easconn * eel.' In Rathlin today there is certainly no 
difference between the * n ' in bean and ceami, whether it be n or N, 
but in the Enghsh * can ' ("cyan") k'an, the final is sHghtly 
different (9c). Though the above method of transcribing is not 
strictly accurate, it yet seems to be the most reasonable, and to 
harmonize with this transcription the * broad ' * t ' and * d ' will 
also be represented by t and d, and not by T and D. This is also 
in consonance with the transcription of 6 Maille (Urlabhraidheacht, 


§ 112), Sommerfelt (Dialect of Torr, §§ 321-323). But the nature 
of these sounds will occasionally be pointed out in the Glossary.^ 

Semivowels and Diphthongs 

<§ 13 > 

Another principle of phonetic writing has caused some difficulties, 
namely, the use of / or j\ u or ii^ after a vowel. Here phoneticians 
do not quite agree, for in combinations which are no doubt 
essentially similar different writers use j, w (as 6 Maille, 
Urlabhraidheacht, § 92,2; §§ 177, 178) and /, u (as Sommerfelt, 
Dialect of Torr, §§ 302-306, and 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, 
§§ 103-129). There is no doubt that the so-called diphthongs 

* i ' and * ow ' in English are phonetically aj and aw (in the standard 
pronunciation), and that the Irish words laigh, toigh ought 
consequently to be transcribed laj, tEj (in the Rathlin pronunciation). 
But this plain trutli is somewhat obscured by the fact that words 
as doigh * manner ' and doghaidh * will burn ' tend to become 
one in the pronunciation (e.g. that of 3). If this takes place, it is 
because of the same * breaking up ' of single vowels mentioned in 
§ 14, whereby monosyllabic words get an almost dissyllabic (or 
diphthongal) pronunciation. In such cases it is inadequate to use 
the semivowels, which should then by necessity be extended to all 
cases unless confusion is caused. This mode of writing is also in 
many cases quite appropriate, as when lae (prop. lEj), traigh 
(prop. tra:j) sound something like lEij (11), traid (4).^ In words 

1 . Speakers No. 8, 9c, 1 5 make a clear distinction between the Engl. 
" cyart " k'ari ' cart ' and the Ir. ceart k'arTy but 3 seems to have the 
Engl. ' t,' * d/ ' n ' (biodag ^i^ag, etc.). Otherwise Engl. ' t ' and ' d * 
are often given the value of /', ^' (§ 42) by old people, as ' Katie ' k'et'i (7), 
which accounts for the Ir. forms Ceit k'e:tj * Kate,' Beiti toj/ ' Betty,' 

* Lizzie,' etc. The ' broad ' Irish ' t,' ' d ' are only used before ' r ' in 
Engl, words, as ' trouble ' Tnbsly ' wonder ' v{zv):}nD^r, etc. Hence 
speaker No. 4 sometimes says Treivag for Taobhog TEivag (pl.-n.), or 
TrsTi' for Engl. * thing.' 

2. Speaker No. 9c finds Ir. traigh and Engl. ' try ' identical in his own 
pronunciation. That the vowel length is lost when / is used is in conformity 
with the rule in § 14. In the same way are naoi and toigh said to rime, 


like laii^lic, Iniidhc the i is usually nu^rc correct [lab, bi^u) — there 
is a sliglit teiulcucy to confuse laigh and laighe, etc. — but some 
rather say Lij.^ hxj.\ Even in the word boidheach / is found [hjiax), 
but the correct pronunciation is h :jax, with a long vowel and j 
(cL Engl. ' buoyant ' as against ' soya/ * Maya/ etc.) 

Vowel Length 

< § U > 

There are three degrees of vowel length in the Rathlin Irish: 
short, half-long, and long. The short vowels are never too short, 
and usually much longer than in English, cf. the difference between 
the native ' cat ' kat, with the English pronunciation of the words 
* cat,' ' cut,' or ' cot.' But the vowel length may slightly depend 
on the following consonant. Short vowels are here represented by 
plain vowel symbols {a^ e, c, etc.). The half-long vowels are slightly 
longer, and occur only in front of another vowel in hiatus (§ 53), 
as well in final position (s in de d^e is slightly longer and more tense 
than in bhfaic vek'). This is true of English as well as Irish words, 
e.g. * cow ' kEu, knti, * here ' hhr ; long lEu, Ion 'ship/ laithean 
laipti ' days.' The long vowels (marked by:) are very much drawn 
out (about twice the length of a short vowel). In the EngHsh of 
Radilin they occur mostly in final position (cf. 'do' d^:^ *wee' 
v{w)I:)\ in other positions original long vowels have mostly been 
shortened as in Scottish. This is perhaps connected with the fact 
that there is a tendency in Rathlin Irish (as in the remnants of the 
Irish dialect of Antrim) to do away with the long vowels altogether. 
This may happen in a twofold way: the long vowel is simply 
shortened, which mostly happens in words of more than one syllable, 
e.g. (o^hmh2.r fj :v?r, fivDT 'harvest,' thainigh ha:n'i, han'i 'came/ 
ag amharc ? ^^aivDh, d gar<ik (of course chiefly in unstressed position), 
or, vv^hat mostly happens in words of one syllable, the long vowel 
is broken up into a diphthong (i.e. the two vowels belong to the 

although not toigh and (ar) t'aghaidh, which latter is ' longer ' (prop. tE'i; 
I5h). That the vowel was once generally short in toigh is seen from the 
fact that it is often broadened to a (^tai) at the U.K., which is not the case 
in (ar) t'aghaidh. 


same syllable), the last element of which is generally ^, as: ta ta.i 
(there) is, * thu ^j * you,' Ian r]aDn (3) ' full,' or J9r {jir?, 3) * gold,' 
gan fheith, gan fhuil^c? iisd g? n^l * without sinew, without blood ' (7), 
cradan kraddan * burdock ' (8) ; cf. also fear Jz :r, /e^r, and other 
instances mentioned in § 11. The vowels e;, 0:, /;, and E: show 
tendencies to diphthongization to ei, oii, li, Ei, in English as well 
as in Irish words (cf. § 18): 'day' dci-dci, dEi-dEi, *whey' 
xivE:-xwEi; fhein hem-^hein *self,' (2ioi fl: -fli 'below.' All 
these changes depend to a considerable extent on environing 

A long vowel is made half-long in front of another vowel in 
Rathlin Irish. Mathair ' mother,' brathair ' brother,' have the same 
vowel as athair ' father,' and doghadh ' burning,' is pronounced 
drdg, dj?o, and ta ceo air ta: k'j er (for k'j:) ' there is mist on ' (15). 
When "j becomes i (as it usually does), the preceding vowel also 
shortened, e.g. traigh tra :j * beach ' > trai, doigh dj :j * manner ' > 
dji; faoi/C.7 (8) 'under,' becomes either /^i, /£/ orfl:. 

Insertion and Omission of Vowels 

<§ 15 > 

A so-called ' epenthetic ' vowel is sometimes inserted between 
two consonants in order to facilitate the pronunciation. This is 
especially the case between a liquid or nasal and ch (where it is a) 
and between a stop and a following consonant, e.g. dorcha doraxo 
' dark,' Donnchadh donaxdg ' Duncan,' Sliabh an Chonnaidh \Vzvd 
na xjnl (pl.-n.); naipicin mpdkin 'napkin,' eaglach egdlax 'afraid,' 
' timid,' caglais egdll\ ' church.' In the latter case the epenthetic 
vowel is, however, more instable, cf. eaglais zgr\i\ (3), eadtrom 
e:dr9m ' Hght.' 

Between a Hquid or nasal and a following consonant there is 
regularly no vowel insertion in Rathlin Irish, except in the case of 
contact between originally ' broad ' and ' slender ' consonants, as : 
farraice farik'd ' sea,' from O. Ir. fairggx (with the double rr 
' broadened '), orainn jrin ' on us,' cf Early Mod. Ir. oirne, 
O. Ir. fornn; similarly ainm an' dm 'name' (i), but also commonly 
ar'm (§ 89). In other cases no vowel is normally inserted, so that 


the words boladh hjl\(i ' smell/ and bolg h[{^ ' stomach/ arc dis- 
tinguished in the pronunciation (is, etc.). But a certain tendency 
exists to eliminate such type of distinction, which both depends 
on tlie occinrence of an obtrusive epenthetic vowel and on the 
obscuration of the unstressed vowels. Thus some speakers pronounce 
garbh i^arjv ' rough/ scarbh skarjv * cormorant/ gealbhonn g'abvan 
'graylag' (8, for 'sparrow'?), sugh sealbhan sik (jik) ja^ovan (3) 
'strawberry,' and, on the other hand, figheadoireacht fidtraxt 
'weaving/ anam arm, fuarog foDtg (12) 'oatmeal and milk'; 
wliether earn karn ' cart,' has in a similar way arisen from carran, 
is not quite certain, as the shorter form is the only existing one, 
and the plural is formed cairn kEr'n' ; cf. however corn, from corran, 
in the north of Ireland (6 Tuathail, Sgcalta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 50). 

The Different Sounds and their Occurrence 

hi the following two sections will be given (i) the extant number 
of elementary sounds, found in the Irish of Rathlin, and (2) their 
occurrence in words, from a comparative and historical viewpoint. 
That these sounds and their application do not perhaps represent 
a generation-old state of things has already been pointed out. 

The Elementary Sounds 

The following elementary sounds may be recognized in the 
present-day speech of Rathlin, given by their phonetic symbols: 

[A) Vowel Sounds 



By this symbol we represent the ' Anglo-Irish ' short a-sound 
(' bad ' had, ' Daniel ' dan'dl, * fire ' fai?r, ' dry ' drai), which ranges 
from a ' back ' a (French has) to a rather ' front ' a (French chat), 
the former being more general at the ' Upper End' (" mon " for 
' man,' etc.), and eventually passing over to a real o (§ 56). When 
long or half-long (as in ' calm ' k'a ;m, ' car ' k'a ;r, the front pro- 
nunciation is the rule, and the native people fmd a marked difference 
between their own vowel in mathair mazr 'mother,' and that of 


Donegal Irish, which often approaches j : mohir' . In unstressed 
positions the pronunciation is more lax (cf. the local pronunciation 
of *Islay* zila), so that it is rather an a or even an d (see below): 
the diminutive suffix -an {-an) should be different from the plural 
suffix -an {-9n), but the two often sound alike. 

< § 17 > 
This symbol also stands for a wide range of sounds, whose 
standard value may be taken as the typical pronunciation of short 
English a, or the local pronunciation of short English e or i 
(* cellar ' szbr, * skillet' sk'zbt, * drive' drziv). At the 'Lower End ' 
the pronunciation is almost that of an open e-sound (French jette, 
laii), but at the * Upper End,' especially in contact with * palatal' 
sounds, it is more or less hke an a-sound (English short o; cf. in 
the local pronunciation, * paddy,' * padgen,' * podgen,' ' Moicky,' 
for * pity,* * pigeon,' 'Micky'). The long (s;) and half-long sound 
are more tense, and never broader than in English ' care,' * where ' 
(cf. local * Mary,' used of the Virgin). Unstressed, the same sound 
is more obscure, and interchangeable with d and i. 

<§i8 > 

This e-sound is usually narrower than the English short e in 
* let,' * get,' and equals the local (and Scottish) pronunciation of * a ' 
in many words (* shape ' Jep, * paper * pep?r, ' Rachel ' ret\dl). It is 
narrower at the Lower End (* Rachel ' is almost * Richel ' with 
speaker No. 2) than at the Upper End, but the difference is not so 
marked as for s. The long sound (e :) is approximately the EngUsh 
sound in * vary,' * Sarah ' (cf, local pron. of * Mary,' as a woman's 
name). In unstressed position, this vowel hardly occurs, and can 
not be clearly distinguished from e, ^, and /. 


< § I9> 
The third e-sound found in Rathlin is a retracted (or * mixed ') 
form, pronounced with a half-open mouth and just slightly rounded 


lips. This sound is chiefly the product of contiguous consonants, 
and is in many cases only slightly different from e and c. Particularly 
after a ' broad ' (especially k, g, x, sec below) or neutral consonant E 
appears instead of £ (cf. ' live ' lEVy ' little ' lEtdl, * winter ' vEnt<ir 
{I'H'Entjr), ' cow ' kEn, ' quickly ' kwEk'li, in the local pronunciation), 
but also occasionally before such a consonant. This sound is typical 
of the ' Upper End,' where it is often broadened to a, or the typical 
sound of English short u, § 27: * quiet' is rather kwnidt than kwEiot), 
or almost an a-sound (' quiet ' kwaijt). The long and half-long £, 
also typical of the ' Upper End,' is more tense, and rather a retracted 
form of c;, with which it is often interchangeable ('whey' xwE:, 
xwc:, * day ' dE:, de:, * McQuaig ' ma kwE:g'y ma kwe:g'). The 
unstressed form of these is nothing but an ? (see below). 

As described above, E may be considered as the standard form 
in Rathlin, at least in words which at the * Lower End ' are 
pronounced with an oi /C (see below). In front of r, i and u, E is 
often automatically changed to 0, ^, as in (local) English * heard ' 
liErd or hard {hrd), ' white ' xwEit or xwoit, xwoit, ' cow ' kEu or 
kou, km. This rule also apphes to Irish words: O Beirn o ^bEr'n* 
or D ^hor'n/ ^bjr'n' * O'Byrne,' toigh tEi or toi (L.E.). 

< § 20 > 

The Rathlin i-sound is rather narrower than the English short i, 
and somewhat equivalent to the local (and Scottish) vowel sound in 
certain words (* steel ' stil, * deaf ' dif, Mead' lid, * indeed ' dtidid). 
It is practically the same all over the island. The long /; is the 
same sound sustained, and the unstressed / is only slightly obscured, 
and may interchange with 6 and d. 


< §21 > 

This is an open, flatly articulated 1, bearing the same relation 
to i as £ to 6 or c (cf. local * wheelbarrow ' xwllbard). It is about 
identical in sound when sustained (J:), but less distinct in unstressed 
positions (where it interchanges with i). Except after a velar, it is 
seldom sharply distinct from i. 


< § 22 > 

By J the open o-sound of Rathlin English is represented 
(* trouble ' tnbdl, ' corn ' hrti, ' shop ' jjp, ' Gustie ' gjsti, ' Scotland ' 
shthnd). This sound, which is fairly uniform throughout the island, 
is far narrower than even the Enghsh short o in ' cost,' ' often,' 
but not unlike the vowel in French bonne, epaule (cf Irish * trouble,' 
* cut '). The long form {j :) is practically the above sound sustained, 
and thus narrower than in English 'fall' (c£ local 'small' smj :!, 
'at all' 9 toil, 'Oh, no' d: no:). In unstressed positions it hardly 

< §23 > 

The narrow o-sound in Rathlin is much narrower than any 
o-sound in English (cf. the local pronunciation of ' coal ' kol, * police- 
man' Spoilsman, 'boat' hot, 'goats' gots, 'post office' post^jfis). It 
is perhaps normally the vowel in French eau, beau, but it shows 
a strong tendency to become u (Enghsh 00). The long 0: is about 
the English (non-diphthongal) o in 'go,' but often narrower as in 
French janne, and occasionally bordering on u : (local ' low ' is often 
pron. In:, similarly Ir. mor may sound mu:r, 8). This sound does 
not occur in unstressed position. 

< § 24 > 

This vowel is very rare in Rathlin, and hardly ever occurs 
independently. It is most frequent at the ' Lower End ' (cf the 
local pron. of 'shorn' ^urn, 'door' du:r). It is the English 
00-sound in ' good ' and ' do.' At the * Lower End ' it often appears 
for standard ^ (q.v.), uasal uas9l, urlar urlar (15a), bruachan 
hnvaxdn (4), but in front of x or h (always short) it is pretty general 
all over the island (see § 73). Unstressed, it forms the last 
component of certain diphthongs (' cows ' kEuz, kduz, ' house * 


< § 25 > 

This vcr\' typical Rathlin sound is the local pronunciation of 
English * oo,' and diverse other sounds (cf. ' school ' sk^l, ' use ' j^s, 
*roof' rXf, * too old' /*{" 'oW, 'wind* v{w)^nd, 'Willie' v{w)£li, 
'a wee bit' d vwI : h/Ct, *'pirn" (=' bobbin') p/Crn, * discourse ' 
di^sk,{rs). Normally, and more often at the * Lower End,' it 
resembles a relaxed form of the French u, or the characteristic 
Glasgow and Belfast oo-sound, while at the * Upper End ' a sound 
resembling the French cu (approximately the English vowel in 
' girl,' ' hurry ') is more common. Certain people at the 
'Lower End' (2, 4, 5) often use a front u (cf. 'shorn' Jwr/f,' above). 
The sustained form underlies the same alternations (cf. 'sure' j^:r, 
p:r 'door' d/( :r, dd:r). This sound cannot be clearly distinguished 
in unstressed positions. 

< § 26 > 

This vowel is also less stable in its occurrence. It is found both 
at the ' Lower ' and ' Upper End ' of the island, though in quite 
different functions. As already indicated above, certain ' Lower End ' 
people (2, 4, 5) show a tendency to use this sound (or ^) for E 
(cf 'spinning' spdnir\, 'lily' Mi, 'minister' mdniltdty 'quickly' 
kwok'li), at the same time as they retain the old value of u 
(see above), while the ' Upper End ' people are inclined to use the 
sound for the normal /( ('roof rof, ' use ' Jo5, 'shorter' jortDr), 
Before r, however, the sound is usually or p, ' McCurdy ' 
ma^kordi, ma^kDrdi, if originally short ' u.' This is also true of the 
long form (0;), which is occasional even E:, as an Uig 9 nE:d' (6). 
The unstressed form is 9, 

< § 27 > 

This vowel is characteristic of the ' Upper End,' where it 
quite often replaces the standard (short) vowel E (cf. local * live ' 
lav, etc.). 



The irrational vowel is as common in Rathlin as in 
other parts of Ireland and Scotland (cf, * the boat ' bj hot, 
*away' dv{w)E:, * thristle ' (=* thistle') ^rEstil, 'Michel' mzk'dl 

* skillet' sk'sht, *gannet' g'andt, 'cellar' szhr). As in English, the 
occurrence of d is highly dependent on the lack of stress : full vowels 
are constantly reduced to 5, while even in such plain suffixes as -an 
(plur.) or -ain(n) the vowel may occasionally appear as a or e, 
when the stress is heavier. It is often impossible nowadays to ascertain 
whether a full vowel or j is normal in many words in Rathlin Irish. 
In stressed positions d is sometimes found in diphthongs (' white ' 
xwditj * cow ' kdu, * flower ' jldudr), Ir, roimh mheadhon lae ro vjan 
hi * a.m.' (2), as well as before ' r ' in Irish and English words: 
O Beirn :?' hDt'n' (also: o ' hdr'n\ o ' hEr'n\ j * hjsr'n'). 

(B) Semivowels 

By semivowels (which are j and w in Rathlin) we mean an 1 or xi 
(see above), pronounced so short that in combination with another 
vowel it does not count as a long. Formerly these semivowels 
occurred freely before or after any long or short vowel, but 
nowadays, as in English, they tend to be ousted from any position 
other than before a stressed vowel. 


< § 29 > 

This is the English consonantal * y ' in * yes ' (cf. ' yes ' jzs, jEs, 
*use' j^s, jos, in the local pronunciation). In Irish words, it 
originally occurred also after a long or short vowel (see § 13), but this 
is no longer the case in the current pronunciation of most people. 


< § 30 > 

This is the EngHsh * w,' e.g. in * water,' * winter.' It is a still 
rarer sound in Rathlin, where it chiefly occurs after a guttural 
(cf. the local pronunciation of * quiet ' kivEidt, * white ' xwEit, 

* while ' xwEil), As for the occurrence after a labial, see §§ 31, 33. 

30 Tin". IRISH languac.I' in uAriiiiN island 

(C) Cousoihvihil Sounds 

As already mentioned (§ lo), the accent (') marks the distinctly 
forward pronunciation of the consonants, especially when it is 
accompanied by a * glide.' A fe, g, or / may thus be slightly advanced 
before or after an f, without being marked. 

The voiceless stops arc like the same sounds in EngHsh, but the 
voiced stops sliow a certain tendency towards unvoicing. Truideog 
trld^ag may thus occasionally sound trlt^ag (cf. the more or less 
regular change of d, g to t, c, under certain conditions, § 80, 84), 
and people from the Irish mainland sometimes think that they say 
' pisness ' instead of ' business ' in Rathlin. If such tendencies exist, 
they are not even so pronounced as in Arran, in Scotland, where 
the Scottish unvoicing of the mediae has as yet barely started. 

The two lips are opposite each other (also: Bilabials). 

< §31 > 

Of these the first is a voiceless, the second a voiced labial stop, 
like the English ' b,' * p ' (cf. local * picture ' pzkt\dr, * happen ' 
hapdu, ' bad ' had, * Kebble ' k'zhdl)^ while m is a voiced nasal, like 
English *m* (cf. local * Michel' mzpU tmk'dl, 'calm' U'aim), 
These consonants are * neutral ' or * broad,* according to the 
surrounding vowels, and it should be observed that a * broad ' 
off-glide is often heard before /, E (only in Irish words), e.g. 
smaoinigh $ml:n'i 'think,' muineal mEn'dl (U.E.) 'neck' (cf. 
6 Searcaigh: maoin Mwlih, m'aghaidh MwE:i, baile bwceh, 
Foghraidheacht, § 181), 

p\ h\ m\ 

< § 32 > 

By these symbols the same sounds with slightly tightened lips 
(cf. § 9) are designated. By tightening the lips, at the same time 
as the tongue is advanced, a ' slender glide ' is developed, as in 
bean h'an, h'zn * woman,' beannacht b'snaxt * blessing,' which are, 
however, mostly pronounced: bjan, bjanaxL 


The upper incisors are opposite the lower Hp. 

/. ^' 

< § 33 > 

These are labiodental fricatives, the former voiceless, the latter 
voiced, as the English * f,' ' v ' (cf local * fire ' fabr, ' enough ' dud/, 
' voice ' vols, * live ' lEv). They are * neutral ' or ' broad.' In front 
of ^, /, or £, a ' broad ' or labial * glide ' is developed, which 
sometimes jresembles a 'w' (cf 6 Searcaigh: fuil, bhuail, 
Foghraidheacht, §§ 181, 169). This sound combined with the labial 

* ghde ' seems to be equivalent to the Rathlin English ' w ' (cf 

* wind * v^nd, vw^nd, 'winter' vEntjr, vipEutir, 'water' vipat.n),^ 

< § 34 > 

These are the same as above, pronounced with tightened lips and 
advanced tongue, so that a * slender glide ' arises. They are not so 
common now, e.g. fear far * man,' an bhean 3 v'an, d v'sn ' the 
woman,' which are more commonly pronounced jf/'<ir, vjan. 

< § 35 > 

By this symbol we represent the voiced labiodental nasal, which 
is only found in Irish words, and is therefore getting rare. Its 
acoustic effect is almost mv (cf. also § 77), as in: amharc avdrk 

* looking ' (7), an Ceann Reamhar dT\ k'an ravdr * Kinramer ' (3). 
Usually a plain (broad) v is substituted, but occasionally also w, 
as in oidhche mhaith I;p ma [va) * good night,' an bhfaca d mah 

* did ... see?' (7, 15a, cf § 77); also cf the alternative spelling 

* Kinramer,' * Kinraver ' in English. This sound is practically always 

* broad ' or * neutral.' 

I. ^^^ is here used for the labial ' glide,' which naturally resembles the 
English ' w.' In native words, as mentioned before, it only occurs in front 
of /, Ey or <C (before the last it is less pronounced). 


The tip of tlic tongue is opposite the upper as well as lower incisors. 

t, 9. 

< §36 > 

By these symbols the voiceless and voiced interdental spirant are 
represented. The local pronunciation agrees fairly well with that 
of standard English (cf. * them things happen* 6tm ]psr]z hcip9n). 
These sounds are only found in English words. 

The tip of the tongue is opposite to, or a little above, the upper incisors. 

/, dy «, n. 

< §37> 

For the twofold nature of the dentals, see §12. In English words, 
as * tea,' * kettle ' (ceatal), * broonie,' the tongue is held in the same 
position as in local English (cf. * teacher ' tit\dr, * day ' de:, * gannet * 
gan?t), i.e. the point of it touches the alveolar ridge, thus tl:, k'stjl, 
hr^ni (L.E. hruni) ; some people (7, etc.) make the English ty d pretty 
near t\ d' (§ 42). In Irish words the pronunciation is ' broader,' 
the tongue being lowered so that its point touches the upper incisors. 
The voiceless n («), which is not very common, is like /i«, 
e.g. cuta de shnath ki(t3 d^z na: * a cut of yarn ' (3). 

5, z, 

< §38 > 

These are dental spirants (or sibilants), the former voiceless, the 
latter voiced. The point of the tongue slightly touches the root 
of the upper teeth, and there is no marked difference between the 
*s' in native and English words (cf. * cellar* sehty *just' d^zsty 

* skillet' sk'zht). Speaker No. 9b has an almost interdental pro- 
nunciation of * s ' (5) in front of * r,' e.g. sroin Sroin' (also STn:n') 

* nose,' srianach Srianax * bridleneb,'^ while 15 and 15b pronounce 
a kind of * sh ' (Jrianax). Also before n, s is different than before 

I . There are analogies to this pronunciation in parts of Kintyre, Scotland. 


Other consonants: snath is almost Sua: [sNa:?), After *r' it is often 
difficult to hear whether 5 or J is used, e.g. giorsach (gcirseach) 
g'zrsax or g'^rjax * girl.' The voiced spirant {z) only occurs in 
English words ('things' ^erj^, * cows ' hEuz). 

The tip of the tongue is opposite the alveolar ridge. 

< § 39 > 

This is the common Scottish and Irish (non-inverted) 1-sound, 
formed by the middle part of the tongue raised, the point making 
contact with the alveolar ridge (cf. local * coal ' kol, ' live ' lEv, 
* well ' v(xv)sl, * lead ' lid, ' steel ' stil). This sound is not much 
different from the French /, but it may vary slightly in width 
according to the surrounding vowels: speaker No. 15 has a fairly 
deep * 1 ' in Engl. ' haul ' {h ;/, almost h ;/, § 40), which is the same 
as he uses in Irish 61 :?:/ {p :t) 'drink.' The voiceless variety (|) 
is only found in Irish words. 

< §40> 

By this symbol is meant a variety of the original * broad ' 1, which 
is independent of surrounding vowels. It is formed by lowering 
the middle part of the tongue still more than for /; it is not a dental 
sound as the so called ' unaspirated ' 1 in Donegal, etc. (O Searcaigh, 
Foghraidheacht, § 207), but it gets a fuller, more hollow sound, 
yv^hich resembles that of Dutch or Austrian ' L' The manner of 
producing this 1, which is now seldom used, is described by the 
native people as ' taking your mouth full of it ' (3 ; this speaker, 
however, always pronounces an r|, or a very similar sound); cf. 
6 Maille, Urlabhraidheacht, § 60. Speaker No. 11 has it, but very 
loosely articulated, in words hke boladh bohg ' smell,' toigh solais 
tEi sotlj ' Hghthouse,' where it is half suppressed, or suggests a faint 
*w'^; / and its unvoiced counterpart / are only found in Irish 

I. Cf. also Cunntae an Dil M/^i/ai n dai^l (5) * Cushendall' or ^Antrim.' 


r, r. 

< § 41 > 

The Rathlin * r ' is the same as is mostly used in Scotland 
(and Antrim), i.e. a soft, alveolar trill. It even shows a tendency 
to be suppressed after certain consonants (cf. ' Bruce's Cave * 
b{r)^S3S k'e :v, or sc(r)iobadh, sc(r)iobhadh, in Irish). The corresponding 
voiceless sound, r, is with most speakers identical in sound with r. 


The front part of the tongue is opposite the anterior part of the 
hard palate. 

< § 42 > 

By these symbols ** palatal'' *t' and *d* are represented. The 
front or middle part of the tongue forms occlusion against the front 
part of the hard palate, as in the Irish pronunciation of the Enghsh 
words ' tune ' and * duty.* These sounds are nowadays of a very 
limited occurrence, and are chiefly found before J and j (see § 44), 
or after J or 5 (chiefly in Irish words). With some people this sound 
also represents the Engl. * t ' (* Katie ' k'et'iy 7). Whenever 
palatal * t,' * d ' are used instead of /J, d^ (§ 44), there is a strong 
tendency to confuse them with k\ g\ in Rathhn as in the Glens 
of Antrim (and even parts of Scotland). 

n'y n\ 

< §43 > 

This is a pre-palatal nasal, or an ' n * pronounced by advancing 
the tip and middle part of the tongue toward the front part of the hard 
palate and the alveolar ridge. It is found in the local English dialect 
instead of nj (as in * opinion *) in standard English, whereby the semi- 
vowel becomes fused with the nasal, or is weakened to a mere * glide * 
(cf * Daniel * dan'9l, den'dU ' new ' n'^:). Before or after a 'slender * 
vowel (especially i), in final position, and in many other cases, this 


sound is simplified to the dental n.^ The tendency to change n' to r|', 
so common in Ireland and Scotland, is not very marked in Rathlin. 
The voiceless tf in a few Irish words is somewhat like hn\ 

< § 44 > 

These are pre-palatal spirants and affricates. Of these J designates 
the voiceless spirant (cf local * shark ' \zrk, ' fmish ' fEni\), and j 
the voiced spirant in Engl. * azure.' The front part of the tongue 
is in contact with the front part of the hard palate, as for t\ d' , n' , 
They are thus much more forward than * sh ' in England ; in certain 
cases J comes near f, or the initial sound in EngHsh * human.' The 
sound 5 does not occur independently, at least in Irish words. 

As for the affricates t\ and rfj, they are identical with the sounds 
which in Scottish English (and often in northern Ireland) represent 
the initial sounds in * tune ' and * duty,' as well as the affricates in 

* church ' and * judge.' Thus 9c pronounces *Jew' (^^^:) and 

* duty ' {d^iCti) with the same initial, using the same sound as in 
Rathlin Irish deoch d^ox * drink.' The Rathlin rj, d^ are much 
more forward than the corresponding sounds in England, and 
approach t\ d' (e.g. * vegetables' vzd'dtdhdlz, 13), but they show 
no tendency to become k' , g' (cf. § 42). In Aleck Anderson's 
pronunciation of thuit hlt\ * fell,' there is a clear spirantic sound 
at the end, and O Searccaigh understands duirt eisean as duirt seisean 
(Foghraidheacht, p. 190). 9c has the same sound combination in 
thuit e hitl 6 *he fell' as in buitseach hiCtjax * witch,' so that there 
is no doubt about the correctness of this transcription. As for the 
use of real t' and J' in a few cases, see §§ 80, 95. 

^ GO. 
< §45 > 

This symbol represents the original ** slender " * 1,' produced by 
pressing the front part of the tongue against the alveolar ridge. In 
the local English pronunciation, this sound usually substitutes Ij in 

I. The difficulty in pronouncing a final V appears from the fact that 
speaker 15b is inclined to add an -^ (thus -n'i) in order to facilitate the 
pronunciation, e.g. in the plural -ain {;-an'i). 


Standard Englisli (as in * million'), where the semivowel consequently 
vanishes into the * slender glide ' of /' (cf. local * million ' mEl'?n, 
*Huke' fi'Xk, 'blue' bl'^:). It is very often replaced by a neutral 
* r (/), especially in final position and in contact with front vowels (i). 
Combinations as l'^ sound more or less Ug, cf. the following §. 

^'» r'- 

< § 46 > 

The palatal * r ' is formed in somewhat the same way as /', at least 
in its original form. It usually sounds as a more or less complete 
fusion of r andj, as aon bhreac in vrjak ' one trout ' (3). Some rather 
say y (muir vUj 'sea/ 7), but most people use a plain r (e.g. 15); 
this at least is the case before 1 and in final position. When r' comes 
before another consonant it almost sounds as r', e.g. ainm ar'm 
[arhn) ' name,' ceird k'sr'd^ {k'er^d^, 6). The voiceless r' almost 
sounds as r^, as cuirthe k'^p ' tired,' braithrean bra ir'dn * brothers,' 
fuirc f^r'k' ' forks ' (3). 

The middle part of the tongue is opposite the top of the palate. 

fc'. g\ n'. 

< §47 > 

These symbols designate the palatal voiceless and voiced stops, 
and the palatal nasal, which occur in the English or Rathlin for 
' k,' * g,' and ' ng,' under special conditions (cf. ' kettle ' k'ztsU 
'Michel' mzk'dU * guillemot' g'shmjty *big' bsg'y 'English* er| '5/1J). 
The tongue is further advanced than for the pronunciation of 
' kettle,' ' big,' ' English,' in the standard English pronunciation. 
Some people (e.g. 6) are inclined to pronounce t' and d' (or even 
/J, d^) instead of k'y g' (cf ' McGregor ' ma^gred'dTy ma ^grid'dVy 
' Kinkeel ' kintjely in the local English), e.g. scillinn ruadh st'il'in roa 
' penny,' Nollaig nohd' {-d^) * Christmas,' and speaker No. 6 may 
say Dun na nGiall d^ :n d ti'ialy for d^:n 9 r^'ial (pl.-n.). 

< §48 > 

This is a palatal fricative, as in Lowland Scottish ** driegh " 
(=' tedious '), or the initial sound in English 'human,' * huge ' 


(cf. local ' driegh ' rfr/f, * Michel ' mspl). It is reduced to an * h ' 
with a palatal ofF-glide {h'), or even occasionally suppressed in the 
middle of Irish words. It is sometimes substituted by g\ e.g. an 
Chrich 9 xrizg' * Creigh ' (pl.-n.), probably under the influence of 
English (cf. § 50). 

The back of the tongue is opposite the soft palate (or velum). 

^% g^ ^» p- 

< § 49 > 

The ' k,' * g,' and * ng ' in Rathlin are approximately identical 
with the same sounds in English, in * cog,' * song ' (cf. the local 
pron. of *coar hoi, * goat ' got, *song' s3t\). The voiceless i^ (ji) 
is only found in speaker No. 3's pronunciation: shluasaid v^oaszd-^ 
{hT[daszdi) ' shovel.' 


< § 50 > 

By X the voiceless velar fricative, or the Scottish sound in ' loch,' 
is represented (cf. local ' laugh ' lax). It is frequently, by many 
speakers (3, etc.) almost regularly, weakened to h, especially in 
medial position, in suffixes (-ach, -acht), and in unstressed words 
(cha * not ' is usually pronounced ha or d).^ On the other hand, 
some speakers (as 2, 12) more or less regularly use ^, as is customary 
in English in words as loch (lough). 


<§5i > 
By this symbol we designate the voiced velar fricative, a sound 
which is on the decline in Rathlin. It is heard almost only initially 
in native Irish words, and even there it seems to cause difficulties 
to the speakers, e.g. Baile Ghoill haVd yEil *Ballygill (pl.-n.). 
Thus it may be rendered by gr (Madadh Alia maddgrah, 5), or by r 
(dh'fhaodadh rd:d?g, 4), or be altogether suppressed: feoil ghoirt 
jjj'.V ort\ * salt meat' (2), Carraic an Ghoill karik' d ail (2, pl.-n.), 
Lathrach Da Dhuibhean la:r td Uven (pl.-n.). 

I. Inversely an ^ pronounced more emphatically may result In x, as: 
a h-apron p xaprpn ' her apron ' (3). 

;,N mr. luisii i.anc;uac;i; in rathlim island 

The Aspirate 

< § 52 > 

By // the aspirate ' h/ as in English ' home/ is represented 
(cf. ' hcnise ' liHus, 'home' ho :t}iy 'hills' liElz, in the local pron.). 
Except as weakening of x or f, h never occurs in other than initial 


< §53 > 

By this term is understood a vowel meeting, arising in a word, 
or in context, whereat the vowels belong to different syllables. 
Hiatus, which existed in Old Irish (judging from the ortho- 
graphy), but which seems to have almost entirely disappeared from 
Ireland during the Middle Irish period,^ though it still survives in 
Scotland and Rathlin, has always depended on suppression and 
quiescence of consonants (cf. §§ 8i, 96, etc.). In Rathhn the hiatus 
is not nearly so marked as in Scotland: cumhang 'narrow' may 
rime with uan ' lamb.' It is mostly characterized by a minimum 
of intensity which marks the syllabic limit, and which will be 
marked here by an inverted period (•), in cases where it is clearly 
audible. But it is in many cases difficult, especially owing to the 
diphthongization of long vowels (§ 14), to perceive the hiatus when 
it occurs in Rathlin words. The people at Gortconny, Co. Antrim, 
especially, make a clear distinction between cases of diphthongs 
and hiatus. Thus with 15a, words like bruach hr^'ax 'grade,' 
' slope,' ' brae ' (Scot, bruthach), fiach fi-ax, ji'dx ' raven ' (Scot, 
fitheach), sciathan sk'van 'wing,' are distinct from: bruach hr^ax 
' edge,' ' river bank ' (Scot, bruach), fiach jiax ' worth,' * debt ' 
(Scot, fiach), scian sk'ian ' knife,' which distinction is not made by 8, 
9, etc., 13. Speakers 15, 15b, 15c, as well as 8, say that they can 
hear the difference, but are not able to pronounce it. On the other 
hand, they and many others make a clear distinction between hiatus 
and long vowels in the words: la la-d ' day,' mnan mra-m * women,' 
doghadh dr?g ' burning ' (13), gnoithe grri * business ' (3), and 

I. For modern cases of hiatus in Connaught Irish, cf. (3 Mdille, 
Urlabhraidheacht, § 305, X, 


ta ta: '(there) is,' Ian la:n * full,' doigh dji * manner ' (3), even 
though they may * break up ' the long vowel into a diphthong 
(see § 14). The vowel is always short when the hiatus is marked 
by a strong reduction of intensity (as with 13, 15a), otherwise it 
is given the half length (§ 14), and this holds good whether the vowel 
was originally short or long (cf the above instances). In the following 
words there is a more or less clear hiatus: agad a-jd ' with you,' 
againn a'in ' with us,' aghaidh E'i ' face,' agus a'ds ' and,' Aunghus 
nE'9S * Angus,' arist d n'-/jr' * again,' athair a-jr * father,' athais ci'^J, 
a-a^ ' back,' bhiodh vi\ig * would be,' bidh hri * will be,' blathach 
bla-ax * buttermilk,' bleoghan blo'Dii ' milking,' bodhar bo'9r ' deaf,' 
brathair hra'9r * brother,' cag ka-ag (15a), 'jackdaw,' ceathair k'e'ir, 
k'e'dr (4, 5), cladhacht klE-axt * digging,' crathadh kra-dg ' shaking ' 
(4, 12), cradhadh kra'og ' tormenting ' (12), crudha knC'j 
'horseshoe' (11), Domhnall djdl 'Donald' (5, cf. § 54), faghail 
fa-al ' getting ' (3, 4), faghain fa'in * getting ' (2), fast fa-ast ' yet,' 
' stiir (2, 6), but/cj:5^ (12), feitheamh ^^-iV, /e-^y 'waiting' (2, 5), 
fichead^-^J ' twenty,' gabhail ^o-s/, go-al ' taking,' ' singing ' (3, 6), 
gheobhadh (gheodh) coid jo'?g at ' they would get' (5), gnoithe grj'i 
' business ' (3, 13), chan itheadh ha ni'?g ' would not eat ' (5), la la-d 
'day' (12), lobhtha /ov 'rotten' (6), leathan Vz'du, Vcm 'broad,' 
mathair ma-zr ' mother ' (12), nigheanan nvdUdn ' daughters ' (3), 
praidhinn pra-in ' haste,' rudha nC'd ' pohit,' scist(e) sk'i'i\t' ' rest ' (6), 
soitheach salann so'dh sahn ' saltcellar ' (6), tri fichead tri fi'dd 
'sixty' (6), ubhall ^'dl 'apple' (3), craobhan ubhallan krE:v?n 
^'dhn ' apple trees,' uisce beatha I\k'd hz'd * whisky.' 

In the following cases single, long vowels or diphthongs appear 
for an expected hiatus: bodhar hour 'deaf (6), Lag na Coillidh 
Boidhche lag na kEli hi (pl.-n., i), doghadh dj:g 'burning' (i), 
but dr9g (13), (ist fa :st 'yet' (12, cf above), faghail /?:/' 'getting' 
(6), tha ead ha:d 'they are' (14), etc. Speaker No. 4 says Hugha 
l'/C'9 'lithe' (fish), but his wife says T^:. Similarly 'Rue Point' 
is called in Irish an Rudha 9n r^'9, but in English r^; pjint. The 
forms without hiatus thus occur (i) with people who have not 
practised the Irish language for a long time, (2) occasionally with 
other people, through carelessness, and (3) in unstressed position; 
cf especially the pronunciation of agad, againn, agus: a{:)d, ain, 
as, ds. 

40 tlll irish language in rathlin island 


< § 54 > 

The nasal affection of vowels and consonants in Rathlin Irish is 
not very marked. It consists in the gradual raising of the soft palate 
after it has been lowered for the pronunciation of one of the so-called 
nasal consonants (§§ 31, 32, 35, 37, etc.), whereby also the 
neighbouring sounds get a share of the nasaUty. The lowermg of 
the soft palate is (except in the case of m, m', », n', r|, r|') marked 
by the tilde (*), which is placed on a vowel or v (see § 35), or 
between vowels. It usually marks compensatory nasalisation, which 
occurs when a nasal consonant has become quiescent, when an n 
has become changed to an r, or when a v has become unvoiced to f 
(whereby it naturally loses its nasality). E.g. Domhnall djDl (5), 
djjT] (3), also dj :n,il * Donald,' corran cnaosaigh hran kr^ :si * dulse 
hook' (15a), cno km, cnon krjhn *nut,' * nuts' (15a), lamhthach 
la:fax * handy ' (15), sclamhaire sklafir 'greedy person,' and also 
in miofar mi:vDr * ugly ' (15), instead of mi :vjr. With most people, 
even in the case of P (cf. § 35), the nasality is now lost. 


<§55 > 

The stress in Rathlin Irish is almost invariably on the first syllable 
of native words. In cases where it falls on any other syllabic it is 
marked by the vertical bar ('), placed immediately in front of the 
syllable which carries the accent. E.g. laetheamhail lE^avon (for -dI) 

* daily,' comarasan k^tm^rasm 'scurr,' corra ghrian hrjyrEidn 

* heron,' comrada kotn{h)ra:dci * comrade.' 

The pitch accent or melody of speech is much the same as in 
Antrim. It is chiefly characterized by a falling accent, and is quite 
different from the rising accent of Donegal and Derry. Old people, 
especially at the * Upper End,' where according to the * Lower End ' 
people the pronunciation used to be very chanting and drawn out, 
have a characteristic intonation, whereby the tone of a word first 
goes a good bit down, to be slowly raised again toward the end 
of the word, e.g. ur-lar nrlar * floor ' (15a); others mostly say /Chr, 


It is also heard in their EiigUsh, as in the pronunciation of the word 
' I-rish ' (the tone goes slowly down on ' T and rises again on 
' rish,' (2, 8). I believe this movement is intimately connected with 
the ' breaking ' of long vowels in words like era-dan krajdan (8) 
*bur' (see § 14). The same intonation may be heard from old 
people in south eastern Kintyre and Arran. 

The Pronunciation of the Written Characters 

This chapter gives a historical survey of the different sounds and 
their occurrence, in relation to the v^ritten forms and the other 
Gaelic dialects. 

(.4) Vowels 

a, a, ai, ea, eai. 

< § 56 > 

In stressed position these vowels usually get the value of a, when 
short, and a:, when long. The short *a' more or less regularly gets 
the alternative value of:? in certain words, as: aca jk? ' with them,' 
chan fhaca ha noko ' did not see,' an f harraice d norik'? * the sea,' 
garbh gorv * rough,' and especially in Sloe na Marann shk na mordu 
(seldom marDti) and go maram gj mordtn ' (I) suppose ' (etym. 
doubtful; cf. O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht : aca, talamh, salann, etc.). 

Before bh, *a' often becomes (gabhar ^o-.7r 'goat'), and before 
dh, gh it gets the sound of E (laghach lE'ax * nice '). 

In front of m, 11, nn, at the end of a word, a is often, especially 
at the * Upper End,' lengthened to a:, e.g. am a:m * time,' 
thall ha :l * yonder,' clann kla :n * children,' and before rr in the 
same position this lengthening is the rule: barr ha:r 'crop.' In 
bannca bau^k? (8), a diphthong appears, for unknown reasons. *A' is 
not lengthened before rd, etc., as in most other dialects, thus ard 
ard * high,' etc. 

In unaccented position, a is always short, and often reduced to p. 
The full sound remains in the terminations — ach ax, and -an an 
(dim. sufF.), after i and u in orig. diphthongs, as Niall nial * Neil,' 
fuar ^ar *cold,' and occasionally also in other cases (cf. § 16). 
The proclitic words ca, fa, ma, na, and especially cha ha, a, have 
more often a than d; an * if,' perhaps more often ?. 


< § 57 > 

This vowel lias, according to the best authorities (but cf. § 13), 
the value of Ei in the word lae, gen. sg. of la * day,' and not E{i)?, 
as might be expected. As for laetheamhail, sec § 55. 

In cunntae kiCntai, k^ndai * county,' it has the value of at (from 
unstressed j/, Ei). 


<§58 > 

Accented short ai has a twofold value in Rathhn Irish: (i) a 
(commonly), and (2) £ (£). The former sound is found in most 
words, but many of them have an alternative pronunciation with e, 
as: ainm z'rm ' name ' (6), baile * town,' esp. before the main stress: 
Baile Bhocan ts/'^ ^vjikdu (5), Baile No hzl'd ^nr9 * Ballynoe,' but 
also in go Doire Bhaile g9 dEr'? vzV? * to Derry Town ' (3), 
Claigeann klzd'dti (6), Druim na Claiginne drlm na kT\sg'in'd (3),^ 
craiceann krsk'dti (6), an fhaic thu d nsk' ^ * do you see?' (5), gos 
an bhfaic me gBS d vzk! me ' till I see ' (3, but she thinks that vak' 
is correct), go bhfaic gd vzk* (i), nach fhaic na hzk' (11), fhaicin 
zk'in ' seeing ' (8), mana bhfaigh man9 vzi * unless gets ' (12), chan 
fhaigheadh ha nzjdg * they would not get' (12), cainnt kzmt\ 
(kEint^ * speaking,' glaic glzk' * hollow' (4), saighdear szid^zr 
' soldier.' It is regular in in airde 9 nzrdp, adv. * up,' nas airde 
na szrdp 'higher* (3), seldom na sardp, nas fhaide na szdp 
Monger' (3), cnaip krzp 'button' (3), maighdean mEidpn 'maiden,' 
and maighstir (scoil) mzijt'zr (skjl) ' (school) master.' Further in the 
plurals cait, crainn (croinn), scait, tairb (§ 109, a). 

Unaccented, e is the rule in the termination -ain (when the vowel 
was formerly long), as radain radzn' 'rats,' sciathain sk'i{')zn' 
' wings,' etc., and often in -(amh)ail, as cosmhail hszl * like,* which 
often also sounds -al (or even -«/, 15). When unstressed ai was 

I. Annie Black thinks klag'an {kr\ag'dn) is the correct Irish, but points 
out that the polite English pron. is klzgdn ' Cleggan.' Similarly an Caibeal 
9T\ kabjdl is officially called * Kebble,' locally pron. k' absl (seldom k'zbsl), 
just as a ' bee skep ' is pron. sk'ap. It is likely that the official names reflect 
an older pronunciation with e. 


originally short it should give /, but there is the same fluctuation 
as between a and 9 (§ i6), e.g. fantainn ^n^m - fantzn' * staying/ 
loscain loskin - losksn * burning.' The suffix -air sounds either sr or dr. 
In thar shiubhal * away,' thar often sounds hzr before the palatal 
sound: hz^r'^dU 

ao, aoi. 

< § 59 > 

The pronunciation of this vowel is usually E: (or o, /C, at the 
'Lower End,' see § 26), e.g. gaoth gE: * wind,' daoine dEin'd 
'people,' maorach mEirax 'shellfish,' fraoch /r£ ;.\: 'heather.' 

In a few words, especially in contact with a nasal, the value is /;, 
e.g. h-aon hl:n 'one' (also hE:n, h^ :n, aonach I:nax 'fair' 
(also E'.nax, (C:nax), laodog llidag ' little finger' (also IE: dag, U :dag), 
smaoinigh sml:n'i 'think.' Inean im'zn 'port,' had originally aoi, 
as appears from Scottish Gaelic dialects. 

In the words h-aon ' one ' and aonach ' fair,' De h-Aoine 
d^c h^'.n'd 'Friday' ao sounds as ^: (i.e. RathHn u). This 
pronunciation has analogies in Scotland, as un ' one,' in Tiree, etc. 

When shortened, the value is ^ or /, e.g. an Taobh Tuath dn tXv 
Ua ' the North side ' (4). 

e, ei. 

< §6o> 

This vowel is regularly pronounced e, as: te tje, deir d^er\ 
meilt meltj, an pheige ruadh d Jeg'? r^a ' the still.' The words 
peictear 'picture,' and Peigi 'Peggy,' sound p'zktl^r, pzkt^Dr and 
pzg'i (after Engl.). 

Ei is lengthened in front of nn in beinn he :n' {he :n, 10) 
' mountain top.' 

After r, ei often sounds z, as: greideal grzdpl * griddle,' reithean 
rz^zn 'ram,' reic rzk' 'sell,' freiseail te /rsj^/^p 'fresh,' etc. At the 
' Upper End ' these words often have a, as : gradpl (8), rak' (9a), 
fra^altp (3, 8). It seems that this change, as the one of a to o in some 
words (§ 56), is not merely the 'Upper End' broadening of z 
which is mentioned in § 17. 

Before r, on the other hand, ei undergoes different changes. It is 
sometimes broadened to z (or E after a ' broad ' consonant), and 

44 '>nr. luisii language in katiilin island 

sonictiincs pronounced /C or /, e.g. is fheirrdc ssrd^j * is better,* 
ceird k'srd^ * trade/ O Bcirn j b'er'n' (also :? hEr'n', o hor'n'), 
beirneis /jLt;//j (15), hdrn'^l (3) 'bare promontory,' eirg ^r'g' or 
lr\^' * get up,' 'away' (impcr., 15). Cf. § 28. 

Final -e is pronounced «?, as: duine d^)i'<i ' man,' etc. That there 
is a strong tendency to change it either to a or /, has already been 
pointed out (§ 6). Otherwise e is often widened to s in unstressed 
position, e.g. le /s 'with,' me mz 'I,' 'me,' e e 'he,' 'him,' 
de d^z 'of,' 'off' (then also stressed £(;), Jje), caisceim kajk'zm 
' step,' etc. 

c, ci. 

< §61 > 

The sound of this vowel is usually c;, as: goide^j J^e;, tcid tje :d^, 
le chcile /b ge :h 'together.' In cin 'chickens,' the sound is e;, 
after the sing, can e:n: z:n\ 

In front of dh, ci is shortened to s, as: rcidh re/ 'ready.' Areir 
' yesterday,' is pronounced d rair. 

ea, eai. 

< §62 > 

These vowels have normally the same value as a, ai, i.e. a (initially, 
ea is ja), e.g. bean bjan ' woman,' ceannaigh k'ani ' buy,' gealach 
g'alax * moon,' ceart k'art * right,' each jax ' horse.' It never tends 
to become :>, but often assumes the sound of e, e.g. leabaidh Vsbi 
'bed' (2), beannacht b'enaxt 'blessing' (2), bean an scoil b'sn ^ skol 
' the schoolma'am' (6), geannairc^'e/i/V^ * hammer,' an Ceann Fionn 
dT\ k'zn fjsn ' Fair Head.' This especially happens in rapid pro- 
nunciation. Peacadh * sin,' peacthach * sinner,' have rather commonly 
e, p'zkdg, p'skax. 

In front of g, the pronunciation is regularly e at the ' Lower End,' 
and e (occasionally a) at the ' Upper End.' Speakers 15, etc., have 
£ or c in these words. E.g. beag beg (L.E.), beg (3), bEg (15, etc.), 
eaglais egllj (L.E.), Bay na h-Eaglaise be: na hzgT]iJ9 (3), leag Veg 
(L.E., 15, etc.), I'zg (3) 'throw' (the vb. n. leagain is I'agin with 11). 
For teanga, teangaidh, see § 90. 

In front of bh, ea often sounds (leabhar l'o'?r 'book'), and before 
dh, gh, th, there is fluctuation between z and e (meadhon me-p«, 


me'9n 'middle/ leathan Vz-du, Vcdti *broad'). Before d and s, the 
pronunciation is always e : deas d'^es * nice/ fcadanaigh fedani 

* whistling ' (13). 

Ea sounds e; before double r in final position, and s before 
r + consonant, e.g. is fhearr ? sz:r *is better,' b'fhearr learn berbm 

* I had rather,' ceard k'erd * tinker/ Sometimes the vowel is long 
also here: bearnach bs:rnax 'gapped' (15). Gearr * cut * is ^'^.t 
after gearradh g'(ir9g. Before a double n or 1, in final position, ea 
may sound a:, as in geall^'^;/ ' promise/ ceann ya:n ' head,' peann 
pja :n * pen/ This is more common at the U.E. 

Unstressed, ea is either e or a, and frequently ?, e.g. eilean el'en 
(el'dfi) 'island,' tcidheag tleag, t\iag 'heat' (v.), an Caibeal 9r\ kahjdl 
' Kebblc ' ; the plural suffix -ean is pronounced -3n, The common 
suffix -car, as in saighdear 'soldier,' may sound either er, ar, or dx. 

< §63 > 

The common sound of this vowel is e; (often e^, § 10), as: mear 
ms.T 'finger,' fear/e.T 'grass,' deanadh d^z:n?g 'doing/ But in 
some words, especially before d or g, it sounds e;, as in cead k'e:d 
'hundred,' breag bre:g ' lie' (also hrs:g)^ In realt 'star,' ea sounds 
ea, thus re^lt, Rcaltog ' star,' and rcaltach ' starry,' sound rialtag, 
rialtax (5). 

In front of a double consonant, ea is often shortened to s, as in 
Bearla herb * English language.' The verb dean ' do ' also often 
shows a short vowel: deanadh d^stiBg, etc. 

eo, coi. 
< §64 > 
This vowel is pronounced in deoch d^ox * drink,' and gheo 
(bhaidh) jo * will get.' 

The suffix -eog is pronounced ag or sometimes eg, e.g. cuileog 
k^l'ag *fly,' uinneog ^n'eg 'window' (i). Similarly iteogaigh it^agi 
* flying.' The suffix -eoir, as in muilleoir * miller,' sounds er, ar 
or 9r, 

I. It seems that in case of alternation between e and e the former sound 
is more common at the L.E., the latter at the U.E. 


CO, coi. 

< §65 > 

The long CO (mostly written co) has the value of:?; (initially j:?;), 
as in: bco bp : * living,' ceol k'j:! * song,' deor dp :r * tear,' geola 
^<l'o:h 'yawl,' colas j:?;/^5 * knowledge.' Seorda * sort ' sounds both 
p irdj and pr^.7. 


< §66 > 

The short i has mostly the value /, as: min miii' * meal,' sinn 
\in' ' wc,' ' us,' tircam tjir'^m * dry.' In sin * that ' it sounds 1, /, 
£ ^: jin (i), jlij (commonly), j£», j^n (4); the latter three represent 
orthographic sion. After r, i often becomes s, e.g. rith rsg * run,' 
trie trsk' * often,' rig reg' * reach ' (also rig'), 

* r is not lengthened in front of final 11, nn, and m, but 15 pronounces 
slinn * weaver's reed' as jU :n. After r, however, lengthening takes 
place in rinn rEin * did,' representing orthographic roinn (cf. Scot. 
Gaelic) . 

In unstressed position the value is properly 1, but this is often 
slurred to p, so that the words maidin * morning ' and maidean 
* sticks,' may be pronounced alike: madpn (9, 9c). 

1, 10. 

< §67> 

These vowels have mostly the same sound /;, as in min mi:n' 
{mi:n) * smooth,' diog d^i :g * ditch,' fion fi:n * wine,' sios J/:s 
' down,' but the latter is often * broken ' to i9 : jidti, ^ids, cloch 
liomhaidh khx I'idvi 'grindstone' (5); then again contracted to e:, 
as in diot dieit ' of you ' (rfji;^ diidt). 

In rapid pronunciation 10 is often shortened to io, i.e. £ (§ 68), 
e.g. sc(r)iobadh sk'zhdg * scratching,' sc(r)iobhadh sk'zvdg 'writing' (3). 
It reflects the original pronunciation /;+* broad glide.' 


< §68 > 

This vowel is normally pronounced £ (initially j£), from E (see § 19), 
whence it sometimes appears as at the * Lower End,' e.g. biorach 


b'srax {bjsrax) 'heifer,' fiodh fjsg (also jiu, see § 8i) 'wood,' 
prionnsa prsnso 'prince' (5), tionntachadh t\zntadg 'turning,' 
\orms2ic\i^&i jznsadg {L.B.jdnsa9g) ' learning,' sionnach Jsm^x ' fox' (3). 
Occasionally it is e, as in bioscaid hjesksd^ ' biscuit ' (12). 

Especially in front of c, d, t, s and m, io sounds either ^ or 7 
(as for the alternation, cf § 5), which latter may then become 1, 
e.g. sioc J/fe (15), Jffe (5) 'frost,' bit (biota) b£t or bit {bit?) 'bit,' 
fios^5 'knowledge,' tiomall ^J^m^rj (3), tlimdl (2) 'about.' So also 
is ionann \£ndn or \Indn ' it is the same,' and sometimes tionntachadh 
tjindag (2), 


< §69 > 

The usual sound of ia is ia, or more commonly idy as: iarann 
iarDtt, idr?n ' iron,' fiacail fiakil {fidkdl) ' tooth,' fiagair fiagdr ' lea.' 
With many people the sound is is, as: iascach izskax 'fishing' (15), 
batan iascaigh ba :tdn isski ' fishing boats ' (6), fiach fiex ' raven ' 
(7, etc.). Alsoje;, as: iarraidh mise jV;n mijd (2). 

Ia is frequently shortened to e (js), e.g. a dh'iarraidh nan bo 9 
jsri nam fo; 'after the cows' (3), Sliabh an Chonnaidh J/'st'p na 
^xonl (pl.-n.), diabhal diziidl ' devil.' Brian Deargan usually sounds 
brin ^d^argan. 


< § 70 > 

Short o has two sounds, and 0, which are about equally common. 

The former more often corresponds to the Donegal j, e.g. cos kos 

' foot,' troscadh troskdg ' fasting,' dona don? ' bad,' bocht bjxt ' poor,' 

bocan bokan * mushroom,' bord hrd ' table,' chonnaigh xoni, hnl 


The other pronunciation, 0, is more common in words that 
have n^ in Donegal, as: tobar tob9r * well,' ag obair 3 gobir ' working,' 
loscadh losk3g ' bruning,' bodach bodax * old man,' boladh bobg 
{bjhg) 'smell,' lom lorn 'bare' (also lo:m). 

Original in front of r becomes ^ in Rathlin and the Glens of 
Antrim, e.g. port, purt p^rt ' port,' bord, burd b^rd ' table ' ; ' top,' 
lorg lorg, lurg Urg 'trace,' 'track'; tabhair, tuir t£r (< to:r), 

I. In O Searcaigh's denotation. 


In front of final 11, nn, rr, and ni, o is often lengthened either to 
j: or t);, as: poll po :l 'hole,' tonn to:ti * wave,' toni to:m (torn) 
'bush,' corr kj :r 'odd.' So also in the pl.-n. Eascann nan gCorr 
cskvi fiar[ gj:r (3, etc.), which seems to mean 'the Bog of the 
Cranes,' but in the pronunciation of some o gets a diphthongic 
sound JH {ail), thus: cshn nax] {intur (8), g:ftur (9, etc.); cf. 8's 
pronunciation of bannca, § 56. In front of rd, or is long in ordog 
j:rdag 'thumb,' otherwise it is usually short before a double 
consonant: ord jrd ' hammer,' dorn djm ' fist.' 

Unstressed, o usually sounds j, e.g. o d, prep. ' from.* 

6, oi. 

< §71 > 

The long 6 usually sounds :>:, e.g. 61 oil ' drink,' coir h :r' {h:r) 
' right,' or j :r * gold,' moine tm :n'e ' peat,' bocan h :kan * spirit,' 
' ghost.' Only in mor * great,' and moran ' much,' the narrow 
sound 0: is used: nio:r, moiran. 


< §72 > 

This digraph has many values : 

(i) It sounds in: coineog kon'ag * rabbit,' coinfheascar kon'dskdr 
' evening,' scoil skol * school,' toil tol * will,' etc. 

(2) It sounds in: coisigh ko^i ' walk,' cois feaj (from cos, * foot '), 
coire kor'D ' caldron ' (but coir k^r * guilt '), loiscte lojt'9 ' burnt,' etc. 

(3) / in anois 9 nlj * now.' 

(4) E (or £, see § 19) in most other cases, as: coileach kEl'ax 

* rooster,' coiUidh kEl'i * wood,' goil gEl ' boihng,' goile gEl'd 

* stomach,' doiligh dEl'i [dzVi) difficult,' toigh tEi [tzi) * house.' 
The * Upper End ' has here often n (almost a): dnl'i, tni. 

In front of double 1 and n, in final position, oi usually sounds H, 
e.g. roinn rEin * divide,' croinn (crainn) krEin * masts,' Baile Ghoill 
bar? ^yEil (pl.-n). The typical U.E. pronunciation is ni. 

The termination -oir sounds properly er, but very often pr, 
e.g. figheadoir fioter, fiotdr * weaver.' 


u, iu. 

< § 73 > 

This vowel is pronounced AT (see § 25) in most cases (initially, 
iu is jX), as: cunntas k^iitDS 'counting/ rudha nCj * point,' furasta 
f^rdstd * easy,' iuchair j^xdy ' key.' As for the alternative pron. /, 
e.g. rud rid ' thing,' cf. § 5. Before ch the pronunciation is more 
often w, as: Tobar na Luchoige tohdr na liihag', much mux [m^x) 
' early.' 

In front of nn, u is lengthened to ^: in anunn d n^:n * away,' 
but 9 n^n is also heard. 

u, ui, iu, iui. 

< §74> 

All these digraphs have the same sound, ^; (»;) (initially, iu isj/C:), 
as in: sugh s^ : * juice,' luth U: * strength,' ur ^:r * new ' («.t, L.E.), 
uir ^;r' * earth,' bruideamhail brn:d^sl * brutal' (5), giuhn g' ^ dan 

* carrying,' siucra \£:kdr * sugar,' ciuin k'^ni' * quiet.' 

When shortened in unstressed position, the pronunciation often 
becomes /, e.g. cul nan gcnoc kll nar] grok ' back of the hills,' sugan 
muineal sigan m^n'A * straw collar.' 


< §75 > 

The digraph ui has also several sounds : 

(i) ^, which may be said to be the normal sound, e.g. cuir k^r' 
{k^r) * put,' cuid kiCdi ' part,' muineal m^n'dl * neck,' muileann 
tn£l'3n * mill,' muir m^r' * sea,' chan f huilin ha n^l'in * won't suffer,' 
cluintin kUntjin * hearing ' (4), tuigidh t^g'i * understands ' (2). 

(2) I (or I, § 21) is heard with many people, where others 
use X (cf § 5), e.g. duine din'? * man,' uisce beatha I^Wb hzd * whisky,' 
suidhe sh * sitting ' (i), thuit hlt\ {hit\, i) ' fell,' druidte drlt\d 

* shut,' suipear sipzr * supper,' cluintin kllntjin * hearing,' truideog 
trld^ag ' trush,' sluigeadh sllg'jg ' swallowing ' (3), an dtuig thusa 
dn dig' ^$3 * do you understand?' (4), sluise sll\{9) * sluice' (4). 

(3) E (or a)y especially at the Upper End, e.g. duine dEn'9 * man * 
(9), muineal tnEn'dl * neck ' (6), tuigidh me tEg'd mz * I understand,' 

50 THE IRISH language in rathlin island 

suidhc sEi.-) ' sitting/ That words of the type suidhe have E as 
normal pronunciation in Rathhn was stated in § 5. 

hi front of nn, ui is lengthened to ^: in uisce fa thuinn ^jk'3 fa 
liX :n' ' subsoil water.' 

ua, uai. 

< §76 > 

This digraph has the value of a diphthong ^Cfj, or commonly ^9, 
e.g. fuar fi(ar, JiCdr ' cold,* an Ceann ud Thuas dx\ Wan a h^as * the 
Upper End/ uaine /Can'd * green/ buail h^al' * strike/ cruaidh kr/Cal 
' hard/ Uai often sounds ^s, as: luaithe /^Csp * sooner.* The prep, 
uaim, uait, etc., ' from me, you,' gets an initial v, thus: viCdm, v^dt^. 

In unstressed position ua is often shortened to :?, e.g. c'uair a kor d 
(for d), nuair a nor d (^xdx i) * when,* uamha ovd * cave * (in pl.-nn.), 
cuaille an leabaidh koVd n I'abi * the bedpost ' (2), fuasach fisax 
'terribly,* * very,* bhuaint na monadh vjnt\? n? ^moindg * (of ) peat 
cutting.* This reduction has become regular in the verb boin hon\ 
vb. n. boint fo»^J, * touch * ; * belong * (originally buain, buaint, 
cf Mainland Ir. bain * reap,' * pick,* * take '). 

(B) Consonants 
b, bp, bh, bhf. 

< § 77 > 

These consonants are pronounced h (b, bp) and v (bh, bhf) before 
most vowels and all consonants. Before ea, eo, io, iu (except when 
they sound e, E or /, I) the pronunciation is h\ v\ or more often 
6/', ty", e.g. bata haUd * boat,' beag heg [beg, bEg, see below) * little,' 
bean hjan ' woman,' beo bp : * living,* Caibeal kabj^l * Kebble ' 
(pl.-n.), bo bo : * cow,' a bheag 5 veg * anything,' an bhean 9 vjan 
* the woman,' Rudha na bhFaoileann rX? na vEiVdn (pl.-n.). 

In front of io (=s) the pron. is usually t', v' {bj, vj), as biolar 
bjehr * watercress,' but in front of ea (=&) it is usually 6, f, as: 
beag beg (U.E.), Bearla berh * English.* This shows that these sounds 
were originally different.-' Before ei (=s) there is fluctuation, 
as: O Beirn o'b'sr'n\ o^bsrV {bEr'n\ § 28). 

I . They still are in a way, as the latter sound shows no (or less) tendency 
to become «^ or <^ at the Upper End. 


Bh is vocalized in gabhlach go: lax * forked,' and often dropped 
after a vowel: gabh go ' sing,' leabhar I'ojr * book.' 

Bhf, as far as it comes after n (quiescent or not), sounds v, which 
may become m (§ 35), e.g. an bhfaca 9 makd (7, 15a); the same 
sound is heard in banbh harmn * young pig ' (13). 

<§78 > 

The sound of c is fe or k\ the latter before or after e, i, or after 
a cons, preceded by these vowels, the latter in other cases, but k 
may also be heard before or after i, e.g. cat kat ' cat,' c6 ko : ' who ? ' 
cuileog k^l'ag * fly,' ceart k'art * right,' ceithre k'er'd ' four,' ciall 
k'ial (kial) ' sense,' lie lik' (Jik) * flagstone,' creid kred^ * believe,' 
cliu kl'X: * fame.' 


< § 79 > 

Ch sounds f before or after e, i, or a consonant preceded by e, i, 
in other cases x, e.g. da chat da : xat * two cats,' chonnaigh xml 
*saw,* chualaigh x^all * heard,' le cheile /s ^e:h * together,' chi me 
ff : me * I see,' chreid xred^ * believed.' 

Ch shows a strong tendency to become h (cf §50), as: mullach 
m^lah * top,' bealach bjalah * road,' direacht dp ir'aht * straight,' 
cealachadh k'alahdg * smoking,' chi hi: * sees,' and is even altogether 
suppressed, as in: -achadh -a9gy -a:g, eiteachan et\a:n * bobbin' (3), 
rachadh radg * would go ' (3), fichead^*aJ * twenty * (cf Manx feed). 

It becomes fc, or unvoices the 1, in bachlach halax {batah; baxlaXy 
15, etc.) * boy,' and Reachlainneach rar\m'ax * of Rathlin ' (3). It is 
entirely silent in tiomall (timcheall) t^/Cmdly t\imdl * around.' 

d, dt. 

< § 8o> 

The sound of d and dt is d, except before or after e, i, or after 
a consonant preceded by these vowels, where it now sounds d^. 
E.g. doras dotds * door,' druim drim * back,' goide g? d^e : * what ? ' 
airde ardp * direction,' an dtainigh 9n dan'i * came ? ' an dteid 
9n die :di * will go ? ' 


The older pronunciation of d was no doubt d\ which is still 
occasionally heard (for instance by 15b): goide ^j d'e:, go dti ^*? d'i: 
' to,' as deidh as d'zi ' after/ 

D is often unvoiced to / in unstressed position, e.g. cadar cad 
cd.n at ' between them,' agad ajd, ajt ' with you,' airgcad ar'g'dt 
'silver' (3), co nihead ? k.-) fit 'how many' (13), tibhcad tlivjt 
'thickness' (3); it is especially the case between two vowels, as: 
deargatan d^ ' flea,' (from deargadan). So also before s in 
eadsan etsjn * they,' * them.' 

dh, gh. 

< § 81 > 

These two digraphs have the same pronunciation, namely, y 
before a, o, u (but cf below), or (usually) a consonant, and j before 
or after c, i. After a, o, u, it now mostly sounds gy or is quiescent. 
E.g. ro dhona n yytiD * to bed,' ro gharbh n yarv * to rough,' an 
ghrian d yrian ' the sun,' cha ghleidh xa yle, * won't keep,' mo dhruim 
If 13 yrim * my back,' an ghealach 9 jalax * the moon,' deanadh 
d-^z{:)njg 'doing,' madadh mad9g ' dog,' fiadhain ^ij^e« 'wild' (5), 
saoghal sE\il sE?l ' world,' ruadh fiCag, r^a ' red (of the hair), 
modh nw ' manners ' (3), meadhon me'?n ' middle,' laghach lE'ax 

* nice,' ladhran lE:r?n 'toes.' 

The above rules apply to the general development of dh, gh after 
vowels. The details, which are rather complicated, are given below. 

[a) After ' broad ' vowels. In final position dh, gh originally had 
the value of y. This can still be heard in the pronunciation of 
speaker No. 2, who has a faint y in words of the type ruadh r^ay 
(cf. 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 322, p. 138); in madadh, etc., 
she will usually say -d} Speaker No. 12 pronounces fiodh * wood,' 
and gcadh ' goose,' as fiu, g'z :«, while 8 says something like g'zidg 
(-y?), ^2ioA\). glEidg (-y?) 'call,' 'cry.' Others usually pronounce 
final dh, gh as g [jig ox: fjzg, g'z :g)y and this pronunciation is no doubt 
well established in Rathlin. It accounts for the fusion of the two 
words leag ' throw ' and leagh ' melt,' which are now both 

I. I have once also heard ionnsachadhy<9>?/^^«, cf. Rathl. Cat. a ghrachu 

* to love him ' ; otherwise the Catechism usually has -a : a yheana 

* to do.' 


pronounced I'cg (L.E., 15, etc.), I'sg (U.E.), and have the same vb. n., 

{b) After ' slender ' vowels. Here the original pronunciation was /, 
which sometimes remains (boidheach Iv :jax * bonny,' buidhe bi(jj 
'yellow'), but more often becomes / (at least in final position: 
toigh tEi ' house,' suidh sli, sEi * sit '). Speaker No. 3 further some- 
times pronounces istoigh d stEi^ ' in,' and amuigh d mEi^ ' out,' 
which is the current pronunciation in Donegal. 

Before a consonant, followed by a * slender ' vowel, speaker No. 6 
saysj, as: an ghrian j jrian {jCr'iaii), but this is exceptional. 


< § 82 > 

The pronunciation of is /, /', fj, according to the same rules as 
b, bh, e.g. fada fadj * long,' fear far, fjar ' man,' faoi //; ' under,' 
fiolar f'sbr {fjshr) ' eagle,' flinch Jl'^x * wet.' 


< § 83 > 

This digraph is always silent, except in the words: fhein, fhe he :n, 
he: * self,' fhuair h^sr\ h^or * found,' * got,' where it sounds h; 
c£ the futures feadfhaidh and thiocfhas (§ 137), where it unvoices 
the preceding consonant. 

< § 84 > 

These consonants are both pronounced g or g\ according to the 
same rule as c, e.g. garradh gci:r3g * garden,' gabhaidh me gavi ms 
' I will take,' nan* gcailleach naT[ gal'ax ' of the old women,' geal 
g'al * white,' gaoth in gceann gE ?n g'a :n ' headwind,' gleann gFan 
* valley,' ghc glik' * wise,' grian grian ' sun,' leig I'eg' * let.' 

G is often unvoiced to c in unstressed position, especially between 
vowels, e.g. Pa(d)raic pa:{d)rik' 'Patrick,' Sroin an Easpaic sn :n' ? 
nespik' (pl.-n., cf. easpuig), farraice farik'9 ' sea ' (from farraige, 

I. The same rule applies to Arran Gaelic, as : a ghrian p yrian, deanadh 
d'^z:npg, geadh g's:g, where g is half voiceless. 


taiiri^c), gcalacan (j'(i/.)t.'m/ 'yolk' (from gcalagan). Cf. 6 Tuathail, 
Sgcalta Mhuintcr Luinigh, p. xxii. 

gh, see dh. 

< § 85 > 

H, which only occurs initially, usually sounds //, except before 
ca {=(i)y CO, io (=£), and iu, where it either sounds g (more correct) 
or j. E.g. liata liatj * hat/ hall h :l (Engl.), na h-aingil na hail 
' the angels ' (3), na h-cich * the horses,' Loch na h-Ealadh lox na galig 
(pl.-n.), na h-iuchran na jiCwirjii * the keys ' (13). 


< § 86 > 

The difference between the so-called * aspirated ' and ' un- 
aspiratcd ' 1, whether * broad ' or * slender,' is imperceptible in 
Rathlin Irish. The difference between * broad ' and * slender ' 1, 
however, is still much the same as in Munster Irish, though there 
is a tendency to introduce a medium 1 (probably the same as 
6 Scarcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 213, finds with learners of Irish). 
The ' broad ' 1 (/, /, or r|, §§ 39, 40) is properly used only before 
or after a, o, u, while the ' slender ' 1 (/') is used before or after e, i. 
In reality, however, the * broad ' 1 (except / and r|) or the neutral / 
are mostly used in all cases, except initially before ea, eo, io (=s), 
and iu (sometimes e and i), medially between ' slender ' vowels, 
and finally after ai, (ci, 1), 6i, ui, in which cases /' is found. 
E.g. talamh tabu {tar]^v, 3) * earth,' Gaelca gE:lkj (gEitk?, 11, 
gE:r[h, 3) 'Irish,' boladh hhg {bobg, 11) * smell,' scoil shl 'school, 
till rj// ' return,' tillcadh t^il'^g ' returning,' goil gEl ' boiling,' goile 
gEl'j * stomach,' cuileog k^Vag {k^lag) ' fly,' in lie j n'iiV? * in Islay,' 
Sliabh an Fhail slbv ? na:V * Slieveanaille ' (pl.-n.). After r, / is also 
common: comhairle kodxb ' counsil ' (2), for Wdxl'd. 

The * neutral ' 1 is especially common in the suffix -ail, which 
sounds -e/, -a\^ e.g. togail togal * lifting,' cosmhail kosa\ ' like,' and 
in forms of the prep, le \z ' with,' as leam lam * with me/ 
leofa h :f9 (I'j :Jd) ' with them/ 

In the word slanlus 'plantain,' 1 sounds d: slandss (15). 



< § 87 > 

M sounds m, m\ mj, according to the same rules as b, bh, 
e.g. mala uia:b * bag,' mear ms:r 'finger,' Purt na Meannan p^rt 
na mjandu (pi. -n.), smaoinigh smiin'i * think,' min mi:n' * smooth,' 
mnan mradu * women.' 


< § 88 > 

This sound is now usually v, v\ vj, according to the same rules 
as for b, bh, e.g. oidhche mhaith l:p va * good night,' mo mhcar 
md vs:r 'my finger,' traigh mhm trai vim' 'smooth beach.' Some- 
times, however, m appears instead of v, which may be an attempt 
to pronounce v (cf § 35). Such instances are: oidhche mhaith I:p ma 
(i, and many others), sean-mhathair \ainnaY' ' grandmother' (3, also 
^anvar'y janvsr), Glaic an Toigh Mhor glak' du tEi*mo:r (regular, pl.-n.), 
cuinneog mhaistridh kiCn'ag mastri (3), maistri (5) ' churn,' da mhadadh 
da: maddg 'two dogs,' adharc a Mhaol (nom. for gen.) edrk d mE:l 
' the Mull foghorn ' (6). Otherwise v is practically only heard after 
a (' broad ') vowel, e.g. amharc avjrk ' looking,' samhradh savrdg 
' summer,' reamhar ravor ' thick,' ' fat,' reamha leis ravj lej ' before.' 

Sometimes after a vowel, ip or 11 is substituted, as: gamhain gawin 
* calf (11), reamhar rawjr, raudv, samhradh sawr?g, saiirdg, geimhreadh 
g'^wtdg * winter ' (2). 


< §89 > 

The distinction between ' aspirated ' and ' unaspiratcd ' n is no 
longer found in Rathlin, but ' broad ' and ' slender ' n are dis- 
tinguished as in Munster Irish. Thus the former is found before 
and after a, o, u, and the latter before and after e, i, but there is a 
strong tendency to pronounce n ' neutral ' or ' broad ' also here, 
in final position (especially after a short vowel) or before another 
consonant, as well as initially before i. E.g. nach nax ' not,' naire 
na :r'd ' shame,' namhaid na ivid^ ' enemy,' chan itheadh ha n'i'dg 
' would not eat,' in lie 9 n'i'A'd * in Islay,' ghni me ni: tns *I will do,' 
Niall n'ial, nial * Neil,' min mi:n' 'smooth,' radain radzn' 'rats' (i), 
sciathain sk'izn' 'wings' (8), naoi nJ;, nEi 'nine,' sneoinean 

s6 rm: iiusn languac.i. in ratiutn island 

su'jin'zu 'daisy.' Fhciii 'self,' is pronounced he :n by 15 and 15a, 
but he :u by 15b, clian c ' it is not ' is with sonic ha n's:, with others 
//(/ ue: (3, 9, 13), and chan fhcil ' (tlicrc) is not ' is more often ha ncl 
than ha u'cl} Many speakers avoid n (as 3, 13) and pronounce: 
duinc r/.0/,7, dau.^ ' man,' gloine (^lE)Ui * glass,' gaineamh gan?v * sand,' 
bairneach harnax ' barnacle ' (2), coirneal Umidl * corner,' and other 
words especially after r. 

This consonant is often silent in Domhnall J55/ [h :n?l) ' Donald,' 
and f hein (f he) he : [he :n) * self,' and becomes r in front of m, in the 
w^ords: ainm ar'ni 'name' (with its derivations; also an'?m^ i), 
anam atdm * soul,' and after c and m: cnoc krok ' hill,' mnan mradn 
' w^omen.' 

In front of c, n sounds ri, e.g. fanca far\kd * shcepfold,' i dteanca 
do d^ar\kD d? * next to.' As for the assimilation or elision of the n 
of the def. art., see § 105 (2). 

< §90 > 

The ng in Rathlin has hardly ever the same sound as in English> 
although speaker No. 15 thinks that langa * ling,' is correctly pro- 
nounced lax\d. The actual sound is, as in the north of Ireland 
generally, the same as for gh, i.e. y [g) or j (r), see § 81. The fricative 
y I have, however, only heard in teangaidh t\ayi (i), do theangaidh 
dj (;ayi (5, 12) ' (your) tongue,' na h-eangaigh ua ^ayi * the nets' (5), 
and even in this case I am not absolutely sure that it is not a g. 
Speaker No. 2 pronounces long ' ship ' louy, with the same weak 
y as in ruadh (§ 81), while 8 and 12 say respectively lEn and loii. 
Otherwise the pronunciation is g between ' broad,' and j (/) between 
' slender ' vowels, e.g. langa lagj ' ling ' (14), teanga tjsgD * tongue,' 
aingcal aLil ' angel. '^ 

1 . The following variations might be added : air an f hear er' d nz:r 
(9, 13, 15, 15a), er' d n'z:r (15b) 'on the grass,' in Eirinn 3 netrtn 
(9, 13, 15, 15a), 9 n'eirin (15b), 'in Ireland,' Pairc na n-Eich /'^.r'^' 
na ne( (pl.-n., 9), gan f heith ^^ mp ' without a sinew ' (7), but always cuid 
de'n eorna kU-^ 9 n'jirn? [^d-^sn joirn?) ' part of the barley.' 

2. Similarly in Arran, Scotland : lag?^ ^i^^^y where g is, however, half 


p, ph. 

< §91 > 

These consonants are pronounced as p {p', pj) and / (/', fj), 
according to the same rules as for b, bh, e.g. paiste pm^t^t 'child,' 
peann pja:n 'pen,' pota pjt.i *pot,' priseamhail pri:^sl * precious,' 
mo phaiste m? fa:\t'd 'my child,' mo pheann ttid fja:n 'my pen,' 
aims an phota aiis d fitj ' in the pot,' paipear pa:pzr ' paper,' capall 
kapdl ' mare.' 


< §92 > 

of the two varieties of r, r and r\ corresponding to the original 
' broad ' and ' slender ' r, the latter is on the verge of disappearing 
in Rathlin Irish (cf. § 46). It is still heard before ea (=fi), io (=£), eo, 
and iu, as well as between ' slender ' vowels, while it is often 
indicated by a ' glide ' after ai, 6i, ui. In other cases, especially in 
the suffixes -(a)ir, -(e)oir, it is the ' neutral ' r, e.g. coire kor'd 
' caldron,' Muire m^r'? ' the Virgin,' paipear pa :pzr ' paper,' 
saighdear ssid^cr 'soldier,' piobaire pi:hir\i 'piper,' na fiolaire 
na fjzUr'j ' of the eagle,' drcimire dreimir'd 'ladder,' Mairi Muire 
ma :ri m^r'j ' the Virgin Mary,' stoirm stjrm * storm,' coirce kork'j 
' oats ' (2), dreallog dr'alag ' swingletree,' breac hr'ak ' trout.' 

Before a voiceless consonant, r may be unvoiced, as fuirc Ji^r'k' 
' forks ' (3); similarly rth and thr are pronounced r (see § 96). 

On account of the tendency to suppress r in certain positions 
(§ 41), the verbs scriobadh ' scraping ' and sciobadh * snatching ' 
have been partly mixed up. 


< §93 > 

The pronunciation of s is 5 before and after a, o, u (or when 
separated from them by a consonant), before an initial consonant 
(but cf. below) ; in other cases it sounds as J. As for the pronunciation 
before and after r, see § 38. E.g. saoghal sEdl 'world,' scan Ian 
'old,' snath sua: 'yard,' sroin sro:n' 'nose,' giorsach ^'srs^JA: *girl.' 

In the combination st, si, sn, before e, i, the pronunciation varies 
between s and J", as: isteach d \t'ax, d st'ax (e.g. 9c) 'in,' sleamhain 
sVavin, \Vavm ' smooth,' sneachta sn'axtd, \n'axtd (9c) * snow ' ; 



ill medial position J" is more common: paiste pa:^t'j * child/ aiste 
jj/'c ' out of her.' As for maistreadh, sec § 95. 

After n, tj is often pronounced instead of J, as: ma innseas mise 
nhi ifit^.^s nii\j ' if I tell ' (5), dh'innseadh c jintjjg a * he would tell/ 
an seo Jti t\j ' here/ an sin i)n tjin ' there/ an scadh h-aon ,vi tlco liTn 
' the sixdi ' (11); so also in saoilsin sE{:)lt^in * thinking/ 

< § 94 > 

Sh has the value of h (see § 85), e.g. fhuair me mo shaith hi(zr ms 
nu ha:^ ' I got enough/ Oidhchc Shamhna I:^j hainui * Hallowe'en/ 
mo sheanathair m,i ^ana9r * my grandfather' (11), da sheachtain 
da: ^axtin 'two weeks/ shiubhail ^/^dl * died/ a Sheonaid ? p'.nzdi 
*Janet ' (voc). Of ar shiubhal * away/ the pronunciation is seldom 
.n^iOl (this is said to be the L.E. pron.), but more often d r'^ol 
(e.g. 3, 7) or J r£)/ (e.g. 2). 

The combination shn sounds », e.g. cuta de shnath k^t^ d^z na: 

* cut of yarn' (3), but shl is plain / with 5: ga shlashadh ga laJBg 

* being slashed ' (from Engl.).^ For shr I have no examples. 

t, t-sh. 

< §95 > 

These two symbols are pronounced alike, viz. as t or t\, according 
to the same rules as for d (§ 80), e.g. ta ta: 'is/ te tje * hot/ 
tir tji:r * country/ tobar toh9r * well/ tunnog t^nag * duck/ tri tri:, 
trEi * three/ pota pjtd * pot/ litir litjir * letter/ an t-shaoghail 
9n tEA * of the world/ an t-shearmoin 9n tjarmzn * the sermon/ 
an t-shroin 911 trom' * the nose'; t-shn sounds tr, as: an t-shnathad 
dti tra^d * the needle.' 

Before a consonant followed by a slender vowel, the pronunciation 
is usually t, e.g. treabhadh tr'o9g {tro?g) * plowing,' maistreadh 
maistrdg * churning ' (5 ; hence also in the pret. mhaistir vaist9r 

* churned,' 12), baintreach haintrah ' widow ' (3), litrean litrDtt 
' letters ' (i), but speaker No. 3 has often t' here: t'r'o9g, air an t-shhabh 
er 9n t'liav * on the mountain ' ; she also says lltldYdn, Otherwise t' is 

T. Unless it represents lashadh (from Engl. 'lash'). 


used only after s and J, as isteach j st'ax, 3 jt'ax 'in,' loisctc lo\t'c 
' burnt '; in the pronunciation of 15b, it is also heard in other cases: 
tig t'ig' 'come,' teacht t'axt *coming,' tioradh t'iirdg {k'iirdg) ' grist.' 
In tu 'you' (§ 127), t is sometimes voiced to d: feidhmidh tu 
feimi diC 'you must' (12); the same is the case in Arran, Scotland. 

< §96 > 

For th (as far as it occurs initially) the same rules apply as for h 
or sh, i.e. it sounds h or f, e.g. tharrain harin 'pulled,' do theanga, do 
theangaidh dj hzg?, dj ^ayi ' your tongue,' thig hig ' will come,' a 
thiocfhas 9 g^Ckds * who will come,' thionntaigh ^snti * turned,' obair 
throm ohir ro :m 'heavy work' (3), mo thruagh mj r^o 'alas' (2). 

Initially and finally, th is silent after a ' broad ' vowel, but often 
sounded as g after a ' slender ' vowel, e.g. athair a'Sr ' father,' 
mathair masr ' mother,' snath sua : ' yarn,' boitheach fo :gax ' byre,' 
gnoithean gropn 'things,' laithean laipn, T\aipn (3), laidn (7), 
dh'itheadhjV*^'^ ' would eat,' gnoithe (?) gro-i ' business ' (cf. §§ 6, 48). 

The combinations rth, thr, thn sound r, r', h, «', e.g;. lathrach 
T\a:rax 'site,' 'ruin' (3, braithrean hrair'dn 'brothers,' roithneach 
ron'ax ' bracken,' cuirthe k^r'j ' tired.' It is likely that the voiceless r 
might have changed Lathrach Da Dhuibhean (pl-n.) to Lar'ta 
Dhuibhean lairt d ^ylvzn, with almost voiceless r. 

Th is silent in the following words: thu ^:, ^, thusa ^sd 'you' 
(§ 127),^ thro D * through,' aithigh an'x ' know,' ' recognize ' (with 
its derivations), ceithre lier'd ' four,' ceathramh k'axdiy) ' fourth ' 
(noun and ordinal, but not in ceathrar k'apr, § 135), and with most 
people in the vb. athraigh a :ri ' change,' ' shift.' If the verb rothl 
(vb. n. rothladh) rjT] (3) ' roll,' originally contained th, it also is 
silent now. 

I. Cf. abair thusa ahr ^S3 (imper.. An iV 


THE satidhi mutations peculiar to the Celtic languages are in 
Rathlin Irish: (i) Aspiration (or lenition), (2) Eclipsis (or 
nasalization), (3) Provection, (4) Combined Aspiration and 
Provection, and (5) Elision. 


< §97 > 

With regard to aspiration (or lenition) of initial consonants, 
Rathlin Irish mostly agrees with northern Mainland Irish, Manx 
and Scottish Gaelic. According to the rules of aspiration, the 
following consonants (and consonant groups) undergo changes: 
b (bl, br) becomes bh (bhl, bhr), c (cl, en, cr) becomes ch (chl, chn, 
chr), d (dl, dr) becomes dh (dhl, dhr), f (fl, fr) becomes f h (fhl, fhr), 
g (gl, gn, gr) becomes gh (ghl, ghn, ghr), m (mn) becomes mh (mhn), 
p (pi, pr) becomes (ph, phi, phr), s (si, sn; sr?) becomes sh (shl, shn; 
shr?), t (tr) becomes th (thr); other consonants and combinations of 
consonants are unchanged, e.g. air an chiiigeadh la de July er d x/C:g'd 
r\a: d^s d^^'lai (3). 

There are cases where speakers want to * correct ' the language, 
or make it clearer, by eliminating the aspiration and maintaining 
the original form (as: sean bean bocht). Such instances are: mo 
fear (2), sean bean (14), sean cat (14), aon pighinn deag !in9 pin 
^d^e:g (11). Especially English words, place-names, and unusual 
Irish words are treated in this way. 

Special attention ought to be drawn to the m-sound. This letter 
seems especially often to be left unaspirated. The reason of this 
may be that the ancient sound of mh {v) has in most cases been lost, 
especially initially, where it might have "been simplified to m 
(see further § 88). 


Occurrence of Aspiration. 

(A) All initial consonants. 

< §98 > 

Aspiration occurs more or less regularly (cf. above) after certain 
words or in certain grammatical functions. Any initial consonant, 
capable of aspiration, is changed after the following words: 

a ?, the vocative particle (see § 109), e.g. a Sheamais 3 he :mij 'James' 

(voc); but cuit kiCtj, kitj * puss,' from cat. 
a .7, poss. pron. * his,' e.g. a chos d xjs * his foot '; a dha chuinneag 

uisce 9 ya: x^n'ag /jfe'5 * his two water stoups ' (3), where it is 

the numeral that is affected by the pronoun, and not the 

following noun, as in most Irish dialects, 
a a, the relative particle (except in certain irregular verbs), see §§ 146- 

a dj before the verbal noun, see § 139. 
ar cr, ar, prep. * on,' in some cases, as: air bhreitheamhnas er vredVds 

* to judge ' (in the Creed, 9), air chraobh er xroiv * on a tree,' 
air Chlaigeann er xlagd'n *at Cleggan' (maybe contracted from 
air a' Chi.); but in most cases (especially when the prep, is 
pronounced ar) no aspiration takes place: cur sios ar paipear k£r 
\ids dr pa ipzr * putting down on paper,' ar deas laimh De dr d^es 
la:v die: * on the right hand of God,' ar beal an t-shaic 
dr hzdr\ dn tEk' * on the opening (mouth) of the bag ' (3), da 
oirleach ar tighead, ar fad da : orlax dr t\ivdt, dr fad * three inches 
broad, long ' (3), ar toiseacht dr to^axt * at first ' (3). 

da da:, num. * two,' e.g. da chearcal da: garkdT] * two hoops' (3), 

da chead da: ge :d * two hundred ' (cf. under a * his '). 
de rf^s, dd, prep. *of,' e.g. de choinnlean d^s xEil'dn * of candles' (3), 

fichead bliana de dhiffer fihdd bliand dd yEfdr * twenty years' 

difference' (3). 
do ddy prep. * to,* e.g. do Sheamus dd he :mds * to James.' 
fa fa, prep. * about,' * toward,' * under,' e.g. tarrain fa dheas 

taren fa jes *pull southward' (2), uisce fa thuinn Ijk'd fa h^:n' 

* subsoil water.' 

le /s, prep. *in order to,' only before the verbal noun, as: le theacht 
Is gaxt * in order to come ' (3). 


ma tihi, prep. * about,' ' toward/ e.g. ma dheas ma jes ' southward/ 
ma dhcircadh tna jcr'og ' at last/ ma mheadhon lac ma vjan lEi 
' about noon.' 
na ua, conj. ' or/ e.g. seachtain na dho ^axtin na yo: * a week or two '; 
but the aspiration is not regular, cf. do na tri do: na tri: * two 
or three.* 
ro rj, adv. *very'; * too much,' e.g. ro bhog n vog 'too soft,' 
ro dhona n ymd ' too bad,' ro gharbh ro yorv ' very rough ' (2), 
ro the ro he * too hot,' ro fhada ro add * too long.' 
ro(imh) ro * before ' : ro mheadhon lae ro meBU [vcdu) lEi * A.M.* 
thro(imh) ro * through,' in: thro theine ro hin'd ' on fire.' 

After the numerals tri, ceithre, cuig, naoi, and deich, aspiration 
takes place irregularly, e.g. tri mhiosa trEi vbsj ' three months ' (3), 
tri mhcaran trEi vz irdu ' three fingers,' tri chroinn trEi xrEin * three 
masts' (8), tri phonta trEi font? *3 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but also: 
tri braitlirean trEi hrair'dn ' three brothers' (11), tri cosan trEi kosdn 

* three feet ' (under a pot, 3), tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv ' three 
quarters' (cf § 108), tri doirsean trEi dor\dn 'three doors'; ceithre 
phonta k'er'd font? '4 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but ceithre croinn fe'er'a 
krEin 'four masts,' ceithre bachlaigh k'er'd ball 'four boys' (11); 
cuig phonta k^ :g' fonto * 5 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cuig drairthean 
k^:g' dra ir'dn ' five drawers ' (3), naoi phonta nEi font? ' 9 lbs.' (2, 15), 
deich phonta d^eg font? ' 10 lbs.' (2), but cf § 102. 

< §99 > 

Aspiration of any initial consonant also takes place in the following 
cases : 

(i) of a noun, after one of the adjectives corr ko :r, kor * an odd,' 
and droch drox ' bad,' which precede the noun as attribute, 
e.g. corr fhocal kor ok?! 'an odd word' (corr daoine kor dE:n'? 

* odd people' may be a mistake; notice also corr h-aon kor? hX:n 

* an odd one ') ; droch bholadh drox vol?g * a bad smell * ; 

(2) of an attributive adjective (or pronoun), following the noun, 
in the nom. & dat. sg. fem., the gen., dat., and voc.^ masc. sg., 
and in the nom. (& obi.) pi., if the noun is formed with internal 
vowel change (§ 109), e.g. an bheinn mhor ? vein' vo:r * the big 

I . Notice also : thu dhona, dhona ^: yons yon? * you bad one.' 


mountain,' an Bhcinn Mhor d vcn' voir 'Fair Head/ an ghiorsach 
bhocht D jz{r)sax voxt * the poor girl ' (3), an bhodaigh bhan d vodi 
va:n * of the fair old man' (in a pl.-n.), do'n duine bhocht djii 
d^n'd voxt * to the poor man,' air an bhealach mhor er o vjaT\ax voir 
' on the main road ' (3), air an phoU bheag er 3 for\ veg ' on the little 
hole' (3), na h-ein bheag na hzin' veg * the little birds,* eisc mhor 
e;jfe voir * big fish' (pi.), caoraigh bheag kEiri veg * little sheep' 
(pL); after other plural nouns the usage is unsettled, as: na daoine 
bheag (or: beag) na dEin'3 veg {beg) 'the little folks,' na daoine 
bhocht na dEm'o voxt * the poor people' (3), but na daoine coir 
na dEm'd kjir' * the fairies.* 

(3) of the ordinal cead, after the definite article (though not 
regularly), e.g. an chead la d glad la3 * the first day,' an chead toigh 
3 <;iad tEi 'the first house*; but also an cead duine 3T[ k'eid d^n'3, 
an cead toigh .ir| k'eid tEi. 

(4) of a noun in the genitive, used after another noun as attributive, 
especially if the first noun is a fem. sg. or the second noun a proper 
noun or a plural, e.g. oidhche Dhomhnaigh /;p yjini 'Sunday 
night' (13), oidhche Shamhna lip havn3 * Hallowe'en,' min choirce 
min'{3) xor'k'3 ' oatmeal,' Cunntae Dhoire kiCntai yEr'3 ' Co. Derry ' 
(15), Loch Dhoire lox yEr'3 'Derry Loch,' 'Loch Foyle ' (15), 
seorda (de?) chruit \drd3 xrlt^ 'a kind of hump' (3), but seorda 
madadh pri? tnadsg (14, cf. § 88). 

(5) of the finite verb, in the imperfect and preterit, in the cases 
which appear from the paradigms of the regular and irregular verbs 
(§§ 146-155)- 

(6) of certain forms of the personal pronoun, in cases specified in 
§ 124. 

(B) All initials except the dentals (t-, d-, s-). 

< § 100 > 

After the following words all consonants except t-, d-, s- are 
usually aspirated (words in f- also undergo provection of n, § 103): 

an 3n, int. part. & conj., sometimes aspirates f: an fhaic thu? 
9 nak' <C ' do you see ? ' an f haigh thu 3 nai £ * whether you 
will get.' 


an 311, .1, the definite article, in the nom. & dat. fern, and the gen. 
dc dat. niasc. sg., e.g. an chos 9 xjs ' the foot,' an bhachlaigh 
D vaU ' of the boy,' do'n fhear sin d^ n'ar \In * to that man ' (ii), 
but: an doigh cheart 9n dji gart * the right way,' anns an toigh 
ans du tEi ' in the house,' Sroin an Deargain sn in' dn d^argBU 
(pl.-n.); but also: beir air an thaobh sin ber er dn hE:v jln * catch 
that side ' (3). 

ba b?, imperf. and pret. of the copula (§ 146), e.g. ba choir do 
b9 xo:r do: * it ought to ' (3), b'fhearr bz:r ' was (were) better,' 
but: ba deas leat bd d^es lat 'you would hke.' 

cha xa, commonly ha, a, neg. adv. * not ' and form of the copula 
'is not' (§ 146), e.g. cha chuir ha x^r' 'will not put' (cf. § T42), 
chan fhada ha nad? {—han ad?, § 103, fo), chan fhanainn ha nauin 
' I would not stay,' but: cha dean ha d^e:u ' will not do,' 
cha seid ha ^c :d^ 'will not blow,' cha saoil ha sE:l' 
' will not think.' 

g2in gDUy gj (with prov. of n), prep. ' without,' e.g. gan chead ^^w ged 
' without permission ' {gjn k'ed, probably wrong), gan cheist ar 
bith gDit gcjt' dT hi 'without doubt,' gan fheoil gd n'oil' 
* without flesh,' gan f heith, gan fhuil gd nzd gD n^l ' without 
sinew, without blood' (7, cf. § 103); sometimes also: gan 
ghaoth, gan thuradh gdu yE : g?n hXrjg ' without wind, without 
fair weather ' (5). 

man tnd{n), s'mana $mand[n), conj. ' before,' and mana m9n9{n), 
conj. ' unless,' sometimes aspirate f- or b-, e.g. man fhaigh 
m9 nai ' before . . . gets,' s'manan f hag me thusa smatt? na :g 
mi ^S9 * before I leave you ' (8, s'mana bhfag sman9 va :g, is said 
to be more correct), mana bhi m9n9 vi: * if there will not be ' 
(13), but mana dtuir fnan9 d£r' ' before . . . brings.' Cf. § 102. 

nach nax, na, neg. rel. and conj. ' which not,' ' that not,' 
aspirates f-, e.g. nach f heil nax el {na hel) * which is not,' etc., 
nach fhaic thu na hzk' ^ * may you not see ' (11). 
This partial aspiration also takes place in a noun, preceded by one 

of the attributive words aon In, In9 ' one,' an ath 9 na, an atha 

9 na9 (3) ' the next,' an chead 9 glad ' the first,' and sean \an * old,' 

e.g. aon mhear In vz :r ' one finger,' but aon seomra In pmbdr 

' one room,' an ath bhliadhna 9 na vliann ' next year,' an ath mhios 


d na vids ' next month/ but an ath doras j na dords ' next door/ scan 
bhean ^an vjan ' old woman/ but sean toigli scoil Ian tEi skol 
* old schoolhouse/ sean slave \an sle:v ' old slave * (3). 


< § loi > 

By eclipsis in this chapter is understood the conversion of 
initial c, p, t, f, g, b, d to g, b, d, v, ng, n, m (written: gc, bp, dt, 
bhf, mb, ng, nd) after certain words that cause eclipsis. Of the 
three last changes (those of g, b, d) there are, however, only stray 
examples in Rathlin Irish, which may be of secondary origin. The 
only old passage of d to n (nd) is perhaps in the phrase : cha dtug 
me i ndear ha d^g me n'ar ' I did not observe ' (cf fa deara, faoi ndear, 
in other Irish dialects). Other cases such as: Purt Dun na uGiall p^Crt 
d^:n 9 n'ial (for T\'ial, 6), cf. Dun nan Giall d^:n dV[ g'ial (pl.n.), c'uair 
a mbi thu ar t'athais hr d mi ^ or taa\ * when will you be back? ' (6), 
i ndeidh d n'ai * after' (6), can be explained in the same way as an 
nine for aon duine (see 6 Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, 
p. 22); cf. especially an dtainigh thu? pron. d nam'i /C (3) 
' did you come ? ' The same development takes place in Scottish 
Gaelic (esp. Skye). Usually g, b, d are not eclipsed in Rathlin, 
thus: indiu dti d^^ * today,' inde 9n d^e : * yesterday,' as against 
Donegal inniu, inne (cf. also Manx jiu, jea). 

The Rathlin eclipsis further differs from the Mainland Irish eclipsis 
in the retention of the nasal which originally caused the eclipsis, 
in certain cases. It happens in some words which in the common 
Irish orthography end in a vowel, such as a * theirs,' i *in,' go *that,' 
etc. which in Rathlin Irish usually appear as an, in, gon. The only 
exceptions would be the stereotyped i bhfad (3) vad *long,' *far,' 
chuir i bhfalach x^r 3 vav[ax * hid ' (3), i dteannca do (le) d^ar\k9 
dd (Iz) * next to ' (11), which never show the nasal. Other cases 
where the nasal is absent may be explained as of a later origin, such 
as: Rudha na bhFaoileann n^? na vEil'dti (pl.-n), cf. Uig an Mhuilinn 
^:g' d viCl'in (see § 105); some place-names, as Sloe na gCailleach 
slok na gaVax * Sloaknacalliagh,' may, however, rather represent an 
earlier stage in the history of eclipsis. 


111 the Rathliii Catechism there are many instances of echpsis of 
d (to n), as in Mainland Irish, e.g. go nultfm ' that I should 
renounce ' {^o ndiultfainn), a niu * to-day ' (indiu). 

Occurrence of Eclipsis. 
< § 102 > 

* Eclipsis ' in this chapter does not include the provection of n-» 

which is sometimes reckoned as eclipsis. Eclipsis occurs regularly 

after the following words: 

an (a) <?», <), poss. pron. * theirs,' e.g. an gcosan 9T\ gjsdu ' their feet.' 

an (a) dn, d, rel. part., e.g. cait an bhfeil e ka:tj dn pel e 'where is 
he? '; so also gos an gDS on, con], ' until' 

an :)n [d), interr. part. (:=Lat. num? -ne?), e.g. an dtig thu? du dpg' ^ 
' will you come ? ' an bhfan thu ? dn van ^ * will you stay ? ' (but 
cf. § lOo). 

an an, Dn (^), conj. ' if,' e.g. an dtuir thu dn d^r ^ ' if you give.'^ 

ca ka, interr. adv. * where ' : ca bhfeil thu ? ka vel ^ * where are you ? ' 
cf Rathl. Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee * where do you live? ' 

gon (go) g^fi, gd, conj. 'that': gon gcuir gDT] g^r' 'that . . . will put.' 

in c);?, D, prep, in, only sporadically, as: in dtoigh beag (for bheag) 
DH dEi beg 'in a httle house' (3), in gcuil an gharraidh 9r\ g^'.T 
d yairi 'in the corner of the garden' (i), in gCille Pharaic dX] 
g'il'dfa :rik' (i i) ; in most cases no ecHpsis takes place: in Failleacht 
dn fal'axt 'at F.', in Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'an^ravDr 'at Kinramer.' 

man nwt, mana(n) m9n9{n), conj. ' before,' e.g. mana bhfag me 
ntdnd va :g niz ' before I leave ' (but cf. also § 100). 

manan, mana nidndUy mdnD, conj. ' unless,' * if not,' e.g. mana dtuir 
thu uait e nxdUd d^r ^ v^ztj z * if you do not give it away.' 

mur (mar) nidr, poss. pron. * your,' e.g. ag mur gcumail gd mdr g^mal 
* keeping you * (mur piur mdr pj^'df * your sister, is wrong). 

nach nax\ nah, na, neg. part. & conj. (i) Lat. nonne? 
(2) ' which not ' (rel.), (3) * that not * (subord. conj.),^ 
e.g. nach dtuir thu ? na{x) d^r ^ * will you not give ? ' nach 
gcuir ua{x) g^r' ' which will not put,' nach gcuireadh e na{x) 

1. Prob. also the rare nan nan * if.' An, int. part, and conj., may also 
aspirate an initial f, see § 100. 

2. Except f-, which is aspirated (see § 100). 


g^r'jg a * that he would not put'; but as copula: nach fuasach 

me nax fiCjsah me ' am I not terrible? ' (3). 
nan nan, na, gen. pi. of the def. art., e.g. Rudha na bhFaoileann 

r^9 na vEiVdn (pl.-n.). 
nar ndr, poss. pron. ' our,' e.g. nar bpeacaidh mr h'aki * our sins ' (i), 

nar bhfiachan ndr viaxdn * our debts ' (in the Lord's Prayer) ; 

nar piur n?r pj^'9r ' our sister ' is wrong. 
s'mana(n) smand{n), conj. * before,' e.g. s'mana bhfag me sman? 

va:g me ' before I leave ' (but cf. also § 100). 
After cha * not ' (§ 145), only t is ' eclipsed ' to dt, e.g. cha dtig 
ha dpg' 'will not come,' cha dtuir ha d^r * will not give'; but as 
neg. copula: cha tusa ha Us9 ' it is not you.' 

The numerals seacht, ocht, naoi, deich eclipse the following noun 
according to some speakers, e.g. seacht bpont \axt hont (hont?) 
* seven pounds ' (money, 8), seacht bponta jaxt bmtd * 7 lbs.' (3, 15, 
15b), ocht gcead oxt g'e :d * 800 ' (3), naoi bponta nEi hontd ' 9 lbs.' (3), 
deich bponta dieg hontd ' 10 lbs.' (3, 15, 15b), but cf. § 98; see further 
under the numerals (§ 135). 

In analogy with Mainland Irish, the noun is eclipsed in air an 
dtalamh er dn dax\dv ' on earth ' (in the Lord's Prayer, 3), but this is 


< § 103 > 

Provection is the carrying over of the final consonant of a proclitic 
(or any) word to the following word, if it begins with a vowel 
(cf. Engl. **a tall" for 'at all,' " a-nother " for *an-other'). 
So also in Irish: an buaint againn dm b^en t\ain 'our harvest' (4). 
The consonants that are normally carried over are: h, n, t and ch. 

[a) Provection of h, 
Provection of h, which is ancient, consists in putting a hyphenated h 
in front of the initial vowel of the following word. It takes place after : 
a a, poss. pron. ' her,' e.g. a h-athair d hadv ' her father.' 
a a, part, before numerals (§ 135), e.g. a h-aon d hl:n * one.' 
ca ka, kd, ga gd, interr. pronn. * what ' (before a following noun), 
e.g. ca h-uair ? ka h£sr' ' what time ? ' ' when ? ' ca h-ainm ? 
ka har'm ' what name? ' ca (ga) h-ait? go ha:tp ' what place? ' 


dc d^c, * day,' in the names of the days of the week: De h-Aoine 

d^c ^hX :n',^ * Friday.' 
^o gj, prep. ' to,' e.g. go h-Eirinn ^.) he :ri}i' * to Ireland,' go h-aitean 

eilc gj ha:t^.vi el'd * to other places,' go h-uilinn g:i UXlin * to the 

na na, cony * neither,' *nor': na maith na h-olc na ma na hoik 

* neither good nor bad.' 

na na, gen. sg. fern, of the def. art., e.g. Cnoc na h-Uige knk na 
h£:g'd (pl.-n). Loch na h-Ealadh lox na ^abg *Ally Loch.' hi 
bannca h-abhainn bnuT\k9 ho'in * river bank' (8), h is irregular. 

(6) Provcction of n. 
Provection of n is partly ancient, in which case it is represented 
by a hyphenated n before the initial vowel of a following word, 
but even though the n be written on to the preceding word it is 
carried over to the following vowel in the pronunciation. Provection 
of n takes place after: 
an DH, 'n n (after some prepp.), the def. article, in the nom. & dat. 

fern., and gen. dat. masc. sg., e.g. an acair 9 nakir * the anchor ' 

(3), an eala 9 n'ah * the swan,' an eich d neg * of the horse ' 

(in pl.-n.), do'n each dd n'ax ' to the horse.' 
an dn, poss. pron. * their,' e.g. an athair 9 nasr' * their father.' 
an Dn, rel. part., e.g. ait an amhairc thu a:t\ d navdxik' X * where you 

will see.' 
cha xa, ha, a, neg. adv. * not ' and negative copula ' is not ' (§ 146), 

e.g. chan urrain ha nXrin ' cannot,' chan e ha n's : (ha nz :) * it is 

not he ' (or * it '). 
gan gdu, prep, * without,' e.g. gan uisce gd hI^Wb * without rain.' 
go, gon g9n, conj. * that,' e.g. go n-amhairc e g9 nav9nk' a * that 

he will see.' 
in 9n, prep. * in,' e.g. in Eirinn 9 ne :rin' * in Ireland,' in Albain 

9 nalbin * in Scotland.' 
manan m9n9n, conj. * before '; * unless,' * if not,' e.g. mana n-amhairc 

thu m9n9 nav9rik' X * unless you see.' 
nan nan, gen. pi, of the def. art., e.g. Pairc na n-Eich pa:r'k' na neg 

s'manan sman9n, conj. * before,' e.g. s'mana n-eirigh thu sman9 niiri X 

* before you rise.' So also man m9n * before.' 


{c) Provection of L 

Provection of t consists in the carrying over and hyphenating 
of a t to a following word beginning with a vowel. It takes 
place after the nom. sg. masc. of the definite article (an), e.g. an 
t-athair 9n tazr' 'the father,' an t-each du t\ax * the horse,' an t-im 
9n t\im 'the butter' (8), an t-iaro du t^iarod 'the grandson' (15), 
an t-innear du t\in'zY 'the anvil' (15, &c.). In many cases the 
provection is avoided, e.g. an arbhar d narvdr 'the corn' (14; an 
t-arbhar du tarvdr, 8), an Aifreann d nafrju ' Mass,' an aidhear 9 nahr 
'the air' (an t-aidhear dti taidr, 15), an ainm a bha ortha ? nar'm 
2 va op 'their name' (15b; an t-ainm du tci/m, 8). In the same 
way, air an aon 9r 9 nin and air an t-aon er 911 tin 'on the one,' may 
be used promiscuously (11). 

[d) Provection of ch, 

Provection of ch consists in the carrying over of ch (pron. h) to 
a following word beginning with a vowel, and is conditioned by 
the weakening of ch to h (§ 50), especially in unstressed position. 
This form of provection takes place more or less regularly after 
nach nax, nah, na (see § 145) and gach gax, gah, ga, 9, indef pron. 
' each,' ' every,' e.g. as gach olc as ga hoik ' from evil ' (in the Lord's 
Prayer, 9), a h-uile (=gach uile) 9 Ml' 9 'every' (see § 134, B, a) ; further 
examples in the following §. So also after ach ax, ah, conj. ' but,' 
and the termination -ach -ax, ah, e.g. fuasach amscair fjsa hamsker 
' very careless ' (15), chan fheil arach air ha nel a:ra her' ' it cannot 
be helped ' (11). 

Combined Aspiration and Provection. 

< § 104 > 

Combined aspiration and provection only takes place in words 
beginning with s- or f-. According to § 97, these consonants are 
aspirated to h and zero, respectively, whence the same provection 
rules are applied as to words beginning with a vowel. Thus s- 
becomes t-sh after the nom. & dat. fem., and gen. & dat. masc. sg. 
of the def. article: an t-sean bhean 9n t\an vjan 'the old woman,' 
an Toigh 's an t-Shabhall 9n tEi s 9n tav9l ' the House and the Barn ' 


(pl.-n.), fear an t-shaoghail jf/^r ^m Ucl * the man of the world' (i), 
but incorrectly also: .in tEi s jn savA (6), toigh an sagart tEi dn sag.irt 

* the parochial house.' Similarly si-, sn- become t-shl-, t-shn (pron. 
tr, cf § 89), and si becomes t-shl (pron. //), e.g. air an t-shliabh er' 
.VI t'liav, cr .vi tUav * on the mountain ' (3), an t-shnathad ?n tnwd 

* the needle,' scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE:il i n trEim *she untied the 
knot' (3), but irregularly: an shluasaid 9 T[d(issd^ * the shovel' (13), 
Ceann Chnoc an Shlugan k'an xnk .in (i^gan (pl.-n, 9). 

An f- is affected by combined aspiration and provection after 
those particles which cause both aspiration and provection (see 
§§ 97, 103), thus after: an (def. art., § 106), cha (neg. adv. & form 
o( copula, § 146), gan (prep. §§ 100, 103), man, manan (conjj., 
§§ 100, 103), nach (conj., §§ 100, 103), e.g. an fheannog <i n'anag 
' the crow,' do'n fhear d3 n'ar ' to the man,' chan fhaigh ha nai * won't 
get,' chan fhada ha nad.i * it is not long,' gan fhcith, gan fhuil gj nzd 
g.i mil * without sinew, without blood ' (7), gan fhiosta g3 nlstd 
' secretly ' (3), man fhaigh nid nai * before . . . gets,' s'manan fhag me 
sman? na :g me * before I leave,' nach fhag ? na ha :g * won't leave ? ' 
nach f haigheadh tu na hsJ9 U * that you wouldn't get,' nach fhaic 
thu na hzk' ^ ' may you not see ' (11), but also: nach fhuaigheadh 
nax naj?g * that would not sew ' (15a). 

Elision and Assimilation. 

< § 105 > 

* Elision ' will here be used to describe the dropping of either a 
vowel before a vowel, or a consonant before a consonant, in sandhi. 

(i) Vowel and vowel. 
The obscure vowel [d) is always dropped in front of a stressed 
vowel in ordinary speech, but may be retained in careful pro- 
nunciation by the force of analogy. Thus monosyllabic words 
ending in d lose this vowel, and the consonant (or consonants) is 
carried over to the following word: mo athair * my father ' becomes 
m'athair niazr\ a athair * his father' becomes: athair atr' (but * her 
father' is: a h-athair). Some speakers retain the vowel in: mo ata 
m? aUi * my hat,' do ata do at? * your hat' (12), for usual: m'ata, 
t'ata (cf. § 127). 


After a stressed vowel, the obscure vowel reniaius, and also often 
after an unstressed vowel, e.g. ainti an mala £;/rJ/ jii }iia:b 'into 
the bag ' (i), thilg e an mala hil'g' a ,i ma:h ' he threw the bag ' (j). 
Instead of this the obscure vowel may be assimilated to the first 
vowel, e.g. aar' for a^r' ' father,' ar athais ^'r aa\, for <7'r a\i^, a'i\ 

* back,' bruach hr^'^x, for hr^'dx, hr^-ax * slope.' Finally, the two 
vowels may be contracted, as in -achadh aog, a:g (§ 79). 

After do, prep, and vb. particle (§ 142), dh y (it is historically a 
repetition of do) is inserted in front of a following vowel, e.g. thcid 
a (=do) dh'ol he :d^ o yoir] *is going to drink' (3), cha do dh'aithnigh 
ha dj yan'i ' did not recognize ' ; ceathramh do dh'ocht k'ardv dd oxt 
'a quarter of eight' (2), is probably due to the usual suppression of y. 
Similarly also with the compound prepositions a (do) dh'- ionnsaighe 
3 jensi ' toward ' and a (do) dh'iarraidh .? jiari {j^ri) ' after.' But 
de (do) meaning 'of is not followed by dh': de iteogan d^s i^i^P^^ 

* of feathers' (3), de uisce d^s Ijkj 'of water,' de airgead ^^s ar'g'od 

* of money,' de or d^s :r ' of gold,' ccithir bliadhna d'aois k'e'ir 
hliaud dd:\ 'four years of age ' (4). 

(2) Consonant and consonant. 
An unstressed consonant is very often dropped in front of a con- 
sonant beginning a stressed syllable. The final n of the article is 
regularly dropped in front of certain fricatives or spirants (x, y, 
/, t^, J"), e.g. a' chaithear ? xa^er ' the chair,' for an chaithear, a' ghrian 
D yrian ' the sun,' anns a' bhata ans d va :td ' in the boat.' In front 
of other consonants also, the n is frequently dropped: a' ceann d k'ani 

* the head,' a' doras a djrss ' the door.' 

If the n is retained, it is usually assimilated to the following consonant, 
so that it becomes m before a labial, and r| before a guttural, e.g. an 
bachlach jm haUx ' the boy,' an ceann dT\ k'a :n ' the head,' etc. 

In the same way -g from -y is elided in front a consonant, cf. 
madadh caorach niad^ kE:rax 'sheep dog,' madadh ruadh madj r^a 
' fox,' c£ madadh alia madj^g ah ' wolf.' 

In other cases, especially when it is important that the consonants 
remain, an epenthetic vowel is inserted between them (see § 15). 
Thus do'n bhachlach ' to the boy,' is pronounced dd na [nd) vahx 
{dd valax means ' to a boy ' : do bhachlach) ; similarly Sliabh an 
Chonnaidh ^lev^ na xoni (pl.-n.), for \Vzv ?n xonl. 


As compared witli the Irisli of Donegal, the grammar of 
/ \ the Irisli of Rathlin is rather simple. In this respect it 
JL Vapproaches Scottish Gaelic and Manx, but it must be 
remembered that simplifications may take place in different spheres 
independently. A more original state of things may be perceived 
in constructions found in place-names, as well as in stereotyped 
phrases, in prayers, etc.^ 

The Dehnite Article. 
< § io6 > 
The forms of the definite article arc: 

Nom., gen., masc. & fem.: an dn [om, dt], <i, n, § 105). 
Dat. masc. & fem.: an du, etc.; 'n », na, uj (see below). 

Nom. & gen.: an da on da: * the two,' * both.' 
Dat.: an da du da:, \i da n da: (cf. below). 


Nom. dat. masc. & fem.: na na {nj). 

Gen., masc. & fem.: nan nan {nam, nar], na, n3, etc., § 105, 2). 

E.g. an bachlach din balax * the boy,' an bhachlaigh ? vali * of the 
boy,' do'n bhachlach dd na vaUx * to the boy,' an da bhachlach 
du da : vahx * the two boys ' or * of the two boys,' do'n da bhachlach 
ddu da : vahx * to the two boys,' na bachlaigh na baU * the boys,' 
nan bachlach nam hahx * of the boys,' do na bachlaigh d^ na hall 
* to the boys'; an ghiorsach d[n) jersax * the girl,' na giorsaighe 

I. In the prayers it is, however, possible to assume an outside influence, 
as the clergy often came from the Irish mainland. On the other hand, 
some of the common prayers may be of great age, and thus be typical of 
the old popular speech of Rathlin. 


g'ersi ' of the girl/ do n ghiorsach dm jsrsax ' to the girl/ 
c.x da ghiorsach dh da : jsrsax ' (of) the two girls/ do'n da ghiorsach 
dDH da: jsrsax 'to the two girls/ na giorsachan na g'srsakm *thc 
girls/ nan giorsachan naT\ g'srsahn 'of the girls/ do na giorsachan 

giii:>, iiaii giuL^^dcudii na^ g 

dd na g'srsahju * to the girls/ 

< § 107 > 

Some prepositions assume special forms before the definite article, 
of which the following are worth noticing: 

aig * at * : aig an Aifreann sg' 3 nafrdu * at Mass ' ; 

ar (air) 'on': air an bhalla er d vaT]j 'on the wall' (3); air an 
cheann er d ^a:n 'on the head/ air (an?) Chlaigeann er xlag'jn 
' at Clcggan/ air na mnan er na mram * on the women '; 

chun 'to' (only with the def. art.): chun an bhaile hn d val'j, 
usually na bhaile na vaV^ 'home' (adv.), na scoil na shl 
'to school,' (chun) na tirtean amuigh na t\i:rt\dn d maig 'to 
foreign countries ' (3) ; 

de ' of,' ' off': de'n bhalla d^s na vav\d ' off the wall ' (3), de'n tir seo 
d^z n t\i:r p ' of this country ' (i.e. ' Rathlin '), Ian de na grastan 
T\a :n d^z na gra :stdn ' full of grace ' (in the Hail Mary) ; 

do 'to': do'n duine bhocht don d£n'j voxt 'to the poor man' (3), 
do'n chat do na xat ' to the cat ' ; 

faoi 'under,' 'below': faoi'n uisce//; nl\k'3 ' under the water ' (3), 
faoi'n phota//; na fot? 'under the pot,' faoi'n Cheann Riabhach 
//; na ganriax 'below Ceann Riabhach'; 

in *in': anns an traigh ans dn tra{:)i 'in (on) the beach,' anns an chuan 
ans d XiCan ' in the ocean,' 'san t-shiopa sm tppj ' in the shop,' 
'sa' bhata sd vaitD ' in the boat,' anns na speirean ans na spe:r?n 
' in the sky,' 'sna glasaidcan sna glassdpn ' in the shoughs or 
furrows ' ; 

le ' with ' : leis an chaiftin lej 3 xaft\zn ' with the captain,' le na tuaghan 
/s na t^agdn ' with the axes ' ; 

o 'from': cobhar o'n fhairrge kodr o narik'd 'foam from the sea/ 

With the preposition in, special forms may arise, wherein the 
preposition and the article are contracted to s, as in the common 
adverbs isteach d st'ax ' in ' (motion, from anns an teach) and istoigh 
d stEi 'in' (rest, from anns an toigh). In the same manner, anns 



an traigh 'in (on) the beach/ becomes istraigh d sfra{:)i (13) and 
anns an t-shabhall ' in the barn/ is-t-shabhall d stavdl (15a). 

Tlic definite article is used much in the same way as in Enghsh. 
The specifically Irish use of the definite article to express something 
indefinite but remarkable is also found in RatWin, as is seen from the 
following instances: chuala me na ceoltan x/CaV[d mt na k'd:r\tDn 

* I heard (some) singing ' (3)/ chualaigh e na daoine ag gabhail nan 
gceoltan xKaT\i z na dEm'd ? goal nar\ go:T\tdn *he heard some people 
singing' (3), where it is all the time the fairies that are in question; 
in another tale one finds: thainigh an fiach han'i dti jiax *a raven 
came' (7), and thainigh an rogaire fiach han'i dn roigir'd fiax {3), 
cf the English * the rascal of a raven/ In analogy with Anglo-Irish 
usage, the following construction is also current: b'ead na peathran 
bs:t na pzrdn * they were the sisters/ i.e. * they were sisters ' (15). 

The Noun. 

Gendery Case and Number, 

< § 108 > 

There are, as in other modern Celtic languages, only two genders 
in the Rathlin dialect: masculine and feminine; the old neuters have 
mostly become masculines, as: ainm * name,' loch(a) Make,' im 

* butter,' arbhar ' corn,' sliabh * mountain,' toigh * house/ But 
an ainm, an arbhar is sometimes used for an t-ainm, an t-arbhar 
(cf above). Tir * country ' is now, however, a feminine. 

The grammatical gender may, of course, be different from the 
natural gender: bata * boat,' capall * mare,' cailean * girl,' are 
grammatically masculines, though naturally feminines, and referred 
to by 1 * she ' as in Enghsh. 

There are only three case forms in the singular and plural: the 
nominative, genitive and dative. In the singular the dative form 
is, however, not always, and in the plural seldom, clearly distinguished 
from the nominative. The dative form is only used after a 
preposition, e.g. air an tehiidh * on the fire,' de'n teinidh * off the 
fire,' air a chois * on his foot ' (i.e. * feet '), ar bealaibh an toigh 

I. Cf. Imram Brain (Ed. Kuno Meyer, p. 3, 8) : cocuala a ceol larna 
chul ' he heard some singing behind him.' 


' in front of the house,' air a chulaibh * behind ' (adv.). The vocative 
is usually (except in nouns of the ist decL, § 109) of identical form 
v^ith the nominative. 

There are three numbers: singular, dual and plural; the dual 
is only found after the numeral da ' two,' e.g. da bhachlach ' two 
boys,' da chat * two cats,' da bhean * two women,' da chos * two 
feet ' (for da mhnaoi, da chois) ; the dual is thus always Uke the 
nominative singular, as in the southern Scottish dialects. The 
sg. is often used for the plur. after a numeral, e.g. cuig mionaid 
kK::g' mjzned^ * five minutes,' tri ceathramh trEi k'ardv ' three 
quarters,' etc. 

The genitive plural is distinguished by a special form of the 
definite article (nan or na n-). Otherwise it is either hke the nom. 
sing, (especially of masc. nouns, the plural of which are formed 
without the ending -an, as: nan bhfear ' of the men '; other instances, 
as nan gcailleach * of the old women,' are common in place-names), 
or, what is more common, the nom. plur. : nan daoine, ag blcoghan 
nan ba (or nan bo), alt do mhcaran * your finger joint.' 

The genitive sing, (and sometimes plur.) is mostly identical with 
the nom., except in special phrases and in some place-names, but 
may nevertheless be distinguished by the form of the definite article, 
or by the presence or absence of aspiration, e.g. Coire Breacain 
kor'd hr'akan {-on), bean an toigh(e) hjan m tEi{D) 'the woman of the 
house,' crioman fheoil krimanjjil' ' a bit of meat,' as beal mo bhrog 
as hzdl ntj vroig * out of my shoe ' (10), crann na long kran na Ian 
*the mast of the ship' (13), gaoiseaid na n-eich gE:\zdi na n'eg 
'horsehair' (3), gabhail nan gceoltan goel nax] g'j:r\t?n * singing 
songs' (3). After the verbal noun and prepp. governing the gen. 
case, the nom. is very often used instead of the more correct genitive, 
e.g. ag glanadh na soithean * washing the dishes,' cealachadh an phiop 
(or: na pipe) 'smoking the pipe,' cul a chluas k^r\ d x\\^ds 'back of 
his ear ' (3), cul an chloch mhor * back of the big stone ' (3), and 
sometimes also in other cases: oir an abhainn or' d ncin 'the river 
bank' (* edge,' 8), but correctly: ag cruinneacha ' smear 'picking 
blackberries ' (10), ag iomain nan gamhna ' herding the calves,' 
ag blighean nan bo ' milking the cows,' ag gabhail nan gceoltan 
(see above), coireach nan brogan * mending the shoes ' (6), a 
dh'iarraidh nan bo ? jsri nam h : ' after the cows ' (3), trasna na tire 


' across the country,' ar son nan gcaorach * for the sheep,' fad na 
h-oidhche ' during the night,' fad an bhcalaigh * along the road.' 


The five types of declension in Irish are all represented in the 
Rathlin dialect, but sometimes a noun originally belonging to one 
type has passed into another (as verbal nouns in -adh, see below). 

First Declension, 

< § 109 > 

In nouns of the first declension, usually comprising grammatical 
masculines, the nom. and dat. sg. end in a * broad ' consonant, 
which is attenuated in the gen. and voc, sg.; the nom. (dat., voc.) 
pi. is (a) cither Hke the gen. sg., or [b) formed by addition of -an, 
or {c) by addition of -adh; the genitive pi. is properly identical with 
the nom. sg. 

The largest category comprises nouns in -(e)ach, -an, -(e)adh 
(the latter usually verbal nouns, which originally belonged to the 
third decl., see § iii). They are declined according to the following 
paradigm (bachlach * boy,' radan * rat,' madadh ' dog ') : 

Nom. sg. bachlach halax radan radan 

Gen. sg. bachlaigh ball radain radsn\ radan radan 

Nom. pi. bachlaigh baU radain radsn' 

Gen. pi. bachlach balax radan radan 

Nom. sg. madadh madjg 

Gen. sg. madaidh madi 

Nom. pi. madaidh madi 

Gen. pi. madadh maddg 
At least of words in -an, the gen. is mostly identical with the 
nom. sg. (perhaps because the ' slender ' -n is hardly distinguished 
from the * broad ' -n, cf § 43); but cor shugain kjW ^:gan' * twist- 
rope ' (15), is correct. 

The old dative pi. form only remains in adverbial expressions, 
as: ar bealaibh an toigh dr bzdhv m tEi * in front of the house,' ar a 
chulaibh dr d x/C:hv * behind ' (8). 



Other examples: fad an bhealaigh fad d vjall 'along the road,' 
fad an gheimhridh/^J d jzvdti ' during the winter,' taobh an fhuaraidh 
tE:v d HiCari 'the windward side,' maide mullaigh madp m^ll 
' ridgepole ' (8), Cos an Duitsigh hs jn dltji ' the Dutchman's leg ' 
(pl.-n., but cf. Stac an Duitseach stak dn dltlax)^ Toigh an Fhiaigh 
tEi d ni'i ' the Crowbie's House ' (pl.-n.); a mhadaidh d vadi ' dog ' 
iyoc), anois mo bhachlaigh nlj ma vaxll ' now, my boys ' (voc). 

The nouns gnothach ' thing ' ; ' business,' soitheach ' vessel ' ; 
' ship,' and beathach * beast,' form their plurals: gnoithean (' things ') 
or gnoithe(5) grri (' business '), soithean and beithean (' cattle ')} 

Monosyllabic nouns often change their root vowel with the 
attenuation of the final consonant, according to the following 
paradigms (tarbh * bull,' each ' horse,' fear * man,' ean ' bird,' 
ceann * head,' crann 'mast'): 

Nom. sg. tarbh taw 
Gen. sg. tairbh (toirbh) tEr'[d)v 
Nom. pi. tairbh (toirbh) tEr'{d)v 
Gen. pi. tarbh taru 

Nom. sg. ean e:n 

Gen. sg. ein e:n\ comjj:n' 

Nom. pi. ein e:n' 

Gen. pi. can z:n 

Other examples: cloch aoil khx E:V ' limestone,' h-aon iarainn 
hin iarin * an iron one* (3), sceil sk'eiV 'of a story,' toradh do 
bhroinn t:}r9 dd vrEin ' the fruit of thy womb ' (gen. sg. orig. bronn), 
muUach an chroic m^x\ax d xrok' (and xrEk'Fy 3), beal an t-shaic 
bedT[ dn tEk' 'the opening of the bag' (3), sciathan scait sk'van skEt\ 
'skate fms,' corp (fear) an t-shaoghail hrp {fjar) dn tEiV {t£:l\ i) 
' body (man) of the world,' uair nar bais £sr ndr ha ;J ' the hour of 
our death' (bas orig. 3d decl.), doras an chleibh djrds d xle :v 
'the pit of the stomach' (from cliabh * chest'), Creag an Airgid 
kreg d nar'gid^ (pl.-n.), MuUach an Ghoirt m^lax d yort\ (pl.-n.), 

I. Cf. Northern Irish gnaithe. Father Short (see Prof. (3 Tuathail, 
Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. 26) writes soithigh ' vessels ' soihye in 
phonetics, which seems to answer well to the Rathlin forms. 

each jax 

fear fjar 

eich eg 

fir fir 

eich eg 

fir fir 

each jax 

fear fjar 

ceann k'a:n 

crann kra :n 

cinn k'in' 

croinn krEin' 

cinn k'in' 

croinn krEin' 

ceann k'am 

crann kra :n 


an Toigh falluis ,vi tEi fall\ ' the Swcathousc ' (pl.-n.), Eadaii an 
Chinn Rcamhar c:dm ,i ^in ^ravsr (pl.-n.), bcannacht Dc (Dia) hjauaxt 
d^e: {d^ict) * God's blessing,' Goirtean 'ic an Tdillear ^or^Je/i ik (efe') on 
ta'A'zr (pl.-n., from mac * son*); a Shcamais d he:mij * James ' (voc), 
a Dhe (Dhia) d je : {jia) * God ' {voc). 

Of cat * cat * the gen. sg. and nom. pi. is either cait katj, 
coit kEtjy or cuit k^tj, fe//J, and the latter form (which is originally 
a voc. * puss ') is also often used as nom. sg. (cf also scuit, in 


A few words form their plural in -a or -an, which originally 
represents the old ace. pi. E.g. focal, pi. foclan * word,' doras, 
pi. doirscan, Bonn, pi. buinn or bonnan * sole (of shoe),' each, 
pi. cich or cachan (see above), foid, pi. foidean * sod,' na Maca(n) 
Tire * the Wolves' (pl.-n.). 

Of these some (especially when the final consonant is -1 or -n) 
form the plural in -ta or -tan, as: ccol, pi. ccolta (ccoltan, 3) * music '; 
*song,' sccal, pi. sccalt(a), scealtan * story '; also cf grastan * graces '; 
others, especially those in -r, unvoice this consonant: bldr 
pi. blarthan (8) * field,' drar, pi. drairthean (3) * drawer,' leabhar, 
pi. leabharthan * book,' gabhar, pi. gabhair or goirthcan gor'DH * goat.' 
In part the latter may have been influenced by the plurals of 
athair, mathair, brathair (see § 113, d). 

Words in -ean usually form their plural by addition of -adh, 
according to the following paradigm (eilean * island ') : 

Nom. sg. eilean el'sn 

Gen. sg. eileain eVsn', eilean el'sn 

Nom. pi. eileanadh eVdtidg 

Gen. pi. eilean eVzn, eileanadh el'dndg 

Other examples: sneoinean, pi. sneoineanadh * daisy,' boitean, 
pi. boiteanadh * wisp ' (of straw), chicken (E.), pi. chickenadh; 
bodach an chipean hodax ? gipsn (a ghost, 15). Some words end 
in a slender consonant even in the nom. sg., as: surclain sorklan' 
* primrose ' (15), cartlain hairtlau' * peppermint ' (15). 


Second Declension. 
< § no > 

The second declension comprises grammatical feminines, having 
the nom. sg. {a) in a * broad/ or {b) in a ' slender ' consonant, and 
the gen. sg. in -e (which is often silent). The dat. sg. was originally 
formed by attenuation of the final consonant (with or without vowel 
change, cf below), but is now mostly like the nom. sg. So is the 
voc. sg. and (according to the rule) the gen. pi. (though the form 
is often identical with the nom. in the spoken language). The plural 
(nom., dat,, and voc.) was originally formed by addition of -a 
(see § 115), but is now usually in -(e)an. Words ending in -(e)og 
(pron. ag), and fem. nouns in -(e) ach belong to this declension, 
according to the paradigms below (cailleach * old woman,* 
fideog * whistle,' muc * pig ') : 


Nom. sg. cailleach kal'ax fideog fid^ag 

Gen. sg. caillighe kal'i fideoige Jid^sg'3 

Nom. pi. cailleachan kaVaxm fideogan Jid^agm 

Gen. pi. cailleach kaVax fideog(an) fidiag[dn) 

Nom. sg. muc m^fe 
Gen. sg. muice m/Ck'? 
Nom. pi. mucan m^hn 
Gen. pi. muc tn^k 

Other examples: Tobar na Luchoige tohr na lnhag' (pl.-n.), Purt 
na Luinge (Loinge) p^rt na lEh {lljdy 4, from long * ship '), 
eireacht na greine e:r'axt na grE:n'[9) * the sunrise' (from grian), 
na fiolaire na fjzr\ir'j * of the eagle,' Druim na Claiginne drim na 
kr\egin'd (pl.-nn., 3, from Claigeann), na faoilinne na jEil'in * of the 
seagull,' pipe piipd * of a pipe' (from piop), uigh (ceann) circe 
/Ci {k'ain) kirk'? 'a hen's egg (head),* chois na tuinne xoj na t£n'd 

* beside the sea' (from tonn *wave'), bogha frois(e) hod Jro\ 
'rainbow' (from fras, frais 'shower'), gall gaoithe gaT\ gE:p 
*a bird* (3), muileann gaoithe m^/'^tt gE:p 'windmill,* na gaoithe 
na gE:p * of the wind* (from gaoth), na boise na ho\? (foj^) 

* of the palm,* na coise na kol? * of the foot,* Inean na Cloiche 


i:n'sfi na if/op (pl.-n., trom clocli 'stone,' 15), Faircacan na Lcice 
farikivi uii rck'j (pl.-n., cf. below). 

A few dative forms belonging to this declension have survived: 
uisce fa thuinn xjk'j fa lh{:n' 'subsoil water' (from tonn 'wave'), 
air mo lie cr tuj lik' ' on my stone ' (from Icac * stone slab ' ; also 
cf the pl.-n. an Leic dii I'ck'), air mo (do) chois cr niD {dj) a'oJ ' up ' 
(also: cr dj xjs ; cf also the prep, cois 'beside'), air goil ?r gEl' 
' boiling ' (from extinct gal ' steam '), tri braithrean de chloinn 
'ic Phail trEi hra:r'3n d^c xlEn' ik fa:!' 'three brothers McFall ' 
(11, from clann ' children '). 

Traces of plurals in -a are: clocha meallain kbx9 mjaku 'hailstones,' 
na Clocha Dubh ua khxj d^ 'the Clochadoos' (pl.-n.), na Clocha 
Breaca na kbxj hr'akd (pl.-n.), corraga dearg koragd d^arg ' hips ' 
(berries, 8), sugha sealbhan sIg[D) jalvan 'strawberries' (13); 
see further § 115. 

Marthan tna:pn 'queen,' forms its gen. sg. na marthan (15), 
and its plural marthanadh. 


The other group has a ' slender ' vowel in the nom. and dat. sg., 
and the gen. sg. in -e, the nom. pi. in -ean. It is sometimes the case 
of an old dative form which has become generalized, as frais fraj 
'shower' (15, etc.). E.g. Bay na h-Eaglaise be: na htgr]!^? 
'Church Bay' (3, from eaglais), Stac na Bainnse stakj na bainjd 
(5, pl.-n., from banais 'wedding'). Lagan na Beinne lagan na hen'd 
(pl.-n., from beinn ' mountain top '), an Uig, gen. sg. na h-Uige na 
h^:g'd ' Ouig.' To this declension probably also belong the proper 
names Caitin ' Katie,' and Moirin ' Moreen ' (2). 

The words sciUin ' shilling,' and naigin * noggin,' form their 
plurals scillineadh and naigineadh. Abhainn 'river' (orig. 5th decl.) 
has abhainneadh or abhannadh. 

Third Declension, 

< § III > 

To the third declension belong masculine and feminine nouns of 
three distinct types, which all form the gen. sg. in -a or -e (often 
silent). Nouns of the first type [a) end in a ' slender ' consonant 
in the nom. sg., and form the gen. sg. in -a. Nouns of the second 


type {b) end in a ' broad ' consonant in the nom., and form the 
gen. either in -a or -e, while nouns of the third type (c), which 
originally made a distinction between the nom. and dat. sg., the 
former ending ' broad,' the latter ' slender/ now usually end in a 
' slender * consonant (the old dat.), and form the gen. sg. in -e. 
Type {a) comprises old i-stems, type {b) old u-stems, and type (c) 
old s-stems. Nouns of the 3d declension usually syncopate dissyllabic 
words in the gen. sg. (see below); the plural is formed in different 
ways. Paradigms: gamhain * calf,' mios 'month,' loch 'lake,' 
toigh * house ' : 

Nom. sg. gamhain gavin 
Gen. sg. gamhna gavm 
Nom. pi. gamhna gaviw 
Gen. sg. gamhna gavn9 

Other examples: coileach troda kEl'ax trod 'gamecock' (from 
troid ' fighting '), a dh'ionnsaighe na tragha d jensi na tra:gD ' to the 
beach * (from traigh), muc mhara m^k vavD ' porpoise,' Purt na 
Mara p^rt na marj, pl.-n, (from muir ' sea '). To this declension 
further belong all nouns in -(e)oir, as seoladoir ' sailor,' plur. 
seoladoirean,^ and further the nouns fail ' peat spade,' pi. falta, 
and sail * heel,' plur. saltan, suil * eye,' pi, suilean (and suile, § 115). 

Nom. sg. loch lox Nom. sg. mios mi:s 

Gen. sg, locha Ioxd Gen. sg. miosa ( ? ) 

Nom. pi. miosa mi:s9, miosan tniisdn 

Other examples: bainne maistirte ban'd mastdYt\d * churn-milk,' 
'buttermilk' (from maistreadh 'churning'). Lag an Bhriste Mhor 
lag d vn\t'd vo:r (pl.-n., from briseadh 'battle'), an mhasa d vais? 
{-a, from mas 'buttock'), oUa (olna) oh 'of wool' (15b, from 
olann, orig. 2d dec!,), tri mhiosa trEi vids? * three months ' (3), 
Cois an Locha feoj" dn lohd (pl.-n., 11); locha is also often used as 
nom. sg. 

I. The nom. sg. is usually pron. -ear sr, but the plural -(e)oiren -zr'dn; 
the same termination is found in saighdear (orig. saighdiuir) ' soldier.* 


Nom. sg. toigh tEi 

Gen. sg. toighc tEi.? 

Nom. pi. toighcan tEiDU 

Gen. pi. toighean 

Other examples: tir ^Ji.t, gen. sg. tire tji:r'<i, pi. tir(t)ean 
t^i:r{tj)j}i * country.' Boitheach h:^ax 'byre,* has conserved the 
original nom. in a ' broad* consonant; the dat. sg. is boithigh h:gi: 
anns an bhoithigh ans d vo :^l * in the byre ' (2), which is, however, 
now also used as nom. 

Fourth Declension, 

< § 112 > 

The 4th declension has the whole singular, which ends in a vowel, 
unchanged (except in the word la *day*), and the plural is of different 
formation (usually in -n, -an, or -chan, -achan), according to the 
following paradigm (bata * boat,' bogha ' bow,' eala, fem. * swan ') ; 

Nom. sg. bata ha:td bogha ho'd 

Gen. sg. bata haitB bogha ho'9 

Nom. pi. batan ha itsn boghachan bo-ahsn 

Gen. pi. batan boghachan 

Nom. sg. eala jah 
Gen. sg. eala jah 
Nom. pi. ealachan jalahdn^ jaT\ahdn (3) 

Other examples: claidhmhe, pi. claidhmheachan * sword,' bucsa, 
pi. bucsachan * box,' oidhche, gen. sg. fad na h-oidhche /^(i na hl:p 

* during the night,' pi. oidhchean. 

Baile, m. ' place,' has the plur. bailtean (cf § 109, b), bhadhna 

* year,' has bhanta, bliantan, and duine, m. * man,' has daoine 

* people.' La, m. * day,' forms it gen. sg. lae lEi [lEj\ 15b, lEi, 9a, 11), 
and its plural laithean (3). 

Some words have the gen. sg, and nom. pi. in -(a)igh /, as: 
fanca * sheepfold ' (**fank"), cf. the pl.-nn: Purt an Fhancaigh 
p^rt 3 nar\ki, Ceathramh an Fhancaigh k'ardv d naT\ki (13); the plural 
is fancaigh; Gill Eannaigh kiU'z:ni * Killeany ' (pl.-n. = Eanna's 
church?). Cf further § 116. 


Three nouns form their plural in (silent) -the, namely coisidhe 
* footman/ pi. coisidhthe, and stocaigh (?) * stocking,' pi. stocaigh- 
the, urnaighe * prayer,' pi. urnaighthe. 

For the plural na Coireachan Salainn, see § 115. 

Fifth Declension, 

< § 113 > 

The nouns of the 5th declension have two stems — a shorter one 
in the nom. sg., and a longer one for the other cases. The gen. sg. 
usually ends in a ' broad ' vowel, which was originally attenuated 
in the dat. sg. and nom. pL, which latter is now formed in various 
ways. According to the different elements by which the other cases 
are distinguished from the nom. sg., there are several sub-classes, 
as shown by the paradigms (caora, f. * sheep,' teine, f *fire'): 


Nom. sg. caora kE:r9 

Gen. sg. caorach kE:rax 

Nom. pi. caoraigh kE:ri 

Gen. pi. caorach kE:rax 
Other examples: fiagar, f. * lea,' gen. sg. Cnoc na Fiagrach knk 
na fiagrax (pl.-n.), sceir, f. * skerry,' gen. sg. na sceireach ban 
na sk'er'ax ham, Liugha, pi. liughach * lithe ' (fish), Uamhach O 
Beirn (pl.-n.), criidha, pi. criiitheach * horseshoe,' represent the old 
ace. plur. in -a, cf Donegal cruitheacha. 


Nom. sg. teine tlin'd 

Gen. sg. teineadh t\in'dg 

Dat. sg. teinidh t\in'i 
Other examples: moine (originally moin), gen. sg. monadh mjindg, 
dat. sg. moinidh mo :n'i * peat,' uamha, gen. sg. uamhadh Kavdg, 
dat. sg. uamhaidh /Cavi, pi. uamhachan ^avahdn, f. * cave,' an Ealaidh 
d n'all (orig. dat. sg.), gen. sg. na h-Ealadh na ^ahgy f * Ally ' (pl.-n.), 
leabaidh Vabi (orig. dat. sg.), pi. leabthaidh, leapaidh Vapi, f * bed,' 
mala, dat. sg. malaidh mall (e.g. codal in mo mhalaidh) * eyebrow,' 
coille, dat. coillidh * wood,' teanga, dat. teangaidh * tongue.' The 
nom. and dat. cases are mostly used promiscuously. 

84 Till: HUSH LANc;uAc;i-: in rathlin island 


0( the once numerous stems with the gen. sg. in -an(n) there 

are now only traces left, as: sugh sealbhan slg{<)) ^alvaii {lar\jvau, 3) 

' strawberry ' (tor sugli talmhan, from talamh * earth '), abhainn 

(orig. dat.), gen. sg. na h-abhann tui ho-jii (15) ' river ' (cf. § no, b). 

To the 5th declension also belong the words of relationship: 
athair * father,' mathair ' mother,' brathair * brother,' and piur 
' sister.' The gen. sg. was originally different (athar, mathar, 
brathar) from the nom. sg., but they arc now identical, except of 
piur, which forms pcathar, e.g. mac do pheathar inak d? Jz'dr 
' your nephew,' nighcan do pheathar ni'dn dd fz'Dr * your niece ' 
(15a); the gen. dual is the same: an da pheathar dn da: Jz'dr 
* of the two sisters ' (15b). The dat. and yoc, sg. are also like the 
nom. sg. The plural forms are: aithrean, maithrean, braithrean, 
and peathran, which are at least used as nom., dat., and voc. 

Irregular Nouns. 

< § 114 > 

The following three nouns are irregularly declined: bean, gen. sg. 
mna (? ), nom. pi. mnan mra'?n, gen. pi. ban (?), f. * woman'; 
bo, gen. sg. bo fo:, nom. pi. ba ha, gen. pi. bo fo:, or ba (cf. § 108), 
cu, n. pi. coin kon' ' hound,' ' dog.' 

Plural in -a^ -e, 

< § 115 > 

The plural, which in Rathlin Irish is in -(e)an, was originally in 
-e or -a, of which now only traces are found. They are especially 
common in construction with a following attributive adjective or 
genitive. The following examples are found: gamhna (see § iii); 
sccalta, ceolta (§ 109, b); blianta; miosa (§ iii); gnoithe (gnothaigh? 
see § 109, a); corroga dearga hrag9 d^arg{9) 'hips' (berries), suile 
buidhe s^l'? h^id ' corn marigolds,* sugha sealbhan s£k \alvan (15), 
sip \aT\ovan (3) * strawberries,' na Maca Tire na makd t\i:T'd 'the 
Wolves,' na Coireacha Salainn na kor'axd salin' ' Saltpans,' Uamhach 


O Beirn ^avah o h'zr'n' (pl.-n.), Blarthach Boidheach hlairox b :jax 
(pL-n.). Here also belong the plurals of the 5th declension in -(c)ach 
(§ 113, a, b), and the plurals in -(c)adh (§§ 109, c, no, b), which 
latter termination is no doubt identical with -adha (pron. -ai) in 
other Irish dialects (cf. § 159). 

< § 116 > 

The following plurals in -/ have been heard: coisidhthc * footmen,' 
stocaigh 'stockings' (§ 112), dramaigh drami * drams ' (i), 
fancaigh 'fanks' (§ 112), chickenaigh t^ik'jni 'chickens,' and pccleraigh 
pihri ' peelers ' (the latter maybe from a sg. peelerach). 

< § 117 > 

A few words get the English plural in -s: divers dzivjrs (3), 
bicycles bsisikjls (3), hikers hzikors (3), cuddans k^djns ' cuddies ' 
(small fish, very young saithe), conagles hnag,ils ' conversation/ 
Similarly the Enghsh -s is added in cases where the Irish plural is 
unknown, e.g. longs (loghs) Ions 'ships' (2), righs ri:s 'kings' (2). 
An original plural is butais b^:tii (from Middle Engl, botes), which 
is now understood as singular ' boot,' and forms its plural butaisean 

Collective nouns have a singular form and plural sense, and may 
be preceded by the plural form of the definite article, e.g. na 
h-eanfhlaith na hs:llg 'the poultry' (13). Paiteanach patlduax 
'rooster'; 'chickens' is sometimes said to be a singular (13), 
sometimes a collective (8). 

The Adjective. 

The adjective in the positive degree is used attributively, 
predicatively and as a substantive. The attributive adjective usually 
follows the noun, but in a few cases it precedes the noun (causing 
aspiration, §§ 99, 100; see below). The predicative adjective is, except 
in a few cases (see under the Copula, § 146), construed with the 
so-called substantive verb (see § 146), as: ta e mor 'he is big,' 
cha rabh an paidheadh go ro mhor ' the pay was not overly big ' (3). 



< § Ii8 > 

The inflection of the adjective is very much siniphficd in RathHn. 
Usually there is only one form in use (the nom. sg., masc. and fern.), 
for the attributive as w^ell as predicative adjective, according to the 
paradigm below (bachlach mor * big boy/ giorsach bheag * Httie 

Nom. sg. bachlach mor hahx nio :r giorsach hhc2ig g'srsax veg 

Gen. sg. bachlaigh mhor balj voir giorsaighe hczg g'srsi beg 

Nom. pi. bachlaigh mhor halj vo :r giorsachan beag g'srsahju beg 

Gen. pi. bachlach mor baUx mo :r giorsach(an) beag g'zrsax beg 

Originally, however, the gen. sg. masc. was in a * slender * 
consonant, the gen. sg. fem. in -e, and the nom. and ace. plur. (both 
genders) in -a, of which traces are still found, especially in old 
phrases or in place-names: foid moine Eireannaigh^:rfj mom' eir'sni 
'a sod of Irish peat* (15), nighean Domhnall Ruaidh nidu dobl r^ai 
' Donald Roe's daughter/ Druim an Chreisean Duibh drim d xrelsn 
d£iv (pL-n.), Ailte Dhuibh alt\d ylv * Black,* Purt Inean Duibhe 
pX*rr in'zn dlv9 (pl.-n.). Lag na Coillidh Boichche lag na kEl'i bji (i), 
na kE'.ri bj:p (5), na Clocha Breaca na kbx9 br'akj (pl.-n.), corroga 
dearga hragj d^argD * hips' (3), giorsachan oga g'zrsahn o:gd ' young 
girls' (5), ceithre gioUan oga k'er'9 g'zhn j:gj * four young lads' (2): 

The adjective fiadhain * wild,' h according to 15b pronounced 
fiagsn in the sg., and Jiagsn\ in the plur., e.g. gcidh fhiadhain 
g'si iagsn' ' wild geese.' Of sona * happy,' the gen. sg. sonaigh 
(as fancaigh, § 112) occurs once: cuid an duine shonaigh kiCd^ gn 
d^Oi'j luni 'the happy man's property' (2); but cf. § 6. Similarly 
the plural of dana ' bold,' is danaigh damiy with speaker No. 3. 

The predicative adjective is more seldom inflected, e.g. bha na 
casogan dearga va: na kasagjn d^argj * the coats were red' (3). 

< § 119 > 

The adjectives corr * odd,' droch * bad,' * evil,' leath * half,' and 
scan ' old ' (which originally entered into compounds with the 
noun), are always uninflected, e.g. corr fhocai hr okdl * an odd word,' 
droch sceal drox sk'zil * evil news,' droch bholadh drox vohg 


* bad smell,' leath chloch I'e xbx ' a half stone,' Icatli phonta I e font) 

* a half pound ' (weight), sean bhean ^an vjan ' old woman,' sean 
daoine Ian dEin'o *old people,' sean lathrach \an lairax 'old rum' 
(cf. the pl.-n. an Seanlathrach on jandrax, ?n \aT\Yax, 3, *Shandragh'), 
sean toigh scoil \an tEi shl * an old schoolhouse ' (cf. 'shanty'). 
Similarly ath, atha ' next,' see § 134, B, a. 

< § 120 > 

Examples of the substantival use of the adjectives: gabhaidh 
'ch-uile dath dubh, ach cha ghabh dubh dath (saying, 2), na danaigh 
na daini *the wicked ones! ' (3; cf. § 118), go rabh maith agad gd ro 
ma ad ' thank you,' as gach olc as ga Ivlk ' from all evil,' Ian sac de 
chlochan r\a:n sak d^e xr[oxjn 'a bag-full of stones ' (3). 


< § 121 > 

The three degrees of comparison: equativc, comparative and 
superlative, which are peculiar to Celtic languages, are formed from 
the positive in the following ways in Rathlin Irish: 

[a) Equativc. 
In absolute equation co kj (or cho .v:?) is put in front of the 
adjective, e.g. co dona kj djm ' so bad,' ta e co fuar ta j kj f^ar 
* it is so cold' (=^'very cold'). In relative equation the prep, le 
(from O.Ir. fri) is added, e.g. cho maith leinne xj ma len'd ' as good 
(well) as we,' ta e co comasach le duine airithe ta j h komjsax 
Iz d((n' dri * he is as powerful as anybody.' 

[h) Comparative. 
For the comparative a special form is used, for which see below. 
When the comparative is absolute, this form is preceded by nas nas 
(for the present) or na ba na hd (for the preterit), e.g. ta e nas fhearr 
ta d na sz:r 'it is better,' and a relative comparative is further followed 
by na na * than,' e.g. ta e nas fhearr na sin ta d na ss :r na jIn ' it is 
better than that.' In attributive construction: duine nas fhearr (na 

S8 ihf: irish languagl in ratiilin island 

b'fhcarr) ' a better man,' duinc nas fliearr (iia b'thcarr) na 'a better 
man than,' etc. Ct. further under the Copula (§ 146). 

(c) Superlative, 
The superlative is expressed by the same form as the comparative 
(see below), preceded by is P5 (for the present) or ba hj (for the 
preterit). It is usually found in attributive construction, as: an music 
ba dcise chualaigh duine riamh n nij^:sik b<i rfjcp x^ar\j d^u'9 riav 
'the nicest music man had ever heard' (3), peacadh is lugha pzlzD 
J /'.u 'the least sin' (7), an biadh is fhearr dm hidg d se:r 'the best 
tood,' air an aon is sine cr' o nin 9 J/h'p * on the oldest one.' 

Comparative and Superlative Forms, 

< § 122 > 

The following comparative and superlative forms are in current 
use in Rathlin Irish: 

ard 'high': nas airde na sErd^j (13), s<nd^<) (15) * higher.' 

beag 'little': nas lugha nas l^o (4), Hd (15, etc.), I'iCo (7) *lcss,' 

' smaller.' 
deas * nice ' : dcise d^e].! * nicer.' 

dona ' bad ' : nas measa nas miso [tnesj), na ba mheasa na bj visj * worse.' 
fada *long': nas fhaide na ssd^D, na b'fhaidc na bed^o Monger'; 

' farther,' ' further.' 
furasta *casy': nas fhasa na sasD * easier.' 
glan 'clean': nas gloine nas glon'o [gUn'j, 5) 'cleaner.* 
goirid 'short': nas goiride nas gErid^D 'shorter.' 
iseal ' low^ ' : nas isle na si :jl\i ' low^er.* 
luath 'quick'; 'early': nas luaithe nas Uep 'quicker'; 'earlier,' 

' sooner.' 
maith 'good': nas fhearr na Je.T (L.E.), na sz:r (U.E.), na b'fhearr 

na bz:r 'better'; cf. also: b'fhcarr leam bz:rbm, bsrhm 'I had 

rather'; cf. na ss:r (An i). 
mall 'slow'; 'late': nas moille nas uiEI'd 'slower'; 'later.' 
mor ' great,' ' big ' : nas mo nas mrj ' greater,' ' bigger.' 
scan * old ' : nas sine hd jin\i ' older ' (11). 
tiream ' dry ' : nas tiorma nas tjsrm<i ' drier.' 
tiugh 'thick': nas tiugha nas t\^'d 'thicker' (15). 


< § 123 > 

A special extended form is used of the comparatives fhearr, 
measa, mo, viz. fheirrde, mhiste, mlioide. As for their origin, the 
following construction may be compared: ta me nas fhearr de 
ta: ins na ss:r d^z 'I am (the) better of it.' In this sense the longer 
forms are used, always after the copula, e.g. is fheirrde sinn e 
ssrd^D jin' s *we are the better of it,' cha mhiste leam ha vi^t'd bm 
' I don't grudge (you) ' (13), cha mhoide go rig thu leas ha voided 
gj rig' £ Vas ' it won't avail you ' (12). 

Pcrsoial Pronouns. 

< § 124 > 

The personal pronouns show simphfications the same as in Manx 
and Scottish GaeHc, making no distinction between subject and object 
forms. The following forms are used: 
me mi:, me me, m.?, mi^ 'I,' *me'; emphatic mise m/p; 
tu, thu ^/C;, t£, d£ (^2)> *^*» ^ 'thou,' 'thee,' *you' (sg.); emph. 

tusa t^sj, thusa £sd\ 
e £.', Sd (3), £, rt, d 'he,' 'him,' 'it'; emphatic eisean s\?n, or 

esan zs3n, eisean-sa slmso (8); 
i /;, i 'she,' 'her,' 'it'; emphatic ise /J,7 or ise ii^j (correct?), 

isean iJ^h, isean-sa ilduso (8); 
sinn [in [\in') ' we,' 'us'; emphatic sinne I'ln'j; 
sibh \iv 'you' (pi.); emphatic sibhse J/VJ.7, \i:\.i (13); 
ead z:d {e:d, 14), sd, ad, dd, d 'they,' 'them'; emphatic eadsan 

zidsdn, ztsdn. — Rath. Cat. aid (obj.). 
The forms with a long vowel are used in stressed position, chiefly 
as predicate: is me s mi: 'it is I,' thu dhona, dhona £: yonj yon? 
' you bad one ' (2) ; the short and reduced vowels, in unstressed 
position. Of the reduced forms of the pronouns e and ead, the forms 
£, zd are more common as object, the others as subject, e.g. 
chover e e xovsr a £ ' he covered it ' (3). The reason for this is that 
the object forms, which are often placed toward the end of the 
sentence, have usually more stress. 

I. The latter form chiefly before vowels. 



Of the tonus tu, tusa, thu, thusa (which arc only used of a single 
person), those in t arc employed (as subject) after a verbal form, 
ending in -(a)idh, -(c)adh, or -(e)as,^ or after the forms of the 
copula (§ 146), e.g. feidhmidh tu fc:mi tii * you must,' is tusa 
.)5 t^s.-i ' it is you.' But * and you ' is: agus thusa js i^sj. 

Older forms arc found in songs, as: an rabh tu in gCill Ailcan? 
,m ro tii ?T\ g\^\'a:\'zn 'have you been in C. ? ' mise agus tusa agus 
iorball na muicc ;////.? s i^s:i s ^] na m^k'n (3), air a bhi si (?) dol 
do'n t-shcarmoin cr ? vilo dol dm t^arnisn ' when she was going to 
the sermon ' (8). Cf. Rath. Cat. Jhc * he' 

< § ^25 > 

The personal pronouns arc fused with most prepositions in a 
similar way to the Enghsh colloquial forms *with 'cm,' *to 't,' etc. 
The prepositions which form such combinations with a personal 

pronoun arc: aig, aige £^'('') * ^^»' ^^ (^^0 ^'^' ^^^ * ^^'' ^^ ^^ *^^^ ^f'' 
de d^s ' of,' do dj ' to,' faoi * under,' in dh * in,' le k * with,* 
and o ' from.' By incorporation of the different pronominal 
elements, the following forms arise: 

agam agjtrty ajm, am at mc 

agad agjdy a?d, ad * at you ' 

aigc zg'3 * at him ' 

aice zk'd * at her ' 

againn agin, a- in, a in 'at us ' 

agaibh ag3v, av * at you ' 

aca akD, okd * at them ' 

(cf. Manx oc, ocsyn, Knccn, § 37) 

diom d^idm, d^i :m * of (off) me * 

diot d^idt * of (off) you ' 

de d^E * of (off) him ' 

di, dithe (?) 'of (off) her' 

dinn d^in ' of (off) us ' 

dibh d^i:v * of (off) you ' 

diofa dp :fi ' of (off) them ' 

orm jrni on mc 
ort jrt ' on you ' 
air cr\ cr * on him ' 
uirthe ^p, £rj ' on her ' 
orainn orin ' on us ' 
oirbh jw ' on you ' 
ortha jrd, otd ' on them ' 

domh d/C 'to me ' 

duit d^t\, ditj ' to you ' 

do dj : ' to him ' 

di d^i:, dithe d^ip 'to her' 

duinn d^n', d^n (14) * to us ' 

daoibh dl:v 'to you' 

dofa do :fd * to them ' 

I. Except monosyllabic forms: shuidh thu (not tu) ; see further under 
Irregular verbs, §§ 146-154. 


learn ram, lam, bm ' with me ' bliuam v^9m ' from mc ' 

leat I' at, lat * with you * bhuait v^zt\ ' from you ' 

leis lei ' with him ' bhuaidh v^ai ' from hiui ' 

leithc lep, le :p (3) 'with her' bhuaithe v^zg^ 'from her' 

leimi len' ' with us ' bhuainn ViCsn' ' from us ' 

leibh lev ' with you ' bhuabh v^dv ' from you ' 
leo /':?;, leofa l'o[:)fd * with them' bhuafa v^dfd 'from them' 

From in are formed: annam andm ' in me,' annad arut ' in you ' (4), 
ann a:n, an 'in him' (also adv. 'there'), innte int\d, zint\d, zntli 

* in her,' annta antd ' in them '; from as: as as ' out of him ' (also adv. 
' out '), aiste a\t'B ' out of her '; from faoi: ixxm. fi£'dm ' under me ' (4, 
8), (nt f^'Jt 'under you' (4), (zoi f^i, fl: 'under him' (also adv. 
'below'), faoithe fh, fuithe f^i9 (15) 'under her,' fuinn fi-iii' 

* under us ' (4). Other prepositions do not usually fuse with the 
pronoun, thus: frid c fri :d^ a 'through it' (4), eadar ead ed^r at 
'between them' (3); cf. also: faoi mise/Cf mij?, faoi eisean ^i sJjh, 
faoi isean f^i iloti (8), faoi ise //: ijj (4), faoi sinne //C/ litu (8), 
faoi ead-san//: ztS9n (4). 

< § 126 > 

In order to express emphatic forms, the following emphatic suffixes 
are added: ist pers. sg. -sa sj, 2d pers. sg. -sc p, 3d pers. sg. masc. 
-sean jon, fern, -se J"^, ist pers. pi. -ne u'd, 2d pers. pi. -se J,), 
3d pers. pi. -san sjn. The following forms may especially be noticed: 
agaibh-se avJ9 * at you ' (unstressed), dibh-se d^ivjj ' off you,' dinne 
d^in'9 ' of (off) us,' domh-sa diC:sD ' to me,' duinne diCn'^ * to us,' 
daoibh-se dlvi9 *to you' (pL), leisean /eja« 'with him,' leinne len'j 

* with us,' bhuait-se v^zt\d * from you ' (sg.). Cf. also faoi ise, 
faoi ead-san, above. 

Possessive Pronouns. 

< § 127 > 
The possessive pronouns are: 

mo md (before a consonant and j) * my/ 

m' m (before vowels) * my,' 

do dd (before consonants) ' thy,' * your ' (only of one person), 

t' t (before a, o, u), t\ (before e, i) ' thy,' ' your,' 


a c? (before consonants and j) ' his/ ' its ' (§ 98), 

zero (before vowels) ' his,' ' its ' (cf. § 105, i), 

a J * hers/ ' its ' (§ 103), 

nar n<n ' our ' (§ 102), 

niur (mar) nur * your ' (only of more than one person; § 102), 

an, a du, d ' their ' (§§ 102, 103). 

The above forms are used attributively before a noun (or nominal 
word); the emphatic particles mentioned in § 126 may follow the 
noun, e.g. mo each-sa mo jaxs<i ' my horse * (2). The use of the 
forms mo, m*, do, t', is not always regular, cf mo athair md adr, 
do athair d<i aor (12), for m'athair, t'athair, mo ata mo atd, do ata 
do ato * my, your hat* (12), do anail do anal * your breath,' mo ordog 
mo dirdag * my thumb' (4); t'cadan tcdon [tEidon) or t\c:don 
'your face,' t'cadach tc :dax (tEidax) * your clothes' (2), but 
regularly: t'eicli fhe t\eg he: * your own horses' (also * flee 
yourself,' 2), m'athair m azr, t'athair t asr, athair azr *his father/ 
a h-athair hasr, nar athair nor asr, mur athair mor aer, a n-athair 

< § 128 > 

After a preposition the following forms occur: 

a (before the infinitive, sec § 139): dol a mo thcidheagadh fhein 
dol a mo hiago hc:n * going to warm myself (11), but also: 
ag mo mharbhadh go mo varvog ' to kill mc' (10), ga fhaicin 
ga akin, ga amharc ga avork * to see him,' as for the gerund. 
So also from the prep, a dh'ionnsaighe jsnsi * toward': a mo 
iomisaighe a mo jsnsi * toward me,' a t'ionnsaighe a t^ensi 
' toward you ' (sg.), a nar ionnsaighe a nor jensi ' toward us ' (3), 
a n-ionnsaighe a n'znsi ' toward them ' ; 

ag (before the gerund, see § 139): ag mo ghiulan go mo j^:x\on 1 

* carrying me' (3), gat fhaicinn ga takin, gat amharc ga tavork ■ 

* seeing you,' gat itheadh ga tjipg * eating you ' (6), ag do 
chumail go do XiCmal ' keeping you,' ga fhaicin ga akin, ga 
amharc ga avork * seeing him,' ag mur gcumail go mor g/Cmsl ^ 
'keeping you,' gan deanadh gan d^zmog 'doing them'; 

ainti * toward,' ' to,' ' into ': ainti na bhrathair zntli na vrazr * to his 
brother ' (3), ainti na bhean znt\i na vjan * to his wife ' (3); 


ar (air) * on ' : air (ar) mo dhruim er (^r) md yrim * on my back/ 
air mo lie er m? lik * on my rock,' ar m' athais dr m aa\ ' back ' ; 
air do cliasog er dd xasag 'on your (sg.) coat,' air do cliul 
er dd x^il * behind you,' ar t'athais dr taal * back,' ar t'aghaidh 
dr tE:i ' ahead '; air a h-athais er d haa\ (fern, sg.), air a n-athais 
er d naa\ (pi.) * back ' ; 

as * out of ' : as a dheidh as d jsi ' after him,' as an deidh S9n d^si 

* after them ' ; 

de * of,' * off': de mo dhruim d^s m? yrlm * off my back,' de do 
ghualainn d^s dd ydar\in ' off your shoulder ' (3), de na dhruim 
diz na yrlm * off his back,' de na chosan d^z na xosdn * of (off) 
his feet,' de na mhearan d^z na vzirm * of (off) his fingers '; 

faoi * under ': faoi na ascail/7: na askdl * under his arm ' (3); 

in *in': in mo phaiste dn mdfa:\t'd 'being a child' (3), mo sheasamh 
md hesdv ' standing,' 's (for anns) mo shuidheacan s md hijdkan 

* sitting ' (5), anns mo chorp ds md xorp * in my body ' (2), 
mo shuidhe md h^jd * sitting ' ; in do cheann dn dd ga :n 

* in your head ' (sg.), anns do chorp as dd xjrp ' into your body ' 
(sg., 2) ; na dheidh (or dheaghaidh ?) na je'i * after him, 'na 
dhuine maith na yMd ma 'a good man,' na laighe na v^ap 

* lying ' (3), in a lamh na v^a-.v ' in his hand ' (3); bha ead na 
gcomhnaidhe va dd na go :ni ' they were living ' ; 

le * with ': leis mo bhrog lej nid vroig *with my shoe,' le na mhathair 
/e na vazr 'with his mother,' le na iorball /s na ^rbar] 'with 
his tail ' (3); 

ma * about ' : ma na chosan ma na {nd) xosdn ' about his feet.' 

The forms anns mo, anns do, leis mo, for in mo, in do, le mo, 
are taken from the forms before the definite article; see § 107. 

Possessive pronouns are also expressed in other ways, as with a 
possessive plus cuid k^d^ * part,' * lot,' followed by a plural noun, 
e.g. an gcuid peathran dx\ g^d^ pzpn * their sisters,' an gcuid mnan 
as an gcuid paistean dX] g/Cd^ mradn dS dT] g^d^ pa :jt'dn ' their wives 
and children' (3), or with a following prep., as: an buaint againn 
am b^znt^ ain 'our harvest' (4), an baile aca fhe dm hal' akd he: 
* their own place.' 

After the copula, a substantival possessive pronoun is expressed 


by the prep, le, as: is leain js I' am * it is mine,' is Ico J I'o: 
' it is theirs ' (3). 

'One's own' is expressed by a following fhein (see § 129), as: 
mo thoigh fhein (fhe) * my own house/ 

Reflexive Pronoun, 

< § 129 > 

The reflexive pronoun is fhein he :n (also fhe he:^ fe /e;) *self'; 
*own/ which is construed in the following way: me fhein 
m3 {nti) he :n (usually he:) * myself/ teich fhe tje^ he: * flee yourself/ 
dithe fhe d^ip he: * to herself; is geal leis an fhiach a phreachan 
fhein ds g'al lej d niax ? frz:xan he:n * the raven thinks his own 
young is white/ le mo choir fe /e nw x^r fe: * through my own 
fault ' (in the Confiteor, 9). 

Reciprocal Pronoun, 

< § 130 > 

The reciprocal pronoun is a cheile {d) ge:l'j {ge :h) * each other/ 

Demonstrative Pronouns, 

< § 131 > 

The bases of the demonstrative pronouns are the three particles, 
referring to different distances from, or relations to, the speaker, 
namely: (i) seo Jj * this ' (i.e. 'the one close by the speaker'; 
*the latter'), (2) sin |m' (i), jln, j^n (4), jzn, ^du 'that' (i.e. 'the 
one farther from the speaker, or nearer the person addressed ' ; ' the 
former '), and (3) siod lid ' yon,' ' yonder ' (i.e. ' the one far away 
from cither person ' ; originally used in a hinting way of anything 
distant, but later almost in the same way as sin); as the Latin ///e, it 
preferably refers to the 3d person. 

These pronouns, which are flexionless, are either used independently 
or as attributive adjectives after a noun, preceded by the definite 
article, e.g. ta sin go maith ta : ^In gd ma ' that is good,' an duine seo 
?n d^n'd J:? ' this man '; instead of siod, lid ad, at is used after a noun: 
an cnoc ud 9T] krok ad ' yon hill,' seo in gceann i J:? dx\ g'an i 
' take her ahead ' (15). 


After a copula form, a personal pronoun must be inserted 
(cf § 146), e.g. gon b'e seo na hikers g? fee J:? na hsikDrs *that this was 
the hikers' (3), b'e shin obair throm ba hin ohdv ro:m * that was 
heavy work ' (3). 

After a preposition, the definite article is inserted, as: go leor 
de'n sin gd Voir d^s na ^In * enough of that ' (3), but also: frid seo 
fri:d:^ jj * through this,' i.e. * through here ' (4). 

An exception is o shin j hIn * since ' (adv.), where sin is aspirated, 
e.g. fada o shin fad j hIn ' long ago ' (15a). 

Sin is sometimes aspirated to shin hIn, hen (cf above). This takes 
place especially when something is pointed out (cf. French voila), 
e.g. shin an doras hIn du djtds * there is the door,' shin an doigh 
hln dn dol * that is the way.' 

Further in o shin, see above. 

Relative Pronoun, 
< § 132 > 

The relative pronoun is expressed (i) by the relative form of the 
verb (see §§ 140, 141), or (2) by special pronouns followed by the 
relative form. 

(i) The relative form is used alone when it refers to an antecedent, 
and is the subject or direct object of the sentence, e.g. duine (a) bha 
coisidheacht air burd na beinne d£n'd va: ko^iaxt er hiCrdd na hen'd 
* a man who was walking on the top of the mountain ' (3), rud ari 
(a) thoileochas tu r^d dri hol'agds U * anything you like ' (12). 

(2) There are certain relative pronouns, which include a general 
antecedent, as Engl. * what ' (=* that which '), viz. an ^n, cibe fe'/fee, 
k'iba, which are always followed by the relative form of the verb. 
E.g. cibe thachair domh k'iba haxor dK * what happened to me ' (3), 
cibe rinn ise k'ibz rEin i\9 *what she did' (3), le cibe dhoirt ead arms 
an troch k k'iba yjrtj at ans m trox *with what they poured into 
the trough ' (3). 

■^The relative which has a special antecedent is an dn when preceded 
by a preposition, but usually some kind of circumlocution is 
used in Irish, e.g. an aite an abair ead an Cnocan leis d na:t\d nabdr 
at pT| krokan /ej * the place which they call Knockans ' (lit. * to which 
they say K.,' 11), aon aig a bha Domhnall air In sg'd va: dodl er 


* one named Donald' (lit. 'on which was D./ ii), bha toigh ann 
in Reachlainn a bha cad ag deanadh poitean ann va: tzi an dn 
raxlln o va ad j d^zn^g poitlzn an * there was a house in RathUn 
in which they were making whisky,' (i), bha h-aon eile, bha Alastair 
air va hin el'd va abstzr er * there was another named Aleck ' 
(ht. * another, it was A. on him/ ii), etc. Similar circumlocutions 
express a relative pronoun in the genitive case. 

An 9n by itself also means * where/ as: ait an amhairc thu 
a :tl d navdtik' ^ * a place where you will see.' 

Any direct or indirect interrogative word must be followed by a 
relative construction, e.g. goide innseas me duit g? d^e : inJ9S me d^tj 

* what shall I tell you ? ' or * what I shall tell you,' which literally 
means * what is it that I shall tell you,' etc. Similarly: c6 air an dtig e ? 
ko er DH d^ig' z * whom shall it befall ? ' * who is it that it shall come 
on ? ' edit an deachaidh e ka :tl dn d^axi z ' where did he go,* etc. 

The same rule appHes to certain conjunctions (see § 144), as: 
goide mar shaoileas tu g9 d^e : mdr [d) hEiVds t^ * how do you think ? ' 
(4), cibe ar bith mar a bhios an sion k'zharhi nidr d vi'ds dn \i?n 

* however the weather will be * (L.E.). 

Interrogative Pronouns. 

< § 133 > 
The interrogative pronouns, which are also inflexible, are either 
substantival or adjectival. The former are: c6 ko:, ko, ko *who?* 
and goide gdd^e:, de d^e:, d^e *what?' The latter are: co h, 
ca ka, ko, ga gd, c k, c6 an ko (a)«, goide an gdd^e : (a)«, de an d^e :«, 
ge an g'e :n (perhaps contracted from goide an) * what ? * * which ? ' 
In construction with a finite verb, the interrogative pronouns are 
always followed by the relative form of the verb (see § 132). 

(a) Substantival: co t'ann? ko ta:n * who is there? ' goide ta thu 
ag deanadh? {gd)die: ta /C [gd) d^zindg * what are you doing?' 
CO e ? feo e ; * who is he ? * co ead ? ko £ :d * who are they ? * 
goide sin? {g9)d^e : jIn * what is that?' goide is ciall do.? gdd^e: 
s kial do : * what does it mean ? ' 

(b) Adjectival: co h-ainm? ko har'm *what name?' ca mhead? 
kd vid [kd fit, 13) * how many? ' ga h-aite? g9 haitld * what place? ' 
c'ait kaitl * where ?'; co na daoine t'ann? ko na dEin'd ta:n 'what 


people are there ? ' ; goide an seorda d^e n lordd * what knid ? ' ge'ii 
t-am? g'ein tarn * what time? ' (5), ge'n ait? g'e: naitj * what place? ' 
goide an f had a ta thu an seo ? g9 d^e: nad {g9 d^e: ad) d ta ^ \o ' how 
long are you here?' (9a). — Rath. Cat.: ge, gud e ('what?'), ka 
hainim ta ort? 

Cf. also the construction: ga do an boin e? gd do: hon' a * whither 
(where) does he belong ? ' 

The Scotticism co dhiobh (dhiu) h jX : 'anyway/ is sometimes, 
but seldom, heard (e.g. 2). 

Indefinite Pronouns, 

< § 134 > 
Under this heading are given certain pronominal and adjectival 
words of different origin and function, of which the majority 
correspond to the so-called indefinite pronouns in most languages. 
They are either substantival or adjectival. 

(A) Substantival. 

As substantives the nouns duine d^n'9, dln'd, dEn'd * a man,' and 
rud r^J, rid * a thing,' are very much in use, as : chan f heil duine 
istoigh ha nel d^n'd stEi ' nobody is in.' 

In the plural muinntir m^nt\ir {mKt\iry -dr) * people' is used, 
e.g. muinntir gheal, muinntir dhearg, muinntir ghorm, muinntir 
uaine m^t\ir jal m^tjir jarg m^tjir yorm tn^tjir ^an'd * some (boxes) 
white, some red, some blue, some green ' (3). Similarly cuid k^di 
* part,' ' some.' 

These are also combined with the adjectival words (see below), 
as duine eile * another,' muinntir eile * others,' a h-uile rud * every- 
thing.' The following are most important: cuideicin k^d^ek'in, 
cuideiginteach 'fe^Jj eg'intjax * somebody' (notice sing.), rud-eicin 
rXdek'in, rEdzk'in' (2), rodek'in' (4), rud-eigin r^dzg'in, rud-eigint 
r^deg'intf * something.' For * anybody ' and * anything,' duine ari 
dXn'd ri and rud ari r^d 9 ri{: Y are used, as well as the compounds 
with ar bith and ariamh (see below). 

I . Formally it might be dirithe ' a certain,' but the sense is the same 
as duine ariamh, duine ar bith, etc. 


Instead of fear and bean (e.g. an fear sin on f jar jIn * that one,' 13), 
h-aon hX:u, hi :n, hin, aon In (in) are more frequently used for * one/ 
e.g.: corra h-aon kjrj h^ :n * an odd one,' h-aon fada hin fadd * a long 
one,' h-aon iarainn ///// iarin * an iron one ' (3), an t-aon eile du tin el'? 

* the other owe ' (3), an t-aon lir ?n tin ^:r * the new one,' an t-shean 
aon dn t\an In ' the old one.' Similarly gach aon, a h-aon * everyone,' 
e.g. a h-aon aca d hIn ok? * everyone of them.' — The Scottish te * one ' 
(fem.) is recognized, but not much in use, e.g. te eileac t\e ^el'?k 
{tjeldk) ' another ' (4, 9, 13), an te mhor ?n t\e : voir * the big one ' (13), 
an te an sin on t^e : dn \In 'that one there' (13). 

Cach ka :x, which originally meant ' everybody,' now means 

* the others,' * the rest,' e.g. comhlach le each kj :r\ax Is ka:x * along 
with the rest ' (3). In the same way athrach a :rax is used: chan fheil 
fhios aig an athrach air ha nel Us eg' 9 nairah er ' the others do not 
know it ' (9), nach do rinn sinn an t-athrach nax dd rEin lin' dn ta:^ax 

* that we did not do otherwise ' (15, etc.). 

(B) Adjectival 

The adjectival indefinite pronouns either (a) precede or (b) follow 
the word they define. 

(a) Preceding. 

Of the old pronominal adjectives, which preceded the word they 
defined, the following are still in use in Rathlin: h-uile, gach, and 
aon (originally forming a compound with the following word). 
H-uile h^r? * every,' * all ' (originally gach uile, cf. gach aon, above), 
is used in the following way: a h-uile seorda ? h/CV? \o{:)rdd * every 
kind,' *all kinds,' h-uile rud maith go leor h/Cl'd rKd ma g? Voir 

* everything good,' h-uile storas ? h/Cl'd stoiras *all stores,' a h-uile car 
d h/CVd kar * all the time,' a h-uile gnothach 9 h^l'9 gro9X * every tiling,' 
a h-uile la 9 h/^l'9 la9 * every day,' air a h-uile cloch er 9 h/CV9 
kT\ox *on every stone' (3), de'n h-uile seorda d^e n h£V9 loird? 

* of all kinds.' Uile is also a substantive in: uile go leir ^1'9 
{h^l'9, 13) g9 Ve:r * all together.' Gach gax, ga (§ 103, d) * every ': 
as gach gabhadh as gax ga :v9g * out of every danger ' (i), as gach olc 
as ga hoik * from (all) evil ' (in the Lord's Prayer). Aon * one,' with 
the def. art. * the same,' e.g. an aon taobh 9 nin lEiv * the same side ' 
(3). Aon also seems to be used in the sense of * any,' e.g. bhfeil aon 
iota ort ? vel in i9t ort * are you thirsty ? ' (3), aon luachan maith 


9n Uaxdu ma * any good prices * (15 b), a construction which is 
common in Donegal Irish. 

Similarly construed are also iomad imad, iomadh (iomdha?) ima, 
imag, iomadhach imdgax * many ' and 's ionann * the same,' which 
were originally (as the latter is still) construed predicatively (see 
§ 146). E.g. iomadh duine imag d^n'9 * many people,' 's ionann rud 
]ln9n riCd * it is the same thing/ 

An ath 3 na, an atha (an ath ?) 9 nao ' the next ' : an ath sheachtain 
9 na gaxtin * next week,' an ath mhios 9 na vi9s * next month,' 
an ath doras 9 na dor9S * next door,' an ath bhliadhna 9 na vhan9 

* next year,' an atha rud a chonnaigh ead 9 na9 r£d 9 honi ad 

* the next thing they saw ' (3). 

All these pronouns are, in the proper idiom, always followed by 
a singular noun, but after iomadh * many ' the plural may come in 
by mistake. 

(b) Following. 

These are either pronominal adjectives or adverbs, serving as 
attribute of the preceding (substantival) word. 

Eigin e{:)g"m, eiginteach e['?jg'int\ax, eigint e{:)g'int\, thaobheicean 
hE[:)vik'9n {he:vik'9n, 8, 13), thaobhaingte hE:viT\tJ9 * some,' e.g. 
duine thaobh-eicean d^n'9 he:vik'9n * somebody,' leabharan thaobh- 
eicean Vo'9r9n he :vi'k9n * some books' (2). 

Ar bith 9r hi, ari 9 n(;), ariamh 9 riav * any,' duine ari diCn' 9 ri 

* anybody' (3), e.g. duine ar bith d^n' 9r hi * anybody at all,' rud 
ar bith r^d 9r hi * anything (at all),' aite ari a 1(^9 eri * any place ' (3), 
uair ari ^9r' 9 ri * any time ' (8), la ari a ta e ag cur T\a9 ri 9 ta 9 k^r 

* any day it is raining ' (3). 

Eile e/'5, eileac el 9k (3, 4) ' other,' e.g. crapan eile krapan el' 9 

* another potato,' le dist eile fe d^i'ijt' el'9 * with two others,' 
muinntir eile m^t^ir eV9 * other people,' h-aon eileac h£:n el' 9k 

* another one ' (4), goide eileac? g9 d^el'9k * what else? ' (3). 

Ceadna k'e :dn9, kiadn9 * same ' (not common) : an duine ceadna 
dT\ d^n'9 k'e:dn9 * the same man,' an t-aon ceadna 9n tin kiadn9 

* the same one.' 

Amhdin 9 va :n' * a single ' (not common) : uair amhain ^er 9 va :n' 
*once* (* one time,' 7), aon la amhain In r\a9 vain' (3), la amhain 
hd va:n' (15) * one day,' cnapan amhain krapan 9 va:n' *(only) one 
potato' (15). 



Cardinal Numbers. 

< § 135 > 
The cardinal numbers often have different forms according to 
their different functions. Thus the cardinals 1-4 have a special form 
used in counting, or merely giving the number, and another when 
used (attributively) in front of a noun. All numerals up to ten 
originally had a separate form w^hen they were used as substantives 
(=' one person or thing,' etc.), but these forms (except the one for 
' two ') are hardly in use any more. The numerals are given below: 
(a) in their counting form, (b) as adjectives before a noun, and 
(c) as substantives. 





h-aon hd:n, hE:n (L.E.) 
hE:n, hem (U.E.) 
hi£ : n; hi : n , h i : n 
(U. & L.E.) 

aon 7rt, lud, in, in? 


do do: 

da da: 

dist dii'i\t\ 
die'i\ (i) 


tri tri:, tri:, trEi; 

tri tri:, tri:, trEi, 

triur tr^:ry 

trni, trai (U.E.) 


tr'£: (15b) 


ceithir k'e'ir, k'e'dr 

ceithre k'er'? 

ceathrar fe'^r^r 

(Rathl. Cat. keir) 

ceithir k'e-ir, etc. 



cuig k^:g' (Rathl. Cat. 

cuig ki^:g' 



se \e: 

se \e: 



seacht laxt 

seacht \axt 



ocht oxt 

ocht oxt 



naoi nl: (L.E.) 

nEi {nni, etc., U.E.) 

naoi n/;, nEi, etc. 



deich d^eg 

deich d^eg 


h-aon deag h/C:n {hl:n) 

aon -deag In{?)-die 



(see below) 


do dheag dj : je :g 

da -dheag da:-je:g 



tri deag trI: {trEi) d^eig^ 

tri - d(h)eag, tri : - J^e 





(9 (b) (c) 

14 ceathair deag k'a-ir ceithre (ceithir) - deag 

4^-^ (3) 

ceithir deag k'cir d^eig (2) 

15 cuig deag k^:g' d^e :g cuig - deag 

etc. etc. 

20 £ic\ie2idji'?d{jihd,i), fichead ^-.W, etc. 

21 h-2ion 2is (ic\ic2id ho: n Dsji'^d 
30 deich as fichead d^eg ds ji'dd 
40 da fhichcad da[:)H'dd 

50 deich as da fhichead d^ei; 3s da vdd 

60 tri f(h)ichead trl: (trEi, etc.) ji'dd {vjd) 

70 deich as tri fichead d^eg ds trl: ji\id [i'dd) 

71 h-aon deag as tri fichead hd:n d^c :g ds trl: fi'od 
80 ceithre fichead k'er'd fi-pd (Rathl. Cat. kerfichid). 
90 deich as ceithre fichead d^eg ds k'cr'D fi'Dd 

100 cead k'e:d 

loi cead 's a h-aon k'e:d sd hd:n (etc.) 

105 cead *s a cuig k'e:d sd k^ :g' 
cead as cuig k'e:d dS k^ :g' 

200 da chead da: ge :d 

300 tri chead trl: {trEi, etc.) gc:d 

400 ceithre chead k'er'? ge:d 

500 cuig chead kiC:g' ge :d 

600 se chead Je; ge:d 

700 seacht gcead jaxt g'e:d (3), seacht chead jaxt ge :d (2) 

800 ocht gcead jxt g'e:d (3), ocht chead oxt ge:d (2) 

900 naoi gcead nEi g'e :d (3), naoi chead nEi ge :d (2) 
1000 mile mi:V9 

Where special forms for (b) and (c) are not found, the (a)-form 
may generally be used. This form is often preceded by the 
particle a d (cf § 103), as for loi, 105 above. 

The form h-aon has three different pronunciations: hE:n (with the 
general value of ao), hl:n (with the special value of ao, see § 59), and 
h^:n (which properly goes back to h-un; cf the pronunciation in 
Tiree, Scotland). These forms are not restricted to any part of the 
island: hE:n is used by 2, h^:n {hd:n) by 11, 12, hl:n by 3, etc. 


Examples ot the numerals: h-aon, do, tri liBni dj : tri : (in 
counting), h-aon o chlog h^ :n .7 xlog ' one o'cl.,' i ndcidh a h-aon 
.) 11' ai .) hX:ti 'after i (o'cl.)'; h-aon aca ///;// [hln) oh ' owe of them ' 
(3); aon uair In {in) uer * one o'clock' or * once ' (also pron. Iitzr, 
15, etc.), aon mhcar in vzir 'one finger,' tri mhiosa trEi vioso 
'three months'; ceithre ramh k'cr\i ra:v * four oars' (3), ceithir 
giollan oga k'c-ir g'zhn j:gd (2); cf. further under Sandhi mutations 
(§ 100), Nouns (§ 108), and Indefinite Pronouns (§ 131, B). 


< § 136 > 

The ordinals, which are now flexionlcss, arc the following : 

1st an ccad (5) ^iad (sometimes ^e :d, dt\ k'e:d) 

2d an darn a dh darnj, an dara 9n darj, an dala jn dab (sec below) 

3d an triadh (triomhadh) on trEi? 

an treas dh tres (4) 

4th an ceathramh 9r\ k'arov, k'arj (Rathl. Cat. an kearrav) 

an ceithreadh dt] k'er'd (8) 

5th an cuigeadh dT\ k£:g'9 {-a) 

6th an seadh 9n \ed (/Jt'j, § 93) 

7th an scachtmhadh (?) 

8th an t-ochtmhadh (?) 
9th ? 

loth ? 

20th an ficheadamh dn Ji'jdj, etc. 

The ordinals always precede the noun, e.g. an chead la d ^iad la-j, 
an chead toigh d ^iad tEi, an cead toigh 9n k'eid tEi; an darna toigh 
<in darn? tEi, an dara la deag ;)n dar? la d^e :g * the 12th day' 
(the 13th day used to be called: an la thall ar an dala la deag 
on lad hal ?r dn dab ra (for la) d^e:g); air an chuigeadh la 
er 9 xX'.gd r\ad * on the fifth day ' (3). 

When the ordinals are not followed by a noun, they must be 
construed as follows: an darna h-aon dn darnd hX{:)n * the second 
one' (4), an triadh h-aon 9n trEid hln * the third one' (11), an 
ceathramh h-aon dr\ Ward hln * the fourth one ' (11). 


accidence 103 


The verbal system is also very much simplified in Rathlin Irish 
as compared with the Mainland dialects, and approaches in structure 
that of Manx and Scottish Gaelic, Thus the so-called analytic 
conjugation is almost entirely used, and the personal endings that still 
survive are very few. The tendency to use the analytic conjugation 
in preference to the synthetic is already found in Donegal and 
Northern Irish generally. 

The use of special absolute and conjunct forms, as well as of a 
relative form in -(c)as, in the present indicative and in the irregular 
verbs is in conformity with Northern Irish, Scottish Gaelic, and 
Manx, thus: cuiridh me ' I (shall) put,' cha chuir me * I shall not put,* 
a chuireas * who puts ' (or * will put '), nach cuir * who will not put ' 
(or ' that . . . will not put '). 

Tenses and Moods, 

< § 137 > 

There are single and periphrastic tenses, and special forms exist 
for each of them in the present, future, imperfect-conditional, and 
preterit indicative, as well as for the present subjunctive, and the 
imperative. The present subjunctive is always preceded by the 
conjunction gon * that ' (neg. nach * that not '). 

Of the present tense, except of the so-called substantive verb 
and the copula (ta, is ' is '), which former is used to form periphrastic 
tenses, only traces are found. Thus there is a form in -(a)ighidh of 
the verbs of the 3d conjugation, which is apparently used as a future 
(as for instances, see § 143), In the prayers there are a few present 
forms in -(e)am (ist pers. sg.), for instance creideam in Dia 
* I believe in God ' (see further below). In most other cases there 
is only one form for the present and the future (the present- future), 
which is chiefly used in the future sense (the true present being, 
as in Scottish GaeHc and Manx, expressed by the periphrastic present, 
§ 140). Only a few verbs are used in a present sense, as: chi * sees,' 
cluinidh * hears,' boinidh * belongs,' and the conjunct forms 
aithnigh * knows (by sight), '^ cuimhnigh 'remembers,* mar a 
mhaitheas sinne dofa ' as we forgive them ' (in the Lord's Prayer). 

I. Literally : ' will recognize.' 


The future is found only of the substantive verb (being also, 
as originally, used for the habitual present) and the verbs of the 
3d conjugation, e.g. ceannochaidh me * I will buy.' Otherv^isc 
there are only traces, as feadfhaidh tu * you must' (§ 155), or 
(in the Creed) a thiocfhas * who shall come.' Of all other verbs 
there is, owing to the loss of the characteristic -f- (-f h-) a common 
form (hke the present) for the present and the future (see above) ; 
the sense is chiefly that of the future, e.g. fagaidh (orig. fagfaidh, 
fagf haidh) ' I will leave ' (but the futures aithneochaidh me * I know 
(by sight),' and cuimhneochaidh me ' I remember,' have a present 
sense, cf. above). 

The coalescence of the present and future forms is partly found in 
the Glens of Antrim, where forms as gabhaidh (gobhaidh) me 
go-i mz *I will take,' dcanaidh sin cuis d'zmi \in k^:\ * that will do,' 
cuiridh me ar shiubhal k^ri nu r^jl * I will put away ' (An i), faga' 
niefa:gj ins *I will leave' (An 5, 8), scriobhaidh me duit skri:vi 
fiis d^t\ * I will write you,' innsidh me do sa/J/ ms do: * I will tell him ' 
(An 4). Contrariwise, tifea (tchifea) me go maith k'i:f3 {k'ipj) 
ms gj mag 'I see well' (An i), is used for tim (tchim).^ Historically, 
the fusion of the present and future tenses is thus principally due 
to the disappearance of -f-, but the process was accelerated by the 
fact that present (or apparently present) forms could, even long ago, 
be used in a future sense, cf. tiagasa conecius doib * I will go and tell 
them ' (LU 70 a 13), timorcsa in cethri forsind ath ' I v/ill drive the 
cattle to the ford ' (LU 74 a 44), fer mar Find ni thic cu brath ' a 
man like Find will never come (again) ' (AS 161). At the same time 
the periphrastic present became more and more common in every 
present sense, as is the rule in Welsh, Scottish Gaelic, and Manx, 
as well as often in northern English to-day. 

The imperfect-conditional is similarly a true compromise between 
the old imperfect and conditional. The form is, of verbs in the ist and 
2d conjugation, that of the imperfect, in verbs of the 3d conjugation, 
that of the conditional. The sense is chiefly conditional (or habitual, 
Engl. ' would '), but a few verbs show the sense of an imperfect, 
as: bhoineadh 'belonged' (the pret. bhoin means * touched'). 

The other tenses are used as in (local) English. The difference 
between the preterit and perfect is small, and only rarely is a true 

I. Cf. Arran Gaelic, chibh ' sees,* chibheadh * would see.' 


perfect used (by circumlocution), as: ta e ar shiubhal 'he has (is) 
gone ' (chuaidh e * he went '), ta me in deidh tilUdh ' I have 
returned ' (thill me ' I returned '). 

The subjunctive mood (used in the optative sense) is only found 
in the present, after the conjunction gon (cf. French and Spanish que). 
It differs from the conjunct present indicative in having the ending 
-(a)idh for all persons, as it seems, however, only in the positive 
form. Thus: gon gcuiridh * may (he) put,' but gon gcuir * that 
(he) will put ' (indicative, conjunct form), nach gcuir ' may (he) 
not put * (subj.), * that (he) will not put * (ind.). 


< § 138 > 

As already mentioned, every verb has generally only one form for 
each tense (historically the 3d pers. sg.), which must be followed 
by a subject (a noun or pronoun). There are now only a few (so- 
called synthetic) forms,which incorporate a personal pronoun, namely : 
(i) the ist pers. sg., pres. ind., of a few verbs: creideam krcd^dm 
' I believe,' aidigheam a:d^9m *I confess' (9), tuiream duit Ur'9m d/Ct\ 
'I give thee' (9 a), in the prayers, etc.; also tuigeam se tig' 9m ^j 

* I understand ' (14), whether correct or not; (2) the ist pers. sg., 
imperf.-cond., e.g. dh'fhagainn 'I would leave,' chan fhanainn ha 
nan'in * I would not stay,' but it is also possible to use the analytic 
form (dh'fhagadh me, see § 140, 2); (3) the 2d pers. plur. of the 
imperative, e.g. cuireabh * put ye' (but. cf. § 140, 5); (4) the 3d 
pers. sg. of the imperative, chiefly in imprecations : biodh bcal cam 
ort hi9g bz9l kant ort * may you have a twisted mouth.' — In the Rathl. 
Cat. many other synthetic forms are used: lavirim * I speak,' hiukfid 

* they will come,' do vadar na neehefhe * these things were.* 

Verbal Nouns and Participles, 

< § 139 > 

The verbal noun, preceded by the preposition ag, is used to express 

the gerund and periphrastic tenses, e.g. goide bha thu ag deanadh 

an sin g9 d^e : va ^ g9 d^z :ndg 9n \In * what were you doing there -. ' 

The old function is seen in: fear innseadh a sceil fjar in\9g 9 sk'ciV 

* a man of telling his story,' i.e. * a man who has a story to tell ' (7). 


Preceded by the preposition a, it expresses the infinitive, as: 
a dheanadh n JE ;;;.9(t ' to do.' 

Participles are formed either from verbal nouns, e.g. ta me ar 
shiubhal ' I am gone,' ta me in deidh tillidh * I am (have) returned,' 
sec above, § 137, or more usually derived from the verb, as in English, 
e.g. chan fheil moran faigte * there is not much left,' lasta * lit,' 
posta ' married,' an Stac Polka (pl.-n.), scallta go bas ' scalded to 
death.' They were originally, and are often still, participial 
adjectives (cf. Engl. * open ' and * opened '). 

There is no present (or active) participle, v^liich must be expressed 
by circumlocution. 

Periphrastic Tenses. 

< § 140 > 

The most common periphrastic tenses are the present and preterit, 
which both originally expressed progressive action (ta me deanadh 

* I am doing,' bha me in mo shuidhe * I was sitting,' but shuidh mc 

* I sat '). But, in the present usage, the present is frequently used 
also for the English simple present, as: ta me smaoineachadh 

* I think,' ta me ag aireamh ' I reckon,' bha ead nan gcomhnaidhe 

* they lived' (*were living'). The periphrastic future and conditional, 
as well as the imperative, are also often found, e.g. bidh cad ag 
tachairt ort hi at d tanrtj ort *you will meet them' (6), na bi ag cogar 
na hi kogor * don't whisper ' (12). 

As for the double construction with ag or in plus a poss. pron., 
sec the examples. 

Active and Passive. 

< § 141 > 

Of passive forms the only ones that are in current use are the 
preterits rugadh e r^gjg s * he was bom,' and togadh e tog9g s 

* he was raised.' In the prayers a few more passives are found, which 
are, however, often not understood as such, e.g. go naomhthar 
t'ainm gj nlivdr tar'm (3), naomthar t'ainm nl :v9{r) tar'm (9), 
n/Cvdr tar'm (9 a) (the latter imperatives) * hallowed be thy name,' 
gon dcanthar do thoil gm d^zmdr (3; gd d^zmd, 9, gon d^e:ntD, 9a) 
J,9 hjl ' thy will be done,' mar a ghnithear m9r d nidr ' as is done ' 
(3, 9), go maithear nar bhfiachan g? ma?r Udr viaxm * forgive us 
our debts,' etc. 



< § 142 > 
There arc three regular conjugations in RathHn Irish, namely 
(i) verbs of which the imperative sg. is monosyllabic, ending either 
(a) in a * broad ' or (b) in a ' slender ' consonant, (2) verbs of which 
the imperative sg. is of more than one syllable (except those in 
-(a)igh); the final consonant is usually 'slender,' and (3) verbs of 
which the imper. sg. ends in -(a)igh. The type verbs are: fag * leave,' 
cuir * put,' foscail * open,' ceannaigh ' buy.' 

la. lb. 

fagaidh fa :gi cuiridh ki£r'i 

chan fhag ha na:g cha chuir ha x£r' 

an bhfag dh va:g^ an gcuir dT\ g^r' 

gon bhfag go va :g gon gcuir gjr] g^x' 

nach fhag na ha:g nach gcuir nax g^r' 

a dh'f hagas d ya :gjs a chuireas d x^r'ds 

2. 3- 

fosclaidh fjskli ceannaighidh k'ani 

chan f hoscail ha imkil cha cheannaigh ha gani 

an bhfoscail dh vjskil'^ an gceannaigh dX] g'ani 

gon bhfoscail g,i vjskil gon gceannaigh ^.7ri g'ani 

nach f hoscail na hskil nach gceannaigh nax g'ani 

a dh'fhosclas d yjskbs (a cheannaigheas) 

E.g. fosclaidh mc fj$kr\i mz * I will open' (3), eirighidh an ghrian 
much na mall / :r'i yrian mux na mal * the sun will rise early or 
late' (5); as for the form in -igheam, see § 143 (i). 

la fagaidh, etc., ib cuiridh, etc., 2 fosclaidh, etc., 

as pres. as pres. as pres. 

3 ceannochaidh k'anaxiy k'anai, kana?} 
cha cheannaigh, etc., as pres. 
E.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma x^in'ads U * if you remember.' 

1. The ending is usually pron. -i before a vowel, and -p before a 
consonant : fagaidh e /a:gi s, but fagaidh me fa:gp {fa:gi) mz, mi. 

2. Also : an fhag p na:g, an f hoscail p noskil (see § 100). 




dliTliagainn ya :^in 
dh'f hagadh ya :i^.\q 
chaii f hagainn ha na :gin 
chan f hagadh ha na:g;)g 
an bhfagainn Dti va:giti^ 
an bhfagadh jn va :g?g^ 
gon bhfagainn 
gon bhfagadli 
nach f hagainn na ha :gm 
nach f hagadh na haigog 
a dhThagadh d ya :gdg 


dh'fhosclainn yosklln 
dli'fhoscladh yoskbg 
chan f hosclainn ha mshlin 
chan f hoscladh ha njshhg 
an bhfosclainn Dn vjsklin^ 
an bhfoscladh m v:)skhg^ 
gon bhfosclainn 
gon bhfoscladh 
nach f hosclainn na hsklin 
nach f hoscladh na hskbg 
a dh'f hoscladh 9 yoskbg 


cliLiirinn x/ir'in 
chili rcadh x^r''?g 
cha chuirinn lia Xi{r'i}i 
cha chuireadh ha XiCr'jg 
an gcuirinn jx] gXr'ui 
an gcuircadh pt) g^r\jg 
gon gcuirinn 
gon gcuircadh 
nach gcuirinn nax g^r'in 
nach gcuircadh nax g^r'?g 
a chuireadh d x/Cr'dg 

cheannochainn ^anaxin, ^anain 
cheannocliadh ^anaxDg, ^anadg 
cha cheannochainn ha ganaxin, -ain 
cha cheannocliadh ha ganax9g, -aog 
an gccannochainn Dn g'anaxiny -ain 
an gceannochadh 9T\ g'anaxjg, -a,ig 
gon gccannochainn 
gon gceannochadh 
nach gccannochainn naxg'anaxin,-ain 
nach gceannochadh nax g* anaxdg, -ajg 
a cheannochadh 9 ganax,ig, -a?g 

E.g. dh'fhiosrochainn jisrain * I would ask,' nach gcostainn nax 
gostin * would I not need ? ' 


dh'f hag ya:g 
cha d'fhag ha da:g 
an d'fhag 9n da:g 
gon d'fhag gdn da :g 
nach d'fhag nax da:g 
a dh'f hag d ya:g 

chuir x^r' 

cha do chuir ha dd Xi^r' 
an do chuir p// dd xXr' 
gon do chuir gdn d^ x^r 
nach do chuir nax dd x^r' 
a chuir d x^ir' 

I. or an f hagainn, an f hagadh, an f hosclainn, an fhoscladh (see § 100). 



dhThoscail yjskil cheannaigh gani 

cha d'fhoscail ha doskil cha do cheannaigh ha dj gani 

an d'fhoscail dh doskil an do cheannaigh du d? gani 

gon dThoscail gon doskil gon do cheannaigh g?n dd gani 

nach d'fhoscail nax doskil nach do cheannaigh nax dj gani 

a dh*fhoscail d yoskil a cheannaigh ? gani 

Present Subjunctive, 

go bhfagaidh gd va :gi^ nach f hag ( ?)^ 

gon gcuiridh go g(Cr'i^ nach gcuir ( ?) 

gon bhfosclaidh go voskli^ nach fhoscail (?) 

gon gceannaighidh gd g'ani nach gceannaigh (?) 

E.g. go deanaidh me gd d^s:no mz ' may I do ' (i), go gcuiridh 
Dia rath air gj giCr'i d^ia ra er ' may God prosper him ' (10), gon 
beannaighidh Dia thu gjtn hjani d^ia /C ' God bless vou/ 

la. lb. 

f=ig fa 'S ^^^^ ^^^' 

na fag na fa :g na cuir na k^r' 

(igzdli fa :gDg cuireadh k^r'pg 

fagabh fa :gjv cuireabh kiCr'^v 

na fagabh na fa :gjv na cuireabh na k£r'dv 

2. 3. 

foscail ^:>sfe// ceannaigh k'ani 

na foscail na foskil na ceannaigh na k'ani 

£QSc\2i^ foskhg ceannaigheadh (?) 

fosclabh j35fe/c?v ceannaigheabh (?) 

na fosclabh na foskhv na ceannaigheabh ( ?) 

E.g. na scaoileabh an triomhadh snaidhm na skE:l'dv ,dn trEid 
snE:m * do not untie the third knot ' (pi., 3). 

1. As for the pron. of -(a)idh, cf under the present. 

2. Cf. nach fhaic thu /?^ ^sk' \ 'may you not see' (11). 



(3) Verbs beginning with a vowel prefix d' or dh' in the same 
cases as the verbs in f-, e.g. an d'iarr i dh dpar i * did she ask?' 
an d'innis du d^ini\ ' did . . . tell? ' 

(4) The verbal forms which incorporate a subject pronoun, i.e. the 
1st sg. imperf -cond. in -(a)inn, and the 2d person of the imperative, 
have special emphatic forms (cf § 126) in -sa sj (ist pers.) and -se J^ 
(2d pers.), e.g. chuirinn sa x^r'in sd ' I w^ould put,' rachainn sa 
raxin sd * I would go,' nach gcostainn sa nax gjstin S3 ' which I would 
not need,' ceap se k'ap Id * turn (thou).' 

(5) The 2d pi. of the imperative is not very common, e.g. na 
scaoileabh na skE:l'dv * do not untie' (3), but is often replaced by 
the 2d sg., e.g. tuir leibh an sol ti^r lev du sol ' take the bottom 
(of the net) with you' (when fishing, 2). 

(6) In the present indicative there are three distinct forms : [a) the 
positive (absolute) form (cuiridh, etc.), which is used in all positive 
main clauses, (b) the relative form (chuireas, etc.), which is used in 
all positive relative clauses, except after an (see § 132, i), and 
(c) the conjunct (or dependent) form (gcuir, etc.), which is always 
used after the relative an (§ 132, 2). The conjunct form 
corresponds to the forms with prefixed do or d' in the imperfect- 
conditional aiid preterit (see the Paradigm). 

The relative and conjunct forms are further used after certain 
adverbs and conjunctions. In the imperf -cond. the former is 
represented by the plain form or the form in dh' (see § 142), and 
the latter by the form in do or d'. 

< § 144 > 
The Relative Form. 
The relative form is used after the following words : 
a 3, the rel. part, (cf the Paradigms, § 142), and all compounds in 

which it enters (see below). 
air 2i er 9 * when,' e.g. air a theid me laighe san oidhche er d he :d^ 

mi lai sd nl:gj * when I go to bed at night ' (2). 
c'uair a kXdr d, hr 3, kdr ? * when ? ' e.g. c'uair a bhios tu ar t-athais ? 
kor d vis t£ dv taa\ ' when will you be back ? ' but also 
(incorrectly): c'uair an mbi thu ar t-athais arist ? kor d mi ^ dx 
taa\ d rii\i' ' when will you be back again? ' (6). 


cad a ka dj, cad 's a kat sj [hot sj), conj. * though/ e.g. cad a bhiodh 
tu ka dj vi\) tX ' though you were * (13), cad 's a ta c fuar kat so 
ta £ /Or ' though it is cold * (8). — For cad *s nach, see the 
following §. 

nia ma, coiij. ' if,' e.g. ma chuimhneochas tu ma x^in'aos t^ * if you 

mar a mdr d * as,' e.g. mar a mhaitheas simie mdx d va?s \in'd * as we 

nuair a n^^r 9, nor d * when,' e.g. nuair a td ni^9r d ta: * when there is,' 
nuair a thilleas me mr d hil'ds mi * when I return.' 

o na D na, na (perhaps partly mixed up with the prec.) * since ' ; 
' when,' e.g. an fada o na thainigh thu? 9nfad na han'i <C * is it 
long since you came 5 ' (10), ta spell na f huair sinn ta: spel na 
h^zr jin' * it is a while since we got,' o na mharbh sinn a' 
mhuc mhara j na varv I'm' 9 v/Ck vard * since (as) we killed the 
porpoise ' (i); na chualaigh iad na x^av[i ad * when they heard ' 
(3), na thig i na hig' i * when she comes.' 

< § 145 > 
The Conjunct Form. 

The conjunct (dependent) form is used after: 
an, the interrogative particle (see the Paradigms, § 142). 
an 9n, rel. part. (§ 132, 2), e.g. far an robh/ijr dn ro ' where was.' 
an dn, indirect interrogative and conditional conjunction ' if,' e.g. an 

buail thu h-aon aca buail ar fad ead dm h^sl ^ hin akd biCel er 

fad zd * if you strike one of them strike them all.' 
ca ka, ' where,* e.g. ca bhfeil thu l ka vel ^ * where are you ?* 

but also: ca chuir e i bhfalach e ka x^r a vaT[ax e * where he 

hid it * (3), for cd do chuir. 
cha xa, ha, a * not' (neg. adv.), e.g. cha do rug esan air ha dr^g zsdn er 

* he did not catch him.' 
go, gon gd, gdn, conj. * that ' (not in the present subjunctive, see 

the Paradigms, § 142). So also all compounds with go, 

e.g. an bre go * if it was not that,' etc. 
e;os an g9S 9n, conj. ' until,* e.g. gos an bi g9S 9m hi: ' until there 

will be' (13). 
man nwn, manan m9n9n, conj. * before,' e.g. man d'f huair e bds 


mp« d/Cer s ba:s * before he died,' man fhaigh niur intinn call 
m? nai mdr intjin kal * before your mind decays.' 

manan mdndtiy conj, * unless,' e,g, mana n-eirigh thu mdUd ni :ri /C 
* if you don't get up.' 

nach nax, na, neg. interr, particle, e.g. nach dtuir thu > nax d^r £ 
' will you not give ? ' 

nach nax, na, neg. rel. particle, e.g. nach gcuir nax g^r ' who will 
not put.' 

nach nax, na, conj. * that not,' * lest,' e.g. nach duit thu nax d^tj /C 
*lest you fall.' Similarly all compounds: cad 's nach fheil me ro 
mhaith kats na hel mi ro va 'though I am not too well' (8), cad 's 
nach fhaic me e kat s na hak' mz z * though I do not see it' (8). 

nan nan, conj. * if,' e.g. nan rabh e an seo nan ro a dn \d ' if he were 
here' (8). 

s'manan smandn, conj. * before,' e.g. s' man d'fuair ead an litir 
sman d^zr at dn litjir * before they got the letter,' s'manan dtainigh 
smandn dan'i * before . . . came ' (8), s'manan fhaic thu e 
smand nak' ^ z ' before you see it ' (8). 

Irregular Verbs. 
[a) The Substantive Verb and the Copula, 

< § 146 > 

The difference between the substantive verb ta (* there is ') and 
the copula is (* it is ') is the same as in other Gaelic dialects. The 
copula has now a rather limited use (see the notes below every tense). 

ta ta:, ta * am,' * is,' etc. is {9)3 * am,' * is,' etc. 

tha ha: (seldom) 
chan fheil xa {ha) nel, hal (4), cha xa^ ha 

nEl (9a), n'el (9b) 
an bhfeil d{n) vel an d{n) 

go bhfeil gd[n) vel gur gdr * that it is ' 

nach bhfeil nax vel (Rathl. Cat. nach nax, nah 

vel, vail). Cf. vel (An i) 
a ta p ta: (rel.) is {d)s (rel.) 

a tha [d) ha: (seldom) 


Notice the following constructions with the copula: mas troni 
leat do cheann tnas tro:m lat d.i (;a:}i 'if you think your head is heavy,' 
is fhearr lz:r (L.E.), ss:r (U.E.) 'it is better,' is ionann J///.?// 'it is the 
same,' chan ionann ha ti'hijn 'it is not the same,' an ionann? p n'lrijn 
'is it the same?' is leo J I'j: 'it is theirs,' gur ro throm c gjr 'n 'ro:m 
s: 'that it is very heavy.' — With personal pronouns the forms are as 
follows: is e Js; 'it is he,' is i J/; 'it is she,' siod ^Id 'it is that (yon),' 
CO e? ko e; 'who is he?' an e seo? j n'e ^j 'is it this?' gur e gj 
rz: (lo), gon c gd n'z: (3) 'that it is he (it),' chan e ha nz: 'it is not 
it' (3), chan c mise ha ti's: m/Jj 'it is not I,' mas c ma Je(;) 'if it is 
it,' 's nach e 5 iia he: 'and (or) that it is not,' mana mhaith leam mauD 
va I'am, manan deas leam maiun d^es Vam 'if I do not like' (13). 

The O.Ir. os (' as for ') is now understood as agus (is) ' and,' 
e.g. is mise cronan air mo Uc ds mi\d hrjinan er nid lik' ' and I crooning 
on my stone,' i.e. ' as I am crooning,' etc., agus (is) ise gan ata 
dS i\d gdn atd ' and she without a hat ' (15, etc.). 

With the substantive verb: ta fhios agam ta Us a{g9)m *I know,' 
chan fheil fhios agam ha nel Us a{gj)m ' I do not know.' The 
pronunciation was formerly also ha Utels agjm (15's grandmother). 

bidh bi'i, hi * shall, will be,' etc. gon bi g3m hi : 
cha bhi ha vi : nach bi nax bi : 

an bi 9m hi: a bhios ? vi'ds, d vis (rel.) 

This tense is used as future and habitual present. 

bhinn vi'in, vin * I should be ' ba, etc., see under the Preterit, 
bhiodh vi-dg, vlg * would be,' etc. 
cha bhinn ha vvin 
cha bhiodh ha vi'dg, vlg 
an biim dm hi' in 
an biodh dm hi'9g, big 
gon binn g9m hi' in 
gon biodh g9m bi'9g, big 
nach binn nax bvin 
nach biodh nax bi-9gy big 
a bhiodh 9 vi'9g, 9 vlg (rel.) 

ACClDliNCli 115 


bha va:, va *was,' *were/ etc. ba h?, b' h *was/ *were/ etc. 

cha rabh ha ro cha ba ha fc(a) 

an rabh 9n ro an ba 9m 6(5) 

gon rabh g3n ro gon ba g9tn fc(a) 

nach rabh nax ro nach ba na{x) t(^) 

a bha (.?) va : (rel.) ba b, b' b (rel.) 

The preterit of the copula is also used as imperfect-cond. The 
following constructions are worthy of notice : c6 b'e ? ko hz : 

* who was he?' (rare), b'eisean fesj^/z * it was he' (11), nach ba 
naire duit? na 1)9 na:/9 d^t\ 'was it not a shame for you?,' 
cha b'e ha be: * it was not he (it),' b'e sin an doigh b9 jln 9n dji 

* that was the way,' cha b'e mise ha be mils ' it was not I,' 
cha b'i a bh'ann ha hi d va :n * it was not she that was there,' 
gon b'e g9 bs: ' that it was he (it),' gon b'e seo g9 fee jj * that it was 
this,' ma (ba) mhaith leam ma va I' am ' if I liked' (13; correct?). 

Of the substantive verb, notice: cha rabh fhios agam ha ro ^Is am 

* I did not know.' An old pret. bhi is probably found (in a song) in : 
air a bhi si dol er 9 vi\9 dol * when she was going.' The Rathl. Cat. 
has va and vee (sg.), vavar (2d pL), vadar (3d pL). 

Present Subjunctive. 

gon rabh g9n ro * may be,' etc. gur g9r * may be ' 
nach rabh nax ro 

This tense is especially used in the phrase: go rabh (gur) maith 
duit (or: agad) g9 r9 ma d^t\ [cig9t) ' thank you.' 


bi fci:, bl * be (thou) ' na bi na bi: * don't be ' 

biodh bi-9g ' let him (it) be ' na biodh na bi'9g * let him 

bibh (?) * be ye ' (pi.) not be ' 

a bhith 9 vi * to be ' 

a bheith 9 vz (e.g. bheith fhios againn vz Us ain " that we 
know,' 3; the Rathl. Cat. has vee, veith, and beith). 


Tlic verbal noun of the substantive verb is only used in the 
infinitive and after the preposition gan ' w^ithout,' e.g. an do thuit 
gan a bhith ar shiubhal m d? hlt\ qm ? vi d r' ^A ' if it happened 
that he was not away ' (8). 

(fc) Other Irregular Verbs, 

The following irregular verbs (given in the imperative sg.) are 
current in Rathlin Irish : abair * say/ cluin * hear/ dean * do/ * make/ 
faic ' see/ faigh * get/ tabhair (tuir) * give/ teid ' go/ tig ' come.* 


< § 147 > 

Pres, ind.: deir d^er' * says/ an abair j nahdr (ii), an deir 
dn d^er (12); pret. dubhairt (duirt) d^Drtj; imper. abair abir (2, 12); 
gerund: ag radh j gra:g {gra:), g? ra:g, ag rait d ra:t\, e.g. goide 
ta thu ag rait? gd d^e: ta ^ raitl (9).^ Cf rait (rait, An i). 


< § 148 > 

Pres. ind.: cluinidh me klln'iy klEn'i (8) tns ' I hear/ * will hear/ 
cha chluin ha xlln\ an gcluin thusa 3r\ gr]In' ^sd (3), ma chluineas 
tu ma xIIh'ds t^ ; pret. chualaigh XiCall {x^aT]i, 3), chuala x^ab, 
x/Cax\d (3; the form in -aigh is usually preferred before a vowel 
or in pausa, the one in -a, before a consonant), cha do chuala ha dd 
x^ab, an do chualaigh thu 9n d? x^all ^, an do chuala tu 9n dd x£ab 
t^, an do chluint thu 9n dd xllnt\ £ (10), the latter probably wrong; 
gerund : ag cluintin d kllntlin, 


< § 149 > 

Pres. ind. (future sense): ghni me ni: mz *I will do, make*; 
future: deanaidh me dizini ms, cha dean ha Jje.-n; imperf.-cond. : 

I. According to 9, rait means * saying,' rddh rather * talking ' (cf. iomradh 
* talking about '). 


dheanadh je :npg ; prct.: riiin rEin [rain, rain, 3), d'rinn ead drEin ad 
'they did ' (not correct), cha do rinn ha d{j)rEin, an do rinn thu sin 
on d{d)rEin ^ \ln, gus an do rinn ead gds du d[d)rEin at ' until they 
did,' nach do rinn nax d[?)rEin; passive forms, see § 141; imper.: 
dean d^s:n\ gerund: ag deanadh 9 d^e:iijg, g? d^z:ndg\ past, part.: 
deinte d^e;/j/J^. Cf. r^n\ pret. (An i). 

Note. — The vowel in dean- is often short: d^sn, d^en^g, etc. 
Of special uses of this verb, notice : ag deanadh aran p d^sngg aran 
* baking,' ag deanadh amach d d^enog ? max ' making out ' ; * reaching 
(a place),' ta me deanadh ta: nis d^sindg ' I am thinking.' 

faic : 

< § 150 > 

Pres. ind.r chi mc ^f: (///;) mz *I see,' chan fhaic ha nak' [nek'), 
an fhaic thu 9 nak' ^, an bhfaic thu 9{n) vaW AT, gon bhfaic gd vsk\ 
fan gus an bhfaic me fan gdS d vzk' ms * wait till I see ' (3); pret.: 
chonnaigh honl, chonna tu honD t^, chan f hacaigh ha naki, chan f haca 
ha nak? [nDhj), an bhfacaigh e D[n) vaki £, an bhfaca tu D{n) vakd 
[makd) t^, an fhaca tu j nakj /*<*, nach f hacaigh e e na haki a e; pres. 
subj.: nach fhaic thu na hzk' ^ (11); gerund: ag fhaicin d gak'in 
(12, 14), ag fhaicsin j gak^in (4); infinitive: gach uile ait fhaicin 
9 h^r a:ti ek'in ' to see every place' (8), ga fhaicin ga ak'in * to see 
him.' Cf. Rathl. Cat. aikjhin. 

Note. — Of the forms chonnaigh, chonna, fhacaigh, fhaca, etc., 
the former (those in -aigh) are preferably used before a vowel or 
in pausa, the latter before a consonant (cf. chualaigh, chuala, 
under cluin). 

faigh : 

< § 151 > 

Pres. ind. (future sense): an fhaigh thu 9 nai ^ (12), feach an fhaigh 
JZ9X 9 nax * try if . . . can get,' gus an fhaigh g9S 9 nai, manan bhfaigh 
m9n9 vai\ future: gheo me jo mz *I will get'; imper f -cond. : 
gheobhadh }0'9g (3), chan fhaighinn ha nain, chan fhaigheadh thu 
ha nai9g ^ (2, not correct), chan fhaigheadh ead ha nai9g at (12), 


go bhfaighinn sa {Jj vain sj, iiacli fhaighcadh tu na hai? tiC (3); 
prct. : fluiair //.Cer', //.Or, an dTliuair jn J.Or ; gerund: ag faghail 
J fiinl fii:l\ fcvl (2, 3, 13), ag faighin j fa-hi; infmitivc: a f haghail 
a-al (13). 

Note. — This verb means both ' get * and ' find '; it is also used in: 
goidc mar a t huair thu ar t'aghaidh o shin ? gjd^c : mot d h^sr /C dr 
tE:i hJn ' how did you get on since ? * etc. 


< § 152 > 

Pres. ind. (fiiture sense) : bheir me ver mz, Jcir mi (2) * I will 
give * (3), tuiream (§ 138), tuiridh me Uri me * I will give ' 
(13; correct?), cha dtabhair ha door, dor, d^r * will not give,' gon 
dtabhair gj dor (8), gus an dtabhair g<is ?n d^r, nach dtuir thu? 
nax diCr ^\ imperf.-cond. : cha dtabhrainn (dtuirinn) ha doirin, d^riti, 
nach dtabhradh tu nax do ir? U\ pret. : thug hiCg *gave'; pres. 
subj.: go dtabhraidh (dtuiridh) g;) d/Cri ; imper.: tabhair (tuir) 
to :r, t^r, tuir domhsa tjr djisd * give me ' (U.E., cf. Note); gerund: 
ag tabhairt (tuirt) d tsrtl (U.E.) * giving '; p.p. tabhairte (tuirte) aiste 
t£rt\3 ajt'o * brought out of her ' (3). Cf. t^r diC (imper., An i). 

Note. — Tabhair means both * give ' and * take,' cf. thug bhuam 
h/(^g v^dui *took from me,' tur leat tiCr I' at 'take with you' (sg.), tuir 
Icibh t^r lev 'take with you' (pk). Of other senses one may note: 
bheir me on fcir mi ort ' I will give you ' (=* beat you,' 2), bheir 
me ort a dol^'*/r mi ort d dol ' \ will make you go ' (2), tuir in aire 
tiCr d nar'd ' take care ' (2). 

The imperative is often expressed adverbially, i.e. without a 
finite verb : domh na stocaighthe do na stokl ' give me the stockings ' 
(12), domhsa bannach d'oisd hanax ' give me a bannock ' (3), us piosa 
paipear ^s piisd pa:pzr ' give me a piece of paper ' (15). In the same 
way, usa iCs{D) used to be said by the old people in the Glens of 
Antrim: usa an conair Mhuire iCs9 r hn^r v^r'd ' give me the rosary,' 
where usa is perhaps bhus (= bhos) * here ' (cf. O Tuathail, Sgealta 
Mhnintir Liiiiiigh, p. xx). 

Also cf. under teid and tig. 



< § 153 > 

Prcs. ind.: theid mc he :d^ tns ' I will go ' (2), tcid me tie:d^ mz (3), 
cha dteid ha d^e :d^, an dtcid thu? 911 d^c :d^ ^, an bcalach a thcid 
thu jm hjalax ? he :d^ X 'the road you will go' (4); imperf.-cond.: 
rachainn sa raxiu sd, rachadh rah^g * would go,' an rachadh 911 rasg 
' if . . . went' (3); pret.: chuaidh x/Cai, xodi, hodi, hwEi (3, 7, 
etc.), cha dcachaidh ha d^axi, an dcachaidh, deacha 9n d^axi, d^axD ; 
imper.: teid tje :d^; eirg ^r'/, Ir'g\ dt'g' (15, etc.); gerund: ag dol 
3 dol (cf. tjl, An i); p.p. ar shiubhal dr (;£?!, d r'tCjI, {?) rbdl (U.E.), 
9 r'ddT\ (3), ar folbh dy jolv (2, 15; rare). 

Notes. — The following phrases are in current use: ag dol a 
thuiteam 3 dol d hlt\dm ' going to fall ' (3), ta e dol a bhith flinch 
ta d dol d vi jl'uh ' it is «going to be wet,' ta an teine ag dol as 
ta DU tlin'd d dol as * the fire is going out.* 

The imperative is often expressed by the past participle: ar shiubhal 
? r'^dl (often hz'r'^A, cf. Iist^dI, An i) * away,' * begone,' e.g. ar 
shiubhal leat [9) rd9 I' at ' away with you ' (cf. under tabhair and tig). 


< § 154 > 

Pres. ind.: thig me hig' ms *I will come' (2, 3, 11), tig me 
t\ig' //i£, an dtig e 9n d^ig' z ; future : a thiocf has 9 ^i<^k9S (§ 137) ; 
pret.: thainigh (thainig, thaine) ha:n'i, han'i, ha:n'9, han'd, seldom 
hain'ik' (stressed form), cha dtainigh ha da:n'i {da:n'9), an dtaine 
9n da:n'9\ imper.: tig tl'ig 'come' (cf Note); gerund: ag teacht 
9 t\axt (t\aht) ; cf. teacht an la t^axt 9n la9 ' the dawn.' 

Notes. — The following constructions are common: thig learn 
hig I'am * I can,' thig (tig) ort t\ig ort ' you must,' thainigh ortha 
ha:n'i op ' they had to ' (3); ag teacht air 9 t\axt er ' coming on ' 
(as of a season, etc.). The vowel in thainigh, etc., is short or long, 
according to stress; the forms in -igh are preferred before vowels 
or a pause, those in -e before a consonant. 

An alternative imperative is thugainn h^gin {hHg9n, 4), e.g. thugainn 
leam h^gin Vam ' come with me.' It may originally have been an 
adverb, cf. Ir. chugainn ' to us,' and under tabhair, theid. 


(c) Defective Verbs. 
< § 155 > 

The following verbs arc defective in Rathiin Irish: 
ars arSj arsa ars?, as?, dso * said ' (Lat. inqiilt), e.g. arsa Calum 

Fighcadoir ars? [asd, dsd) kahmfi<idzr * said Calum the Weaver ' (2), 

ars eisean arhz\m, ars esan ar^szsm * he said,' ars ise arhi\d 

' she said.' 
faod, only in dh'fhaodadh yd :d.ig, yEid^ig * might,' e.g. dh'fhaodadh 

a bhith yd:djg d vi * it might be' (4), dh'fhaodadh thu sin a 

radh yE:djg £ jIn d ra:g * you might say so,' and ma dh'fhaodas 

me ma yEiddS me * if I can ' (15b). 
fcad, only in feadf haidh fe :ti, fe :t9 * must,' e.g. fcadf haidh tu dol 

fe:tD t£ dol *you must go' (2), but^ cf. an dteid thusa learn? 

fcadaidh me dn d^e :d^ ^sj Vam fe:dj mi ' will you go with me? 

I might '(15). 
fhcatar, in is f hcatar ie:t9r, b'fheatar be:tDr, hcitd (4), hztD (3) * must '; 

* may,' e.g. is fheatar domh \e:tDr d£ * 1 must,' b'fheatar domh 
hztn d^ *I had better' (15), b'fheatar duit be:t9r d£tl * you 
must,' b'fheatar gon innis bst? gj nini\ * maybe . . . will tell' (3), 
b'fheatar beU? * maybe ' (in answer). Is meatar duit sme:t3r d^tj 
*you must' (2) no doubt depends on a mixture of this verb 
and is meithid (mithid) duit. Cf. be:t9r ' perhaps ' (An i). 

urra, urraidh, urrain (orig. * capability ') ' can,' in the following 
expressions: is urra leam s ^td lam * I can,' cho maith 's is urra 
leat xo ma Sd s^Xd lat * as well as you can,' an urr' leat 
d n^ht * can you? ' (3), chan urr' leam \ia n/Chm * I cannot ' (3), 
chan urr' leithe iteogaigh ha n£li itjagi * she cannot fly ' (6), 
is urrain domh s^rin d/C * I can,' chan urrain ha n£rin ' cannot,' 
b'urra leat a dhol i bhfalach annta b^r9 lat 9 yor] d var]ax antd 

* you could go and hide in them ' (3), cha b'urraidh ha b£ri 

* could not,' cha b'urra me ha b^TB ms * I could not.' 



< § 156 > 

TO UNDERSTAND the true character of the relationship 
between the Irish of RatUin and the Irish Mainland dialects, 
on the one hand, and the Scottish dialects, on the other, it is 
necessary to examine several details in the structure of these languages 
from a phonetical, grammatical and lexicographical point of view. 
By Mainland Irish is here preferably meant the Antrim dialect, 
which is now practically extinct,^ but also, to a certain extent, the 
Irish of Derry, Tyrone and Donegal (which have been described by 
O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht Ghacdhilge an Tuaiscirt, and 6 Tuathail, 
Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh), As far as Scottish Gaelic is concerned, 
the dialects of Islay, Kintyre and Arran will be considered in the 
first place It is far from certain, however, that they are the dialects 
that have the closest affinities with the Rathlin dialect, which, in 
any case, must be seen against the background of an older type of 
Scottish Gaelic than any now in existence. 

With regard to the phonology, one of the most characteristic 
distinctions between Irish and Scottish Gaelic consists in the treatment 
of original short o. In Ireland it either remains as an o (usually open 
in the North) or becomes, as partly short u, a sound resembhng 
that of Engl, short u (it is commonly represented by 0). In Scotland, 
however, it always remains as an o-sound, being either open [j) 
or closed (0). The narrow sound often (but not always) occurs in 
the same cases as g in northern Irish. In this respect Rathlin Irish 
undoubtedly approaches to Scottish Gaelic. One may compare the 
words cois, obair, bodach, goirt, bog, with the corresponding words 
in Donegal Irish and southern Scottish Gaelic. In Antrim the case 

I. In the Glens of Antrim to-day, there may actually be only three people 
whose native language was Irish (see § 8). But a fairly good idea of the 
old Antrim dialect may be had from many persons in the Glens who know 
Irish second hand, and, by comparing the language of these people with 
the fragments obtainable from the native speakers, a good many features 
of Antrim Irish may be illustrated. 


is slightly different. The o-sound regularly remains, as in Rathlin 
and Scotland, but it does not seem to differ at all from the open o 
(as in Rathlin cos, codal, cloch); in Antrim the short o has rather 
an intermediate sound between the open and closed Rathlin o,^ at 
the same time as the a-sound approaches the open o in Rathlin 
(cf. § 1 6), and original u becomes ^ or f> (§ 25), as in Rathlin. With 
regard to the representation of short o, Rathlin thus comes closer to 
Scottish Gaelic than Antrim. 

Another characteristic of Scottish Gaelic is the fact that original 
short e, followed by a * broad ' consonant (i.e. Middle Irish ca), 
remains as an open e (e), except in front of d, t, s, g (in Arran and 
Kintyre also c), where it becomes a narrow e {c). In Ireland, except 
in certain parts (see Sommerfelt, South Armagh Irish, NTS. II, p. 
Ill), ea mostly becomes a (except before g, loc. cit), while e followed 
by a ' slender * consonant (M. Ir. ei) becomes e. In Antrim ea becomes 
a in most cases, except before d, t, s, g and dh (gh), where it becomes 
a very open e-sound, most like the Rathlin e (§ 17). This e also 
stands for short i (io or oi), in Donegal, and further for original a 
before g and dh (gh), so that it may be said to correspond to the 
Donegal sound usually represented by t (see Sommerfelt, Dialect of 
Torry §§ 32, 201, O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, § 114). In Rathlin 
ea becomes a in the same cases as in Antrim, but e before t, d, s and g, 
and ei becomes e. Thus Rathlin Irish agrees with the Irish Mainland 
with regard to such words as fear, bean, but with Scotland with 
regard to words such as beag, deas. 

Regarding the short open i (from io, oi, or sometimes also ai, ui), 
which in most northern Irish dialects seems to give the above- 
mentioned sound i (according to O Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, 
§§ 87, 92; cf Sommerfelt, Dialect of Torry §§ 30, 31), the Rathlin 
dialect shows distinctly Irish affinities. In Antrim the * mixed' i (f) 
is almost invariably represented by the above open e-sound (e), and 
of this there are clear traces also in South Armagh (Sommerfelt in 
NTS. II; cf. especially: briongloid, chuige, doiHgh, tairbhe, tionn- 

I . Also in the English of old people, the * oa ' in * road ' seems to be 
the same as the ' o ' in * God,' only shorter {nJy gJ:^), while young people 
often give a narrower sound to * oa ' (=Scot. short, narrow o, § 23). 
The former is the so-called New England sound in ' home,' * road ' 
("hum," "rud"). 


tuigliim, in his Vocabulary). It is, however, an ekisive sound, 
coming sometimes near o, sometimes rV which is also reflected in 
Sommerfelt's description. In Rathlin the sound is s, i.e. more or less 
the same as in Antrim. Curiously, this agreement with Mainland 
Irish seems nevertheless to have its roots in Scotland. If it is hkely 
that the oldest form of this sound is a short, open i (i*, or a similar 
sound) it strikes the observer that the change of this sound to s 
(with its variants) is intimately connected with the same change 
of short i in southern Lowland Scots, the centre of which seems 
to be in Ayrshire. Thus in the English of these parts of Scotland 
(often also in Kintyre, Gigha, and Islay), as well as in Rathlin 
and parts of Antrim, a short Engl, i is constantly rendered by this 
open e-sound (cf. § 17). It is enough to quote such common words 
as * pig,' ' mixed,' ' thing,' * still,' in the English of Antrim. The 
correspondence goes, however, still further, for also an original 
short u (which had early the value of or 0) takes part in this change 
in southern Scots in words of the type ' dun,' ' honey,' ' hussy,' 

* nut,' * summer.' Thus it appears that at one time it became 
customary in that whole area to pronounce both i' and a with this 
open e-sound, in Irish as well as in English. It appears that this sound 
change, which is, perhaps, strongest in Ayrshire and Galloway, is 
very typical of the kind of Scotticisms that exist in Northern Ireland, 
especially in the Glens of Antrim and Rathlin.^ 

The short a before a * slender ' consonant (i.e. M. Ir. ai) has 
usually become e (or a similar sound: O Searcaigh writes it ce) in 
the north of Ireland, and so it also sounds in the Glens of Antrim, 
e.g. cailleach te/'^x, ainm sr'm, airgead srg'dd.^ The same develop- 
ment takes place with ai in southern Kintyre, but not in Islay, Middle 
Kintyre, and Arran, where it remains as a in the majority of cases; 
in Arran the conditions are, however, so special that no analogies 

1. As I understand this sound from existing descriptions, it is a neutral 
vowel, not much different from p. 

2. Another interesting agreement between the local English and 
Irish is the treatment of original in front of r (§ 70) : Ir. tabhair to:r 
becomes tuir t^r, port > purt />^r/, just as Engl. ' door ' > M:r, 

* shorn ' > j^rn, 

3. The s undergoes the same variation as e from / (see above) ; in a 
great number of words, of the type i^ai/e, ai becomes the neutral o, 
mentioned above, in a great part of north-eastern Ireland. 


with Ratlilin Irisli can be traced. In Rathlin a either remains, which 
is maybe most common now, or becomes e (see § 58). 

The change of short open o to a, which is characteristic of Scottish 
Gaehc, has not gone any further in RathUn than in the North of 
Ireland generally, cf. cos * foot,' cloch ' stone,' codail * sleep,' etc. 

Let us end the discussion of die vowel sounds widi the peculiar 
pronunciation of u (long or short) in RatUin. The two varieties 
X and () (see §§25, 26) are acknowledged by O Searcaigh [Foghraidh- 
cacht, § 31 ; cf. also O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 176, 177) for the 
Glens of Antrim,^ where u furtherniore has the same sound as ao (AT;). 
Of this diere are no traces whatsoever in the southern Scottish Gaelic 
dialects, but the whole thing seems nevertheless to have originated 
in Scotland, as did the change of T, to e (see above). In southern 
Scots (Ayrshire, etc.) it is very usual to pronounce the EngUsh * 00 * 
(i.e. Xi) with a front sound (e.g. in * food,' * do,' etc.), and this 
development must have been rather old, for the has in some places 
had time to undergo a new change, namely to e (cf. § 59). It is 
hardly too rash to think that this was also the value of u (at least, 
the long u) in the Gaelic dialects of these places, which by and by 
spread to Antrim. It is still characteristic of parts of Scotland and 
northern Ireland to pronounce the u-sound almost as AT. 

It will be rather difficult to deal with the consonant system 
historically, since it is so broken down in the Rathlin dialect, and 
probably does not at all represent the original state of things. As 
has already been said, there is no longer any distinction perceptible 
between the so-called * aspirated ' and * unaspirated ' 1, n and r 
(§§ 86, 89, 92), neither is there any sharp and definite distinction | 
made between most of the consonants with regard to their being I 

* broad ' or * slender.' In these respects the Rathlin dialect resembles I 
the Irish that is still heard in the Glens of Antrim. 

One important difference exists, however, between Rathlin and 
Antrim on this point, namely, in the pronunciation of * slender' t, d. 

* Slender ' t and d in the north of Ireland are generally palatal t, d 
(see 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, §§ 235, sqq.), or roughly the sound 
in English *tune,' 'duty.' So, too, in the Glens of Antrim, t, d are, 
unless they have been made plain English t, d (cf. above), palatal t, d, 

I. This is the way I also heard it from the people in the Glens of 


which very often interchange with the palatal k, g.^ In Rathlin, 
however, such a t or d is affricative (fj, d^, sec § 44) in any position 
except after s, where a t remains palatal {t\ §§ 80, 95), in complete 
agreement with the southern Scottish dialects. But it must be 
observed here that t\ d' are not unknown also in other positions 
(see §§ 80, 95), and further that the Scottish pronunciation is now 
very often heard also on the Mainland. 

Typically Irish is the unvoicing of 1, n, r in contact with a th 
or ch, as in the words bachlach, foithne, aithrean (see § 96). This 
is unknown in Scottish Gaehc (cf balach ' boy '), except in Arran. 

A close Scottish analogy, on the other hand, is furnished by the 
occurrence of the semivowel j in words of the type colach, eorna, 
each, which are all, according to the Scottish custom, pronounced 
with an initial j. This is not the case in the Glens of Antrim, as is 
shown from the pronunciation of the words eallach abx ' cattle,' 
Eoghan D:n ' Owen.' 

< § ^57 > 

Before leaving the phonology, one more detail of the uttermost 
importance for the placing of Rathlin Irish among the Gaelic 
dialects must be considered. It concerns the kind of vowel meeting 
termed hiatus. By this term is meant that two vowels (either 
short or long), belonging to different syllables, enter into immediate 
contact with each other, thus differing from the diphthongs (§§ I3j 53)» 
which always form only one syllable. It has almost been an axiom 
that hiatus, which is very common in Scottish Gaelic (e.g. Islay, 
Kintyre, Arran), is entirely absent from Irish Gaelic (as well as Manx); 
see, for instance, O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, pp. 142 sqq. As in order 
to constitute a hiatus, it is not sufficient to note the concurrence of 
two vowels (even though they do not look hke a common diphthong), 
but also to ascertain that they belong to different syllables, it is, of 
course, a most difficult undertaking to record cases of hiatus, especially 

I. In the English pronunciation of old people in the Glens, words such 
as ' question,' ' Christianity,' ' Canadian,' are pronounced kzvssk'pn, kris- 
k'anid, hneg'pn, etc., but the younger generation uses the Scottish 
affricates. In the same way the Glens Irish often has isteach psk'ax, 
teine k'in'^, etc. 


when pronunciation is so worn down as it actually is in Rathlin 
and the Glens. To any unsuspecting person, listening to the articulation 
of the Irish words in Co. Antrim, there is absolutely no difference 
between Rathlin and the opposite mainland in this respect. It is 
only upon approaching the question in an indirect way that the 
true facts may be revealed. The popular expression : thar shiubhal leat 

* away with you ' is pronounced almost identically by a Rathlinman 
and a Glensman, but, while to the former the word shiubhal has 
two syllables (sec § 53), it may often be felt as havnig only one by 
the latter. I But as the Antrim speakers of to-day can in no way be 
supposed to have the pure articulation of their ancestors (it is a fact 
also in Rathlin that the name of Rue Point, which is dissyllabic in 
Rathhn Irish, is pronounced r/C; in Rathlin English), the matter is 
perhaps still not very clear. On account of facts laid down in § 10, 
a vocahc ' glide,' which may easily be mistaken for a syllabic vowel, 
is often developed in front of many consonants. Thus there are two 
concurrent vowels in tim k'ijnty t'hni ' I see,' as well as in caithim 
ksjm ' I must,' in nim nidtn * I do,' as well as in nighean nhn 

* daughter,' in the Antrim pronunciation. But it seems that the oc- 
currence of such a vowel in final position should have some other 
reason. In words like teanga (teagha, tiogha) t'e^, t' £d (cuinnigh do 
thiogha k^n'x h h^d * hold your tongue,' An i) * tongue,' se do 
bheatha Je h vzd * you are welcome,' leaghadh lea ' reading,' 
gabhaidh me gox ms, go? me *I will take' (6 Searcaigh writes 
gv jo :v rtid * that I will get,' for Antrim), it seems that this -5 
has some sort of function (cf. the words gaoth g^: ' wind,' 
bo h: * cow,' and even gaoth tuath g/C: tiC: * north wind,' from 
An i). But, even so, the existence of hiatus in the Glens can not be 
assumed as a fact from such data as are available at present. That 
a hiatus once existed where a th became quiescent is perhaps not 
unlikely, and, according to O'Rahilly [Irish Dialects, p. 175), the 
word athair * father ' is not simply pronounced air in the parts of 
Ulster where th became silent. As this (the quiescence of h) is the 
case for the Glens of Antrim, it might be of interest to give the 

I . It was, for instance, acknowledged that the English word * fuel ' was 
dissyllabic, while *mule' (in Antrim pron. with a short vowel) formed only 
one syllable, and that shiubhal was not pronounced after the manner of the 
former, but with one long vowel. 


actual pronunciation of such words to-day: ceathair k'eir * four/ 
truthan tr^dti, tr<Can 'stream,' bothar hj:r * road ' (An i)j 

But the occurrence of hiatus will ultimately depend on metrical 
practice. It is a pity that there are very few songs in Irish from die 
Glens. From the following verses made by a native poet a couple 
of generations ago (cf 6 Searcaigh, Foghraidheacht, p. 188), 
hiatus might be assumed in the italicized words: a mheinn fcin in 
Aird a* Chuan (cf Rathhn hi- in), ghoinn (also gheoinn) 61, ccol 
agus iomairt (cf Rathlin yo'in), se mo chroidhe a ta trom (Rathlin 
niD xrEid) go hhfaighinn bas i n-Eirinn (Rathlin gd va-in, g? vz-in); 
in the last two words, however, the two vowels may be separated 
by a consonantal semi-vowel (j). It thus appears that, while it is 
possible that hiatus might have existed in Antrim Irish as in Scottish 
GaeHc, though it has practically disappeared to-day,^ it still exists 
in Rathlin, at least fragmentarily. With respect to hiatus, Rathlin 
Irish shows indubitable Scottish affinities, but it must be remembered 
that this feature, which shows strong tendencies towards obliteration 
in southern Scottish Gaelic as well as in Rathlin Island, may once 
have been more general also in Ulster Irish. Manx, which is more 
akin to Scottish Gaelic than to Irish, entirely lacks this type of 
vowel meeting. 

< § 158 > 

Passing on to morphology, the first detail subject to dialectal 
variation is initial mutation, more especially what is called eclipsis 
(see §§ loi, 102). The difference between Irish and Scottish Gaelic 

1. According to O'Rahilly and O Searcaigh, the lirst vowel is long, but 
O Searcaigh regularly writes a long vowel even for the true diphthongs 
(e.g. ruadh ru:a. Hath Li: a), where Sommerfelt, for instance, hears a short 
vowel (fiadhT?^, luath Lua, Dialect of Torr, %% 78, 79). As far as I can 
hear, the vowel is very often short, but perhaps half-long normally. 

2. Since the above was written, I have had occasion to hear Prof. 
Tuathail's phonographic record of the same song, recorded from an old 
native of Glendun (who died a few years ago). The hiatus came through 
clearly in the words a mbeinn a ms'in, gheo(bha)inn jo'in, mo chroidhe 
m9 xri'9'j the first vowel was long or half-long. As the vowel is rather long 
in Rathhn in the same case (see §§ 53, 13, footnote), it now appears that 
'the Rathlin dialect does not essentially diverge from Antrim Irish on this 

I2S run luisii lancuac.h in rathlin island 

in this respect is well known: in the former language (and in Manx) 
c, p, t, b, g, d are in a considerable number of cases ' echpsed * to g 
(gc), b (bp), d (dt), m (mb), ng, n (nd), the nasal which originally 
caused the eclipsis being regularly elided, while in the latter only 
c, p, t^ may in a few sporadic cases appear as g, b, d, the nasal of the 
ecHpsing word being normally retained. Characteristically, Rathhn 
Irish occupies a truly intermediate position with regard to eclipsis: 
b, d, g are unchanged, c, p, t quite often, and, in well defined cases, 
are * eclipsed * to the corresponding voiced sounds. The nasal mostly 
remains as in Scottish Gaelic, but in certain words, which in Scottish 
Gaelic never cause eclipsis, there is never a trace of the original nasal, 
so that the analogy with Irish Gaelic is perfect (nar bpiur, mur bpiur, 
seacht bponta, etc., § 102). Here, however, older Scottish Gaehc 
(O'Rahilly, Irish DialectSy p. 156) shows a closer (though not complete) 
correspondence with Rathlin Irish, which here demonstrates its more 
old-fashioned nature. The retention o( the * eclipsis ^-causing nasal 
has stray analogies in Ulster Irish (/// often stands for / with eclipsed 
consonant, before a proper noun; see O'Rahilly, Irish DialectSy p. 156, 

An interesting analogy with Manx is found in the occasional 
aspiration after the interrogative an (§ 100): an fhaic? or an bhfaic? 
cf. Manx vaik 00 > naik? (Kneen, § 57). 

< § 159 > 

The morphological similarities between Rathlin and southern 
Scotland are altogether remarkable. This fact, like so many others, 
is accounted for in part by Irishisms in southern Scottish Gaelic, 
in part by the strong Scottish influence on northern Irish. The most 
significant trait in the nominal inflexion is the plural termination 
-(e)an, which has no analogy on the Irish mainland,^ but which is 
common in Scottish Gaelic and Manx. This is an innovation which 
was without doubt once developed in some part of Scotland, whence 

1. b is eclipsed only in gu'm bu (pron. gu mu) 'may be/ in Scottish 

2. Even around Ballycastle the plural is formed by -a (-e), which is often 
quiescent : mo Idmha mp la:v * my hands/ mo chos md xos ' my feet ' 
(An I). 


it spread, and the few examples of the older termination -a (-e) 
found in Rathlin have partial analogies in older Scottish Gaelic; 
it is still heard in for instance Kintyre (cf. especially the place- 
name na Coireacha Salainn, in Antrim and south Kintyre). The 
plurals blianta, scealta, ceolta (see §109, b) have now at least no 
analogies in southern Scottish GaeHc. The plurals beithean, gnoithean, 
soithean (§109, a) have Manx rather than Scottish analogies 
(cf Manx beiyn, siyn); also cf Father Short's form **soihye" 
(O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinighy p. 26). 

The original diminutive -in (cf Donegal cailin ' girl ') is in Rathlin 
-ean, as in Scottish GaeHc. The form seems exactly to be that of 
Arran Gaelic (e.g. cilean, gen. sg. eilein 'island'; in Kintyre and 
Islay the nom. sg. is eilein), but the plural is entirely different. 
All words of this type in Rathlin form their plural in -adh (eileanadh), 
which must be connected with the north-eastern Irish -annu (-nadh), 
for which see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhuintir Luinigh, p. xxxiv, and 
Sommerfelt, NTS. Bind II, p. 170 (trasna na bpairceannadh). 

That the nouns in -(e)ach (with the above-mentioned exceptions) 
form their gen. sg. and pi. in -(a)igh, -(a)ighe, as in Irish and 
southern Scottish Gaelic, is to be expected, and likewise that the 
gen. sg. in -adh is restricted to nouns of the 5th declension (in Islay, 
this termination is also the rule in the 2d declension). 

Among the pronouns there are few forms that are peculiar to 
Scottish Gaelic, namely: mi (unstressed also me), and the original 
object forms e, i, iad (ead), which are also used as subject in Rathlin, 
the interrogative c6 * who ? ' for cia, ce, and the extensive use of 
an ath(a) for * next.' The other pronouns are generally found in 
the north of Ireland also. 

The conjugation of the verbs reminds one strongly of Scottish 
Gaelic. The analytic conjugation, which is typical of Scottish Gaelic, 
is properly a simplification of the original synthetic conjugation, 
and the former is gaining ground also in Northern Irish, especially 
among the younger generation. The old synthetic form in -(e) am 
(see § 138) is better preserved in Rathlin than in Scottish Gaelic, 
where it is preferably used in an imperative sense (cf. also O'Rahilly, 
Irish Dialects, pp. 169, 170). The typical confusion of the original 
present and future has been dealt with in § 137; it appears that the 
Rathlin Irish has preserved a little more of the old system. In the 


Other tenses the forms arc the same as in both Northern Irish and 
Scottish, except the present subjunctive in -(a)idh, which is only- 
Irish, and the 2d pers. ph of the imperative in -(e)abh, which is 
only Scottisli.^ The past part, in -ta or -te is more general in Ireland 
than in Scotland, although the latter is very common in South Argyll 
(which is, to some extent, due to English hifluence). Very Scottish 
also is the aspirated dh' in the preterit (Rathlin and Scot, dh'fhag 
as against Irish d'fhag), the insertion of do, d' after the verbal particles 
an, gon, cha, nach, instead of the Irish -r,^ and finally the repetition 
of the prep, do before the verbal noun when it is used as infinitive 
(do dh'fhaghail, a dh'fhaghail, for Irish d'fhail, fhdil). 

Of the irregular verbs the following forms are predominantly 
Scottish: fheil (also used in Antrim), bidh, bi, bhios (fut.) and bhiodh, 
bhinn (imperf.-cond.), bha, pret. (in the Glens of Antrim, bha and 
bill), bhith, vb. n., rinn * did,' dcanadh * doing,' chi * will see ' 
(in the Glens, ti = tchi), faic (* see '), gheabh, faigh (* get '), 
f huair * got.' 

The following are essentially Irish: ta (pres. * be,' though used in 
the older Scottish literature^), bheith (vb. n. *be'), deir (pres. *say*), 
dubhairt (pret. * say '), tuir (imper. and pres. * give '),4 chuaidh 
(pret. *go'), teacht (vb. n. *come*; also used in Arran, Scotl.). 

Of the defective verbs, urra, urraidh, urrain, for * can,' is 
typically Scottish. 

Of particles (prepositions and conjunctions), the prep, faoi and 
frid are typically Irish, thro * through ' (only in the rare phrase 
thro theine * on fire ') and ma * about/ Scottish. The conjunction 
an *if ' is found in Antrim, and the rarer form nan only in Scotland; 

1. In the Glens of Antrim forms like : teigheabh * go,' tuireabh ' give/ 
marbhabh ' kill,' itheabh, olabh, agus bibh go sugach * eat, drink, and be 
merry,' were also in use (An 2). 

2. In the Glens of Antrim the -r form only is used (char chreid siad 
* they did not believe,' see p. 155). 

3. The verbs ti, teid (imper.), tig (imper.) are hardly ever aspirated in 
Rathhn, and the Scot, forms tha, theid, thig are consequently almost 

4. In southern Scot. Gaelic the verbal forms bheir, toir (pres.-fut.), and 
their (' say ') are disyllabic in pronunciation {ve-^r, do-dr^ he'9r)y while the 
corresponding Rathlin forms (bheir, dtuir, deir) are mostly short and 



far an 'where' (=Ir. mar a), and the forms man 'before' and 
manan * unless ' are common in southern Scot. Gaehc, but s'man, 
s'manan (from seal ma, sul ma) * before ' has Irish analogies 
(see O Tuathail, Sgealta Mhnintir Lninigh, p. 12 : su* ma robh an 
bhuatais lionta), and is not found in Scottish Gaelic. 

< § 160 > 

In vocabulary there is also much agreement with Scottish Gaelic, 
either by the existence of purely Scottish words and phrases, or so 
that common Irish words have a Scottish meaning. The following 
are instances of the former type (an asterisk marks words which are 
also found in the Glens of Antrim) : mar a b'abhaist * as usual,' 
ta me ag aireamh ' I reckon ' (common in Kintyre), ag aiteamh 

* thawing,' astar * distance,' *bachlach * boy ' (the pronunciation is 
often the same as in Arran, Scotland), biodag ' dagger,' boidheach 
'pretty,' 'bonny,' boireann 'female' (adj.), braosc 'grin,' *bruach 
' slope,' ' brae,' buitseach ' witch,' cag ' crow ' (in Kintyre = 
'jackdaw'), caibeal 'chapel,' *caisceim 'step,' canamhain 'language,' 
caolas ' strait,' ' channel,' car ' twist,' ' while,' carach ' crooked,' 
ceabhar ' gentle breeze,' ceardaman ' beetle,' clachan ' stone heap,' 
cnap(an) ' potato,' coimhearsnach ' neighbor,' coiteachadh ' arguing,' 
comhlach le ' together with ' (in Scotland comhla ri), cordadh le 

* agreeing with ' (Sc. cordadh ri), costamhail ' costly,' *cruiscean 

* primitive lamp' (Sc. "cruisie"), *cuidhil 'spinning wheel,' *cuilean 
' pup,' cuireacan ' cap,' cumannta ' common,' air an daoraigh 
' drunk,' deidheamhail * fond,' diomach ' displeased,' ' angry,' 
daitheo ' water hemlock,' *eilean ' island,' fail ' peat spade,' 
*fallus ' perspiration,' faod ' may,' mios na Faoilleach ' February,' 
feidhm ' must,' fideog ' whistle,' foithne ' wart,' ar folbh ' gone,' 
*garradh ' garden,' gleidh ' hold,' gogan ' pail,' inean ' port,' 
ionchainn ' brain,' *iteog ' feather,' iteogaigh ' flying,' iuchair 

* key,' leitheogan (liagan) * tangle,' luidhear ' vent,' ' chimney,' 
miola-chuileog ' gnat,' mughairne ' ankle,' oir * edge,' Ollaic 

* Christmas ' (also Manx) ; ' the New Year,' pioghaid ' magpie,' 
piiir ' sister,' priseamhail ' precious,' puinnsean ' poison,' rabhairt 
' springtide,' fa rireabh * seriously,' rudha ' point,' scat ' skate ' (fish), 
scitheach, scitheog ' thorn bush,' seile, seilean ' bee,' slaightear 


* rascal/ sluig * swallow/ spog * paw/ stac * stack ' (steep clifF), 
stribli * toil/ stuth * stuff/ tairncach, tairncanach ' thunder/ thugainn 

* conic * (inipcr.), *tog * lift ' (short o), toisigh * begin ' (long o), 
torradh * funeral/ truscan * suit of clothes/ *tunnog * duck/ 
*uinneog * window/ *urad * quantity/ 

The next group comprises such words as arc certainly Irish, 
though their sense is usually not that of Irish, but of Scottish Gaehc. 
They are: *amhairc * look,' brathair * brother,' ^brothchan 

* porridge,' *capall *mare,' cladh * cemetery,' *craobh *trce,' *druid 

* shut ' (a door), *duil * expectation,' each * horse,' Eoin *John,* 
taobh an f hascaidh * the leeward side,' feach * try,' taobh an f huaraidh 
' the windward side,' gadhar * lurcher ' (dog), *goirid * short,' 
*idir ' at all ' (rare), ionnsaigh * learn,' laghach * nice,' neonach * odd,' 
piseog * kitten,' riabhog * skylark,' scith * tired ' (rare), scrog * bite,' 
tamailte * afflicted,' * sorry,' go trie * often,' trinnsear * platter,' 
ur * new/ 

According to Prof. O'Rahilly {Irish Dialects, p. 191), the dialect 
is * essentially a Scottish dialect/ This will, no doubt, be the opinion 
of any reader who peruses the preceding pages, especially those 
dealing with the accidence. If it be admitted that this is a characteristic 
specimen of Gaelic of the Scottish type, it must not, however, be 
thought that the difference between the Rathlin dialect and, for 
mstance, that of Kintyre or Arran is approximately the same as 
between the latter and that of Islay or Skye. Though the distance 
between Rathlin and the Mull of Kintyre is only about one tenth of 
the distance between the latter and Skye, the differences are far greater. 
And, though historically the Rathlin dialect shows closer affinities 
with Scottish than with Irish Gaelic, the external similarities with the 
neighbouring Irish dialects are more prominent. This means that a 
person from Tirconnel would not have very great difficulty in 
understanding a Rathlin man, while a native speaker from the 
opposite part of Antrim speaks practically the same language. 

The apparent contradiction can be explained in several ways. 
First of all, the fact that relations with Scotland have been inter- 
rupted for over a century must have left its traces in the language. 
Further, it must be taken into consideration that the Gaelic spoken 
in opposite parts of Scotland about three hundred years ago (when 
according to popular tradition the first Scottish settlers arrived) was 



very difFcrent from the present-day dialects of Islay, Kintyre and 
Arran, and that the Rathhn dialect might be expected to show a 
number of archaisms. A third very interesting point is whether 
the Scottish settlers actually came from any of the places mentioned 
here. There may be some truth in the tradition that the Rathlin 
people came by the Glens of Antrim (§3). This would mean that 
the colonization of Rathlin might have been part of the migration 
westward from Ayrshire and Galloway (which also reached the 
Isle of Man, cf. O'Rahilly, Irish Dialects, p. 117). Some facts which 
actually point to Ayrshire were mentioned above (§ 156). In 
addition, the great difference between the Rathlin dialect and the 
hving Gaelic dialects in Scotland might be more easily explained 
if it could be assumed that the colonists spoke the Ayrshire dialect 
of Gaelic, which is now extinct. 


[(i) The * Lower End/ 
I. — By Mrs. Attn Jane Craig, Ballycarry, 

va: tsi an ^n raxlln <? va ad o d^e:ti.ig pjU^sn an. as x^ali tta pihri 
?tn hal'ci^xa\t'd t\iint?lt er as hatt'i at ? ttal gD raxlin. xjtti balax beg zd d 
tjaxt sntji jn tsi. rz<; s st'ax h^g Icj tttaib. hil'g a dj: tia tri: fi:d^m 
ttijiti'i stitji ?n tttaih ag?s hil'g a j ttta :h er o yrltn. rsf a max as 
sxas DT] krjk agds tta pihri as d jei. rsg e lej s^js dt] krok gjs on ro ad 
? tjaxt dies do:, hil'g e ttta:h d^s tia yrltn agds ar^sz\dn. ha nel hit an 
ax do : na tri : fi :dpn vj :n'i or son tttj fj^'dr agos ha dd yEd^ tni zd. 
hiV ad er o^tiaj. va: hs ak3 dn lin tiax ro d veg an. 

ho: ro: go d^iV on dranii 
ho: ro: go d^il' on dranii 
ho: ro: go d^il' Dtt dratni 
jitnad [jar or) g'al er 

nor d he:di on dratn so xlag'on 
kal'i \iti'd U: tiar\ goson 
hi liti'j laio (s?) tta glassd^on 
go ni:n fokol fesm/J ain 

3. — By Mrs. Glass. 

— go d^e : ta : so pot agod, oso kalom fi-jder 

— ta: kriman jo:l' hir'otn {y)ort\, oso kalotn ta:l'zr 

— hi'i tni a-od o g'vo noxt, oso kalotn Ji'odsr 

— d^itnon gretn er he :di os do xorp, oso kalom ta :l'zr 

er d he:di tni lai{o) so nI:go 
ta: mi tjindag an mo : ran 
mor n'al or tE:v tiar] kiCrk'on 
Js gE:l mo yra:g rEin tno l'o:n 


Bha toigh aim an Reachlainn a bha cad ag deanadh poitean ann. 
As chualaigh na peelerigh in Baile Chaisteal tiomalt' air, as diainigh 
ead anall go Reachlainn. Chonnaigh bachlach beag ead ag teacht 
ainti an toighe. Roith e istcach, agus thug leis mala. Thilg e do 
na tri foidean moinidh ainti an mala, agus thilg e. an mala air a 
dhruim. Roith e amach as suas an cnoc, agus na peelerigh as a 
dheidh, Roith e leis suas an cnoc, gos an rabh ead ag teacht deas 
do. Thilg e an mala de na dhruim, agus ars eisean, ''Chan fheil 
bit aim ach do na tri foidean mhoinidh ar son mo phiur, agus cha 
do ghoid me ead." Thill ead air a n-ais. Bha fios aca ann sin nach 
rabh a bheag ann. 

Ho ro gon dtill an drama. 
Ho ro gon dtill an drama. 
Ho ro gon dtill an drama, 
'S iomad fear in geall air. 

Nuair a theid an dram sa chlaigeann 
Caillidh sinne liith nan gcosan, 
Bidh sinne laighe 'sna glasaidean 
Gan aon f(h)ocal cainnt againn. 

Goidc ta sa' p(h)ota agad, arsa Calum Fighcadoir. 
Ta crioman fheoil thiream, ghoirt, arsa Calum Taillear. 
Bidh me agad ag ithc anocht, arsa Calum Figheadoir. 
Dimean greim air a theid arms do chorp, arsa Calum Taillear. 

Air a theid me laighe san oidhche, 
Ta me tionntachadh in m'on'ran (?), 
Mar an eala ar taobh nan (g)cuircean, 
Se gaol mo ghradh a rinn mo leon. 


The following short verses are instances of the Scottish so-called 
puirt-a-beul, or ' mouth tunes,' which were once very popular in 
Rathlin as in the Scottish Highlands. They arc dance music, and 
were, therefore, sung very fast, so that the words, which arc generally 
funny and very monotonous, often lost their original meaning. 
The ' mouth tunes ' were sung to common dance tunes at dances 
where no instruments were played. 

la: n'idH .? rX/'er almix 
ta: n'idn d v^l'zr i :vax 
ta: n'hn 3 vtCl'zr lE-ax gr'ni {gri :n') 
as hi i cr' d do :ri 

t£r dram d.y n'en j ViCl'zr, t^r dram d,i n'en j viCl'sr 
tiCr dram dj n'en j v£l'zr nar o gav i fE:xag 


na mrawt er' jn dahri 
s na mra'on er' du do :ri 
va: \i: (sic) losk^ k^rik'd[n) 
va: \i: losk? lem'? 
va: J/: loskd haprm 
at\ d vlg dn re:t\?g 

d^inad grim he :d^ mi lai? 

g?s d vai mi rEd?k'in 

tri : hsjn tri : tri: koson kE:rax 

tri: kosm agjs k'a:n 

hrjlax agcis me :djl 

davsdg . . . 
kra'9g ad I'eddnax 
raxdg agjs ril'dg 
rax3g ad ? nD:rd?r 

tri: ni^n, tri: nidn, tri: ni?n sparijax, 

tri: ni?n spari\ax 9S k'er'j g'il'du {g'^hn) o:g? 


Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aidhcarach, 
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir aoibheach, 
Ta nighean an mhuilleoir laghach, grinn, 
Agus bidh i air an daoraigh. 

Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Tuir dram do nighean an 

Tuir dram do nighean an mhuilleoir, Nuair nach gabh i faochog. 


Na mndn air an dallaraigh, 
'S na mnan air an daoraigh, 
Bha te ag loscadh a cuiricean, 
Bha te ag loscadh a leine, 
Bha te ag loscadh a h-apron, 
Ait a bhiodh an reidhteach. 

Dionad grerni theid mi laighc 

Gus an bhfaigh mi raod-eicin, 

Tri cosan, tri cosan, tri cosan caorach, 

Tri cosan agus ceann, 

BroUach agus meadal. 

Damhsadh . . , 

Crathadh ead Icadaiiach (explained as * soles,' maybe 

' heads of hair ' ?) 
Rachadh agus reeladh, 
Rachadh ead in order: 

Tri nighean, tri nighean, tri nighean spairiseach, 

Tri nighean spairiseach is ceithre gillean (giollan) oga. 

The above specimens recited by Mrs. Glass properly do not re- 
present Rathlin Irish, as they originally came from Scotland. Some 
were sung by Mrs. Glass's Scottish grandmother. There are several 
Scottish Gaelic words in them, as: in m'on'ran, prob. = in m'aonaran 
*all by my lonesome,' gaol, used for * love,' spairiseach ' stylish,' etc. 


By Aleck Aiidcrsofi, CraiiimacagaH, 
9. — The Old Woman of Islay. 

I'll : ba:tj j raxUn' ha:l j ii'i:!',} as ini : stormzl as xa bxrj c; a :gaL 
va ad ,? fantiii' .) u'i:l\}. [va :) Ian vjaii as jn \hi hi(g i pi:sj sjia:^en 
olvi (1j :fi, va : trEi snoim.m aos man,m ro ax hcgan gE:g va ad 3 
skoiWig Uxn d^z na as an ro t^l^i gE:g jn darno h/C{:)n d 
skiid'jg (ax) ,vi trcs IU:n a skdil'jg jr son am ha:j 

Cf. by speaker No. 3: na sUEiI'dv m trEh snE:m, as ma 
skE'A'js llv £ hii \lv le:d^ijt',i naT] jn jj d riijt' 

4. — By Mick Craig, Cnoc na Fiagrach, 

10. — From the Story About Murchadh and Mionachog. 

sjp dm vo: d^oir dj na xat kat d hH'jg {hil'g'?) lux lux d 

sk'ib.ig im im j xjs,) go : {g^ :) gi(: d rz(; flag Jiag j snaiv ^Ik'D 

xlk'j .1 xiCr cr lijv I'ijv j x^r jr t^ag t^ag d v^znt\ slat slat j 
ViQhg cr' mjznaxag j (j)/f ntj x/Cd^ s^ : 


san gjn (lal vi'js na nira-jn 
bre:gax bre :gax 9 n'anag Via 
i:ri yrian mux na mal 
san h d^ia vi'os on la-? 


va mi n'eirin va mi nalbin va mi r\ k^ndai («) da:l [da'M) va mi 
n'arin, ax 9 I'e'id^ d nCdjn g'al d tjcag d glan xa mkd mi riav an 


13.— Song. 
g'zrsahdn oigo dT\ glak \iv m? xjirl'? 
hi jiv gDH po :sDg ?m blianj 
blian dn d^/C hi J/i; g9n hro :gjn 
hi 97] g^:n ag9V krjxti9 lej 9m pkt^ cr' 9 xiiihv 
as 9m hahi S9 xliav 9 g^l 

I. English 't' 


Bha bata o Rcachlainn thall in lie. As bha e stoirme'il, as cha 
b*urra e (scil, ' Islay ') f hagail. Bha cad ag fantaiii in lie. Bha scan 
bhean (scil. in Islay), agus an sin thug i piosa snaithean olann dofa. 
As bha tri snaidhmean, agus manan rabh ach beagan gaoithe, bha 
ead a scaoileadh h-aon de na snaidhmean, agus an rabh tuille gaoithe, 
an darn a h-aon a scaoileadh, ach gan an treas h-aon a scaoileadh 
ar son an bais. 

(By speaker No. 3): The old woman told them: Na scaoileabh 
an triadh (triomhadh) snaidhm, agus ma scaoileas sibh e bidh sibh 
scidiste anall an sco arist. 

Sop do'n bho, deor do'n chat, cat a shcilg luch, luch a scriobadh 
im, im a chosa gadhair, gadhar (gaoth) a roith fiadh, fiadh a snamh 
uisce, uisce a chur air liomh, liomh a chur ar tuagh, tuagh a bhuaint 
slat, slat a bhualadh air Mionachog, a dh'ith mo chuid sugh. 

'S ann gan chiall bhios na mnan, 
Brcagach, brcagach an fhcannog liath, 
Eirighidh an ghrian much na mall, 
'S ann le Dia bhios an la. 


Bha mi in Eirinn, bha mi in Albain, bha mi in Cunndae an Dal 
(' Cushendair), bha mi in Arain (?), ach a leithid dc rudan geal, 
ag teidhcaga' go glan, chan fhaca mi riamh ann (the changeling 
said when he saw the eggs being roasted at the fire). 

Giorsachan oga, an glac sibh mo chomhairle, 
Bidh sibh gan posadh in bliadhna. 
Bliadhna indiu bidh sibh gan brogan, 
Bidh an guna agaibh croichte leis an plaid air a chulaibh, 
As an babaidh san chhabh ag gul. 


14. — By Joseph Anderson y MuUindress. 

— ,vi ro i{ Z(^' J uajrm on d^^ 

— ha ro, va mi na:t\,} na hz:r. va mi hi:s jn la:r [lairt a 
ylvzn) J krx'n'ax.i sms:r 

15. — St. Coluinba inquit: 
f/Carag joirn? as hs:,il nui vroig jm hiag j sz:r ? hiizr mi riav 

16. — The little bird says: 

ma Js d^n'D heg d rjh mj n'ed 
g,i giQ'i d^ia ra er' 
ma Js diCn'j mo :r j rob mj n'ed 
gj g/Cr'i d^ia har h hz:n a 

17. — The Corncrake says: 

min min henar [menar) vz-il nxt o narvjr 

gd mo varvdg or son gra :n'd kor'k'd jig mi^^ rair 

18. — By Miss Lizzie McKeagne, Ballyconagan, 

na hi misk'zl dn tEi d m:l {nj:stj) 
na hi kagjrt Iz do h^:l' 
na hi kogor l'j:fi t] k/C:l' 
{hi) mor j xr^'i d^ia £ vjan 

kl:n'i er on xr^isr 
dn lad nuir j :g'D 
niD nai m?r intjin kal 

20. — Sayings. 

(a) DT] kar ? ta: Sdn t^an vadp ds dEl'i hort\ as 

(b) hi ta-i er dd xard^dn ax na hi ta-i ro trzk' op 

(c) ha yavdg ad na koji as ha nzidg ad na marki 

(d) he :di dn d/Cx9S frid^ na kregdn 



— An rabh thu aig an Aifreann indiu? 

— Cha rabh. Bha mi in aite na b'fhearr. Bha mi thios in Lathr* 
Da Dhuibhean ag cruinncachadh smear. 

Fuarog eorna as beal mo bhrog, an biadh is f hearr a fhuair me 

Mas e duine beag a rob mo nead, 
Go gcuiridh Dia rath air, 
Mas e duine mor a rob mo nead, 
Go gcuiridh Dia thar le beinn e. 

Min, min, b'e nar (mo) b(h)eatha(-se) (?), ucht an arbhar, 
Go mo mharbhadh ar son grainne coirce dh'ith mia reir. 

Na bi meisceamhail in toigh an 61 (osta), 

Na bi cagairt le do shuil, 

Na bi cogar leofa in (g)cuil, 

Bi mar a chruthaigh Dia thu, bhean. 


Cuimhnigh air an Chruthaightheoir 

In la mur oige, 

Man fhaigh mur intinn call. 

{a) An car a ta san t-shean mhaide is doiligh a thabhairt as. 
(6) Bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach na bi taithighe ro thric ortha. 
(c) Cha ghabhadh ead na coisidhthe, agus chan f haigheadh ead na 

marcaigh (*A gave ad na Coshie agas an Nie ad na Markie '). 
{d) Theid an diithchas frid na creagan (' Heig an Ducas frige na 

Craigen *). 

142 rill-: IRISH LANGUAca: in kathlin island 

(/;) The * Upper End/ 

By Jolin McCurdyy Upper Ckggcin, 

21. — Comical Story. 

va : fjar an oar <? va :n' as va : bjan zg'o as ha ro^ sla :nt\d va zk'd 

as va: fjar ? mah 9 gohir' as va: vjan 3 fa-al ha:s as ho :n dj na la-in 

(for laiDu) va i skartlj lej tfa'g (for tlig') 9 st'ah wccl d^e : ta k'a:r ort 

wa'l ta i jo'i /t'J {k^?) iva'l ka:tl j vcl ^ jd-9l ta: j6'9l hansj dpa 

wa^l ma vv9S i ko fado zg'9 d^ia as 9 ta ^ aomsd h'vi d^ia fa:s 

kor'^ It' p. 

22. — Riddles. 
giran big er g'lV {g'eV) 
hwEi a har 9 mi^j 
fjar injjg 9 sk'e:l' 
fjar gd nz9 g9 nul 

ha n'el grz:si riav 9 j'wig kahm f'9dzr' na hdaJ9g kahm ta:l'zr' 

krE:v 9 ta: fa:s 9 m^i 9 ba:r ji9S — ^rb9l bo: 

25. — Songs. 
ho d; mo n'idti do:n h:jax 
h ro : tiw n'i9n do :n bj :jax 
m9 xaVzn I'akax bo :jax 
xa fi :sin ax ^: 

d^e^dj:ni dol 9n tjarmzn 
I'e d9 ribzn d£ 9S d^arg 
as k'e:d pizd 9r d9 x^ :l 

jo una hop an beg vr'i\ mi\9 
\z n to:! 9 h^g m9 vilt'im 



Bha fear ann uair amhain, agus bha bean aige. Agus cha rabh 
an slainte mhaith aice. Agus bha a' fear amach ag obair, agus bha 
a bhean a faghail bas. Agus h-aon dc na laithean bha i scairt leis, 
" Tig isteach." ''Well, (goi)de ta cearr ort? " "Well, ta i (for me) 
ar shiubhal leithe." " Well, edit a bhfeil diu ar shiubhah " " Ta 
ar shiubhal ionns air Dia/' "Well, ma bliios i (for tu) co fada aig 
Dia agus a ta thu agamsa, bidh Dia ag fas cuirthe leithe (for leat)/' 


Gillean (?) beag air gil (?), 
Chuaidh e thar muir. 
Fear innseadh a sceil. 
Fear gan fheith, gan fhuil. 

(A letter) 

Chan fheil greas ariamh a dh'fhigheadh Calum Figheadoir nach 
fhuaigheadh Calum Tailleoir. 

Craobh a ta fas amuigh, a barr sios. — lorball bo. 

Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach. 
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach. 
Mo chailean laghach(?) boidheach, 
Cha phosainn ach thu. 

De Domhnaigh dol do'n t-shearmoin 
Le'd ribeain dubh a's dearg(a), 
A's cead plaid ar do chul (cf. No. 3x3). 

Se ioma copan beag (a) bhris me, 
Se an t-6l a thug mo mheas diom. 


28. — By Daniel McCurdy, Kinramcr, 
I:pfc:I hri:d^D bfiQijiiax 
bXsl JT\ k'ain d^z tia fatlvtax 

Referring to the poultry being killed at St. Brigid's Feast 
(cf. No. 37, d). 

29. — Songs. 
1119 heidi X val'c n diCmDUj 
as gj d^e : na davsD komik'o 
mj he :di ^ go d^^ira 
J g9 dor na mra-jn kl'^: d^tl 
patjjn dj x^d'D 
pUk'j h^r {hr) d<i vonatj ort 
do r^djbm d<i r^d?hm 
ds r^djl d'id'jl dam dj^ 

Hd to: md n'idn do :n hoijax 
hd to: ntd n'hn do :n hoijax 
m? xal'zn I'akax hoijax (or; dies ds hoijax) 

er' 9 viJ9 dol 9n tlarmsn' 
as rih9n d^ 9S d^arg 9r 
k'ed pht er' 9 x£ibv 
er fad an du d^arg 

By Patrick McCurdy, Lower Cleggan. 
31. — Songs, 
(a) er' 9 jo Jm' p9tait9 saivaltl9 tlir'9m 
as 9m hait9 9 naitJ9 Ve'9gax 
er' 9 jo jin' n9 Ve'intrax 9S na skadan' 
hin er' 9 nil \9n 9m poiS9g 

(Wi kaitj 9n ro /C d^^ s 9n d^ei 
pa I mi m9 m9 yro'9X he i 
rsg nam haltJ9n 
g9 n'iari g9n gam ho iS9g 

I. d' maybe for English *d/ cf, § 42. 



Oidhche feil' Bride bruiteanach [= ?), 
Buail an ceann de'n phaiteanach. 


Ma theid thu a Bhaile 'n Luimnigh (j 

A's go dti na damhsa' comic, 

Ma theid thu go Diura ('Jura '), 

'S go dtoir na mnan chu duit. 

Paitean do chuile (— ?), 

Pluice (= ?) thar ( ? ) ^^ bhonaid ort. 

De rudelam, De rudelam, 

De rudel, diddle, dam-da. 


Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach, 
Ho ro, mo nighean donn boidheach, 
Mo chailean laghach (?), boidheach. 

Air a bhi si dol do'n t-shearmoin, 
A's ribean dubh a's dearg' uirrth', 
Cead plaid air a chulaibh 
Ar fad arm in dearg. 


{a) Air a gheo sinn potata sabhailte tiream, 
A's an bata in aite . . . (?=*safe'). 
Air a gheo sinn na liontrach (?=' nets'?) as na scadain. 
Shin air a ghni sinn an posadh. 

(&) Gait an rabh thu 'diu 's inde? 
Bha me ma mo ghnothach f he, 
Rith nan bailtean, rith nan bailtean, 
'ga n-iarraidh gan 'gan bposadh. 


32.— By Daniel McFall, Glaic an Toigh Mlwr. 
hxai jv\ k'zrdjnim ajs ,n] k/Cl'ag 
cr' k'c :l'i m sjn rl : 
lixtj .in xxlag sjn rj//;',? 
s va: T[ k'srd.mun .1 kH:n'j 

33. — By Miss Atniic Black, Kinramcr. 
— • ka :tj m TO X ro.i rair 

— va : mz s,i ya :rjg 

— g3 d^e: va i{ gj d^znog on \ln 

— va: me kT]Eax p Uaiton 

— ko : va : krin'ag 

— va : mo fjujr mazr i 

34. — The Two Men And The Fairies. 

va : don' 9 sd gan ^ravdr as va : n don'd (jIn 9) jsri nam ho : kon'dskdr 
DS hwEi a s^as dn d^e n jafto as xdar]i s na dEm'd d gozl mtr] g'j:r]tjn 
jin na dEin'd kj:r' d^er' mi I'jifd va at o goal d^c ^r]dzn ds d^e ^ma:rt 
d^e *r[dzn 9S d^e Una:rt ds h:ji mije h:r]9 h: as doBrtj mi d^e ^k'ednd 
va:t b^iax d^z na p :t] na xdaT]i at d^e ^k'eidno wzl va: jyrdj xrltj 
cr' D y^aT[in as jisdri at d^i :m hd d^es lat \In d vi d^z dd y^^i^m 

ha:n'i mijo na vaV as haxir mi cr' don'? bzg el'd as jinij mi\d 
dj : kiha haxir do gd^^ dozr mi\d xrltj d^z md y£ar\in son fikdhn 
bzg k'j:r[ sm go dd xXd^i mi b:f<) k'j:r] ini^ag as ma he:d^ £sd s^as jo 
AT J/rt he : k^d^axt ma x^r'ds t^so fikor] el'? lej 9 p :r] jo ^S9 d^e :t 
k^d^aht xoai on don' 9 soas 9 jiari nam bo : as haxir at er' 9 goal 9 p ;r| 
as ho:li mil9 ko :t[9 lo : os doort mijo b :f9 go-i mijo ko :r]9 h: 
ma x£r'os ti£ mo xrltl d^z mo yrim ho :ji at os yo at d^e ^r]dzn 
die hna:rt d^e ^k'e:dno d^e ^r]dzn d^e ^ma:rt d^e ^k'e:dno as doort' 
mijo lo: d^er ^dE:n' wzl ha da:n'i d^er ^dE:n' st'ah ^ro jes as na 
xoni ztson jln XiCr' zt krltj on don' el' er' as ha:n'i n din'd boht na 
val'o s da: xrltf er' 

35. — How Rathhn Was Made. 
That Rathlin Irish has strong similarities with the Gaehc in Scotland, 
and even that it originally came into the island from Scotland along 
with Scottish settlers, is a statement often made in Rathlin (cf § 3). 



Chuaidh an ceardaman a*s an cuilcog 
Air ceilidhe ionns air an righ; 
Thuit an chuileog san tcine, 
'S bha an ceardaman ag caoine'. 


— Cait an rabh thu ar shiubhal areir? 

— Bha me san gharradh. 

— Goide bha thu go deanadh an sin? 

— Bha me cladhach potatan. 

— Co bha cruinncachadh ? 

— Bha (sic) mo phiur mathair i. 


Bha duine san Cheann Rcamhar, agus bha an duine sin a dh'iarraidh 
nan bo coinf heascar. Agus chuaidh e suas an dti ( ?) an gheafta, agus 
chualaigh c na daoine ag gabhail nan gceoltan. Sin na daoine coir 
(deir me leofa). Bha ead ag gabhail, ''De Luain a's De Mart, 
De Luain a's Dc Mart." Agus thoisigh misc (c) comhla leo, agus 
diiirt mise, ''De Ccad'na." Bha ead buidheach dc'n cheol nuair 
a (o na ?) chualaigh ead ' De Cead'na.' Well, bha seorda chruit air 
a ghualainn, agus dliThiosraigh ead diom, *' (An) ba deas leat sin a 
bhith de do ghualainn?" 

Thainigh mise (eisean) na bhaile, agus thachair me (e) air duine 
beag eile. Agus dh'innis me do cibe thachair domh, gon d'fhuair me 
an chruit de mo ghualainn (ar) son foclan beag ceol (ar son gon do 
chuidigh me leofa an ceol fhinisheadh). "Agus ma theid thusa suas, 
gheo thu sin fhe cuideacht." Chuaidh an duine suas a dh'iarraidh 
nan bo, agus thachair ead air ag gabhail an cheol. Agus thoisigh 
mise (eisean) comhla leo, agus duirt me (e) leofa, *' Gabhaidh mise 
ceol leofa (leibh) ma chuireas tu mo chruit de mo dhruim." Thoisigh 
ead, agus ghabh ead, " De Luain, De Mart, De Cead'na, De Luain, 
De Mart, De Cead'na," agus duirt mise (eisean) leo, '* De'r Daoin." 
Well, cha dtainigh ' De'r Daoin ' isteach ro dheas, agus na 
chonnaigh eadsan sin chuir ead cruit an duine eile air, agus thainigh 
an duine bocht na bhaile 's da chruit air. 


The following short story is evidence of the popular theory that 
Rathlin was originally part of Scotland, and not of Ireland. 

va: ^aii xal'ax na va i ja:gal ka'n t\oxd gj d^e: h^g i Icp na hapdron 
raxT\iii. iijs na va i (]or\ j j\{:T\aii Icp g.y lic:riii' as vrij hin d^z na 
srz'an' ajs xalV i va: na hap.invi j Icp ha drEin' i cirin' d^z as h^tj i 
as ? hapjrjii as yar'mi /p s gj fcs p raxr\in va i ga a :gal on J:? 

According to another theory, however, Rathhn was cut out of 
the Antrim soil, near Annoy, where a depression is said to be found 
closely corresponding with the outline of Rathhn. 

36. — How Lough Neagh Arose. 

Irish traditions are not less familiar to the Rathlin people than are 
Scottish stories and songs, as appears from the following version of 
the story about Lough Neagh. 

r|o.Y n's'ax hj:li a lc\ on tohdr fur^lk'd ads va: hjan z^d kon'dskdx 
adS ha dd xl:n'i i er' d xv[a:r d x^r er' va: gV[ast'd d h^V I:p adS na ji:r'i 
h^l\i dE:n'd go d^e: va: ax r\oha mo :r as szti mo:r {haVd mo :r) va: 
kalt'aT\ mo:r a:n s g? l'o:r tEidu k^d^axt as va: h^l'd dEn'd va:n kailt\? 
fio a le\ 

[c) From Gortconny, Co. Antrim. 

By the McCurdies, Gortconny. 

37. — Riddles And Sayings. 

(a) g'ir9 beg er gil 
han'i z hat m^r' 
va: g"inl?g sk'zdl 
g3 nzd gd n£l 

(b) \l'ilag er' d n^rlar 

J d^el? n'i: drandan 

ho :n ho :jax b^i9 

agds slatag d^zn dd rar\kax 

(c) k'a:n mo :r hEgan a:n 
k'a:n k'ir'k'd er' amddan 

(d) I:p I' bri :d^d br/CtJ9nax 

t^r dT\ k'a :n d^e na fatJDnax 


Bha scan chailleach. Na bha i fagail Ccann Locha (* Campbeltown, 
Kintyre'), goide thug i leithe in a h-apron: Rcachlainn. Agus na 
bha i dol a ghiulan leithe go h-Eirinn, (agus) bhris h-aon de na 
sreangain, agus chaill i bha na h-apron leithe. Cha do rinn i Eirinn 
de. Agus thuit i (scih ' Rathlin ') as a h-apron, agus dh'ainmigh i e, 
go b'e seo Reachlainn bha i ga fhagail an seo. 


Loch n-Eachach. — Thoisigh c leis an tobar fior-uisce, agus bha 
bean aige coinfheascar. Agus cha do chuimhnigh i air an chlar a 
chur air (bha e glaiste h-uile oidhche). Agus na dh'irigh h-uile 
daoine {sic), goide bha ach loch mor. Agus (' there used to be ') 
city mor (baile mor); bha caisteal mor ann, agus go leor toighean 
cuideacht, agus bha h-uilc duinc bh'ann caillte. Flow e leis. 


(a) Gille beag air gil (?), 
Thainigh e thar muir, 
Bha e ag innseadh sceal, 
Gan fheith, gan fhuil. 

(cf. No. 22) 

(J)) Sliseog air an urlar 
Is deise ghni dranndan, 
Bonn boidheach, buidhe 
Agus slatog deanta de fhrancach. 

(A fiddle) 

(c) Ceann mor — beagan ann, 
Ceann circe air amadan. 

[d) Oidhche '1' Bride bruiteanach, 
Tuir an ceann de*n phaiteanach. 


By Daniel McCiirdy, Gortconny. 

3S. — l1ic Story About The Bannock 

va: trPJ dliiti'j an rauj Jj j nar'ni j va: jrj gi:g\mi js go:g\vn 
.IS hi hjxt J b' arsj g'i'g<^^n h gD:g'<vn jr'g nj v^Von 
arsD hi hxt g.) h :g,ini lie :d^ J///' ^C/'j g.i Veir' h^g z:d ^t] 
k'i:r.\iJ n,) val'o arsj g' h g'j:g'<^m e:r'i js d^zn hanah cir'i 
X he :n' asj hi hxt gj l'j:g\vn he :d^ jin' Xl'j gj I'eir ji'.r'i ?n trEi 
.IS rEUi' zd oni hanah er' va : rzi ,n son j gantajg aso g'i:g'jnt 
eir'i js tlznti om hanax asj g'j:g\vn iir'i X he:n' asj hoi hxt o l'o:g,im 
heidi \in' XVj gj I'eir jiir'i on trEi os ^znti zd z: 

han'i .1 niadj rXag ,1 jt'ax js hXg a skng as j vanah hz^r'Xol lei 
J vadc'ig rXag ps <i hanax na jzi max Iz g'i:g'<yin ds g'd'.g'jm as hi 
hxt D V Dig' Dm as g'zi j vanL han'i Dm hanax gj d'i: tr'X: 
vont\D Hd moinDg ka:t\ on da:ni X as d vanl voxt han'i me :> 
g'i:g'jm as g'oig'jm as hi hxt d Vo'.g'om as hi'i (ms) vXdvJd 
ma yEid^s mz 

hil'[g') ad IIds na falti nu :nDg as d'zi d vanax han'i m hanax gB 
k'apr J ri no gEl'o ka:t\ on da:n'i X vanl voxt {y(i:g niz xEl'i 
at ha:l, 8) han'i mz as g'iig'om . . ., etc., I'jig'jm as on trX:r hnt\d 
na mo'.nog as hi mi vXov\3 ma yE'.dos mz 

hil'g' zd \iDs na tXagon aos as d'zi na vanax han'i om hanax 
go d'i: o'in' as ha b/Cro I'dI on vanax dol trasno no'in' hahor z 
er' D vadog rXag ha ;/J on dan'i X, etc. . . . han'i mz g'i ig'om 
. . . , etc. I'o'.g'om as on trX:r, etc. . , , as or] k'ara ri na kEl'o , . . 
go d^e : mor ta X [dol) har no'in' xXai z ^t'ax no'in' as dXortj 
z lei '^ ^^'^^ ^'^'^'^ ^^' ^ ^^^^'^^ ^^'' Xjl'Xx nl\ ta ta ta : t'ig' er' mo rXmpo 
veV XfX'x n/J ta ta fa: t'ig' er' mo yrlm vel' X fi' Xx nl\ ta ta: 
t'ig' er' mo (;a:n vel' X Jl'Xx nlj ta ta: t'ig' er' ha:r mo p:n' vel' 
xfl'Xx nlj ta ta: t'ig' er' mo Vihor ard vel' Xfl'Xx nil xwah os sllg' 
9 madog om hanax. 



Bha tri daoine ami reamha sco, an ainm a bha ortlia: Gfgeam 
agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a Logam. Arsa Gigcam le Gcoigcam, 
'*Eirg na nihuileann." (Arsa Geoigeam, "Eirigh thu fhein."). Arsa 
Bol Bocht go Logam, '*Thcid simi uile go leir." Thug ead an tioradh 
na bhaile. Arsa Gigeam le Gcoigcam, "Eirigh, agus dean bannach/' 
"Eirigh thu fhein." Arsa Bol Bocht go Leoigeam, "Theid sinn uilc go 
leir." Dh'irigh an tri, agus rinn ead an bannach. Air a bha e rcidh ar 
son a thionntachadh, arsa Gigeam, "Eirigh, agus tionntaigh an ban- 
nach." Arsa Gcoigcam, "Eirigh thufhein." Arsa Bol Bocht a Leogam, 
" Theid sinn uile go Icir." Dh'irigb an tri, agus thionntaigh ead e. 

Thainigh an madadh ruadh istcach, agus thug e scrog as an 
bhannach. Thar shiubhal Icis an mhadadh ruadh agus an bannach 
na dheidh. 'Mach le Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a 
Leoigeam as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh an bannach go dti triur 
bhuaint na monadh. " Gait an dtainigh thu as, a bhannaigh bhocht? " 
" Thainigh me o Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam, 
agus bidh me bhuabh-se ma dhfhaodas me. 

Thilg ead sios na falta monadh, (agus) as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh 
an bannach go ceathrar ag reidhcadh (?) na gcoille(adh). " Gait an 
dtainigh thu, a bhannaigh bhocht? " " DhThag me an choillidh ud 
thall. Thainigh me as Gigeam agus Gcoigcam agus Bol Bocht a 
Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus bidh me bhuabh-se 
ma dhThaodas me. 

Thilg ead sios na tuaghan, agus as deidh an bhannach. Thainigh 
an bannach go dti abhainn, agus cha b'urra Icis an bhannach dol trasna 
an abhainn. Thachair e air an mhadadh ruadh. " Gait an dtainigh 
thu, a bhannaigh bhocht ? " " Thainigh me o Gigcam agus Gcoigcam 
agus Bol Bocht a Leoigeam, agus an triur bhuaint na monadh, agus 
an ceathrar ag reidhcadh (?) na coille(adh), agus bidh me bhuait-se 
ma dhThaodas me." " Goidc mar a ta thu dol thar an abhainn? " 
Chuaidh e istcach an abhainn, agus duirt e Icis an bhannach teach t 
air a iorball. " Bhfeil thu flinch anois?" " Ta, ta, ta." **Tig air 
mo rumpa. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta, ta." ** Tig air mo 
dhruim. Bhfeil thu fliuch anois? " " Ta, ta." " Tig air mo cheann. 
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois?" " Ta, ta." '* Tig air barr mo shroin. 
Bhfeil thu fliuch anois ?" "Ta, ta." **Tig air mo liobar ard. Bhfeil 
thu fliuch anois? " Whagh! Agus s(h)luig an madadh an bannach. 


By Mrs. Mary McCurdy, Gortconny. 

39. — A Story About A Mermaid. 

V(i : haxlax an hi(g a hid ua val'd ajs fi :s a i : agjs va : trEi d^e 
xh:n akj ajs <'^ fjcir g<J he :rin' as han'i h^n d^c ua pa:jt'Dn ? It' ax 
? va?r ? mak'j (sic) /C du r£d d^cs ta: m^i d^s tav?l ko^i d yra:g j 
It' ax 3 (?) tal'm diCis? liKai /p le\ d ja:\t'd as ex' d h'Kai i max hiCsr i 
DT] kh:h {jT\ koxdla) vig /Cp as cr' d hiCsr i a h^sr i d r'^dl as ya:g i s:d 

40. — Suil Ordoigc. 

sd:W jrdjg (cf. below) — s^H'ord?g ? vain xwEi [xwdi) i I'e nan 
d^in'sr va: dEin'd ok? hdant\ mo :ndg a?s x£r' a masr' i I'e nam blag 
aos x/Cr i kl'iav er ? drim ads han'i fra\ ^p a3S htCai \t'ax fl: kopag 
as va: ho: ans d fa:r'k' as jig ? vd: ? xopag ds s^W ordzg'd m azr' (s md) 
vazr' d g'iari mild ads mil? "^ ^^(? ^^^ riavag va dt ? gardk er d son as xa 
h^rd I'd : a-aV aos x^r' at d st'ax (sk'ax) dn riavag ads varv ad i adS 
h^sr zd s^:H' oirdag' gm hlg na riavag 

{d) Prayers From Rathlin. 

(a) gh:r' dd najr s djn vak s ddn spjzrdd n^:v mdr d va h/CdS ? ta: 
nil dS m?r d vxds sE:l gdn sE:l (9a) 

(b) Js: do vzd v^r'j ta: la:n d^z na gra:stdn ta: n tlijrnd I' at 
ds bjani X er' na mraon s ds bjani toro do vrEin' i:sd 

n^ m^r'd maor d^e: gEi or na pjzki d nil ds Xdr nor ha:l 
amz:n (9a) 

(c) mr adr a ta : er n'av n£vdr tar'm gdn d^ig'i dd riaxt gdn d^znt? 
dd hjV er' dn taldv mor d nidr er n'av ndr adr leavzn tiQ d/Cn' dn 
Jj/C ds gd madr ndr viaxdn mdr d vads lin'd dd :fd as sE :r' lin as 
ga hoik d nil *^^ ^"^^ "''^ ^^'l (^^^ 

(d) kred^dm dn d^ia nadr ^I'd x^ax kr/Cizr er n'av dS taldv (9a) 



Bha bachlach ann. Thug e aon na bhaile, agus phos e i, agus bha 
tri de chlann aca. Agus (chuaidh) an fear go h-Eirinn. Agus thainigh 
h-aon de na paistean isteach: **A mhathair, an bhfaca thu an rud 
deas a ta amuigh is' t-shabhal? " — '' Coisigh, a ghradh, isteach agus 
taiseain domh-sa." Chuaidh ise Icis an phaiste, agus a'ir a chuaidh 
i amach fhuair i an cloca (an cochala) bhiodh uirthe. Agus air a 
fhuair i e, fhuair i ar shiubhal agus dh'fhag i ead. 

Suil Ordoige. — Suil Ordoige bha aim. Chuaidh i Ic nan dinnear: 
bha daoine aca ag buaint monadh, agus chuir a mathair i le nan 
biadh. Agus chuir i cHabh air a druim, Agus thainigh frais uirthe, 
agus chuaidh i isteach faoi copog. Agus bha bo anns an phairc, agus 
dh'ith an bho an chopog agus Suil Ordoige. ** M'athair (agus mo) 
mhathair ag iarraidh mise, agus mise in bolg na Riabhog." Bha 
ead ag amharc air a son, agus cha b'urra leo fhaghail. Agus chuir 
ead isteach an Riabhog, agus mharbh ead i, agus fhuair ead Suil 
Ordoige in bolg na Riabhog. 

[a) Gloir do'n Athair, agus do'n Mhac, agus do'n Spiorad Naomh, 
mar a bha o thus, mar a ta anois, agus mar a bhios le 
saoghal gan saoghal. 

(6) Se do bheatha a Mhuire a ta Ian de na grastan, ta an Tighearna 
leat, is beannaighthe thu air na mnan, agus is beannaighthe 
toradh do bhroinn, losa. 

Naomh Muire, Mathair De, guidh orainne na pcacthaigh 
anois agus uair nar bais. Amen. 

{c) Nar Athair a ta air Neamh, naomhthar t'ainm, gon dtigidh 
do rioghacht, gon deanta(r) do thoil air an talamh, mar a 
ghnithear air Neamh. Nar aran laetheamhail tuir duinn 
indiu, agus go maithear nar bhfiachan, mar a mhaitheas sinne 
dofa; agus saor sinn as gach olc, anois agus uair nar bais. 

{d) Creideam in Dia, an Athair uile-chumhachtach, Crutli- 
aightheoir air neamh agus talamh; 



Je; ni:sti kri:st d<i vah sj lur d^brnd r^gjg (?) on spjzrjd 
nl:v (9) ? x^ai sLis Dr n'av j sni <n d^es la:v d^c : ds Ji« d 
^i(Lys jr vrcwDS ?r vp: ds er varv 

hrcd^dtn sjn spjsr^d «<C;f ,1 n^:v cgli^ xatlax (9a) 

(c) aid^Dm d^t\ ? jia mo :r tin gb:r'9 
tiE: m£r'3 va riav na h:g'd 
tiE: mill ark ai?l 
uE:v jj:n' haist'? s pcdsr s pj:l 

Ic vriar le smE:n'ag s le ttu x^r ^fc: s le itui Vj x/Cr ^fe: (9) 
(f) i:s9 v^/9 sd p:s?f {-v?) t^rDtn d^t\ ntd xrah s mar dm (9a) 

Specimen Of Antrim Irish. 

A Story About St. Patrick. 

By Mrs. Robins, Glenariff. 

n^9r d heni n^:v paidrlg gj tabv glas rid he :rin' h£?l hd dEini gd 
ro nis mo: no h^:n d'id va:n an kr^n'i nX:v paidrig nd dl:nd listd 
t'£mdlt cr la: va:n d£drt' Je l'o:fd ha nel ax h^:n d'h va:n an ax ta: 
tri: ^pnrsdni d n'i? lojr lidd le\ xa xrsd'dm \in no xa xrsd'dm gj he :g 
no gd d'j : ha ro '^5 [ss) zg' nX:v pa :drig gd d'e : jzudd Je {jznin') host 
\z tdSdxi d 'p« agds d sm^:ndxi xr^n'i Je nd tl:sd o:g agds nd dl:nd 
i :std t'£mdlt cr d la : zli agds d£drt Js d r£d k'e :nd har xrzd' \zd e : d nlj 
xrom j£ z fe:n' agds v£n' \z ^\dmrag d^drt \e Vd:fd ?n vzk U \In 
Jm gas d va:n ax ta: tri: dXl'dgi d fa:s as jIn tr/£:r ni£:n d£drt' 
jzd lej krzd'dm agds krzd'dm gd he :g agds gd d'o : z 

By (stressed) d in the above excerpt I represent the typical northern 
Irish sound which is usually transcribed by t (Sommerfelt, 
O Searcaigh, etc.). As this symbol has not been already used in this 
description, I choose the phonetic symbol which comes nearest to it. 
It is the same sound as is heard from many people in Antrim for 
Engl, short *i/ and sometimes *u,' e.g. *hill,' *does,' where others 
say hEl, dEz {hzl, dzz). Cf § 156. 


Se in losa Criost do Mhac-sa nar dTighearna, rugadh (?) 
o'n Spiorad Naomh, a chuaidh suas air Neamh, ag suidhe ar 
deas lamh De, as sin a thiocfhas air bhreitheamh(n)as air bheo 
agus air marbh. 

Creideam san Spiorad Naomh, an naomh Eaglais 

(e) Aidigheam duit, a Dhia mor na gloire, 
Naomh Muire a bha riamh na h-6ige {sic), 
Naomh Micheal Arc-Aingeal, 
Naomh Eoin Baiste, is Peadar is Pol, 

Le (mo) bhriathar, le (mo) smaoineachadh, agus le mo choir 
fe, agus le mo ro-choir fe. 

[f) losa, Mhuire, agus a Sheosamh, tuiream duit mo chroidhc 
agus m'anam. 

Nuair a thainigh Naomh Padraig go talamh glas na h-Eirinn, shaoil 
na daoine go rabh nios mo no h-aon Dia amhain ann. C(h)ruinnigh 
Naomh Padraig na daoine aosta tiomallta air la amhain. Duirt se 
leofa, ** Chan fheil ach h-aon Dia amhain ann, ach ta tri pearsana (?) 
i nDia/' Labhair siad leis, *' Cha chreideam sin," no, " Cha 
chreideam go h-eag no go deo." Cha rabh fhios aig Naomh Padraig 
goide dheanfhad se (dheanfhainn). Thoisigh se a thosachadh a chionn 
agus a smaoineachadh. Chruinnigh se na taosa 6g agus na daoine 
aosta tiomallta air an la eile, agus duirt se an rud ceadna. Char chreid 
siad e. Anois chrom se e fein, agus bhuin se seamrog. Duirt se leofa, 
**An bhfaic tu (for sibh) sin? Sin gas amhain, ach ta tri duilleoga ag 
fas as. Sin triur i n-aon." Diiirt siad leis, ** Creideam, agus creideam 
go h-eag agus go deo e." 

Notice se, siad for * he,' ' they,' the plural in -a (pron. r, § 6), 
the 1st sg. pres. in -cam, the pret. with char (in RathHn: cha do), 
and the eclipsis of d to n (i nDia). With regard to the pronunciation, 
' slender ' t, d still sound t\ d\ not ^J, d^. In Antrim Irish u and ao 
have the same sound (^:); Mrs. Robins, however, often uses the 
Donegal pronunciation of ao, i.e. /:, /: (and E: in one case). For e, o, 
Antrim Irish often has e, j; as for the latter sound, see § 156. 


For the numbers within parentheses, see Abbreviations. The 
paragraphs refer to the Grammar, Phonology, etc. 

a, Yoc, part., see § 98. 

a (an), poss. pronn., see §§ 98, 102, 103 (a), 127. 

a, rel. part., see §§ 130, 144. 

a, particle before numerals, see § 135. 

a, prep, before the infinitive, see §§ 98, 139. 

abaidh abi, adj. * ripe.' 

abaigh, vb. n. apachadh, see gealach. 

abair, irreg. vb., see § 147. 

abalta a:h3lLi, adj. 'able': cha bhi thu abalta ha vi ^ aihdltd (2). 

abhainn (abhann) o'in, o'dh (15), pi. abhainneadh o'in'dg (3), 

ahbannadh O'dUdg (9a), n.f. * river ' (§ no), 
abhaist, adv. in: mar a b'abhaist imr d ha:vi\t' 'as usual' (5), 

na b'abhaist na ha:vi\t' * than usual' (after a comp.). 
acair ahlr, n.f. ' anchor ' (3). 
ach ax (sometimes prov. ch), conj. * but ': chan fheil ach aon seomra 

ha nel ax hi jjtnhr ' there is only one room ' (3). 
achadh ax<igy n.m. ' field,' common in pl.-nn. : Achadh M6r 

ax?g mo:r, 
acras ak<ir?s, n.m. ' hunger ' : chan fheil acras orm ha nel ahros orm, 

bhfeil an t-acras ort? vel ?n takor^s jrtj ta an t-acras orm 

ta 911 takdrjs orm ('to be hungry '). Cf. akr^s (An i). 
ada, in: mac an ada mak o nah 'the fourth finger' (15). 
adach adax, pi. adaigh adi, n.m. ' stook ' (' double row of sheaves, 

there being six on either side,' 4). Also adog. 
adog adag, pi. -an ?n, n.f. 'stook' (15, etc., see adach). 
adharc e?rh, n.f. ' horn '; in pl.-nn. : Adharc na Bo edrk na h: (2), 

Purt na h-Adharc p^rt na he,irk (3). 
adhlac(adh) enlki, n. ' burial.' 
aer, see aidhear. 
ag, prep, before the gerund, see § 139. 


aghaidh * face,' in constructions: ag dol ar aghaidh d dol ^V ci 

'going ahead,' goide mar a ta thu dol ar t'aghaidh? 

gddie: nwr ? ta ifi dol dr te'i {tE'i). 
agus, as (is) ag^Sy aos, as, 55, conj. * and.' 
aibhleog, see eilbheog. 
aidhear aidr, n.m. * air.' — Rathl. Cat. aicr. 
aidhearach aidrax, adj. ' merry.' 
aidigh, v. * confess,' see §§ 137, 143. 

aifreann afrdu, n.m. * mass': aig an Aifreann zg' o nafrjn ' at Mass.' 
aig £^'(^), prep. *at' (§§ 125, 128): ta Gailic mhaith aig Miss 

ta : ga il'ik' ma zg'd mzs * Miss speaks good Irish.' 

aileacht * hiccuping ' : ta an aileacht air ta 3 nal'axt er (8) ; cf. aileag. 

aileag, n.m. 'hiccup': an t-aileag 3n tal'ag (13, 15). 

ailte, in surnames, see § 3. 

aimsir ^mjir, amldr, n.f. * time ' ; * weather ' ; an rabh aimsir mhaith 

agad? ro am\lr va ad ('a good time'), 
aingeal abl, ^^l {2), ^i.^ri (3), pi. aingil :?•//, oil'dn (2), abl (3), a'il 

(15), n.m. ' angel.' 
ainm an' 3m (i), ar'm (3, 8, etc.), pi. ainmean ar'm3n, n.m. 'name'; 

goide an t-ainm a th' ort ? g3 d^e : 3n tar'm a hort ' what is your 

name?' — Cf. zr'm (An i). 
ainmeamhail an'dmal (i), ar'mal, adj. ' famous.' 
ainmhidhe en'3vi (i), an'Ji (3), n. ' horse * (a word used by the past 

generation; same in S. Kin tyre), 
ainmigh ar'mi, vb. 'mention'; vb. n. ainmeachadh ar'maig (3). 
ainti znt\'u znh\i:, dti tji:, prep, (with nom. or gen.) 'to,' 'into': 

ag dol ainti an traigh 3 dol ent^i n trai (13), ainti an doras 

sntji n dor3S (3), ainti an toighe zntli n tei3 (i). 
air (a), conj., see § 144. 
air, prep., see ar. 
Aircill, pl.-n. ' Arkill ' : Lag an Aircill lag 3 nar'k'il' (4) ; cf. oirceal 

' mill-paddle ' (?). 
airde ardi3, n.f. ' point,' * direction ' : an airde aniar 3 nard^3 niar, 

' the west,' ceann na h-airde aniar, anear k'a :n na hard^3 niar, 

n'ar ' the west (east) end (of a net) ' (15). 
airde, in: i n-airde 3 mrdp, adv. ' right up.* 
airde, comp., see § 122. 
airdeach ord^ax (4), Erd^ax (Mrs. And.), n. ' height.' 


aire cir\\ n. 'liccd': tuir in aire nacli dtuit tlni tXr {k^r) j nar'd 

uax d.Q\ X ' wateh you don't fall/ tuir in aire duit fliein 

tXr J nar'j rf^Uj he -ji (15), tuir aire do'n diiil bhocht t^r ar'<i dm 

dX:l'j vjxt (2). — Cf. Ur ,y nan) d£t\ na k/Cr ar'j cr (An i). 
aircanih, vb. n. 'reckoning/ 'calculating/ conmion in the phrase: 

ta me ag aireamh go bhfeil ta : me ga :r\w gd vcL 
airgcad ar'g'jd, n.m. 'silver'; 'money'; airgead geal ar'g'nd g'al 

'silver money' (3); Creag an Airgid krcg d nar'g'id^ (pl.-n.). 

Cf. er'^W (An 1). 
ais (athais), in: ar a(tha)is, thar a(tha)is ^ VaJ, (/i)p'rrt*4, {h)9^ra:j, 

adv. ' back ' : bhfeil thu ar t'athais ? vel ^ dr ta'aj, ar m'athais 

3r tna'aj (ist pers.). 
aiseach a:jax, adj. 'easy*: aiscach leis an chork a:jax /ej d xork 

(fishing term, 4). 
aisleach, aisleadh, vb. n. 'dreaming': ag aisleach d gall' ax (15), 

ag aisleadh ^ g(^\l'^g (8). 
aislin al?Un, n. 'dream': bha aislin agam areir va a\dlin agdm d 

rair (12). 
aistear, see astar. 
ait at\, adj. * funny.' 
ait ^."^J(^), n. m. (fern., 11) 'place'; ait an teine a:tj 9n tym'd 

' the fireplace.' 
aiteamh, vb. n. 'thawing': ta e ag aiteamh ta .7 gat^dv (15, etc.). 
aiteannach at\dnax (3, 9), aitinneach at\in'ax (15), n. ' furze/ ' whin ' 

(cf. aitinn). 
aith a:^[?)y n. * kiln.' Cf. a:ig (An i). 

aithnigh an'i, vb. 'know'; vb. n. (ag) aithneachadh d gan'aig (6). 
aithris, vb. n. 'mimicking/ 'jeering': ag aithris air d gari\ er 

(8. 13). 
aitinn atjin, n. ' furze/ ' whin ' (3). 
alainn 'pretty/ in: Pairc an lomaire Alainn pa:rk' d n'im?r a{:)lin 

Ala:,tair ahstjr (2, 13), aT\Dstzr (3), n. m. ' Alexander/ * Aleck/ 
Albanach alhdnax, aT[h?nax (3), n. m. (i) * Scotsman/ (2) a kind of 

puffin, called ' (wild) parrot ' (3, 9b). 
alia, see madadh. 
allt, see Fallt. 
alius, see fallus. 


alt alt, n. * joint' (15, etc.): alt do mhearan alt dd vzirdn, 

altoir aT[tzr, n. * altar ' (3). 

am a:m (3), am (2), n. m. 'time': cha rabh am agam ha ro am 
adm (2), ta e an t-am a stad ta: n tam ? stad (2), goide an t-am 
a ta? ^^ d^e: n tam d ta:, an t-am ur dti tam £:r * the daylight- 
saving time ' (5). 

amach 5 max, adv. * out ' : teacht amach tjaxt d max, fada amach 
fad d max * far behind,' i.e. * late,' amach leat max lat ' out! ' 

amadan amddan, n.m. * fool.' 

amen a^mz :n * amen.' 

amhain, indef. pron., see § 134. 

amhairc avdrik' , v. * look ' ; pres.-fut. amhaircidh av?rkl ; vb. n. 
amharc avdrk, adrU, ardk: ag amharc air d gardk er (3), ta an 
cladach ag amharc go dona ta ?t] kladax d gavork {g)9 djrw 

* the shores are looking bad.' 

amharc ardk, n. m. * sight ' (3); in pl.-n. Cnoc an Amhairc knk 

d navdxxk (15). 
amhran o:ran, n. * song ' (2); usually ceol (q.v.). 
amhsan avsan, n. m. * gannct ' (8). 
amscair amskzr, adj. * careless ' (15). 
amuigh d m^i, d ml: (L.E.), d mEi (U.E.), d mEig, d mig (3), 

adv. * out ' (rest) ; usually amach is used for amuigh. 
an, def art., see §§ 106, 107. 
an, rel. pron., see §§ 102, 132, 145. 
an, interr. part., see §§ 102, 145. 
an, conj. * if,' see §§ 102, 145. 
anail anal, n. * breath.' 
anam ardm, n. * soul ' : m'anam agus mo chroidhe ort marDm s md 

xrzid ort (common blessing and exclamation, 15). Cf. m ardm 

(An i). 
an bre dm {am) brz:, dm br'z: (8), dm bre: (2), with gon, conj. 

* had it not been that,' * only ' : an bre go bhfeil dm brz : gd 
vel ' only it is ... ,' an bre gon dtainigh e dm br'z : gdtt dan'i z 

* had he not come ' (8), an bre go bhfeil e ar shiubhal dh'innseadh 
eisean duit dm br'z : gd vel a r'^dl jintjdg zjdn d£t\ * he would 
tell you, only he is away' (8), well, an bre gon rabh e fuar, 
rachainn wzl dm br'z gd ro a f^ar raxin * well, if it was not cold, 
I would go ' (4). Cf mare, mari. 


asal asjl, n. ' donkey/ 

ascal * armpit ': faoi na ascail//: na askdl * under his arm ' (3). 

astar astdr, n.m. * distance'; * speed': astar fada astdr Jadd, na 
b'f haide air astar na bsd^D jr ast?r * farther away ' (3) ; astar mor 
astdr mo :r ' great speed ' (15). 

ath, atha, indef. pron., see § 134 (B). 

athach aax, n. m. ' giant ' (3). 

athair asr\ a?r, pi. aithrean ar'du, n. m. ' father/ 

athais, see ais. 

athrach, indef. pron., see § 134 (A). 

athraigh a :ri, a :ri, v. ' change/ * shift ' : an do dh'athraigh thu 
an capalh m dd ya :ri ^ dr\ kapDl (9, 11); vb. n. athrachadh 
a:rag, a:rag: rinn me athrachadh do notion rEin mi a:rag do 
noildti 'I changed my mind' (n); p-p- athraiste a:rl\t'd: 
dh'feidhmeadh ead a bhith athraiste ye :m;?^ at d vi a:ri\t'd. 

babaidh hah'u n. m. * baby ' (5). 

baban hahdu, n. m. 'bobbin/ Scot. *'pirn": baban dubh hahdu d^, 

baban ban habdii ba:n. 
baban babjn, n. * pond hly ' (11); in pl.-n. Lochan nan Baban lohan 

nam babdn (4, 5). 
bacach bakax, adj. ' lame ' (5). 
bacail, see beiceail. 

bachaille, n. 'lady's mantle': an bhachaille d vaixil'd (15). 
bachlach baxlax (13, 15b), bar\ax (3), baUx, balax, pi. bachlaigh 

baU {baT\i, 3), n. m. ' boy.' Cf. baxlax (An i). 
bacht baxt, n. 'small lake/ 'marshy ground' (15). 
badan badan, n. m. ' tuft.' 
badog badag, n. f. ' tuft/ ' tassel ' (2), ' tufted hen ' (3) ; a pl.-n. 

an Bhadog d vadag, aig an Bhadog zg' ? vadag ' (fishing) at 

Baddag ' (a small point, resembling a tuft), 
baidhte bnitld, bdit\d, n. * bait ' (U.E.). 
baidhteadh bnit\dg, vb. n. 'baiting': ag baidhteadh an dubhan 

d bnit\dg on d^an (U.E.). 
baile bal'd [beVj, § 58), pi. bailtean balt\dn, n. m. * town ' 

(= * townland,' baile fearainn) ; ' place ' ; ' home ' : a bhaile 

[d) val'd, na bhaile na vaV?, adv. ' home,' anns an bhaile 

ans d val'd, aig an bhaile zg' ? val'd ' at home/ 

^6l THE IRISH LANGUA(;i: in rathun island 

Bailc an Chaistcil bal'j xaft'zl, n. * Ballycastlc/ 

bain, sec horn. 

baincann, sec boircann. 

bainis, sec banais. 

bainnc ban\i, ' milk ': bainnc goirt han'<} ji^ortj ' buttermilk ' (5), 

bainnc milis baii'.i milij ' sweet milk/ bainne go dorn, im go 

h-uilinn han',i ^d dorn im go h^l'in (churning charm), 
bainrioghain, see marthan. 
baintreabhach haintrah, n. ' widow * (3). 
bairneach haw' ax (15), bamax, pi. bairnigh barni, or (coll.) maorach, 

(q.v.), 11. m. ' barnacle,' * limpet '; in pl.-n. Tobar an Bhairneach J varn'ax. 
baistc, in: Naomh Eoin Baiste nE:v join' ba ;//'<? *John the Baptist' (9). 
baisteadh bajt'jg, vb. n. * baptizing.' 
balla bah, bar]^ (3), pi. ballachan bar]ahn, n. m. * wall.' 
ban ba:n, adj. * fair '; each hin jax ha:n * white horse '; cf. geal, 
banais hani^, pi. banaisean haniiDU, n. f. * wedding ' (§ no), 
banamhail bansl, adj. * womanly.' 
banbh bauDm, n. m. ' young pig,' ** bonham " (13). 
bannach banax, n. m. 'soda bread,' * scone,' * bannock'; bannach 

boise banax bold * scowder scone' (15). Cf. banax bjj (An i). 
bannca bnur\k9y n. *bank': bannca h-abhainn baur]kD hcin (8). 
bara bara, n. m. * wheelbarrow,' * pushcart.' 
Bara(ch) bara, n. m. name of an ancient hero; Caisceim Bara 

kajk'em bara, rough place in the sea off Fair Head, 
barach, see maireach. 

baraille barl'd, n. m. 'barrel': toin an bharaille to :n' d varl'd (11). 
barr ba:r, n. m. 'top'; 'crop.' 
barraidheacht bariaxt {barjaxt, bajaxt, 6), n. ' more.' 
bas ba:s, n. m. 'death' (§ 109); ag faghail bas 9 fad' bats 'dying'; 

go bas gd ba :s * till death,' ' for ever.' 
bascaid basked^, n. ' basket ' (8). 
bata batD, n. m. ' walking stick ' ; bata milis bat3 mirij ' rose noble ' 

{Scrophularia, 15). 
bata ba:t{9), n. m. ' boat' (referred to as a fern., § 108). 
bathadh baDg, vb. n. 'drowning'; p.p. baidhte (baite) ha:tJ9 

' drowned.' 
bathlach, see bachlach. 


bay (E) k;, be :i (8); Bay a' Mhuilinn be: d v^l'in 'Mill Bay,' 
Bay O Beirn be : bjzrti' ' O'Biriie's Bay.' 

beacht bjaxt, n. 'mind' (15, etc.): ta me thar mo bhcaclit 
ta : nis har md vjaxt ' I am at my wit's end.' 

beag beg, bEg (11), beg (3), adj. * small,' ' little '; chan fheil a bheag 
ann ha n'el' d veg an ' there is nothing.' 

beagan began, n. * a little.' 

beal bs^l, bs:r] (3), n. m. *mouth' (§ 109, a); beal na h-ineain be^l na 
hi in'sn ' the mouth of the inean ' (q.v.) ; as beal mo bhrog 
as bs?l m<i vn :g * from out of my shoe ' ; air a bheal er' ? vsdI 
' upside down ' (13); ar bealaibh or bsohv, prep. * in front oV : 
ar bealaibh an toighe dr bzdbv m tEh ' in front of the house,' 
ar do bhealaibh er d? vzdbv ' in front of you.' 

bealach bjalax, bjar]ax (3), bjslax (8), pi. bealaigh bjali, n. m. ' way '; 
*road'; an bealach mor nm bjalax mo :r * the main road'; 
bealach goirid bjalax gErid^ * a short cut ' ; Bealach an Aifrinn 
bjalax d nafrin (pl.-n.), Bealach Churachaig bjalax x^rahsg 
(pl.-n.). Cf bjelax (An i). 

Bealtaine bjaltin, bsiltin (2), bzltin (§62), n. * ist of May'; 
mios Bealtain miisd bzltin ' May.' 

bean bjan, pi. mnan mradn, n. f * woman ' ; bean an toighe bjan on 
tEiD ' the landlady.' 

beannacht bjanaxt, n. f. * blessing ' ; fagaidh me beannacht leat fa :gi 
mz bjanaxt I' at ' I will bid you good-bye ' ; beannacht leat 
bjanaxt I' at, beannacht Dia leat bjanaxt d^ia I'at ' good-bye.' 

beannaigh bjani, vb. * bless ' ; gon beannaighidh Dia an toigh a ta 
gdm bjani d^ia dn tEi d ta : ' God bless this house ' ; p.p. bean- 
naigh the bjani (in the Hail Mary), otherwise usually beannaiste 
bjanilt'd ' blessed.' 

Bearla bzirh {bzrh, § 63), bz{r)r\^ (3), n. f. 'English language'; 
chan fheil Bearla aca ann ha nel bzrl ok an ' they do not speak 
English there.' 

Beam, n. m., the name of an ancient hero: Mearan Beirn mz:rdn 
bjzr'n' ' the giant's finger marks ' (8). Cf O Beirn. 

bearnach bz:rnax, adj. 'gapped' (15). 

beatha bz9, n. ' hfe ' ; Dia do bheatha d^ia ds vzd * Hail.' 

beathach bzax, pi. beithean bzpn, n.m. * beast,' pi. ' cattle.' 

beer (E.) bidr, be :r. 


bcinn be :ii' {hz:ti, 10), 11. £ * rock,' * cliff': faoi bhcinn //; ve :n' 
' under the rock heads,' chnaidh le bcinii x^ai Is he :n' * went 
down the rocks,' thar le beinn har h be :n' * over the rock heads/ 
in pl.-nn.: an Bheinn Mhor d ve:n' voir *Fair Head,' Lagan na 
Beinne lagan na ben' 9. 

beir her, v. *bear'; (with prep, ar) *catch'; irreg. pret. rug r^^, 
cha d'rug xa dr£g\ pass., see § 141; vb.n. breith bre, 

beirneis bErti'ej, bErnij (15, etc.), h^rn'ei (8; cf. § 60), n. * bare 
promontory' (?); in pl.-nn.: Beirneis na Gaoithe bErn'zj na 
gE:p (8, 15), Beirneis na gClcireach b^rn's^ na gl'eir'ax (8). 

beist be:\t'{?), n.f. * beast ' (a monster, otter, or reptile); in pL-n, 
Allt na Beiste alt na be: ft' 9. 

Beiti betfi, bstji, n.f. * Betty,' ' Lizzie.' 

b'fheidir, see fheatar. 

bheast vest, n. * vest.' 

bheir, see tabhair. 

bhfad, see fad. 

bhfos vos, adv. *over': bhos an seo vos du t\j * over here/ | 

bhfus, see bhfos. 

biadh blag, n. m. 'food'; biadh eanain biag zinan' * sorrel ' (13). | 

bicycle (E.) hzisikdl (§117). j 

big, big, big big big big, call to chickens (3). 

binn hin'y adj. * sweet ' (of sound): ceol binn k'oil hin\ 

Binneog bin'ag, pl.-n. ' Beanig ' (5), Cf ben'ag (pk-n., An i), 

Biobla biibdh, n. * Bible ' (i). 

biodag bidag, pi. -an dn, \\. ' dagger ' (3). 

biolair (bealair) hjzhr (5), h]ar\dr' (3), n. ' watercress.' 

bi orach hjerax, adj. * pointed ' (5). 

biorach bjerax, birax (2), pL bioraigh bjsri, n.f 'heifer'; in pl.-n. 
Cloch na Bioraighe kbx na bjsri ' the Standing Stone ' (at Lag 
an Bhriste Mhor), Pairc an Chlocha Bioraighe pa:r'k' d xhxd 
bjsri (the field where it stands), Stac na Bioraighe stak na bjsri. 

biorain hjsran', pi. ' sticks of firewood ' (9a). 

biscuit (E.) hjesksdi (12). 

biseach bi\ax, n. 'improvement': chan fheil moran biseach ha nel 
mo :ran bijax (scil. 'in the weather,' 13). 

bit (E.) b^t, bit, bitd : cha dtabhair me bit duit ha dor me bit d^tf (3), 
chan fheil bit cron (ann) ha nel bit kron (' no harm at all '). 


bith, in: ar bith dt hi * at all*; c£ § 134 (B). 

blar hla:r, pi. blarthach hlairax (4), blarthan hlaipn (8), n. 'field'; 
in pl.-n. Blarthach Boidheach hla :rax [bla :pn, 8) fo :jax, 

bias br\as (3), n.m. * taste/ 

blath bla:, adj. * warm,' * mild,' * lukewarm.' 

bliadhna bliatw, pi. bHadhanta hUantd (2), bliadhantan hliantdu (3), 
n.f. * year ' ; in bliadhna Dm hlianD ' this year.' 

bliadhnach blianax, pi. bliadhnaigh hliani, n. * yearling ' : bliadhnach 
capall (each) blianax kapjl (jcix). 

bligh, vb. n. bleoghan bl'oDtt * milking.' Cf. blijn (An i). 

bo bj:, pi. ba ba, n.f. *cow'; in pl.-nn. Inean na Bo in'sn na fo;, 
Purt na Bo p^rt na bo ;, Lorg na Bo Urg na h : * the Cow's Track.' 

bocan bokan, n. ' mushroom.' 

bocan boikan, n.m. * ghost,' * spirit'; in pl.-n. Baile Bhocan 
bal'd vo'.kan. 

bocht hoxt, adj. * poor.' 

bochtain boxtln, n.f. * poorness ' ; * illness ' : ta bochtain orm ta : 
bjxtin orm, aimsir na bochtaine amlir na boxtin'? * poor weather.' 

bodach bodax, pi. bodaigh bodi, n.m. * old man'; * ghost'; 
* cod(ling).' 

bodhar bo3r, adj. * deaf 

bog bog, adj. * soft.' 

bogha bo-?, pi. boghachan bo'axm, n.m. (i) *bow': bogha frois 
bo9 frol * rainbow ' ; (2) * reef ' (orig. bodha) : Bogha Clachan 
bod kx\ah?n * Clachan Reef (3); (3) * wave (breaking over a 
submerged rock)': boghachan trom boaxdn tro :m * heavy 
waves ' (4). Cf. Manx bo we * breaker ' (Kneen, § 6). 

boidheach b:> :jax, boiax, adj. * bonny,' * pretty.' 

boin bon', v. * touch ' ; * belong,' * be related ' : cha bhoin e leat 
(duit) ha von' a Vat (ii), diCt\ (12) * he won't touch you,' mar 
duirt clog Baile Mhargaidh: an rud nach boin leat na boin do 
ntdv d£3rtl klog baV? vargi ?n r^d na bm' Vat na bon' do : ; vb. n. 
boint hnt\, bointin bdnt\in : cha rabh cead aig duine ar bith 
na craobhan sin a bhointin xa ro k'ed eg' d^n' dr bi na krE:vdn 
\in ? vont\tn (i), ta boint agam dofa ta : bjntj ag?m dj :fi * I am 
related to them.' 

boireann bor'dn, adj. * female': gamhain boireann ^(ti?m bor'dn. 


boitin Iwt^iii (15, 15 a),, pi. boiteanadh botjjtug, n. * wisp of 
straw,' "bottle": boitin coiinlach hotjiti koilax (15a); 
cf. scifcog. 

boithcach Iv :(;ax (15), /u:f/ (2), 11. m. *byrc,' *cow house' (§ iii). 
Cf. lv:(^ax (All i). Sec variant spelling bo-theach. 

boladh Iwl^g, hoT\cg (3), hbg (15, T5b), n. \sinell/ 

bolg Ivlg, n. * stomach.' 

bolgam hox\g<vn (3), n. * a bit (of food)/ Cf (An i). 

bolla bob, n.m. * boll ' (dry measure of twenty, otherwise six, bushels); 
Lcabaidh an Bholla I'ahi ? vob, field name (15). 

boltan buidhe hj :ltan biCin (12), bor[tan b^i? (3), also hxlan b^jd (2), 
hkMan b>{jo (5), b/CrtMn b^}<i (15), n.m. * ragwort,' * benweed,' 
a tall, yellow composite plant, commonly called ' fairy horse ' 
in Rathlin, because they were thought to be transformed into 
horses on Hallowe'en for the fairies to ride on. 

bonn bo:n {bon), pi. bonnan bonon, or buinn b^:n\ bl :n\ n.m. * sole 
(of shoe) '; bonn do choise bon h xo\d (3); thug e na bonnan 
leis h^g a na bonm /cj * he scrambled ' ; partly mixed up with 
bun * bottom,' e.g. aig a' bhonn zg' d vo:n * at the bottom' (4); 
bonn is used of the * bottom ' of a field, kettle, etc. (12). 
Cf bdn ' bottom ' (An i). 

bonnog, sec bannach. 

borb fori, adj. *wild': each borb j^x hrb (15, etc.). 

bord bdxA, pi. buird b^rdi, n.m. * table ' ; * top (of mountain) ' ; 
in the latter sense often pronounced b^ri (3), which is the regular 
Rathlin form (cf § 70), bord * table,' being probably a literary 
word (cf tabla) ; burd na beinne b^rid na bcn'j ' the top of the 
mountain ' (3). 

bos /u5 (3, 15), n.f * palm of hand ' (§ no). Cf bjs (An i). 

bo-theach bj:^ax, bj:jax, boiaXy see boitheach. 

botsaic lvt^slk\ n. pi. * snipe ' (15). 

bradach bradax, adj. * thievish.' 

bradan bradan, pi. bradain bradan' (15), n.m. * salmon ' ; Purt a 
Bradain p^rt d bradzn' (pl.-n., 3). 

bradog bradag, n.f ' thievish woman.' 

bramog, see breimeog. 

braosc bre :sk, n. *grin': ta braosc air ta: bre :sk er (13). 

bratach bratax, n. * flag.' 


brathair bradr, pi. braithrean bra :r'dn, hra ipn, n.m. * brother.' 

bratog hratag, n.m. 'rag': bratog eadach hratag Eidax. 

breac hr'ak, n.m. * trout'; brie (pi.) fiadhain brik fiagsn, is said to 

mean ' wild ducks.' 
breac br'ak, adj. * spotted'; bo bhreac bj: vr'ak; na Clocha Breaca 

na khx3 br'ak3 (pl.-n.). 
Breacan br'akan [brakju), n.m. * Bracken,' name of an ancient hero; 

in pl.-nn. Uamh Breacain ^jv br'ahn {-an) ' Bracken's Cave,' 

Leac Breacain lakj br'akan (8). 
breacan brakan, n.m. * plaid.' 

breag bre:gy pi. breagan bre:g3n {bre:g3n, 2, 12), n. * lie.' 
breagach brzigax (15), bre :gax (2, 5), adj. * lying,' 'false.' 
breaghdha brz:, bre: (5), adj. 'brave'; *fme*; la breaghdha laj brs: (10), 

solus breaghdha sobs bre: *a bright light' (10), ta an fhairge 

breaghdha socair ta : narik'? bre : sjkir (5) ; the proper sense is 

*brave' (2); cf. Antrim Engl. *a brave mile' (=*a good mile'), 
breasail bresjl, n. * raddle ' ; tabhair breasail do'n taobh eile t^r 

bresdl ddn tE:v cVd (of a pancake, 3). 
breicfeast brskfssty n. 'breakfast' (11). 
breid &re;rfj, n. * cloth,' 'table cloth' (2). 
breimeog bretnag, n.f. ' filly.' 
breitheamhnas 'judgment': air bhreitheamhnas er vredvds 'to pass 

judgment' (in the Creed, 9). 
Brian brian, brim, n.m. 'Brian'; Brian Dearg bridn d^arg, name of 

famed hero and giant; also Brian Deargan brin ^d^argan 

(13, cf Deargan); Cloch Bhriain khx vrizn, Toigh Bhriain 

tEi vrbn (pl.-nn., 3). 
briathar 'word': le (mo) bhriathar I'e vriar (in the Confiteor, 9). 

Rathl. Cat. brecar. 
brice bri:k'?, pi. bricean bri:h'dn, n. 'brick.' 
Brighde bri:di?, n.f * St. Brigid'; la fheile Brighde la: I'd ^bri:d^9 

'February ist ' ; Cille Brighde k'il'9 bri :d^9 (pl.-n.). 
brilleacht bril'axt, n.f. * merriment ' : brilleacht Nollaig bril'axt 

nollg' (12). 
bris, V. 'break'; pret. bhris me tr/J ms (15); vb.n. briseadh (q.v.). 
briseadh br'i^^g (11) ' breaking '; * massacre '; Lag an Bhriste Mhoir 

lag d vYi\t'9 vo:r (pl.-n., i); Bruach an Bhriste Chroidhe 

brudx d vr\\t'd xrEi (pl.-n.). 


bristc hrijt'.j, part. adj. 'broken*; cf. briscadh. 

brochan, sec brothchaii. 

broclach, n.f. * badger's lair'; 'mess': ta c na bhroclaigh ta d na 

vnkll (13); aims an Bhroclaigh ans d vnkll * at Brocklcy ' 

brod hrjd, n.m. ' prickle ' (as of furze), 
brog hnq, pi. brogan hrj:gan, n.f \shoe.' 
brollach (broillcach) bnlax (2, 15), hr3r]ax (3), n.m. * breast'; but 

broillcach ban hrEl'ax bam, is * white foam on edge of kettle* 


bronn ' womb ' : is beannuighthe toradh do bhroinn losa 9S bjatii 

toTD do vrEin' i:s.i (in the Hail Mary, 9). 
broonie (brownie, E) bruni {br^ti'i, 10), n.m. * a house spirit.' 
brosnain brjsnan\ n. pi. * sticks of firewood ' (9 a), 
brothchan (brochan) brjxan, n.m. * porridge,' * gruel * (2). 

Cf. bnxan (An i). 
bruach br£ax {bruax, 15a), n. * edge,' 'bank' (of river): bruach an 

abhann bruax 9 no'dn (rare, 2, 8, 15a). 
bruach hnC'DX {hrwax, 15a), pi. bruachan br^'axon (4), n.m. 'slope,' 

Sc. "brae," 'hill': bruach trom bnC'dx tro :m 'steep hill'; 

in pl.-n. Bruach an Tobair br/C9x 3n tobir, 
bruid bru:d^ (5), n. 'brute.' 
bruideamhail brw.dizl (5), adj. 'brutish.' 
bruin (E.) br^-an (15, etc.), broan (8), n. ' bear.' 
bruiteanach, n. ' measles ' : dona leis an bhruiteanach doiid le\ d 

vrltf9nax (15, 15b). 
bruith brs^, adj. ' cooked,' ' boiled.' 
bruithte brstl9, part. adj. ' cooked,' ' boiled.' 
buabhall hd^ifjl (U.E.), n. ' horn.' 
buachaill b^dxdl, n.m. ' herdsman ' (3). 
buachailleacht b^9Xdl'axt, vb. n. ' herding ' (3). 
buafraigh boafri, vb. n. ' roaring ' (of a bull, 15). 
buaic b£sk', n. * wick ' (of " cruisie,*' 2). 
buail 6<Ce/, v. 'strike,' 'beat'; 'play'; vb. n. bualadh b/Cabg: ag 

bualadh nan bpiopan 9 b^ar\9 nam hi:p9n (3); p.p. buailte 

buailidh b^al'i, n. ' booley,' ' cattle pen ' (orig. dat.). 
buailtean bi^ahjeUy n.m, ' beetle ' (of mortar, etc., 3) ; cf. also suiste. 


buain(t) bXzn\ b^sntf, n.f. and vb. n. * harvest'; * reaping,' 
* cutting.' 

buarthadh h^apg, n. * mischief (15). 

bucsa hi£ks9, pi. bucsachan h^ksadti, n.m. * box ' (3). 

buideal h^d^dl, pi. h^d^zl {h^didl, 3), n.m. * bottle'; in pl.-n. Loch 
nan Buideal lox nam b^dpl (where there used to be a distillery). 

buidhe b^ij, adj. * yellow'; in pl.-n. Bealach an Stac Bhuidhe 
hjalax 911 stak v^i9 {vb, 3). 

buidheach b^iax (b^jax), adj. * pleased,' * content ' (3, 15, etc.). 

buidheachas b^jax9Sy n. * thanks ' (15, etc.). 

buidheagan b^i9gan {bbgan, 6), n. * yolk of egg.' 

buille fe^/'p, n.m. ' blow ': buille trom i^/'^ tro:m, 

buitseach b^tjax, pi. buitseachan b^tjax9n, n. * witch.' 

buitseachas b^tjax9S, n. * witchcraft ' : cuiridh me buitseachas ort 
k^r'i mi b^tjax9S ort (2, 3). 

bullog b^lag, b^r[ag (3), pi. bullogan b^r\ag9n, n, * bullock.' 

bun b^n, n. * root ' (2, 4) ; bun a bhachran (mharthan ?) b/Cn 9 
va:xran (15,, 15), b^n 9 ba:r9n {va:r9n, 5), n. *bogbine'; 
originally also * bottom,' * foot,' as in Bun an Duinne b^n 9n 
d^n'9 * Cushendun,' Bun na Dala b£n na daih * Cushendall ' ; 
cf. bonn. 

butais b/C:ti\ (13), pi. butaisean b^:ti\9n (2), n. * boot,' esp. * top- 
boot ' (9). 

ca ka:, ka, kariy adv. * where'; ca bhfeil e? ka vel s, can rabh e? 

kan ro z. — Rathl. Cat. : kam bee tu ad chovnee * where do 

you hve ? ' 
ca, interr. pron., see § 103 (a), 133. 
each, indef. pron., see § 134 (A), 
cad, conj., see § 144. 
cafraidh ka :fri, n. * sour oat meal, eaten with sweet milk or 

cream ' (2) ; cf. subhan. 
cag (cabhag) ka'ag (15a), kaag, n.f. * crow.' 
cagailt kag9ltj, vb. n. * raking up the fire ' : a cagailt an teine 

9 kag9ltl 9n t\in'9 (10). 
cagairt kag9rt\, vb. n. * winking ' (12). 



caibcal, prob. * a chapel ' (cf. Scot. Gaelic), in the pl.-ii.: an Caibcal 

.IT] kahjA (3) ' Kebble/ the most westerly townland m RatUin; 

ta c na chomhnaidhc anns a* Chaibeal ta: na xj :m sj xahjdl (3); 

ta me dol a Chaibeal ta: ml dol n (4). 
caiftin kaftjeti, n.m. * captain.' 

caile * girl,' pi. cailean kal'?n (2). — Cf. kal'^n, kEl'.m (An i). 
cailin kal'zn, n. * girl' (used by old people); cf. geirseach. 
caill kail'y v. *lose'; p.p. caillte kailtj.i Most.' 
cailleach kal'ax, n.f. * old woman'; cailleach oidhche kal'ax I:p 

'an owl'; Sloe nan gCailleach slok na{vi) <^al'ax (pl.-n.); 

also the last of the harvest: ta 'chailleach learn ta: xal'ax Vam (4). 

Cf. UEl'ax (An i). 
caineadh ha:n'?g, vb. n. ' miscaUing,' * reviling ' (15, etc.). 
cainnt kEintj, ksittti (L.E.)» f^^^^^^i (U.E.), vb. n. ' talking ' (with le 

* with '). 

caiptin kaptjsn (3), n.m. * captain'; cf. caiftin. 

cair ka:r' (i; cf. § 53), pi. caircanadh ka:r'dndg {ka:irdmg, 3), 

n. * gums.' 
cairdeamhail kard^zl, adj. ' friendly.' 
cairt kartl, n. ' cart.' 

cairtidheacht kartliaxt, n.f and vb. n. * carting ' (13). 
cais ka:l, kaa\ (3), n. * cheese.' 
Caisc ka:jk', n. * Easter': ar son an Chaise ?r son d xa:jk' 

* for Easter.' 

caisceim kalk'stUy n. m. *step'; in pl.-nn. Caisceim Mor kalk'em 
mo:r (Mor is understood as a woman's name), Caisceim Bara 
ka\k'zm bara {see Bara). Cf. kEsk'^m har? (An i). 

caisteal ka\t'ay\ (3), n.m. * castle'; in pl.-nn. Purt an Chaisteail 
pi'Crt ? xalt'zl, Leac an Chaisteail I'ak ? xalt'?l. 

caith, vb. n. caitheadh (cathadh) kasg 'wearing'; p.p. caithte kat\d 
' worn.' 

caithir ka(;zr, kapr, kahr, n.f. ' chair.' Cf. ka^er (An i). 

Caitriona gdtrbn?, n.f. * Catherine ' (3). 

cal ka:l, n. 'cabbage,' 'kail.' 

cal fath kal ^fa: (15 a), kaT] ^ja: (3), k?l fa: (15), n. * nettles.' 

call kal (12), n. ' loss.' 

Calum kahm, n.m. ' Malcolm.' 

cam kam {ka:m, 11), adj. 'crooked.' 


canamhain, pL canamhainean ka:mn'jn, n. * language ' (3). 
caochan kd:xan * whiskey ' (2), kE:xan * poor whiskey/ 'ale* (3). 
caoin kE:n\ v. * cry '; vb. n. caoineadh kE:H'9g. Cf. kiC:H'i (An i). 
caoineacht kE:H'axty n.f. * keening,' ' weeping ' (2, 5). 
caol kd:l (L.E.), kE:l (U.E.), adj. * narrow,' ' thin '; an Ceann Caol 

?r\ k'an kE:l * KinkicL' 
caolas kE:hs, n.m. * strait,' * sound ' ; an Caolas ^irj kE:bs 'the 

Channel ' (between Rathlin and Fair Head), 
caora kE:r9 (5), pi. caoraigh kd:ri (2), kE:ri (11, 14), n.f. 'sheep'; 

Eilean nan gCaorach e/'e/i nar\ gE.rax ' Sheep Island,' Toigh 

nan gCaorach tEi nar] gEirax (3, pl.-nn.). Cf. k^:ri (pi.. An i). 
capall kapdU kapDT] (3), n. gramm. masc. (§ 108) ' mare.' 
car kar, n.m. ' twist.' 
car kar, n.m. 'while': car beag kar beg; cait an rabh thu a h-uile 

car ? ka :^j" 9n ro ^ h^l? kar ' where were you all the time ?' 
carach karax, adj. 'crooked'; in pl.-n. Eilean Carach efju karax 

* Illancarragh ' (ace. to 5; it is rather Eilean Carrach). 
caraid karid^, n.m. ' friend,' ' relation.' 

caraidh 'weir' (?), in the pl.-n. Baile Caraidh hal\i kari {k'ari, i) 

* Ballycarry.' 

caraigh kari, v. ' move ': na caraigh na kari ' don't move,' carraigh 

ort kari ort ' hurry on ' ; vb. n. carachadh kara[ :)g. Cf kari, 

n. ' hurry ' (An i). 
carbhaidh karvi, karji ' caraway seed.' 
cardadh kard?g, vb. n. ' carding.' 

Carghas kargdS, n.m. 'Lent'; de'n Charghas d^z na xargds (2). 
earn karn, pi. cairn kEr'n' (15), n.m. ' cart.' 
carnan karnan, n.m. 'cairn' (2, 3); in pl.-nn. Carnan an Duitseach 

karnan du ditjax, Carnan an Ghille Ruaidh karnan d jil'? ^r^ai, 

Cnoc an Charnain krok d xarndn, 
carraic karik' , n. 'rock,' 'cliff'; in pl.-n. Carraic na Goill karik 

na gEil; Carraicean (?) k'ark'zn (15), k'drkdn, t'drkdn (— E.). 
cartlain ka:rtlan', n. 'peppermint' (15; properly 'watermint' ?). 
cas kas, v. * twist ' ; vb. n. casadh kasdg, 
casa, in: casa an doras ka:s dn dorss 'the doorpost.' 
casaidheacht kasiaxt, kaseaxt (8), vb. n. * coughing.' 
casan kasan, n.m. * footpath ' (15). Cf. kasan (An i). 


casan (cosan) uiscc has <? iiljk\i (ii), kjs ? iiljk'j (8, 15), n. * waterfall. 

cascairtc kasLntjci, part. adj. * thrown about in disorder * (15). 

casog kasa^^, pi. -an -^ji, n.f. * coat.* 

cat kat {klt^, sklt\, properly calls to a cat), pi. cait katj (14), 
kEtj (4, 15), fcAT/J, kitj (12), kotj (10), n.m. *cat'; cat fiadhain 
kat fia^zn * tiger ' (5). An i kEt, Cf. scuit. 

cathbhruith, see cafraidh. 

catlaiceach katlax, adj. * catholic * (9). 

ccabhar k'zivdr, n. * gentle breeze' (8). 

cead k'ed, n. * permission * : an fhaigh me chead? d nai mi ged (2). 

ccad, numeral, see § 135. 

cead, ord., see §§ 100, 136. 

Ccadaoine, in: De Ceadaoine d^e ^k'e{:)dn9 * Wednesday/ 

ceadf haidh kiati, n. * opinion ' : goide do cheadf haidh de'n oidhche 
seo? gd die: d? ^lati d^z nl :p jj * what do you think of this 
night? ' (15b). 

ccadna, indef. pron., see § 134 (B). 

ceairsleog k'a:rirag, n.f. * ball of thread * (15). 

ceangail k's?l, v. * bind,* * tie * ; vb. n. ceangal fe'sa/ : cuir ceangal 
air k^r k'zdl er (8); p.p. ceangailte k'zdltld (8). 

ceann k'an (i, 2, 12), k'ain (U.E.), pi. cinn k'in' {kin)^ n.m. 'head'; 
*end*: an Ceann Caol 9r\ k'am kE:l, an Ceann ud Thios 97] 
k'an a Uids ' the Lower End,' an Ceann Reamhar dr\ k'a :n ravdr, 
an Ceann ud Thuas ?r\ k'an a \i£as * the Upper End,* 
(of Rathlin) ; cinn dubh k'in d^, name of a plant, see sleamh- 
anadh; with prepp.: air do cheann er d? ga:n * ahead of you '; 
in gceann uair 9r\ g'an ^sr ' in an hour's time,* in gceann a chuig 
bliadhna fichead 3T] g'a:n ? x^:g' hliandfidd * above (his) twenty- 
five years,* ta an ghaoth in do cheann ta du yE: dn dd ga:n * the 
wind is against you,* gaoth in gceann ^E; 9r\ g'a :n ' head- wind '; 
chan f haca me i o cheann fada ha nak? mi i gan fad? * I have not 
seen her for a long while,' o cheann spell gan spsl * for a while '; 
OS do cheann as dd ga :n ' over your head,* * above you,' ard, 
ard OS do cheann, bidh la maith amaireacht ann ard ard as d? 
ga:n hi la? ma ? mair'axt a:n (cf. under crann); thar an gceann 
har dr\ g'a :n ' for their sake,' ' for them.* Cf. k'zn (An i). 

ceannaigh k'ani, v. * buy ' (§ 142). 


ceannann, prob. adj. * white-faced,' in an t-Each Ceannann ^n t^ax 

k'anan, name of a fairy horse; also in the pL-n. Lochan an 

Ceannann lohan d k'anan (3); now a swampy meadow, 
ceann-ruiscte k'an nCijt'?, part. adj. * bareheaded.' 
ceap (kep) k'ap, v. * turn ' (Scot. *'kep" (pron. k'ap in the local 

dialect) has many meanings, as * catch,' * intercept,' * fetch,' etc. 
ceapaire k'apgr'j, n.m. * piece ' (of bread and butter) : tuir ceapaire 

do tiCr k'ap?r'd do: (9a, b). 
cearc k'ark, pi. cearcan k'arkdn, n.f. * hen.' 
cearcal k'arkdl, k'arkdT[ (3), pi. cearcail k'arkdl (3), n.m. * hoop,' 

* circle ': ag dol in gcearcal 9 dol dx\ g'arkdl (4). 
ceard k'zrd, pi. ceardan k'zrddn, n. ' tinker ' (also ' a garrulous 

woman,' 2); in the pl.-n, Baile nan gCeard hal'd naT[ g'srd 

(2, 13; also^'W) * Ballynagard.' 
ceardach k'e irdax, k'erdax (5), n. * smithy.' 
ceardaman k'zrddtnan, n.m. 'beetle,' ** black clock" (3), * spider ' 

(2,^ 5, 12). 
cearr Wair, adj. * wrong ': goide ta cearr ort? gd die: ta: k'air jrt. 
ceart k'art, adj. * right,' * correct.' 
ceatal k'ztdl (Engl. * t '), n.m. * kettle.' 
ceathair, num., see § 135. 
ceathramh, ord., see § 136. 
ceathramh k'ardv, n.m. * quarter ' ; * quarterland ' : an ceathramh fa 

dheireadh 3T[ k'ardv fa jer'dg * the last quarter (of the moon),' 

ceathramh cloch k'ardv kbx * a quarter stone ' ; in pl.-n. Sroin 

an Cheathramh srj:n' d ^ardv (8). 
ceathrar, num., see § 135. 

ceidhe fe'ea, fe'e;, n. *quay': aig an cheidhe zg' d ge-? (3). 
ceileachadh k'e :l'a :g, vb. n. * changing ' (of the weather) : ta e 

dol a cheileachadh ta d dol d ged'ag (9). 
ceilidhe, n. * visit': air ceilidhe er k'e:li * visiting ' (11). 
ceiling (E.) sebg (3). 
ceird k'3rdi{9), k'srid^ (6), n.f. ' trade.' 
ceist k'e:jt' {k'e^t'), n. * question'; 'fondness': gan cheist ar bith 

g9n (;e\t' dx hi ' without doubt,' bhfeil ceist agad air na 

giorsachan? vel k'e:\t' agdt er na g'zrsaxdu ('are you fond of). 
Ceit k'eitl n.f. 'Kate.' 
ceithir, ceithre, num., see § 135. 


ceo k'j ;, * mist.' 

ccol k'j:l, pi. ccolta(n) k'j:ltjy k'j:r[tj{u) (3), n.m. 'music'; 

' song ': ag gabliail nan gccoltan d goal nar]g'j :r]t.m ' singing ' (3). 
clia, ncg. adv., sec §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 104, 145, 146. 
clicana lian,i, adv. ' already/ ' before.' 
chcile, reciprocal pron., sec ^ 130. 
chicken (E.) tiik\in (§§ 109 (c), 116). 
chun kvi, prep, with gen. 'to'; chun an bhaile Iwi d vaVo ' to the 

place,' ' home,' ag dol na (=chun a') bhaile d dol na val'd {id), 

ag dol na scoil ,1 dol na skol ' going to school.' 
cia, sec CO and cad. 
ciall k'iaU n.f. 'sense': goidc is ciall do? g? d^c : s k'ial do: 

* what does it mean ? ' 
cibe, rel. pron., see § 132. 
cibe ar bith k'charhi, k'sbarbi (§ 5), adv. ' anyway,' ' however.' — 

Cf. k'ebarbi (An i). 
cill k'ir{d)y n.f. 'church with cemetery'; in pl.-nn. Cille Brighde 

k'il'j briidi? 'Kilbride,' in gCill Phadraic dr\ g'il'? fairik' 

'in Kilpatrick,' Cill Eanna (?) k'iH'zini ' Killeany.' 
Cingis, in: Domhnach Cingis domax k'iT[g'i\ 'Whitsunday' (15, etc.). 
cinn k'in\ v. ' grow ' (rare, 2). 
cior fc'i.T, n.m. 'comb': cior fineailte k'iir ji:n'alt\d, cior garbh 

k'iir garv. 
cior, V. 'comb'; vb. n.: ag cioradh do cheann d k'iird dd ^(i(:)n. 
ciotach k'itaXy adj. ' lefthanded ' (15). 
cipean k'ipen, pi. cipeain k'ipzn', cipeanadh k'ipdtidg, n.m. 'tethering 

stick '; Bodach an Chipean bodax d gipen (name of a ghost), 
ciste k'ijt'9, n.m. 'chest'; pl.-n. an Ciste pr| k'ijt'd. j 

clabar klabdr, n. ' mud ' (8). 
clabhsta klEust3, kUustd (U.E.), adj. ' close.* 
clachan kT]ahan, n.m. 'stone heap' (3); pl.-n. Clachan klaxan i 

(cf under bogha ' reef), Eilean an Chlachan e/'en 9 xlahdn (11). 
cladach kladax, n.m. ' shore,' ' shores ': ta an- cladach ag amharc (go) 

dona ta ?r\ kladax 9 gavdrk (5) don?, 
cladh klEg, n. ' cemetery ' (cf. garradh). 
cladh, V. 'dig*; vb. n. cladhach(t) klEax{t), kr]Eax (3); p.p. cladh- 

aiste klE'ilt'?: gus an bi na potdtan cladhaiste g9S dm bi : na 

p.ita:Lvi klE'ijt'? (10). , 


cladhachan klo-axan, vb. n. ' digging ' (L.E.). 

claidhmhe kT[SV3, pi. claidhmheachan kT[Zva?n (3), n.m. * sword.' 

claigeann klag'en, k^ag'du (3), n.f. 'skull'; pl.-n. Claigeann 

klag'dti 'Cleggan' (§ 58), go Claigeann gD klag'du (i, 4), 

Druim na Claiginne drim na kT\eg'in'9 (3). 
clampar klampsr, n. * mud ' (from rotting seaweeds, 5); in pl.-n. 

Poll (Pollog) an Chlampar pel {polag, 9) d xhmp?r (5, 13). 
clann klam (6, 9, kT\a:n, 3, klan, i), n.f. * children ' (coll., § no), 
claoidhte kll:vt\d, part. adj. 'exhausted' (4). 
clar klair, pi. claran kh:rdn, n.m. 'board'; 'lid (of kettle).' — Cf 

klair ? fot3 (An i). 
cleacht, v. 'train,' 'practice'; vb. n. (& n.m.) cleachtadh kl'axtdg 

' training '; ' practice '; p.p. cleaichte kVaxt\d (with le). 
clia, adj. 'left': mo lamh chlia nid la:v xlia (5, 15). 
cliabh kl'iav, n.m. ' chest ' (2), ' basket ' (15a), ' cradle ' (5). 
cliath fosraidhe kliav jsri, n. * harrow ' (2). 
cliu kl'^:, n. ' fame.' 
cloch khx, kT[jx (3), pi. khxjti, n.f. 'stone': cloch Homhaidh 

kbx li:vl 'grindstone' (2), clocha meallain khxd mjalzu 'hail- 
stones,' cloch Phadraic kbx fa:drik\ name of a medicinal plant 

(2, 15); in pl.-nn. na Clocha Dubh na kbx? d^ ' the Cloghadoos,' 

na Clocha Breaca na kbx? hr'ako. 
cloca kb:kd, n.m. 'cloak' (15a). 
clog klog, n. ' bell ' ; ' clock ' ; goidc o chlog a ta ? ^p d^c : xlog ? ta : 

' what time is it? ' — Cf kbg (An i). 
cloigeann, see claigeann. 

clover (E.) kbudr : clover wild kbudr vEild * wild clover.' 
ciuas kl^as, pi. cluasan kl^asdn, n.f. ' ear.' 
cluin, irreg. vb., see § 148. 

cnaimh-f hiach kra : viax, pi. cnaimh-f hiaigh kra : vii, n. ' crow.' 
cnaipe krep (i, 2), pi. cnaipean krep?n, n. 'button'; poll cnaipe 

por\ krsp ' buttonhole ' (3), 
cnamh kra:p, pi. cnamhan kraivdn, n.m. 'bone'; cnamh gabhlach 

kraiv go:lax (8), go:T\ax (3) 'forked bone' (in chicken), 

* wishbone.' 
cnaosach, n. 'edible seaweeds,' in: corran cnaosaigh kjran kr^:si 

' dulse hook ' (15a). — Cf. kr^?sag (An i). 


ciiap krap, v. * pull ': ciiap istcach an duine sco krap ? It' ax on di£n'd 

\3 (in nursery rime, lo). 
cnap krap, cnapan krapati, n.m. * (a single) potato'; cf. potata. 
cniotail krstal (8), krstan (13), vb. n. * knitting'; a cniotail na 

stocaighthe j krztal na stj:ki (13). 
cno krJj {kn^}, pi. cnon knm {kn?n), n. * nut.' 
cnoc knk, pi. cnoic krEk', knk' (3), n.m. * hill.' 
Cnocan, an Cnocan 9T\ krokdu, pl.-n. * Knockans ' (11). 
cnumhog kr^'ag, n.f. * maggot,' * worm.' 
CO, interr. pron., see § 133. 

cobhar ko3r, n.m. * foam ' (on or from the sea), 
coca kokoy conj. * whether ' (from cia aca 'which of them'): coca 

se sin a dheireadh 's nach e hk? Je JJ« 9 jer'dg s na he : * whether 

that is the end of it or not ' (3). 
coca hk?, pi. cocan fofon, n.m. * haystack.' 
cochala koxdla, n.m. * cloak,' ' covering ' (15a). 
codail kodil, koddU v. * sleep': pres.-fut. codlaidh kodll: vb. n. codal 

koddl: bha mise in mo chodal va: mild md xoddl * I was asleep,' 

ta an codal orm ta dv\ koddl orm * I am sleepy.' 
codalach koddlax, adj. * sleepy.* 
codtrom, see cudtrom. 

cogadh kogdg, n.m. * war '; vb. n. * making war ' (8). 
cogar kogdr, vb. n. * whispering ' (2, 12). 
coigthigheas kok'is, kak'ds, n. * fortnight.' 
coil (E.) kEil, n. 
coileach kEl'ax (U.E.), koVax (L.E.), pi. coiligh kEl'i, n.m. * rooster '; 

coileach dearg kEl'ax d^arg * grouse,' coileach dubh kEl'ax d^ 

* blackcock,' coileach Turcach kEl'ax t^rkax * turkey cock.' — 

Cf kEl'ax (An i). 
coilean, see cuilean. 
coilear kol'zr, n. * collar ' (15). 
coille kEl'd, coillidh kEl'i (U.E.), kol'i (L.E.), n.f * wood,' * grove * 

(§ 113); in pl.-n. Lag na CoilHdh Boidhche lag na kEl'i h:p 

(2, 4), lag na kE:ri hoig? (5, 13), lag na kEl'i hoi (i, 2), lag na 

kal'i hoi (2), showing associations with caora and cailleach. 
coimhleacht, in: coimhleacht learn ko'A'axt lam * along with me'; 

cf. comhlach. 


coimhtheach kEvax, adj. 'strange'; duine coimhtheach diCn'D kEvax 

* stranger/ 

Coineagan, in: Baile Coineagan hal'j km'agdu ' Ballyconagan/ 

coineog hn'ag, pi. -an dh, n.f. ' rabbit.' 

coinf heascar kon'dskdY, n.m. * evening ' : coinf heascar maith duit 

kon'dskdY ma d^t^. 
coinne, coinneamh, in: as mo choinne as wd xou'd across from me ' 

(6), as coinneamh an seo as kon'dv d \d ' across from here ' (10). 
coinneal kdn'9l (2, 12), kEn'dl (U.E.), pi. coinnlean kEil'dn, 

n. (masc. 2) ' candle.' 
coir k^r, n. * guilt.' 
coir koiTy adj. * right,' 'honest'; a dhuine choir d y/Cn'd xjir (2); 

ba choir do hd xo :r do: ' it ought ' (3). 
coirce kor'k'd {kork'd), n. ' oats.' 
coire kor'd, pi. coireachan kor'axdn (see below), n.m. (i) ' caldron,' 

'kettle,' 'boiler* (as for cooking potatoes for cattle, etc.); (2) 

* hollow in mountain ' (in pl.-nn. ?), (3) ' a kind of boat ' (12); 
na Coireachan na kor'axdu 'Saltpans' (pl.-n.); Bay Allt an 
Choire he: alt d xox'd (8), he: av[t d xor'9 (3) 'Altacorry Bay.' — 
C£ hr'? (An i). 

coirigh, vb. n. coireachadh ko:r'ahdg (4), coireacht kj:r'axt, ko:r'ax 

(6) 'mending'; p.p. coiriste ko:ri\t'd 'mended': an d'fhuair 

thu do bhrogan coiriste? dti d^dr ^ dd vro:gdn ko:rijt'9 (6). 
coirneal korn'aly korudly n. ' corner.' 
cois, see cos. 
coisceim, see caisceim. 

coisidhe, pi. coisidhthe feoj/, n.m. ' footman,' ' man on foot.! 
coisigh ko\i, vb. ' walk ' ; coisigh istoigh ko^i d stEi (15) ; vb. n. coisidh- 

eacht kojiaxt (kojaxt). 
coisreacan kjfrik, n. ' blessing ' : c'ar son nach do rinn thu coisric ? 

kar SDH nax ddrEin' ^ ko^rik 'why did you not sign yourself?' (12). 
coiteachadh kd:tlahdg, vb. n. 'arguing' (15b). 
CoUainn kolIn\ n.f. * New Year's,' ' hogmanay '; oidhche na Collainn 

I:p na kolln' ' New Year's Eve '; aig an ChoUainn zg' ? xolln'; 

also ' gift at hogmanay.' 
colman kalman, kolman, n. * pigeon ' ; Uamh nan gColman ^dv nar\ 

galman [golman, § 16), ^av? nav\ golman (pl.-n.). 
coma kom?, in: is coma leam ds koutd I' din ' I do not care,' etc. 


coinh, chonih, adv., sec § 121 (a). 

comhairlc k?\nl'.i, 11. ' advice ' (2). 

coniarasan koitu^rasjii, k^tiui^rasjii (2, 12, 15a, kam^ostan, 10), 

n. * scurr ' (small insect living on the bottom of w^ells). 
comasach kofujsax, adj. * mighty': ta e comh comasach le duine ari 

til <7 kj kjuijsax I'd d^n\i ri (8). 
comharsnach (coimhearsnach) kEv,irsiiax, pi. coimhearsnaigh kEvdrsni^ 

n.m. * neighbour/ 
comhlach, in: comhlach learn kj:T[a Vam, comhlach leo kD:V[a I'o: 

' along with me, them ' (3). 
comhnaidhe ko mi, vb. n. * living'; * visiting': bha ead nan 

gcomhnaidhe va ad naT[ go:ni * they were living' (3), also: 

bha mo shean-athair a chomhnaidhe va: m? (;anadr <? xo:ni (11); 

na bi comhnaidhe air na hi koini cr' 'don't visit him,' oidhche 

chomhnaidhe I:p ^xj:ni 'visit at night'; in gcomhnaidhe. 

?{t\) go:ni, adv. * always': ta pian in gcomhnaidhe agam ta: 

pian 9 go:ni ag^m, ta me in gcomhnaidhe leam fhein ta: me 

go:ni ram he: (13). — Rathl. Cat. kam bee tu ad chovnee. 
comhthrom hrDrn, adj. * even.' — Cf. hrjm (An i). 
company (E) hmpDui, n. (3). 

comrada hmWa:dj, kjm^bra:d9, n. 'comrade' (15). 
conagal kotiDgdl, ph conagals koiidgdls, n. * chat,' ' conversation.' 
congaibh, see cum. 
connadh, n. ' fire-wood,' in pl.-n. Sliabh an Chonnaidh \1'zvd 

na xotil (15), J/'sfp n9 xonl (3). 
connlach Uo:{n)lax, h :lax (15a), h :r[ax (3), n. 'straw.' 
conntae, see cunntae. 
contabhairt, see cuntairt. 
contabhartach, see cuntairteach. 
content (E) hnUznt, adj. 
contraigh hntrai, n. ' neaptide ' (15). 
copog kopag, n.f. * dockins.' — An i kopag, 
copogach kopagax, copogaigh kopagi, n. ' dockins ' (3). 
cor shugain h^riC:gan\ n. ' twisthandle ' (in rope making), 
cord (E) hrd, n. (2, 3). 
cord, V. 'agree': goide mar a ta an t-eilean ag cordadh leat? 

g9 d^e : mdr d ta dti t\eVen ? kjrd9 Vat * how do you Hke the 

island? ' (4). 


cork (E) hrk, n. (4). 

coroin Mhuire km'ag^v^r^D (2, 12), n. * rosary.' 

corp hrpy n.m. * body ' ; toigh an chorp tEi d xjrp * wake house.' 

corr, n. * crane/ in pl.-nn., see ease. 

corr ghrian hr^^yrinn (2, 8), hrD^yri'DH {-an, 15), hn^y rEijn (3), 

n. * heron.' 
corr h:r, adj. *odd': corr fhocal hr jhdl, corr daoine hjr dE:n'd, 

corr h-aon Uor9 h^:n (15); corr agus (as) ko:r js, hr ds 

* more than ': corr as dusaen ko:r ds dXsen (15). 
corran hran, n.m. * reaping hook.' 
corrog hrag, n.f. * first finger' (15 also hl'pag); corroga dearga 

koragD d^argD * hips ' (berries, 3,8). 
corruigh, see caraigh. 
cortha, see cuirthe. 
cos kos, pi. cosan kjsjn, n.f. * foot '; * leg '; Cos an Duitseach kos du 

dlt\ax * the Dutchman's Leg ' ; cois ko[, a chois ? xo\ (dat. sg., 

§ 108), prep, with gen. * beside': cois na teineadh ko\ na tjin'Dgy 

a chois na tuinne ,1 xoj na t^n'o, Cois an Locha koj dn lohj 

(pl.-n., 3, 11). 
cosain hsin (pret. xj^jn, 3), v. 'earn,' 'save'; vb. n. cosnadh 

hsnog', p.p. coisinte kj\intl? (3). 
cosan, see casan. 

cosmhail kjszl, kosal, adj. ' like.' 
cos-ruiscte kos r^:jt'Dy part. adj. ' barefooted.' 
cost hst, V. ' need ' : costaidh e spain f hada a theid a dh'ol leis an 

fhear olc kjsti a spam' ad? he :d^ d yo:l {go:h) le\ ? n'ar oik 

(saying, 3). 
costamhail kostal, adj. ' costly ' (5). 
cota ban h:Ui ba:n, n.m. ' groat' (fourpenny piece), 
coup (Sc): choup e sios e xop a \ids e * he threw him down' (3). 
course (E.) kiCrs, n. 'conversation' (short for 'discourse'), 
cover (E.): chover e e xdvdt a s (3). 
crabhog kra:vag, n. 'anything melted' (as butter, 13). 
cracarsaigh krah{r)si, vb. n. ' cracking ' (as of fire, 13). 
cradan kraidan (3), kraddan (8), n.m. 'burdock,' 'burs': bun a' 

chradan h^n d xraidan. 
crag kra :g, n. ' big hand or foot ' (10). 
craiceann krak'jn, h. ' skin ' (3). 


craiii kra :n\ n.f. * sow.* 

crane (E.) /.ts//, n. (iron arm). 

crann kra:ti [kratt), pi. croinn krEin, n.m. * mast*; ta crann an chuit 

(scuit) in airde, bidh Id maith ann i maireacht ta: kra :n d xli\ 

{sklt\, 13) d nzrii? bi laj ma an 9 mair'axt (3, 13), a saying about 

the cat when it lifts its paw behind the ear (cf. ceann). 
craobh krEiv (U.E.), kroiv (L.E.), pi. craobhan krEivdu {krd:v9n), 

n.f. * tree.' — An i kr^:v * tree.* 
craos krE:Sy n.m. * mouth *; locaire chraois bfor^ xrE:l * razor * (15). 
creag kreg, pi. creagan kregjn, n.f. * rock,* * cliff*; in pl.-n. Creag 

Macagan kreg ma^kagdti. 
crathadh kradg, vb. n. * shaking * (i, 8, 12, 13). 
ere kre:, n. * clay.* 
creathal kredl, kridl (5), n. * cradle.' 
creatuir kreitdr, n. * creature.* 
creid kredi, v. * believe*; vb. n. creideal kred^al, kred^ai] (3). — Cf 

Manx credjal (Kneen, p. 37). 
creideamh kred^jv^ n. * faith,* * religion*: chaill i a creideamh xail 

i kredpv (3). 
creisean kreletiy pi. creiseain krejeti' (15; according to others krejan' 

is the sg.), n.m. ** screel ** (a kind of shelf in the rocks); in pl.-nn. 

an Creisean Dubh 9T[ krelzn diC, an Creisean Ban arj krejen ha :n, 
Crioch krijx, pl.-n. (fem.): thuas aig an Chrich hiCas eg' d xri:g (13); 

the Engl. pron. is krig. 
criona kr'mid, adj. * wise.* 
cro kro:, n. * pen * (for cattle, etc.): cro muc kro: m^k *hog pen'; 

cro cearc kn : k'ark * chicken coop.* 
croch knx, v. * hang *; vb. n. crochadh knxDg] p.p. croichte kr:)xtJ9, 
crock (E.) knk: Ian crock mor la:n knk mo:r * a whole crock full* 
crog kn:gy crogan kn:gan (15), n. * hook * (at fire-place), 
croiceann, see craiceann. 

croidhe krh, krEb, n.m. * heart.' — Cf. krzb (An i). 
croidheamhail krEisl, adj. * hearty.' 
crois kro\, n. * cross.* 

croman kroman, n.m. * kite ' (or a similar bird), 
cron kntty n. * harm.' 
cronan kn man, vb. n. * crooning.* 
crosta knstD, adj. * cross,' * angry.' 


cruach krXdX, pi. cruachan kri£dXdn, n.f. * stack,' ' heap/ 

cruach, v. * make into stacks'; p.p. cruaichte kr^axtjd, 

cruadhaigh krM, v. 'harden/ *bake'; vb. n. cruadhachadh 

kr^ahdg (3). 
cruaidh kr^ai, adj. * hard ' (not= * difficult/ cf. doiligh). 
crubach kr^:bax, adj. * lame/ * crippled.* 
criiban kr£:ban, n.m. * crab.* 
crudha kr^3, kr^: (15, etc.), pi. cruitheach kr^:gax (4, 15), 

n.m. * horseshoe.' 
crug kr^:g, n. * tool for twisting ropes ' (10). 
cruinn kr£n', krin', adj. * round.' 
cruinnigh kr^n'i, vb. 'gather' (§ 142); vb. n. cruinneachadh 

kr^n'ahdg hrln'ahdg, krln'a{:)g; p.p. cruinniste kr^n'iit'9 (10). 
cruiscean fer^;Jfe'e« {krilk'sn, i), n.m. ' a primitive lamp/ Scot. 

** cruisie." — Cf. kr^:lk'en (An i). 
cruit krltl, n. * hump.' 

Cruphort, Bealach Chruphort bjar]ax xr^:fdYt (3), pl.-n. 
cruthaigh, vb. * create': mar a chruthaigh Dia thu mdr d xr^-i d^ia 

/C (12). 
cruthaightheoir knCisry n.m. ' creator ' (9, 12). — Rathl. Cat. kruior. 
cu, pi. coin km', n. * hound/ * dog.' 
cuach k^ax, pi. cuachan kiCax?n, n. * cuckoo.' 
Cuaig, see mac. 
cuaille k^aVd, n. 'post/ 'pole*: cuaille an leabaidh kol'^ n I'ahi 


cuairt k^aYt\ [k^:rtj, 2), n. * visit/ ' w^alk/ 

cuan kd9ny n.m. * sea/ * ocean ' ; an Cuan Mor 9r\ kodtt mo :r * the 

cubhar, see cobhar. 
cuckoo (E) ku*k^:. 
Cu Chulainn h*x/Cr]in, prop. n. (3). 
cudan k^djn, pi. cudanadh k/Cddtidg, or cuddan k^dgn, pL cuddans 

k^ddtis, n. ' young coalfish/ * cuddy.' 
cuid k^d^, n.f. * part/ * deal'; see also § 128. 
cuid eicin, eigin(teach), indef. pronn., see § 134 (A), 
cuideacht kXd^axt, n.f. * company ' (2). 
cuideacht k^d^axt, adv. * also/ 


cuidcanihail k.Cdizl, adj. * kind/ *nicc': geirseach chuidcamhail 
o'crlax xXd^zl (13). — Cf. ^'crjax k^d^sl (An i). 

cuidhil kl:i klA (L.E.), kEil, k^il (U.E.), n.f. 'spinning whcer*, 
cuidhil snionih kl :l sn'i:v, k/ii<il sn'i:v (8), idem; there are two 
kinds: an chuidhil blieag .? xnil vcg * the common wheel/ and 
an chuidhil mhor .? x^il vo :r * the castle wheel * (3); in pL-nn. : 
Allt a Chuidhil alt ,1 xl:l (8), aT[t .? xl:l (3), possibly a different 
word. — Cf. k{}{jl SHi:v (An i). 

cuidigh k^d^i, vb. * help ' (§ 142); go gcuidighidh Dia leat (or: thu) 
gj gi<^d^i d^ia I' at (iC) (2). 

cuig k£:g\ num. * five.' 

cuigeadh, ord., see § 136. 

cuil ki(:l\ n. ' nook/ * corner * (12). 

cuilc ki^l'k' {kiCl't\ 15a), pi. cuilcean k^l'k'Dtty n. *recd*; cuilc 
Fhrancach k^l'k' raT\kax ' bamboo/ * fishing rod * (15, etc.). 

cuilcean koil'k'zn, n. * hinge of door * (15, etc.). 

cuilean k^I'zn, n.m. * pup.* — Cf. k^l'Dti (An i). 

cuileann ki(l'?n, n. * holly ' (from which spinning wheels were 
made in Rathlin, i). 

cuileog k^l'ag, n.f. * fly ' ; cf. miol-chuileogan. 

cuileog (colag) Im kolag d I'iin {I'ein'), n. * earwig * (2, 12). 

cuihth k/C:l'i (15, etc.), knil'i (5), kotl'i (9), unstressed fe/C/'i, 
n. * narrow inlet * ( ?) ; in pl.-nn. Cuilith Dhomhnall Fonn 
koil'i yjbl fo:n (9), feE/'j Yj:n9l fo:n (8), fe/C/'i yondl fo:n (13), 
Cuilith Allt a Chuidhil ki^Cl'i av^t d xl:l (3), k^l'i alt? xl:l (13). 

cuimhne kl:n\i (L.E., 3), kEin'd (U.E.), n.f. * memory'; ta cuimhne 
mhaith aige ta: kl:n'j {kEin'9) va sg'?; ta cuimhne a(ga)m 
ta: kl:n' am ' I remember/ also: is cuimhne learn 3S kl:n'? I'^m, } 

cuimhnigh kl:ti'i [kEin'i, cf cuimhne), v. * remember/ * think/ 

* fancy' (§ 142). 

cuing k/Ci, n. * doubletree (* swingletree ') of plow ' (15). 
cuinneog kMag, n.f. * pail ' (a wooden staved vessel for carrying 

water); cf. maistreadh. 
cuir k/Cr\ vb. 'put'; * rain ' (§ 142); vb. n. cur ki^r * putting'; 

* raining': ta e cur ta d k^r * it is raining/ ag cur uisce trom 
;? k^r Ilk' J trom, 

cuircean k^rk'9n {k9rk'9n), n. pi. * peat heaps' (8); * rocks ' (?, ^). 


cuiricean kiCrik'jriy k/Cr'dkan, n. * woman's headdress or bonnet ' (2). 

cuirtean buidhe k^rt\m? h^idy n. * carrots ' (15). 

cuirthe k^r'd, adj. (orig. p.p. of cuir) * tired.' 

cuis fe/C;J, n. * thing/ only in: ghni e cuis ni: a t^:J * it will do,' 
ghni iad cuis di ni: ad ki£:\ d^i: * they will do for her.' 

cuisle k^\l'd, n. *vein': cuisle mo chroidhe k^lVd md xrl : (term of 
endearment, 2). 

cul k^:l (feX;r|, 3), n. * back ' (chiefly in prepositional expressions): 
in gcul cloch ^ri g^:r] kT]DX * behind a stone ' (3); ta an ghaoth 
air do chul ta du yE: er d? XiC:l * the wind is on your back 
(* behind you'), air a chulaibh cr d xi£:hvy adv. 'behind' (8); 
as do chul as d^ x^ :l * from behind you,' as cul Cnoc Leithid 
as kiC:l {ki(:r\, 3) knk Vz-'idi * from behind Knocklaid'; prep. 

* back of,' 'behind*: cul nan gcnoc k/£:l {k^l, kll) nax] grok 

* behind the hills,' cul an toigh k^:l ?n tEi * behind the house.' 
cullach k^Iax, n.m. * boar.' 

cum (=Sc. coom) fe^m, n. * dust of turf or sods ' (9a). — Cf. k^m 

(An I)- . , . , 

cum k^m, vb. *keep'; 'hold' (§ 142); vb. n. cumail kernel {-al)', 

p.p. cuimte k^mtl? (i). 
cuma, see coma, 
cumhang k^.viy adj. 'narrow'; Bealach an Inean Chumhang 

bjalax nin'zn [n'in'zn) h^?n [x^du) (pl.-n.). 
cumasach, see comasach. 
cumannta k^m.intj (9a, 13), k^m?taXy k^m^tjy k^mjti (5), adj. 

* common ' ; adv. * commonly ' : ta e dol cumannta ta j dol 
k^nidtD * he is always going ' (6). 

cunntae kintal (8), k^ndai (5), n. ' county.' 

cunntas kiCntjs [kontDS, 5), vb, n. ' counting,' 

cuntairt k^nt:)rt\, n. 'danger' (15). 

cuntairteach k^nt.ntlax, adj. 'dangerous' (15). 

cupard k^hdrdy n. ' cupboard ' (3). 

cupla k^pAy n. * couple ' (in roofing). 

curach k^raxy n. ' coracle.' 

Curachaig k^rahe{:)g, k/Crahgy k^ra^g, pl.-n. * Cooraghy.' 

curam k^:r?m, n. ' care.' 

curamach k^:r?maXy adj. * careful ' (2). 

cuta k^tdy n. ' cut' (of yarn): cuta do shnath k^td ds na: (3). 


da, num., sec § 135. 

da-bhliadliiiach daivl'ianax, pL -aigh -/, n. & adj. * two-year-old 

daithco da\j (3), rfe'p^ (i5^)» ^^- ' water hemlock.' 
dall da:l, dal (13), da:T\ (3), adj. 'blind.' 
dam dam, n. * dam ' : Dam Dhomhnall 'ic Artair (Cairteoir) dam 

yodl i kart^sr (pl.-n., 4). 
damlisadh dar^sng, vb. n. * dancing ' ; bha sinn ag damhsadli aig a' 

Chollainn va: J/«' d davs.ig zg' ? xolln' * we were dancing at 

dan ' fate,' only in: ta e in dan domh ta ? n da :n d£ * it is my fate ' (3). 
dana dam?, adj. * bold ' (used, as in local English, for * bad ' or 

* wicked'): na bi dana anois na hi: da:n d nif ; cf. § 118. 
Daoin, see dia. 

daor dd:r (L.E.), dE:r (U.E.), adj. * dear ' (of value). 

daorach dE:rax, only in: air an daorach (-aigh) er dn dEirax (dd:ri, 2) 

' drunk.' 
dara, darna, ord., see ^ 136. 
dath da, n. ' color ' ; gabhaidh chuile dath dubh, ach cha ghabh 

dubh dath gavi x^I'd da d^ ax xa yav d£ da (saying, 2). 
de d^z, prep. * of,' * off' (§§ 98, 107, 125). 
deacht d^axt, adv. *just': deacht mar a bha ise tionntachadh a' 

bhannach d^axt mdt d va i\d t\znta:g d vanax (3). 
dcag, num., see § 135. 
dealan, see teine. 

dealan de dealan d^e: {dizlan d^e:, 8, d^zhm d^e:), n. * butterfly.' 
dealg d;^ag (3, for d^ar]g), pi. deilg d^el'g'y n.m. '(stocking) wire.' 
deamhan, see dimean. 
dean, irreg. vb., see § 149. 
dear, in: cha dtug me i ndear ha d^g mi n'ar 'I did not notice' 

(15, etc.). 
dearg d^arg, adj. * red.' — Cf g'arg (An i). 
Deargan d^argatty n.m. (name of an ancient hero, cf. Brian), in 

pl.-nn. : Purt an Deargan p^rt ?n diargdti (3), Sroin an Deargan 

srj :n' m d-^argdn, Sroin Deargan srj :n' d^argdti. 
deargatan d^argDtan, pi. -ain en', n.m. * flea,' 
dearmad, in: ta me deanadh dearmad de ta: mz d^zuBg d^arrndd d^z 

* I forget it ' (3). 


dearmadach d^arm^dax (4, 15), d^arm9tax (3), adj. * forgetful/ 

deas d^es, adj. * pretty,' * fine/ 'nice'; ag teacht deas do j t^axt 

d^es do: * coming close on him' (i); cha ba deas leis xa ho 

dies lei * he did not like.' 
deas d^es, adj. * right': ar deas lamh De dt d^es la:v d^e: * on the 

right hand of God ' (9, in the Creed), 
deas dies, n. * south'; ag dol ma dheas ? dol ma jes * going 

southward ' (10). 
deich, num., see § 135. 
deidh, only in: in deidh du dizi [m dial, ? n'al, U.E.), as deidh 

as diziy prep. * after'; in deidh meadhon lae dn dizi mz'?n lEi 

* in the afternoon,' * p.m.,' in deidh sin .9/1 diai jln ' after that ' 
(3), in deidh ocht 9n diai jxt * after eight '; with pron. objects, 
see § 128; it forms past participles, see § 139. 

deidheamhail dizizl (4), dizial (13), diaial (U.E.), adj. *fond'; 
bha e deidheamhail air dram va j diaial er dram * he was fond 
of a dram.' 

deifrigh diefri, vb. * hurry ' (§ 142). 

deilbh diel'v, n. * warping,' * ** start " of a net' (15). 

deireadh dier'dg, n.m. * end ' ; go deireadh gd dier'?g * to the end,' 
an bata ma dheireadh jm haUd ma jer'jg * the last boat.' 

deoch diox, n. * drink ': deoch an doras diox m dords * stirrup-cup.' 

deor dio:r, n.m. *tear'; 'drop,' * drink'; ag sileadh nan deor 
d \il'dg nan dp :r (15). 

dia, de die, n. * day,' only in the days of the week: De Domhnaigh 
die do :ni * Sunday,' De Luain die Uzn' * Monday,' De Mairt 
die ma ;r^J * Tuesday,' De Ceadaoine die k'? :dn? ' Wednesday,' 
De'r Daoin dier dE:n' {dd:n') 'Thursday,' De h-Aoine die 
hiC:n'{3) * Friday,' De Sathairne die sadvn ' Saturday.' 

Dia diia, n.m. ' God ' (§ 109); Dia duit ar maidin diia d^i\ dv madiin 

* good morning ' (3), Dia 's Muire dhuit di'ia s m^r'd y^t\ 
(salutation, 3), beannacht Dia (De) leat hjanaxt diia {dp:) Vat 

* good-bye,' a Dhe 's Muire ? je : s m^r'd (interj.). 

diabhal dizudl (L.E.), dpudl (U.E.), n.m. 'devil'; go seididh an 
diabhal thu g? le:di 9n dpudl ^, go stroicidh an diabhal thu 
gd stro:k' dn diaudl ^ (curses); diabhal bit go bhfeil ann 
diaudl hit gd vel a:n 'there is nothing' (cf. dimean). 

diallait diialidp n. * saddle.' 


diasog, sec liasog. 

dichcall, in: mo dhichcall m? ji(;A, m? jiA 'my best' (15a). 

differ (E.) liEJDr, n.m. ' difference' 

dileas d^i:l'js, adj. 'faithful.' 

dimean d^inim, an intensifying adv. (cf. diabhal): dimcan greim 

d^inuvi grcm ' devil a bit,' similarly d^inad grim (2). 
ding, V. 'press,' 'squeeze,' 'push': mana n-eirigh thu as an sin 

dingidh me san phit thu mmui n'iirl ^ as 9 Jm d^in'i ms Sd fztd AJ 

' I will push you into the pit ' (12); vb. n. dingeadh d^in'pg, 
dinnear d^iu'sr, n.m. {d^in'er vo:r, 3) 'dinner.' 
diog (dig) d^i :g, n.f. 'ditch'; in pl.-nn. Dig an Mhuilinn d^i :g d 

Viil'ln, Dig Mhor d^iig voir. 
diolt, V. 'deny': dioltaidh ead thar an gceann e d^i :lti zd har 9T\ 

g'a:n a * they will deny that they did it' (5). 
diomach d^zmax, adj. ' displeased ': cha rabh e buidheach na diomach 

ha ro a biCiax na d^zmax (15, etc.). 
dionach diiduax, adj. ' tight,' ' dry ' (of boat, 4). 
diornach d^i:rnax, diorsach d^iirsax, adj. ' tedious ' (Sc. " langsome "), 

'insistent,' 'stubborn' (12). 
diospoireacht d^isp.iraxt, vb. n. 'disputing' (15). 
direach d^i:r'axt, adj. ' straight,' ' right': ta e direacht ta d dp:r'axt 

* it is correct.' 
dis, dist, num., see § 135. 
diver (E.) JsiVjr, pi. divers dzivDrs (3). 
do dj, prep, 'to' (§§ 98, 107, 125): oidhche mhaith duit I:p va 

[ma) d/Ct\ ' good evening ' [Ir. ' good night ' (when calling or 

meeting, cf. le)], cuig do dho k£:g' dd yo: 'five (minutes) 

to two,' deich mionaidean do h-aon d^ei; mjznadpn do: hE:n 

do, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128. 
do, num., see § 135. 
docha, see doigh 2. 

doigh dj :j\ doi, n.f. ' manner ' : sin an doigh cheart \ln on do :j gart. 
doigh, in: is doigh leam 9S do: hm, is docha leam ds doxd hm 

' I think ' (12; rare), 
doigh, V. 'burn': pres.-fut. doighidh me do'i mz\ vb. n. doghadh 

dj-dg\ p.p. doighte do:t\d, 
doihgh dEl'i, adj. * difficult.' 


doimhncacht djin'axty n. ' depth ' (4). 

Doire dEr'?, n. * Derry * : Cunntae Dhoire k^titai yEr'j, Loch Dhoire 

lox yEr'd (15). 
doirt dort\, v. * pour ' ; vb. n. dortadh dj :rtdg ' pouring/ 
domhain do'in', adj. * deep.' 

Domhnach, see dia; oidhche Domhnaigh /;p djini * Sunday night/ 
Domhnall doiudl, Ji5/, d^^r\ (3), n.m. * Daniel'; in pl.-n. Uamhaidh 

Dhomhnaill Bara ^avi yohl haira (3). 
dona doHDy adj. * bad ' (§ 122); ta e go dona ta ? g? don? * he is sick.' 
donn do:n, don, adj. ' brown/ * dun '; Mairi Dhonn ma:ri yon, 
Donnchadh donaxdg, n.m. * Duncan'; '(King) Donn'; in pl.-nn. 

Shabh Dhonnchaidh sUdV yonaxi (2), Purt Righ Donnchaidh 

p^rt rEi donaxi (4). 
doras djrdSy pi. doirsean dyr^du, n.m. 'door'; doras a' chleibh 

djTBS d xleiv (cf. ucht). 
dorcha djrax?, djrahag {djraig, 3, § 79), adj. * dark.' 
dorn dorn, n. 'fist/ 'hand' (cf. under bainne); is fhearr ean san 

dorn na dis ar chraobh Je.T z:n Sd dorn na d^cij er xrd:v 

(saying, i). 
dosaen, see dusaen. 
drachaidh dra:xi, adj. 'wet/ 'dirty' (of the weather): ta e go 

drachaidh ta: gd draixi. — Cf. draixi (An i). 
draighean draiju, n.m. 'brier'; in pl.-nn.: Purt an Draighean p^rt 

dti draidu, Bealach Inean (an) Draighean bjar\ax in' en draidn (3). 
drake (E.): an Draca dn draikd ' the Drake ' (name of a ship, 3). 
drama draniD [drami, i), n. 'dram' (§ 116). 
dranndan drandan, n. 'noise/ 'sound' (15, etc.). 
drar (drawer) dra'DTy pi. drairthean dra:r'9n, n. ' drawer ' (3, § 109b). 
dreallog dr'alag, n.f. ' swingletree.' 
dreas dres, n. 'bramble,' 'brier'; in pl.-n. Inean nan Dreas in'en 

nan dres, 
dreasog, see driosog. 
dreimire dreimir'd, n. 'ladder.' 
dressed (E.) drtstl? (6). 

driegh (Sc.) drig 'slow/ 'tedious/ " longsome " (5, 13). 
driosog (dreasog) drzsag (8, 15), dresag (6), pi. -an -<?«, n.f * brier.'— 

Cf. drzsag (An i). 
driseog, see driosog. 


droch, adj., sec § 119; droch na daoine dnx na dEin'? * poor people/ 

Droghcda (E.) dnx^da. 

droichcad drj(;jd, dn<;sd^ (8), n. ' bridge/ 

drolach dnlax, pi. drolaigh dnll (-5/), n.iii. * pothook ' (4, 13). 

droniach, see lus. 

droman drotnan, n. * elder ' (Ir. ** burtrcc *'). 

dromanach dnnunaXy n. * back rope' (of harness, 15, etc.). 

drop (E.): drap el' 9 * another drop'; drapan *wee drop' (Sc. *drap'). 

druid dr^di, vb. * shut ' ; p.p. druidte drlt\? * shut.' 

druim drhn, n. *back': air mo dhruim er hid yrim (3); Druim na 
Claiginne drhn na kT\zg'in'd ' Cleggan Ridge ' (pl.-n.). 

dti, only in: go dti gd d^i: (15 b), g.i d^e : (3, 8), prep, 'to': 
o'n t-shnathad go dti an acair jn tradd g9 d^i: nakir * from the 
needle to the anchor ' ; mixed up with ainti (q.v.) or in deidh 
(q.v.): in de an gheafta 9n d^e{:) n jaftd * to the gate' (3). 

dubh JiC, adj. * black': Domhnall Dubh dTA d^ * Black Daniel,' 
Ailte Dhuibh alt\d ylv {yliev) * Black ' (surname) ; in pl.-nn. : 
Druim a' Chreisean Duibh drim xrelzn d^iv, Purt Inean Duibhe 
p^rt in'dn div?, 

dubhan d/^-aUy diCan (15, etc.), n.m. * fishing hook.' 

Dubhar f/^^r, (pl.-n.). 

Dubhghall d^dl, d^dX] (3), n.m. * Dougald.' 

Dubhthach, in pl.-n. Uamha (an) Dubhthaigh (?) ^avD diC'i (8), 
iCav9 n d^'i (6). 

duibhean divzn, n.m. * cormorant ' (or similar bird) ; in pl.-n. Allt 
an Duibhean^/^ m dlvzn ar\t 9n dlvzn, 3), Lathrach Da Dhui- 
bhean (?) la:rt ? ylvzn {r\a:rt9 ylvzn, 3). 

duibheas dIvDS, n.m. * a kind of bracken growing in caves ' (5). 

duil(e) d^:l'9y n.f. * creature'; an duile bhocht 9n d^il'd voxt, 
a dhuile bhocht d y^il'd vjxt (voc, 2). 

duil diCd'y n. * expectation,' in: ta duil agam ta: d<C:L agdm [am) 
' I expect ' (2, 15). 

duileasc dir9sky d^l'dsk (15, etc.), n. * dulse.* 

duilleach d^l'aXy n. * foliage,' * leaves': ta an duilleach ag tuiteam 
ta du d^l'ax ? t^t\dm (5). 

duilleog diCl'agy n.f. Meaf; duilleog Phadraic diVag faidrik' * rat- 
tail ' (9b, ace. to 9a, another plant). 


duine d^n'9y dln'o (L.E.), dEn'd (U.E.), pi. daoine dom'd (L.E.), 
dEin'd (U.E.), n.m. * man ' (§ 112); na daoine beag na dE:n'j 
beg, or: na daoine coir na dE:n'd h :r' * the fairies' (3). 

duir d^r' d£r' d^r\ dlV diV diV dll' (call to pigs). 

Duitseach dlt^ax, n.m. * Dutchman ' ; in pl.-nn. : Carnan an 
Duitseach karnan dh dltjax (3), Stac an Duitseach stak du 
ditjax (3), Cos an Duitsigh hs dti dltli * The Dutchman's Leg ' 
(a formation in the rocks, 3). 

diin d^:n, n.m. (i) * fort ' (common in pl.-nn.); (2) *heap': 
dun mor de iteogan d£:n tno:r d^z itjagBU (3). 

Dun, in: Cunntae an Duin k^ntai n d^:n' (15), k^ndai m d£:n' (3), 
n. * Co. Down.' 

dusaen diCszn, n. * dozen': leath dusaen cloch Ve d^ssn kr[ox (3). 

duthaigh, n. * country': frid an duthaigh fri:d^ dti d£'i * through 
the country ' (4). 

duthchas d/£xds (12), n. * nature.' 

e, pers. pron., see §§ 124, 125. 

each jax, pi. eich ef , or eachan jaxdti^ n.m. * horse.' 

eadach eidax^ n.m. (i) * clothes': eadach leabaidh e:dax I'ahi * bed 

clothes ' ; (2) * sail ' : cuir an t-eadach uirthe fe^r' dn te :dax ^rj 

* set the sails.* 
eadail, in: m'eadail m eidzl * my treasure ' (term of endearment, 2). 
eadan eiddn, n. *face'; also in pl.-nn.: Eadan an Chinn Reamhar 

eiddn d gin ravdr (3). 
eadar eddr, prep. * between.' 
eadtrom eidrdm, adj. 'light' (not heavy), 
eagal egdl, egdV\ (3), n.m. *fear': ta eagal air ta: egdl er', or: ta an 

t-eagal air ta m t\egdl dr' * he is afraid. — Cf. zgdl (An i). 
eaglach egdlax, adj. * timid,' * afraid.' 
eaglais zgll\, n.f. * church '; Bay na h-Eaglaise he: na hzgx\i\, 

(3), he:i na hegllf (15) * Church Bay.'— Cf sglii (pl.-n.. An i). 
eagnais, in: as eagnais as cgnijy prep. Sc adv. * without (it)' (15, 

tdl2i jahy pi. ealachan Jfiri^fofi (3), n.f. *swan'; cf: iolar na eala(r) 

na amhsanje/^r na jabr na avsan (from an old saying, 8). 


Ealaidli, in: an Ealaidh j n'all 'Ally' (pl.-n., at the Lower End); 
air an Ealaidh er j n'all, n'av[i (3) 'at Ally,' (cf. Uig); Loch 
(or: Lochan) na h-Ealadh lox [loxan) na <;alig ' Ally Loch ' (5). 

eallach 'cattle': an t-eallach m tjohix 'the cattle' (15). 

Eamonn e:m?n, 'Edmund.' 

ean £:», pi. ein z:n\ com join' (4), and eanlaith, q.v., n.m. *bird'; 

* chicken ' (especially in the pi.): na h-ein bheag na hz:n' vzg 

* the chickens'; ccarc an ein k'ark d n'zin' [nz:n'), or cearc 
an coin k'ark ? n'oin', or cearc na n-coin k'ark na n'oin' 

* clucking hen.' 

eanlaith, n. 'fowls,' * poultry': na heanlaith na hs:ll^ (13). 
Eanna (?), in the pl.-n.: Gill Eanna (Eannaigh?) k'iWenii (k'il'd na 

l'e:ni, 4) * Killeany.' 
eangach egax, pi. na h-eangaigh na ^ayi (5), n.f. *nct'; tarrain na 

h-eangach tarin na hegax ' pulling the nets ' (8). 
earrach jarax, n. * spring ' (season). 
Easan csan, pl.-n. — Cf. es * waterfall ' (An i). 
ease * marsh,' in the place-name: Ease nan gCorr eskj na{r]) gj:r 

(3, 5, is), cski nax] gjudr (9, etc.), gnudr (8). 
easconn, n. * eel,' in: Lochan na n-Easconn lohan na ncsk?n 

* Cleggan Loch' (9, 11). 

easpog * bishop,' in the pl.-n. Sroin an Easpuic sroin' d n'espik'. 
easrais, n. 'passage,' in: Easrais (Eiris) a Ghamhna erij d yavno (3); 
cf. Engl. ese\nd^gavn? (old), e\nd^gavnd (new) * Esrishnagowna ' 

(pi-:"-)- ^ 

cigean, in: is eigean domh leig'dn dX ' I must,' b'eigean do heig'dn 

{hzig'dn, 3) do: * he had to,' ma's eigean domh ma \e:g'dn d£ 

' if I must.' 
eigin, eigint, eiginteach, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b). 
eilbheog el'vag, n. * burning coal,' (15a, b). 
eile, eileag, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (b). 
eilean el'zn, pi. eileain, el'zn' , eilcanadh el'?ndg, n.m. * island.' — 

Cf. el'm (An i). 
Eilispe elispSy n.f. * EHzabeth ' (2, Scot.), 
eirigh e:r'/, /:r'i, v. * rise * (§ 142); vb. n. eireacht: ag eireacht 

? g'eir'axt, g'iir'axt, eireacht na greine eir'axt na grem'd [grEin') 

* the sunrise ' (8). 


Eireannach e:r'Dnax, n. & adj. * Irishman'; * Irish.' 

Eirinn e :rin\ n.f. * Ireland.' 

Eiris a Ghamhna, see easrais. 

eist, vb. * hsten ' ; vb. n. ag eisteacht (Ic) d g'e :lt'axt h * hstening 

eiteachan etjahan, n.m. ' bobbin,' * reed or quill in weaver's shuttle ' 

(Scot. '*pirn"); cuidhil eiteachain kail et\ahan' * reel (for 

winding yarn) ' (3). 
eitearnog etldrnag {-dg'?), n. * shuttle ' (3). 
eiteog, eiteogaigh, see iteog, iteogaigh. 
eochair, see iuchair. 
Eoin jj;/i', n.m. 'John,' e.g. Daniel Eoin Ban den' ?l join' ha:n\ 

feil Eoin/e:V' jin' *St. John's feast,' * midsummer,' La feil Eoin 

la: l'j:n' ' St. John's Day,' Mios fheil Eoin mi:sD Vo:n' *June.' 
eolas j:?;/r?5, n. * knowledge.' 
tornz joirtid, n. * barley'; min eorna mi^n' oirud (9b). 

fa fay prep. * about,' * toward,' * under ' [see §§ 98, 125) : fa dheas 
fa jes ' southward,' fa thuath fa h^a ' northward,' fa near 
fa n'ar * eastward ' (?); cf ma; uisce fa thuinn, see under 

(sichzch faxax, pi. fachaigh /fix/, n. * shearwater ' (bird, 3, 9b). 

fad fad, n.f. ' length ': troigh ar fad trEi dr fad * a foot long ' (3); 
i bhfad (,?) vad, adv. * long,* * far ' : an rabh thu i bhfad ? du 
ro /C vad 'were you far?' (6); prep, with gen. 'during,' 
'along': fad na h-oidhchc /f7fi na hl:p, fad an gheimhridh 
fad d jzvriy fad an bhealaigh /firf d vjall\ fhad agus ad 3s, conj. 
* as long as ' : fhad agus ta e tiream ad ds ta ? tjir'Dm ; cf. faid. 

fada /^rf^, adj. 'long'; 'far'; chan fhada bhuainn anois ha nadj 
v^zn' d nlj ' it is not far from us now,' le fada h fad? ' for a 
long time ' (with negation, 8). 

(zdzhch fadalaXy adj. 'lonesome,' 'weary.' 

fag fa :g, v. ' leave ' ; vb. n. fagail fa igal, fagain fa :gin, fagailt 
fa:galt\ (14); p.p. faigte J^j ;^^J^ : chan fheil moran faigte ha nel 
mo iran fa :gt\d, 

faic, irreg. vb., see § 150. 


taid /dJ^, 11. f. ' length' (orig. dat. sg. of fad, q.v.): goide an fhaid 
o na thainigh thu? gj d^c : nad^ o na han'i ^ (lo), gc an fhaid 
na thainigh thu? g'c: nad^ na hain'i ^ (6) * how long is it since 
you came ? ' 

faigh, irrcg. vb., sec § 151. 

fail, pi. falta faltj (also used as sg.), n. * turf spade': na falta 
monadh na faltj n\D:n?g 'the turf spades' (15, etc.). 

Faileacht /(7/'(7.v/, pl.-n. (in Ballyconagan). 

failte /rt :/rJ.7, n. 'welcome': failte san toigh/rt:/rJa son tEi (3). 

(iinnc fa :n\i, n. ' ring (for finger)': fainne 6v fam'd o:r (2). 

faireacan farikan, pi. -ain an\ n. ' ledge or terrace in rocks ' 
(cf creisean); in pl.-nn.: na Faireacain (Faracain) na farokon 
(at Craigmacagan), Cnoc na bhFaireacan knk na var'ikon 
{yarikdn, varigdn, 4), Baile na bhFaireacan hal'd na vargdn^ bal na 
vardgdn (8), hal'd vardgdn (10), hal'd faragon, E. hab ^varigdn 

* Ballynavargan ' (the old name of Mullindres); cf. Dinneen: 
faireog, farog, farragan. 

faircadh /rt .t'^^, n. * dawn': faireadh an li fa :r'pg on lad, 

fairrge, see farraice. 

faithne, see foithne. 

£i\fa:l, n. ' fold,' * pound '; * wall' (?); in pl.-im. Fal na Gamhna 

fail na gavnd, Fal Tuaithil, see Tuafal; Fal Dubh/cz:/ d^ (4), 

Sliabh an Fhail slidv d naiV * Slieveanaille,' a dangerous place 

on the north coast.' 
falach, n. * hiding,' only in: i bhfalach {d) valax {vaT\ah, 3), 

adv. * in hiding,' * hidden ' : ag dol i bhfalach d dol d var]aht 

* going to hide,' ga chur i bhfalach ^^ XiCr d vaT\ah * hiding it ' (3). 
fallan/ci/rt«, adj. * healthy ' (15). 

fallsa/^/55, adj. * false ' (15, etc.). 

fallt/rtto, n.m. * glen ' (with stream at bottom, 15, etc.); in pl.-nn.: 
an Fallt dn fait * Auk ': ag obair anns an Fhallt d gobir ans d nalty 
Sruthan an Fhallt sr^dn d nalt, Bruach an Fhaillt hr^dx d nailtj (8) ; 
in other names: Allt (Alt), as: Allt an Choire ar\t d xor'd 

* Altacorry,' Allt an Duibhean alt dn divsn, Glaic Ailt an 
Duibhean glak' altl dn divzn (3). 

fallus faldSy fav[ds (3), n.m. ' perspiration ' ; an Toigh Falluis dn 

tEi fall\ * the Sweathouse.' 
falmatar falnidtdv, n. * tiller of rudder.' 


(201 fan, V. 'stay'; vb. n. fantain /^/^rm (2, 3, 12), {zntzil fat ital 

(11, 13), hns-cht fanaxt. 
fanca /<irifc^, n.m. *sheepfold' (Scot. **fank"), pi. fancaigh faT[ki (13); 

in pl.-nn. Purt an Fhancaigh p^rt d nar\ki, Cnoc an Fhancaigh 

knk 9 nar]ki (15), Ceathramh an Fhainc (?) k'ardv d nzx\k'd (4). 
faobhar /£:i/5r, n. * edge ' (4). 
izochzn fE'.xan, n. 'mussel' (15). 
faochog /£ ;.v^^, n. 'dregs/ 'ale' (2); cf. caochan. 
faod, def. vb., see § 155. 

faoi//;; f^i, fEi (8), prep, 'under' (§§ 107, 124, 125). 
faoileann /c):/'^« (L.E.), /J5;/'^h (U.E.), n.f. 'seagull'; in pl.-nn. 

Creag na bhPaoileann kreg na vEd'dn, Rudha na bhFaoileann 

r/0 na vE:l'?n. 
Faoilleach, in: Mios na Faoilleach mi:s na foil' ax (5), mi:s na vEiVax 

(13) 'February'; generally understood as: Mios na 

bhFaoileann miisd na vE:V3n [fEd'dn), from the seagulls 

following the plow, 
faoin /£;»', adj. 'silly.' 
far, rel. adv., see § 145. 
fareir ghear/rt're;r ^e.T, interj. 'alas' (2). 
farraice farik'd, n.f. ' sea.' 
(is fa :s, v. ' grow '; vb. n. idem : ta e fas mall ta 3 fa:s mail ' it is 

getting late.' 
fascadh /(i5^a^, fa^k'^g (8, 9a), n.m. 'shelter'; taobh an fhascaidh 

tE:v d naski ' the leeward side.' 
(2ist2id\i fa stjg, vb. n. 'hiring': aonach fastadh :nax fast?g (4). 
fast, hstz fa3St, fa :st {12), fastj (4), adv. 'still.' — :st3 (An i), 

Manx foast (Kneen, § 72). 
feach^;.v, v. *try'; vb. n. feachaint /s :x/«/J. 
fead fed, n. * whistle ' : fead ar son an dinnear fed dt son jn d^in'zr. 
fead, def. vb., see § 155. 
feadanaigh /erfrt»/, vb. n. 'whistling' (13). 
feadog fedag, n. ' plover ' (9a). 
feag, pi. (c2ig2in fegjn {fEg9n, 15), n. 'rushes.' 

feairt, in: na cuir feairt air na k^r fjartj er' 'do not heed him' (2, 15), 
(c^imzin fjamin, fjanun (15), n.f. 'seaweed,' 'wrack'; in pl.-nn. 

Talamh na Feaman tahv na fjanidn (15), Talamh na Feamanta 

tal3v na fjamjntD, Purt na Feamanta p^rt na fjamdntd (8). 


fcannog fj(iif(^g, n.f. ' gray crow/ 

fear /Jjr, pi. fir ^V, n.m. *man'; Muisband': fear Mhary Jane 

fjar vcri dicn\ fir chlisne (chlisle) JiV xli\n'd {xli\l'S) 'northern 

light' (15, etc.). 
fear/e.T, n.m. 'grass'; 'hay': ag obair aig an fhear d gobir eg' 

D n'zir. 
fearann ' land ' (' townland '), prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine 

fjar {fjsr) iid sUyIih'b (4); cf. serin, 
fearr, fhearr, comp., see § 122. 
fearban ^'rtr/)rt/;, n. * weed growing among potatoes' (3); Dinneen: 

feart, see feairt. 

feasog /e :5rt^, n.f. 'beard' (3). 
fcidhm/e:m, n. ' use ': ta feidhm agam air ta: fe :m agom er' ' I can 

use it/ 'I need it/ ghni sin feidhm domh ni: jIn fe :m d^ 

*I can use that' (10), ghni (deanaidh) sin feidhm ni: [d^sni) 

llnfe:m ' that will do/ 
feidhm, def. vb., see § 155. 
feidhmeamhail /e.-me/, adj. 'needy': ta ead feidhmeamhail a ta 

feitheamh air ta ad fe :mel d la: fe'dv er (saying about the fairies), 
feidir, see f heatar. 

feith/6% V. 'wait'; vb. n. feitheamh /t^-^i^ 'waiting.' 
feith, n. ' sinew ' : gan f heith, gan f huil gd nz? gd nul ' without 

sinew, without blood ' (7). 
feochadan f^?fddan (6), f^dfir (14, prob. corrupt), f^?SDgan (4), 

n. ' thistle.' 
feoilj(/'j;/', n.f. * flesh '; * meat '; feoil muicej^':?:/' m/Ck'9 ' pork ' (3). 
f heatar, def. vb., see § 155. 
fhein, refl. pron., see § 129. 
fiacal (fiacail) fiakily pi. (izchnfiakhny n. 'tooth.' — Cf. Jiafea/ (=fiacla, 

pi., An i). 
fiach fax, pi. fiachan fiaxdn^ n. 'worth,' 'price'; 'debt': td 

fiachan orrtha ta: fiaxBu op 'they are in debt'; fiach mur 

saoithreach, see saothar. 
ii2ich. fiax , fi' ax (15a), n.m. ' raven '; in pl.-nn. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh 

I'etrdni d n'i'i, Vetrdm d n'iax, Toigh an Fhiaigh tEi d n'i'i 

' the Crobie's House/ 
fiadh flag {fizg, 5), n. * deer/ 


fiadhaidh Jisgi, adj. * wild ' (5). 

fiadhain Ji£^e«, adj. ' wild ' (§ 118); tunnog fhiadhain t^nag iagen (3). 
fiadhnaisc, see ianais. 

fiafraigh jiafriy vb. * ask ' (§ 142); pres.-fut. fiafrochaidh ^^/m, 
jiajra? ; mixed with iarr : fiarraidh me dithe fizri mz d^ip 

* I will ask her.' 

(i2ig2ik jiagir {is),jiagDr3 [is2l), fiag3r {5), n.f. * lea ' (land which has 

not been plowed for many years); in the pl.-n. Cnoc na 

Fiagrach knk na fiagrax. 
fichead, num., see § 135. 
ficheadamh, ord., see § 136. 
iiAcoQ^ fid^agy n.f. * whistle ' (4); in pl.-nn.: Glaic na Fideoigc 

glak' na fidizg'd (3), jidiag'i (3), jid^agd (4), Inean Fideoige 

in'zn fidiag'd {-ag'i, 3)- 
fidheal^-^/, pi. fidhleachan Ji^/^x^» (i), n.f. * fiddle' (4); ag bualadh 

na fidhil d h^abg na fi'dl (cf. buail). 
fidhleoir ^ :/'er, ^'/'er {15), n.m. * fiddler.' 
figh, vb. * weave ' ; imperf.-cond. a dh'f higheadh p ji-Dg ; vb. n. 

(ightfa (3). 
figheadoir jiDdzr, n.m. * weaver ' ; * spider.' 
figheadoireacht ^a^r^x^ {l), fiddraxt (12), n.f. * weaving.' 
fine jin'd, n. * family,' * people'; fine coimhtheach jin'3 kEvax 

* stranger (s) ' (2). 

f ineailte ^ :«'^/^j5, adj. * fine.' 

finish (E.) : ta me finishte ta : me fini^t'D (3) ; an ceol f hinisheadh 

DT] k'j:T\ inijag * to finish the song ' (3). 
fiodhj% (6, 8,^ 11), fig {15) Jm is), fin (12), pi. fiodhan //^.9« (8), 

n. * wood,' in pi. * ribs ' (of ship), 
fiolatan (?), in pl.-n.: Purt na Fiolatan p^rt na Jjzhtan. 
fiolarys/t^r (8), jf/*rtr|pr' (3), pi. na fiolaran na fjzbrdn, n.f. * eagle ' (8); 

an fhiolar d n'ebr * the eagle' (8); in pl.-n.: Cnoc na Fiolaire 

knk na fjzviir'd (3), kT]ox na fjer]ir'd (3), krok na fjzlag'd (5), 

partly mixed up with feannog. 
fion Ji:«, n.m. * wine ' (i); in pl.-n. Purt an Fhion p£rt d n"\:n (3). 
fionnjO'ew, adj. *fair*: an Ceann Fionn d\\ k'anfjzn * Fair Head.' 
fionnadh Jjzndv, n. * fur,' * hair ' : fionnadh cat fjtnsv kat, 
fior fi:r, adj. *true': fior sin fi :r J/«, ta sin fior ta: J/n fi:r 

* that is true.' 


(lOT-uiscc Ji irX^k'j, n. 'spring water': tobar fior-uiscc tobor ji:ri(k'D, 
fios /i5, 11. 'knowledge'; ta fhios again, see § 146; aig Dia ta fios 

{e^') d^ia ta: [fis 'God knows' (3). 
fiosta, in the adv. gan fhiosta^.i tilstj ' without (anybody's) knowing,' 

' secretly ' (3). 
fiosraigh, vb. * ask ' (§ 142); pret. dh'fhiosraigh ise dc jisDri iJ3 d^z 

* she asked him ' (3); vb. n. fiosrachadh fisraag. 
fireann /zr<7», adj. *male': gamhain fireann ^^i>m^r^/i. 
firinn, n.f. * truth ': an fhirinn d n'iirin, 
flaitheamhnas /?rt^i^^/ic95 (8), n. ' Heaven.' 
flinch //'£v, adj. * wet.' 
Fliuchog Ji'^bag, pl.-n. 
flower: jiau3r, n. (3). 
flur ^/C.T, n. * flour'; cf. plur. 
flur^^.T, pi. fluran J?^:rptt, n. 'flower' (2). 
focal fok?U fikdT\ (3), pi. foclan fihbn (3), n. ' word.' 
fochann foxjti, 11. ' blades of corn ' (9). 
fod, see foid. 
foghmhar ^;t>^r {fivofy 2, 3), n.m. 'harvest'; 'autumn': ta an 

foghmhar mall ta 3n fovdr ma:l; san fhoghmhar sa wv^r ' in the 

fall ' ; Mios an Fhoghmhair mi :s d novdr ' September,' Aonach 

an Fhoghmhair iinax ? novdr * the Autumn Fair.' 
f6id^:Jj, pi. foidean ^ ; J^^«, n. 'sod': foid mhonadh^.-ij vj :m^ 

' peat sod ' (9). 
foithne J3»'^, pi. foithnean ^tt'^«, n. 'wart' (3). 
folach, see falach. 
folbh fjlv, in: theid me ar folbh he :d^ me r filv 'I will go away* 

(§ 153). 

follain, see fallan. 

fonn fo :n, n.m. * tune ' ; ' voice ' : chan f heil fonn maith aige xa 

nel fo:n ma eg' 9 (3). 
fore, pi. fuirc f^r'k\ n. ' fork ' (3). 
fortan firtan, n.m. ' fortune ' : rinn iad fortan maith annsin rain' 

ad fortan ma dti \in (3). 
fos, only in the adv. i bhfos {?) vos * over,' ' over here ' : bhfos 

a' seo vos ? \o * over here ' (3). 
fos (fast, (2ist2) fajsty fa:st [12), fast9 (4), adv. * still ': ta e garbh fasta 

ta d garv fasto (4). 


foscadh, see fascadh. 

foscail /:?5fo/, vb. * open ' (§ 142). — C(. fisk9l (An i). 

fostaigh, see fastadh. 

Frznczch. frar\kaXy adj. * French '; as n.=cuilc Fhrancach. 

fraoch/ro:x (2, s)ifiE:x (U.E.), n.m. 'heather.' 

fraochog frE:xag, n.f. * whortleberry.' Usually moineog. — Cf. 

fr^'.xag (An i). 
frzsfras, frais /r^J (15, etc.), n.f. * shower ' (§ 110). 
frasaidheacht /rrt5ifi:v^, vb. n. * raining in showers' (15, etc.). 
freagair, vb. * answer ' (§ 142); pret. cha do fhreagair xa dd rcgir; 

vb. n. freagair t fregjrtj. 
freiceadan, n. * watch(ing) ' (Scot.), only in the pl.-n. Cnoc an 

Fhreiceadan knk dh rzk'ddan [rik'ddan, 5, krok {p) rzk'dtan, 4, 

rzk'dtd, 9c, rek'dd, 15), or (corrupt) krok na frik'ddan. 
freisin /r^Jm, adv. 'also' (4). 
freshailte /re Jfi/rJ^ {2), f raj alt j 9 (3, 8), adj. * fresh': uisce freshailte 

Ilk'9frz\alt\9 {fralaltl^). 
frid/n:J^, prep, 'through' (§ 125). 

frithir /"r^r, adj. 'sore': ta mo mhuineal frithir ta: md v^n'al frhr. 
frock (E.): pi. na frockachan na frjka<in (3). 
fry (E.): p.p. fryte /rrt/7J^. 
fuacht f^axt, n. ' cold ' : ta fuacht orm ta: f^axt orm * I am 

fuadaiste /C(zi/J/'^, p.p. 'carried away' (as by the wind; 15, etc.). 
fuaigh, vb. * sew ' : pres.-fut. fuaighidh me fM [f^aji) ntz ; vb. n. 

fuaighean f^ajzn (13). 
fuaim f£am, n. * sound.' 
fuar f/Car, adj. * cold.' 

fuaradh, in: taobh an fhuaraidh tE:v d n^ari 'the windward side.' 
fuarog/Crtrrt^ {f^arg, 12), n.f. 'oatmeal with cold sour milk' (taken 

especially at harvest time); fuarog eovnz f^arag j:) :mj (10). 
fuascladh /Cfi5^/5^, n. 'relief (15, etc.). 
fuathasach/C<i5^:v,/5d,v, adj. and adv. * terrible '; ' very ': fuathasach 

stoirmeamhail f/Casax stmml, fuathasach maith f/Casax ma 

* awfully good,' uair fuathasach dona ^ar fisax dm? * very bad 

fuigh, see faigh. 
fuil /<■/', n. m. ' blood.' 


fuiling, vb. 'suffer': chan f hailing thu an teas, as chan fhuiling 
tliii an fuacht, chan fhcil f hios agam goide ghni mc leat ha nKlin 
X ,m t\i's as ha n.^lin x ,m f^axt ha ncl '/5 am go d^e: ni: mi I' at (2). 

fuinneog, sec uinneog. 

fuirseadh, sec cHath. 

fuiseog, sec uiseog. 

furn/Cn;,/Crc?/i (15, etc.), pi. furnan/Cr»j«, furanadh /Crj«p^ (15, etc.), 
n. ' puffni.' 

furusta /Cr<?it(.7), adj. * easy ' (§ 122): ta e furusta radh ta d f^tdst 
d ra :g * it is easy to say.' 

Q^Migav, vb. * take '; go, vb. * sing '; vb. n. g^hhdiil gaval * taking '; 
gosl {-al) * singing': gabhail ceo\ gozl k'oil, an urr' leat ceolta 
ghabhail? ? n^Vdt k'j :T[tD yozl * can you sing? ' (3), but some- 
times also * taking ': gabhail notion gosl no:J9n (3). 

gabha, gabhain go-in, n.m. ' smith ' (originally dative form). 

gabhadh ^<3;fc7^, n.m. * danger.' 

gabhadoir go'dtzr, n.m. * singer ' (3). 

gabhal deorach go:l dp:raXy n. * snipe ' (8). 

gabhar goor, pi. gabhair go-ir (5), g0'9r (3), gabhrthan goipn, 
n.m. ' goat.' 

gabhlan g2iokhc go dan gE:g9, n. * swallow,' * swift * (8). 

gach, indef pron., see § 134 (B) (a). 

gad gad, n. ' withe.' 

gadhar, n. * lurcher ' (dog), see Text No. 10. 

Gacdheal, n. * Gael,' in pl.-nn. Purt a' Ghaedheal pXrt 9 yE:J9l, 
Baile an Ghaedheal hal'9 yE '.jol * Ballygill ' (the latter, at least, 
doubtful, cf Gall). 

Gaedhilg (Gailic; Gaelca) ga:l'ik' (i, 2), gE:lk9 (11), gE:r[k9 (3; 
never d), n. * Irish ' (language): ta moran Gaelc aige ta: 
mo:ran gEilk zg'9 'he has (knows) much Irish.' The term 
Gailic seems especially to designate the Scottish form, Gaelca, 
the Irish form of speech (2). — Cf gE[:)lk (An i). 

gagan gagan, vb. n. * cackling ': ta iad ag gagan ta od ? gagan (6). 

Gailic, see Gaedhilg. 

gaineamh gan9v, n. * sand.' 


gair, vb. * laugh ' (§ 142); pret. ghair Ya:r'; vb, n. (ag) gairidheacht 
d ga:r'iaxt ' laughing.' 

gairdcan gard^sn, n. ' brachium,' * upper part of the arm.' 

Gall, n. ' Lowlander,' * native of the ** Low country " in Antrim ' 
(cf the Rathlin Catechism, § 7), chiefly in pl.-nn. : Baile Ghoill 
bal'3 yEiV * Ballygill,' Gall-bhuaile gar)v^al'i (3), garivaVi (3), 
galvan'i (9, etc.). 

gall ga:l (6), gav^ (3), gEil (from pi, 4), pL goill gEiV (6), goillean 
gEihn (4), n.m. *a small kind of seagull, called kittiwake ' (8); 
prob. orig. identical with the prec. word, cf. Albannach ; gall 
deorachan gal dp iraxan, a night bird, 1 5 ; gall gaoithe gaT[ gE :p : 
* to be blethering like a Gall gaoithe,' 3 ; in pl.-n. Carraic nan 
Goill karik' na gEil; popularly supposed to occur in Ballygill, 
see under Gall. 

galla gab, n. * bitch ' (5, Scot.). 

gdimhzm gav in, gawin [gauin), pi. gamhna ^^t?«^, n.m. * calf; in pl.-n. 
Fal na(n) Gamhna/^;/ na gavn? (g. sg. or pL). 

gan, prep. * without,' see § 100. 

gann gain, adj. * scarce ' (i). 

gaoiseaid gE:jsd^, n. * horsehair': gaoiseaid na n-eich gEijsd^ 
na n'e^. 

gaol ^E. 7, n. Move' (Scot., cf. gradh). 

gaoth^o; (L.E.), gE: (U.E.), n. f. *wind': gaoth tuath gE: tiCa, 
gaoth ma thuath gE: ma ^h^a, gaoth dheas gE: jes (wrong?), 
gaoth ma dheas gE: ma ^jes, gaoth aniar gE: n'iar, gaoth anear 
gE: n'ar; bealach na gaoithe bjalax na gE:p * windy passage.' 
— Cf giC: (An i). 

garbh garv, adj. * rough ': ta e garbh, garbh ta d garv garv; ro gharbh 
n yarv. 

Garbhach g'arvax, pl.-n., from the Engl. pron. g'arvD {-a). 

g2irhh2in2ic\i garvjnax, garm9nax (4), pi. garbhanaigh garvdni, n. * a fish ' 
(Dinneen: * brazor ' or * sea-bream '). 

garradh ^^ :rp^ (^^ :m, 12), n.m. * garden'; *yard'; * stone fence'; 
balla an gharraidh hav^d n ga:ri * the garden wall' (3), garradh 
chruach ga:r^g xr^ax * stackyard,' garradh na(n) cladh ga:r?g na 
klog * the graveyard ' ; in pl.-nn. Bruach an Gharraidh Mhor 
br^ax d ya:ri vo :r (13), Bealach Charraic an Gharraidh bjar\ax 
xarik' 9 ya:ri (3). 


gascan (7^75^^//, * little boy' (15, etc.). 

geadh i^/s .;i7 (i5),^ij'e/.i^ C?'^'''T» ^).,^'^:ii {12), g' si, ^^'ai (U.E., from pL), 

pi. gcidh (j's:i (15), g'zi, g'ai (U.E.), g'sbn, g'ahti, 11. m. ' goose.' 
geafta g'(ijt.\ n.iii. * gate.' 
geal g'al, adj. * white,' * bright ': ag fas geal j Ja:s g'al * whitening ' 

(of corn); oidhche ghcal I:p jal * bright night' (15). 
gealacan g'abkan, n. ' the white of the egg ' (6). 
gealach g'alax, n.f. * moon ' : ta solas deas air an ghealach ta : sobs 

d^cs cr ?n jalax * the moon is bright,' oidhche ghealaighe I:p 

jali (15), an ghealach ag apachadh <i jalax .7 gcipajg * the ripening 

moon' (6)= gealach na buaint galax na b^antj * the harvest 

moon.' — Cf. g'alax (An i). 
gealbhan g'ahan, pi. gcalbhain g'ahsn', n.m. * graylag ' (8), * linnet ' 

(15, etc.). 
gcsilhhzn g'ahan, n. * fire ' (used by 15's grandmother), 
geall g'a ;/, vb. * promise.' 

geall, in: in geall air 9r\ g'al er * fond of (r, 5). 
geannaire g'anir'd {g'snir'?), n. * hammer.' 
gearj^'e.T, adj. 'sharp' (3). — Cf. ^'e.T (An i). 
gearr, vb. *cut'; pres. gearraidh me g'ari me; pret. ghearr ja:r\ 

vb. n. ag gearradh d g'cirdg ; p.p. geairrte g'artJD * cut.' 
gearr-fhiadh, gearradh g'arag, g'ardg (4), n. * hare.' — Cf. g'ard, g'ari, 

g'ardi (An i). 
geola ^':7 ;/r7, n., gramm. masc. (§ 108) * yawl,' *boat'; ta an geola 

ag teacht anois ta 9r\ g'j:b t^axt d nil (they used to say in the 

old time), 
geimhreadh g'^vrdg, g'^nrdg, n.m. ' winter ' : san gheimhreadh 

SD jenr9g (3). 
geimnigh /e ;;aw'/, vb. n. Mowing' (of cattle, 15). 
geirseach, see giorsach. 
Geogan g'jgan, an Geogan 9r\ g'ogan, name of a tidal current off the 

west coast of Rathlin (E. pgan)\ ag iascach anns an Gheogan 

? g'iaskax ans ? pgan (15, etc.), leigidh me Gheogan ar folbh 

I'eg'i mi jjgan dr folv (4). 
giall, n. * hostage,' in the pl.-n. Purt Dun nan Giall (na nGiall) 

p£rt d^:n naT\ g'iaT\ (3), p^rt d^:n na n'ial (6). 
gil, in: air gil er g'il' * white ' (?). 
gille^'i/'^, n.m. * boy,' * lad.' Cf giolla. — Dim. gillean ///'<?« (?, 8). 


gimlead, gimlcan ^'///u/ti//, n. 'gimlet' (lo). 

giobach g'ibax, adj. * rough ' (of the weather or the sea), 

giolla ^'e/c?, pL giolhn g'zhn, n.m. 'servant boy/ 'boy,' 'lad.' 

GioU'easpaigh glaspi, glaspj (ii), glaspi (2), gT]aspi (3), a.m. 'Archie.' 

giorsach (geirseach) gzrsax, g'ejax (4, 5), pi. giorsachan g'ersahdti, 
ii.f. ' girl.' — Cf. g'zrsax, g'crjax (An i). 

giulain, vb. 'carry': pres.-fut. giulanaidh me g'iC:T[ani me, 
cha ghiulain ha ji<::r]in (3); pret. ghiulain jiC:T[in (3); vb. n. 
giulan ^'^.7f7/r, p.p. giulain te ^'^;r|,9n/Jc? (3). 

giumhas ^'i<"*c?5, n. 'bog fir used for candles'; cf lasog. 

glac, vb. ' take ' (§ 142): an glac thu copan tae? dT[ glak ^ kopan tE:, 
glacaidh e uair glaki a £ar ' it will take an hour.' 

glaic glak\ glzk' (4), n.f (i) ' hollow of the hand,' (2) ' hollow in 
the ground,' ' valley,' in pl.-nn. : an Ghlaic Fhliuch j ylak' I'ux, 
Glaic Dhorcha glzk' yorax? (4), Glaic an Toigh Mor glak' du 
tEi mo ;r, Glaic an Chairn glak' d ham' . 

glaimsear ^/mnjer, n. 'greedy dog or cat' (15, etc.). 

glaiseog gabhail (guail) ^/dj^ ^g^al, n. 'wagtail' (13). 

glan, vb. 'clean,' 'wash'; vb. n. glanadh ^/a«d[j : ag glanadh na 
soithean d gland na sjpn. 

glan gr\an (3), adj. ' clean ' (§ 122). 

glaodh glEhg (-y) (8), vb. n. 'calling': glaodh nan sraon glEiD 
nan srE:n. 

glas glas, n. ' lock.' 

ghs glas, adj. 'green,' 'pale': duine dubh glas diCn'9 diC glas (2). 

glas glas, vb. ' lock ' : glas an doras glas 9n djrds ; p.p. glasta glasL 

glasaid, pi. glsiSdiidezn glaszd^jn, n. 'furrow,' Ir. " shough." 

glasan glasan, n.m. ' gleshin,' ' glaishin ' (E. pron. glzlju), the coal- 
fish in a certain stage. 
. Glasgow, Glasco : gr[asko (3). 

gleann gra{:)n, n. 'glen': na Gleann na gl'an 'the Glens (of 
Antrim) ' (4). 
• gleidh, vb. ' hold ' : cha ghleidh xa yl'e, 

gleireach^/'c.Trt.v, gl'eir'axt, n. 'light'; 'haze': ta gleireach o'n (de'n) 
ghealach air an uisce ta: gl'eirax on [d^zn) jalax er ? nl\k'?\ 
ta gleireach air a' ghealach ta: gl'e:rax er d jalax; gleireacht 
de'n ghealach gl'e:r'axt d^zn jalax ' moonlight.' 

glic glik', adj. ' wise ': duine glic d^n'd gl'ik' . 


i;liogarsaigh sll'i^<^{r)si, vb. n. ' glittering ' (13). 

glioniach ^^rinuix, n.m. Mobster'; in pl,-n. Part nan Gliomach 

p.Crt liar] gl'iniax. 
gloine ^jlBti'.i, n. ' glass.' 
gloir ^ijtij.t' (3), n.f. 'glory,' 
glor gh:rj n. ' voice ' (13), 
^\un gU: 11 {gln:n, i), n, 'knee/ 
gnothach grj\ix, pi. gnoithc grri (3, 13), gnoithean gr^pn (13), 

'thing,' * business ' (csp. in pi.): ar shiubhal Icat tiomchall 

air do ghnoithe p r'/i? lat tlKm?l er d? yrri (3). 
go gd, adv. part., corresponding to *-ly': ta sin go maith ta: \in 

g.i ma, ta sinne go maith ta: I'lu'd gj ma, ta i go deas ta i gj 

d^cs * she is pretty.' 
go, prep. *to,' *tiir (§ 103 a); also gos: is fada gos amaireacht s add 

g?s ? mair'axt ' it is long till tomorrow.' 
go, gon, conj. (§§ 102, 103 (b), 145). 
gob gob, n. * beak,' ^bill'; * point ' : gob laidir goh la:d^ir\ in 

pl.-nn.: Gob an Tairbh gob dn tEr'v (8), Gob na Bo gob 

iia h: (10). 
gobach gobax, n. * dogfish.' 
goban goban, n. * point ': sin Goban Tor fin goban tjr ' that is Torr 

Head ' (5), Goban an Easpuic goban ? n'espik'. 
gobog gobag, n.f. * a flat fish ' (Dinneen: ' sand-eel'), 
gogan gogan, n.m. '* cogie," * pail,' a w^ooden dish for containing 

food: chuir thu gogan mor do Eoin, a mhathair x^r ^ gogan 

mo:r d.i J:f:n' d va?r (2); bord nan gogan h:rd naT\ gogan 

* cupboard ' (for the cogies). 
goid gEdi, vb. * steel.' 

goide, interr. pron., sec § 133. 

goil gEl\ vb. n. 'boiling': ag goil ? gEl\ or: ar goil er [dr) gEl' 

* boiling ': pota ar goil pot dr gEl (3, 13). 
goile gEVd, n. * stomach.' 

goirid gErid^, adj. ' short ' (§ 122). 

goirt gortj, adj. * bitter,' * sour ' (* salt,' Sc). 

goirtean gortjzn, n.m. * small field,' in pl.-n. Goirtean Garbh 

gortjen garv. 
gol, see gul. 
gor, see gur. 


gorm gonn, adj. ' blue.' 

goit gjrt, n.m. * field ' (10, 15, 15b); in pl.-n. Mullach a' Ghoirt 

w^lax d yort\ [mKla ^hortj), miCh ^yort\zn (9, etc.). 
grad, in go grad gd grad, adv. * soon.' 
gradh gra:g, n. Move'; a ghradh mo chroidhe 9 yra:g md xrEij 

(term of endearment, 2), in gradh le dj] gra:g h ' in love with.' 
grainnc gra:n'd, graidn'd (3), n. * grain': grainne coirce grant'? 

kork'd (10), grainne oUa^r^i.-fi' oh *a bit of wool' (15b). 
grainnean gra :n'en, n.m. * grain ' ; ' shot ' : chan f heil grainnean ann 

ha nel grain'zn an * there is nothing' (13); in pl.-n. Bealach an 

Ghrainnean hjzlax d yram'zn (8). 
gnin gram, n. 'shot' (in gun, 15b). 
granna graiUD, adj. ' ugly.' 
gras gra :5, pi. grastan gra:st3n, n. * grace.' 
greas grs:s, n. * web.' 
greasaidhe ^re ;5i, n.m. * shoemaker ' (15). 
greasair ^rs ;5er, n.m. * saddler ' (15). 

greideall gred^al, gred^ax] (3), grsdpl (11), grad^dl (8), n. * griddle.' 
greim grem, grim, n. *bit': dimean greim air dpmon grem er*not a 

bit of it ' (2).— Cf. grim (An i). 
grian ^rm«, n.f. 'sun' (§ no). — C(.gri:n (An i). 
grianach ^rm?/fi.v, adj. 'sunny': la grianach la'd grianax, 
Grianan, an Grianan 3 grianan, aig an Ghrianan zg' d yrianan (pl.-n.). 
grinn grin', adj. ' gay ' (2). 
griseog gri:\ag {gr^'-lag, 10, loa), n. 'embers': chan fheil ann ach 

cat griseog ha nel an ax kat gri:jag (of person afraid of the cold). 

Cf. gri:lax (An i). 
grod, see grad. 
grosaid grj :sed^, n. 'gooseberry': craobhan grosaid krEivdn 

grjiszdi (8). 
gruag, gruaig gr^ag, gr^ag' , n. ' hair (of the head).' — Cf. gr^:g' 

(An I), 
gruagach gr^agax, n.m. ' brownie ' (' male fairy,' 2, 3). — Cf. gr^igax 

(An I), 
gruagan gr^agan, n.m. ' liver.' 
gruaidh gr^ai, n. ' cheek.' 
grunta gr£nti, gnCnd (4), n. ' ground,' ' reef.' 
gruth gr^, n. ' curds ' ; bainne gruth ban'? gr^ ' beestings/ 


glial iiXiil, * coal.' 

giialainn i^M'rt/i/i, pi. guaillcan j^r.^J^/'j/i, n. 'shoulder': air a ghualainn 

cr .? yXiirihi {-jh, 3). 
giiidh (fl : (i), iiEi (9), vb. *pray'; vb. n. guidhc air gl : cr 

' cursing,' ' imprecating.' 
giiitcar qXitjsr, n. * hole in stable wall ' (15). 
gul ^^/, vb. n. * crying,' ' weeping.' 
guns. g^:tij {s)ygti:n (15a), n. * dress.' 
gunna gXuj, n.m. * gun.' 
gur g£r, only in: cearc gur k'ark g^r ' clucking hen,' bainne gur 

ban? gur *cluck egg' (6), leagain gur I'zging^r ^setting of eggs' (3). 
gur, form of the copula, see § 146. 
guta gi'Cu.iy n.m., said to mean * channel' or ^narrow inlet' (4), 

in pl.-nn. Purt an Ghuta p^rt ? y^'Ad (4), Giita Gorm g^:td 

gmn (4). 
guth gi(, n. * voice ' (poet., cf. fonn): guth na h-eala g^ na gab. 

hall (E.) fo;/. 
hata hat^, at?, n. * hat.' 
haul (E.) fo:/, v. (15). 
hikers (E.) h^ikdrs (3). 

hobais ^ho:^ha\ (interj., at lifting heavy things), 
hogshead (E.): togsaidean mor de leann togsad^9n mo:r d^e Van (3). 
huit h^Ut ^Ut £Ht, t^it ^it Kit (3), call to ducks, 
hunt (E.) : ag huntadh na gcearcan ? hent9g nag'arkdn * chasing the hens/ 
hut (E.): huttail hotal (Engl. ' t '), vb. n. 'making into sheaves,' 
* hutting.' 

i, pers. pron., see § 124. 

iad, pers. pron., see § 124. 

iall ial, idl, n. ' leather strap.' 

ialltog leathair alta^gVe'lr^ alt?^gl'e'ir [gVeir), n. prob. * bat,' but said 

to mean * swallow ' (6, 8, 15). 
ianais, in: goide thug ort a dhol i n-ianais an duine? gd d^e: hiCg 

ort d yol ? n'ianij jn d^n'd * what made you go into the presence 

of the man? ' (15). 


iarann iarjti, n.m. 'iron'; an Chailleach larainn j xal'ax iarin {-^n), 

person in old story (3). 
iaro iar:)9 (15), ^i^'d^, ijrwd (2, 11); n, 'grandchild' bidh iarno aig 

an miol bi idrnoD eg' dn mi?! (2). 
iarr iar, vb. *ask': iarraidh mi jciri mi (2), an d'iarr i? dti d^iar i. 
iarraidh iari, vb. n. ' seeking *; n. * try/ ' test,' cf. under uiseog. 
iarraidh, in: a dh'iarraidh 9 jiari (jen), prep, with gen. * after ' 

(lit. * to ask'): a dh'iarraidh nan bo 3 jiari {jsri) nam ho:. 
iasacht iasaxt, n. 'loan' (15, 15b). 
iasc iash, pi. disc e:lk\ n.m. 'fish.' — Cf. i :sk (An i). 
iascach iaskax, vb. n. and n.m. 'fishing': ag iascach o g'iaskax; 

batan iascaigh ba :tj n'iaski * fishing boats '; in pl.-nn.: Leac an 

lascaigh I'ak 9 n'iaski, Carraic an Iascaigh karik' d n'iaski. 
idir idiir, intensifying adv. ' at all.'— Cf. ig'ir (An i). 
ifreann ifrm, n. *hell': go h-ifrcann sios g? hifrdn li:s (curse), 
lie ill'?, n. ' Islay ' (in Scotland): in lie ? n'id'?, as lie as i:l'?. 
Ileach ill' ax, n.m. and adj. 'Islayman'; 'of Islay': Mairi Ileach 

mziri {mar'i, 3) ill' ax, name of a rock that used to stand on 

the north coast, 
im im, n.m. * butter.' 
imirt, vb. n. 'playing,' * plying': ag imirt ramh ? g'inwrit^ raiv 

* rowing ' (15); cf. iomair. 
in, prep., see §§ 102, 107, 125. 

inbhear in'?v?r, n. 'port,' 'inlet,' in the pl.-nn. Inbhear Liath in'?v?r 
Via, Stac Inbhear Liath stak in'?v?r Via ' Stacknavarlea ' ; often 
explained as Inean (see below) na bhFear Liath (E. stah in'?fjtr lia ; 
cf. Bealach Ine bhFear Liath hjaT\ax in'? var lia, 3). 

inchinn, see ionchainn. 

inde ?n d^ei, adv. 'yesterday.' 

indiu ?n d^^, adv. ' today.' 

mean iin'en (11), iin'?n, pi. ineanadh iin'?n?g (3, 15), n.m. (and f.) 

* port,' ' green way down to the sea, between rocks,' ' hollow '; 
chiefly in pl.-nn. (usually pron. in'zn, in'?n, or in'?) : an t-Inean 
Cam ?n t^in'sn ham, an t-Inean Loiscte ?n t^in'sn r\ost'? (3), Inean 
Leathan in'zn Ve?n, Inean Mheadhon in'? {en'?) vz?n (3), Inean 
na bhFear Liath {see under Inbhear); an Inean Odhar ? nin'?n 
o'?r, Beal na h-Inean bsil na hin'?nK 

inghean, see nighearl. 


ingnc i :ti\\ pi. ingncan lin'jn, n. 'nail' (6, 15). 

inncan, iniicar in'zn (3), in'zr (15), pi. inncanadh in'jtiog (3), 
11. m. * anvil.' 

innis, vb. 'tell': prcs.-fut. innsidh nic inii (e/ij/, 3) me, prct. an 
d'innis? .m d^inij', vb. n. ag innse brcagan (or: nan breag) 
J g'itiln hrz :gnn, nam ire :g. 

intinn /»rj///, n. * mind.' 

iolar, sec fiolar. 

iomad, iomadh, iomadhach, indcf. pron., see § 134 (B) (a). 

iomain, vb. *hcrd'; vb. n. ag iomain j g'inieu', d g'imax (4). 

iomair, vb. * row ' ; vb. n. ag iomraim d g'^ ; cf. imirt. 

iomairc mun, pi. iomairean imir<vi, n.m. 'ridge'; in pl.-nn.: 
Pairc an Iomairc Alainn pa irk' d n'inuir adiu, Pairc an Iomairc 
Cham pa:rk' 9 n'iniir xam. 

iomdha, indcf. pron., see § 134 (B) (a). 

iomradh, n. * mention ' : cha dtug cad iomradh air ha d^g ad imrag 
er * they did not mention it ' (15). 

ionaltradh, vb. n. 'grazing': ag ionaltradh 9 g'inar\trDg (3). 

ionann, indef. pron., see § 134 (B) (a). 

ionchainn, n. * brain ': an ionchainn d n'ztidxdn (6), d n'znahan (3, 9b). 

ionga, see ingne. 

iongantach v?ntax, adj. * v^onderfuL* 

iongantas v?nt9s, n. 'v^onder': chan fheil iongantas ann ha nel 
i'dntds an. 

ionnsaigh jznsiy jEnsi (U.E.), jonsi (L.E.), vb. * learn ' (§ 142) : 
fut. ionnsochaidh me jznsai (jznsa:) me; vb.n. ionnsachadh 
jznsaDg, jznsa{ :)g, 

ionnsaighe, a dh'ionnsaighe 9 jznsi [jansiy U.E., znsi, dnsi)^ prep, 
with gen. * toward,' 'to*; *for': ag dol ionnsaighe athair 
's a mhathair 9 dol znsi [9nsi) a'9T S9 va'9T, a dh'ionnsaighe na 
Macan Tire 9 jznsi na tnak9{n) tji:r'9, a dh'ionnsaighe an Fhallt 
9 jznsi nalt *to Ault,' a dh'ionnsaighe an t-siopa 9 jznsi n t\op9 
'to the shop'; ciiig mionaid a dh'ionnsaighe ocht k^:g' 
mjznzdi 9 jznsi oxt * 5 minutes to 8 ' ; partly mixed up with the 

ionns 'air hans9, h9ns9 (mixed up with chun *to'?), prep. *to': 
ionnsair Dia hans9 d^ia (7), is eigean domh dol ionnsair an 
ghreasaidhe leis mo bhrog \e:g'9n d^ dol h9ns9 yre;5i lej m? vro:g. 


iorball ^rbol, iCrbjr\ (3), n. * tail ' ; in pl.-n. lorball na Bo iCrbjl tin 
ho: (8, 10). 

losa i'ds (3), idSd (9), n. 'Jesus' ; losta Criost iistd krlist {9). 

iota idtd, idt (3), n.f. * thirst ' : bhfeil iota ort? bhfeil aon iota ort? 
vel idt ort, vel in idt ort * are you thirsty J ' (3), bha an iota mhor 
air va d n'i?t voir ex (3) ; iota mhor iM? voir (10). 

is, see agus. 

is, copula, see § 146. 

iseal ii\d\, ii\dT\ (3), adj. * low ' (§ 122) : ta i fas iseal ta i fais /;Jar| 

* it (the fire) is going down ' (3) ; in pl.-n. faoi Rudha Chailean 
Iseal//; r^j xal'zn r;Jjr| (3). 

isteach d st'ax, adv. ' in ' (motion). 

istoigh d stEi, ? stai (U.E.), 3 stEig (3), adv. * in ' (rest) : istoigh san 

t-shiopa 9 stEi sm tjopj. 
istraigh, see under traigh. 
iteog itjag, pi, iteogan itjagju, n.f. * feather.' 
iteogaigh, vb. ' fly ' : pret. dh'iteogaigh c jitjagi s (3) ; vb. n. idem: 

chan urr' leithp iteogaigh xa n^l'i itjagi * she cannot fly' (6). 
ith /f, V. * eat ' ; vb. n. ithe, itheadh /v (a s'^'^, 2), ipg, 
iuchair j^xir (3), j^xer (13), pi. iuchran j^xrdu, n. ' key.' 
imzn j^ I ran {juiran, 4), n., a certain weed, * cow parsnip' (4) ; 

in pl.-n. Leac na n-Iuran lak na n'^iran (4). 

July (E.): air an chuigeamh la de July er d x^ig'a T[a: d^e d^^Uai (3). 

kep, see ceap. 
knit, see cniotail. 

la la'9, r\a'j, r\ai (3), pi. laithean laipn (15), T]aipn, r]aipn (3), 
lapn, laidn, n.m. * day ' (§ 112): la maith lad ma * good day'; 
meadhon lae mz'dn {mjan) lEi * noon,' ' midday,' roimh 
mheadhon lae ro vzdn ll: * in the forenoon' (2), in deidh 
mheadhon lae 9n d^zi vz'dn [vjan) lEi * in the afternoon ' ; 
a cuid laithean saoire d kXd^ laidn sEir d (6), r\aipn sEir (3), 

* her holidays,' * her vacation.' 
labog la ibag, n.f. * dirty woman.' 

labhair, v. * speak ' : pret. labhair e sin lo'9r a jin, cha do labhair 
xa dd Vo'dr (2) ; vb. n. labhairt lavdrtl, lo'drt\, l'o-drt\ (2). 


lachta, in tlic pl.-n.: Coirc Lachta kor'j laxtj (4). 

ladhar, pi. ladhran tH:r.m, T\E:rjit (3), n. 'toe/ 

lacthanihail lE^awm, adj. * daily ' (9a), from die Lord's Prayer; 

cf. Antrim Ic^havA (An 4, 5). 
lafta lajt.i {t\-), n. 'loft'; in pl.-n. Lafta an t-Shagairt T\ajt du 

t^.Vrti (3). 
lag /(7(^^ r]a^^ (3), n. 'hollow' ; in. pl.-nn. : Lag na Bo ta^ na ho:^ 

Lag an t-Shagairt lag du tag.irt\. — Cf. lEg (An i). 
lagan lagan, ' small hollow.' 
laghach IE' ax (9, 13), IE'dx, lE:x, T{Eax (3), adj. 'nice/ * civil ' 

(Ir. ' free,' 2). 
laidir laid^ir {-or), adj. 'strong.' 

laigh lai, V[ai (3), vb. 'lie (down)'; vb. n. laighe laiDy r]aij, 
laigheacan labkaii, vb. n. 'lying': dol a laigheacan dol d labkan 

* gohig to bed ' (5), ta mc mo laigheacan ta : mi mo labkan (13); 

cf. suidheacan, treabheacan. 
laiseog ghuail la\ag y^Ce/, n. 'wagtail' (15). 
lamh la:v, r\a:v, pi. lamhan laiVDU, n.f. 'hand.' 
lan^hchrann la:fr<m, 11 • * handle ' (cf. suiste). 
lamhthach la: fax, adj. 'handy,' 'smart' (15). 
Ian lain, T[a:n (3), adj. 'full.' 
land (E.): landog, vb. n. 'landing.' 
langa lag? (4, 14, 15a), lar\d (15), n.m. Ming' (fish), 
lantern (E.): lantorjn (8). 
laochan lEixan, n.m. ' young man ' (Sc). 

laodog l^idag (15, etc.), llidag (15), lE:dag (11), n.f. 'little finger/ 
las, vb. 'kindle,' 'light': pret. cha do las me an criiiscean xa dd 

las me dt] krX :jk'en ; p.p. lasta lastD, 
lasog lasag, n.f. ' light ' (from giumhas, q.v.). 
lasog guail, sec laiseog. 
lathrach la:rax (13), T]a:rax (3), la:rax, n. 'site,' esp. in pl.-n. 

Lathrach Boidheach la :rax {bla :rax, 8) h :jax, Lathrach 

Da Dhuibhean (?) lairax tj 'y/Vew, la:r to 'yZi^sM, T\a:r to 

'ylvm (3). 
le /'e, /e, prep. ' with ' (§§ 107, 125, 128) : oidhche mhaith leat 

l:p ma I' at ' good night ' (when leaving, both from those 

leaving and those remaining, cf. do) ; is leam (p)s I'am * it 

is mine'; le theacht /e (;axt ' in order to come' (§ 98). 


leabaidh rcibi (3), Vebi, pi. Icapthaigh I'api (13), n.f. *bed'; in pl.-n. 

Leabaidh na Bo I'abi na h : (3). 
leabog I'z'.hag, n.f. 'flounder* (15, etc.). 
leabhar I'o-dt, pi. leabharan I'o'Dvm (2, 3), n.m. * book.' 
leac Vah, n.f. 'flagstone' (§ no): leac mhor de cliloch Vah voir d^e 

XT\JX (3); dat. lie, 5a' § no; in pl.-nn. Leac na Cille I'ak na 

k'il'j; an Leic (?) m I'ck' (3). 
leag I' eg (L.E.), I'zg (U.E.), v. ' timible,' 'throw'; vb. n. leagain 

I'zgin (3); leagain gur I'sgin giCr 'setting of eggs ' (3). 
leagh Vcg (15, etc.), leg (11), vb. 'melt': pres.-fut. leaghaidh e 

i'^gi a (3); vb. n. leagain I'cgin (4, 9, 15, etc.), regin (3, 11), 

lagin (11); leaghadh re'?g (15). 
lean VaUy v. 'follow'; vb. n. leantain I'antin (2, 13), leanailt 

I'analti (13). 
lean rcDti, n. 'sorrow': a rinn mo lean d rEin md I'edu (15). 
leana, n. ' meadow,' in the pl.-n. Cille na Leanaidh k'iV? na Is :ni 

(dat. sg.) ' Killeany ' (?, cf under Eanna). 
leanab, leanabh I'anDV, I'zndh, n.m. ' baby.' — Rathl. Cat. Lenav. 
leanaban I'an^ban, Vsnjban, n.m. ' baby.' 
leann Ian (a usually short), n. 'ale'; in pl.-n. Bcalach an Toigh 

Leann bjalax m tEi Van<w (corrupt), 
leannan I'anan, n.m. ' sweetheart.' 
leas, n., in: cha rig thu leas, sec § 123. 
leasaigh, v. ' manure ' ; vb. n. leasachadh Vesah?g. 
leas-mhathair Ves vasr\ n.f. ' stepmother ' (15 etc.). 
leath /V, adj. 'half (§ 119). 

leath /V, pi. leathan Vewi, n. 'half,' 'piece': tri leathan tri: Vcdn, 
Icathan ^'z•^n (15 etc.), Vcm, adj. ' broad.' 
leathar Vcdt, n.m. ' leather.' 
leath-chrun I'exr^n, n. * half-crown.' 
leath-phaiste l'cfa:lt'd, n. 'twin': da leath-phaiste da: l'efa:\t'd 

(15 etc.). 
leath-phighinn Vefin, n. * halfpenny.' 
leathtrom I'etrom, n. 'slope'; esp. in the pl.-n. Leathtrom an Fhiaigh 

I'etroni d n'i'i (8; often also Veprom). 
leathtromach Vetromax, adj. 'sloping' (8; doubtful), 
leath-uair /'e*pr, n. * half hour ' : leath-uair in deidh ocht I'edr dn 

d^ai jxt. 


Icig I'cil'y ^'K^'-> ^^- 'It^t': Icig donih-sa l'c{f' {I'ig') (l^(:sj * let iiic'; 
prcs.-fut. Icigidli inc I'cii'i nis (4); vb. n. Icigiii I'cg'iii (3), 

Icigh I'civ, V. 'read'; vb. n. leigheadh l'c:v,^g. 

leigheas I', n. * cure ' (9). 

leini /'('.•//;, v. *junip.' 

leiin /'('.*///, n. *jump.' 

leine I' c:\i\i, lend (2), n. * shirt/ * shift'; brollach leinc hrolax 

I'c iHD * shirt front ' (15). 
leis /'('J, n. ' thigh.' 
leisc l'c\k\ adj. * lazy.' 
leisce l'i'fk\i, n.f. * laziness ' (3). 
leiscirc rcjk'ir\i, n.m. ' lazybones.' 
leithead l's\id, n. * breadth ' (4); Cnoc Leithid knk Iz-idi (15a), 

krok I'e-idi {I'citl) * Knocklaid ' (in Antrim), 
leithid, only in: a leithid (de) d I'e-id^ (4, 15), 9 Vcldi [?) *siich'; 

chan fhaca me a leithid ariamh ha nako ml ? Veid^ d riav (12). 
leithcheann /Vp//, n. * cheek.' 
leitheogan I'eagan (5), I'iagdu (12, 15), n. pL (?) * tangle*: 

leitheogan dubh I'eagDn d£ [idem, 5). 
leithphighinn, see leath-phinginn. 
leoghan I'oigdti, n. * lion ' (15 etc.); in pl.-n. Uamha nan Leoghan 

^av9 nan I'oigdn. 
leointe Vointld, part. adj. * sprained.' 
leomhan, see leoghan. 
leor, only in: go leor gd Voir, gos leor gd ll'oir (L.E.) * enough'; 

am go leor am g? Voir *time enough' (15 etc.). 
leora Voir?, adv. * surely': leora ta Vo{:)rd ta:, leora chan fheil 

I'j'.rd xa nel, 
liagan, see leitheogan. 
liasog I'idsag, n.f. * ear of corn.' 
liath Via, adj. * gray(haired) ' : duine Hath d/£n'd Via. 
liath-shioc Viahik {-hik), n. * hoarfrost ' (2). 
ligh, V. *lick': vb. n. hgheadh VtDg, Ve'dg (15; mixed with leagh?); 

ta e ga Hgheadh fhe ta d ga Vi?g he: (6); cf. Viag 'sucking' 

(of a calf, 15). 
liobar Vih^r, n. * lip ' (i, 15b). 
liomh ViDV, n. * grindstone ' (5). 


Hon /'/;//, n.m. 'flax,' 'lint.' 

lionadh I'iimg, n.m. 'flood': ta an lionadh ag tcacht ta m I'i'.ujg 
d i\axt (8). 

litir \"\t\\r (i, 3), \"\i\dr (12, 13), pi. litircan \"n\\rdn (3), litrcan 
Vxtrm (i), n.f. ' letter.' 

liugha \'^-d (4, 15 etc.), V ^ag (9), V ^dg (2), pi. liughach (liughagan) 
V^-ax (4, 15 etc.), V^agdn (9), V ^dgdu (2), n. 'lithe' (fish). 

Lizzie (E.) : Izs'x, 

lobhtha lo'dy part. adj. 'rotten.' — Cf. \o: (An i). 

locaire chraois \dk?rd xrE:\, n. ' razor ' (15). 

loch loxd, lox, loh, T\ox[?) (3), n.m. 'lake,' 'loch': an Loch(a) 
du Iox{d) 'Church Bay': air an Locha er d r\oxd (3), Loch 
n-Eachach t\ox hi'e-ax ' Lough Neagh.' — Cf. hx (An i). 

lochan lohaii, n. ' small loch.' 

Lochlann, Lochann T[jXDn (3), n.m. ' Laughlin.' 

lod, pi. loid, n.m. 'load': deich loid d^eg r\:>:(l^ (3). 

lofta, see lafta. 

loingeas lEins, n. ' big ship ' (15). 

loinithe, see lonaithe. 

loisc, V. 'burn'; vb.n. loscadh losk^g; p.p. loiscte last's, 

lomair, v. 'shear'; vb.n. lomairt r\oinDrtlD (3), see under Uamha. 

lonaithe hni (3, 9a, 12), n. * churnstick.' 

long lo^, lou^ (2), loii (4, 12), lEii (8, 13), Inii (3), buy (15a), 
pi. soithean szpn (cf. soitheach), n.f. ' ship ' : long mhor air 
beagan tir lo^ voir er began tji:r (saying, 2); crann na long 
kran na Inn (3) ' the mast of the ship ' ; in pl.-n. Purt na Luinge 
(Loinge) p£rt na lEid [dn lEid), na v^aid (3), Cnoc Tomhas Luinge 
(Loinge) krok to'ds lE'd (9c). — Cf. p^rt no lEid (An i). 

lorg lorg, n. * track,' * trace,' ' mark ' (4); cf lurg. 

lorga, see lurgan. 

luach l£ax, pi. luachan UaxDn, n. ' worth,' * price ' (15 etc.). 

luachrach, in: airgead luachrach ar'g'dd Uarax, n. * agrimony' (15). 

luadhog, see luidheog. 

luaidhe UaJ9, n. * lead.' 

luaith Uag (3), Ua (4, 6), n. * ashes.' 

luaithreach l/Car'ax, n. ' ashes.' 

Luan, see under dia, i ; La Luain las l£an' (= La Brath ' ever,' 
* never '), 


luascadh, in: airgcad luascaidh nrj^'jd Ldiski (15), ar^ii'jd L^asax (8), 

n. ' mercury/ 
luath /.V(7, adj. * quick'; 'early' (§ 122): ta e nas fhearr a bhith 

luadi na bhith mall ta .1 na sz:r ? vi Ua na in mai 
lub, vb. 'fold'; p.p. luibtc U:htj;}. 
luch ln.\\ n. 'mouse' (i, 5). 
luchog luxn^^y n.f. 'mouse' (5); luchog fhcir luxag c :r' 'field 

mouse ' (2) ; in pl.-n. Tobar na Luchoige tohnr na luxag' 

[luxag; diere are several in Rathlin). 
lucht ri^.vr (3), n. ' cargo.' 

lucht r\i(xt (3), n. * people ': ainti lucht an righ zutji T\£xt ?n ri:. 
luck (E.): Uk: go dtuiridh Dia luck ort gj d/Cri d^ia Uk ort. 
ludog, sec laodog. 
lugha, sec § 122. 
Lughnast U:tust, n. 'the last day of July ' (6); Miosa Lughnast 

nii:sj U:tijst 'August.' 
luidhear lEhr, n. ' flue,' ' chimney ' (15, etc.). 
luidheog Hag, lEiag, n.f. ' lithe ' (fish), 
luigh, see laigh. 
lunn Un, n. 'roller under ship': cuir lunn faoithe (fuithe) Mr Un 

p,i (15). 

Lunnainn Unin, n, 'London': in Lunnainn 3n Unin. 

lurg Urg, n. ' trace,' ' track ' ; in pl.-n. Lurg na B6 Urg na h: 

' the Cow's Track ' ; cf. lorg. 
lurgan l/CrgDn, n. 'shin': lurgan na coise T]^rgan na koj? (3). 
lus Us, n. 'plant,' 'herb'; lus na Fraince Us na frav[k'd 'common 

tansy ' (5) ; lus an dromaigh Us dn dromi (name of a certain 

plant, 2). 
kith U:, n. ' strength.' 

ma, conj., see §§ 98, 144. 

ma, man, manan, conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 145. 

ma ma, prep, 'about' (§ 98): an taobh ma thuath dn tE:v ma *hi(a, 

an taobh ma dheas m tE:v ma 'jes 'the north, south side': 

cf. fa. 
mac mak, n.m. 'son'; mac tire mak t\i:r'dy pi. maca tire makd t\i:r'?, 

n. 'wolf; na Maca Tire na mak? tji:r'? [makjn tji:r?, 4) 'the 

Mackateeries ' (5^ makdUji:riz), name of two big erratic blocks. 



Macagan, Creag Macagan kreg makagdu {-g'dn, E.), pl.-n. 

Mac Aindrea, see § 3. 

Mac an Bhrollachan, see § 3. 

Mac an Charraic, see § 3. 

Mac an Ghobhain, see § 3. 

Mac an Sealgaire, see § 3. 

Mac Aodh, ^t'f § 3. 

Mac Cuaige, see ^ 3. 

Mac Fhionnlaigh, see § 3. 

Mac 'ille Aindreis, see § 3. 

Mac Uireatraigh, see § 3. 

mach, see amach. 

madadh mahg, pi. madaidh madi, n.m. *dog'; madadh caorach 
madd kEirax 'sheep dog,' madadh ruadh mad? r^a * fox,' 
madadh alia madjgab * wild dog,' *wolf'; in pl.-nn.: Leim 
an Mhadaidh Ve:m d vadi (in Antrim), Sroin an Mhadaidh 
srj'.n' d vadi, sroin' d tnad<i\ an Madadh Alia madd'yah, 
d madd^yall * Maddygalla ' (point on east coast). 

maide madpy n.f. * stick'; maide bhriste mad^D vrilt'd [brilt'9), 
n. * fire-tongs'; maide mhuUaigh madi? PiCli (miC/i), n. 'ridge- 
pole' (8); maide seisrighe mad^? Jf'J^n, ^esri (2), ie:jt'9 (4), 
pi. maidean seisrighe mad^du \el{r)i (3), n. ' plow.' — Cf. twd'j 
hrilt'd (An i). 

maidin madpn, n.f ' morning'; maidin mhaith duit mad^in ma diCt^ 
' good morning,' ar maidin dr mad^in ' in the morning.' 

maighdean, in : an mhaighdean mhara 3 vEid^?n vard * the mermaid ' 


maighstir mzi\t'zr, n. 'master': maighstir scoil mzi\t'zr skol (9b), 

mastdr skol (8). 
Maile Mhoire, see § 3, 

mair, vb. 'last': cha mhair e fada xa var' s fadd (12). 
Maire, see Mairi. 
mairg mar'g\ n. 'woe': is mairg a mharbhadh muiltean foghmhair, 

as mise cronan air mo lie s marg' d varvdg m^ltlzn fovdr 3S mi\? 

krj man er m? I'ik' (the limpet says at ebbtide); is mairg a 

thainigh s mar'g' d han'i. 
Mairghread, see Maraighead. 
Mairi ma:r'i, n.f. ' Mary.' 


Mairt, n. 'March': san Mhairt iV va:rtj 'in March.' 

niairthcaiinach mar\max, adj. ' lasting ' (12). 

niaistir, v. 'churn'; prct. mhaistir vaistir (12); vb. n. maistrcadh 
maistrjg (5), maistjr (12); cuinncog nihaistridli k^ii'ag mastri (3), 
maistri (5), vaistnr (15a), vaistjr (12), vasOr (8); bainnc maistirte 
ban' J ffiast.irtlj 'churn-milk' (8); p.p. maistirte niaistirt^j (5). 

maircach, i maircach (amaircach) {j) ma:r'axt, adv. ' tomorrow.' 

maith uia, adj. 'good' (§ 122); go raibh maith duit (agad) g.i nhna 
diQ^ {^g<^t) ' thank you,' go raibh maith agad f he ^^.9 r.?'//m agjt he: 
' thank yourself,' or ' same to you,' go raibh mile maith agad 
<^ci ro mi:!' J ma at; chan fheil moran maith air ha ncl mo:ran 
ma cr. 

maith, v. 'forgive': go maithear nar bhfiachan mar a mhaitheas sinne 
dofa^c? majr tur viaxm mor 9 vajs ^iti'D doifi (the Lord's Prayer, 9). 

maithcamhnas ma^vn^s, ma.wjnns (i), mavjtws (2), n.m. 'forgiveness.' 

mala ma:b, n. ' bag ' (i). 

mala, malaidh mah, mail (§ 113), n. 'eyebrow' (i): mo dha 
mhalaidh m? ya: vall, codal (in) mo mhalaidh koddl [on) mo vall 
(portent of a visit, 4, 15); pl.-n.: thuas aig an Mhala h^as zg' 
d vah (13). 

malairt malartj, vb.n. 'swapping,' 'exchanging' (15). 

mall mad (12), ma:T\ (3), mal, adj. and adv. 'late' (§ 122); thcid 
me laighe mall he:d^ mi law ma: I. 

mallacht malaxt, mjlaxt, n. ' curse.' — Cf. Manx mollaght. 

mana, conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (b), 145. 

manadh manag, maiwg, n. 'omen,' 'spirit': droch-mhanadh dnx 
vaiug ' evil sign ' (5). 

maol mE:ly n.f. 'rounded promontory,' 'Mull': an Mhaol 9 vE:l 
' the Mull of Kintyre,' adharc an Mhaol e^rk ^ mE:l ' the Mull 
foghorn' (6), Sruth na Maoile sr^ na mEil'd 'the Moyle,' 
Maol na h-O mE:l na ho: ' the Mull of Oa ' (in Islay, 15, etc.). 

maol, adj. 'bald'; 'rounded' (of a hill); Maol-chnoc mEilxrok 

maorach mo : rax (L.E.), mEirax (U.E.), n. 'shellfish.' 

mar m?r, adv. 'as,' 'like'; goide mar? g? d^e : mjr 'how?' mar 
sin leat nwr \hi I' at ' same to you.' 

mar, conj., see § 144. 

mar, rel. adv., see far. 


Maraighcad tiurehd, tiwrsht, msraidt (3), m3rz'9t (3, 4), mdra'dt (2), 
n.f. * Margaret.' 

mar a ta mot <i ta : ' indeed it is ' (orig. Muire ta, cf. early Mod. E. 
' marry, it is '). 

maram, in the phrase : go maram go go morom gd ' I suppose that ' : 
go maram gon bi e deas imaireacht gj mordtn gdtn hi a d^es .1 
mair'axt (3), go maram gon glac e sc miosan gd iwrom g<i gr\ak 
s Je; miison (3). Same in Antrim; from m'anam *my soul' (?). 

marbh marv, adj. * dead.' 

marbh, v. 'kill'; vb. n. marbhadh marvjg. 

marcach markax, pi. marcaigh marki, n.m. * horseman.' 

marcaidheacht markiaxt, vb.n. * riding ' (11). 

mare, mari, in: mare go rabh m^r's; gj ro * had it not been,' mari 
gon rabh i laidir mm gsn ro i la :d^ir * had she not been strong.' 
Cf. an bre. 

mart mart, n. * beef (ox or cow fatted for food, 3). 

Marta ma:rt{n), n. 'March'; san Mharta S9 vairt 'in March'; 
Miosa Marta mi :sd ma :rt ' March ' ; cf. Mairt, of which it is 
originally the gen. sg. 

marthan ma:pn, pi. marthanadh maipnjg, n.f. 'queen' (3). 

marthannach, see mairtheannach. 

mas ma:s, n.m. 'buttock'; also a pl.-n. 

match (E.) //m/J, n. 

mathair maer', masr, pi. maithrean ma :r'Dn, n.f. ' mother.' 

meabhair mp'Dr, n. 'memory' (15). 

meacan, in: meacan aillean mjakau [m'akati) aVzn, n. ' elecampane ' (5). 

mead mz:d, mc:d, n.f. 'size'; co mhcad Li vid, k? jit (13) 'how 
many ? ' : co mhead nigheanan a ta 'gad Ud vid n'imDU d ta : g?d, 
CO mhead blianta? h vid blianti, co mhead braithrean h vid 
bra :r'?n ; an mhead 's a bha ann d vz :d s? va :n ' as many as 
there were.' — Rathl. Cat. ka vead, ke ved. 

meadal mz:d;)l, me:dA, n. 'stomach'; *a certain part of the sheep's 
stomach,' ' tripe ' (2); mo mheadal m? veidan ' my stomach ' (10). 

meadhon mz?n, mean (unstressed: mzn, mjan), n., adj., & adv. 
'middle': meadhon oidhche mz?n I :p 'midnight'; roimh, 
in deidh mheadhon lae, see under la; in meadhon an tabla 
r? mem m ta:h3l\ go meadhon much g? mean mux ' middhng 
early,' ta me go meadhon ta: me gB mean (3). 


iiicadhonacli mzjnax (15), nicanax, tncouax, adj. * middle'; 

* middling ': an Bailc Mcadhonach jui hal'j tiizjuax ' Ballymcna ' 

(in Antrim); go mcadhonach (7.7 Dizjnax (adv., cf. mcadhon). 
mcanfadhaigh nisjiifl, jnsnifl (15, etc.), vb.n. 'yawning': nuair a 

bhios iad ciiirthc bidh iad a<2; mcanfadhai^li n^.n ,1 vhs ad kiQlil 

hii ad j mzmjl (3). 
mcannan mjanan, n.m. 'kid'; in pl.-n. Purt na Meannan piirt na 

tnjauan (3). 
mcar ;/i£;r, pi. mearan ms:rm, n.m. 'finger'; an mcar meadhon 

D tns:r mem (ii). 
mcaracan mz:r?kan, n.m. 'thimble'; mearacan nan daoine coir 

tnz'.rjkan nan dE:n\i ko:r ' the foxglove.' 
meas mis, n. 'respectability'; 'estimation'; mana bhi meas oirbh 

air an Ui<^, bidh meas oirbh air an Ealaidh tmne vi: mis orv 

cr d Ui^'.g' hii nils orv er 9 n'all 'if they do not like you at 

Ouig, they will like you at Ally' (saying, 13). 
measa, see § 122. 

measamhail misal, adj. 'respectable' (15). 
measca, in : ar measca er misk ' drunk ' : bha thu air measca 

va £ er misk; cf. misce. 
meascamhail (misceamhail ?) tnisksl (-fe'-?), adj. 'given to drink.' 
meathadh me<ig, vb.n. 'spoiling' (' maigh,' 12). 
medal (E.) med^l (13). 
meid, see mead. 

mcighligh ;;j£.7/, vb.n. ' bleating.' 
meil mel, v. 'grind'; vb.n. meilt meltl. 
mcirleach mz:rl'ax, mzrVax, n. ' thief.' 

meithid, in: is meithid domh smei{d) d^ ' it is time for me * (2). 
miann mian, n. ' desire.' 

mias mi^s, n.f 'platter': Ian mias mhor T\aDn mids voir (3). 
Micheal midl, mzpl (E.), n. * Micheal'; naomh Micheal riE: midl (9); 

feil Micheal /e:/ midl (8), Oidhche feil Micheal I:p feVmidl (12). 
mil mil (' meillc,' 12), milt\ax (13), n. ' honey.' 
mile mi:l'.i, n. 'mile': tri mile trEi mi:l'9, 
mile, num., see § 135. 
milis /////' I J, adj. ' sweet.' 
mill, v. 'spoil'; p.p. millte milt\d. 


mille-riugail miiygrXgol * ground ivy ' (EngL * robin-run-the 

hedge/ 2). 
min min' (15), mm, n. * meal.* 
min mi:n', adj. 'smooth' (15). 
minic, go minic go minik, adv. * often.* 
ministear min'ilt'Er, n.m. ' mmister (of the church).' — Rathl. Cat. 

miola-chuileog, pL miola-chuileogan melax^l' agdu, n. ' midge,' 

miofar muvdr, adj. *ugly,' ^horrible' (15); orig. mi-bhuadhmhar (?). 
miol midl, n. * louse.' 

Mionachog mjznaxag, n.f. (name of woman in rigmarole), 
mionaid mined^, mjznzdi, pi. mionaidean minzd^jn (12), mjznzd^Dti, 

n. * minute'; san mhionaid sj vjznati (3). 
mios mijs, pi. miosan mhsDU, n.m. * month': tri miosa trEi vidSd (3). 
miostadh miistjg, n. * damage,' * mischief (5, 15). 
miotal mit3T\ (3), n. * metal.' 

mire, in: dol ar mire dol dr mir'd * going mad, wild ' (15). 
misce mijk'o, n. * drunkenness ' (15). — Cf. er miik' (An i). 
mise, pers. pron., see § 124. 
mithid, see meithid. 
mix (E.): p.p. mixte mikstJD. 
mo, poss. pron., see §§ 98, 127, 128. 
mo, see § 122. 
moch, see much. 

modh mo, n. 'manners': chan fheil modh agam ha nel mo am (3). 
moide, see § 123. 

moine mom'd, mom'i, n.f. ' peat'; * moorland.' 
moineog mo:n'ag, n.f. 'whortleberry' (15); cf. fraochog, which 

is said to be a Mainland word, 
mointeach mo :ntjax, n. ' moss.' 
molt molt, n. ' wether.* 
Mor mo:r, n.f., woman's name, 
mor mo:r, adj. 'great,' 'big' (§ 122): cha mhor nach b'urra learn 

ha voir na h^r? I' am 'I could hardly,' cha mhor mios ha voir 

mi :s ' almost a month ' ; goide is mor ort goide an solas a ta ann 

gd d^e : s mo :r jrt gd d^e : n sobs 9 ta a :n ' what matter is it to you 

what yon light is ? ' (2). 


nioran, n., a fish called * gunner ' (5). 

nioran ino:rit}i, n. 'much': nioran gaoth mo : ran ^^'.^ moran am 

wo:ran a:m, moran airgid mo :ran ar'g'id^ (13), moran do dhiffcr 

mo:ran S 
Morag mo :riig, n.f., woman's name, 
modiachadh mjaig, vb.n. 'feeling' (3). 
mu, see ma, 3. 
niuc m£k, pi. mucan m^kon, n.f. 'pig'; muc mhara m^k var? (i), 

muc na mara mi^k na mar,i, 11. ' porpoise,' sometimes ' whale.' 
Muclaigh m^kll, Barr na Muclaighe ba:r na mMl (pl.-nn., 13). 
mucogan mi<^kagju, ' hips ' (berries, 9a). 
much mtix, m<C.v, adv. 'early': eirighidh an ghrian much na mall i:ri 

yrian mux na ma:l (5), much agus mall m^x os mail 'early 

and late.' 
mughairne (mughdhorn) m^drn'd, m^rn'? (5), n. ' ankle.' 
muilead m^ht, n. * sorrow ' : ta muilead orm ta : m<Cbt ?rm. 
muileann m^l'dn, n.m. 'mill'; muileann gaoithe m^l'm gE:p 

'windmill'; in pl.-n. Purt an Mhuilinn p^rt 9 v/Cl'in. 
muilleoir m^l'zr, n.m. ' miller.' 
muiltean m^lt^sn, n.m. 'wether'; car an mhuiltean kar ? v/CltJEn 

' somersault ' (15). 
muinchille m^/fm, n. ' sleeve ' (15). 
muineal mMal, n.m. 'neck'; * throat.' 
muinntir nu^ntl'ir, m^t^^r, n.f. ' people ' ; an da sean mhuinntir 

9n da: ^an v^tjjr (3); muinntir eile m^ntjir el' 9 'other people'; 

indef pron., see § 134 (A), 
muir m^r\ n.f. ' sea '; esp. in pl.-nn.: Purt na Mara p^rt na matd (10), 

Cnoc na Marach knk na marax (5); cf. also under sloe. 
Muir-chreag m^r'jxreg, pl.-n. (3). 
Muire m^r'9, n.f. 'the Virgin': Maire Muire ma:r'i m£r'd, naomh 

Muire nl: (nE:) m^r'j (9) ; a Mhuire 9 v^r'd, Muire f hein m^r'? 

hc:n {he:n'D, 15, etc.), a Mhuire mhin 9 v/Cr'9 vi:n\ interjections, 
muireatrach miCr'dtrax, n. ' sandlark.' 
Muireatrach, see § 3. 
muirnin, n. 'darling': a mhuirnin 9 vjrn'en (prob. Engl, pron.), 

cf. * avourneen,' ' mavourneen ' (2). 
mulaid m^lsd^, n. 'sorrow': ta mulaid orm ta: m/Clsd^ orm (13), 

cf. muilead. 


niulaiJcach tiuihd^ax, adj. ' sorrowful.' 

mullach m^lax, n.m. *top'; *roof'; * ceiling'; mullach an Duin 
Mhor m^lax dn d^:n' vo:r, mullach do cheann m^lax dj ^a:n 
(8; aIso=' hair '), mullach an toighc m^lax dn tEh, 

muna, mur, see mana. 

mur, poss. pron., see § 102, 127. 

music (E.) wj^:sik (3). 

na, def. art., see §§ 103 (a), 106, 107. 

na, neg. adv., see §§ 140, 142, 146. 

na na, conj. * than,' 

na na, conj. * or,' see § 98. 

na na, conj. * neither,' ' nor,' see § 103 (a). 

na, nas, comp. part., see § 121 (b). 

nach, neg. adv., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (d), 137, 145, 146. 

naigin nag'jn, pi. naigineadh nag'in'?g, n. * noggin ' (3, 15, etc.); 

according to 15, naigin is used of a * glass,' noggin nogan, of 

the measure, 
naipcin nspjkin, n, * handkerchief.' 

naire na:r'?, n. * shame': nach ba naire duit? nax hd na:r'j d^tj, 
naireach na:r'axt, adj. * shameful.' 
namhaid na:vsd^, na:vid^, n. * enemy.' 
nan, conj., see §§ 102, 145. 
naoi, num., see §§ 102, 135. 
naomh nE:v, n£:v (9), nE:, n^:, nl:, adj. * holy ' : an Spiorad 

Naomh jn sp'zrsd nE:v, naomh Muire nl: m^r'j * the holy 

naomh, v. * hallow': go naomhthar t'ainm gj nl:v3r tar'm (3), 

naomhthar t'ainm nl:v? tar'm (9) * hallowed be thy name.' 
nar, poss. pron., see §§ 102, 127. 
nead n'ed, n. * nest ' (10). 
neamh n'av, n. * heaven ' : nar Athair a ta ar neamh n3r azr d ta dt 

n'av (3). 
neamh-ghnathach, see neonach. 
neamhnaid n'amdnid'^, n'amdridi, n. * tormentil.' 
neart n'art, n. 'strength'; *a lot': neart daoine n'art dEm's *a lot 

of people,' neart clann n'art klain * big family,' neart aca n'art 

akd ' many of them.* 


ncoincan, sec sncoincan. 

iiconach ii'jniax, n'j'.n'ax (15), adj. * odd,' 'peculiar.' 

Niall n'iaU u'iav\ (3), n.m. ' Neil.* 

nic, sec § 3. 

nighean n'iwi, pi. nigheanan n'rjujn, 11. f. * daughter.' — Rath. Cat. 

eehan, pi. echana. 
1110s, sec § 121 (b). 

iiiutan n'iOan, n, * joint': niutan mo ordoige n'^tan mo j:rdag (4). 
no urn, adj. 'new,' only in: ur no ^:r nrj 'brand-new' (13); 

in pl.-n. Baile No bal\i hio'3 ' Ballynoe.' 
noinin, sec sneoinean. 
Nollaig, sec Ollaic. 

notion (E.) no:lDn\ gabhail notion gaval no:\Dn (3). 
nua, see no. 
nuair, conj., see § 144. 
Nuala n^ah, n.f. 'Nelly' (13). 
nus, in: gruth nuis gr£ niC'ij ' whey ' (12). 

o, prep., see §§ 98, 125; o cheann fada ? (;a:n fah *long ago' (8), 

deich bliadhna o shin d^e^ hliatiB h'ln ' ten years ago ' (4). 
o na, conj., see § 144. 
6 :»:, interj. 

6 0'?, n.m. 'grandson' (2, 15, etc.): an t-6 dn to-?, 
obair ohir, obor, n.f. ' work.' — Cf. obi)r (An i). 
obair obir, okir, vb.n. 'working': ta e ag obair ta d gobdx, 
O Bcirn o*b'ern\ n.m. ' O Birne ' (E. j^born), name of an ancient 

hero; also Beirn (Beam?), q.v.; also a pl.-n. j'b'srn' (below Ault); 

in other pl.-nn.: Sruthan O Beirn sr^an o^b'sm', Bealach O Beirn 

bjalax ?*b'ern' (3). 
ocht, num., see §§ 102, 135. 
ocras, see acras. 

odhar odr, adj. *gray,' 'dun'; in pl.-n. an Inean Odhar j nin'zn ojr, 
og ^'g^ adj.^' young.' 

oibrigh, v. ' work'; pret. dh'obraigh iad yohri ad (3). 
oidhche I :g9, pi. oidhchean Eig9n (U.E.), n.f 'night': oidhche 

mhaith /:p va {ma)y oidhche mhaith leat 7:p va Vat. — Cf. ^:p 

(An i). 


oige o'-^d, n.f. * youth '; Rioghacht na h-Oige xbx: na hj:g'? (=Tir 

na n-Og). 
oighe, n. * virginity ' : in a h-6ighe na h :g'? (mixed up with the 

prec. word, 9). 
oighreog I'.rag, n. *ice': oighreog agus sioc I:rag ag^s ^ik (5). 
oilean, see eilean. 
oir or\ n. * edge ' (8). 
oiread, see urad. 

oirleach orlax, n. *inch*: da oirleach da: orlax (3), 
61 :?:/, V. *drink'; an 61 e? ^ nj:! £, chan 61 thu e xa noil ^ s; 

vb.n. idem: ag 61 ? go:l\ uisce 61 ^\k' o:l * drinking water.' 
olann ohn, n. * wool.' 
olc jlky n. & adj. * evil.' 
Ollaic olIk\ dig', nolIk\ nohd' (6), n.f. * the New Year ' (originally 

'Christmas'): an Ollaic ? nolIk\ nolIg\ nor\ig' (3), go dti an 

Ollaic gj die: nox\ig' * to Christmas' (3), Ollaic mhaith duit 

ollk' va d^tl, La an Ollaic Ud nollk' 'Christmas Day' (15). — 

Cf. Manx Ollick (Kneen, p. 40), 
6pa j:p^, n. ' narrow channel between two skerries ' (cf. Scot. 6b) ; 

in pl.-n. Opa an Ghrianan o:p? grian?n (3). 
6r :r, n.m. ' gold.' 
ord ord, n. ' sledge.' 
ordog J :rdagy n.f. 'thumb' (4), 

osnadh ostw, n.m. 'sigh': osnadh trom :)sn^ tro:m (2). 
oven (E.) jvjn, n. 

package (E.) pahzd^. 

padhal pe-^/, n. 'pail' (15a). 

Pidraic pa:rik\ pa:rig\ n.m. 'Patrick'; in pl.-n. Cnoc Phadraic 

krok fa:drik'[-g'), 
paidh pci:j, pai, v. 'pay': paidhidh mise duit pa'i mil? ^^^i (3)» 

vb.n. (& n.m.) paidheadh pai9g 'paying'; 'pay': shin do 

phaidheadh hin dd faisg (3). 
Paidi pad^i, n.m. ' Paddy.' 
pailt palt\, adj. ' plentiful.' 
pailteas paltjjs, n. ' plenty.' 
paipear pa :pzr, pa :p?r, n.m. ' paper * ; san phdipear s? fa :psr ' in 

the paper.' 


pair (E.) pe;r, ii. 

pairc pa:r'k\ n.t. * field ' (Ir. 'park'); in pl.-n. Pairc Ur pa:rk' <C;r 

(E. park^j^:r), Pairc Clocli na Bioraighc pa:r'k' kbx na b'zri; 

Bruach na Pairc br^xx na pa:rk'. 
pairt pairtj, n. *part': in da phairt <vi da: fa:rtj * into two parts/ 
paistc pa:lt\i, pi. paistcan pa'.jt'DU, n.m. 'child*; in mo phaistc 

.111 m,ifa:jt',i * as a child.' 
paiteanach pat^viax, n.m. 'chicken' (13) or 'chickens' (coll.): 

bhfeil moran paiteanach agad ? vel mo : ran patJ9nax add (3). 
pardun pa:rdjn, n. 'pardon': gon gcuiridh Dia pardun donih 

g,iT\ g^ri d^ia pairdon d^ ' God forgive me.' 
partan partan, n.m. ' small crab.' 

passage (E.) pasid^; passage maith pasid^ ma *a good crossing.' 
peacadh pzkdg (7), pi. pcacaidh p'zki, n. 'sin': nar bpeacaidh 

nDr bjaki ' our sins ' (1). — Rath. Cat. pekka, pi. pekkea. 
peacthach, pi. pcacthaigh p'zki (9a, 13), pjaki, n.m. * sinner': guidh 

orainn na pcacthaigh gEi orin' na pjaki, 
Peadar pedDr, n.m. * (St.) Peter' (9). — Cf pzdjr (An i). 
peann pja:n, n.m. *pen'; peann luaidhe /?/a;tt l^aJ3 'lead pencil' (15), 

scian pheann sk'ianfja:n 'penknife' (3). 
peata, n. ' pet ': ta i na pheata ta i na fst9 (corrupt, 6). 
peeler (E.) pi{:)br, na peelerigh na pihri * the peelers ' (i). 
peicealach pcik'dlax^ n.m. 'showy person.' 

peictear (pioctair) p'zxtzty fzxtdr, pzktjzr (prob. E.), n. ' picture.' 
peige ruadh peg'9 r^a, n. ' stilL' 
Peigi pzg'i, n.f ' Peggy.' 
pian plan, n. * pain.' 
pigin, peigin, see peige. 
pinginn, pighinn pi'in\ pi:n\ pi. pighinnean pi'in'dn, pim'dn, 

n.f. ' penny ' : bidh pighinn mhor aice coisinte go dti an OUaic 

bii piin voir zk'd ko\intld gd d^e: nor]ig' (3); da phighinn da: ji:n' 

'two-pence' (11), se pighinnean \e: pi:n'9n 'six-pence' (11), 

aon phighinn dcag inj pin d^e:g 'eleven-pence' (11). 
piobaire pi:bir'd, n.m. 'piper.' 
piobar plbdr, n. ' pepper.' 
pioc, V. ' pick '; pret. phioc^fe (7); vb. n. piocadh pik?g, ga phiocadh 

gafikDg (3). 
pioghaid pi'adi, n. ' magpie.' 


pionna (sidsL pjsfw fadj, n. 'middle finger' (15). 

piopa pi:p9, pi:p, pi. piopan piipdti, n.f. 'pipe' (instrument). 

piosa pi :sD, pi :s, n. * piece ' : ith pios ig pi :s, leanaidh me thu piosa 

lani mi iC pi :s, piosa da scillin pi:s? da: sk'il'in, 
pisear pi\zr {pildr), n. ' pease ' (13). 
piseog pi\cig, n.f. * kitten.' 
pisreog, pi. pisreogan pijragDU, n.f. * charm.' 

pit (E.) pzt[d), n. *pit for ashes, under the fire-place': san phit s? fzt[d), 
piur pj(^dr, pi. peathran pepn, n.f * sister.' 
plaideog, see ploidcog and pluideog. 

plaosc plEisk, n. * shell' (of egg): plaosc an uigh plE:sk d n^i (6). 
plaster (E.): plast3rjg, vb.n. 
plata pla its, pi. pla :t^ti, n. * plate.' 
play {E.)ph:, n. * fun.' 
ploideog pbd^ag, n.f. * rag ' (4). 
pluc pUk, n. * cheek ' (8). 
pluideog pUd^ag, n.f ' plaid,' * cloak ' ; in pl.-n. Cnoc na Pluideoige 

knk na pUd^ag'^ [pUd^ag, phd^agj, 4). 
plur pU:r, n. * flour ' (13); cf flur. 
poca pok9, n.m. * bag,' * pocket ' ; poca breagach pok3 hrt :gax 

'crosscurrent' or *tide eddy' (8, 15 etc.). 
poca p;fe^, n. * pocket.' 
pog pj :g, n. * kiss.' 
poitean po :t\zn, pjtjeu, n.m. ' poteen.' 

Pol p;/, n.m. ^Paul'; in pl.-n. Uamha Pol D{:)vd pod (5). 
poll po:l, poU pi. puill p^iV {pl'l\ pEil'), n.m. *holc'; *mine': 

puill ghuail piCil y^el; in pl.-n. Poll Gorm pol gorm (in 

Church Bay), Poll Dubh po:l d^ (8).— Cf pol (An i). 
pollog polag, n.f. * rabbit hole ' (4). 
pollog polag, n.f. * saithc,' * pollock ' (fish, 4). 
pollta poiltd, part. adj. * pierced,' * hollow,' in pl.-nn.: an Stac Pollta 

d stakd po'.ltd, an Chloch Phollta d xhx foilts (4). 
p6nairep:tt/r [po'.ndr, 13), hinir, honir (5), n.m. * beans.' 
ponta ponts (pont?), n. * pound ' (avoirdupois): da phonta siucra 

da: jontd l£:krdy ceathair ponta deag sa' chloch k'eir pontd d^e:g 

S9 xhx; seacht bpont jaxthnt {bont?) * seven pounds' (money, 8). 
port, see purt. 
porter (E.) portdr (=* stout,' 3). 


pos pj :s, V. ' marry ' ; fideog as foidcog, bidh nas f hcarr man an 

bpos tliii fidicig DS fjidiag hit na ss:r man <vn h:s ^ (said to 

children, when they had hurt themselves, 13); vb.n. & n.m. 

* marriage,' * wedding '; p.p. posta pj :stj: fear posta fjar pj:st.j. 
posy (E.): posenadh,ig (13), po:s,vi,yg (3), n. *posies,' 'flowers/ 
post (E.): postadh posLig, vb.n.: litir a phostadh l'it\.ir d fostjg, 
pota pjtj, n.m. 'pot'; pota oven pjt^i ovm 'oven pot.' 
potata pjUa:tj, pjta:t,i, p,ita:t.iti (10, prob. wrong), n.m. 'potatoes': 

potata ur pjta:t iC:r; cf. cnap, cnapan. — Cf. pdtaitd, hotaUo 

{-a. An 1). 
praidhinn pra'in, n. 'haste': ta praidhinn ort ta : pra'ln ort 'you 

are busy,' bha e na phraidhinn va z na fra'in (' was in a hurry '). 
praidhinneach pra'ln' ax, adj. ' busy ' (6). 
praiseach pra\ax, n. ' charlock ' (4). 
preab prch, n. ' kick ': cuir prcab air an spada k^r preb er dn spaidd 

' step on the spade ' (15). 
preachan przixan, n.m. 'young of raven': is geal leis an fhiach 

a phreachan f hein ds g'al lej d n'iax d Jyz :xan he :n (proverb) ; 

also used of ' a bad boy ' (15 etc.). 
press (E.) pres {=' cupboard,' 3). 
prionnsa prsns?, n.m. ' prince.' 
pris pri :jy n. ' price.' 

priseamhail ;)r/:Je/, adj. 'precious,' 'splendid.' 
pruchog prtihag, n.f. ' mouse hole.' 
pucan p^kan, n.m. * small bag,' in pl.-n. Lag nan bPucan lag nam 

hXkan. — Cf. pXkan (An i). 
puinnsean ptOijan (4), p^nJDn (2), n. ' poison.' 
purt p^rt, n. ' tune,' ' air.' 
purt p/Crt, n. * port,' * inlet ' ; in pl.-nn. Purt an Duine pXrt dn dKn'd 

(5, 10). — Cf. p/Crt (An i), Manx purt (Kneen, p. 57). 
putog, pi. putogan pi^tagm, n.f. 'entrails' (3, 7). 

rabhairt rodrt], n, ' springtide ' (15). 
raca ra:kd, n. 'rake' (tool), 
radh, raite, see abair (§ 147). 

radan radan, pi. radain radzn\ raddn?g (3), n.m. ' rat ' (i). — Cf. Manx 


raic, in: ag dol go raic .? dol g? rsk' ' going to ruin or waste.' 

raithneach, sec roitlincach. 

ramaisc ra:msik\ vb.n. ' doing work the wrong way.' 

ramh ra:v, n. ' oar.' 

rath ra, n. ' prosperity ' : £^0 gcuiridh Dia rath air gD giCri d^ia ra er 


razor (E.) rs:zDr, n. (15). 

Reachlainn, see Reachraidh. 

Reachlainneach rahT]in'ax, raT\in'ax, n.m. ' Raghcryman ' (3). 

Reachraidh (Reachlainn) rax?ri, raheri (11), rctxmn', raxlin\ 
rahT]in (3), n. ' Rathhn.' 

rcalta re^to, pi. realtan redlt?n, n. * star.'- — Cf. mlt (An i). 

realtach rialtax, adj. * starry': oidhche realtach lip rialtax (5). 

realtog rialtag, n.f. * star ' (5, 11). 

rcamhad ravDd, n. ' suet ' (3). 

reamha ravD, reamha Ic ravD /e, prep. ' before ' : ta eagal air reamha 
leis ta : egjl er ravo lei ' he is afraid of him,' a bha reamha leat 
d va: rav? Vat 'that you were thinking of (3); reamha seo 
ravd Id * long ago.' — Cf. ravd le\ * before ' (An i). 

reamhar ravor, raii^r, adj. * thick': bainne reamhar ban' 9 rav^r; 
in pl.-n. an Ceann Reamhar .^ri k'an ravdr (3), rau?r (2) 

* Kinramer ' (' the Thick End '). 

reic refe', rah' (U.E.), v. * sell' (with prep. Ic *to'); vb.n. idem\ 

p.p. rcicte rak'tl^i * sold ' (9a). 
reidh re/(L.E.), rai (U.E.), adj. * ready.' 
reidhte re:t\D, part. adj. * clean,' 'cleared,' * made ready.' 
reidhteach re :tl3g (for -ax, § 50), n. (prob.) * marriage contract,' 

' marriage.' 
reidhtigh, v. * clear,' 'solve,' 'arrange'; vb.n. reidhteach (q.v.); 

p.p. reidhtiste re:tli\t'3 (2). 
reithean refe«, n.m. * ram ' (i). 
riabhach, n.m., in pl.-nn. Inean an Riabhaigh in'd n riavi, in'zn 

riavi (3). 
riabhach rlax, adj. ' brindled,' in pl.-nn. Sceir Riabhach sk'er riax 

* Skerriagh ' (3), faoi'n Cheann Riabhach//; n ^an riax (3). 
riabhog riavag, n.f. 'skylark' (12); 'brindled cow.' 

riach, in: chan fheil thu ach ag cur ma riach ha nel ^ ax d k^r ma 
riax ' you are only joking ' (12). 



riaghailtc rialtj.i, part. adj. * ordered/ 'ordained,' in: bean riaghailte 

bjiVi rialtlj ' midwife/ ' nurse ' (orig. * nun '). 
rianih r/(7r, adv. 'before'; 'ever.' 
ribean rihs)i, n. ' ribbon ' (7). 
riblie rlv.\ n. 'a certain kind of land/ in pl.-nn.: Pairc an Ribhc 

pairk' <m rlv<i, Toin (an) Ribhc Moinc to:n' ,1 rlvd mj'.n'?, 

Toin Ribhc Lcathan tj :n' rivj I'swi, cf. tj:n rav? Vzman (4), 
rideanacht rld^anaxt, vb. n. ' scampering ' (' riganaght/ 12). 
rig r/ij', rE{j\ rzg\ v. 'reach/ 'attain': pres.-fut. rigidh rzg'i; pret. 

rig e thoigh fhc rig' a liEi he:; vb.n. rigin reg'in (13). 
righ rl: (n:), rEi (4), pL righthean rl:pn (3), n.m. 'king' (§ 117). 
ring (E.) rix] : do na tri rings de na daoinc coir dj : na trEi riT\s d^z 

na dE:n'? ko:r (3). 
rioghacht rlaxt, rEiaxt (3), pi. rioghachtan rIaxLvi (8), n.f. 'kingdom.' 

— Rathl. Cat. riachd. 
rireabh, in: fa rircabh /n ri:rjv, adv. 'seriously' (8); cf. riach. 
rith (roith) rsf, v. ' run '; vb.n. idem. 
ro, intensifying adv., see § 98. 
rob (E.) D&, V. 

rogaire nigir'o, n.m. 'rascal' (3). 

Roger nd^DV, n.m. ' Roger/ in pl.-n. Moine Roger tm :n'd rjdpr. 
rogha rd'9, n. ' choice ' (L.E.). 
roilleagach nligax, adj. 'brindled': oidhche roilleagach I:p 

Tjl'igax (5). 
roimh o, prep. ' before/ see § 98. 
roimh d, prep. (§ 98), ro theine ro hin'? ' on fire ' (orig. troimh 

' through/ cf. Scot. Gaelic), 
roimhe, see reamha. 
roinn roin' {r^n\ 5), rEin\ vb. 'divide'; vb.n. roinnt rEint\\ 

p.p. roinnte rEint\d. 
Rois n:J, n.f. ' Rose ' (woman's name, 3, 12). 
roithlean, n. 'roller,' in: earn roithlean karn rll'en (13), pi. cairn 

roithleain kEr'n' rll'an' (15a), a kind of cart, 
roithneach ron'ax, n.m. (?) 'bracken'; in pl.-nn.: Inean an Roithnigh 

in'd n ron'i (3), Bealach an Roithnigh hjax\ax d rjtfi (3); seldom 

ran'i. — Cf. ran' ax, rEt/ax (An i). 
rol (rothl) rjx], vb. 'roll' (3); pret. idem.; vb.n. roladh (rothladh) 



roller (E.) rankr, n. ' (bread) roller ' (3). 

romhair rj:v3r, v. 'delve' (5); vb.n. romhar n:v3r, 

ron n:n, n.m. 'seal'; in pl.-nn.: Inean an Roin in'sn ? rj:n\ 

Rudha an Roin (nan Ron) r^j n rj :n\ r£9 nan rj'.n, 
ronnach (runnach) ronax (4), r^nax, pi. ronnaigh roni (15), 

n.m. ' mackerel.' 
ropa Yo :p3, n.m. ' rope.' 
ros n :s, n. ' rose.' 
ros, V, 'roast'; vb.n. rosadh n:s3g (5, 12); p.p. roiste rj:st'9 

' roasted,' ' roast ' (12). 
roth n, n. ' wheel ' : roth a mhuilinn o d v/Cl'in. 
rotha ro?, n. ' wheel.' 
ruadh nCa, riCdg, adj. 'redhaired,' 'red': Domhnall Ruadh do'A r^a\ 

in pL-nn.: Dun an Ruaidh dK:n an (dn) r/Cai (variously explained 

as Dun Eoin Ruaidh or Dun an Righ), Moine an Ruaidh 

mo: no r£ai (3). 
ruagach r^agax, vb.n. 'roaming': bha me ruagach tiomall va: mi 

r^agax tj^m<iT\ (3). 
rucan r^kan {-on?), ' turf ricks ' (15). 
rud r^d, rid (2), pi. rudan r/Cdon, n.m. * thing.' 
rudha r/Cj, n.m. * point ' (at sea); in pl.-nn.: an Rudha on r£o 

' Rue Point.' 
ruiseog r^jag, n.f. ' skylark.' 
ruiseog aoil (guail?) r^ja^gool, n.f. 'wagtail' (8); cf. glaiseog, laiseog. 

sabh sa:v, n. ' saw.' 

sabhail, v. 'save'; p.p. sabhailte sa:valtjo 'saved,' 'safe.' 

sabhall savol, n.f. ' barn,' rith cat eadar da shabhall rsg kat edor da: 

havol (saying, 2); in pl.-n. an Toigh 's an t-Sabhall on tEi son 

tavol [savoU 6). — Cf. savol (An i). 
sac sak, n.m. * bag ' ; an Sac Ban on sak ha :n ' the White Bag ' 

(name of a monster) ; in pl.-n. Bealach nan Sac hjalax nan sak, 
sagart sagort, n.m. 'priest'; toigh an sagart (for t-shagairt) tEi on 

sagort ' the parochial house.' — Rathl. Cat. do hagart. 
saighdear said^er (13), ssid^sr, n.m. ' soldier.' 
saile sa :l'o, n. * salt water.' 
saillte sailt\o, part. adj. ' salted,' ' salt.' 


sail iiilionadh sal' {si(l') Uonuq, ii. *peat spade' (15a; corrupt?, cf. fail), 
saith, n. * sufficiency,' in: fluiair me mo shaith hi(sr me mj ha:^ 

* I am satisfied' (3), am mo shaith am mj ha:(; * enough time,' 
' plenty of time ' (15, etc.). 

sal 5(7;/', pi. saltan sa:v\tm (3), n. Miecl'; do shail dj ha:il (3). 

salann salvi, n. ' salt.' 

samhailt, see tamhailt. 

Samhain, n.f. * Hallowe'en ' : Oidhche Shamhna I:p haviid 

* Hallowe'en ' (3), Aonach Oidhche Samhna max /;p 
savHD (4), Miosa Samhna mi:s? savuD * November.' 

samhog, see sobhrog. 

samhradh savrjg, saur?g, n.m. * summer'; san t-shamradh Sdn 

tavrjg (3). 
saobhshruth ( ?) ssv?rag, n.f. * countercurrent ' : an t-Shaobhradh 

Bhreagach 9n tsvdrdg vre:gax * the False Countercurrent ' (5). 
saoghal sEdI, n.m. * world.' — Rathl. Cat. seahal. 
saoil, V. * think'; pres.-fut. saoilidh sE:li, cha saoil ha sE:l' \ pret. 

shaoil me hEl mi, hll mi; goide mar a shaoileas tu de? g9 d^e: 

mdr d hEil'ds t^ d^s *what do you think of it' (4); saoileabh an 

dtainigh soVdv du dan'i *I wonder whether he has come' (8); 

vb. n. saoilsin sE{:)lt\in (3), sElt\in (15), sil\in (14). 
saoire, see under la. 
saor Si<^:r (L.E.), sE<ir (3), n.m. * joiner.' 
saor 5/C;r (L.E.), adj. * cheap.' 

saor sE:r, v. * deliver ': saor sinn as gach h-olc sE:r jin' as ga hlk (9). 
saothar, n.f ( ?) * work,' * labor ' : ta fiach mur saoithreach innte 

ta: Jiax mjr soir'ax sintjj *you have enough (fish) in her [scil, 

the boat) for your pams.' 
Sasain, Sasana sasin, sasm?, n.f. * England ' : bratach na Sasain hratax 

na sasin, dol go Sasana dol g3 sas^im (3). 
Sasanach sasDuax, pi. Sasanaigh sas^ni, n.m. * Englishman'; in pl.-nn. 

Purt an Sasanach p^Crt ? sas?nax. Lag an t-Shasanaigh T[ag dti 

tasni (3). 
sasta saist?, part adj. * satisfied ' (3): sasta de sa:std d^z * pleased 

with it ' (4). 
saucer (E.) saiszr {-dt?), n. (3). 
scadan skadan, n.m. * herring.' 
scaile skad'dy n. * shadow ' (3). 


scairbhigh skorvi, n. * rough stony ground or place,' in pl.-n. 

Scairbliigh Dhomh'all ic Airteoir skorvi yo :l i^kart^er (4). 
scairt skarti, v. 'call'; vb.n. idem: bha i scairt leis va i skartl lc\, 

ta an coileach ag scairt ta m kEl'ax j skartj (8). 
scaithte skatlj, p.p. ' dressed ' (by separating the tops and cars for 

thatching): connlach scaithte koilax skat\?, 
scala, pL scailtean skailtldu, n. * scales.' 
scall, V. * scald'; p.p. scallta go bas ska:T\Li gj ha:s (3). 
scaoil skE'.r, vb. ' solve,' 'loosen': scaoil i an t-shnaidhm skE:!' i 

dti trl:m (3). 
scarbh skarv, pi. scairbh skoru ' (L.E.), scarbhan skarvjUy n.m. 

' cormorant.' 
scat skat, pi. scait skEti, n.m. * skate ' (fish, 15). 
scath skaiy n. 'shadow.' 
sceal sk'zdl, sk's:v\ (3), pi. scealta sk'zdltd (sometimes also sg., 15), 

sk'z'At, n.m. 'news,' 'story'; 'reason': goide ta sceal duit? 

gd die: ta: sk'zdl dXtj 'what is your reason?' — Cfi sk'i9l (An i). 
sceir sk'er, n.f. 'skerry'; in pl.-n. an Sceir Dhubh 9 sk'er'{9) yAT, 

an Sceir Bhan 9 sk'er'{?) va:n, Sceir an lascaigh sk'er' d n'iaski. 
sceitheach, in: craobh sceitheach krE:v sk'vax, n. 'thorn bush' (3). 
sceitheog sk'vag, n.f. 'thorn,' 'brier' (15). 
sciamhghail sk'iavel, vb.n. 'whining' (of dogs, etc., 15). 
scian sk'iatiy pi. sceanan sk'aiDU, n.f. * knife.' 
sciathan sk'ian, sk'van (15, § 53), pi. sciathain sk'vzn' (15a), n.m, 

'wing'; 'fm': sciathan scait sk'i'an skEt\y cnamh sciathan scat 

kra:v sk'ian skat, 
scilleaid sk'ilsdi, n. ' skillet,' ' small saucepan.' 
scillin sk'il'in, pL scillineadh sk'il'itug, n. 'shilling'; 'penny': 

scillin ruadh sk'ilin r^a, 
scimlear sk'imlsr, n. ' straying animal ' (15, 15b). 
sciste sk'i'i^t', sk'i:st' (13), n. 'rest': ghni me mo scist anois ni: ms 

nid sk'iijt' ? nl\ (3), ag deanadh do scist 9 dizn9 d9 sk'li\t', 
scith sk'i:, adj. ' tired ' (not common, cf. cuirthe). 
sclamhaire sklaf9r, n. 'greedy person' (15). 
sclate (Sc): scleite skletJ9 'slated,' p.p. 
scod skj :dy n. ' sheet ' (of sail). 

scoil skjV, skdl, n.f. ' school ' : toigh a scoil tEi 9 skol, bean an scoli 
bjan 9 shly bachlach aig an scoil balax sg' 9 skol ' a boy at school' 


scoilt skoltj, V. * split'; p.p. scoiltc skoltj.j (2). 

scoilt skohj.y, 11. ' cleft/ * gap,' pl.-n. Scoiltc Dubh skoltjj d^ (8). 

scoriiach shj:rnax, n. 'throat.' 

scornau, n. * gully'; pl.-n.: thios aig an Scornan hi:s eg' c 

skjrnaw (15). 
scraith skrai;, pi. scrathan skrawi, n.f. * green sod'; in pl.-nn. Scraith na 

Smear skra^ na snis:r (9a), Cnoc na Scraith knk na skra^ (15, etc.). 
screach skrzx (loa), v. * scream'; vb.n. scrcachlaigh skrs:xli, 

screadlaigh shrzidli (13), screachlain skrz:xl\n\ in pl.-n. Cnoc 

an Screachlain knk .1 skrz:xlin (lOa), knk na skrzidli (13), 

cf. Scriodlain. 
serin, n. * shrine,' prob. in the pl.-n. Fearann na Serine fjsr na 

skritn'd (4). 
scriob skri :b, sk'i{:)b, v. * scratch': pres.-fut. scriobaidh i thu leithe 

skri :hi i ^ \e\\ ta na cearcan praidhinneach ag scriobadh ia: 

na k'arkdn pra'in'ax ? skri :hg (6). Cf. § 92. 
scriobh skri:v, v. * write'; vb. n. scriobhadh skri :vjg. 
scriodlain skridjUn, v. ' screaming,' in pl.-n. Cnoc na Scriodlain 

krjk na skridjlin (,? skrid.ilin), near ancient battlefield, 
scriol skri,il, n, ' loose sand (on rock side),' E. ' scree/ 
scrobadh skrjhg, vb.n. ' scratching/ 
scroban skrj :han, n.m. 'gizzard.' 
scrog skrjgy n. ' a bite ' (15b). 
scrog, V. ' bite ': vb.n. scrogadh skrjg9g: ta na deargatain ag scrogadh 

ta: na d^argdltn d skrog.ig, 
scuab sk^ahy n. * broom,' ' besom.' 
scuab skiCab, v. * sweep ' ; vb.n. scuabadh sk^abjg : scuabadh an 

urlar skiCab.ig .1 n^hr. 
scuinear sk^:n'zr, n. * schooner' (8). 
scuit skltl, skEtf, interj. 'away' (to cats): scuit amach skEtj d max 

(t5 etc.). 
scuiteadh (scuitseadh) skltjjgy vb.n. 'hackling,' 'scutching (flax)': 

stac scuitidh stak sklt^i ' a frame for scutching ' (3). 
se, num., see § 135. 

seabhac Jo*,?^, pi. seabhaic Jo-/fe, n.m. ' hawk ' (i). 
seachad ^ax^d [-t), adv. ' past': ta an samhradh seachad ta dn saurdg 

jaxjty De Domhnach a chuaidh seachad d^e^doinax d x^ai jax9t 

' last Sunday/ 


seachain, vb. * miss *: sheachain me air gaxin mi er ' I missed it ' (15). 
seachran, in: dol ar seachran doT\ dr \axdran ' going astray' (3). 
seacht, num., see §§ 102, 135. 
seachtmhain [axtin, pi. seachtmhainean laxtin'^n, n.f. 'week': aon 

uair san t-sheachtmhain in ^zr Sd tjaxtin. 
seadh, ord., see § 136. 
seafach ^afaXy n. ' heifer ' (5). 
Seamas je:mDSy n.m. 'James.' 

sean ^ati, adj. 'old' (§§ 100, 119, 120): ta an fear sin sean ta dti Jjar 
\in lan\ in pl.-n. an Seanlathrach dti \andrax 'Shandragh'; orig. 
a plur.: cul nan Seanlathrach kiC:n nan lav[rax (3). 
sean-athair \anadr (11), \anzr, n.m. 'grandfather.' 
seangan, see sioghatair. 
sean-ghoirtean, n. ' old field,' in pl.-n. Druim an Sean-ghoirtean 

drhn ?n \anyort\zn. 
sean-mhathair ^anvsvy janvar, janmar (3), n.f. 'grandmother'; do 

shean-mhathair dj ^anva/ (3). 
searbh farv, adj. ' bitter.' 

searmoin larmzn\ n.f. 'sermon'; aig an t-shearmoin sg' dh t\armzn', 
searrach [arax, n.m. ' colt.' 
seas, V. ' stand ' ; vb.n. seasamh lesdv : ta e na sheasamh ta d na 

seascann, n. ' marsh grass,' in pl.-nn. Glaic an Sheascann ^ak' d 

heskjn (5), Lochan an Sheascann lohan a heskdn (4); cf. § 97. 
seibhin, sec seifeog. 

seiche, n.f. 'hide': an t-seicheas mhor 9n tjeps voir (15; corrupt?), 
seid \e :(/§, vb. ' blow ' ; pret. sheid he :d^ ; vb.n. seideadh Je :d:^9g ; 

p.p. seidiste je:d^ijt'3. 
seifeog, pi. seifeogan \efagdn, \ifagdn (9a), n.f. ' sheaf: cruinneachadh 
na seifeogan agus leigin na boiteanadh le gaoth krin'aho na \efagdn 
as Vig'in na hotldn3g h gE: (2). 
seile jeVdy n. ' bee.' 

seilean Je/'sw, pi. seileain Jf/'en' (Je/'stt), n.m. * bumblebee.' (2). 
seileastrach ^eV^straXy n. ' flags ' (Iris). 

seipeal, n. ' chapel,' in pl.-n. Bruach an t-Sheipeal br^ax 9n t\epdl (3). 
seisreach leJ9r'ax, n. 'team' (15a); cf. under maide. 
seo, dem. pron., see § 131. 


scol Jj.7, 11.111. 'sail ': bata scol ha:tj fj:L 

scol fighc ij:T\fij (3), lo'Ajijt (12), n. 'loom.' 

scoladoir \j ibtzr (15), ^j :\\,-)dzr (3), pi. scoladoirean ^j djtsrju (15), 

jy:r\jder\vi (3), n.m. 'sailor' (3). 
sconira Ijnihjr, n. ' room ' (3). 
Sconaid jj:nnd^, 11. f. 'Janet.' 
scorda p ;rJ,?, ^jrdj (3), Jj.tAj, n. 'sort': goidc an scorda madadh ? 

d^c: ;/ jj-.rd,} mad.ig 'what kind of a dog?' (14), scorda cagla 

lj:rd c^A 'kind of fear'; an aon seorta o nin jj:rtd, a h-uile 

scord J hxi'.i jj:rd (3). 
seorsa jjirsj, n. 'sort'; cf. seorda. 
seorta, see seorda. 

Seosamh, n.m. 'Joseph': a Sheosamh d pisdv (voc, 9a). 
settHste (E.) sztUlt'3, p.p. 'settled* (4). 
shawl (E.) IrA (3). 
shift (E.) Ji/d, n. ' a cut of yarn.' 
shine (E.): cha mhiste learn cad do bhiodh tu do shineal ha vi\t'd 

I' am ka d<i vh U d,i jzin'al (13). 
siapan ^iapjn, 11. ' soap ' (15). 
sibh, pers. pron., sec § 124. 
sicin, see chicken. 
Sile Jf:/'<9, n.f. 'Julia,' 'Sheila.' 
sileadh jil'Dg, vb.n. 'shedding' (15). 
sileastar ^ir^sLir, n. ' sedge.' 

simileaid liinihd^, n. ' chimney.' — Cf. J/w^/sr (An i), 
sin, dem. pron. & adv., see ^ 131. 
sin, V. 'stretch'; vb.n. sineadh fim'^g: ag sineadh mo chosan 

<i li:n'<i m? (3). 
Sine ^i:n\i {-a), n.f. 'Jean,' ' Sheena.' 
sinn, sinne, pers. pron., see § 124. 
sin-sean-athair Jm fanzr\ n.m. ' great-grandfather.' 
sin-sean-mhathair Jm \anvsr\ n.f. * great-grandmother.' 
siobadh sneacht ji:ki sn'axt, n. 'snowdrift.' 
sioc \Ik (15), \ik, n. 'frost': sioc liath |7fe Via (=liath-shioc), sioc 

dubh Ilk d£ ' hard frost.'— C£ jsk (An i). 
sioghatair jig^tzry n. 'ant' (13). 
siol jidl, n. ' seed ' : cuir siol k^r \idl ' sow.' 
sion juM, n.m. ' weather.' 


sionnach ^stiax, 11. m. * fox ' ; ta an teine leat anois niana dtuir an 

sionnach uait e ta dh t\m'd Vat d nl\ mm? d^r dyi \znax v^atl s 

(said when anybody was lighting a fire). — Cf. Iznax (An i). 
siopa |:>p, \ap3 (4), \ap, n.m. * shop,' * store ': san t-shiopa sdti tjopj. 
sios si :s, shs, J/ :s, adv. * down ' (direction) : ta an teine ro f hada sios 

ta 9n t\in'? n ad? Ji>5 * too far down/ 
siosur, siosaer Ji;5er, n.m. * pair of scissors/ in pl.-n. Poll an 

t-Shiosaer po :l du tji :ssr (if anybody puts his ear to it, he will 

hear a sound like that of a pair of scissors), 
siotraigh Jf^jn, vb.n. * neighing ' (15). 
siothlachan (siolachan) liaT\ahan, n.m. * sieve ' (3). 
siubhail, v. * go/ 'pass'; 'die'; pres.-fut, siubhlaidh \£:li (12), 

s^:li (2); pret. shiubhail e ^^jl' a 'it died' (of animals); 

vb.n. siubhal, in: thar shiubhal (§§ 139, 153). 
siucra i^:hr Q^, n. * sugar.' 
siud jid, dem. pron., see § 131. 
siur, see piur. 

siurailte f^:ralt^{?), adj. ' sure '; go siurailte g? j^:raltj? * surely/ 
skep (E.) sk'apy n. ' bee skep ' (U.E.). 

skimp (E.): ag skimpadh leo ^ sk'stnp?g Vo: * saving for them- 
selves ' (3). 
slaightear slaitj?r (15), sr]Eitjsr (3), sll:tizr (4), n.m. * rascal.' 
slainte sla :nt\d, n.f. * health.' 
slainteamhail sla:utjsl, adj. 'salutary.' 
slanlus sland?s, n. 'plantain' (15a). 

slanuightheoir : an Slanuighthcoir ?n sla:nlsr 'the Saviour' (3). 
slaod, V. 'pull/ 'trail/ 'carry on back' (15, etc.); vb.n. slaodadh 

slE :d?g. 
slaodan slEidatiy n.m. 'cold (in one's head)': ta slaodan orm ta: 

slE:dan orm. — Cf. sU:dan (An i). 
slat slat, n.f. ' rod ' ; ' yard ' : ag cunntas slat gan eadach 9 k^ntds slat 

g? nE'.dax {ne:dax), saying (2); slat mhara slat? var?, 
slate, see sclate. 

slatog slatag, n.f. '(violin) bow' (15, etc.). 
slave (E.) sle:v, n. (3). 
sleamhain sl'avin, adj. 'smooth'; sleamhanadh sl'avdtidg (14), 

a kind of smooth thistle (Centaurea ?) ; earn sleamhain karn 

iVavin 'slide cart' (15); cf. slipe. 


sliabh sihvy pi. slcibhtcan sic :vticm, u.m. 'slope,' 'mountain': 

air an t-shliabh cr m t'Viav (3). 
slibistcan sl'ihilt'Dn, * awkward people ' (12). 
sligc sli^\\ pi. sligcan slig\vt, n. 'shell' (6); also part of the 

" cruisie." 
sliniear J//://ier, n.m. ' lazy person ' (15). 
slinn ili:n, n. 'weaver's reed'? (15). 
sliocht sl'ext, n.m. 'trace,' 'scar'; in pl.-n. Sliocht an Fhianais (?) 

sl'sxt ? n'bni\ [n'iznil). 
slipe (E.) \lEip {\lolp), n. 'slide cart' (a kind of sled for carrying down 

sods from the mountains); also: earn sleamhain. 
sliseog [Ulcig, n.f. 'shingle' (15, etc.). 
sloe slok, n. 'gully*; in pl.-nn. Sloe na gCailleach slok na gal'ax. 

Sloe na Moran (Mara) slok na mordti (seldom mar?), a rough 

place in the sea, off the south point (orig. a place inland). — 

Cf. shk {slok?) n? mordu [mar?y\, An i). 
sloe shk, ST\3k (3), sok, slok (9, 15b), V. * pull,' in nursery rime: 

sloe isteach an duine seo slok [sT[3k, sok, slok) d \t'ax dn d^n'd 

{dEu\i, 9) p. 
slogan, sec slugan. 
sloig, sec sluig. 
sloinneadh sUn'?g (L,E.), slEn'?g (U.E.), n.m. 'surname'; 

' meaning ' (5). 
sluagh sliCag, n.m. 'host,' 'crowd,' 'people,' 'fairy host*; 

according to 15, etc., sluag is the * king of the elves'; 

in pl.-n. Bealach an t-Shluagh hjalax m tUag. 
sluasaid sluassd^ (i5^)» sT]dased^ (3), n.f. ' shovel.' 
slugan sr\Xgan (3), n.m. ' vortex,' in pl.-nn. Slugan Dun nan Giall 

sT]^gan d^:n nar] g'iar] (3), Slugan Inean Riabhaighe sr\iCgan 

In'zn rtavl (3). — Cf. (pl.-n., An i). 
sluice (E.) iZ/CJ".?, sllj;), n. 

sluig sUg\ sllg' (15b), V. 'swallow*; vb.n. sluigeadh sUg'9g (8). 
sman(an), conj., see §§ 100, 102, 103 (c), 145. 
smaoinigh smi:n'i, smE:n'i (9), v. 'think'; vb.n, smaoineachadh 

smi:n'aKig, smE:n'ag (9). 
smear 5m£;r, pi. smearan smzirm, n. 'blackberry.* 
smearach sms:rax, n. 'thrush.' 
smeorach, see smearach. 


smigead smig'jd, 11. * chin.' 

smoke (E.): bhfeil tliu smokadh (smocadh) ? vcl ^ snijikjg, 

smug sm^g, n. 'spittle': thilg i smug air hilg' i sm^Cg er 'she spat 

on it' (3). 
snaidhm snE:m (sno :m, 4), pi. snaidhmean snoniwn (4), n.f. *knot': 

an t-shnaidhm dh trl:m (3). 
snaithean sna ;fsw, n. * thread.' 
snamh sna:v, v. 'swim'; vb.n. idem: ag snamh 9 snaiv, dol a 

shnamh dol ? na:v (4); also used for sniomh: bean snamh 

hjatid snaiv 'spinning woman' (14). 
snaoisean snl:\zn, n. 'snuff'; sean snaoiseanadh Ian snlildtidg 

' old notions.' 
snath sna:, n. 'yarn': cuta de shnath h^t? d^e hna: {na:) 'a cut 

of yarn ' (3). 
snathad snajd, snadt, n.f. ' needle ' : a h-uile ni o'n t-shnathad go dti 

an acair (?) h^Ki n'i: o:n tradt gd d^i: nakir (3). — Cf. tra:d 

(An i). 
sneacht sn'axt{j), n. ' snow.' — Cf. sn'axt (An i). 
sneoinean sn'om'zn, pi. sneoineanadh sn'o'.n'zndg, n. 'daisy' (4, 13, 15). 
sniomh sn'i:v, vb.n. 'spinning': bha iad in gcomhnaidhe sniomh 

va ad DT\ go:ni sn'iiv (cf. snamh). 
snug (E-) sniCg, adj. * pretty.' 
so, dem. pron., see § 131. 
sobhaircin, see surclain. 
sobhrog soirag (su:rag, § 23), n.f. 'sorrel' (with strong taste, 13); 

cf. biadh eanain. 
socair sokir, sokor, adj. 'quiet.' 
soirbheas, n. 'windward': ta an bata air an t-shoirbheas ta dm ha:t 

er dn torvos ; cf. ta i dol go maith air an t-sairbhearacht ( ?) 

ta i dol gd ma er* m taivdraxt (9), er du tarvdrax (15 etc.). 
soirbhigh, v. 'speed,' 'prosper': go soirbhighidh Dia duit ^p szrvi 

dpa dXtj (3). 
soisealta so:jalt9y adj. 'kind,' 'sociable': duine beag soisealta 

d£n'9 beg sj:lalt3 (15). 
soitheach sr9X (8, 15), sE'dx, szax szdx (3), pi. soithean sopn, sEpn, 

sspn (3), n.m. 'vessel,' 'ship'; ag glanadh na soithean 9 gland 

na sopn ' washing the dishes.' 
sol sol, n.m. ' bottom of net *: tuir leibh an sol tdr lev 9n sol (2). 


solas sobs, sobs (11), sot\,is (3), 11. m. 'light': gan solas pn sobs, 

(an) toigh soluis {ju) tEi solij (11), tEi hor\ij (3) 'lighthouse/ — 

Cf. sjbs (An i). 
son, in: ar son jr son, .ir lun, prep, with gen. ' for . . . sake,* ' for ': 

ar son do dhinnear nr son d? jin'sr, ar shon an luath 9r hn 

J L{a (' ashes '), ar son niarcaidheacht pr sjtt markiaxty ar son 

tiormachadh .ir son tjzrma:g (3), ta iad ro dhaor ar shon a 

gceannacht ta ad n yE:r ?r lion d g'anaxt 'they are too dear to 

buy ' (6) ; car son kar ^son * why ? ' 
sonas son?s, n. ' luck ': sonas ort son?s ort : in pl.-n. Purt an t-Shonais 

pXrt on tojiil * Portantonnish ' (4). 
sop sop, n. * wisp/ 

sopog, pi. sopogan sopagon, n.f. 'sheaf,' "hut." 
Sorcha sora:g, n.f. 'Sarah' (3). 

spad, V. ' strike,' * kill ': spad iad e le cloch spad ad e fe khx (i). 
spag, spog spo:g, n. ' paw '; in pL-n. Purt an Spag p^rt dn spa:g. — 

Cf. spa:g (An i). 
spaid, spada spa:d[d), spa:d^ (15), n. 'spade': spad monadh spa:d 

mo'MDg (4). — Cf. spaidd (An i). 
Spain spam', n.f. 'spoon'; spain bheag spam' veg, Spain tae 

spa:n' tE: (3). — Cf. spam (An i). 
spairiseach spari^ax (2), stari^ax (8), adj. ' haughty.' 
spawn (E.) spanadh spa:n;ig, vb.n. (15 etc.). 
speal spjal, n. * scythe.' 
speal, V. 'mow'; vb.n. spealadh spjabg: bha me spealadh va: mz 

spjabg (15).^ 
speak spjalt, n. * milt ' (of fish), 
speir spe:r, pi. spcirean spc :rdn, n. 'cloud' (in pi. usually 

' the sky '). 
spcireach speirax, adj. 'cloudy' (2). 
spell (E.) spd ('a while'); chan fhag me Reachraidh cheann spell 

ha na:g m? raxm ^a:n spsl, ta spell gos an bi e reidh fast 

ta: spsl g;)s ^m hi e rei fa9st (13). 
spiorad spjznd, n. * spirit.' 
spog, see spag. 
spool (E.) spXl (3), n. 'spool,' 'bobbin' (Sc. 'pirn'); spoil (15) 

' shuttle.' 
sporan sporan (13)^ n.m. 'purse' (13). 


sprig (E.) sprsg', n. (8).^ 

spuin sp£:n\ spd:ti\ n. 'spoon' (U.E.), c£. spain. 

sraon srE:n, n. * corncrake ' (8). 

sraothartach, see srofartaigh. 

srathair srajr, n. * straddle ' (3). 

sreangan srz-an, pi. sreangain srs-an', n. ' shoestring,' ' apron string ' 

srian srian (Jrw»), n. * bridle ' (15, 15b). 
srianach srianax, n. ' bridleneb ' (a bird, 3, 12). 
sroin sn:n\ n. ' nose,' ' point ': tiomall an t-shroin /{^m^ri m tn:n' ; 

in pl.-nn.: Sroin an Mhadaidh srj:n' d vadi, Sroin an Mhinistear 

sroin' d tnin'ijt'sr, Sroin an ToUabhae so :n' dti tolave. 
srofartaigh srDf?rti, [str-, 8), vb.n. * sneezing': bha e srofartaigh va ? 

sruth STiC, n. * brook,' ' stream.' 
sruthan sr^atij n.m. ' stream,' also ' chute or spout for rain water ' ; 

in pl.-nn. Ceann (an) t-Shruthan k'cin tr^an {tr^du, 3, 8). 
stab (E.) stjh, v.; stab iad e stoh ad z {3). 
stdbla staihsl, n. * stable.' — Cf. staihdl (An i). 
stac stak, n. * stack ' (conical top), in pl.-nn. : Stac na Caillighe 

stak na kal'i, Stac Mor stakj mo :r (3), Stac Buidhe stak? h^jj (4), 

Stac na Bainnse stakj (stakan?) na hainJD (5). 
stad stad, v. * stop ' ; vb.n. idem. 
staighre stEir'9, n. ' stairway ' : suas an staighre s^Cas Dn stEir's 

* upstairs.' 
stairseach (starsach) starsax, n. ' threshold,' * doorsilL' 
stealladh st'aT]?g, vb.n. * spraying.' 
stearnal (stairneail) starn'dl (3), n. * sea swallow.' 
Steochan (Steofan), in: La Steochan lad st'oixan *' Boxing Day." 
stick (E.); pret. stick \t'ik (3); vb.n. ag stickeadh d \t'ik?g (3). 
stiuir st'^ir, n. ' helm.' 

stocaigh, pi. stocaighthe stoiki (stjki), n. * stocking.' 
stoirm stjrm, n. * storm.' 

stoirmeamhail stormel, adj. * stormy.' — Cf. stormalt, stErmalt'd (An i). 
stol stj :l(d)y n. * stool.' 
storas sto :ras, n. ' stores,' * property.' 

stradog stradag, n. * spark ' : stradog as an teine stradag as dn t\in'?. 
stribh stri'.v, vb.n. 'toil,' 'struggle': tig ort stribh le theacht frid 


an saoghal clio inaith \ is iirra Icat rjig' prt str'r.v k ^axt fri:d^ 

JH sEdI xj ma sj s^rj Vat (3); cf. EngL * strive/ 
stroic strj:k\ v. * scratch/ 'tear': ta eagal orm gon stroic c mo 

lamlian ta egdl orm gjn sto:k' {stn:k) a mo la:vjn; vb.n. strocadh 

stnihd (3); cf. under diabhal. 
stuama st^amjy adj. * wise,' * dignified.' 
stuaman st^aman, n. * solitary or dull man': duine stuaman dxn'D 

st^aman; pl.-n. an Stuaman dh stuaman (an isolated stack), 
stuif, see stuth. 

stuth st^, n.m. 'stuff': stuth maith st^ ma, 
suas (.7) s^as, adv. ' up ' (direction) : cumaidh iad a suas k^mi at d s^as 

* they will keep up.' 
subh, see sugh. 

subhan cafraidh s^jti kaifri, n. ' sowens ' (with sour milk), 
sue sik sik sik {siCk, 2), call to young calves. 

sugan s^:gan, pi. sugain s^:gan\ n.m. * rope ' ; sugan muineal 
sigan m^n'dl (11), mEn'ol, sugan connlach sigan kr.lax (11) 

* horse collar ' (filled with straw) ; cf. cor shugain. 

sugh, n. * berry': sugh sealbhan (orig. talmhan) sik \ar]Bvan (3), 
jik \aT\dvan (3), sigd jalvan (13), SiCk [alvan (15) * strawberry.' 

sugh 5/C;, n. * juice.* 

siigha 5^;, n. * soot ' (3). 

suidh slj (i), si (L.E,), sEi, sai (U.E.), v. *sit'; vb.n. suidhe sIJ9 (i), 
sEio, said, said (3): bha e na shuidhe va d na haid, ta me mo 
shuidhe ta: me md haid (ta me shuidhe ta: me hEid), 

suidheacan, suidheachan, vb.n.: bha me suidheachan va: mi 
sljdxan (4), ta mise ('s) mo shuidheacan ta: mi\d s m? hijdkan (5), 
ta: me hEidkan (13), ta: me saiokan; cf. laigheacan. 

suil s^:l\ pi. suilean s£:l'dn, n.f. *eye'; suile bhuidhe siCVd ^v^id 

* corn marigold.' 

suilean s^:l'en, n. * bubble ' (15). 

suipear siper, n. * supper ': in deidh shuipear dn d^ei hiper (3). 

suiste 5<C;J/'^, n, ' flail,' consisting of buailtean h/Calt\en and 

lamhchrann la:fdrdn (* handle '), connected by a strap (iall ial), 
surclain sdrklan\ Sdrklan', n. * primrose ' (15); cf. Dun Surclain 

d^:n sirklan* * Dunseverick ' (15). 
swing (E.): pret. shwing e hwiT\ e (3). 
sycamore (E.): sekdmo:r. 


ta, substantive vb., see § 146. 

tabhair, irreg. vb., see § 152. 

tabla ta:b^l ta:bh, te{:)b9l (U.E.), n. * table.' 

tacaid, n. *tack': tacaidean brogan takat\?n hro:g?n (8). 

tacaite takit'j, part. adj. * hobnailed ' : brogan tacaite hroigon 

takit'9 (15). 
tachair, v. * happen ' : pret. thachair iad air hax3r at er * he 

met them' (3); vb.n. tachairt taxdrtj, ta'?rtl (6): bidh iad 

ag tachairt ort hii ad d tadrt\ ort ' you will meet them ' (6). 
tacht, V. * choke'; pres.-fut. tachtaidh me thu taxti mi ^ (8); 

p.p. tachtaiste taxti\t'd. 
tae tE:^ n. * tea ' (cf. tea), 
rafann taJdUy vb.n. * barking.* 
taileag, see aileag. 
taillear ta:l'zr, n.m. * tailor.' 

tairne tar'n'{d), pi. tairnean tar'n'dn, n. * nail' (8, 13). 
tairneach tarn' ax, tarnax, n. * thunder ' : ta tairneach ann ta : 

tarn' ax an (15). 
tairneanacht tarn'znaxty tarn'dnax (15), n, * thunder.' 
tairnge, see tairne. 
taisean (taiseain?) ta\zn, tajjn, v. 'show'; * give (me)*: pres.-fut. 

taiseanaidh mise ta^eni {ta^Bniy ta^ni) mij^; pret. an do thaisean? 

9n h ha\zn. 
taithighe ta-i, vb.n. * visiting': bi taithighe air do chairdean, ach 

na bi taithighe ro trie ortha hi ta-i er d? xard^dn ax na hi ta-i ro 

trek' op (12). 
talamh tahv, taT[dV (3), n.m. * earth ': air an dtalamh er dn dar\dv (3); 

cf. under sugh. 
tamailte ta:malt\d, adj. 'afflicted,' * sorry': ta me tamailte ta: mz 

ta:tnalt\d (15). 
tamhailt tavilt\, tavdlt\, tamaltl, n. * monster ' (15). 
tamhnach tavnax, n.m. * cultivated piece of land,' common in pl.-nn. 

— Cf. tavnax (An i). 
tana tanj, adj. ' thin.' 
tanalacht, n. * dizziness,' * giddiness': ta tanalacht in mo cheann 

ta: tanalaxt dn md ^a:n. 
taobh tE:Vy t^v, n. * side': an Taobh Tuath 9n tXv tKa * the North 

Side,' aig an taobh zg' dn tE:v, aig taobh cloch mhor zg' tE:v 


kr\xx vo:r (3), taobh a suas tE:v 9 s^as, istcach d st'ah, istoigh 

.? stEi, ainach d max, ainnigh j mji (adverbs, 13)^ — Cf. t^ :v 

(All i). 
Taobhog tEivag (trcivag, 4), pl.-n. 
taod (tcad), 11. 'rope,' * tether': cuir an t-each air taod ki^r du 

t\ax cr (E:d * tether the horse ' (15). 
taoman tEnmmy 11.111. 'bail' (for baihng water), 
tapaidh tapi, adj. 'quick/ 'smart'; go tapaidh g^ tapi 'quickly'; 

ceanii tapaidh k'a:n tapi * smart head' (3). 
tarbh tarv, pi. tairbh tow (L.E.), tErv (U.E.), n.m. * bull '; in pl.-nn.: 

Cnoc an Tairbh knk ?n tErv [torv). Loch an Tairbh 

lox DU tErv (8). 
tarrain tarin, tarzn, tarjti, v. * pull,' 'haul': pres.-fut. tairmidh mc 

tarn'i [tarni) mz\ pret. tharrain harin\ vb.n. tarrain tariw, 

tarrain do anail tar?n h anal, a tharrain na torpan d harin na 

torpdu * to pull the sods ' ; also n. * draught.' 
tarrthail ta :ral, vb.n. * helping ' (8) ; n. ' help ' : chostainn tarrthail 

XDStin ta:ral (8) *I v^ould need help.' 
te tje, adj. * hot.' 
tea ti: (Engl. * t '), n.; cf. tae. 
tcacsa tjeksd, n. * permit ' (15). 
tead, see taod. 
teaghlach tje:lax, n.m. 'family': ta teaghlach mor aige ta: tjedax 

tnoir zg'd, 
teallach tjalax, n. ' hearth * (also said to mean * blacksmith's tongs,' 4, 

evidently mixed up with teanchair). 
teanchair tjanaxer, n. * tongs ' (15 etc.). 
teanga, teangaidh tjeg9 (2, 3, 15), tfayi (i, 5, 12), n. * tongue': 

an teangaidh 9n tjayi (5); cum do theanga (tjieangaidh) k^m 

dd hzg? (ffiyr, 5). — Rathl. Cat. mo henga. 
teannta (teannca), in: i dteannca do (le) diar\kd d? (/e), adv. * near,' 

'next to': i dteannca do'n fhear (duine) sin d^ar]k3 dd n'ar 

{dm d^n'j Jm, 11), an t-aon i dteannca do'n laodog 9n tin d^aT\k9 

ddu lE'Jag * the fourth finger' (11), an t-aon i dteannca leis 

dn tin d^ar]k9 lej (11). 
teas tjes, n. ' heat.' 

teich tje^, v. * run,' *flee'; pret. theich he^; vb. n. teicheadh tfepg^, 
teid, irreg. vb., see § 153. 


teidheag tjcag, tjiag (9), v. * warm,' 'heat'; pres.-fut. tcidlieagaidh 
tjcagi, tjcaxi (?, 12); pret. theidhcag heag (13); teidheag thu 
fhem tjeag ^ he :n (imper), teidheagaidh me do leithcheann 
tjeagi mi d? lepn (2); vb. n. teidheagadh t\eag?g (3, 13), t\iagdg 
(9), t\i'ag (?, 5): ta me dol a mo theidheagadh fhein ta: mz 
dol a m? heagd {hiagj) he :n (11). 

teine tiui'D, n.f. 'fire' {§ 113): teine aidhear tjin' aijr, teine dealan 
tjin'D dealan ' Hghtning ' (i). 

teintean, m cloch teintean kT\jx tiintjen\ n. ' hearthstone ' (3). 

thall ha:l, hal, hax\ (3), adv. 'over,' 'yonder'; thall air hal er, 
prep. ' over.' 

thaobh-eicin, indef. pron., see § 134 (B, b). 

thar har, adv. and prep. ' over,' ' across ' (usually thar le, q.v.). 

thar le har /s, prep, 'over,' 'across'; thar le beinn har h hem' 
' over the rock heads ' ; thar leis har lei, ^dv. ' over ' : 
ag bruith thar leis d fcrsf ^hardle\ ' boiling over.' 

thios hi:s, adv. 'down' (rest). 

thro(imh), prep., see § 98. 

thu, thusa, pers. pron., see § 124. 

thuas h^aSy adv. ' up ' (rest) : thuas ud hi^as ad ' up there.' 

thugainn, see § 154. 

tibhead t\ivdt, n. ' thickness ' : da oirleach ar tibhead da : orlax dr 
t\iv?t (3). 

tig, irreg. vb., see § I54- 

tighead, see tibhead. 

tighearna t\idrnd, n.m. ' lord ' : nar dTighearna udr diidrtid ; ta an 
Tighearna leat ta dti t\idrn9 lat. 

till, V. ' return '; pret. thill iad na bhaile hiV ad na val'd ; vb.n. tilleadh 

timcheall, see tiomall. 

timthire teallach t\imDr U^alax, n. ' fire-tongs ' (=maide bhriste). 

tinn tjin, adj. ' sick,' ' ill' : ta e tinn ta ? tjin, ag fas tinn 9fa :s tlin (3). 

tinneas t^iti'ds, n.m. ' disease.' 

tiomall, tiomallta ti^mdlt{9), t\iCmdl, t\i£mdr\ (3), t\imdl (2), adv. and 
prep, 'around,' 'about': tiomall an choirneal t\i^mdl ? xjrn'al, 
tiomall fichead tl^nidlfidd ' about twenty ' ; usually with air or thart : 
tiomall air tl^ntdl er ' about it,' cuiridh sinn tiomallta air dramai 
k^ri jin' tl^mDlt er drami, tiomall air a h-uile rud t\/^mdl er ? 


Il{1\i fiCd, tiomall chart Reachraidh t^^mDl hart raxm * round about 

Rathliu.' — Cf. k'^mjlt (An i), Manx chynimylt (Kneen, § 8i). 
tionntaigh tjztiti (-/, -j/), v. * turn '; vb.n. tionntachadh tientahg (2, 4), 

tlsHta{:)g (3, 13); p.p. tionntaiste tfentijt'9. 
tioradh tli:rjg, n.m. * grist (dried in the kiln)' (15b). 
tiorniaigh, v. * dry ' : imperf.-cond. an dtiormochadh e 911 d^zmiaig 

£ (6); vb.n. tiormachadh t\zrmah?g (2, 13), t\zrma:g (3, 6). 
tir t\i:r, pi. tir(th)ean t\i:rdn (4), tirtean t\i:rtldn (3), n.f. * country'; 

an tir seo ?n tji:r J:? {=' Rathlin '). 
tirim, tircam tjir\vn, adj. * dry ' (§ 122). 
tiuc tj£h{j) tSi{k{D) 'tj^k, call to hens. 

tiugh tj^, adj. * thick': ta an fharraice tiugh leis ta ? narik'd t\^ lej, 
tiugainn, see thugainn. 
tobaca to^bak,i, n. * tobacco ' (5). 
tobar tokir, n.m. 'well'; in pl.-nn.: Tobar an Uisce tohdt d 

nljk'j (3)-— Cf. t^fb'^r (An i). 
tog, V. * lift,' * raise,' ' take '; * build '; pret. thog hog; vb.n. togail 

togel, togdl. 
togail togzl, togal, n. ' building.' 
toigh toi, tEi (L.E.), tEi, tai (U.E.), tEi^ (3, sometimes), pi. toighean 

tEidfi, n.m. * house ' : toigh soluis tEi soU\, toigh scoil tEi skol, 

toigh an Aifreann tEi d nafrdti * the chapel,' toigh 61 tEi oil 

* tavern ' ; bean an toighe hjan dti tEid ; in pl.-n. Glaic an Toigh 

Mor glak' dti tEi mo .t. 
toil tol, n. * will ' : do thoil dd hoL — Rathl. Cat. do hoil. 
toiligh, V. * please': fut. ma thoileochas tu ma hol'ads t^ (3), 

ma hol'ds t£ (6, 12), rud ari thoileochas tu rXd dti hol'agds (for x) 

t^ (12); p.p. (part, adj.) toiliste tDli\t'd 'pleased.' 
toin to:n\ n. 'bottom': ta an toin as a' phota ta dti to :n' as Dfitj; 

in pl.-nn. Toin an Ribhe Moine tj :n' d rlvd mom'd, 

Toin Ribhe (?) Leanan toin ravd I'zman (4), Toin le Gaoith 

toin h gE:p (4; cf Toin ri Gaoith, in Arran, Scotl.). 
toiseach to\ax, tojaxt, n. ' beginning ' : o'n toiseach on tojaXy dn tojax 

'at first,' teid me air toiseacht tjeid^ mi er to\axt 'I vj\\\ go 

first' (3). 
toisigh, V. 'begin': pres. (fut. sense) toisighidh me 0;Ji mi (12), 

fiit. toiseochaidh me amaireacht to:\axd mi mair'axt (12); pret. 

thoisigh iad ho:\i ad (3, 12), ho\i ad. 


toit tjtj, n. ' smoke.'— Cf. t?t' {tot\. An i). 

toit tDt^, vb.n. ' smoking.' 

Tollabhae *tolave(:), pl.-n. * Tolloway.' 

tom to :m, torn, n. 'bush.' 

tomhais, v. * guess'; 'measure,' 'weigh': prct. thomhais me 
hrii niE (15); vb.n. tomhas trjs. 

tomhas trds, pi. tomhais, tomhaisean to'il (also sing. ?), tri^DHy 
n. ' measure'; ' weight,' sean tomhaisean jan tril^n; cur amach 
tomhaisean kQ d max iT\\dn ' putting riddles ' (15). 

tonn io'Ai, n.f. *wave'; uisce fa thuinn l\k*d ja h^:n' ' subsoil water.' 

tonnog, see tunnog. 

Tor t^y n. *Torr' (in Antrim, 5). 

toradh, n. ' fruit ': toradh do bhroinn losa torD dd vrEin' ids? (9). 

tordan tordan, n.m. * bunch or tuft of heather ' (5). 

torp torp, pi. torpan tjrpjti, n. ' (heather) sods ' (for burning); buaint 
torpan h^Dtitj tjrpjtr, in pl.-n. an Torp du torp. — Cf. tjrp. An i. 

torr, see Tor and tur. 

torradh tjirdg, n. 'funeral': aig an torradh zg' ?n tj:rjg {to:r^ 2). 

tost, in: bi do thost hi: dd host ' be silent.' 

tostach tostax, adj. ' silent.' 

tota totD, pi. totachan totah?n, n.m. ' seat ' (in a boat) ; the seats are 
named : an tota beag du totd h'Eg, an tota reiste (reidhiste ?) reilt'd^ 
an tota togaile togal'd, an tota chroinn xrEin, an tota 
gualann g^ahn (15). 

tow (E.): towte isteach toitld st'ax 'towed in' (3). 

track (E.) trzk\ n. (3). 

traghadh traigdg (i), tra:g, vb.n. 'ebbing'; tragadh phoc traig? fok 
' countercurrent,' 'whirlpool' (15, etc.); cf. poca. 

traigh traij, trai, n.f 'beach': an traigh mhin dti tra[:)i vi:n\ 
traigh gaineamh traij gan'dv {idem); ta an traigh ag teacht 
ta dti tra :j d tjaxt ' it is ebbing ' (8) ; ta miann a chait anns 
an traigh, ach cha dtuir c 2is g ta : mian d x^tl ans dn tra :j ax xa 
d^r a as a, ta biadh a' scuit istraigh ach cha dtuir e fhe as e 
ta: biag d skltj d stra:j {strai) ax xa dXr a he: as a (13, proverb). 

traona, see sraon. 

trap (E.) trap, *a two- wheeled cart': bha trap aca va: trap akd. 

trascadh tra:skdg, n. 'feeling of hunger': ta an trascadh orm ta: n 
tra:skdg orm (12), bha trascadh orm va: tra:shg orm (13). 



trasna trasnj, prep, with gen. 'across': trasna an ciian trasnj t] 

kiQn (8), trasna na tire trasnj na tji:rD (3). 
trc, see thro(inili). 
trcabliacan, in: rcidh Icis an treabhacan rsi /ej dh t'r'o'dkan * ready 

with the plowing' (U.E., ace. to 13); cf. laigheacan. 
trcabhadh tro\ig (1, 8, 13), tr'o.ig (3, ace. to 8: t'r'ojg), vb.n. * plowing.' 
trean trsjn, adj. *fast': cho trcan 's a b'urra leithe x:> trzon s j 

hXrj kp (3). 
tri, num., sec § 135. 

tri-bhliadhnach trEivlianax, adj. * three-year-old.' 
trie (troic), in: go trie gj trek' * often,' ro thric n hrzk' (refe') 

* very often.' 

triobloid tribhd^, n. ' tribulation,' * trouble.' 

trinnsear trEnisr (15), trEinjsr (3), trenjer, n. * (wooden) plate.* 

triomhadh, ord., sec § 136. 

triur, num., see ^ 135. 

troid tnd^, vb.n. * fighting' (3); coileach trod kEl'ax {kol'ax) trod 

* gamecock.' 

troigh trEi, pi. troighean trEidti, n. 'foot' (measure): troigh ar fad 

trEi dr fad (3). 
trom tro itUy trom, adj. 'heavy': mas trom leat do cheann, gur ro 

throm e mas troitn I' at dd ga:n g9{r) ro roitn e: (a hogmanay 

game, 3, 13). 
troman, see droman. 

troscadh troskd{g)y vb.n. 'fasting' (* troska,' 12); cf. trascadh. 
troscan, see truscan. 
trough (E.) trox, n. 
truagh tr^a, tr^ag (12, 15 etc.), n. & adj. 'pity'; 'pitiful': 

mo thruagh ntd r^a (r^a) 'alas,' mor an truagh mo:r dti tnCa 

'it is a great pity,* cf. truaighe; is truagh leam ?s tr^a {tr^ag, 

12, 15 etc.) lam [I'dm) 'I pity.' 
truaighe tr^ajj, trXai, n. * pity ' : mor an truaighe mo :r dtx tr^ajd, 

ba mhor an truaighe hd voir Dti tnCai (15 etc.). 
truideog tr^d^ag {trld^ag), n. ' thrush.' 
trup (truip) trip, n. ' the fairies ' ; in pl.-nn. : Bealach an Truip 

hjalax dfi trip; Inean an Truip (Truimp) in'en dti trip [trimp, 4; 

the latter maybe from tromp ' jew's-harp,' associated with fairy 



truscan tnCskan, n.m. * suit of clothes ' (3). 

tu, tusa, pers. pron., see § 124. 

tuafal (tuaitheal, etc.) Uafal, tiCafdl (8), t^afdr (3), n. and adj. ' booby '; 

' stupid,' ' awkward ': chan fheil tuafar ami ha nel Uafdr an (3), 

duine tuafal d/Cn'd UafA (8); in pl.-n. Fallt (Fah) Tuafal al^Uafjl, 

fav[U/Cafdr (3), Fallt Tuaitheal faVtuapl (5), aVtuapl (12), 

aVUafrax {^), faVt^af? {^), faVt/Caji (2), a dangerous place on the 

north coast, 
tuagh t^ag, pi. tuaghan Uagdti, n. * ax.* 
tuaitheal, see tuafal. 
tuath tiCa, n. * north': an taobh tuath 9n tE:v t^a, ag dol ma thuath 

9 dol ma h^a * going northward.' 
tuathal, see tuafal, etc. 
tubaiste, pi. tubaistean t(£hi\t'dn, n. * mishap,' * accident': is trom na 

tubaistean air na slibistean ds tro :m na t^hi\t'dn er na sVibi^t'm 

(saying, 12). 
tug (E.) tugachan tiCgaxDU * chains of plow ' (15, 15b). 
tugha t£9, n. ' thatch.' 
tuig tiCg\ tig', tEg' (U.E.), V. * understand ' : pres.-fut. tuigidh 

t^g'i, tig'i; vb.n. tuigsin f^gjiUy tuigeal t^g'al, tig'al, tXg'el (13), 

Ug'ax] (3). 
tuighte (tuite) ^^rj.?, part. adj. ' thatched.' 
tuille (tuilidh) t^l'? (3), t/CVi (3, 13), n. *more': ma ta tuilidh ann 

ma ta: t£l'i an (3), chan fhaca sinn e tuilidh ha nakd \in' e t^l'i 

* we did not see it any more ' ; tuille 's choir, tuilidh 's coir 
t^l'd s? xo:r, t/Cli s kj :r * too much ': ta tuille 's choir salann air 
ta : t^V? s? XD :r sahn er. 

tuit t/Ctl, titj, V. ' fall '; vb.n. tuiteam: ta an toigh ag dol a thuiteam 

ta ?n tEi ? doT\ ? hit j 9m (3). 
tuiteam t^tJ9m, n. * fall ' : tuiteam na bliadhna t£tf9m na bl'ian? 

* fall of the year ' (10), tuiteam uisce t^tJ9m /Jfe'a * waterfall ' (8). 
tunnog t£nag, pi. tunnogan tXnag9ny n.f. * duck ' : uigh tunnog 

^i t^nag * duck's egg' (8). — Cf t^nag (An i). 
tur r^r, n.m. ' heap,' ' hill,* in the pl.-n. an Tur Mor 9n t^r mo :r. 
turadh ti^Ydg, n. * dry (fair) weather.* 
turcach t£rkah, n.m. * turkey'; coilcach turcach kElax tXrkah 

* turkey gobbler.' 

tiis, n. * beginning,* in: mar a bha o thus m9r 9 va: h^9S. 



uachtar bainnc Aaxt.n ba}i'D^ n. * cream/ 

iiaigh xnj, xai, pi. uaighcan Xajjn, n. ' grave* 

uaigncach xeg'n'ax, nzg'n'ax (15a), adj. 'lonely/ 'lonesome* (8). 

uaine Xan'j, adj. ' green.* 

uair Xar, i(er, A.?r, n.f. 'time*; 'weather*: aon uair san la in Xzr 
sj la J, uair am ^sr am ' an hour*s time * (2) ; uair mhaith 
iCar va [ma) 'fine weather*; c*uair, interr. adv., see § 144; 
uair a, conj., sec air a. 

uamh, uamha ^ap{j), pi. uamhachan iCavaxm (5), n.f. 'cave* (§§ 113, 
115), in pl.-nn. : Uamha nan gColman ^avd naT\ golman 'the 
Pigeons* Cave/ Uamha Pol d(f)vd p;/, Cnoc na h-Uamhadh krok 
na h^avDO, Inean na h-Uamhadh in'zn na h^av.ig (4), Uamhach 
O Beim iCauah 3 *b'zrn\ Uamhaidh Dhomh*all Bara ^avi yol 
ba:ra (3), an Uamhaidh Lomairte j n^avi (mvi) r^omdrtl? 'the 
Shearing Cave * (3). 

uan £an, ^jn, n.m. ' lamb.* 

uasal uasjl (15a), in: duine uasal d^n' Xasjr\ (3), pi. daoine uasal 
dE:n' ^asol (2), n. 'gentleman.* 

ubh, see uigh. 

ubhall iCjl, pi. ubhallan ^^hn, n. * apple * : craobhan ubhallan 
krE'.vjn iCdhn 'apple trees.' 

ucht HXt, ^xt, n. 'breast* (2); 'stomach pit.* 

Uchtaigh i^xtiy pl.-n. (below Brockley). 

ud ad, adv. * yonder/ usually in combination with thall: an toigh 
ud thall dn tEi a*tal ' yonder house.* 

Uig {(:g\ n.f. ' Ouig * : an Uig ^ n^:g' {nE:d\ 6), air an Uig 
er D n^:g' 'at Ouig/ ag dol go h-Uig J del g9 h^:g'; 
Cnoc na h-Uige knk na h^:g'9 (pl.-n.); Uig an Mhuilinn 
^:g'D v^l'in ' Mill Bay * ; uig originally= ' bay ' ? 

uigh Xi, pi. uighean ^JDn, ^idn, n. * egg *: uigh cearc (circe) ^i k'ark (3), 
k'irk'3 (12), uigh tunnog ^/ Unag, uigh geidh ^i g'zi (3), uigh 
turcach £i t^rkah (3). 

uile, indef pron., see § 134 (B, a). 

Uilleam ^I'am, n.m. ' William * : Uilleam cratha* t'iorball ^Vam krad 
tiCrbnl ' the wagtail * (8). 

uihnn <C/m, n. * elbow.' 

uinneog /Cn'ag, Mzg (i, 13), n.f. ' window.* — Cf. ^n'dg (An i). 

uisce ^k'd, Ilk' 3, n.m. 'water*; 'rain*: bhfeil an t-uisce ann? vel 


5;/ tljk' an ' is it raining ? ' cosmhail leis an uiscc hsal lef d nllk'd 
' looking like rain,' cha bhi gaoth laidir riamh ann gan uiscc 
ha vi: gE: laid^dr riav an gd nllk'd (saying), uisce beatha 
^\k'd {I\k'd) hzD * whiskey'; casan uisce, see casan. — Cf. £sk'd, 
esk'3, dsk'd (An). 

uiseog, n.> in Rathlin name of a sea bird: bheireadh an la sin iarraidh 
air na uiseogan ver'dg m lad fin iari er na ^fagm (said of a 
very wet day, 15). 

ur iC.T, adj. ' fresh,' * new,' 

ur (liir) ^:r, n.f. * earth ' (3). 

urad ^r3t, n. * quantity ' : an urad 's a ghlacadh tu 9 n^rdt Sd r\akd t£ 
* how much you would take ' (3), sin urad 's ta fhios agam-sa 
jIn ^Tdt s ta Us agdmsd, is esan an urad duine 's thainigh na bhaile 
fzsdn ^rdt diCn'd sd hain't na val'd (3). 

uraidh, in: i n-uraidh ? n^ri Mast year.' 

urlar urlar (15a), Mdr, £hr, ^r\?r (3), n. 'floor'; also 'bottom of a ship.' 

urnaighe ^rni, pi. urnaighthe ^rni^ n. and vb.n. * prayer '; ' praying ': 
bha e ag urnaighe va: g^rni * he was praying' (2), bha e ag 
gabhail a gh-urnaigh(th)e va ? goal d y^rni {idem, 2); ag gabhail 
an urnaighthe ? goal d nXrni * saying their prayers.' 

urra, urraidh, urrain, def. vb., see § 155. 

urramach ^r?max, adj. ' honorable,' ' respectable ' (15). 

us ^5, adv. * here,' 'give me' (§ 152) : us piosa paipear £s pi:s9 
pa:per (15). 

Usaid ^sE>d^, n.f ' Ushet ' (pl.-n.): san Usaid sj n^sad^ * at Ushet ' (3), 
LoCh na h-Usaide lox na h^sid^j (5), loha na h^sjd^ (4) 
' Ushet Loch.' 

lisaideadh ^:sadpg, vb.n. * using ' (2). 

lisaideach ^isad^ax, adj. ' useful.' 

use £'5fe, n. ' fish oil ' (used for burning in the '* cruisie "). 

utan, see niutan. 

watch (E.) xvotl, n.: watch oir wot\ o:r' ' gold watch.' 
well (E.) wzU ^El, interj. 

whip (E.) hwip: whip e leis e hwip a lef s (3). 
wild (E.) tvEild, vEild, adj. 

yoke (E.), vb.: yoke e e isteach^ofe a s st'ax ' he yoked him in ' (3). 


'K V 





Royal Irish Academy, Dublin 
Todd lecture series