/E-r. S9] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 69
taxpayer, and a constitution furnished with safeguards to give a voice to the minority and security to property would or migl.it become an object of attack to agitators, and unless supported by English force—which is a supposition fatal to the whole idea on which we are arguing—it would bo swept away. I do not say that this would necessarily happen, but the recent agitation in Ireland makes it at least essential to guard against" it; for, bad as things are, such a contingency, which, would mean anarchy of the worst kind, would only make it worse.
* Borne option to sell at a fair price or to remain and take their chance under a fair constitution as carefully guarded and guaranteed as possible seems alone, in point of argument, to meet the conditions of the case; but IHTO, as 1 have said, you would bo confronted by the magnitude of the amount required and the practical impossibility ot providing it.
1 I conclude that you are still at Nice, and I hopo the better for it in health. Believe me,
' Yours very sincerely,
I feared that the whole*, plan might be wrecked by the need of purchasing out the landlords at an onor-inous cost, and 1 urged upon him not to insist on that condition. It seemed to me that the essential basis of an arrangement acceptable to the Tory party xnust be that the Irish proprietors shall stay at homo and do their duty, as the gentry of other countries do. Why should they not do so ? It was the unspoken condition on which their class exists, and its privileges can l>c justified only if they perform the public duiicB for which, they are specially fit., and shows conclusively that for a dozen years before his Irish Vice-Royalty he was deeply engaged on the Irish problem.Carnarvon. During