Skip to main content

Full text of "The Natural Genesis (Volume 1)"

See other formats


VOL. I. 



The Natural Genesis 

First published London, Williams and Norgate, 1883. 

This electronic edition issued by Celephais Press, 

somewhere beyond the Tanarian Hills, and 

mani(n)fested in the waking world in 

Leeds, Yorkshire, England, 


This work is in the public domain. 

Release i.oi: January 2008. 

Tidied up headers, added new cover, otherwise nothing changed. 

Could probably use further proof-reading but I need a better 

copy-text than the crappy page-scans I based this off. 

Please report errors to dancingstarTSagmail • com 

citing revision date or release number. 












"In the customs and institutions of schools, academies, colleges, and similar bodies destined 
for the abode of learned men and the cultivation of learning, everything is found adverse to the 
progress of science. For the lectures and exercises there are so ordered, that to think or specu- 
late on anything out of the common luay can hardly occur in any man. And if one or two 
have the boldness to use any liberty of judgement, they must undertake the task all by themselves: 
they can have no advantage from the company ofotherts. And if they can endure this also, they 
u/ill find their industry and largeness of mind no slight hindrance to their fortune. For the 
studies of men in these places are confined and as it were imprisoned in the writings of certain 
authors, from whom if any man dissent he is straightaway arraigned as a turbulent person and 
an innovator." — Bacon. 

They needs must find it hard to take Truth for authority luho have so long mistaken 
Authority for truth. 

The Shadoius of the past, substantialized, 
Environ us; we are built about from, birth 
With life-long shutting out of light from heaven. 

"The few luho had the courage to call the child by its right name, the few that knew some- 
thing of it, luho foolishly opened their hearts and revealed their vision to the many, were always 
burnt or crucified." — Goethe. 

'Tisatruth, houje'er unheeded 
Work least ujanted is most needed. 

There is, however, an incredible tendency in human nature, hoiuever few may cultivate 
it at one time in the same direction, never to rest short of the attainable; and hoiuever mini- 
mized its value may appear in the process of attainment, uje cannot rest until we have 
the truth. 

Certain insects have developed the instinct to lay up food for their offspring uMch they never 
live to see. 

In Africa the natives still dig round about the m.odem gum,-trees to find the buried treasure 
that oozed from other trees luhich stood on the same spot in the forests of the far-off past. 

"(J) afiadeTg avrpcoTTOi, di^a^ere 'tj/aSj, t/ ecrriv 6 6e6q ev to?j aTZOKSKXeia-- 
lji,evog ?" 

"Bind it about thy neck, lurite it upon the tablet of thy heart, 'Everything of Christianity 
is of Egyptian origin,' " — Rev. Robert Taylor, Oakham Gaol, 1829. 

"R is easy to show that this fabulous relation borders on the verity of physical 
science" — Plutarch. 

"As for wisdom,, what she is and how she came up, I will tell you, and will not hide 
mysteries from, you; but will seek her out from the beginning of her nativity, and bring the 
knoiuledge of her into light, and will not pass over the truth" — Wisdom, of Solomon, 
chap. vi. V. 22. 

" Why does not some one teach me the constellations, and make me at home in the starry 
heavens, which are always overhead, and which I do not half know to this day?" — Carlyle. 

"The time is come luhen these mysteries shall be revealed." — Sohar. 

"Noiu Joseph, the son of Rabbi Joshua, being sick, passed into the state of trance. His father 
inquired of him, 'What seest thou?' He replied, 'The luorld turned upside down. The lofty 
are laid low, and the louAy are lifted up on high. ' When his father heard this, he said unto 
him, 'Verily, thou hast seen the age of Salvation.'" — Pesachim, f. 50, l 


At times I had to tread 

Where not a star was found 
To lead or light me, overhead; 

Nor footprint on the ground. 

1 toiled among the sands 

And stumbled with my feet; 
Or crawled and climbed with kneeds and hands 
Some future path to beat. 

1 had to feel the flow 

Of waters whelming me: 
No foothold to be touched below, 
No shore around to see. 

Yet, in my darkest night. 

And farthest drift from land. 
There dawned within the guiding- light; 
1 felt the unseen hand. 

Year after year went by 

And watchers wondered when 
The diver, to their welcoming cry 
Of joy, would rise again. 

And still rolled on Time's wave 
That whitened as it passed: 
The ground is getting toward the grave 
That 1 have reached at last. 

Child after Child would say — 
"Ah, when his work is done, 
Father will come with us and play — " 

Tis done. And playtime's gone. 

A willing slave for years, 
1 strove to set men free; 
Mine were the labours, hopes, and fears. 
Be theirs the victory. 



[According to Kircher.] 


"The Natural Genesis" contains the second half of "A Book 
OF THE Beginnings," and completes the author's contributions to the 
new order of thought that has been inaugurated in our own era 
by the writings of Darwin and Wallace, Spencer and Huxley, 
Morgan and McLennan, Tylor and Lubbock. It was written by an 
Evolutionist for Evolutionsts, and is intended to trace the Natural 
Origines and teach the doctrine of development. The total work 
is based upon the new matter supplied by the ancient monuments, 
ranging from the revelations of the bone-caves and the records of 
the Stone Age to the latest discoveries of hieroglyphic inscriptions, 
the cuneiform tablets, and the still extant language of gesture-signs. 
The work is not only one of original research, it is emphatically 
aboriginal, and the battle for evolution has here been continued 
amongst the difficult defiles and mountain fastnesses of the enemy. 

After reading the first two volumes, Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace 
expressed the fear lest there might not be a score of people in 
England who were prepared by their previous education to under- 
stand the book. Few of its reviewers could be included amongst 
that number; and some of them were as remote from the writer and 
his meaning as the apes from man, gibbering across the chasm of 
the missing link. But the author's mode of treatment, which was 
deficient in the art of bridge-building, and the exigencies of 
publishing according to a plan that (so to speak) caused the Exodus 
to precede the Genesis, may have been unfortunate. 

Much of the matter is pre-eval, so that the method could not be 
historical; nor could it be chronological, because of the links missing 
in series and sequence. The method is typological; and these two 
volumes of "Typology" are necessary to the proper understanding of 
the previous ones, which were written with the matter of these in 
mind. In the preceding part of the work the author took very 

X Explanatory. 

extended views of Egypt's enormous past and the age of her pre- 
monumental mythology. Some of the conclusions set forth therein 
were characterized by Dr. Samuel Birch as interesting and ingenious. 
But at that time these suggestions and conclusions were announced 
in direct opposition to the accepted authorities. Since then, however, 
the inscriptions discovered at Sakkarah have come to corroborate the 
present writer. They contain allusions to Sirus the Dog-star, which 
show that at least two Sothic cycles of 1,460 years each had been 
observed and registered previous to their time — even if they are not 
copies of indefinitely older documents — which carry the chronology 
back to some 9,000 or 10,000 years from the present day. Various 
myths, hitherto supposed to have been the growth of later centuries 
or of Asiatic origin, including the most important of all, that of Sut- 
Horus, were then extant and of immemorial antiquity. In this case 
it is but just to say that "A Book of the Beginnings" happened 
to be the farthest advanced upon the right road. 

The German Egyptologist, Herr Pietschmann, who reviewed the 
"Book of the Beginnings," was startled at the many "unheard-of 
suggestions" which is contained, and thought the work was "inspired 
by an unrestrained thirst for discovery," but he adduced no evidence 
whatever to rebut the conclusions, and gave no hint of the author's 
being wrong in his derivation of facts from the monuments upon 
which those conclusions in a great measure depend. The writer has 
taken the precaution all through of getting his fundamental facts in 
Egyptology verified by one of the foremost of living authorities. 
Dr. Samuel Birch, to whom he returns his heartiest acknowledg- 
ments. He also sincerely thanks Captain R. F. Burton and 
Mr. George St. Clair, F.G.S., for their helpful hints and for the 
time and labour they have kindly given during the progress 
of this work. As a matter of course, the author will have 
blundered in manifold details. Discoveries are not to be made 
without mistakes, especially by those who do not cultivate the 
language of non-committal. But up to the present time 1 have not 
been shown nor do 1 perceive any reason for doubting the truth of 
my generalization that Africa and not Asia was the birthplace of 
articulate man, and therefore the primordial home of all things 
human; and that the race which first ranged out over the world, 
including the islands of the north and the lands of the southern 
seas, was directly Kamite; the Blacks of Britain (who left the 
flattened tibia, the negroid pelvis, the Australoid molars, and 

Explanatory. xi 

gorilla-like skulls in our bone-caves) and the Blacks of Australia 
being two extreme wings extended from the same African centre. 
Professor Huxley recognizes in the native Egyptian the most refined 
form of the same anthropological type that survives at a far lower 
stage in the Australian black. My further contention is that both 
issued from Inner Africa as the human birthplace, and that Egypt 
itself is old enough to be the mouthpiece of the first articulate 
language, the oldest intelligible witness to the natural genesis of 
ideas, and the sole adequate interpreter of the primary types of 

Professor Huxley has asserted that Iberian (or African) blood 
remains in Britan even though "all traces of language may have been 
obliterated." But all traces of a language can never be obliterated. 
We hear of a Pictish language disappearing along with a lost race 
and only leaving a word or two on the surface. That is impossible. 
The Cornish race and Cornish words live on after a particular 
dialect has ceased to be spoken. The structure of language changes, 
dialects dislimn and transform, but words do not pass away; the 
oldest are preserved in our dialects. Neither Kymraig, Gaelic, nor 
Irish Keltic is spoken in Dorsetshire, yet "Rimbury" remains 
with its place of urn-burial to prove that it was so named as 
the "Roimh," a burying-ground, the meaning of which is repeated 
in the Bury. 

The present writer has been charged with being "sublimely 
unconscious that words have a history;" but he knew that certain 
words were also prehistoric, that they are older than languages, 
and that words, like myths, customs, laws, or beliefs, do not always 
begin where we may first meet with them. The prehistoric is 
ever3rwhere the dominating difficulty with which we have to deal. 
It is said that you can do anything with words, but the illustrations 
chiefly relied on by the present writer were precisely those words 
and names which the current etymology could do nothing with, 
neither account for nor affiliate them. These proved to be Egyp- 
tian, and that pointed to an extension of their history, or of ours. 
Moreover, it was found that the Kamite typology offered a principle 
of naming which determines the primary nature and significance of 
words. This the writer applied to the type-names of places, waters, 
hills, and caves in Britain. The result is to show that the most 
ancient names and words are Kamite, not Aryan nor Semite. 
That is they are words still extant in Africa, which can be brought 

xii Explanatory. 

out of that land together with the black race, but cannot be got 
into it backwards from Europe or Asia, America or Australia. For 
example, it was suggested that the name of Deruthy, the place of 
the bone-cave, and the junction of the two rivers Gave, was idenitcal 
with the Egyptian Teru, for the river-branch. But the writer did 
not then know that the name was applied in Egypt at Teruta, 

W , the land (to) of the river- branch, which is the 

name of an Egyptian town situated on the Nile at the junction of 
the Bahr-el-Yussuf. 1 Here the type is the Tree, whence the branch, 
and this is the Teru in Egyptian and numerous other African 
languages. Again, in the earliest known mention of the Cimbri, 
Philemon the poet says they called the Northern Sea, form their 
own country as far as Cape Rubeas, the Morimarusa or Dead Sea. 2 
This has been compared with Mor-marwth in Welsh for the Sea 
of Death. But in Egyptian Mori is the sea, Meru means the 
dead, and Sa denotes the hinder part, the back, behind, i.e. the 
Kamite North. Thus read, Mori-maru-sa would signify the Dead 
Sea North. Such type-words — and 1 have adduced hundreds — are 
equal to archaic coins for comparative purposes, and these pre- 
historic words, which are not derived from language in Asia, bear 
the stamp and superscription of Egypt. Hence my claim that the 
recognized non-Aryan (or pre-Aryan) residuum constituted the 
African origines. 

It has now been amply shown in these volumes that certain root- 
words run through all languages, and thus point back to a unity of 
origin which has to be sought for in the most primitive conditions. 

The main thesis of my work includes the Kamite origin of the 
pre-Aryan matter extant in language and mythology found in 
the British Isles, — the origin of the Hebrew and Christian theology 
in the mythology of Egypt, — the unity of origin for all mythology, 
as demonstrated by a world-wide comparison of the great primary 
types, and the Kamite origin of that unity, — the common origin of 
the mythical Genetrix and her brood of seven elementary forces, 
found in Egypt, Akkad, India, Britain, and New Zealand, who 
became kronotypes in their secondary, and spirits or gods in their 
final psychotheistic phase, — the Egyptian genesis of the chief celes- 
tial signs, zodiacal and extra-zodiacal, — the origin of all mythology 

1 Champollion, L'Egypte sous les Pharaons, torn. i. pp. 297, 298. 

2 Pliny, Hist. Nat. iv. 16. 

Explanatory. xiii 

in the Kamite typology, — the origin of typology in gesture-signs, — 
and the origin of language in African onomatopoeia. 

At least sufficient evidence has been produced to prove that all 
previous discussions, speculations, and conclusions concerning the 
genesis of language, mythology, fetishism, theosophy, and religion 
are inadequate if only because the Kamite element has been hitherto 
omitted, and to show that the non-evolutionist could not possibly 
bottom any of the beginnings. One object aimed at in them and 
the previous volumes is to demonstrate that the true subject-matter 
of "Holy Writ" belongs to astronomical mythology; the history 
first written in the book above, that was sacred because celestial; 
and that this has been converted into human history in both the 
Old Testament and the New. The "Fall in Heaven" was an 
Egyptian mythos previous to its being turned into a Hebrew history 
of man in the garden of earth. The Exodus or "Coming out of 
Egypt," first celebrated by the festival of Passover or the transit 
at the vernal equinox, occurred in the heavens before it was made 
historical in the migration of the Jews. The 600,000 men who 
came out of Egypt as Hebrew warriors in the Book of Exodus 
are 600,000 inhabitants of Israel in the heavens according to the 
Jewish Kabalah, and the same scenes, events, and personages that 
appear as mundane in the Pentateuch are celestial in the Book 
of Enoch. 

It was my aim to be foundational and accomplish a work that 
should be done for the first and last time: to ascertain how the 
oneness in primitive thought bifurcated in duality and was differ- 
entiated in expression by visible and audible signs, — how natural 
gestures got stereotyped as ideographs and hieroglyphics, — why the 
letter A should win the foremost place in the alphabet, — why man- 
kind should come to worship a supposed divine being alleged to 
divide all things into three, as a mode of representing its own 
triune nature. All through the object was to reach a root-repre- 
sentation of the subject-matter. Evolution teaches us that nothing 
short of the primary natural sources can be of final value, and that 
these have to be sought in the Totemic and pre-paternal stage of 
Sociology, the pre-religious phase of Mythology and the ante- 
alphabetic domain of Signs in language. 

One clue to the writer's mode of elucidations may be found in 
his treatment of mythology as the mirror of prehistoric sociology, 
and his beginning with the mound of the motherhood which 

xiv Explanatory. 

preceded a knowledge of the individual fatherhood. Also, such 
phrases as "Serpent-worship," "Tree-worship," "Water-worship," 
and "Phallic-worship" have but little meaning from the present 
standpoint. Nowhere did the Cultus originate in religion, but 
in a system of typology, a primitive mode of expression, a means 
of representation. The natural need of making signs by gesture- 
language led to the gradual adoption of certain things that 
were used as typical figures, a medium for the exchange of 
meanings, the earliest current coinage ever stamped and issued 
from the mint of the mind. Such types were adopted for use, and 
became sacred in the course of time, the fetishtic or religious 
being their final phase. The present writer has sought for the 
natural genesis of the primitive mode of expression which created 
the types that were continued in the typology that is held to be 
fetishtic in Africa but religious in Europe. The oldest types, like 
the Serpent, Tree, or Water, were feminine at first, not because the 
female was then worshipped, but because the motherhood was 
known before paternity could be identified. The serpent sloughed 
periodically, so did the female. The tree was the producer of the 
fruit, as was the female. Water was the female fount or source. 
The ancestral spirit that preceded the individual ancestor, which 
was represented as creating or continuing by transformation of 
itself, might come to be typified by the serpent that sloughed and 
renewed, because a type once founded could be variously applied, 
but the serpent was a feminine typograph from the beginning, and 
only the natural genesis of the type will enable us to interpret the later 
typology. Much of my matter has been fetched from far, and may be 
pro-portionately long in obtaining recognition. Being so remote from 
ordinary acquaintanceship, it could not be made familiar at first 
sight by any amount of literary skill. The appeal has to be continu- 
ally made to a lapsed and almost lost sense of the natural genesis of 
ideas, customs, and superstitions. Nothing short of the remotest 
beginnings could sufficiently instruct us concerning the origin of 
religious rites, dogmas, and doctrines, that still dominate the 
minds of men without being understood, and years of intense 
brooding had to be spent in living back to enter the conditions and 
apprehend the primary phases of the nascent mind of man, so as to 
trace the first laying hold of things by the earliest human thought 
of which the cave-dwellers of the human mind have left us any 
record; and the writer believes that no such sustained, or at least 

Explanatory. xv 

prolonged and elaborate, endeavour has hitherto been made to 
interpret the mind of primitive and archaic man by means of the 
types — found to be extant from the first — which are herein followed 
from their natural genesis in phenomena to their final phase of 
application. To trace the natural genesis of mythology and typology 
is to write a history or present a panorama of man's mental evolution; 
and every type pourtrayed or traced in these pages proves the 
lowly status of the beginnings, and tends to establish the doctrine 
of mental evolution in accordance with the physical. 

My work is written long and large, and the evidence is faithfully 
presented in every part for each conclusion drawn, so that the 
reader may test its truth. Indeed a certain absence of personal 
showmanship or explanation by the way in marshalling the long 
array of data may be set down to a dominant desire that the serried 
facts should speak for themselves and tell their own tale as far as 
was possible. A judgement of facts is now asked for, not belief in 
a theory; the judgement of those who have time and patience to 
study and the capacity to comprehend. Belief has no more to do 
with the reading of this book than theoretical speculation had to 
do with the writing of it. From the peculiar nature of the work 
it is almost inevitable that its critics will have to learn the rudi- 
ments of the subject form the volumes offered for review; and 
great patience may be needed to reach the root of the matter, or 
to perceive the author's drift through all the mass of details. Each 
section is complete in itself, but the serious student will find the 
whole of them correlative and cumulative. They are called sections 
to denote that they have not the continuity of narrative; but they 
are parts of a whole. 

The claim now to be advanced on behalf of the work is that it 
sets forth a physical basis for th ehuman beginnings in thought, 
language, and typology; shows the mode in which the primitive and 
archaic man attained expression in terms of external phenomena; 
demonstrates the natural genesis of signs and symbols, recovers the 
lost foothold of mythology in the phenomena of space and time, 
and traces the typology of the past into the mytholatry of the 
present; that it represents the ancient wisdom, the secrets of the 
mysteries, numerical, physiological, and astronomical, according to 
the mode in which the Gnosis was expressed; that mystical subjects 
previously dabbled in are for the first time sounded to the depth; 
that the foundations of the phallic cult are laid bare without the 

xvi Explanatory. 

grin of the satyr in Greece of the libidnous leer of the subject in 
its Italian phase, by a process as purely scientific as the origin 
was simply natural. The writer has not only shown that the current 
theology is, but also how it has been, falsely founded on a mis- 
interpretation of mythology by unconsiously inheriting the leavings 
of primitive or archaic man and ignorantly mistaking these for 
divine revelations. The work culminates in tracing the transforma- 
tion of astronomical mythology into the system of Equinoctial 
Christolatry called Christianity, and demonstrating the non-historic 
nature of the canonical gospels by means of the original mythos 
in which the Messianic mystery, the Virign motherhood, the in- 
carnation and birth, the miraculous life and character, the crucifixion 
and resurrection, of the Saviour Son who was the Word of all Ages, 
were altogether allegorical. 

During a dozen years the writer has put his whole life into his 
labour, fully facing the fact that the most important parts of his 
work would be the least readable, and that the more thorough the 
reasearch, the more fundamental the interpretation, the more remote 
would be its recognition and the fewer its readers. But the work is 
warranted to wait, and the author does not doubt that its compara- 
tively few friends at first will be continually increased from many 
generations of genuine men and women. 



Physical Beginnings — Knowledge kept Concealed on Account of its Primitiveness — 
Unification of the one God from many — Conversion of Physics into Metaphysics 
— Symbolic Stage of Utterance — Consequent Misapprehension — Genesis of 
Ideographs in acted Speech — Comparison of Hieroglyphic and Natural Gesture- 
Signs — Persistence of these Primates of Expression — Natural Origin of 
Zootypes as Living Ideographs — Their Reduction into Phonetic Signs and 
Letters — Arican Origin and Egyptian Perpetuation of a Typology that became 
Universal Pages i — 58 


Totemic Typology and Customs — Zootypes made Stellar — The Zoological Masque- 
rade — People acting in the Character of their Totemic Prototypes show what 
Beasts they are — Animal Modes of Salutation continued by Primitive Man — 
The Sneeze a Sign of Soul — Customs of Covenanting — Opening at Puberty — 
Modes of Distinguishing the Sex — Types of Virility — Consquent Customs and 
Surviving Superstitions — Capture in Marriage — Rites of Puberty — Transfer of 
Customs from the time of Young-man-making to Childhood — Their Loss of 
Meaning — Reckoning from the Left Hand first — Primitive Sociology — Interpre- 
tation of "Couvade" — Origin of the Trinity in Lunar Phenomena — Ancient 
Customs explained by Egyptian Symbolism Pages 59 — 134 


Origin of the Myth in a Twofold Phase of Fact — Beginning Identical with 
Opening and Bifurcating into Duality — Hence the "Two Truths" of Egypt — 
Difference in Sex enacted before Languages could denote it — External Phenomena 
Expressed according to the Two Truths — Water and Breath the two Factors of 
Being — Existence a Breathing out of the Water — Consequent Customs and 
Beliefs — Heaven the Water above — ^The Two Waters of Light and Darkness, 
Life and Death — The Pool of the Twin Waters Localized in various Lands — 
Mystical Feminine Phase and Bloody Sweat of the Solar God — The Two 
Truths in Masonry and Metaphysics Pages 135 — 184 


Beginning with Bifuraction Demonstrated by Digital Recknoing — The Hand and 
other Types of Numbers — The Mother First, Child Second, Pubescent Male 
Third in Series — Four Quadrupedal — The All represented by number 10 — One 
Name for Divers Types of Pubescence in many Languages — The Tree-type of 
Oneness and Thigh-type of the Branch — Opening and Dividing being Identical 
with Founding Pages 185 — 234 

xviii Summary OF Contents. 


Origin of Language in Gesture-Signs in Involuntary Sounds — Rudimentary 
Articulation extant in Africa — Examination of Grimm's Law — The Ideo- 
graphic Phase of Language preceding Letters — Embroyonic Unity and 
Specialization on Lines of Variations — Persistence of Primary Types — 
Limited Nature of Primordial Onomatopoeia — Origin of Words in conscious 
Repetition of the same Sound — Aboriginal Sounds that passed into Words — 
Only Seven needed for the Roots of Languages — ^The Regenesis in the Mor- 
phology of later Words — ^The Kaf-Ape as Typical Hand and Tongue of Speech — 
The Evolution of Seven Vowels form Seven Consonants and from Seven Words 
first formed by Repetition of the same Sounds, preserved and practised 
as one of the Religious Mysteries Pages 235 — 291 


Darkness the first Adversary, Deluder, or Devil, typified as the Serpent — The 
Serpent Wisdom — Origin of other Elementaries as Representatives of the 
Elemental Forces — Primitive Mode of expressing External Phenomena — Origin 
of the Genitrix and her Seven Children who are Universal in Mythology as the 
Primordial Powers of Space and Chaos — Passage of the Zootypes into Krono- 
types, and Conversion of the Evil Serpent into the Good Daemon — ^The Mystical 
Serpent-Mother of all Flesh — ^The Celestial Dragon and Tree of the Pole — ^The 
Serpent or Dragon in its Eschatological Phase — Transformation of the Old 
Dragon of Physical Phenomena into the Modern Devil . . Pages 292 — 370 


The Mount and Tree as Feminine Types of the Birthplace — ^The Tree as Giver of 
Food and Drink, the Nursing Mother of Life, Teacher of Time and Periodic 
Return, hence the Tree of Knowledge — ^The Tree of Earth and Heaven — Passage of 
the Tree into the Cross as a Figure of the Four Corners — Universal Type of the 
Solstices and Equinoxes — Unity of Cross and Circle — Various Forms and 
Meanings of the Cross — ^The Cross earlier than the Male Chirst — Cross and 
Crucified — Cross of Life and of Death — Cross on the pre-Christian Coins and in 
the Roman Catacombs — Zodiacal Cross of the Ram, the Fish, and the Christ 
who was earlier than the year 255 B.C Pages 371 — 455 


Mythology the Mirror of Primitive Sociology — Priority of the Motherhood — 
Consequent Customs — ^The Mother as the first Abode — ^The Mother that Divides 
as the Two Sisters of one Blood, and becomes Dual in Heaven and Earth — The 
Twin-Child that became the Typical Sut-Horus who, together with the Mother, 
formed the Trinity — ^The Twin-Brothers whose Contention is World-wide, traced 
through various Phenomena and followed into the Catacombs of Rome — ^Their 
Division the Origin of the first two Castes or Classes of Mankind — 
The Two Sisters in Mythology continued in the Christian Iconography — The 
Male-ess or Mother-Male — Natural Genesis of the Biune, Triune, and Tetradic 
Being — Late Individualization of the Fatherhood and of God as the Father — 
Origin of the Triads Male and Female and of the Trinity — Survival of the 
Mythical Types in the Dogmas of the Final Religious Phase . Pages 456 — 552 

The Natural Genesis 


In an epistle to the Egyptian Anebo, assigned to Porphyry, the 
learned Greek writer asked, "What is the meaning of these mystic 
Narrations which say that a certain divinity is unfolded into Light from 
mire; that he is seated above a lotus, that he sails in a ship, and that 
he changes his form every hour according to the sign of the Zodiac? If 
these things are asserted symbolically, being symbols of the powers of 
this divinity, I request an interpretation of these symbols." 

According to Proclus, in his Commentary on the Enneads of 
Plotinus, Jamblichus wrote his work on the Mysteries as a reply to 
the pertinent questioning of Porphyry, i But Jamblichus, like so 
many who have followed him, began with things where he first met 
with them, on the surface, in their latest phase. He represented the 
Egyptians as worshippers of the one God, uncreated, unique, omni- 
potent, and universal. He starts with this as their starting-point, 
and affirms that all the other gods of the Pantheon are nothing more 
than the various attributes and powers of the Supreme personified. 
In short, he makes Monotheism the foundation instead of the summit 
of the Egyptian religion. This view has been maintained by several 

Champollion-Figeac says, "A few words will suffice to give a true 
and complete idea of the Egyptian religion. It was purely monotheistic, 
and manifested itself externally by a symoblic Polytheism.'"^ According 
to De Rouge, 3 one idea pervades the total cult — that of a single pri- 
mordial God. M. Maspero is likewise of opinion that all the forms 

1 Jamblichus, De Mysteriis /Egyptiorum, cum notis Gale, fol. 1670. 

2 Champollion-Figeac, Egypte Ancienne, p. 345. 

3 E. de Rouge, Conference sur la Religion des anciens Egyptiens, p. 13. 

2 The Natural Genesis. 

and names of the innumerable gods were for the worshipper only so 
many terms and forms of the one God. M. Chabas declares that all 
the gods and goddesses are but different aspects or attributes of the 
one sole God who existed before everything, i 

M. Pierret asserts that the ignorant were held in abject fetichism by 
the despotism of the pirests, but the initiated recognized one sole and 
hidden God.^ 

Mariette, in reply to Jamblichus, has denied this interpretation 
point blank, and in toto. He says, "Neither in these temples nor in 
those which were previously known to us does the 'one God' of Jambli- 
chus appear. We find everywhere deities who are immortal and un- 
created; but nowhere do we find the one and invisible God without name 
and without form, who presides from on high over the Egyptian 
Pantheon. No indication to that effect is given by the Temple of 
Denderah, the most hidden inscriptions of which have now been thoroughly 

Dr. Samuel Birch, our great English Egyptologist, in conversation 
with the present writer, agreed with Mariette. Renouf asks "Was 
there really, as is frequently asserted, an esoteric doctrine known to the 
scribes and priests alone, as distinct from popular belief?' His answer 
is, "No evidence has yet been produced in favour of this hypothesis."'^ 

Nor was there a one God known to Jamblichus. He quotes two 
by name, as Ichton and 'II/f/,')9(/).5 Bunsen says no notice of the latter 
name appears elsewhere. But it is evidently intended for In-em- 
hept, the Greek Imothes, whose mother's name was Jusdas, she 
who was great with the Coming One; and his father is Atum. 
The one God in this case was the solar trinity of Heliopolis, the 
Hebrew On. 

There never was a subject which demanded the evolutionary mode 
of manipulation more than this of the origin of Egpytian my- 
thology and the expansion of religious ideas in the Valley of the Nile. 
Nothing but the application of the evolutionary method can rescue us 
from the traditions we have inherited as survivals of the primitive 
system of mythical interpretation. It takes the latter half of all 
one's lifetime to unlearn the falsehood that was instilled ino us 
during the earlier half. Genration after generation we learn, 
unlearn, and re-learn the same lying legendary lore. Henceforth our 
studies must being from the evolutionist standpoint in order that 
they may not have to be gone over again. 

In vain the non-evolutionist, who is likewise a metaphysician, 
would deal with the problem of the religious origines. None but the 
evolutionist can go back far enough. None but the evolutionist 

1 Chabas, Calendrier des Jours Pastes et Nefastes, p. 107. 

2 Le Pantheon Egyptien, Introd. p. 7. 

3 Monuments of Upper Egypt, Eng. Trans, pp. 24, 35. 

4 Hibbert Lectures, p. 217. ^ Cap. viii, 2. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 3 

can commence early enough. None but the evolutionist is en- 
tirely freed from the falsehood of the "Fall" and the hallowed 
beginning at the wrong end of things, called the "Creation." Only 
the evolutionist can present the facts in their natural sequence 
and the true order of their development. The non-evolutionist can 
begin at any time, and an3rwhere, except at the right place. But 
neither in Egypt nor out of it did mythology commence with the 
causative interpretation of phenomena assumed by the non-evolu- 
tionist. Reverence for an unseen power apprehended as mind and 
conscious cause was preceded by a recognition of powers and 
potencies in nature exterior and superior to men, which were estimated 
by the force of their physical manifestation; and the fear and dread 
of these were operative long ages before the existence of that reverence 
which can be called religious — that which Shakespeare designates 
the "Angel of the World." Primos in orbe deos fecit timor. 

An unfathomable fall awaits the non-evolutionist misinterpreters of 
mythology in their descent from the view of a primeval and divine 
revelation made to man in the beginning, to the actual facts of the 
origines of religion. A "primitive intuition of God," and a God 
who "had in the beginning revealed Himself as the same to the 
ancestors of the whole human race,"^ can have no existence for the 

The "primitive revelation," so-called, had but little in it answering to 
the notion of the supernatural. It was solely just what the early men 
could make out in the domain of the simplest matters-of-fact. 
Theirs is the profundity of simplicity, not of subtlety. Their depth, 
like that of the Egyptian soil, is the result of constant accumulation 
of silt between us and the solid rock. Moreover, an Egyptologist 
may know the monuments from first to last, and yet be unable to give 
any satisfactory account of the rise and development of the Egyptian 
religion, because its roots are hidden in an unknown past. All that 
is out of view and untested by the comparative process. Egypt 
comes into sight upon a summit of attainment. The non-evolutionist 
is still infected with the notion of a primeval monotheism and a lapse 
into polytheism and idolatry, whereas mythology arose out of 
typology, and religion was developed from the mythology, not the 
mythology from religion; but to begin with a conception of the one 
hidden God is to make religion precede mythology. A religion had 
been established in the time of the earliest monuments, but the 
mythology no more beings at that point than the Nile springs in 
Egypt. M. Pierret, for instance, is right as to the ideographic types 
being figures for use rather than fetishes for worship, but utterly 
wrong as to their origin in a manifold expression of monothesistic 

1 Max Miiller, Chips, voL i. pp. 366-368. 

4 The Natural Genesis. 

It is easy, of course, to take the later texts and then read the monu- 
ments backwards. It is easy to assume that all the divine types are 
modes of manifestation for the one God; but the idea of the one God 
belongs to religion; this was preceded by mythology, and these 
types were extant before either. We require to know what they 
signified in their pre-monumental phase, and what was their origin. 
We cannot tell who or which the gods are until we have ascertained 
what they represented or typified — in short, what was their natural 

Egyptologists who talk of the one primordial God as the father of 
souls, never seem to recognize the fact that the individual father- 
hood was comparatively late as a human institution, and that the 
father could not be recognized in heaven before he had been discovered 
on earth. There is no fatherhood in the first pleroma of gods, 
who are a family of seven, born of the genitrix of gods and men. 
Those of the seven that can be traced, such as Sut, Kebekh, Kak, 
Kafi (Shu), and Horus, had no father. Hence, when we do get back 
to a one God on any local line of Egyptian mythology, it is the mother 
alone, and not the father, we find to be the first. No matter which cult 
we quesiton, the genitrix of the gods precedes the primordial God, 
whether as Taurt, the Mother of the Revolutions, who presides in the 
birthplace at the centre; or Neith, who came 'from hereself and who 
boasted significantly as Sais that her peplum had never been lifted by 
the male generator; or Mut, Ank, or Hathor. The mother is every- 
where first and foremost, as she was in nature when the bringer-forth 
was observed and typified long before the human mind could enter 
into the realm of creative cause, or the fatherhood had been estab- 
lished. Hence the female was created with the male in the image of 
the one God, and there is no one God that is not a biune being, a twin 
form of the "double primitive essence," like Ptah; in fact, a ''Male- 
Mother," which is the meaning of "Ka-Mutf," a title of Khem; be- 
cause the mother- mould of the producer was primordial. 

When at least attained, the "one God" of Egypt is as much a 
result of evolution and survival of the fittest types, as in the case of 
any other species, ranging through the four series of elemental, stellar, 
lunar, and solar deities. The unity is final, not initial, and when the 
one has been aggregated from the many, which is the sole followable 
process of attaining unity, the last result is a dual deity who brings 
forth from and with the womb. Manifested "existences are in his 
hand; unmanifested existences are in his womb (kat)."i This is the 
language of various other texts that might be cited. 

If there be a lone and only god, according to the language of 
certain inscriptions, a father of beginnings endowed with all the 
attributes of the sole god, it is Amen-Ra, the Hidden Sun. But his 
creation is comparatively late — the solar regime being last of all — he 

1 Ritual, ch. xxxii. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 5 

was later than Ptah, Atum, Horus, Seb, Shu, Osiris, and Sut, and his 
birth was as a Time-Keeper. In the inscription from the Temple of 
El-Karjeh it is said that he was "self-produced," and that in "making 
his body," and "giving birth to it," "he has not come out of a womb — he 
has come out of cycles."^ 

Like Taht, the moon-god, and Seb, the star-god, he too was a birth 
of time. This is the "only one," as the sun-god, of whom the Osirian 
says, "Let me cross and manage to see the Only One, the sun going 
round, as the giver ofpeace."^ 

The language of monotheism reaches its climax in the hymns and 
addresses to Amen-Ra, the one god, one in all his works and ways. 
Yet he was a god with a beginning, and his piety to his parents is on 
record. He paid an annual visit to the Valley of the Dead, and 
poured out a libation to his father an mother on the altar of pro- 
pitiation. The one god is simply the culminating point of all the 
immeasurable past of polytheism. 

The world of sense was not a world or symbol to the primitive or 
primeval man. He did not begin as a Platonist. He was not the 
realizer of abstractions, a personifier of ideas, a perceiver of the 
Infinite. In our gropings after the beginnings we shall find the 
roots of religious doctrines and dogmas with the common earth, or 
dirt even, still clinging to them, and showing the ground in which 
they grew. 

Metaphysical explanations have been the curse of mythology from 
the time of the Platonists up to the present. All interpretation is 
finally futile that is not founded on the primary physical phenomena. 
Fortunately, this basis of the earliest thought is more or less 
extant in the types that have been left us to interpret as best we 
may; and on this concrete foundation we have to build. Nor is there 
any origin of religion worth discussing apart from these foundations 
of mythology which are verifiable in the phenomena of nature. 

Instead of a monotheistic instinct, or a primeval revelation of the 
one god, mythology exhibits a series of types as the representatives 
of certain natural forces from which the earliest gods were evolved, 
and finally compounded into a one deity, who assumed their attributes 
as his manifestations, and thus became the supreme being and god 
over all. It will be demonstrated that Egyptian mythology began 
with the typifying of seven elements or seven elemental forces, such 
as fire and water, earth and air, born of the Typhonian genitrix, as 
the Abyss. These were the eight in Am-Smen, the place of prepara- 
tion, who were bom of space of chaos before the formation of the world, 
or the establishment of order and time. Their types were continued in 
the secondary phase — that of time — as intelligencers to men. 

The primordial, or supreme deity in Egypt, then, was not a god 
one, or one god of the beginning, but the one who had been com- 

1 Records of the Past, voL viii. p. 137. ^ Ch. cxlviii. 

6 The Natural Genesis. 

pounded and elevated to the supremacy as solar type of the godhead 
and representative of a pleroma. Neither Ra, Atum, Amen, nor 
Ptah was one of the eight original gods. The process will be shown 
by which the latest deities were compounded or developed from 
characters previously extant, who were gods of the earliest time, as 
these were of the latest. 

Ra, as a total god, comprises the seven spirits, or souls that pre- 
ceded his creation, as the seven spirits of the Bear.i So the one god 
of the Avesta, Ahura-Mazda, is made up of the seven spirits, or 
Amashaspands, who preceded his supremacy. One title of the sun- 
god Ra is "Teb-Temt," and temt means totalled, from tern, the total, 
as in the English team. His total, as Teb-temt, consists of seventy- 
five characters. These seventy- five manifestations of Ra — which cor- 
respond to the seventy-five zones of suffering in the Heades, whence 
came the cries of those who were in greatest need of knowing a name 
to call upon — are repeated in number in the Ormazd-Yasht of the 
Avesta, where the divinity gives to Zarathustra his seventy-five 
names. The Parsees say the number should be seventy- two, cor- 
relating them probably with the seventy-two Decans, but the seventy- 
five correlate them with the original Egyptian unknown to them. 2 

The primordial god, as Ptah, was not divided into four couples as 
M. Pierret argues, but the four couples, or the eight great gods 
previously extant, were represented by Ptah; they were resolved into 
his attributes, or manifestations, when Ptah as a solar god had been 
created. Everywhere, inevitably, the non-evolutionist reverses the 
process of development. 

Canon Rawlinson has lately re-affirmed the statement that there 
was an esoteric and exoteric system of teaching, by which the 
Egyptian priests, with whom the "primary doctrine of the esoteric 
religion undoubtedly was the real essential unity of the divine nature," 
taught the people at large "a polytheism of a multitudinous, and in many 
respects, of a gross character. "3 This is the portrait of the Egyptian 
priest commonly presented by modern monotheists, who surreptitiously 
interpolate the ancient texts. 

Here, however, the seventeenth chapter of the Ritual, which is 
designated the gospel or faith of the Egyptians, and is the kernel of 
their religious creed, contains a complete refutation and reversal. 

It happens that in this chapter we have the text mixed up with the 
glosses, which were intended to be kept oral; the two corresponding 
to the written and oral law of the Hebrews. That, for once the 
exoteric and esoteric teaching appear together. A text or saying is 
announced, followed by the "Petar ref su," = "let him (the esoterist) 
explain it;" and in many instances he does explain the text. The 
result is that the announcement contains all the monotheistic matter, the 

1 Ritual, ch. xvii. 2 Litany ofRa. cf. Bleeck, vol. iii. p. 33. 

3 History of Egypt. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 7 

supposed esoteric doctrine, whereas the glosses which secreted the hidden 
oral wisdom relate to the materialistic beginnings, and tend to identify 
the abstract god once more with the origines in phenomena, the spiritual 
god being explained physically — mark, not in the exoteric but in the 
esoteric teaching. 

The theosophy is continually rendered in terms of physical 
phenomena. The deceased speaks in the person of various gods. 
He says, for example, "/ am Tum, the only being in the firmament." 
Now Tum is the "one god," the father of souls. But the abstract 
idea is in the text, and the commentary, gloss, or esoteric teaching 
keeps the mind anchored fast to the natural genesis in physical 
phenomena. The god of the exoteric teaching is all through the 
actual sun of the esoteric. 

The "sun in his rising," the "sun in his disk," the "great 
god" in the pool is the "sun himself." The "father" is "the 
sun." The one who "orders his name to rule the gods" as Horus, 
the "son of Osiris," is explained to be "the sun himself." 

These explanations, which usually remained unwritten, show that the 
cause of concealment in later times was the simple physical nature of the 
beginnings out of which the more abstract ideas had been gradually 

There is undoubtedly a dislike in the later stage of ideas to having 
them expressed in those terms of phenomena which serve to recall the 
physical origines, and a great desire to keep their primitive nature clothed 
and out of sight, requiring aU the unshrinking honesty of modem science 
— "whose soul is explanation" — to counteract such diffidence. Yet it 
was necessary for the learned to retain a knowledge of the beginnings. 
This it was that led to the hidden wisdom, the Gnosis, the Kabalah, 
the inner mysteries. The knowledge was concealed because of its 
primitiveness, and not on account of its profundity. 

According to the statement of the Bishop of Casserea, the learned 
Egyptian Chaeremon acknowledged no intellectual principles in the 
earliest mythology of Egypt. This shows that he knew the matter 
to the root, and the nature of the eight Elementaries whose origin 
was entirely physical. 

It is certain, then, that Egyptian polytheism was not monotheism 
intentionally disguised with various masks for one face, and equally 
sure that the image of the one god and supreme being was evolved 
from many preceding gods, and that the process of this evolution can 
be followed and fixed. 

Cicero asks, "Do you not see how from the productions of nature 
and the useful inventions of men have arisen fictitious and imaginary 
deities, which have been the foundation of false opinions, pernicious 
errors, and miserable superstitions?" 

And he affirms rightly that the sacred and august Eleusina, into 

1 [De not. deo.] Book ii. 38. 

8 The Natural Genesis. 

whose mysteries the most distant nations were initiated, and the 
solemnities in Samothrace and in Lemnos, secretly resorted to by 
night, if they were properly explained and reduced to reasonable 
principles, would rather explicate the nature of things than discover 
the knowledge of the gods.i 

A few hints may be found in Plutarch's ever precious fragment "Of 
Isis and Osiris"; also in the "Hieroglyphics" of Hor- Apollo, which 
have been considerably undervalued by certain Egyptologists. But 
the mysteries remained unpublished. The Greeks could not master 
the system of Egyptian mythology, and the hieroglyphics were to 
them the dead letter of a dead language. 

What Herodotus knew of the mysteries he kept religiously con- 
cealed. What Plato had learned made him jealous of the allegories 
to which he did not possess the clue; but he would have banished 
the poems of Homer from his republic, because the young would be 
unable to distinguish between what was allegorical and what was 
actual; exactly on the same ground that many sound thinkers to-day 
would banish the Bible from our schools for children. 

Outside of their own mysteries the Greeks stood altogether outside 
of the subject. They, as their writers allege, had inherited their 
mythology, and the names of the divinities, without knowing their 
origin or meaning. They supplied their own free versions to stories 
of which they never possessed the key. Whenever they met with 
anything they did not understand, they turned it the more effec- 
tively to their own account. All that came to hand was matter for 
metaphysics, poetry, statue, and picture. They sought to delight and 
charm the world with these old elements of instruction, and with 
happy audacity supplied the place of the lost nature of mystic mean- 
ing with the abounding grace and beauty of their art. Nothing, 
however, could be more fatal than to try to read the thoughts of 
the remoter past through their eyes, or to accept the embellishments 
of these beautifiers for interpretations of the ancient typology; and 
the reproduction of the primitive myths from the Aryan stage of 
language in Greece is on a par with the modern manufacture of 
ancient Masters carried on in Rome. 

In his Commentary on Plato's Politics, Proclus, speaking of the 
symbolism of the ancients, and their sacredotal system, says truly 
that from this mythology Plato himself derived or established many 
of his peculiar dogmas. 2 

The utterly misleading way in which Egyptian physics were con- 
verted by Plato and his followers into Greek metaphysics, makes 
Platonism only another name for imposture. Time, says Plato finely, 
is the moving image of eternity. But the foundation of the image is 
planetary, or stellar motion, and on this basis of visible things he 
sought to establish all that was invisible, and build up the human 

1 On the Nature of the Gods, book i. c. 43. 2 Taylor, p. 372. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 9 

soul backwards, according to the celestial geometry of the Egyptians. 1 
Philo complains that the Greeks had brought a mist upon learning 
which made it impossible to discover the truth. The same charge 
may be substantialised on other grounds against his own countrymen. 
In India the myths have been vapourised. Their poets are at play 
with the shadows of ancient things, and the mere fringe of phenomena. 
It is not that the mythical characters in the Vedas have not yet been 
evolved into a definite form. It is not the indefiniteness of beginning 
that we find there, but of dissolution. The definite representation 
was earlier, and in the Vedas the shapes are in process of dislimning 
and being evaporated into doctrinal abstractions; the concrete facts 
of early earth are passing off into the fading phantoms of cloudland. 

The decadence of mythology is to be found in the Greek poetising, 
Hebrew euhemerising, and Vedic vagueness. What the myths have 
to tell us depends on their having preserved the earliest shape; they 
have reached their decay when made to speak falsely through the 
interfusion of later thought. They preceded our civilisation, are 
not a birth of it, nor a descent from it; and their value is in 
proportion to the marks of their origin which have not yet been 
worn off them. 

It is with mythology as with language. In vain we look for the 
lost likeness of language simply in the structure of a thousand lan- 
guages. The genius of languages has been at work for countless 
years to diversify and divaricate in structure. We must seek the 
primitive unity in the original matter of human thought, and in the 
earliest modes of expression; and the further we go back the nearer 
we shall find outselves approaching to the origin in unity, for the 
bole of the tree is extant as well as the branches above and the roots 

It is solely in the symbolic stage of expression that we can expect 
to recover the lost unity. This is presevered in the gesture-signs, 
ideographic types, the origin of numbers and the myths, the imagery 
scattered over the world that still remains unread by us; and in the 
religious rites and ceremonies, popular customs, and other practical 
forms of typology which have been wandering dispersedly about the 
earth. Any single shape of registered tradition is no absolute guar- 
antee for fidelity to the lost original. It is, as it were, only an indi- 
vidual memory. We have to appeal to the memory of the whole 
human race, by gathering up the scattered fragments and various 
versions of the general tradition. Many incoherent witnesses may 
testify to one truth when we are in possession of the clues. Their 
disconnected evidence is all the more express when they are too 
unconsicous to connive. 

We shall find the human race has kept its own buried records of 
the pre-historic pre-literary ages almost as faithfully as the earth its 

1 See especially the "Timasus" with Proclus' Commentary. 

10 The Natural Genesis. 

geological register. So far from the process having corrupted or dis- 
sipated the ideas entrusted to its keeping (as Gibbon alleges), these 
have been preserved because they were branded and bitten into the 
memory more permanently than they could have been stampted in 
metal or engraved in stone. 

The most perfect, that is the most primitive, forms of the myths 
and symbols out of Africa are those which for thousands of years 
have been kept by living memory alone. Having to trust to the 
memory in the absence of written records the Oral method of com- 
munication was held all the more sacred, as we find it in the ancient 
priesthoods, whose ritual and gnosis depended on the limng memory for 
their truth, purity, and sanctity. It was the mode of communication 
from "mouth to ear," continued in all the mysteries, including 
Masonry, — that Monotheism in Polytheism! 

In Sanskrit, the tradition which has been borne in mind from the 
beginning, delivered by mouth and learned by ear, to live in memory 
alone, is "Smriti.'" S'ruti, a form of the same word, signfies hearing. 
Sem, in Egyptian, also denotes hearing; rut means repeated; and on 
this hearing of the oral wisdom has been based a theory of the Vedas 
having been communicated by audible revelation! But the revelation 
was simply made from mouth to ear. 

So ancient was this mode of making sure of the treasures of know- 
ledge, so deeply were these engrafted in the mind, so painfully scored 
in the flesh by the marks and symbols of tattoo, as if one should 
bury his jewels in his own body for a safe; so permanently was the 
record inscribed that it still lives and underlies all literature or 
artificial registers in the world. It reaches down to the origines of 
human thought, however far from these we may be who dwell on the 
surface today, where we keep our own written records of the past. 
This matter, preserved by the universal memory, belongs to the 
symbolic stage of expression, and can only be understood by reverting 
to the symbol. The symbol is the true Tower of Babel and point of 
dispersion in language. The symbolic extends beyond the written or 
the spoke language of any people now extant. 

With the Chinese, for example, their symbols can be read in 
various parts of the empire by words and sounds so entirely different 
that the speakers who interpret the typology cannot understand 
each other when they talk. 

The symbols underlie two other languages, and at that dept the 
scattered readers meet once more. 

So it is with the typology of tattoo. The African Oworos and the 
Bases do not speak one language, but they have the same tattoo- 
mark, and tha tis the line of a connection earlier than their language 
as spoken at the present time.i 

The Khoi-Khoi, or Hottentots, form one branch of a wide-spread 

1 Koelle, Introd. p. 6. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 


race which has been divided into ever so many tribes. These differ 
totally in languages, but they preserve a primasval relationship in 
the use of certain peculiar sounds, of which the clicks constitute the 
essential part, i 

Among the Tembus, Pondos, Zulu, Ashantis, Fantis, and various 
other African tribes there are many people of the same family title. 
These are unable to trace any relationship ivith each other, but wherever 
they are they find themselves in possession of ceremonial customs which 
are quite peculiar to those who bear that name. Thus the particular 
customs observed at the birth of a child are exactly the same in 
different parts of the country among those who have the same family 
title, although they have never heard of each other's existence, whilst 
their neighbours of the same clan, but of different family names, have 
altogether different customs. 2 Here the name and the typical custom 
lead down to that unity of origin which is lost sight of on the surface. 
This equally applies to such typical customs and names on a far larger 
scale than that of the Kaffir tribes. Also it shows how the name, the 
mark, and the custom have persisted together from time immemorial. 

So is it on the American continent. Not the remotest affinity can 
be detected by grammarians between the languages of the Pawnees 
and the neighbouring Mandans,3 but when it comes to a type like that 
of the four quarters and the cross, together with the customs and super- 
stitions associated with the type, then the earlier connection becomes 
apparent and the possession is found to be in common. 

James describes the Kiawa-Kaskaia Indians as nations united 
"under the influence of the Bear-tooth," yet they were totally 
ignorant of each other's spoken language, and when two individuals 
of different nations wished to converse they did so freely by the 
language of gesture-signs.'^ That was the earlier and simpler medium of 
communication reverted to when the spoken language was dispersed. 
The primal unity was shown by the Totemic "Bear-tooth" and by 
gesture-signs. Here, then, we get down to a record of the past that 
lies beyond spoken language, the living memory or man, or of the 
tribe, the local race, or the human race itself. This record is the 
language of symbolism, a skeleton of all other forms of human 
speech, whose bones are like the fossil remains that exist as proofs 
of an original unity between the lands that are now severed, just as 
the bones of the Mammoth in Britain and France show that the two 
lands, though divided now, were originally one. 

As Emerson has it, "a good symbol is a missionary to convince 
thousands." When Europe was first converted to Christianity, it was 
by making use of the same symbols that were hallowed to the Pagan 

1 Hahn, Tsuni Goam, p. 3. 2 Theal, Kaffir Folk-Lore, p. 198. 

3 Briston, p. 71. 

'^ James, Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, voL iii. p. 52. Burton, City of the 
Saints; Gesture Signs. Tylor, Primitive Culture and Early History. 


The Natural Genesis. 

Cult; the rooted Types being indefinitely more postent that any later 
sense engrafted on them. 

Whether for good or ill the symbol has proved all-powerful. The 
hold of symbolism is in its way as strong in civilised society as in the 
savage world. Crestolatry is as nearly a form of devotion as 
Christolatry, Totemism, or Fetishism, except that a Briton who had 
the fish, stag, or vine in his coat-of-arms, would not now-a-days 
think of totally abstaining from fish, venison, or wine in consequence; 
as would the Bechuana of Southern Africa or the Kol of Nagpore; 
although the time was, in these islands, when he would have done 
so, as may be seen by the non-eating of the pig, hare, and eel in 
the past. 

The king, as sacred ruler, acquired the vesture of his divinity and 
the halo of awful light because he was made to personate or reflect 
the deity on earth, and thus became vicariously divine. Kingship 
in this phase, was not founded on the human character, however 
supremely able, however exalted in the forms of chieftainship, but 
on the typical and representative character. Hence the "divinity 
that doth hedge a king," which did not emanate from him but was 
conferred upon him; he wore it from without, as a lay figure 
invested with the drapery of deity. 

The Ank (Eg.) or the Inca (Peru.) represented the living and ever- 
living one, who was therefore not a human being, and on this ground 
was based the fiction of the king being the undying one. So the 
king never dies. This was not directly derived from the natural 
genesis, but is in accordance with the typology formulated in Egypt 
and extant wherever the title of Inca, Ying, or King is found. 

Hence the king becomes the life and the master of life to his 
people, as in Siam, in a very literal later fashion, where the typical 
character is superstitiously interpreted. The king in Egypt was the 
living image of the Solar God. He was the divine chief, the Repa, 
god-begotten, who grew up into the god in person on earth. And 
just as the king was glorified as the sun, so were the earlier rulers 
glorified under more primitive types of power. In Madagascar the 
monarch, like the Pharaoh of Egypt, was the potent bull. The 
king of Ashanti is glorified as the snake and the lion; the Zulu 
king as the tiger, lion or mountain. In Guatemala the king was 
the tiger of the wood, the laughing jaguar, the mighty boa, the op- 
pressing eagle. The Norse king Gorm was the great worm (or Crom) 
the dragon-king. The chief in a Kaffir folk-tale is a snake with five 
heads. By the earliest titles the bearers were assimilated to the most 
terrible types of power and the most primitive forms of force, and, 
therefore, to the elementary gods, which preceded the sun, moon, and 
star gods of the cycles of time. 

When the symbol has lost its significance, the man or woman still 
remains to receive the homage of ignorance: and the sacrifies that 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 13 

once were offered intelligently to the visible and living image of the 
god, as it was in Egypt, or to the demon in Africa beyond. So potent 
is the influence of symbols over the mind that the world's welfare 
cannot afford to have their indefinable appeal perverted by cunning 
or ignorance. 

Symbols still dominate the minds of men and usurp the place of 
realities. A symbol may cause humanity proudly to rise in stature 
or grovel proneey in the dust. Who has not feft the flutter of the 
flag in one's pulses and been stirred with rapture to horripilation 
at sight of some war-worn, shot-riddled remnant, stained with the 
blood of its bearers, which had braved and beckoned forward the 
battle on some desperate day, that made all safe once more for the 
dear land of our love? Whether used for good or evil the symbol, 
that outward and visible shape of the idea, is supreme. Most helpful 
of servants, most tyrannous of masters. Expression still attains 
the summit in a symbol. It belongs to the universal language, 
the masonry of nature, the mode of the immortals. 

In the case of the flag the link betwixt the fact and its sign is not 
lost, but precisely where it is lost and we have no clue to the natural 
verity signified, the origin is there claimed to be supernatural, and 
credited with the power of conferring a divine sanction on all sorts 
of devilry. The same influence will prevent the Hindu, if starving, 
from tasting a bit of cow, or killing the monkey that is devastating 

The ancient symbolism was a mode of expression which has be- 
queathed a mould of thought that imprisons the minds of myriads 
as effectually as the toad shut up by the rock into which it 
was born. 

The human mind has long suffered an eclipse and been darkened 
and dwarfed in the shadow of ideas, the real meaning of which has 
been lost to the moderns. Myths and allegories whose significance 
was once unfolded to initiates in the mysteries have been adopted in 
ignorance and re-issued as real truths directly and divinely vouchsafed 
to mankind for the first and only time! The earlier religions had 
their myths interpreted. We have ours misinterpreted. And a 
great deal of what has been imposed on us as God's own true and 
sole revelation to man is a mass of inverted myth, under the shadow 
of which we have been cowering as timorously as birds in the 
stubble when an artificial kite in the shape of a hawk is hovering 
overhead. The parables of the primasval thinkers have been elevated 
to the sphere, so to say, as the "hawk" or "serpent," the "bull" or the 
"crab" that gave names to certain groups of stars, and we are in 
precisely the same relationship to those parables and allegories as we 
should be to astronomical facts if we thought the serpent and bull, the 
crab and hawk were real animal and bird instead of constellations 
with symbolical names. The simple realities of the earliest time were 

14 The Natural Genesis. 

expressed by signs and symbols and these have been taken and 
applied to later thoughts and converted by Theologists into problems 
and metaphysical mysteries which they have no basis for and can only 
wrangle over en Voir, unable to touch solid earth with one foot when 
they want to expel opponents with the other. 

The Greek and still more modern misinterpretations of ancient 
typology have made it the most terrible tyranny in the mental domain. 

Much of our folk-lore and most of our popular beliefs are 
fossilized symbolism. The fables and allegories that fed the minds of 
the initiated, when interpreted, became the facts of the ignorant 
when the oral teaching of the mysteries was superceded by letters 
and direct reading, because the hidden wisdom had never been 
published. Misinterpreted mythology has so profoundly infected 
religion, poetry, art, and criticism, that it has created a cult of the 
unreal. Unreality is glorified, called the ideal, and considered to be 
poetry, a mocking image of beauty, that blinds its followers, until 
they cannot recognise the natural reality. 

In the great conflict of the age between the doctrine of evolution 
and the dogmas of mytholog, between the Marvellous and the 
Impossible, our art and poetry are continually found on the side of 
the mytholators. The myths still furnish lay-figures for the painter 
and poet and lives arc spent in the vain endeavour to make them 
live by those and for those who have never knmm what they signified 
at first. Youth yet falls in love with them, and has the desire to 
reproduce; Humanity is re-cast in the: present according to a lion- 
browed, ape-toed Greek type of the past (described later on), and 
the humanly heroic is superseded by the counterfeit divine. The 
prostitute of primitive intercourse, the great harlot of mythology, is 
continued as a supreme personage in poetry, whether as Helen of 
Troy or Gwenivere of Britain, or Iseult of Brittany, the Welsh 
Essyllt, one of the "three unchaste maidens" of British mythology. 
It is on the assumption that these lay-figures of poetry, art, or 
religion, were human once that an interest is taken in them now. 
But the assumption is false, and falsehood, however attractive, is 
always fraudulent. 

These divinities of the bygone time may serve to beguile the 
children of to-day as dolls for dandling, but they are outgrown by 
all who have attained the stature and status of real men and women. 
Shakspeare, we are told, has no heroes. Happily to a large extent 
he drew from nature instead of the models of mythology. 

The Jews are caught and confined in a complete net-work of 
symbolism, so closely woven round them that they are cramped and 
catalepsed into rigidity from long keeping of the same postures, and 
the interstices are almost too narrow for breath to pass through. 
So is it with the Muhammedan and Parsee ritual of rigid rule and 
ceremonial routine; a religion of form in which the trivial is stereo- 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 15 

typed for all time because of its mystical, that is emblematical, 

The world of thought is thronged with false births and mal- 
formations whic:h were entirely bred of perverted typology. The 
theological doctrines of evil, the depravity of matter, the fallen 
nature of the flesh have no other basis and had no other beginning. 

Religion itself is sick and daily dying in the process of unliving 
and sloughing off that which has been imposed upon it by a 
misinterpretation of symbolism. 

It is not the ancient legends that lie; the creators of these did 
not deal falsely with us. The falsehood is solely the result of 
ignorantly mistaking mythology for "revelation" and historic truth. 

They did not teach geology in the ancient mysteries. The 
Christian world assumed that they did, and therefore it was found 
in opposition to scientific geology. 

They did not teach the historic fall of man in the myths. 
Theologists have assumed that they did, and consequently were 
found to be utterly opposed to the ascent of man unveiled by the 
doctrine of evolution. The earliest limits of the human mind have 
been re-imposed upon it as the latest, in the name of religion, until 
it looks at last as if all that faith accepted is arrayed against and 
at enmity with everything that science affirms to be true. 

As the later people of many lands no longer recognise the 
Celt stones for things of human workmanship, but consider them 
to have fallen ready-made from Heaven, so has it been with the 
simplest ideas of the primitive or Archaic men which have been 
unrecognised becasue out-grown. These were picked up and pre- 
served as divine. They arc believed to have come direct from 
Heaven and are treasured as such in that repository which is in 
reality the European Museum of the Kamite mythology. 

Nor were the symbolists insane as they appear to Max Miiller. 

There is nothing of insanity, nothing irrational in the origines 
of mythology, when the subject is considered in the light of 
evolution. The irrationality arises from and remains with the non- 
evolutionist view. It may be affirmed here, fot it will be proved 
hereafter, that the ancient Wisdom is not made up of guesses at 
truth, but is; composed of Truths which were carefully ascertained 
and verified; that the chief character of the myths in their primitive 
phases is a most perfect congruity and that they have the simplicity 
of nature itself. 

The only work of value left to be written on mythology or 
typology is one that will account for the facts upon which the 
myths and religions are founded by relating them once more to 
the phenomena in which they originated; so that we may know 
how and where we stand in regard to a beginning. That is now 
attempted. This work aims at getting to the root and discovering 

i6 The Natural Genesis. 

the genesis of those ideas that have caused more profound 
perplexity to the human mind in modern times, without benefit to the 
individual or the race, than all the problems solved by science, with 
its glorious gains and rich results for universal humanity. 

The idea of De Brosses that "these fetishes are anything which 
people like to select for adoration, a tree, a mountain, the ocean, a piece 
of wood, the tail of a lion, a pebble, a shell, fish, plant, fiower, cow, 
goat, elephant, or anything else," is entirely erroneous, as regards 
the origines. We might as well expect to select our words by 
the promiscuous heaping together of any of the letters at random. 
What he calls fetishes are types which were almost as much the 
result of natural selection as are any other things in nature, so little 
conscious choice had man in the matter, so slow was the process 
of adoption, so great the economy of means on the part of nature. 
But once evolved they were preserved as faithfully as any other 
types. De Brosses had no glimpse of the origin of symbolism which 
he called Fetishism. 

Men did not "set to" to select and adopt their symbols, they 
made use of things to express their thoughts, and those things 
became symbols in what grew to be a system of Homonymism which 
was created by the human consciousness so gradually under the 
guidance of natural laws that individual authorship was unknown. 

Mr. Spencer has rightly denied that "conscious symbolization" is 
at the foundation of certain ceremonial customs and rites of what he 
terms "ceremonial gavernment." He has argued that there is just as 
little basis for the belief that primitive men deliberately adopted 
symbols as that they deliberately madr rules of social contract. 
Symbolism was not a conscious creation of the human mind; man 
had no choice in the matter. He did not begin by thinging his 
thoughts in intentional enigmas of expression. 

Necessity, the mother of invention, was the creator of types and 
symbols. The type is but a first pattern which becomes the model 
figure because it was first. Tepi (Eg.) the type, signifies the first. 
The earliest signs that were made and adopted for current usage were 
continued as the primary types which had to serve for several later 

We have to remember that doing was earlier than saying, and the 
dumb drama was acted first. When all allowance has been made for 
the influence of heredity, the deaf-mute who imitates faces and 
peculiar features and gestures to represent the likeness of certain 
persons is an extant specimen of the primitive and pre-verbal mimic. 
Naturally picture-making by gesture signs preceded the art of picture- 
writing or drawing of figures on the ground, on bones, stones and the 
bark of trees. Also the earliest figure -drawing was by imitation of 
objects as they appeared and not as they are conceived by thought. 
Things were pourtrayed before thoughts by those who were thingers 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 17 

rather than thinkers. The men who first employed signs had not 
attained the art which supplies an ideal representation of natural 
facts; they directly represented their meaning in visible forms. The 
signs enter a second phase as the representatives of ideas when they 
become ideographic and metaphorical. 

The figure of an eye directly represents sight and seeing, but the 
eye as reflector of the image becomes a symbol. The eye of Horus is 
his mother as mirror and reproducer of the babe-image. The Uta eye 
signifies health, welfare, safety, and salvation, because when placed 
with the mummy in the tomb it denoted reproduction for another life. 
The Macusi Indians of Guiana say that when the body decays in 
death the "Man in the eyes, will not die" the image reflected by 
the eye being emblematic of the shadow or soul. The Nootkas of 
Nootka Sound were found, by Lord, to be in possession of a precious 
medicine; a solid piece of coper hammered flat, and of an oval or 
eye-shape, the chief device on which was an Eye represented in many 
sizes. This medicine was most carefully preserved and shown only 
on extraordinary occasions. 1 This was identical with the symbolic 
eye of health, welfare, and salvation in Egypt. 

The Hottentots to this day will take the root of a shrub called 
kharab, cut it up and pound it on stones. When one is hungry he 
takes a pinch of the dust and gooes to the house of his neighbour 
where instead of asking for food, be throws the powder on the fire 
and expects food to be given to him. 2 The charm is known as the 
food-provider. Here the action is elaborately symbolical. In the 
earliest stage of sign-language it would have sufficed to point to the 
mouth and the food. Again the tip of the crocodile's tail is the 
hieroglyphic sign for black, not because it was black, for it is but 
slate-coloured when darkest, and is often of a reddish brown. The 
type therefore in this case does not depend directly on the complexion. 
According to Hor-ApoUo the tail of the crocodile signifies dark- 
ness because the animal inflicts death on any other animal which it 
may have caught by first striking it with its tail (?) and rendering it 
incapable of motion. 3 That is one idea. The crocodile likewise 
denoted sunset. Its two eyes typified the sunrise, its tail the sunset 
or darkness. All day long the animal lay on land and when the 
night came down it disappeared in the waters. The tip of its tail 
was the end of it, and the black signified was night; the colouring 
matter, so to say, was mental and this sign became its ideograph. 
The crocodile, his mark! that had been made on their minds by 
actual contact, and the wrestling for supremacy during ages of 
watching of this intelligent one of the deep, or the deep one, 
not unmixed with a sense of relief at the nightly-vanishing tip of 
its tail. 

1 It was seen by Lord, Naturalist, vol. ii. p. 357. 

2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 83. ^ Book i. 70. 

i8 The Natural Genesis. 

A distinct statement of the symbolie nature of the sacred fish 
may be quoted from the Ritual, i One of the forty- two sins was 
the catching of "the fish which typify.'" These then were sacred 
because symbolical. 

The meaning of many curious customs and rites cannot be directly 
ascertained, for the memory is lost and the ritual of the cult was 
unwritten. Nor can it be directly derived from nature, which has 
outgrown that infantile: age of humanity, however lucky the guesses 
we may make. True, the evolutionist is able to affirm that such 
customs as we now call symbolical are not accounted for until we 
can trace them to their natural genesis. Here is the imperative need 
of the typological phase of these things to interpret that which 
was once the natural; the directly representative, which is still 
reflected for us by the older races of the world in the primitive 
customs, religious rites, superstitious beliefs, folk-lore, and fetishes; 
also in the mirror of mythology. Betwixt us and the natural genesis 
of ancient customs, rites, ceremonies and religious beliefs, lie the 
culture represented by Egypt, America, Babylonia, and China, and 
the decadence and obliviousness of the dying races; and at least we 
need to know what Egypt has yet to say on these earliest simplicities 
which have become the later mysteries; she who is the contemporary 
of time, or rather its creator; the chronologer, the revealer, the inter- 
preter of antiquity; the sole living memory of the dark oblivious 
land (the very consciousness of Kam), the speaker for the dumb, 
unfathomable past; who gave, in graven granite, permanence to the 
primitive signs of thought, and types of expression; whose stamp or 
mint-mark may be found generally on this current coinage of the 
whole world. Without some such clue as Egypt offers, any direct or 
literal rendering of that which has become symbolic, is likely to be 
erroneous. The decaying races can but seldom tell us what is the 
intention underlying the type. They have their symbols without 
the means or desire to interpret them for us. They have their 
thoughts, for which they do not find expression; their feelings, that 
may not be transfigured into thought; but for us they are dumb 
in the awful shadow of the past that hangs over them, and they 
cannot explain, the meaning of its mystery ; they have no interpreter 
between themselves and us for their language of symbols, and until 
these are understood we shall never understand them. We English 
mix with 250,000,000 of natives in India, and can rule over them, but 
cannot comprehend them. Yet those natives who read the present 
work will penetrate its significance far more profoundly than the 
writer's own countrymen, whose knowledge is too late a creation, and 
whose minds live too extensively on the surface of the present for 
them to get en rapport with their remoter ideas, and establish any 
real camaraderie of relationship with the peoples of the far-off past. 

1 Ch. cxxv. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 19 

Egypt can help us to enter the primordial domain of human 
thought. Egypt or Kam is the parent of all primitive typology, and 
she alone can adequately explain it, as she was the great conscious 
recorder of that which had been unconsciously created for the com- 
monest use in the inner African birthplace. 

What is here termed Typology had its origin in gesture- 
language, where a few signs supplemented by a few sounds served 
all purposes for expressing sensations, feelings, and ideas. Gesture- 
language was (so to say) developed and made permanent in typology. 
The origin of both may be traced to the fact that men visualised thought 
in pictures, which they pourtrayed to the eye, and reflected things 
in their mental mirror long before they could speak in words, just 
as the deaf-mutes tell us they thought before mastering the alphabet 
of gesture-signs. The origines of mythology, symbolism, and 
numbers have all to be sought in the stage of gesture-language, 
which was the first mode of figuring an image. For instance, a 
pin made crooked to throw into the "Wishing-well" is a prayer 
made permanent. It is a survival of gesture-language; a kind of 
drawing made by the dumb for the invisible powers to see. The 
sign can be interpreted by the hieroglyphic. Uten, a twisted bit of 
metal, signifying an offering, a libation, the appeal of sacrifice, 
therefore a type of prayer. Such sign-language is yet extant, and 
is illustrated at a distance by the Chinaman who failing to convey 
his meaning by words will draw the ideographic character on the 
palm of his hand, or with his fan in the air, saying, "I mean thatr 

Stanley tells us how the Waganda frequently have recourse to 
drawing figures on the ground to illustrate imperfect oral description, 
and that they show surprising cleverness in the truthfulness of their 
rough-and-ready delineations. The skill of the Bushmen, Kaffirs 
and some Negroes in the drawing and modelling of figures is a 
result of the primordial gesture-language transferred from the air 
to solid earth. 

Leibnitz has said that the writing of the Chinese might seem to 
have been invented by a deaf person, its formation was so near to 
that of gesture-signs addressed to the eye. The oldest Chinese 
characters, two hundred in number, are called Siang-Hing, that is 
images or ideographic representations. A considerable number of 
Chinese ideographs are identical with the Egyptian. 

The most ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics are those which convey 
their meaning by direct representation or imitation. In a later 
phase these were still continued as ideographic determinatives, so 
that notwithstanding the development or the hieroglyphics the links 
are complete from the gesture-signs down to the alphabet. 

Man invoking, praying, adoring, rejoicing, dancing, striking, 
building, sculpturing, tilling the ground, fighting, reposing, ruling, 
carrying, walking, old man and young child, are represented directly 

20 The Natural Genesis. 

in the act of making the appropriate gesture-signs or visible speech 
which all men can read at sight. Things belonging to sight are 
indicated by an eye. An arm outstretched is the sign of offering, 
and making a present. The ear is an emblem of listening, hearing, 
judging; the nose, of breathing, smelling, and the delight of life 
or existence. A pair of legs going denotes the transitive verb; 
and the legs in transitu were first 

A comparison of certain Egyptian signs with those of the North 
American Indians tends to the conclusion that they had a common 
origin. 1 The Egyptiarians engraved such hieroglyphics in granite and 
the Indians still figure them in the air. But the typology is at times 
identical and the two continue to meet in one and the same meaning. 

With the Indians one sign serves to convey several meanings 
according to a prototypal idea. The index finger lifted above the 
face signifies over, heaven, great Spirit, and day, or to-day. So in 
the hieroglyphics Her, the sign of Heaven, denotes above, over, 
superior, a spirit, and the same word means day. Thus, one form 
of the sign is the face (Her), above, and the Indian sign is made 
above the face. 

In making the signs for day, morning, noon, to-morrow, or yester- 
day, the subject must face the south with his back to the north, 
and right hand to the west. This attitude shows the Sabean and 
pre-solar standpoint in which the south was the face and front and the 
north the hinder part, whereas in the solar reckoning the east was 
the front and the west was the back. 

In Egyptian imagery the south is the front, the north the hinder 
part. The male emblem as the bahu denotes the front, and is the 
figure of "before." The female is the image of behind and the 
hinder part, probably in relation to primitive usage, when woman 
was as the animal. This typology is illustrated by the Bongos, who 
bury the male facing the north, or frontwise, and the female facing 
the south or hinderwise, according to thr Kamite reckoning. 

It is probable that the Indian sign of before is an equivalent for the 
Egyptian ideograph. "The left hand representing an imaginary line, 
the action of the right makes it the front, or before;" the forefinger is 
pointed outward, and the hand thrust forward forcibly and rapidly. 
These gestures tend to identify the original meaning with the Egyptian 
masculine sign. When the Indians, according to Dunbar's list of 
gesture-signs, denote the man by closing the hand and with the 
extended fore-finger drawing a line down over the stomach from the 
upper to the lower part of the body, they are indicating the male as 
the front one, just as the Baku hieroglyphic of the male signifies 

1 Introduction to the study of Sign-Language among the North American 
Indians, by Garrick Mallery: Washington, i88o. A Collection of Gesture-Signs 
and Signals of the North American Indians, by Garrick Mallery: i88o. Sign- 
Language, by Garrick Mallery: i88i. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 31 

''before.'" Behind is pourtraycd by making the gesture for before, and 
then swinging the hand backwards from the thigh, with a motion quick- 
ened as the hand goes back.i Behind (Khepsh the North, or Khept 
the Rump) is represeoted in the hieroglyphics by the hinder thigh. 

The typology or the left as the lower hand, the feminine half, cor- 
responding to the hinder part and the nethermost of two, runs through 
all the Indian signs. The lower, hinder part, and the left hand are 
feminine in the quarters north and west. The Indian sign for the 
female (squaw) is made by passing the flat extended hands with 
fingers joined down the sides of the head as far as the shoulders to 
denote long hair. Then the left hand is held transversely before the 
body, pointing to the right. The right hand, index, downwards, is then 
passed beneath the left hand along the abdomen, and the sign is made 
which signifies ''of woman bom."^ 

"Below," as with the Egyptians, is identical with the left hand; the 
indicatory movements being made with the left, or lower, hand, palm 
downwards, and the eyes kept looking down. Also to rub the back 
of the left hand with the fingers of the right, is a sign of black, 
(Dakota, 4) the lower, night side, the English Car-hand, for the left 
hand, and Car-land for low- land. 

This identifies the left hand, the Car-hand, with the Kar, or Karh 
(Eg.) of the lower, the night side, the dark. In gathering the selago 
herb, Pliny says, the Druids plucked it with the right hand wrapped 
in a tunic, the lift being uncovered, as though they were stealing it. 3 
This is the pictograph of stealing according to the Indian sign-ges- 
tures. In these, the left hand and night, or the dark side, being 
identical as the underhand. 

The action of stealing is pourtrayed by holding the left forearm a 
little in front of, and across the body for cover and concealment, then 
the seizure is suddenly made with the right hand, which feels furtively, 
grasps, and withdraws; the act being peformed under the security 
of darkness or night, typified by the left hand. Stealing is yet 
described as "underhand work." 

The left hand plays the same part in the mimograph of fruitless. 
It is brought forward; the left index punches the right palm, and is 
then swept backwards and downwards by the left side. This sign of 
negation and deficiency is employed by the Hottentots, who describe 
a stingy chief as being Gei-dre, or greatly left-handed; are, with the 
click, being identical with the English Car for the left hand; the 
Egyptian Kar for underneath. 

Some antique statues have been lately found by M. de Sarzil in the 
mounds of Telloo, belonging to an art and civilisation which, preceded 
those of Babylonia and Assyria. They have all one attitude, the 
arms being crossed on the breast with the left hand clasping the right. 

1 Mallery, Collection, p. 35 (Ojibwa 4). 2 Mallery, p. 57. 

3 Book of Beginnings, voL i. p. 88. [Quoting Pliny, Hist Nat. lib. 24. s. 62-3.] 

22 The Natural Genesis. 

This is a gesture-sign to be read at sight. The left hand being the 
lower and inferior, this is the attitude of humility, or an act of worship. 
Whether the object be humaa or divine must be determined by the 
surroundings, but the gesture-sign belongs to gesture-language, and 
tells its story according to one system wherever found. 

The significance of giving the "right hand of fellowship," and in 
making a covenant, or of being seated on the right hand still depends 
on the origin in gesture-language, the right being the superior hand. 
The symbolism of the left hand is also applied by the Indians to the 
representation of death, in which it is held flat over the face with the 
back outwards, when the right hand similarly held is passed below 
the other, gently touching it (Wied).i This sign likewise denotes the 
passage under; death itself being described as "going under." In the 
representation of "dying," the left hand is held as in the sign for dead 
and the right is passed under it with a slow, gentle, interrupted 

The signs for death point to drowning as the typical end and mode 
of "going under." One illustration is by reversal of the hand, which 
reads "upset," "keeled over." Water is the most primary and perma- 
nent of types, one of the Two Truths of Egypt; the natural opposite 
or antithesis of breath. The Egyptian ideograph of negation, no, not, 
without, deprived of, is a wave of water; and the Indian representations 
of death include a downward movement of the hand outstretched with 
the palm upward. The hand is lowered gradually with a wave-like 
motion. In another sign the palm of the hand is placed at a short 
distance from the side of the head, and then withdrawn gently 
in an oblique downward direction, at the same time the upper part 
of the body bends, leans, and the sinking motion is thus imjtated 
twice over. The word "Ke-neeboo" is pronounced slowly. Colonel 
Mallery points out that in Ojibwa the word Nibo means he dies, he 
sleeps, the original significance being he leans, from Anibeia, it is 
leaning;2 but the leaning, keeling over, and sinking, all indicate 
death by water, and in the chief Indian languages, Nibo, for "he dies" 
is the type-name for water, as 

Neepi, Ojibwa. Nepee, Knistinaux. Nippe, Massachusetts. 

Nebee, Potowatami. Nepee, Skoffi. Nip, Marragansetts. 

Nipish, Ottawa. Nepee, Sheshatapoosh. Nape, Miami. 

Nipi, Old Algonkin. Nabi, Abenaki. 

Death by drowning was a form of sinking and going under that 
was obvious to the earliest perception, and this negation of life by means 
of water is figured in the hieroglyphic sign of negation. 

It has been said that there is no negative in natures but the men 

1 Mallory, p. 86. 2 Collection, p. 83. 

3 Negation — "Now we come upon a feature which is inconsiderable in its bulk . . . 
but yet one which covers with its influence half the realm of language. This is 
the apparetus of Negation. . . . Where in the outer world is there such a thing as a 
Negative? Where is the natural phenomenon that would suggest to the human 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 33 

who made water the sign for no, en, or nun had observed that it was the 
negation of breath, and the hieroglyphics show the type of negation 
in running water. Also the word skhet (Eg.) which means to slay, 
signifies to capsize. Khem (Eg.) is a form of no, not, and the word 
likewise means dead. 

With this waving and sinking of the hand to indicate death we 
may connect, and possibly interpret, the Indian signs of no, the 
emphatic negative. One of these is made by moving the hand in 
front of the face; another by oscillating the index finger before the 
face from right to left. This latter sign, made by the Pah-Utes; is 
said by Canon de Jorio to be in use also among the Neapolitans, 
and in many parts of Southern Europe. Oscillation shows negation 
whether made with the head or the hand. This sign is extant among 
the Japanese. 

The shake of the head is another mode of negation corresponding 
to the wave and the waving motion. Also the natives near Torres 
Straits have a gesture of negation in which they hold up the right 
hand and shake it by turning it half round and back again two or 
three times, 1 which corresponds to our shake of the head as a sign 
of "no." The essential feature is the waving or wave, which imitates 
the wave of water that constitutes the hieroglyphic no, emphatic 
negation, none (Nun). 

A Chinese character signifying law is composed of "water" and 
"to go," why is unknown; but, as water denotes the negative, the 
two signs read "no go," or "thou shalt not," which was the earliest 
formula of law. 

Darwin, on The Expression of the Emotions,^ remarks that "the 
waving of the hand from right to left, which is used as a negative by 
some savages, may have been invented in imitation of shaking the 
head; but whether the opposite movement of waving the hand in a 
straight line from the face which is used in affirmation has arisen 
through antithesis or in some quite distinct manner, is doubtful." 
The left hand in the Kamite typology is the negative, feminine, nether, 
underhand; the emphatic negative being expressed by both hands 
held low down, whilst the straight is the right and thus the right 
hand waved in a straight line has the value of yes. 

Straight is synonymous with true or right and true, that is with 
Ma, which also means "come," "you may," and is therefore an affirm- 
ative. So the Dakota signs of yes and truth are identical. Possibly 
this sign of Ma or Mai, for "come," "you may" can be read at root 
by "Maauf (Eg.) which signifies "in the power of." More fully 
" You may come, I am in your power, truly, or empty-handed; in the 
palm of my hand." 

mind the idea of Negation? There is no negative in Nature." — Earle, Philology 
of the English Tongue, pp. 421-425. 

1 Jukes, Letters &c., p. 248. 2 ch. i. 

24 The Natural Genesis. 

In the Egyptian ideograph of the verb to pray and beseech the 
palms of the two hands are presented outward, showing that the 
hands are empty. 

In a similar manner the sound of "Cooey" which the Australian 
settlers have adopted, from the natives, affords its intimation. In the 
Yarra dialect the word Kooo-ey signifies "Alone," or "I am alone;" 
and this intelligence is first uttered by the messenger from one tribe 
to another whilst he is yet a mile from their place of encampment. 

In the Apache, Comanche, Kaiowa and Wichita sign, the palm of 
the right hand is afterwards thrown against the horizontal palm of 
the left hand, showing in another way that both hands are empty, 
although only one was lifted in invitation. 

This reading may be illustrated by the Yoruban saying, "The 
Palm of the hand does not lie," or it never deceives one. The same 
fundamental meaning survives in the phrase of clear or "clean- 

The Egyptian Ideograph of peaceful and gentle actions is the 
arm with the hand fallen thus ^ — H . Whereas the determinative of 
forcible actions is the clenched hand uplifted. 

The Indian intimation of No, Not, Negation, is conveyed by the 
hand being waved in refusing to accept the idea or statement pre- 
sented. This action is in keeping with the hieroglyphic sign for No, 
Not, Negation, with the two hands waved apart and extended palm- 
downwards ^JiL^ . In the Dakota sign (67) the hand is held flat 
and pointing upwards before the right side of the chest, then thrown 
outward and pressed down. Also there is a strong coincidence be- 
tween the negative particle "Ma," given by Landa, and the Egyptian 
emphatic negative. 

According to Fornander, the same gesture sign for "No" prevails 
throughout Polynesia. He says, "Ask a person if he had such or 
such a thing, and, two to one, instead of saying 'No,' he will turn his 
hand or hands palm-downwards, in sign of a negative answer."^ 

This figure of negation, of forbidding and prohibiting represented 
by the hieroglyphic «JL=» is yet made by our railway signalmen for 
staying the train and preventing it from starting. It is still the 
"No" of gesture speech. 

The explanation as given by Captain Burton of the Indian signs 
for Truth and Life is sufficient to affiliate the gestures to the "Two 
Truths" of Egypt; which are manifold in their application as two 
aspects or phases of the one idea, such as yes or no, before and behind, 
good and bad, right and wrong, the dual justice or twofold truth. 
Captain Burton says the forefinger extended straight from the mouth is 
the sign for telling truth, as "one word," whereas two fingers denote 
the "double-tongue," or a lie. Truth is that which comes straight from 
the heart or mouth. Speaking the truth is straight speech. 2 Among 

1 Vol. i. p. 243. 2 Mallery, Ojibwa, i. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 35 

the Khoi-Khoi, law means that which is straight, right, true, in a 
straight line, in exact agreement with Maat, for the law as inflexible 
rule. Also the gentleman's or great man's word is the true word 

Although comparatively superseded by the cubit measure, yet the 
finger is at times found to be an Egyptian determinative of Md, 
the True, Truth, or Goddess of Truth. Md signifies to stretch out 
(protendere) , to hold out straight before one, just as the Indians 
extend the finger. This stretching out straight is the sign of right 
rule, the finger being an early form of the rule measure, or the 
straight, right, and true. All the meanings meet in the Zend erezu 
for rule, straight, right, true, and the name or the finger. 

The extended finger was the rule-sign of Truth, of Md, which has 
two phases, positive and negative, or true and untrue, the untrue 
being indicated by the second finger as the dual Ma. If we read Mati 
as Makti, that is double-tongue. Here it may be remarked that 
one sign of Md is the hand outstretched in offering the sign of 
stretched-out, but not of hand, and that the Mexicans pourtrayed a 
hand — Ma (it!) — to signify the sound of Ma, and not the word 

The Egyptian Ankh, to pair, couple, clasp together, duplicate, 
naturally includes marriage, and, as we still say, the marriage-tie. 
The Ankh-knot made in gesture-speech by forming the loop with 
the tips of the thumb and forefinger. When Goat's-Nose (in Panta- 
gruel)2 makes this sign by softly coupling the nails of the two 
members together, Pantagruel says the sign denotes marriage. This 
is the modern Neapolitan sign fot "love" and was a sign of marriage 
and of Venus in Italy from remotest times. 

This sign of coupling, unity and marriage is made by Vishnu with 
his right hand, in the act of embracing Lakshmi with his left. 3 
When the Ankh- tie was formed, that served the purpose, but the 
gesture made with the thumb and forefinger was first. 

The knot or tie (Ankh) is a hieroglyphic sign of life and living. 
Ankh also means to clasp; and the Indian sign of life and alive is 
made with a particular mode of making the clasp with the thumb 
and middle (root) finger of the right hand.^ 

In the sign for death (Comanche) the Gesture-maker might be un- 
doing the Ankh-sign of life as the instructions are: "Bring the left 
hand to the left breast, hand half clenched, then bring the right hand to 
the left ivith the thumb and forefinger in such a position as if you were 
going to take a bit of string from the forefinger of the left hand, and 
pull the right hand as if you were stretching out a string."^ This reads 
"Soul going to happy hunting grounds;" and as before said looks 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. i8. 2 Rabelais, book iii. chap. xx. 

3 Moore's Hindu Pantheon, plate ii. fig. i. '^ Dakota, 4. 
s Mallery, Collection, pp. 20-84. 

26 The Natural Genesis. 

like the loosening of the Ankh-knot of life. Moreover, the untying in 
the sign of death is the right natural antithesis to the tie or clasp 
(Ankh) as the symbol of life. 

The death-sign described by Host is made by placing the ""Left 
forefinger and thumb against the heart, act as if taking a hair from the 
thumb and forefinger of the left hand with the thumb and forefinger of 
the right and slowly casting it from you, only letting the left hand 
remain at the heart and let the index finger of the right hand point out- 
ward toward the horizon."^ Here also we have the sign of the knot 
or cord which formed the Ankh-symbol of life, and the pantomime of 
loosing it; that loosing of the silver b'^n (Eg. Kabu the Cord) 
described by the Hebrew writer, which also probably applies to the 
noose-symbol of life. 

The mode of describing the meaning destroyed, all gone, no more, 
is by an action of the palms. These are rubbed together, signifying 
rubbed out. The hands are held horizontally and the palms are 
rubbed together two or three times circularly; the right hand is then 
carried off from the left in a short horizontal curve. They are rubbed 
out. This is an express signification of "fer" (Eg.) for killing, running 
through, transfixing, obliterating, literally to wipe and rub out. 

One mimograph of the personal pronoun 1, myself, is made by 
striking the breast repeatedly with the clenched hand, and it is 
noticeabe that Ank (Eg.) the personal pronoun, the 1, 1 the king, 
also means to clench or clasp the hand. Others touch the top of the 
nose with the index finger, or lay it along the ridge with the top 
resting between the eyes. So in Egypt. 

""The pronounced an oath by the sovereign Lord (the Pharaoh) 
striking his nose and his ears with both hands upon a rod."^ 

In some languages the man, the 1, and the nose have one name. 

The personal pronoun 1 is — 

Nivain Illinois. Nal, Ostiac. Nyr, Ziranian. 

Mr in the old Algonkin. Nol, Vogul. Onari, Gusque (Carib.) 

Nil, Miemac. Nyr, Votiak. Naran, Tiennas. 

Nol, Etchemin. Nyr, Permian. Nyare, Mose (African). 

Nelah, Shawni. 

In Egyptian Nya is the man, Nra the neb of the vulture. In 
Tsheremis Ner is the nose. In Latin Nare is a nose; also the nostrils 
of a hawk. Here the three types of man, the personal pronoun, and 
the nose meet under one word, and are in keeping with the Indian 
sign of "1." 

The Arapahoes make a gesture sign, which denotes their name, by 
taking the nose between the thumb and forefinger. ^ And as in other 
Indian gesture signs the nose is the ideograph of the personal 
pronoun 1, and as the nose is an equivalent for Ankh (Eg.) 1, 1 am, 

1 Mallery, Introduction, p. 21. 

2 Spoliation of Tombs, p. 5 — 7; Records, vol. xii. p. 109. 

3 Mallery, Collection, p. 154. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 37 

the king, these according to the typology are claiming a supremacy 
among men. If interpreted by the Nar or Nose of the vulture they 
would be the sure hunters, the far-sighted, the victorious. 

The Todas of the Neilgherry Hills have a mode of salutation, 
supposed to be one of respect, in which they raise the open right 
hand to the brow and rest the thumb on the nose. The hieroglyphic 
nose when human signifies pleasure and delight; glad to smell you 
as it were. 

The nose as the Ank or personal pronoun 1 is equivalent to the 
Eskimo Innuk, a type-name for man. In one of the dialects 
(Kuskutshewak) nikh is the name for the nose, which is Kinaga in 
Kadiak. Innuwok in Eskimo is life and to live. In the Maya we 
have Inic, Winic, Winak; in Javanese Wong. The Iroquois Onnho, 
to live, is a modified form of the same archetypal word, and probably 
the Wong or spirit of Inner Africa is the Unku (Eg.) a Spirit; the 
spirit was primarily the breath, hence the connection with the nose as 
an organ of breathing, and a type of the 1, the Ank, who in Egypt 
had become the king, the living one. 

The nasal sound Nug of the Cherokee language is the Inner 
African Nge, the most common form of the personal pronoun "1," 
in Africa, or the rest of the world. This represents the nose, and 
the personal pronoun "1" the Ankh itself in the domain of sounds. 

The rnouth, eye, nose, and ear are all forms of the Ankh- type of 
life and living; the being, the one who is, the I am, the 1 see, or 1 
hear, 1 breathe, 1 smell out, 1 perceive, with the pa:rticular organ for 
Ideographic determinator. Hence the mouth, eye, nose, and ear 
became natural hieroglyphics of the 1 in person, sufficient to dis- 
tinguish four different ideas or persons, and to furnish four totemic 
signs. The Chinese have five officials of the human body, the mouth, 
nose, ear, eye, and eye-brow. The strong eye-brow is a preserver of 
long life; and in the Egyptian hieroglyphics the Anhu, eyebrow, is 
a modified Ankhu or emblem of life; the natural being primary. 

The teeth are touched by the Indians to indicate the meaning of 
White, and in Egyptian the tooth is "Hu" which is also the name 
for white as Hut. Black is signified by touching the hair, and in 
Egyptian black and hair are synonymous; they have one name as 
Kam. Another sign for black is made by pointing to the sun and 
executing the sign for no; no sun or sun-setting being equal to 
black. So the Chinese ideograph of the setttng sun which is similar 
to the Akkadiam and like it has the value of Mi sunset, night, black, 
is one with the Egyptian Am or Mmi for the west, the place of 
sunset. The mode of indicating a period, applied to the end of a life- 
time, as in the address of Kin Che-ess^ is by the gesture-sign of "Cut 
off." Ever, always, or eternal is "Never cut off." This ideograph 
belongs to the oldest representation of time in Heaven. In the 

1 Mallery. 

28 The Natural Genesis. 

planisphere of Denderahi the goddess of the seven stars and mother 
of time is pourtraycd holding a knife, the Kat (Eg.) English cutter, 
in her hand. That is the sign of time cut off, separated, distinguished. 
One revolution of the Bear was one year cut off; the annual quota 
cut off, quotannis. A long time is expressed by placing the thumbs 
and forefingers as if a thread were held between the thumb and fore- 
finger of each hand; the hands first touching each other, are then 
slowly drawn apart as if stretching a piece of gum elastic. Colonel 
Mallery compares this act with the Greek reivo), to stretch. 2 In 
Egyptian Ten, denotes time, measure, to stretch and to reckon. Ten 
is to extend, lengthen out; tens is a stretcher. Ten is to complete, 
fill up, determine, and the variant Tern (our time) has the same 
meaning. A tent is a length of time; a fortnight; temt is a total. 

The Egyptian gesture-sign for Ter to interrogate, ask, inquire, 
question, English tell me, is made with both, hands scooped upwards 
exactly as the one hand is employed in making the common Indian 
sign for "tell me. "3 This gesture is used by the natives of Australia 
and is common with all orators as a mode of inquiry. Another link 
may be established between Teru for time, and Teru to draw. The 
sign-gesture fot drawing was first, but teru (Eg.) to draw had become 
pictorial, applied to colour and painting. Teru to draw, is also a 
measure of land, or of time, the gesture is a measure of time, 
indicated by the drawing out. 

Hor-ApoUo observes, "When we would denote the loins or con- 
stitution of a man we depict the backbone, for some hold that the 
seed proceeds from thence. "^ 

Mr. Long says: — "If an Indian wishes to tell you that an in- 
dividual present is his offspring, he points to the person, and then with 
the finger still extended, points it forward from his loins in a line 
curving downward, then slightly upward."^ Captain Burton tells us, 
"A son or daughter is expressed by making with the hand a move- 
ment denoting issue from the loins." Offspring, read literally, is 
"out of the loins." 

The signs for male and female, boy and girl, are made by direct 
imitation, the fore-finger taking the place of the Egyptiao Ideograph. 
To depict the female the two outstretched thumbs and forefingers are 
joined, and placed in position to form the ovoid figure represented by 
the hieroglyphic Ru <cz:> . The sign for the female is also made with 
an almond-shaped opening between the thumb and forefinger, with 
the tip of the one resting on the tip of the other. 

One sign for woman is also European. The left fore and second 
fingers are extended and separated with the other fingers closed. 
The thumb is then placed against the palm in such a manner that 

1 Plate in B. B. vol. ii. 2 Mallery, Address, 1881, p. 26. 

3 Mallery, Sign-Language, fig. 71. '^ Book ii. p. 9. 

^ Mallery, p. 54. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 39 

the top is visible in the crotch thus figured. This represents a 
likeness to the form et staturigo veneris in. the pudendum muliebreA 

It is common among the English peasantry, and constituting a 
most deadly sign of insult with the Latin races, who give the Fico, or 
Fig, in a similar manner. The insult lies in the gesture indicating 
the female, and reads, "You are effeminate," "Behold your sign." So 
our English boys who shoot (at marbles) with the thumb tucked in 
are chaffingly said to play "cunny-thumbed." 

A form of this feminine mimograph is given by Colonel Mallery 
under the heading of "Challenge, Florentine Sign." "A fist clinched 
with the thumb thrust out under the forefinger." The thumb 
thrust out is a sign of mockery and contempt with various 
African races. One of the Oji proverbs says "if you go to the 
sabbat (or 'customs') making the sign with the thumb (i.e. thrusting 
out the thumb) you will be answered with blows." One mimograph 
for woman is made by imitating the actiqn of combing the long 
hair. 2 This sign has the same value as the comb found on the tomb 
of the Lars, in the Akkadian pictograph, or on the Scottish stones 
along with the mirror, both being feminine, both symbols of repro- 
duction by the pubescent female. The comb is a female sign in the 
hieroglyphics, and is equivalent to the sign of combing. Another of 
the ideographs for "woman" is to point to or express the 
mammae (Chesncy). This is the same as the sign of the two breasts 
in hieroglyphics, the determinative of mena, the wet-nurse, and mena, 
to suckle. Mena (menkat) had become a goddess in Egypt, and her 
vases had taken the place of the Mammae, but the living type is 
still retained in the Indian sign. The primary natural signs remain 
for use where vases, breast-shaped or womb-shaped, are no longer 
manufactured. The vase of Mena was both mammas-shaped and 
womb-shaped, and in the gesture-sign for the female, as rendered by 
Matthews, "the arms were flexed and the hands held fist-like at either 
side in the position of the female mammary glands, then swept semi- 
circularly downwards." The sign reads, one with prominent mammae 
who can bring forth young, and who thus represented the blessings 
of the Hebrew Shadai. The vase of Mena was also imitated by 
making the cup-shape over each breast. ^ 

The Egyptians indicated pregnancy in the female by a swelling 
abdomen, and the hieroglyphy is the same, although only drawn in 
gesture-sign for the moment, when the Indian express the same fact 
pantomimically by passing the two hands slightly arched from the 
pubis in a curve upward and in toward the pit of the stomach, and 
thus depict the rotund shape of the abdomen. ^ 

For birth, delivery, to produce the child, the Egyptians represent 
the woman in the act of emaning the child, whose head and arms 

1 Mallery, Collection, p. 289. 2 Mallery, p. 288. 

3 Mallery, pp. 287, 288. "* Malley, Collection, p. 304. 

30 The Natural Genesis. 

are visible. The Indians enact the process of parturition, and 
imitate the pubic arch and the curve of carus with the two hands, 
which is followed by the head of the child during birth. This sign is 
used generically.i With additions it means mother, father, grand- 
parent. The Egyptian sign reads pd-pd for the human species; 
pd, the race, men; pdpd, to produce and be delivered. To denote 
the babe, or nursling, the back of the right hand is laid crosswise in 
the palm of the left, on the left side of the breast, and the movement 
up and down is then made as though holding and dandling an 
infant (Dakota i). So in the hieroglyphics, renn, to dandle, and renn, 
the nursling, are identical; and the babe is shown in the arms of the 
nurse, who is dandling it up and down, and who is named the dandier, 
as Rennut. 

The child, or suckling, is pourtrared by the thumb and fingers 
being brought to the mouth, or by the finger placed in the 
mouth. This is the Egyptian hieroglyphic for the child. The 
primary idea was probably in reference to the suckling child. Still 
the infant and infans are inseparably connected, and the Greeks 
were not so wrong as some Egyptologists have supposed in making 
the child Har-pi-kart, the god of silencer or the silent god. The child 
and silence have the same name in Egyptian. 2 Khart, the child, also 
means silence. It is always perilous to limit an ideograph to one 
meaning. The chief sign for astonishment, surprise, and wonder is 
made by placing the right hand before the mouth, which is supposed 
to be open. This gesture is generic in the hieroglyphics, where it is 
used for expressing various emotions; it likewise signifies to speak, 
whisper, meditate, and to kiss, as in Job's description of idolatry or 
adulation conveyed by kissing the hand. It also has the meaning of 
thinking and meditating and would therefore apply to being lost 
in astonishment, or speechless. It serves as the determinative of 
"dumb," "mouthless." Hiding the mouth, with many Asiatic races, 
is equivalent to being mouthless, i.e., dumb. The negroes on the 
West Coast of Africa clap their hands to their mouths when surprised, 
saying, at the same time, ""My mouth cleaves to me,"3 that is, 1 am 
speechless, dumb with amazement. In spite of all assumptions to 
the contrary, this gesture is a sign of the child as the speechless 
one, the dumb Horus, or silent khart, who was the opposite of the 
True Voice. The sign has really to be read by childhood being the 
type of speechlessness. The gesture says, "1 am voiceless, a child 
again, a ninny who has nothing to say." The Australians, the North 
American Indians, .and the Africans all make this gesture-sign of 
wonder. Darwin remarks that it has been observed among so 
many races of men it must have some natural origin. ^ We may 
add, that there must also have been consenus. The mimograph 

1 Mallery, Collection, p. 43. 2 gee Dictionary, Birch, p. 421. 

3 Winwood Reade. '^ Emotions, ch. xii. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 31 

for silence and the child, are both expressed by the one word 
KhaH (Eg.). 

Mrs. Barber says the Kaffirs and Fingoes express astonishment by 
a serious look and by placing the right hand upon the mouth, 
uttering the word "Mawo,"^ which is the Xosa exclamation for 
wonderful! prodigious! The word also signifies "alas." The fuller 
form of the expresssion in grief is "Mame-Mawo," or "Alas! my 
mother!" In this the mother is added to the type of the child. So 
in Egyptian the Mam, Mum or Mu is the mother, and Mahui 
denotes wonder, to be full of astonishment, like the vulgar English 
"O moy.'" The word "adore" really means "with hand to mouth." 

For the sign of companion, as the husband, or to accompany, the 
forefinger of each hand ts extended pointing straight to the front 
and joined, all other fingers of both hands being closedm the hands 
held horizontal, with the backs upwards, signifying "inseparable, 
united, equal. "2 A similar sign is made by the native Australians 
when they offer the woman to a visitor as a rite of hospitality, the 
fingers of both hands being closely interlocked. In the hieroglyphics 
Teka, to join, adhere, mix, and multiply with the sign of the cross X 
is equivalent to the two or the ten digits, or to the two hands being 
interlaced to signify conjunction. To denote a.basket, or wicker- 
work, the separated fingers of both hands are interlaced in front of 
the body. 3 So Tekar (Eg.), the digit, is the type of teka, to join, 
cross, cleave, twist, intertwine, as do the fingers, or the withies in 
making baskets. 

The sign of counting, and of enumemtion in general, is made by 
stretching out the ten digits. Also many, much, quantity, multiplicity, 
are expressed by stretching out the fingers and clutching at the air 
several times. This action, says Kohl, is often confounded with that 
for counting. The native Australians likewise denote many, multi- 
tude, large numbers, by holding up the hand, spreading out the fingers 
and shutting and opening them rapidly. 

Now the first and most universal reckoning was digital, and the 
name of the digits and the number ten of many languages is Tek, 
or Tekh (Eg.). Tekh is a title of the reckoner, who was both Tekhi, the 
goddess, and Taht. Tekar is the Egyptian digit, a finger. The sign 
of Tek is the cross x> the Roman figure of ten, or Decern, and this 
is the hieroglyphic symbol of multiplication. 

One sign of All is made by moving both hands horizontally, palm 
downwards, in a large circle, two feet in front of the face.4 The 
Egyptian All, as Neb and Temt, is a total and a circle of two 

Among the signs for Day, one is described by Titchkematski, 
the Shienne Indian, as ending with the palms of the hands being 

1 Quoted by Darwin. 2 Mallery, p. 71. 

3 Dakota, i. "* Dakota, iv. 

32 The Natural Genesis. 

outspread upward, to indicate the opening out of day. Wied also 
describes this gesture as consisting in both hands being placed apart, 
some distance from the breast, with the palms upward. This sign 
for Day, or this Morning, is an Egyptian gesture. It is made with 
lifted hands, and the palms outspread upwards, signifying "all open," 
"everything is open," the reverse of the sign for Night or "every- 
thing is closed." This is the hieroglyphic for Tuau, or Seb, which 
has the meaning of the opening day, morning, morrow, and also to 
worship. So certainly is the sense of "opening out" conveyed by 
the words Seb and Tuau, for the dawn of day, that they also denote 
the gateway of the light; the gate or gate-opener being a star. 
One sign of the night is made by the two hands crossed horizon- 
tally, i The cross is a well-known Indian sign of night and darkness. 
This is connected with the crossing of the sun by night, who is 
represented as the black god. 

It was the custom in Egypt to reckon the year by the Innundation. 
The month of Mesore is named from the new birth of the waters. 
In like manner one of the Indian signs for rain or snow is the ideo- 
graphic sign for a year. 2 The year as a rain marks the same mode 
of computatton as that of the Unyamwesi and the Hottentots, who 
reckon time by the rainy seasons, as the Egyptians did by the 

The hand and language have one name in Egyptian, as "Tut." 
Also the tongue and hand are the two Egyptian hieroglyphics of 
speech. The sign-language of the Indians is known as Hand-Con- 
versation. Burton says the open hand is extended from the mouth. 
Various other gestures of hand and mouth likewise denote speech. 

The Egyptian sign of Kd, to beckon, call, and say, with the 
uplifted hands, agrees with the Oto sign for an interview — "Approach, 
I will open myself to you, I will speak to you." One Egyptian 
determinative for Tet, speech, address, to tell, shows both hands 
held up and waving level with the mouth. 3 Both hands are used 
for conversation in the Arikara and Hidatsa gesture-signs. An 
Egyptian tradition, recorded in Plutarch, tells us that until the god 
Taht taught men speech they used mere cries like other animals; and 
it is true that Taht. the Lunar Logos, is later than the god Shu, or 
Kafi, and the Typhonian genitrix Kefa. The Kaf ape was a type 
of "hand-conversation" and gesture-language. The ape is the hand 
of the gods, has the name of the hand, is the hand personified, and 
its name, Kaf, is the earlier form of Ka, for calling and saying; thus 
the hand is an earlier sign of speech in Egyptian mythology than 
the mouth or tongue as Taht, the Lunar Logos. 

In the scenes of the Hades appear four monkeys, each holding an 
enormous hand.^ Moreover, the descent of the hand-type can be 

1 Dunbar. 2 Burton. 

3 Bunsen, vol. v. p. 530. "* Book of the Hades, nth division. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 33 

traced in language from the Kaf, monkey, to the human hand of 
Taht. One name of the oldest genitrix, the Kaf-noscd hippopotamus, 
is Tept. Tept is the tongue, and she was depicted with her tongue 
lolling out as a symbol of utterance. Tept modifies into Tet, for the 
tongue, the human hand, and the later equivalent for Kaf, the hand, 
to take, to utter language. Typology and mythology agree in this 
beginning with the Kaf, which is solely African, and neither Asiatic, 
European, nor American. Tep in Egyptian means to taste, breathe, 
inhale. It is also the name for the tongue and palate. This is a 
common type-name for the tongue or mouth, the organ of taste, as — 

Tupe, Coropo. Tepeno, Yarura. Tavas, Cornish. 

Tope, Purus. Debe, Algere. Teppa, Comanche. 

Tib, Solony. Tafod, Welsh. Tpa, Wihinasht. 

Tofo, in Polynesian, and Tovolea, Fijian, mean taste; Tubbu, Fiji, is 
to be sweet to the taste, and Dovu is the sugar-cane. Teb (Eg.) is 
the fig, the fruit that is sweet to the taste. In Santa Barbara salt is 
Tipi, and in San Luis Obispo it is Tepu. A variant of the word 
T'e/(Eg.,) Tyffen, Cornish, is to spit; also Tuf in Persian. 

The Indian sign for Taste is to touch the: tip of the tongue. 1 
In the Shienne gesture-sign for "" Sweet," the tip of the fore-finger 
is pressed on the tip of the tongue. 2 The same sign is used for 
"Sour." The Dakota sign for Sour includes spitting. Now the 
tongue (Tep) was touched in tasting, and gave its answer in saliva 
before there was a word Tep to express the sensation or to name the 
organ or the act. 

Colonel Mallery says : 

"A lesson was learned by the writer as to the abbreviation of signs 
and the possibility of discovering the original meaning of those most 
obscure from the atttempts of a Shienne to convey the idea of 'Old 
Man.' He held his right hand forward bent at elbow, with fingers 
and thumb closed sidewise. This not conveying any sense, he found 
a long stick, bent his back, and supported his frame in a tottering 
step by the stick held as was before only imagined. There, at once, was 
decrepit Age, dependent on a Staff. "^ 

The bent old man leaning on a long staff is likewise the Egyptian 
sign of age, elders, the old man. 

In this description we see a mode of reducing the earliest direct 
ideograph to a secondary representation, or kind of hieroglyphic 
short-hand corresponding to the reduction of the Egyptian ideo- 
graphic signs in the demotic phase on the way to their becoming 
letter signs. The mimic finding the symbolic and secondary phase 
ineffectual had recourse to direct representation, as we do when 
we revert to the primary gesture-language. ^ In like manner the 
deaf mutes will contract and reduce the natural, or spontaneous 
gesture, into an artificial sign that loses all obvious likeness to the 

1 Burton. ^ Mallery, p. 259. ^ lb. 244. '^ lb. introd. p. 55. 

34 The Natural Genesis. 

natural one, but is understood by them, and serves the purpose of 
expression, i 

Gesture-language was, and still is, continued in religious rites and 
ceremonies. In holding up the holy water the Parsee ritual prescribes 
that at certain words it is to be lifted level with the heart of the 
officiating priest, and at others it is to be held level with the arm of 
the priest, so that the warriors fighting for their country may be 
fuller of breath, and the husbandmen stronger of arm in tillage and 
cultivation of the world. 2 

The principle is the same if the action is not so primitive as that 
of the Hottentots, who, when out on the war-path, will take the 
heart of a crow and calcine it to dust. This is then rammed into a 
gun and fired off with powder. As the heart is blown into air it is 
held that the the enemy will lose heart and fly off Jike timid crows. 3 
Both had their origin in the acting drama and the signs that 
preceded spoken language. Our popular beliefs still talk to us or 
make their dumb show of meaning in gesture-speech. The noose of 
the hangman or the suicide is not only held to be healing on account 
of its having taken life; it loses its efficacy if allowed to fall to the 
ground, and the touch of the dead hand must be applied whilst the 
body is still hanging. Why? Because the symbol of suspending or 
of being suspended was taken to suspend the disease. 

These primates of human expression have now to be traced on 
another line of thought. In the early dawn of the human conscious- 
ness man would observe that the animals, birds, reptiles, and insects 
excelled him in various kinds of contrivance, modes of getting a 
living, and power over the elements. The fish could breathe in the 
water which was fatal to him. The frog could engender and suspend 
on the flood a floating foothold of life, a base of being that began in 
the water and ended on the land. The hippopotamus, could dive 
and disappear for an hour together. In attack or retreat many of the 
animals were superior to himself. The dog made a better hunter and 
watchman; the cat could see and pounce on her prey in the dark; 
the bee, bird, and beaver beat him in building; the spider in span- 
ning empty space, with the woven means of crossing it. The serpent 
managed the art of locomotion without visible members, and renewed 
its garment periodically by changing its skin. The monkey, with his 
four hands, excelled man, who had lost two of his in the process of 
metamorphosis and descent from the four-fold foot-hold in the tree 
to the two-fold standing on the earth. Animate or inanimate things 
were adopted of neccesity for use as a means of representing his 
primitive thought; and these things in the later phase became sacred 
objects, and thus Africa and the world were filled with fetish images 
which are only another kind of hieroglyphics not yet interpreted; a 

1 Dr. W.R. Scott, The Deaf and Dumb, p. 13, and ed. 

2 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. xiii. 9. ^ Hahn, Tsuni Goam, p. 90. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 35 

rendering of which was brought on, almost intact, by the Egyptians. 
Tradition, customs, and language in many lands, still preserve the 
ancient types, where their meaning is no longer understood. But 
the notion that the: primitive man fell straightaway to worshipping 
these types is wholly erroneous. Greek writers, like Porphyry, 
mystified themselves with thinking that the Egyptian respect paid to 
animals arose from their belief .in the transmigration of souls. This 
was their guess at the hieroglyphics they could not translate, and the 
symbolism they did not comprehend. Our remotest ancestors were 
not so simple as to regard the brutes as gods, or the birds as angels, 
or the reptiles as devils. Such a reading postulates gods, angels, and 
devils, which were not then extant. They observed the keen instincts, 
the ingenious works and ways of the creatures as something 
remarkable and imitable, so far as was possible, without suspecting 
the presence of divnities or demons in animal disguise. 

The Bushmen venerate or pay homage to a kind of caterpillar, to 
which, or in presence of which, they pray for success in hunting after 
game.i The caterpillar is the stealthy crawler. In Egyptian, Hefa, 
to crawl, is the name of the caterpillar and viper, or snake. It would 
supply a type or that crawling stealthily along the ground which was 
a necessity with the early man in pursuit of his prey. And the so- 
called praying to the image would be equivalent to saying, may we 
slide along as silently and successfully as the caterpillar, only as they 
expressed themselves by means of things, this was their sole way of 
saying it. 

The Mantis, a perfect type of the most deadly deception, is also 
highly honoured by the Bushmen and Hottentots. The noiseless 
movement of the caterpillar or snake, and the deceiving appearance 
of the Mantis, were enviable and admirable to the primitive hunts- 
man. They are living ideographs, which were afterwards pourtrayed 
in Egypt as hieroglyphic determinatives of ideas. 2 

The enormous fecundity of the frog was the cause of the tadpole 
being adopted as the ideograph of a million, and also desugnated the 
lord of life. The time was when people in England, who wished for 
offspring, would swallow frogs to ensure children. The frog was 
eaten not for any virtue which it could communicate, but because it 
was an ideograph of fecundity. So the Malays of Singapore eat the 
flesh of the tiger, and pay highly for it, not that they like it, but they 
say that the man who eats tiger "acquires the sagacity, as well as the 
courage, of that animal. "3 

Captain Burton remarked that in the heraldry of the Abeokutans, 
which is tattooed into their own flesh, the lizard was an especial 
favourite. This on the monuments is an ideograph of multiplying, 

1 Spencer, Descriptive Sociology, African Races, table i8. 

2 Champollion, Dictionnaire, i68. 

3 Keppel, Expedition to Borneo, v. i. p. 231. 

36 The Natural Genesis. 

to be numerous, and, like the frog, was a type of fertility and repro- 
duction, whether applied to this life or the next, or both. So in the 
Hervey Islands the custom of tattoo was said to be derived from 
their most fecund fish, whose name (Tini) signifies innumerable, and 
whose striped pattern they copied. 

When the nature of symbolism is understood, such phrases as 
"zoolatry" and "worship of animals" will be superseded. Animals 
were the living hieroglyphics, among the first figures of speech, and 
means of thinging thoughts; pictures painted by nature to illustrate 
the primary language. A bull-man, a cow-mother, a serpent- woman, 
are modes of expression; ideographs adopted for use, having no 
necessary relation to animal or reptile worship. 

Cicero makes the apposite remark, that the Egyptians held no 
beasts to be sacred, except on account of some benefit which they had 
received from them. The barbarians, he says, paid divine honours to 
the beasts because of the advantages they derived from them, whereas 
the Roman gods not only conferred no benefit, but were idle and did 
nothing whatever to get their living i — as we say. 

Tho ichneumon will destroy the cobra-di-capello, and consequently 
was greatly honoured as a serpent-killer. Pigs, as is well known, are 
determined enemies of snakes. So soon as a pig sees a snake he 
rushes at it, and the snake immediately makes off at sight of a pig. 
Pigs have been employed in America to clear out districts that were 
infested with rattlesnakes. Even the hedgehog in England will attack 
and devour the viper. The sow was a type of Rerit, the goddess of 
the Great Bear. The numerous mammas were one cause of the per- 
sonincation, but the picture of the mother devouring snakes — man's 
fatal and most subtle enemies — in defence of her young, would 
arrest early attention. In recognising his friends aud defenders the 
early man would not overlook the hedgehog and pig. Accordingly we 
find the hedgehog was sacred to Pasht or Buto, the Great Mother. 
In the Pahlavi Vendidad2 the hedgehog is termed "the slayer of the 
thousands of the evil spirits," and in the "Shayast La-Shayasf it is 
said the high priest taught "that it is when the hedgehog voids urine 
into an ant's nest that a thousand ants wilt die." The ant being 
considered a noxious creature because it carried off grain. 3 

The Ibis received great honour from its destroying all deadly and 
venomous reptiles, so that any person who killed one was punished 
with instant death. The Thessalians protected the stork for the 
same reasons. ^ Darwin mentions the "secretary hawk" as having 
had his whole frame modified f:or the purpose of killing snakes with 
impunity. 5 This bird is named the gxangxosi in Xosa Kaffir. It 
lives on snakes and other reptiles, and is protected by law from being 
killed. 6 

1 Of the Nature of the Gods, b. i. c. 36. 2 xiii. 5. 3 Ch. x. 31. 

"* Diod. i. 83; Pliny, x. 23. ^ Emotions, ch. iv. ^ Davis. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 37 

Major Serpo Pinto in the account of his crossing Africa, tells us of 
an intelligent creature. He says no sooner does the traveller 
penetrate into one of the extensive forests of South-Central Africa, 
than the indicator^ makes its appearance, hopping from bough to 
bough, in close proximity to the adventurer, and endeavouring by 
its monotonous note to attract his attention. This end having been 
attained, it rises heavily upon the wing, and perches a little distance 
off, watching to see if it is followed. If no attention be paid, it 
again returns, hopping and chirping as before, evidently inviting 
the stranger to follow in its wake, and when the wayfarer yields, it 
guides him through the intricacies of the forest, almost unerringly, 
to a bees' nest. Whether the action arises from the bird's desire to 
communicate the secret or to make a cat's-paw of the new-comer, it 
is very arresting if true, and worthy of the land which we look upon 
as the nursery of the human mind. 

These birds were honoured for work done. Besides which the 
Ibis, that represented Taht, who amongst other things was the god 
of medicine, taught men the use of the enema, or clyster, by 
administering it to herself, as Plutarch relates, she being observed to 
be after this manner washed and purged by herself. So that those 
of the priests who were the strictest observers of their sacred rites, 
when they used water for lustration, would fetch it from some place, 
where the Ibis had been drinking, for she will neither taste any 
infectious, nor come near any unwholesome water. 2 Hor-ApoUo 
says when the Egyptians symbolise a man that conceals his 
own defects they depict an ape making water for when he does so 
he conceals his urine. 3 The cat, another curiousity of cleanliness, 
would also present a worthy example as a concealer of its own 
defects. That such animals were among the teachers of the 
primitive and prehistoric men, is witnessed by the way in which 
their portraits nave been preserved in the picture-gallery of the 

The Chinese are still in the habit of using the eye of the cat 
for a time-piece. No matter whether the day is cloudy or dull, 
they will run to the nearest cat, pull open her eyes, if closed, and 
at once determine the time by the contraction of the iris and size of 
the pupil. 4 

Hor- Apollo writes: "The Egyptians say that The male cat changes 
the shape of the pupils of his eyes according to the course of the sun. 
In the morning, at the rising of the god, they are dilated, in the 
middle of the day they become round, and about sunset appear less 
brilliant; whence the statue of the god in the city of the sun is in the 
form of a cat."5 In the Ritual (ch. xvii.), one of the transformations of 

1 The Kaffirs tell the same story of the Ngende, or Honey bird. Davis. 

2 Oflsis and Osiris. ^ Hor-ApoUo, b. ii. 67. 
"* Knowledge, Feb. 17, 1882. ^ B. i. 10. 

38 The Natural Genesis. 

the solar god is into a cat. As such he "makes the likeness of Seb," 
or Time, which shows the timepiece as the cat. 

When the dog turns round before lying down to rest, he is said, in 
the Isle of Wight, to be "making his do/ce." He bas no need to do 
so now, as his wild ancestors had when they made their nightly bed 
in the long grass and liked to have it well beaten down, with a clear 
and ample space around for the purpose of watching; but he still 
continues the habit on bare boards, with no enemy to apprehend. 
The Doke is a furrow, a hollow, a division, a small brook. It answers 
to the Egyptian Tek, a boundary frontier, dyke, cutting. It supplied 
the name of the district or nome as Tek, variant Tesh, when the No- 
mads who came down into Egypt had made their Dokes aod Dykes. 
Doke and dog are synonymous for a boundary, fence, defence; that 
which incloses and guards, as the dog-irons fence the fire. In the 
celestial divisions the first Nome, or Doke, was given to the Dog, who 
had taught the primitive man a lesson in making his Doke; and the 
dog as Canis Major or Canis Minor continues to make his doke, 
and to be the doke, tekh, or dog in heaven for ever.i 

The Egyptians had no "tide-predicting machines," but, according 
to Plutarch, the beetle khepr and the crocodile were the natural prog- 
nosticators of the height of the coming inundation. He affirms that in 
whatsoever place in the country the female crocodile lays her eggs, that 
may with certainty be regarded as the utmost limit to which the rise 
of the river Nile tuill reach for the year. For, "not being able to lay their 
eggs in the water, and being afraid to lay them far from it, they have 
so exact a knowledge of futurity, that, although they enjoy the benefit of 
the approaching stream at their laying and hatching, they still preserve 
their eggs dry and untouched by the water. They lay sixty eggs in all, 
and are just that number of days in hatching them, and the longest-lived 
of them live as many years; that being the first measure [No. 60) made 
use of by those who are employed in the celestial reckonings."^ The 
crocodile was also honoured as a purifier of the holy water of 
the Nile. 

Yarrell, in his book on British birds, tells the story of a swan on 
the river at Bishop's Stortford which was sitting on four or five eggs. 
One day, previous to a very heavy downpour of rain, she was 
observed to be most diligently adding to her nest, which she raised 
some two and a half feet higher. That night the rain fell and the 
flood rose, but her nest had lifted the eggs just beyond the coming 
water's reach, and they were safe. Man had no such prescience of 
impending danger. He made no preparation, but the swan did. 3 

1 The Dog. Tekh, or Takh is a name of Taht, one of whose types is the dog. 
The name is applied to the tongue of the Balance which was represented by the 
Cynocephalus as well as by the Vase. The dog is the tongue or voice of the gods. 
But Tekai (Eg.) means the Adherer, a most appropriate name for the dog or doggie! 

2 Of Isis and Osiris. 

3 Yarrell, British Birds, vol. iii. p. 207, 2nd ed. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 39 

The beetle, in Egypt, during the Inundation, would have been 
washed out of life altogether but for its Arkite cunning in making 
ready for the waters by rolling up its little globe, with the seed inside, 
and burying it in the dry earth until the Inundation subsided. How 
they must have watched the clever creature at work; no font of 
letter-type employed in radiating human thought could shed a clearer 
light of illustration on the idea of resurrection from the earth than 
this living likeness of the process of transformation into the winged 
world. How the primitive man observed, the works and ways and 
on-goings of the intelligence thus manifested around him; how he 
copied where he could and gradually found a line of his own in the 
scheme of development; how he honoured these his early teachers 
and instructors, and made theit forms the pictures of the primal 
thoughts which they had evoked from his mind, is at length recorded 
in the system of hieroglyphic symbols and mythology; and the 
illustrative proofs are extant to this day. 

One of the workers that caught the attention of primitive men was 
the spider, as the spinner. In Inner Africa, the ten-legged spider, 
called Ananse in Ashanti, serves as the type of the Creator of man. 
This can be interpreted. The spider, as the first weaver, made the 
suspended woof. Heaven is the blue woof, the weaver of which was 
therefore the spider, according to the typology. They always re- 
present Ananse as talking through his nose. The nose is an organ of 
breath. The god Khnef is called the breath of those who are in the 
firmament. Ananse, as spinner of the blue woof above, was a deity 
of breath, or the nose as a type of life. 

The spider is an object of great reverence with the Maori, who are 
most careful not to break any webs or gossamers. The Bishop of 
Wellington said their priests taught that the souls of the faithful went 
to heaven on gossamer threads. 1 The insect's name will show how 
this was to mistake the typology. The spider, in Maori, is the 
Pungawerewere; from Punga, to anchor, and werewere, to be sus- 
pended. Thus it was the type of an Anchorage above. Poetry has no 
finer image. 

This type of the spinner is British as well as African, and by the 
type we can explain the custom of shutting up the large house-spider 
alive in a pill-box or in a nutshell, to be worn round the neck as a 
cure for ague. The type of spinning and reproducing from itself is 
laid hold of as the representative of disease, for when shut up it 
cannot go on spinning, nor sustain itself, and as it dies the disease is 
supposed to be suspended and to die out. The type is one whether 
it represents the good or the evil power. 

Hor-ApoUo has been unduly depreciated by Bunsen, Wilkinson, 
and Sharpe for his hints, respecting the symbolical and allegorical 
values of the hieroglyphics. They are symbols in relation to an 

1 Trans, of EthnoL Society, 1870 p. 367. 

40 The Natural Genesis. 

occult knowledge of their application to dogma and doctrine not yet 
possessed by readers of the hieroglyphics, who know that a certain 
ideograph is the determinative of a special meaning, without knowing 
why it is so. 

Hor-ApoUo now and again gives us a valid reason for the adoption 
of the type. He tells us that: the lion is one of the signs of the Inun- 
dation because half of the new water is supplied when the sun is in 
the sign of Leo. Hence it is that those who anciently presided over 
sacred works have made the spouts of the fountains in the form of 
lions. 1 The lion's head was commonly used as a waterspout in Egyptian 
temples, and has been continued in Europe. In three months the 
waters ceased to flow, and the exhaustion began with the sun in the 
sign of Serk, or the scorpion. This is suggestive of the Egyptian 
origin of the Zodiac. The scorpion is borne on the head of the 
goddesss Serk, who is associated with the four quarters. 

"When the Egyptians symbolise one enemy engaging with another 
equal to himself, they depict a scorpion and a crocodile, for these kill 
one another."^ Whether this be a fact in nature or not, the Egyptians 
placed the crocodile in the sign or as a paranatellon of Scorpio, at the 
place of the equinox, when the year began with Scorpio, the place of 
poise and equal power. The scorpion likewise represented breath and 
dryness; the crocodile, water; two other forms of the twinship of 
upper and lower in heaven, and the Two Truths of life. 

To denote connubial intercourse, says Hor- Apollo, the Egyptians 
depict two crows, because these birds cohabit with one another in the 
same manner as does a man by nature. Another reason is because 
the bird lays two eggs; one of these produces a male, the other 
a female; these two make a monogamous marriage and repudiate 
polygamy altogether for the rest or the lives. So faithful are 
they to each other, that they hold no intercourse with any other 
crow, and when one of them dies the other does not wed again, but 
ends its widowed life in solitude. Hence, when men meet with a 
single crow, they look upon it as an evil omen, because they have met 
with a widowed creature. On account of the remarkable custom and 
concord of these birds, he says, the Greeks in their marriages exclaim 
ekkori, kori, korone, although "unacquainted with the import of the 
words."^ We have the same symbolry in Britain with regard to the 
magpie; "one's a funeral, two's a wedding," says our folk-lore; and if 
you see a single bird you ought to turn round three times to avert ill- 
luck. Possibly it was the faithful crows that converted the ancient 
Egyptians, or Karaites, from polygamy to single marriage, and first 
instituted the prohibition of marriage with the wife's sister; they 
seem to have held the doctrine which is still maintained by many 
modern clerical Rooks. 

A night-raven signifies death because it pounces suddenly on the 

1 Book i. 21. 2 Hor-Apollo, ii. 35. ^ [_ ^^ g 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 41 

young of the crows by night, as death overtakes men.i Death, or 
darkness, the Hebrew Ereb or Ghareb, means either Erebus (dark- 
ness) or the raven, Arabic Ghurdb, and, according to Damascius, the 
Sidonians made the bird an emblem of Erebus. This type of death 
in the dark had. thus a very natural origin before it was invested 
with supernatural power to become the prophetic bird of death with 
many other races of men. 

Livingstone describes the Ibis flying by night and crying "Aah- 
Aah," a duplicate equivalent in Egyptian to "Aah-ti," a name of the 
moon-god, who was represented by the ibis, and who was the 
lunar tongue, mouth, or speech of the gods. Thus the ibis, as testified 
to by the modern ear, and mode of pronunciation, named itself as 
the Aah, or Aah-aah, i.e. Aah-ti in Egyptian. Aah is the moon, and 
Aah-ti, or Aah-aah, is the ibis-headed divinity. 

A Cretan story tells how a poor woman once sat down and for 
very weariness sighed "Ah," whereupon a Moor instantly appeared 
whose name was "A/i."2 The Moor is the dark side of his dual 
character. He, too, transforms into a radiant youth, as the old dark 
moon renews itself, and the Kaf-ape transforms into the ibis-headed 
Taht, or Aah-ti. Aah, whether male or female (for there is a feminine 
Aah-ti), or both, has two aspects, like the moon, with a continual 
metamorphosis . 

The stork, or crane is the European representative of the lunar ibis, 
and the transformation of Taht; and the bird is extant in the folk-lore 
of Friesland, where the changing of storks into men, and men into 
storks, is still an article of popular belief. 3 

In parts of Germany it is forbidden to hurt the stork, for, it is 
urged, "he is elsewhere a man.'" It is recorded, likewise, by Gervase 
of Tilbury, that the stork is also a man. So Taht, the ibis. headed god 
was also pourtrayed in the human form as a man. A Flemish legend 
relates that a. citizen of Bruges once met a man near Mount Sinai, 
who told him they were near neighbours in Bruges, for the nest of one 
(as the stork) was next door to the home of the other and the stork- 
man showed the other a ring which be had stolen from the Fleming 
once upon a time; he gave this back on condition that the stork's 
nest should be protected.'^ Bruges and Mount Sinai answer to the two 
opposite sides of the moon's circle, where the moon-god, as in Egypt, 
was a stork in one region and a man in the other. 

The moon is considered to be masculine in Egyptian mythology, 
but Aahti was also a goddess. Sefekh was the consort of Taht, and 
Hathor was a lunar divinity. In the Ritual we read, "I am the 
Woman, the orb (hour) of darkness; I have brought my orb in darkness, 
it is changed to light. I have prepared Taht at the gate of the moon. 
Its feathers are on my body." Here the woman is the bringer-forth, 

1 Hor-Apollo, ii. 25. 2 Hahn, No. 73. ^ Kelly, p. 94. 

'* Kelly, p. 94; Liebrecht, G. T. 157. 

42 The Natural Genesis. 

apparently under the feathered or ibis image, and Taht the young 
moon is her messenger. 

So the stork in Germany, Denmark and Holland is the typical 
bringer of the babies, and messenger of the Genitrix Frau Holda. 
The stork keeps its character too as the fisher of the waters. The 
ibis was depicted as the fisher with the fish in its mouth, and thus 
furnished the type of the fisher-up of the moon out of the waters. 
In the ballad of Sir Patrick Spens the new moon is described in 
popular phrase with the old moon in its arms, and the crescent of light 
which clasps the orb of darkness was represented by the curving 
beak of the ibis as bringer. 

The German genitrix is pourtrayed sitting in her stately sub- 
terraneous home beneath the waters, the nursery of unborn children, 
and the refuge of those who are lost or strayed. Hence her connec- 
tion with the fountains so popular in Germany, the Kinderbrunnen, 
where the stork finds the little ones and leads them home. The 
lady of the fountains has her Queckbrunnen or fonts of life in Dresden 
out of which the "clapper-stork fetches the Dresden children. "i The 
Fisher of the hieroglyphics is yet extant in the stork, whose figure 
surmounts the chapel holding one babe in its beak and two more in 
its claws. 

Birds and beasts are the divine personages of the Australians. 
The native cat represents the moon. Its name is Bede or Bude. In 
Egypt the cat- headed lunar goddess is Buto or Peht. 

The Mangaians say that the gods first spake to man through the 
small land birds. 2 The little bird that tells is with us a living relic of 
the same mode of revealing. Now when the Aztecs lived in Astulan 
there was a certain Huiziton who heard the voice of a bird crying 
tihui, tihui, rendered "let us go," "let us go." The little bird in this 
case was called the humming bird, but another typical leader, 
Quetzalcoatl, was represented by the sparrow. The sparrow in 
Egyptian is the Thuu; and the word Tehu signifies speech and to 
Tell; Tehu or Tekhu being one of the bird-headed tellers; speech 
personified. All such sayings are readable in the hieroglyphics. 

Regarding the bird ashozusht. which is the bird Zobara-Vahman 
(cf. the Persian Zuiah, a sparrow or lark), and also the bird Sdk (cf. 
Persian Sak, a magpie), they say that it has given an Avesta with its 
tongue.^ Mak (Eg.) signifies the tongue; and to mag in English is 
to chatter. 

"Regarding Karshipt they say that it knew how to speak words, and 
brought the religion to the inclosure which Yima made and circulate it. 
There they utter the Avesta in the language ofbirds.""^ Karshipt is the 
bird-shaped Karshipta of the Gujerat Version of the Vedidad.s 
The birds here, as elsewhere, were the time- tellers set in heaven, 

1 Mannhart, pp. 380-83. ^ GiU- ^ Bunhadish, ch. xix. 19. 

"* lb. ch.xix. 16. ^ ii. 139. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 43 

because they returned and told of time and Season on the earth. 
Karshipt is the Roc, the Persian Simurgh.i This bird is said to be 
the first created, but not for this wo rid. 2 Its resting place is in the 
tree of life and of all seeds; and every time it rises, its wings shake 
down the seed of future life: 3 which the hieroglyphics will explain. 
The Egyptian Rukh is a form of the phoenix, and a type of immor- 
tality. More than one bird served as a phoenix. The bennu is 
pourtrayed in the Asru tree over the tomb of Osiris. ^ The Rukh 
represents the pure spirits; it may be termed the phoenix of 
3,000 years, in relation to the life in Hades. 

It should be noticed that the mythical Roc of the Arabian tales 
(and the Sim-urgr, or Kam- ros/i of the Persian scriptures) has been 
lately discovered in reality. Captain Burton says: "The French mis- 
sionaries brought to Zanzibar from Udoe, on the Upper Wami, the 
tips of the flippers measuring two and a half feet long. They declare 
that the bird is said to have had its habitation about the equatorial 
African Lakes; and Herr Hildrebrand, a well-known naturalist 
and traveller, accepts the discovery."^ 

Thus the real Roc or Rukh of Inner Africa, although extinct, has 
been preserved as an ideographic type in the pictographic museum 
of Kam, and was set in heaven as the phoenix. The "Rukh of 
Madagascar" lays an egg said to contain the equivalent of 148 
hens' eggs. 6 With us the type of the long-lived blackbird is extant 
as the rook 

Hor- Apollo says, "When the Egyptians would symcolise an aged 
minstrel they portray a swan, for when it is old it sings the 
sweetest melody."'^ The usual form of the tradition is that the 
song of the swan when dying is the perfect sweetness of music: 
this has to be interpreted. The Swan constellation of the Greeks 
was the Bennu, or Phoenix of the Egyptians, in which the 
dog-star Sirius was so conspicuous a luminary. From being a 
celestial type of Repetition in time the phoenix or swan became the 
symbol of continuity or immortality, and the more imminent the end 
of the cycle that it represented, the more near was the new era 
which it prophesied; hence the death-song was the sweetest on 
account of the future life proclaimed by the bird of resurrection. 
The reason given by Hor-Apollo^ for the hawk being adopted as the 
type of soul is because it did not drink of water, but drank blood, 
by which, likewise, the foetal soul is fed, nurtured, and sustained. 
This agrees with the name of the hawk-headed Kab-sennuf whose 
refreshment is blood. 

The Gembsbok, now found chiefly in the Karoos of South Africa, is 

1 Bundahish. 2 [jj_ xxiv. 11. 

3 lb. ch. xiv. II, 23; ch. xxiv. 11; Minokhird, 62, 37 — 39. 

"* Wilkinson, fig. 194. ^ Camoens, Commentary, voL ii. p. 405. 

6 Comptes Rendus, xxxii. p. loi, 1851. "^ Hor-ApoUo, B. ii. 39. 

8 B. i. 7. 

44 The Natural Genesis. 

the Oryx of the hieroglyphics. This was a Typhonian type, and as 
such was turned into an image of impurity. Hor-Apollo says the 
Oryx shows such antipathy to the moon that when she rises the 
beast howls with anger and indignation. This it does so punctually 
as to form a kind of gnomon, i It would be honoured at first as a 
time-teller in the pre-lunar or Typhonian stage, and then superseded 
as a bad character, one of the unclean animals. 

Darwin says, "It is a remarkable fact than an ape, one of the Gibbons, 
produces an exact octave of musical sounds, ascending and descending 
the scale by halftones.'" And Professor Owen has observed that this 
monkey, "alone of brute mammals, may be said to sing."^ This, then, 
was the first teacher of the scale in Africa. 

Possibly the typology may tell us something more of the cause and 
origin of the ape's singing. Hor-Apollo3 says of the Cynoce- 
phalus, the personified speaker, singer, and later writer, that the 
Egyptians symbolised the moon by it on account of a kind of 
sympathy which the ape had with it at the time of its conjunction 
with the god. "For at the exact instant of the conjunction of the moon 
ivith the sun, when the moon becomes unillumined, then the male Cynoce- 
phalus neither sees, nor eats, but is bowed down to the earth with grief, 
as if lamenting the ravishment of the moon. The female also, in addi- 
tion to its being unable to see, and being afflicted in the same manner 
as the male, ex genitalibus sanguinem emittit; hence even to this day 
Cynocephali are brought up in the temples, in order that from them may 
be ascertained the exact instant of the conjunction of the sun and moon. 
And when they would denote the renovation of the moon, they again 
pourtray a Cynocephalus, in the posture of standing upright and raising 
its hands to heaven with a diadem on its head."^ And for the renovation 
they depict this posture, into which the Cynocephalus throws itself, as 
if congratulating the goddess, if we may so express it, in that they have 
both recovered lighf"^ This presents us with a picture of the ape in 
the act of crying or singing, and supplies a motive for the music, 
such as it is, in the loss of the lunar light. Want or desire must 
have been the earliest incentive to the development of the human 
voice. Virility becomes audible in the voice of animals and birds 
in their respective breeding times, whether this be in spring or in 
autumn, as with the rutting deer. The call of the male to its mate, 
and the mother to her young, is incessant in their seasons. The joy 
of various animals becomes vocal at meeting and greeting each other. 
But the sharpest sounds, the tones of highest pitch, are evoked at 
parting, and by the sense of loss. The bleat of the parent in pain 
for her lost young ones; the cry of the bird that hovers wailing 
round the robbed nest; the roar of the lion rising higher and higher 

1 Hor-Apollo, B. i. 49. 2 Descent of Man, vol. ii. p. 332. 

3 B. i. 14. "* The crowned Kafi. Cf. the crowned Kepheus. 

^ B. i. 15. Captain Burton tells me the idea survives in modern Africa. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 45 

in the presence of death, as he realises the loss of his companion, or 
cubs, tend to show how the sense of loss, when added to desire and 
want, will increase the upward range of voice. In Hor-Apollo's 
description, the 

Monkey crying in the night, 
A monkey crying for the light, 
And with no language but a cry, 

illustrates this sense of loss, and the consequent increase of the 
higher tones when the loss is that of the lunar light. The sense 
would be still more quick, and the voice more emotional, when the 
companion of life was lost. 

Thus we may infer that sitting in the darkness of night and of the 
deeper darkness of death the Gibbon evolved and by degrees formu- 
lated bis voice, his scale of sounds, until at length the notes by which 
he had expressed his perception of darkness and loss of companionship 
became a solace and a source of pleasure through constant repetition, 
and he was like a poet who trnnsmutes his sorrow into the music of 
his song. The ape was certainly the predecessor of man, and the 
singing of the Gibbon was therefore an earlier phase of utterance than 
human speech; and as the ape has been continued for the typical 
singer and divine bard it looks as if a form of musical sounds may 
have been practised by the primitive man in imitation of the ape, who 
was not only the first singer, as the bewailer of the lost light and 
saluter of the re-illumined orb, but the earliest teacher of a musical 
scale and composer of songs without words. 

The hieroglyphics of Egypt may not contain all the signs made by 
the ape-men in their earliest phase of mimesis, but the essential types 
have been continued. The Hand Kaf bears the name of the Kaf 
monkey, which is the typical Hand on the monuments — the hand of the 
Gods. From this we may gather that the Kaf idea was derived from the 
Kaf animal, that could climb and made such dexterous use of its fore- 
paws; and that the hand-type of speech was identified with the language 
of gesture-signs, beginning with the Kaf, who presented the picture 
of hand-conversation and demonstrated the idea of Kaf to seize with 
the hand, which is registered by Kaf becoming the name of the hand, 
and by the monkey and hand being two types expressed under one 
word. The Kaf is likewise the clicker, and was continued in Egypt 
as the Image of Language, the Word of Speech, and type of the 
Lunar Logos. The Clickers were the earliest articulators of sound, 
which could he understood before the formation or evolution of 
verbal speech. They are identified by name with the Kaf as 
the Kaffirs. 

In the hieroglyphics the Ibis which cries "Aah-Aah" and supplies 
the type of "Aah-ti," became finally a phonetic A. The eagle and 
a bird of the goose kind, also the fish, became signs of the letter A. 
The sparrow-nawk, Nycticorax, and Ram are forms of the letter B. 

46 The Natural Genesis. 

The Cerastes snake supplied the phonetic F. and its horns are still 
extant in the shape of that letter. The lion furnished one of the 
signs for H; the frog and beetle two others. The jackal and perch are 
found as forms of the T. The ape and the crocodile's tail supply two 
shapes of the K. The owl and the vulture figure as signs for M. 
The fish and another kind of vulture appear as N. A water-bird 
and the lioness are variants of the letter P. The R is a. lion; later 
this was the phonetic sign for L. The goose and jackal supply a 
form of the S. The T's include the snake, a bird, and the beetle. 
The chicken, swallow, and hare are among the different U's. The 
fish is a supplementary K (Kha or Gha.) as well as the calf (Kha 
or Aa). These are ideographs reduced to phonetics. 

With them we may compare the Kamilaroi "sayings" (Gurre) or 
ideographic letters, i 

B. Bundar, Kangaroo. K. Karagi, duck. P. Pilar, lance. 

D. Dinoun, emu. M. Mullion, eagle. T. Tulu, tree. 

G. Givir, male. N. Nurai, snake. W. Warn, bird. 

I. /nar, female. O. Oarumfcon, stork with fish. Y. Faraman, man going. 

J. Jimba, sheep. 

Now, we can understand how these types and symbols got mis- 
interpreted in popular beliefs and superstitions. 

The connecting link of the beast fables of Europeand Inner Africa 
is not only extant in the Egyptian ideographs, the fables themselves 
as found in /Esop are Egyptian. In one of these the mouse is 
about to be devoured by the lion, whereupon he reminds him 
that when he was caught in the net of the hunters, he the mouse 
released him. 2 

Enceinte women in Hertfordshire still hear with alarm of a lioness 
having brought forth young; the present writer had proof of this a 
few years since, when an accouchement was announced at the 
Zoological Gardeng that caused great consternation in the country. 
It was held to be an unlucky omen for all who were child-bearing. 
This is the result of misinterpreting a nearly-effaced type. The 
Egyptians, says Hor-Apollo, when they would symbolise a woman 
that has brought forth once, depict a lioness, for she never conceives twice.^ 
The lioness having brought forth, bequeaths the blank future to the 
woman not yet delivered. 

The Little Earth-Men of the German folk-lore are said to have 
the feet of geese, the print of which they leave on the ashes 
that are strewn for them. This may be explained by the type of 
Seb, who is the representative of the earth, and whose image is 
the goose! 

The ancient Peruvians used to beat their dogs during an eclipse to 
make them howl. In Greenland the women also pinched the ears of 

1 Ridley. 

2 Lauth, Moses der Ebrder, p. 14; Munich Site. Ber, 1868, vol. ii. p. 42; 
J. Zundel, Revue Archeologique, 1861. ^ b_ ;;_ ^h. Ixxxii. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 47 

their dogs during an eclipse; and if the animals howled lustily, it was 
a sign that the end of the world had not yet come. It was the dog's 
duty to howl at such a time. For this reason, the dog in Europe 
took the place of the Dog-headed Ape of the Mysteries in Egypt, 
the howler during the moon's eclipse, and was bound to fulfil the 
character, willy-nilly. 

Many games are typical, and constitute a kind of picture-reading, 
as well as picture-writing of the past. The cockchafer still suffers in 
another symbolical ceremony belonging to the cruel rites performed 
by boys. The chafer, in Egypt the scarab, called khepr, was a type 
of time and turning round. It was the turner round. And it is 
a pastime with boys to thrust a pin through the middle of the 
cock-chafer, and enjoy his spinning round and round, as the 

All who have ever suffered mentally from the misinterpretation of 
ancient myths in the name of Theology, and felt its brand of degra- 
dation in the very soul, ought to sympathize with the treatment of 
the ass, for it is a fellow-victim who has likewise undergone unmerited 
punishment, and had its fall, and still awaits its redemption. The 
ass was once in glory, sacred to Sut, and a type of the Hebrew Deity. 
But Sut was transformed into Satan, and the ass who carried the 
Messiah in the Mysteries, having borne him for the last time, was 
degraded and assailed with stripes, kicks, and curses. The ass that 
carried the mythical Messiah was treated as the beast that bore the 
real one, or carried the Cross at the time of the Crucifixion — as 
proved by the mark between its shoulders — and "beating the ass" 
became a Christian sport, a humorous pastime in which the pagan 
past was figuratively kicked out in the real kicking of the ass. The 
animal being cast down from his primitive estate was associated 
with all that was ignominious. The adulterer and the cuckold were 
mounted on the ass with their faces turned to its tail, when the 
animal received the rain of bountiful blows, and suffered the worst 
part of the punishment. 

The hare is considered unclean in various countries; the animal 
whose form was assumed by the witch, solely on account of its 
having served as a type. It is the sign of Un (Eg.) to open. Un is 
also an hour, a period. The opening period is that of pubescence, 
whether of the male or female. When the Egyptians would denote 
an opening, says Hor- Apollo, 1 they delineate a hare because this 
animal always has its eyes open. 

In relation to feminine pubescence, it signifies "it is lawful" or 
"unprohibited," therefore open. But the hare, as the emblem of the 
period, had a double phase, and delivered a double message to men. 
It is likewise related to the egg of the opening that was laid at 

1 B. i. 26. 

48 The Natural Genesis. 

According to Pliny, the hare is of a double sex. It was simply the 
type of periodicity which had a double phase, whether lunar or 
human and these two are signified by the hare and egg, the hare 
being considered a feminine, and the egg (of puberty) a masculine 

"The Easter Hare," says Holtzman, "is inexplicable to me; pro- 
bably the hare is the animal of Astara; on the picture of Abnoba a 
hare is present."^ Easter was the opening of another year, hence the 
emblem of the hare of March or Easter. 

It is on this account that the hare is associated with the egg of 
Easter, which is broken as an emblem of the opening period. In 
Saxony they say the Easter hare brings the Easter egg, and in Swabia 
children are sent in search of the hare's egg. In some parts the 
Easter eggs are made into cakes in the form of a hare; in others the 
babies are said to come out of the hare's form. The uncleanness of 
the hare was soley symbolic. 

Rats and mice in Germany were held to represent the human 
soul. One story relates that at Saalfeld, in Thuringia, a girl felt asleep 
whilst her companions were shelling nuts. They observed a little red 
mouse creep from her mouth and run out of window. They shook the 
sleeper but could not wake her, so they removed her to another place. 
Presently they saw the mouse creep back and run about in search of 
the girl, but not finding her, it vanished, and at the same moment 
the girl died. 2 

The goddess Holda was said to lead an army of mice, and she was 
the receiver of children's souls. Now, in Egypt, the shrew-mouse 
[my gale, mus araneus) was consecrated to the Genitrix Buto, and 
the mummies, together with those of the solar hawk, were buried in 
the City of Buto. 3 The animal was held to be blind, and the hawk 
was the personification of sight. These furnished two types of the 
soul or being, only to be understood in accordance with the "Two 
Truths," one of which will account for the red mouse.. 

Plutarch^ says the mouse was reverenced for its blindness because 
darkness was before light. The hawk was the bird of Light. Buto 
was the nurse who concealed Horus, and the mouse was a type 
of Horus in Skhem, the hidden shrine and shut-place, also known as 
a region of annihilation.^ The mouse typified the mystery of shutting 
up the red source of life, the flesh-maker, which was looked upon 
as the first factor in biology. And it was by its being shut up and 
transformed in the region of annihilation that the future life was 
created. The mouse thus represented the soul of flesh, so to say, the 
mother-soul, the eyeless and unseeing soul before the fatherhood was 
acknowledged; the first, the blind Horus, who had to be blended 

1 Deutsche Mythologie, p. 141. 

2 Baring-Gould, Curious Myths, vol. ii. p. 159. ^ Herodotus, ii. 6 

'^ Plutarch Symp. iv. Quag 5. ^ Mon. Brit. Museum. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 49 

with the second, as the two halves of the complete soul. According 
to this primitive mode of thought and expression we can account for 
the shrew-mouse in England being made the victim of sacrifice. 

It is well known that amongst other charms for healing and saving 
the shrew-mouse was selected to be offered up on or in the tree; the 
shrew-ash or elm being the most popular for the purpose. A deep 
hole was bored in the bole, and a shrew-mouse was thrust in alive, 
the hole being plugged up behind the victim. 1 This represented the 
Horus in Skhem, the saviour-victim who was sacrificed in the physio- 
logical, solar, and lastly Christological drama of redemption, according 
to the doctrine of blood-sacrifice. "To denote disappearance," says 
Hor-ApoUo, "the Egyptians pourtrayed the mouse." And the disease 
or ailment prescribed for was supposed to disappear with the im- 
prisoned and decaying mouse. 

It came to be believed of this type of a disappearance, that if 
the heart were cut out of a mouse when alive and worn round about 
the arms of a woman, it would prove fatal to conception. 2 The 
Hebrew abomination described as "eating the mouse" may have had 
a kindred significance. On the other hand, during an eclipse of the 
moon, the Mexican women who were enceinte and terribly alarmed 
lest the unborn child should be turned into a mouse, were accustomed 
to hold a bit of istli (obsidian) in their mouths or in their girdles 
to guard against such a fatality. 3 The moon in eclipse repre- 
sented the period opposed to gestation. The stone was a symbol 
of founding and establishing, and the mouse an emblem of a 
disappearance . 

The shrew-mouse in Britain is a sufferer from the later sense 
read into words. Shrew in Anglo-Saxon means to curse (cf. Eg. 
sriu, curse), and denotes something wicked; hence the poor shrew- 
mouse is accounted wicked and accursed. But this is not a primary 
meaning or form of the word, which is skrew in Somerset, and scro 
elsewhere. The animal was named as the digger; so the Gerrman 
Schormaus and the Dutch Schermuys are the mole as the digging 
mouse, named from schoren or scharren, to dig. The shrew is the 
earlier scro-mouse, and the digging is retained in the Gaelic sgar 
and Breton skarra, to tear open, to dig. In Egyptian, sru is to dig, 
with a prior form in skru, to cut and plough, the plough or digger 
being the ska, whence skru and screw. The .shrew-mouse would 
not have typified a disappearance but for its being the digger. The 
digging to bring forth its young was the cause of its adoption as a 
sign of the Shut-place in Skhem, the mythological shrine of re-birth 
for the Solar God in the Underworld, where the sun disappeared to 
be re-born on the horizon of the resurrection. 

1 Brand, Physical Charms. 

2 Richard Lovell, Panzoologicomineralogia, 1661. 

3 Sahagun, Hist. Gen. torn ii. lib. viii. p. 230. 

50 The Natural Genesis. 

There is a Bohemian legend in which the Devil creates the mouse 
to eat up "God's corn," whereupon God creates the cat to destroy 
the mouse. 1 This belongs to Egyptian Mythology, where we find the 
cat that killed the rat that ate the malt in the house that Jack built. 
It appears as the "abominable rat of the sun," which was looked after 
by the cat-headed Great Mother, Pash (whence the Arabic Bisseh or 
tabby) ; the cat being a type of the moon as the luminous eye of the 

To a great extent modern superstition is symbolism in its state of 
dotage, when it cannot remember what the types originally meant. 
The Abipones are said to see the souls of their ancestors in certain 
birds, the widgeon or other water-fowl that fly by night and make 
their cry; and in the hieroglyphics, not only is the bird a symbol of 
the soul but one of these, the Pa, a sign of the soul of breath, is the 
widgeon or a wild goose in the act of hissing as the bird of breath 
issuing from the waters. So that the hissing duck or goose was the 
symbol of a soul in Egypt, and as Pa (or Pepe) means to fly, of 
a flying soul. The hieroglyphics are still unwittingly preserved by 
the Abipones. 

The Eskimos say that all living beings have the faculty of soul, but 
especially the bird. 

The Hurons of North America are reported to believe that the 
souls of their deceased friends turned into turtle-doves. The turtle- 
dove, in Hebrew "nn, bears the name of the Genitrix Tef, English 
Dove. The dove as well as the hawk was associated with Hathor; 
who was the habitation of the hawk (Horus, her child) or more 
literally the birdcage of the soul. 

The priestesses of Western Sarawak make the figures of birds 
which are said to be inhabited by spirits. But the bird as a type of 
the spirit or soul must be read all round. 

The Egyptians did not think the soul turned into a bak-hawk 
when they depicted or embodied the Ba (soul) in bird shape. It is a 
mode of expression which may be variously interpreted according to. 
the mental stage. The hawk of fire, or spirit, is the one of the seven 
elementaries which became the solar Horus; and in Britain we 
have seven spirit-birds that fly by night, known as: the "seven 

The: learned and conscientious Montesinos relates that when the 
worship, or veneration, for a certain stone had ceased, a parrot flew 
from that fetish and entered another stone, which was held as an 
object of adoration instead. In this story the parrot takes the place 
of the hawk, the bird of soul, or the dove, the bird of breath. The 
soul (or spirit) is thus represented as typically passing out of the 
one type into the other. The bird imaged the object of worship, 
and the fetish-stone its dwelling place. 

1 Ralston, Russian Folk Tales, p. 330. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 51 

According to a Muhammedan tradition, the souls of the martyrs 
are said to rest in the crops of green birds, which eat of the fruits 
and drink of the waters of Paradise. 1 This is the Egyptian imagery 
in which souls are represented as human-headed birds being fed with 
the fruit and nourished by the water of the Tree of Life! Also green 
is the colour of renewal, and of Ptah the revivifier. 

The soul of the hieroglyphics, depicted as winged, with the human 
head, is the original of the winged race of men in the Phasdrus of 
Plato and the winged angels of Iconography. All such types belong 
to the hieroglyphical and symbolical mode of representation, not to 
the human race pre-Adamite or otherwise. 

When told that the natives of West Africa look upon monkeys who 
are seen near a burial-ground as being animated by the spirits of the 
dead, we turn to the hieroglyphics for interpretation. There we 
find the ape (Ben) is a type of the Resurrection, elevated in the 
Rituals to the status of a Divinity. The Ben-ape is a form of the 
phoenix, whose name it bears, and the dead turning into monkeys 
is the same typologically as the ape being an jmage of the 
transforming dead. 

The ape, as the imager or imitator; offered a natural model for the 
transformer. Shu, the star-god, transformed under this type; and 
the moon made its great change in the character of Aan, the ape. 
Lastly, the same type was applied to the soul in death as a mode of 
representation. In Egypt the animal was known to be ideographic. 
But in Inner Africa the real animal became a fetish-image confused 
with the spirits of the dead, the original link of connection being 
more or less missing in the mind of the modern natives, and absent 
altogether from that of the missionaries. 

It is often reported that such and such a people, like the Kaffirs of 
South Africa, believe that the spirits of their dead ancestors appear 
to them in the shape of serpents. 3 Zulus are said to recognise the 
spirits of their ancestors in certain green snakes that are harmless. 
This means that in such a case the serpent, not the bear, ape, or dog, 
is the particular token. The green colour also identines the type of 
immortality. Green is the hue of the resurrection from the earth; 
the colour of the stone-axe and amulet of Jade; the colour of Ptah, 
Num, and Shu, as the sign of rising again. 

Also, as the serpent was a type of the eternal by periodic renewal, 
an emblem therefore of immortality, the belief that their ancestors 
survived in spirit was expressed by the serpent symbol, and this is 
independent of any perversion of the matter, whether by the native 
mind or the missionary. The true significance can be recovered in 
Egypt with whom survived the consciousness of Kam. 

The goddess Renen, the Gestator, is said to receive in death the 

1 Sale, Prelim. Discourse, sect. iv. 2 ch. xxxi. 

3 Casalis, Basutos, p. 346. 

52 The Natural Genesis. 

breaths (souls) of those belonging to her.i The serpent was one of 
her symbols, consequently these souls, or breaths, would enter the 
serpent- woman to be born again; and as the serpent was a type of 
renewal before Renen was personified in Egypt; we hear the Inner 
Africans talking in the same figures of speech that were made visible 
by Egyptian art. 

When the Greenlander who has been at point of death in an ex- 
hausting illness, recovers his health and pristine vigour, they speak of 
his having lost his former soul and had it replaced by that of a young 
child or a reindeer. But this also is only a figurative mode of speech; 
the language is that of the hieroglyphics; the imagery that of the 

The bone of the calf or of the child, was an emblem of renewal, 
buried as such with the dead. The horns of the reindeer were 
indicative of renewal coming of itself, and like the bone of the 
child, simply supplied a type of rejuvenesce. 

The underlying typology is in many instances obscured, but seldom 
quite extinct. Nor do the older races mistake the symbol for the 
thing signified, so much as is represented. The totemic nature of the 
type is made significant every time the supposed worshippers slay 
their god in the shape of a bear, crocodile, or other fetish with 
apologies and appeasing rites offered to the animal they have killed. 
They recognise in some dim way that it was only a type of 
the hidden meaning, not a real deity; a representation, and not an 
incarnation. The reporters are mainly responsible for the doctrine of 
incarnation. It was because the image was representative that it 
acted vicariously, and was beaten at times by the irate worshipper, 
not as the god in person, but as some sort of likeness. The doctrine 
of vicarious sacrifice and atonement dates from this origin in the most 
primitive stage of thought — in thus laying hold of something that 
imaged and represented the absent, invisible, intangible — which 
culminated at last in Christology and in the waxen image of witch- 
craft: as it had done earlier in the mummy-figure of the Egyptians. 

The Basutos are said to think that if a man should walk along a 
river's bank and cast his shadow in the water, a crocodile may seize 
it and draw him in; his shadow, or Seriti, being one with his soul. 2 
This, too, is connected with the Egyptian typology. The crocodile 
was one of the animals into whkh the soul passed or was transformed 
in order that it might cross the waters in death. The crocodile was 
a form taken by the Goddess of the Great Bear, who was a crocodile 
in her hinder- part, one of her four types. 

The eighty-eighth chapter of the Ritual is named the Chapter of 
Making the Transformation into a Crocodile, and the vignette is 
a crocodile-headed snake — two forms of the Genitrix in one. The 
speaker (deceased) says: "I am the crocodile whose soul comes from 

1 Ritual, ch. clx. 2 Casalis, Basutos, p. 245. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 53 

men. I am the crocodile whose soul comes from men; I am the crocodile 
leading away by stealth. I am the great fish ofHorus, the great one in 
Kam-Ur. I am the person dancing in Skhem." The crocodile (as 
Ta-urt or Typhon) was the earliest form of the Fish-mother, the 
Derketo, Atergatis, Hathor or Venus, who brought forth from the 
waters. The speaker personates the crocodile who leads away the 
souls of men by stealth. The Skhem is the shrine of re-birth, and 
this therefore is represented by the crocodile. He is in the crocodile 
(or is the crocodile), and so crosses the waters as did the sun-god. 
whether as Horus or Herakles, inside the fish during the three days 
at the winter solstice. Thus the tradition of the crocodiles seizing 
the souls of men in the shape of their shadows, can be traced to the 

"In North-west America," says Dr. Tylor, "we find some Indians 
believing the spirits of their dead to enter into bears, and travellers 
have heard of a tribe begging the life of a wrinkle-faced old grizzly 
she-bear as the recipient of the soul of some particular grandame, 
whom they fa:ocied the creature to resemble. So among the 
Esquimaux, a traveller noticed a widow who was living for conscience' 
sake upon birds, and would not touch walrus-meat which the 
Angekok had forbidden her for a long time, because her late 
husband had entered into a walrus." 1 

A Chiriquane woman of Buenos Ayres was heard by a missionary 
to say of a fox: "May not that be the spirit of my dead daughter?"^ 
These were thinglng their thought according to the ancient typology 
which is yet interpretable by means of the Kamite mythology. 
In this the Great Bear Constellation (the hippopotamus, seal, walrus, 
or other water-type) was the Great Genitrix who became the repro- 
ducer of souls in a later phase of thought, because she had been the 
mother of the revolutions or time-cycles in heaven, and of the 
Elementary Gods. 

From being the mother of the beginnings in space and time, she 
was made to impersonate the womb of a new life. She formed the 
principal Car (Urt) in Heaven which the thought of man mounted to 
ride round and .ascend up out of the darkness of the depths when 
the constellation was the "dipper" below the horizon. It is the bearer 
still, as the Wain of Charles. It was the car of Osiris in Egypt, and 
the Coffin which the Osiris deceased entered to be re-born in the 
eternal round. 

Thus the souls of the Egyptian dead entered the bear or hippo- 
potamus as with the American Indians, among whom the aged 
she-grizzly represented the most ancient Genitrix, the recipient of 
souls, who bore them and brought them to re-birth. The same type 
is continued in the Arabic daughters of the bier (Ursa Major) 
and the Chinese coffin of the seven stars in which a board is placed 

1 Prim. Culture, voL ii. p. 6. 2 Brinton, p. 254. 

54 The Natural Genesis. 

for the dead to rest on. This board contains seven holes which are 
regarded as representing the seven stars, and it is therefore called 
the "seven-stars-board." It is fluted as well as perforated, and a 
quantity of lime and oil is deposited between the board and the 
bottom of the coffin, i 

The fox or jackal was a type of Anpu, the conductor of souls, who 
led them up to the horizon of the resurrection, as the divine em- 
balmer, chief of the mountain in which the dead were laid. The 
jackal in two characters tows the bark of the sun and the souls, and 
these two are called "Openers of the way." One opens the road of 
darkness to the north, the other the road of light to the south. 

The spirit of the dead girl being identified with the fox in Buenos 
Ayres is the exact parallel to the souls of men becoming jackals in 
the belief of the African Marawi.2 With them, however, there is 
another connecting link. It is the soul of the bad man that becomes 
the jackal; the soul of the good man becomes a snake. The jackal, 
or seb, was a type of the earth; the lower wolrd of two, whereas the 
snake was a symbol of renewal and immortality. 

The practice of killing and burying a dog with a deceased person 
is not uncommon, and the custom can be read by the hieroglyphics. 
Cranz relates that the Esquimaux laid the head of a dog in a child's 
grave as the type of the intelligent animal that was sure to find the 
way. Bishops used to be buried in this country with a dog lying at 
their feet. One of the chief funerad ceremonies of the Aztecs was 
to slaughter the Techichi, a native dog which was burnt or buried with 
the corpse, a thread being fastened round its neck, and its office was 
to guide the deceased across the waters of Chiuluahuapan on the 
way to the land of the dead. 3 

The custom of bringing a dog to the bedside of a dying person, as 
an escort and guide to the soul, was common with the Hindus and 
Persians.4 A corpse which had not been seen by a dog was held capable 
of polluting a thousand men. But when the corpse had been shown 
to an observant dog, that removed the power of pollution. The dog 
was supposed to be its guardian against the fiend of corruption, by 
the Parsees. In Egypt, the dog as Anubis was the embalmer and 
preserver of the dead. Hence the protection afforded to the corpse 
by the presence of the dog. 

In a recent work on Japan, the dog of the dead is described as 
being the messenger of spirit-mediums, whose stock-in-trade consists 
of a small box (supposed to contain some mystery known only to the 
craft) of somewhat less than a foot square. It is said that, in the 
south, a dog is buried alive, the head only being left above ground, 
and food is then put almost within its reach, exposing it thus to the 

1 J. H. Gray, China, p. 383. 2 Waitz, vol. ii. p. 419. 

3 Tylor, Prim. Culture, vol. i. p. 426. 

"* Shayast La-Shayast, ch. ii. 65; ch. x. 33. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 55 

cruel fate of Tantalus. When in the greatest agony and near death, 
the head is chopped off and put in a box.i This cruel treatment is 
intended to make the animal return in spirit, and thus the dog (which 
was the wolf-dog, or the golden dog — the Egyptian Mercury) fulfils 
the character of the Psychopompus. 

So the hound of Hermes, in Greece, came to guide the passing soul 
to the river Styx. And still, when the soul of the dying is about to 
go forth, the dog is supposed to utter its howl with prescient instinct. 

This intelligent friend and faithful companion was sacrificed to 
become the guide of the poor cave-dwellers when benighted in 

The Barrow at Barra was a central room with seven other chambers 
that contained the skeletons of men amd dogs. 

The bones of a dog were found buried with the human skeleton in 
a cave of the Pyrenees, showing that this faithful friend of man, at 
that remote time, was looked upon as a kind of Psychopompus, an 
intelligent shower of the way through the dark. Here it may be 
thought that a creature so intelligent as the dog might be indepen- 
dently adopted in various lands. But the dog was a creation of man, 
who made the animal domesticated. The dog is a civilized descend- 
ant of the wolf and jackal, and both these types are earlier than the 
dog, in the Egyptian mythology as in nature. 

Colonel Hamilton Smith in opposing the theory of the dog's 
descent from the wolf and jackal, suggested by Darwin, has rashly 
asserted that a thorough philological inquiry would most assuredly show 
that in no language and at no period, did man positively confound the 
wolf, the jackal, or the fox, with a real dog. This of course could only 
apply to the name. And it happens that the name of the wolf in Greek, 
Lykos, is confounded, or is identical with the Akkadian name for the 
dog, Likku, which again answers to Arigu, the dog in the Ai-Bushman 
tongue. The names of the wolf and dog are found to be equivalent 
in the pre-historic language. 

Tsip is the dog in Inbask (Yukahiri), and in Egyptian Tseb, Arabic 
Dib, is the wolf. In the Hottentot language the jackal is named 
Girib, and in the abraded form Arib is the name of the dog. In 
Egyptian one name of the dog is Anush or Unnush, and this is like- 
wise a name of the wolf; which not only confounds the dog with the 
wolf, but tends to show the derivation of the dog from the wolf, as 
is acknowledged by the continuity of the name of the wild animal 
for that of the domesticated dog. 

The star Sothis is the well-known star of the dog. The dog was 
identified as its type when there came to be a dog, but its still earlier 
forms were the jackal (or golden dog), the wolf, and the fox-dog of 
Abyssinia, called the Fenekh. All three preceded the domesticated 
dog, and all three meet in the dog of the Dog-star. Before this 

1 Fu-So Mirrd Bukuro, by C. Pfoundes. 

56 The Natural Genesis. 

domesticated dog could have been adopted as a type Anubis as 
jackal, wolf, or fenekh, was the still earlier guide of the sun and souls 
through the under world. Anubis is designated the "preparer of the 
way of the other world." "1 have made away," says the decased, 
"bi/ what Anup has done for me."i 

The Osirian in the Ritual,^ in the loth gate of his passage to 
Elysium, brings with him the head of a dog as a kind of talismanic 
toll. He pleads with the gatekeeper; "7 have anointed myself 
with red wax. I have provided myself with a dog's head." The 
keeper replies: "Thou mayst go: thou art purified." 

The Kamite types are to be found the world overt in one stage 
or another. They can be traced to Upper Nilotic Africa as their 
birthplace; and wheresoever they are extant, Egypt alone is their 

The Khoi-Khoi declare that if the jackal discovers an ostrich nest 
he will scream for the white vulture. This bird then follows him, 
and when they come to the nest, which is covered by the ostrich 
hen, the vulture claws up a stone and ascends the air vertically over 
the nest to drop the stone down plumb on the breeding hen. The 
ostrich, startled and frightened by the blow, scuttles off, and then 
Reynard breaks the eggs, and both he and the vulture feast on them 
in the most friendly manner. 3 

These sly rogues furnished two divine types. The vulture is 
Egyptian [Neophron perenopterus) , and a represntative of the great 
Mother Neith, whose guide and companion, her Mercury, is the 
jackal! The vulture is also a prophetic bird with the Khoi-Khoi as it 
was in Egypt. The jackal, Anup, who was such a subtle thief in Inner 
Africa, was the typical thief, and god of thieving, and he became the 
Greek Hermes and Roman Mercury. 

The fainche is a fox in Irish-Keltic and the fenekh is the fox-dog 
of Abyssinia, which was a type of the dog-star, the announcer of 
the Inudation. 

In Europe the fox is still the announcer, the prophesier, as was 
Anup, the jackal or fox (fenekh) in Egypt. When the fox is heard 
barking in the woods at night in England, he is said to prophesy a 
sharp winter. 

Egypt, who brought on certain types of things in the simplest 
condition from Inner Africa to develop and send them forth into the 
whole world at different stages in her own development, can still give 
the sole intelligible account of their origin and significance. 

Thus in Inner Africa the chief type-name of the lion, and leopard 
is gfa. In Egyptian kafa denotes force, puissance, potency, the 
abstract forms of power. But it also means to hunt and seize by 
force. The kafau are the destroyers and desolators. Kafi (Shu), 

1 Ch. cxlviii. 2 ch. cxlvi. 

3 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 84. 

Natural Genesis of the Kamite Typology. 57 

a divine type of power, who forces the sun along, wears on his head 
the hind quarter of the lioness as the emblem of his force. 

The lion and leopard were the live types first-named, and 
Egyptian shows the later application of the same word to a more 
abstract or recondite meaning. 

Gray describes the treatment of a Mandenga who had killed a lion, 
and who was considered guilty of a great crime because be was only 
a subject, whereas the lion was a lord or sovereign. 1 This status of 
the animal was continued in the ideographs where the lion [Ha] 
signifies the lord, the ruler, the first and foremost, the glory (Peh), 
a type of the double force. 

The tail of a lion suspended from the rcof of a Xosa-Kaffir chiefs 
hut as the sign of his power has the same meaning when worn by a 
Rameses as Pharaoh of Egypt. Other animals (as already mentioned) 
which were first named in Inner Africa can be traced by those names 
in Egypt where they have become divine types in mythology, that is 
gods and goddesses. Nome is the serpent in Bidsogo and the deity 
Num is serpent-crowned in Egypt. Nam is a goat in Kiamba, and 
the goat in Egypt is another type of the god Num. 

The Numu, is Vei, is an enormous kind of toad. Num (Eg.) is 
called the king of frogs, and Hek is his frog- headed consort in Egypt. 

The monkey is named Kefu in Krebu; Kebe in Kra; Efie in 
Anfue. In Egypt this is the Kaf ape, a figure of Shu (Kafi) and 
Hapi, a type of one of the seven elemental gods. 

In the Makua language Paka is simply the cat. In Egypt Pekha is 
the cat-headed goddess. She is also known as Buto (Peht), and 
the cat is named Boode in Embomma, and Boude in Malamba. 

Asi is the cow in the Kaffir dialects; Esu in Isiele. This is the 
type of Isis the cow-headed Genitrix called As or Hes as the Egyptian 
goddess. Gbami is the cow in the Pika, and Khebma is the water- 
cow the most ancient type of the Genitrix in Egypt. The type-name 
for the woman in Inner Africa is — 

Manka in Ekamtulufu. Menge in Bayon. Mangbe in Momenya. 

Manka in Udom. Mengue in Pati. Mengue in Param. 

Manka in Mbofon. Mengue in Kum. Mans-Nube in Kisawahili. 

The position of the woman was that of concubine and slave, like 
the Kaffir Ncinza, rather than of wife, and in this double character 
she is named — 

Manka in Ekamtulufu. Mengu in Param. Mangbe in Bagba. 

Manka in Udom. Mengue in Bayon. Mengbe in Momenya. 

Amanka in Mbofon. Mengue in Kum. 

In Egypt Manka or Menka (Mena) reappears as the wet nurse, 
the Suckler, another type of the Genitrix, who was divinized as the 
great mother in mythology. Here, and elsewhere. Inner Africa shows 

1 Gray's Travels in Western Africa, p. 143. 

58 The Natural Genesis. 

the natural genesis, the primitive forms, the earliest status of things 
which became symbolical and were held to be divine in Egypt, and 
these underlying facts show a more profound relationship between 
Inner Africa and Egypt than those of syntax and grammar in lan- 
guage. They belong to the same ancient order of evidence as the 
totemic signs, gesture-language, and the oldest primitive customs 
that are likewise found to be the most universal in their range. 



(The symbolical and superstitious phase of customs once primitve can only be explained by means of 
their natural genesis.) 

The thesis here maintained is that inner Africa was the birth-place 
of the animal typology, which is at the base of the hieroglyphs, of 
heraldry, totemism, and of the so-called beast-epic of the Red 
Indian, Australian, and Aryan folk-lore. 

It is the original home of various natural prototypes, which became 
the earliest symbolic types, and Egypt remains interpreter of the 
land of the origines. 

The animals, reptiles, birds and insects, which talk in the tales of 
the Bushmen and in the beast-stories of Europe, Australia, America, 
and India were adopted amongst the earliest means of expression for 
the primitive man, because they had been his tutors. We know what 
they said to him, for they continue to say the same thing as types. 
He adopted them out of necessity, made use of them for himself, 
stereotyped them for us, and we have but to learn this language of 
animals to know that the same system of typology which has spread 
all over the world and been eternized in the stars of heaven, must 
have had one origin and emanated from one centre, now claimed to have 
been African. 

Totemism and heraldry are two extant modes of making signs by 
means of external typology. According to Boece the ancient Britons 
used the figures of beasts after the manner of the Egyptains, "from 
whom they took their first beginning," more particularly in the "in- 
scriptions above their sepulchres." These are still to be found on the 
stones, the coins or talismans, and in the hieroglyphics of heraldry. 

Herodian mentions the "shapes of the heavenly bodies and of all 
kinds of beasts and birds" as the tattoo-marks of the Picts. 

The zoological nature of British naming is shown even by the 
following coats of arms in Canting Heraldry: — 

Keats, 3 cats. Heron, 3 herons. Cunliffe, 3 conies. 

Head, 3 unicorns' heads. Ramsden, 3 rams' heads. Lamb, 3 lambs. 

Coote, 3 cootes. Colt, 3 colts. 

6o The Natural Genesis. 

The warriors who fought at Cattraeth included bears, wolves, and 

The Bibroci were the biber (Cornish befer, Gaelic beabhor) or 
beaver tribe. The Brockdens are the badgers (unless named from 
the den of the brock), the Gledstanes are kits or hawks. 

The mertae of Sutherlandshire were the cow-men, whose mother 
was possibly represented by the British goddess Rosmerta. 

The luga were the calves. The men of Essex and the Isle of 
Wight are still known as the "calves"; the "calves" were also 
located near Belfast. Some of these totemic types became the blazons 
of counties. 

People were once known is these islands as the taverns are now, 
by their signs; each being the symbol of the group, clan, or tribe. 
The formative suffix in numberless names shows them to be derived 
from the "tun" and "den," the "ham" and "combe," the "leigh," 
"ford," "worthe," "ing," "stock" or "stow," which were place- 
names before they became personal. 

The first name was given at puberty to him of the totemic mark. 
Next to him of the common land, the tribal settlement. There is a 
form of the 'ham' extant at Gloucester with peculiar common 
rights and liberties. Even when land was made several, and became 
individual property, the man, like John-o'-Groats, was called after 
the land, and the right to bear a crest is based primarily on a claim of 
descent from a particular tem, ham, ing, tun, or other group which 
was known by its totem. Heralds still profess to trace back the 
branches to the stem of the family tree, if they do not penetrate to 
the root than once grew in the place so named. 

Totemism was as purely a form of symbolism as English 
heraldry and coats of arms, and both emanate from that inner 
African system of typology which was continued by the Egyptians, 
North American Indians, Chinese, Australians, British, and other 
ancient races. 

Sir John Lubbock has called totemism a "" deification of classes"; 
but it originated in the need of names and the adoption of types for 
the purpose of distinguishing the groups from each other. The 

1 Aneurin's Gododin. 

2 It may be very deceiving where the earliest place-names have become the later 
race-names. Take that of the Menapii for example. They are found by name in 
Menevia (St. David's, Wales), at Dublin, and at the mouth of the Rhine. Were 
these Menapii then of one race? That depends on whether the name be a race- 
name or a place-name. My contention would be for the place-name. Men in 
Egyptian means to arrive, warp to shore, and anchor. The Mena is a landing-place, a 
port, or harbour; Persian Mind. This is continued in the Cornish Min for the coast, 
brink, border, boundary. Thus Menapia is the place of landing, and would be so 
named in the language of the first comers. Ap (Eg.), is the first, and Apia as country 
denotes the first land attained. This would apply to the first landing-place on any 
coast, Welsh, Irish, or Belgic. "Menapii" as a folk-name, the Menapii of Casser, 
is more probably derived from the Kamite Menefia, for soldiers, as the German is 
the war-man. If the Menapii as later settlers were named from the place, their 
name can be no clue to their race. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 6i 

deification, if any, consisted in venerating or divinizing the totemic 
type, the family crest first adopted out of necessity for use. 

Totemism, however, is not what the same writer thought, a system 
of naming individuals first and then whole groups after some animal. 

Mr. Freeman is also wrong in asserting that the clan grew out of 
the patriarchate.! Who was the British patriarch in this sense 
when, as Cesser tells us, ten or a dozen totemic brothers held their 
wives in common? 

When the brothers, uncles, and nephews held their wives in 
common as with the Tottiyars of India, there were none among them 
that could be distinguished as fathers except they were the old men, 
the elders, the collective patriarchate, as among the Galactophagi, 
with whom the only fathers known by name were the "olm men"; 
the young men being the "sons." 

Descent was first traced from the mother, then from the sister; 
the ""two women" from whom the Karmilaroi tribes claim to descend; 
then from the uncle and finally the father. 

Bowditch says of the Ashantis, "Their extraordinary rule of 
succession excludes all children but those of a sister, and is founded 
on the argument that if the wives of the brother are faithless, the 
blood of the family is entirely lost in the offspring, but should the 
daughters deceive their husbands it is still preserved. "2 

In Central Africa, according to Caillie,^ the sovereignty always 
remains in the same family, but the son does not succeed the father; 
the son of the king's sister is the chosen heir. 

With the Kenaiyers of North-West America a man's nearest heirs 
in the tribe are his sister's children. With the Nairs, as amongst 
all polyandrists, no child knows its own father, and each man 
counts his sister's children to be his heirs. 

Among the Malays, if the speaker be a female she salutes her 
sister's children as sons and daughters, but her brother's children as 
nephews and nieces. The sister of the brother was reckoned of more 
account than the wife. The marriage of brother and sister, which 
was continued by the Pharaohs of Egypt, no doubt originated 
and was preserved as a type of this blood- tie; the custom was 
sacred to them alone. This marriage of the brother and sister was 
continued by the Singhalese, who likewise limited the custom to the 
royal family. So was it in ancient Persia. 

Indefinite progenitorship gave mote importance to the brother's 
sister's son, the nephew, because in him the blood-tie was traceable. 
Of the Fijians it has been said, "however high a chief may be if he 
has a nephew he has a master." The nephew was allowed the extra- 
ordinary privilege of appropriating whatever he chose belonging to 

1 Comparative Politics, p. 3. 

2 Bowditch, Ashantee, p. 185. "So all over Africa." — Captain Burton. 

3 Travels, vol. i. p. 153. 

62 The Natural Genesis. 

the uncle, or those who were under his uncle's power. The nephew 
of his uncle was an Emperor by nature. These two, uncle and 
nephew, were recognised personages before the father and son (as the 
son of the father). i So. when Vasouki, the Serpent King, desired an 
heir, instead of marrying himself, he had his sister married, and the 
nephew succeeded to the supremacy. 

This social status is reflected in the Egyptian mythology. Nephthys 
[Neff) was the sister or Osiris; the child, as Anubis, being mothered 
by the sister; and Nift in old Icelandic is the sister still. Neft 
is expressly designated "f/ie sistef; "the benevolent saving sister," 
the "mistress of the house." It is she, not the wife, who carries the 
seed-basket on her head; she who preserves the seed in its purity; 
her basket (neb) being the purifier of the seed. 

The genitrix as Neft is the bearer of the brother's son, the nephew; 
and in Lap the sister's son is named the napat. At this stage the 
seed (nap Eg.) was reckoned as the child of the sister, not of the 
wife, or concubine, on purpose to trace the line of descent. 2 In this 
way mythology becomes a mirror that reflects the primitive 

There are customs extant which show the father assuming his 
right to claim his son by direct descent. 

The Limboos of India, a tribe near Darjeeling, had a custom for the 
boy to become the father's property on his paying the mother a 
price for him, when the child was named and entered into his 
father's tribe. The girls remained with the motherm and belonged 
to her tribe. 3 

Aristotle^ says the Libyans have their women in common, and 
distribute the children according as they favour the men in likeness. 
This, says Captain Burton, is the general rule in Africa. 

The Fijians have a feast called Tunudra, in celebration of the birth 
of a child, but which, says Williams, s appears to have more relation 
to the mother than the child. This fact is implied by the name; tuna 
is the mother, and dra blood, in Fijian. The Tunundra is in 
celebration of the mother-blood, or mother-right. 

When the child is the first-bom, there are games and sports; one 
of these consists in the men painting on each other's bodies the 
woman's tattoo. 

Tattooing is a custom typical of becoming men aod women as 
parents. An at this festival of the eldest child and mother-right, 
the men in sport marked each other's bodies with the women's tattoo; 

1 Fiji and the Fijiana, vol. i. p. 34. 

2 Nap or nephew. Nap (Eg.) is the seed. In the inner African languages the 
boy is the napat in Kanyon; nabat, Sarar, and nafan in Bola. Both the brother 
and sister are named nofi in Anfue; novi, Mahi; anaefi, Hwida, and nawie in 
Dahome. In English, the knave is a lad. 

3 Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, p. 123. '^ Pol. 2, 39. 
s Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, vol. i. p. 175. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 63 

the mother symbol being transferred to the male, in the process of 
making game of each other. 

The Fijians had superseded the mother-right, with descent on the 
father's side, but it looks as if we here recovered a primeval picture 
of the communal system in which .it was impossible to father the 
child, and that this was being done jokingly in a game of guesswork, 
and by aid of the maternal type or tat, or tattoo. It is the way 
of many very primitive customs to end in harlequinade like the 
British pantomime, when they have found no ecclesiastical place 
of refuge. 

So far from the patriarchal family being first, it is the last but one; 
the monogamic being last of all. It was preceded by the gregarious 
horde, undistinguished by name or totem or law of sexual inter- 
course. Next by the organization on the basis of sex, with later rules 
for the checking of incest; then by the family in which marriage was 
by single pairs, pairing at pleasure, or cohabiting until the child was 
born; then followed the patriarchal or polygamic family, with property 
in cattle and wives; and finally the monogamic family founded on the 
individualised fatherhood, and the polyandry of less civilized societies. 

The totemic types originated when the undistinguished herd was 
first discreted into groups, and the groups were discriminated by 
some particular sign, clan, or tribal name. 

The types adopted to distinguish the groups were the earliest 
ideographs that served for signs when these were without other 
names, and the tern, or body, of persons was only known from the 
gregarious mass by means of the natural figures which were at first 
branded into the flesh at the period of puberty. 

Men and women still clothe themselves in the wool, fur, and 
feather of beast and bird. Earlier races wore the skins with the hair 
on. The still earlier clothed themselves as it were in the figures of 
birds and beasts. They dressed like them in their symbolical 
dances, and imitated their cries, by which they would be identified 
still further with their totemic sign; and this typology is continued in 
the personal names derived from the same mould of thought. Nor 
had the deification of animals any place in the origines of 
symbolism. The animals are the symbols. They were so in the 
absence of later hieroglyphics, and were continued as and for 
symbols into the domain of personal names. 

If, as Schoolcraft alleges, the totem of the Redskins had become 
to them a symbol of the name of a progenitor it was not that the 
Indians thought a beaver or serpent, a turtle or a hawk, a stone or a 
tree, was their progenitor; 1 nor that they fancied the souls of their 
ancestors had entered into the particular totemic types. That is 
only a suggestion made by the moderm ignorance of symbols. 
Totemism began long before the male progenitor was known. The tribe 

1 Indian Tribes, vol. ii. p. 49. 

64 The Natural Genesis. 

was the progenitor, with descent only on the mother's side; and the 
animal was the type of the whole group. 

The coyote, or prairie dog, was honoured as the bringer into the 
world of the ancestors of the root-diggers of Californja. The wolf is 
respected by the Lenni Lenape Indians as the animal which released 
mankind from their subterranean abode. Coyote and wolf represent 
the golden dog, Anup, in Egypt, one of the first types of time, as the 
dog-star; who, in the planetary character of Mercury, passed through 
the underworld and rose again as a guide, deliverer, and saviour. 

The totem is not the name of the dead ancestor, but of the clan, 
or communal type, which is any animal rather than a human 
ancestor, or male patriarch. The distinction of an individual name 
was the latest of all. Lichtenstein describes the Bushmen as having 
no personal names, although they did not appear to feel the want of 
such a means of distinguishing one individual from another. Their 
society had been arrested in the totemic stange of nomenclature, i In 
Dahome the personal name can hardly be said to exist at all. It 
changes with every rank of the holder. 2 These distinctions of rank 
and class-titles are another form of naming the division first, as is 
shown also by their being hereditary. 

The Japanese have a different personal pronoun for various classes 
of persons, each class being compelled to use their own, and not 
another. "There are eight personal pronouns of the second person 
peculiar to servants, pupils, and children."^' These told which "thou" 
was in- tended, as one of a class, and therefore show a continuation 
of the totemic mode of naming and distinguishing by the group only. 
Eight classes of the personal pronoun answer to the eight totems of 
the Kamilaroi or eight of the Iroquois Indians; the principle of 
discreting from the undistinguished mass and naming by subdivisions 
is the same, although applied to a later stage of society. The 
Japanese people themselves were really divided into eight primary 
classes, corresponding to the universal eight original gods, or proto- 
types, in the various mythologies of the world. 

By whatever names the Redskins might be known In their lifetime, 
it was the totemic, not the personal, name that was recorded on the 
tomb, or the Adjedatig, at the place of burial. ^ So is it with us. In 
death the individual still reverts to the totemic style, as is mani- 
fested by displaying the coat of arms on the scutcheon, in front of 
the house. The Scottish wife, whose married name is changed for her 
maiden name in death, still makes the typical return to her own tribe, 
or totem. 

In the Ojibwa dialect the word totem signifies the symbol or 
device of a Gens; thence the figure of a wolf was the totem of the wolf 

1 Lichenstein, vol. i. p. 119; vol. ii. p. 49. 2 Burton, p. 97. 

3 Steinmetz, Japan and her People, p. 399. 
"* Schoolcarft, vol. i. p. 49. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 65 

Gens;^ the figure of a serpent was the totemic sign of the 

The original of the word totem is supposed to be the Algonkin 
Do-daim, the type or mark of the Daim, as a town. The Daim, as the 
especial name of the town, is still extant in Central Africa, where the 
people are divided into the dwellers in "Tembes." In dispersing the 
mob at Ugogo, and sending them to their homes, the chief shouted, 
"To your Tembes, Wagogo, to your Tembes."^ 

The town is also the 

Edume, in Adampe. Demgal, in Goboru. 

Diambe, in Kisma. Dsamei, in Buduma. 

The Zulu Tumu-tumu is a large assemblage of huts, a big Tumu. 
The Vei people have a religious rite, pe:rformed at the time of puberty, 
which is called the Beri. A new name is then conferred on the youth, 
and a totemic or national mark is made on the back, by a masked 
man who acts the part of a being from the unseem world; this mark is 
termed the Beri-tamba, or mark of the pubescent male, who is thus 
adopted into the Tem. Tembe in Vei also means to stand in a row, 
or fall in to rank, like the English Team. Tem and Tun permute, 
and in Inner Africa the Tembe is also called the 

Tan in Koama. Tanaru in Gbanda. Tunk in Dselana. 

Tan in Bagbalan. Tengu in Mose. Sa-ten in Guresa. 

Idom in Anan. 

In Egypt the totemism of the tribal system had been continued 
in the towns and cities which bore the names of the zoological types, 
such as the hippopotamus, crocodile, lion, ape, dog, wolf, hawk, 
fish, and others. The "Temaf had become the town, village, district, 
fort, or city; and this agrees with the Gothic Dom as the whole of 
anything. The Tem (Eg.) also means the total; Maori Tamene, to be 
assembled together. The Tem, as a whole, under the king, became a 
kingdom. The primordial Tem, as a birth-place, is preserved by 
name in the West Australian Dumbu, for the mother's womb. 

The Daman in Pahlavi is the dwelling; the Latin Domus, the abode 
or domicile. The Toms in Scotland are relics of the same primary 
type of the dwelling in life, and the Tomb in death. 

The Attic township was a Dem. The second member of the Greek 
organic territorial series comprised the ten Demes, as parts of the 
larger district. The Magars of India had an organization of twelve 

TheBrehon joint family, the Hebrew twelve tribes, the joint Hindu 
family, the Zadruga house-community, of the Southern Sclava, the 
Keltic fine, the rekh, ing, and many other of the primitive units that 
held a domain and property in common, and the land itself as 

1 Morgan, p. 165. 2 Stanley, How I Found Livingstone, p. 198. 

3 Latham, Descriptive Ethnology, vol. i. p. 475. 

66 The Natural Genesis. 

"perpetual marf were all forms or the Turn, which permutes with 
Tun, and did not descend from the common ancestor, the patriarch of 
the Tent, because they existed when the mate ancestry was too 
common to be individually identified. 

Nor was it the ancestor as male that was eponymous, but the 
totem, the type of the Tem, hence the true ancenstor so frequently 
claimed in the totemic animal, and the confusion of the symbol with 
the thing signified. When the Sumatrans speak of tigers as Nenek, 
or Ancestors, it is becase the tiger was a totemic animal. When 
the Dyaks of Borneo caught the alligator or crocodile they saluted it 
as their grandfather, i 

The Yakuts of Siberia address the bear as their "beloved uncle." 
This title reflects the pre-paternal phase, as the uncle was acknow- 
leged before the father was known, because he was the brother of 
the mother. 

The animal is but a symbol, the Sept, or tribe, is the fact signified. 
This view is corroborated by the Australian "Kobang," which is not 
primary when applied to the type, but to the thing signified, that is 
to the family, or Ank, — for the Ank, Egyptian Ankh, Chinese Heang, 
applied to the people of a district, is very general as a type-name. 
Mungo Park gives a clan-name of the Mandengas of North Africa, 
which they bear in addition to the personal name as that of the 
Kont-ong. The Japanese Kob-ong, answering to the Australian 
Kobang, is a superstitious life-tie between two persons. This was 
once the tie of the Ankh or Turn. And such ties were supposed to 
exist between the brethren of the Ankh and their namesake of the 
Totem, which might be the leopard, (In/co in Kisama; Yingue, Songo, 
Onnchu Irish, or Hanchi, the lynx in Cornish), or any other ideographic 

The Britjsh were known to Tacitus as the Ing-gua the men of the, the dwellers in a certain district, who preceded the people of 
Engla-land. The Ing is an enclosure. The Hank is a body of 
people confederated. Enec in Irish means the protection of the Clan 
or Ing. The Aonac (Gaelic) is an assembly; those who dwell 

Ank in Sanskrit is to mark, stamp, or brand. Ang in West 
Australian signifies belonging to. The Maori Ngt is a mark applied 
to the division of land also called a Tio, equivalent to the Algonkin 
Do, or mark of the Daim. Ngatahi signifies "together." The 
Narrinyeri of South Australia have a totem for each tribe or family, 
called the "Ngaitye." This Ngaitye has also passed into individualized 
heraldry, and is regarded as the man's tutelary genius. 3 

1 St. John, Far East, vol. ii. p. 253. 

2 Captain Burton tells me the brotherhood {ntwa) of the totems is uniformly 
recognized, on the Gold Coast by means of zoological symbols that denote 
consanguinous descent. 

3 Morgan, Anct. Society, p. 375. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 67 

The totemic type, whethe as leopard, alligator, serpent, bull, dog, 
or others, stood for the general ancestor of the Tern and Ankh long 
before the individual fatherhood was known. Hence the style of 
"grandfather," or old one, conferred on the crocodile, and "uncle" on 
the bear. 

"The say, moreover, that all the animals of each species have an 
elder brother, who is as it were the principal and origin of all the 
individuals, and this elder brother is marvellously great and powerful. 
The elder brother of the beavers, they told me, is perhaps as large as our 
cabin." ^ Here the big elder brother was the human archetype. 

Totemic signs served for various purposes of social intercourse. 
The Magar tribes of India are divided into totemic sections, and the 
law is that no two members of the same section may intermarry. 
These sections are the "Thums.'" 

With the Trimsheen Indians of British Columbia who are temmed, 
divided into totems, and have their "Crests" of the whale, tortoise, 
frog, eagle, wolf, and other types, the relationship of the "Crest" is 
nearer and dearer than that of blood or any other tie which we may 
consider near; and it dominates that of the tribe. Members of the 
tribe may intermarry, but not the bearers of the same crest. 

Those of the same totem are not aHowed to marry under any 
circumstances; that is, a whale must not marry a whale, nor a frog 
unite with a frog. 2 So is it with the Tmneh Indians, and if a man 
should defy the law and marry a woman of the same totem he is 
laughed at and ridiculed as the man who has married his sister, even 
though she may not have the slightest connection by blood, and has 
come from a totally different tribe. So is it still with the Somali 
of East Africa. 3 

The Munnieporees and other tribes round Munniepore are each 
and all divided into four families, the Koomrul, Looang, Ankom, and 
Ningthaja. A member of any of these families may marry a 
member of any other, but the intermarriage of the members of the 
same family is strictly prohibited. ^ 

The totemic name still implied an original totemic relationship. 
And this continued dominant after men were known hy the individual 
surname. The Ostiaks held it to be a crime to marry a woman of 
the same surname;^ that likewise implied, as it had carried on, the 
totemic name still known with us by the heraldic type. In China 
marriage between those of the same surname is unlawful, and this 
rule includes all descendants of the male branch far ever.6 

The first formation of society recognizable is the division into 
two totems. 

1 La Jeune in Rel. des Jes. dans la Nouvelle France, 1634, p. 13. 

2 Hardisty, "Notes on the Tinneh," Smithsonian Report, 1866, p. 315; Metlah 
Katlak, p. 6, published by the Church Missionary Society. 

3 Burton. '^ Account of the Valley of Munniepore, pp. 49 and 69. 
^ Pallas, vol. iv. p. 69. ^ Davis, The Chinese, vol. i. p. 282. 

68 The Natural Genesis. 

The Aborigines on the river Darling, New South Wales, are still 
divided into the two castes or totems of the earliest separation, 
which are rigidly preserved, and the children still follow the rank of 
the mother. 1 This is the oddest social formation on earth, the very 
bifurcation of the promiscuous herd. 

Among the North American Indians the Chocta gentes were united 
in two phratries, and the first phratry was called the divided people. 
The second was the "beloved people. "2 These two brotherhoods 
were subdivided into eight totemic tribes, for breeding purposes. 
Here we meet by name with those who were distinguished as the 
"divided ones." Nor is this an uncommon type of name. The 
"beloved," apparently, indicates the sexual purpose of the earliest 

A tradition of the Senecas affirms that the bear and the deer were 
the original two totems, of which the eight (gentes), bear, wolf, 
beaver, turtle, and deer, snipe, heron, and hawk, composing the two 
brotherhoods of the Seneca-Iroquois, were subdivisions. 

The Kamilaroi were organised in two primary totems, which are 
subdivided into eight groups, from the most archaic form of society 
hitherto known. These two, male and female, are — 


3. Mata. 

4. Kapota. 

All the Ippais of whatever gens are brothers to each other and are 
theoretically descended from oncecommon female ancestor. The 
Kumbos, Murris, and Kubbis are the same respectively, for the same 

Male. Female. Male. Female. 




I. Ippai. 

I. Ippata. 

3. Muni. 

2. Kumbo. 

2. Buta. 

4. Kubbi 

1. Ippai can marry Kapota 4. 

2. Kumbo ,, Mafa 3. 

3. Muni can marry Buta 2. 

4. Kubbi ,, Ippota i. 

If any Kubbi meets an Ippata he can treat her as his goleer or 
spouse. And so of the others according to the name. 

Male Female. Male. Female. 

Ippai marries Kapota. Their children are Muni, Mata. 

Kumbo ,, Mata. „ ,, Kubbi, Kapota. 

Muni ,, Buta. ,, ,, Ippai, Ippata. 

Kubbi ,, Ippata ,, ,, Kumbo, Buta. 

"Ippain begets "Murri" and "Murri" in turn begets "Ippai;" in 
like manner "Kapota" begets "Mata," and "Mata" in turn begets 
"Kapota," so that the grand-children of "Ippai" and "Kapota" are 
themselves "Ippais" and "Kapotas," as well as collateral brothers 
and sisters, and as such are born husbands and wives. ^ 

The Two Totems are those of the Iguana, and the Emu, both 
feminine symbols. "Iguana-Mata" must marry "Kumbo;" her 

1 Bonney, F., British Association Meeting, 1882. 

2 Morgan, Ancient Society. ^ Morgan, p. 435, note. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 69 

children are "Kubbi" and "Kapota," and necessarily Iguana in 
Gens, because descent is in the female line. 

In like manner. "Emu-Buta" must marry "Murri;" — her children 
are "Ippai" and "Ippata," and of the Emu gens. "Emu-lppata" 
must marry "Kubbi;" her children are "Kumbo"and "Buta," and 
also of the Emu gens. 

By following out these descents it will be seen that in the female 
line Kapota is the mother of Mata, and Mata, in turn, the Mother of 
Kapota. Ippata is the mother of Buta, and Buta the mother of 
Ippata; and thus return is for ever made to the dual feminine 
ancestry! The Tem is maintained by keeping in its membership the 
children of all its female members, and each Tem is made up 
theoretically of the descendants of the "two women" of the most 
primitive sociology; the two sisters or mythology who were two 
forms of the Mother, whose children were first divided and dis- 
tinguished from those that lived in the state of primal promiscuity. 
This is shown by the two feminine types of the two Totems, the 
Emu (bird) and Iguana (reptile). The bird is the type of the woman 
above, the mother heaven; the reptile of the woman below, the 
bringer- forth from the abyss; as the crocodile (Typhon) or dragon 
(Tiamat) of the waters. This elaborate-looking divice is but the 
result of the uttermost simplicity, working within the narrowest limits. 1 

The first division and the cause of it can be ascertained. The 
Kamalaroi eight tribes of the original Two Totems declared that they 
all descend from "two women." Now, the mother was the first 
individual recognised, and mythology says the next was the sister. 
The two sisters of our sociology were the two female ancestors of the 

The earliest tie perceived was uterine; the next was that of the 
blood relationship; and the two sisters of one blood were the 
primary cause of dividing the offspring into the two first Totemic 
castes. Hence the descent from the two women, whose signs of the 
Iguana and Emu distinguished the earliest Separate groups. The 
two women were the mother and her sister, and the two castes were 
cousins, who at first might intermarry. 

The Totemic Heroes of the Caribs, in the West Indian Islands, 
were seen by them in the figures of the constellations! The clan, 
gens, or Tem being represented by the star-group, we see the later 
link of connection between the individual soul and the star. The 
star and soul are identical as Seb (Eg.); this identity is common 
with various races, and as the star and soul have the same name, this 
may account for the notion with which the Fijians are credited, that 
shooting- stars are souls of the departed. Each starry family was 
composed of individual stars. 

1 The two primary divisions and the later eight are also extant on the Gold 

70 The Natural Genesis. 

The Hottentots, in blessing or cursing, will say. May good or evil 
fortune fall on you from the star of my grandfather!^ This was a 
totemic type, however, before it signified a translated soul. 

The Twelve Signs of the Zodiac are totemic with the Chinese. 
These are 

Shu Rat Aries. 

Niu Ox Taurus. 

Hu Tiger Gemini. 

Tu Hare Cancer. 

Lung Dragon .... Leo. 

She Serpent .... Virgo. 

Ma Horse 

Yang Sheep . 

Heu Monkey 

Ki Cock. . 

Kiven .... Dog . . 
Chu Boar . . 







The twelve signs are likewise represented by or in connection with 
the Chinese horary of twelve hours. 

Each of the animals is still recognised as a totem, and they are all 
believed to exert a great influence on the lives of persons, according 
to the hour and its special sign under which they were born. 

Star- totems were in use among the ancient Peruvians. Acosta 
describes the people as venerating the celestial archetypes of 
certain animals and birds found on earth. It appeared to him that 
the people were drawing towards the dogmas of the Platonic ideas. 2 
Speaking of these star-deities he says, the shepherds looked up to 
a certain constellation called the Sheep, and the star called the Tiger 
protected them from tigers. His theory is that they believed there 
was an archetype in heaven of every likeness found on the earth 
in the animal shape. This was the Platonisation of the starry hiero- 
glyphics, the archetypes of which were found on earth, and the types 
that had been configurated in the heavens for totemic signs; these 
being reflected back again in the minds of men; and this platonisation 
of mythology is the ground-rootage of Plato's system of celestial 
archetypes carried out in the region of more abstract thought. It 
is but a step from the celestial to the spirit world. The origines, 
however, are visible and physical, although the earlier type is 
employed to convey a later signficance. We have to take the 
prior step from the natural animal to the celestial, and also to read 
the thoughts and things of earth at times by means of the imagery 
Stelled in the heavens. 

The chief totemic signs of the: North American Indians are to be 
found in the heavens, ranging from the Great Bear to the Stone of 
the Oneidas (the Stone or Tser Rock in Egyptian), but the Indians 
did not figure them there as constellations. These are the eternal 
witnesses above to the Kamite origin of mythological typology. 

It has already been suggested that the first mapping out 
of localities was celestial before the chart was geographically 
applied, and that an common naming on earth came from one 
common naming of the heavens, commencing with the Great Bear 
and Dog. The mapping out of Egyptian localities, according to the 
1 Tsuni-Goam, p. 85. 2 Tylor, Prim. Culture, voL ii. p. 232. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 71 

celestial Nomes and scenery, is described in the inscription of Khnum- 
hept, who is said to have "established the landmark of the south, and 
sculptured the northern — like the heaven. He stretched the Great River 
on its back. He made the district in to parts, setting up their 
landmarks like the heaven."^ 

It is said that "Thebes is a Heaven upon earth. It is the august 
staircase of the beginning oftime.'"^ Thebes is Teb or Apt, the birth- 
place, and the mother of birth, first personified in the abyss; next 
in the heaven of the Great Bear, and lastly as Apta in the Solar 

The twelve signs of the zodiac were the twelve Totems of the 
Hebrew Tems. The system was full-blown under another type in 
the Kabbalistic Tree of the world, with its seventy- two branches 
corresponding to the seventy-two duo-decans of the zodiac. 

The tree of seventy-two branches, as the figure of the seventy-two 
duo-decans, is of Egyptian origin. 

They use the ape (Aan), says Hor-Apollo,3 "to symbolize the 
world, because they hold that there are seventy- two primitive 
countries of the world." This world was in the heavens, where the 
station of the ape was at the equinox, the point of completion. 
The stars were totemic with the ancient Arab tribes. Jupiter was 
the star of the Jodam and Lakhm tribes; Mercury of the Asad 
tribe; Sirius of the Kais tribe; Canopus of the Tay tribe. Others 
recognised constellations as totemic types. From these we come at 
last to the ruling planet and the individual's guiding star. These 
things did not begin with any vague general worship of the heavenly 
host. The God of Sabaoth is the deity of the Seven Stars, not of 
Argelander's map of millons, or the diamondiferous dark. Those 
stars were observed and honoured by which time could be reckoned, 
and position in space determined. The constellations were figured 
for use, the types were made totemic, and became fetishtic; but, the 
non-evolutionist who looks on fetishism as a primeval religion 
degraded to idolatry, might just as well look on the black race as a 
very discoloured or dirty kind of white. He has to be forced back- 
ward step by step with face set all the while the clean contrary way. 
Fetishism began with typology, and both mythology and religion were 
the outcome, not the origin. 

A very comprehensive designation for the divinities of all kinds, 
says Gill, 4 is the "te anau tuarangi," the heavenly family. 
This "celestial race includes rats, lizards, beetles, sharks, and several 
kinds of birds. The supposition was that the heavenly family had 
taken up their abode in the birds and the fishes." All such supposition 
is gratuitous and European. The Mangaian mind was still in the 
symbolic stage, and these animals were all types. The animals 

1 Records of the Past, xii. 68. ^ Inscription of Queen Hatasau, Rec. xii. 133. 

3 i. 14. 4 Myths and Songs, pp. 34-35. 

72 The Natural Genesis. 

are still named in heaven, and the stars are hieroglyphically grouped 
for us as for them. The writer explains that he takes these things 
"apart from mythology and symbolism.'" But they cannot be taken 
apart; they had no other origin; and have no other meaning. What 
they once signified in Africa was their meaning in Polynesia, however 
dim in the native memory. 

The Mound-Builders of America, particularly in Wisconsin, shaped 
the outlines of their inclosures in the forms of animals, birds, and 
serpents, which appeared on the surface of the country as huge 
hieroglyphics raised in enormous relief. One serpent figure has 
been traced a thousand feet in length; this was in Adams County, 
Ohio. These in all likelihood were delineated as the Totems of the 
buried dead; each Daim having its own mound, where the chief or 
the principal male and female were interred, with the common people 

The Acagemans of Calfornia worship the God Touch, or Tacu, 
who appears at times in a variety of animal forms. He is said to 
send to every child that enters its seventh year some animal to be its 
protector or guardian. In order that the child might ascertain 
what animal shape the protecting spirit wore, the diviners took 
narcotic drinks, or the child fasted and watched in the Vanquech, 
a sacred inclosure, beside the image of the god, looking at the 
figure of some animal drawn on the ground by one of the Mages, 
until mesmerised. Then the animal seen in vision was adopted as 
his type or fetish figure. This was branded on his arm, and it was 
intended to give him a surer touch on the bowstring, i 

Totemic types were not adopted without reason. The earliest 
two of the Kamilaroi, the Iguana and Emu, show the two powers of 
the Water and Air; the first two elements, like the dragon and 
bird, the serpent and bird, or the feathered serpent elsewhere. 
These manifested powers superior to the human in relation to the two 

Gesture-language and names show that as the man was first 
distinguished by his pubescent attributes, so there were totemic 
types derived from ankh, the ear; ankh, the eye; ankh, the nose; 
ankh, the mouth, the hair, the beard, the tooth; and that these 
were represented by the animals, birds, 85c, as the ear of the jackal, 

1 At the Congress of "Americanists" held at Madrid in September, 1881, a 
Mexican savant professed ot have discovered the clay bust of a god Cay or Tsoa 
(unless these denote two different deities) amongst other antiquities which he had 
exhumed at Uxmal in Central America. Near the image of the Mexican deity 
was an altar upon which there is a hand of iron. Was this a form of the god 
Touch? Touch is an Egyptian divinity named Ka or Sa. With the prefix this is 
Teka (Eg.) to touch, attach, join together. This Egyptian Ka (still later Sa) is the 
deity of emblematic types; the Ka image being the spiritual likeness in the future 
life; the double of one's self in this. These type include the mummy image, the 
Karast, the tie-type of reproduction, and many other forms of the amulet and 
protective charm, the Ka, Sa, Tesa, or Fetigo. Ka, Sa or Touch, was the god of 
fetish images in Egypt, as was the god Touch in America. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 73 

or dog; the eye of the hawk; the nose of the vulture; the claw or 
nail of the lion; the horn of the rhinoceros, and tooth of the bear; 
because they offered types of superior powers. Such types are preserved 
in mythology. The hawk of Horus represents Sight; the sow and 
hippopotamus, the mouth of the Genitrix Rerit; the ear of the 
jackal, Sut-Anup; the nose of the kaf-ape, the God of Breath; the 
tooth of Hu, the Adult. 

The Kamite typology can also be traced into the domain of 
primitive practices which are symbolical, to be read by the hiero- 
glyphics. Some of these strange customs and consequent super- 
stitions originated in zoological typology, and the acting of a 
primitive drama according to the animal or totemic characters. 
Specimens of them were extant to a late period in British plays 
and pastimes, and survive at present in the "pantomime." 

In the Kanuri language of Bornu (Africa) , the name of the hyena is 
Bultu, and from this is formed the verb bultungin, which sigmifies 
"I transform myself into a hyena." There is a town named Kabultiloa, 
the inhabitants of which are said to possess this faculty of transfor- 
mation. 1 These doubtless originated in the hyena Totem, and the 
donning of the hyena skin in their religious masquerade. The hyena 
is one of the transformers or phoenixes (the Benn) in the Ritual. 2 

Hor-Apollo3 says when the Egyptians would symbolise one that 
is unsettled, and that does not remain in the same state, but is some- 
times strong, and at other times weak, they depict an hyena, for this 
creature is at times male, and at times female. This belief is still 
held by the Arabs. It originates in the shedding and transforming 
phase being considered feminine. 

It was the practice at certain ceremonies, as we know from 
various sources, for the totemic people to masquerade in character, 
and appear as the typical beasts of the Totem, transformed into the 
earliest images of the gods or prototypes. Among the North 
American Indians, the Buffalos wore horns, and danced as buffalos.^ 

The natives of Vancouver's Island had a religious ceremony in 
which the performers stripped themselves naked and plunged into 
the water, no matter how cold the night, and crawled out again, 
dragging their bodies along the sand like seals, then they went into 
the house and crawled around the fire, and at last they transformed 
and sprang up to join in the "seal-dance."^ They represented the 
seals, as the Mangaians did the crabs: in character when they 
danced the crab- dance. 

This transformation, and the meaning of their names, may be con- 
sidered to constitute two factors of the belief in the magical powers 
possessed by the Munda of India for changing their shape into wild 
beasts at will. In these customs the symbolism is acted and becomes 

1 Koelle, Afr. Lit. and Kanuri Vocab. p. 275. 2 ch. xxiv. ^ q [[_ 6g_ 

4 Carlin, vol. ii. p. 128. ^ Sproat, p. 66. ^ q^h^ p_ j^g^ 

74 The Natural Genesis. 

a drama of typology, scattered fragments of which are now found in 
the form of inexplicable superstitions and beliefs. 

In writing of the Guatematlecs, old Gage delivered himself on this 
matter thus: — "Many are deluded by the devil to believe that their 
life dependeth upon the life of such and such a beast (which they 
take unto them as their familiar spirit), and think that when that 
beast dieth they must die; when he is chased their hearts pant; 
when he is faint they are faint; nay, it happeneth that by the devil's 
delusion they appear in the shape of that beast." 

Plutarch refers to the idea "that the gods, being afraid of Typhon, 
did, as it were, hide themselves in the bodies of ibises, dogs, and 
hawks," and repudiates it as "a foolery beyond belief. This, however, 
is a matter of interpretation. 

We know that such representations were part of the drama of the 
Mysteries. Many descriptions might be quoted to show that in their 
religious ceremonies the actors performed their masquerade in the 
guise of animals. 

Diodorus has it that the gods were at one time hard pressed by 
the giants, and compelled to conceal themselves for a while under 
the form of animals, which in consequence became sacred. In this 
version the giants displace Typhon, the gigantic Apophis, or dragon 
of the dark, as the representatives of dissolution and chaos. 

The gods taking the shape of animals to oppose the Typhonian 
powers means the typification of the time-keepers and celestial intelli- 
gencers, as the hippopotamus, dog, ape, ibis, hawk, crocodile, lion, 
ram, and others by the aid of which the time-cycles were made out 
and order was established (or the world was formed); but for which, 
chaos, Typhonian discord, dissolution, and destruction would have 
prevailed for ever. The lunar goddess assumed the form of the cat 
as a watcher by night. Horus escapes through the nets of Typhon 
as a fish, or soars heavenwards as a hawk. The sun-god is seen 
taking the shapes of animals that represent time (Seb), and thus 
comes between men and chaos, or timelessness. Ra passed through 
the signs, and this in the language of symbol was designated his 
transformation into the shape of the signs. 

It is not more than three or four centuries since, in England, the 
Zodiac was called the "bestiary." The sun then passed through the 
bestiary, as he did in Egypt. In the Pool of Persea he made his 
transformation into the cat; in the height or his power he transformed 
into the lion; at one equinox in to the hawk, and at the other into the 
phoenix, the emblem of rising again from the Hades. In the Ritual 
the deceased who transforms into the various animals, fishes, or birds, 
emphatically states that he himself is the respective intermediate 
type which he adopts in the process of being assimilated to the 
highest. He flies as a hawk, crawls as a serpent, cackles as a goose,^ 

1 Ch. 17. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 75 

He says, "/ establish myself for ever in my transformation that I 
choose,"^ just as we say the sun passes through the signs; only their 
metaphors identified and did not compare the person, with the type. 

Herodotus was told that the Neurian wizards amongst the Scythians, 
settled about the Black Sea, became, each of them, a wolf for a few 
days once a year.^ The Texan tribe of the Tonkaways did the same 
when, clothed in wolf-skins, they celebrated the resurrection of the 
wolf from the Hades. The head of a wolf was wom in the mysteries 
of Isis, because the wolf (Anup) was her warder and guardian during 
her search after Osiris in the underworld. The wolf, jackal, or dog, was 
the guide of the sun and of the souls of the dead. The station of 
the wolf in the Egyptian planisphere is at the place of the vernal 
equinox, a point of commencement where we find the double holy 
house of Anup. 3 The candidate as the Loveteau of French Masonry 
still enters as a youug wolf: also the "wolf that was the guide of 
the Great Mother and of the sun is still made use of as the "" guide" 
(called the wolf) in tuning the piano! 

The transformation into the wolf or other animal, was no doubt con- 
nected at times with abnormal trance-conditions which are now better, 
but by no means sufficiently understood. In the Shetland Isles, the 
transformers are known as the Finns. These are sometimes human 
beings, and at other times seals. By means of a "skin" the 
men and women are able to turn themselves into seals, like the natives 
of Vancouver's Island, and if the sealskin be stolen from one of the seals 
when it has transformed into the human figure, it is compelled to retain 
that shape. It was exactly the case with the swan- maidens, who, 
when deprived of their skin of feathers, could not re-transform until 
they had re-clothed themselves in the stolen skin. 

In the far north it was the seal that supplied the typical skin which 
was furnished by the lion, leopard, bear, wolf, cat, hyena, or cow in 
other regions. The: seal must have been a totemic sign of those who 
boasted of their descent from the Finn women. It is noticeable that 
Ven is a Cornish name for woman. Also the Phynnodderee is a 
Manx spirit, said to have been an outlawed fairy, whose name signifies 
the "hairy one;" and in the mysteries of puberty the initiate was 
transformed into the hairy one, and became a Finn, or Phynnodderee, 
so to speak, at that period of his life, as a member of the Totemic 

That the Finn represents the Benn (Eg.), or transformer, may be 
seen by the stories of transformation. When one is caught in a net, 
or on the line of the fishers, it begins to change and swell and swell 
until its bulk threatens to sink the boat; or it will cut a chip off the 
vessel and turn that into a boat. 

The hieroglyphics show various types of transformation under this 
name, such as Benn, the snake; Benn, the palm, or phoenix- tree; 

1 Ch. 72. 2 B_ iv. 105. 3 j{ Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. PL i. 

76 The Natural Genesis. 

Benn, the ape; Benn, the phcenix-bird; Benn, the hyena. We also 
have several kindred types in the Bunnan (Irish), a crane, heron, or 
bittern; the Finenn (Gael), a buzzard; the Faing (Irish), a raven; 
the Feannog, a royston crow; the Shetland Vanega, a mythical cat; 
and in the Fainche (Irish), or the fox, we have the phoenix, or Fenekh, 
the fox-dog type of Sut. 

The Danes are said to know the man, who is a Were-wolf or 
transformer, by his eyebrows meeting, and thus resembling a 
butterfly; a type of the soul. The beetle, however, is the better 
type, and we describe such a person as beetle-browed. The flying 
beetle is a chafer, Egyptian Khepr, and both meet in the Welsh 
Cyfaeliawg for beetle-browed. The beetle being a special emblem 
of the trnnsformer (as the god Khepr), is thus extant as the same 
type in the beetle-brows, and Cyfl is identical by name with Khepr. 

The Mexicans assigned twenty symbols, some of them animals, to 
the different parts of the human body as types of the ruling powers. 
In the Ritual (Eg.), in which the body of the deceased is reconstructed, 
he is put together again and there is not a limb of him without 
a god.i Being attached to the person of the god or assimilated to him 
is literally being joined to him limb by limb or piecemeal. And these 
types represented the parts assumed bit by bit by the deceased, 
in order that he might effect his total transformation. Nineteen 
divinities constitute the types or ruling powers in place of the twenty 
Mexican. ""The hair is in the shape of that of Nu," Nu being the 
flowing, as water; and, in Mexican, water is the symbol of the hair. 
So in the Indian hieroglyphic signs rain was depicted by a dot or 
semicircle filled with water and placed on the head. The typology 
is all one. 

In Egypt the various types had attained the status of divinities. 
Nu or Nu-pe, the celestial water bears the jar or vase on her head 
as the lady of heaven; and in the Peruvian mythology the lady of 
heaven pours out the water of heaven from the cross-shaped vase. 

The deceas:ed was transformed into these types of gods, birds, 
animals, as a mode of preservation during the passage of the Hades, 
where dwelt the destroyer and obliterator of forms. His chances 
or means of getting through the thicket of opposing enemies were 
represented by these types. He clothed himself with them as super- 
human powers. He could make his way through the earth as a 
tortoise; through the mire as an eel; through the water as a croco- 
dile; see in the dark as a cat; soar through the air and the fire of the 
sun as a hawk. The early men had no other means of expressing 
their thought! 

This typology explains its deposits as in the belief of the Pimos 
and Maricopas that in a future state the several parts of the body 
will be changed into separate animals; the head into an owl; the 

1 Ch. xlii. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 77 

feet into a wolf, just as it is in the Mexican and Egyptiao apportion- 
ment of the parts to the presiding types, or prototypes. 1 The 
Moquis identify the types they will be turned into with the original 
animals from which they came. Others recognize in the animals the 
representative figures of their gods, because the gods were these 
prototypes of power. 

The New Zealanders apportion out the body in the same manner 
to the evil deities or powers which inflict pains, ailments and 
diseases on mortals. 2 This shows the earlier stage of the idea, when 
the actual physical pains were the powers represented as a sort of 
ghosts or demons. It was simply a mode of expression. 

The system of thought and manner of representation are one 
wherever found, and had their first origin in expressing ideas by 
means of external things; the animals, fishes, and birds being 
the ideographs in living forms; and the art of representing 
personifying, and imitating these, remained amongst the earliest 
races, even as it existed before the art of drawing figures had been 
discovered; and this form and mode of pourtrayal was continued 
by the Christians. It survived in the mysteries and has descended 
to us in the Christmas pantomime — the supreme feature of which is 
still the scene and act of transformation from the animal shapes into 
the human or divine. 

In the primitive masquerade the performers clothed themselves as 
animals, so in various other practices they acted like them, and thus 
preserved the earliest natural customs in the later symbolical phase, 
which was continued after the link in the chain of descent had been 

The Maori custom of Hongi, and the Malay Chium, is a mode of 
saluting by rubbing or touching noses and smelling, breathing, and 
sniffing each other; a practice known also to the Fijians, Eskimos, 
Laps, Africans, Chinese, and other races. In Zulu Kaffir Nuka-nuka 
is to discover by the sense of smell. In Maori the word Hongi means 
to smell, sniff, salute, by touching noses. We have now the means 
of reading this ideographic custom. The nose is an organ of the 
breath, which is the Ankh (Eg.) or life. Ankh as a word is equivalent 
to "Live," an expression which is used by some races when one 
sneezes, as a formula for sneezing. 

The inner African "Nge" is a type-word of the whole world of 
language. Ma-hungoa in Basa; Me Nueg in Anan means "1 breathe." 
Nga in Maori signifies to breathe; Wakanga to make or take breath. 
Ang in the Yarra (Aust.) dialect denotes breathing. In Egyptian 
"Ankh" means life, living, and certain organs of life. 

Ankh-uta-snab was the salutation to the Ra; it was their "Long 

1 Bartlett's Personal Narrative, vol. ii. p. 222. 

2 Shortland's Traditions, pp. 97-125. 

78 The Natural Genesis. 

live the King." It means "Health and long life to your More 
briefly, Ankh is "life," of which breathing or sniffing was the sign, 
the Hongi. 

The word Nge, which is breath or life in Maori; Ponga-ponga being 
the nostrils, is used by the Zulus to express a wish or desire, whilst 
Nuki in Barba (African), and Nkowu in Pati, signify "1 love thee," 
anka in Xosa Kaffir denotes kissing. Breathing, smelling, and coupling 
were the earlier modes of demonstrating affection and desire. 

The evocation expressed by wishing "life" is enacted in the touch 
of noses. This is a most primitive gesture-sign that would serve 
several purposes before speech had been formulated. It goes back 
to an animal mode of saluting by smelling. The primitive man was 
led by the nose. The first appeal made by external nature is to the 
sense of smell. It has been demonstrated that if the olfactory nerves 
of a puppy are destroyed it will not learn to suck, and that the action 
of sucking is excited through the sense of smell, i 

" Think' st thou to breath me upon trust?'' asks the woman in 
He3rwood's play. 2 To breath or breathe was also synonymous with 
to smell under one word, connected with more than one organ, and 
here it signifies futuere. 

The Maoris, Australians, Papuans, Esquimaux, and others, would 
seem to have gone out from the African birth-place before kissing 
was discovered and adopted as a natural language of affection, for 
some African races, the Somali, fpr example, do not kiss. 

Doubtless, the custom of smelling and inhaling was the far older 
mode of manifesting desire. This kind of salutation had been con- 
tinued from the animal condition into a recognized form of cere- 
monial. Such customs would survive as automatic actions when and 
where the symbolic meaning was forgotten; that is the final form of 
their continuity. But they were natural at first, and became typical 
by consensus in the secondary phase as current coin of intercourse. 

In this secondary or symbolical stage to touch noses and breathe 
was tantamount to expressing a wish for long life or a declaration of 
love. Whilst by taking a prolonged sniff they were complimenting 
each other as if they had said, "You are my life; you are the breath of 
life to me.'" To breathe, sniff, or smell any one in salutation signifies 
symbolically "I breathe new life from you," or "Your presence renews 
my life"; "you are as the breath of life to me." 

There is a comment on the in- breathing of life from one another 
by this mode of salutation in the 91st chapter of the Ritual, which 
is entitled, "The Chapter of not Allowing a Person's Soul to be Sniffed 
out of Him in Hades." 

The Chittagong Hill people have a form of invitation — "Smell me" 

1 Darwin, Expression of the Emotions, ch. i. The present writer, however, would 
rather not have known the fact that the dog should have been vivisected to prove it. 

2 Royal King, 1657. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 79 

— answering to our "Give me a kiss," and they place the mouth and 
nose upon the cheek to inhale the breath strongly. 1 This is breath- 
ing rather than merely smelling, so that "Breathe me" is really the 
true rendering. 

Timkowski describes a Mongol father who from time to time kept 
smelling the head of his youngest son, a mark of paternal tenderness, 
he says, among the Mongols, instead of embracing. This reminds us 
of Isaac smelling his son in salutation and saying, "It is the smell of a 
field which the Lord hath blessed." 

The custom was still kept up by the conservatives of Egypt for us 
to find it in the Book of Genesis. It cannot be directly shown from 
the monuments that taking a good hearty sniff of each other was an 
Egyptian mode of salutation. When they come into sight they had 
probably attained the custom or art of kissing, though the smelling 
of the lotus as a means of indicating and giving delight is universal. 
Also the name of the nostrils, sherau, is derived from sher, meaning to 
breathe with joy. 

In the hieroglyphics, sen is breath and to breathe. It is associated 
with smell by means of the nose determinative. The nose, send, is 
the double breather. Sent is the English scent; sen is the French 
sentir, to scent. "Sen-sen" has the signification of to fraternize, in 
brotherly (and sisterly) union, and it is an equivalent for "breathe- 
breathe" and for the transmigration of spirits as breaths. Also sen, 
to breathe, denotes the act of profoundest respect, compliment, and 
homage, which, in the ceremony of Senta, is paid by breathing the earth; 
bowing down and breathing the ground by inferior persons having 
taken the place of sniffing the person among equals; prostration 
on the earth adding profoundness to the homage of inferiors. 

Mr. Spencer finds the origin or ceremonial obeisance in the in- 
trinsically coercive character of militant rule, and he deduces polite- 
ness from the prostration of slavery and inferior station. Here, 
however, the genesis of the act of smelling from animal desire (the 
smell of blood, 85c.), the primal phase, and, next, out of compliment 
to the person, is nearer to nature. It belongs to the language of 
lust, later affection, in the lowliest range or expression, at the 
meeting-point of man and the less specialised animals. 

The custom was then applied to sniffing the ground as an obeisance 
of later law and ceremonial, after men had made their own masters and 
elevated their human (or inhuman) lion, panther, snake, thunderbolt, 
Moon-God or Sun-God to wield supreme power over them, as chief of the 
tribe or people. For example, when Jacob bowed himself to the ground 
seven times in presence of his brother, the number has a recognised 
significance to be sought for in the astronomical symbolism. 

The Chinese at the present time make eight obeisances, increasing 
in humbleness, the eighth being the highest in number and the lowliest 

1 Lewin. 

8o The Natural Genesis. 

in posture, due only to the emperor and to Heaven. This number 
answers to the Egyptian eight adorations to the eight great gods. The 
Chinese eight, being represented by Heaven and the emperor, probably 
personate the genitrix of the seven stars and the son, whose name 
was Sevekh or Seven; also the seven primary and elementary 
powers, which were born of her. In Bootan the form of obeisance 
rigidly observed demands that all who are permitted to approach the 
Raja, must make nine prostrations in his presence. 

The number nine, sacred to the Raja (Egyptian Ra), belongs to the 
nine solar months of gestation, and the sun in the nine dry signs of 
the twelve. These numbers are figures quoted at their known value 
in the system of symbols, and they are not to be read apart from the 
rootage of ceremonial customs in mythology, where they have even 
a chronological sequence, as well as diversity of religious significance, 
and contain dates in their data. 

In Fijian the salute by smelling and taking a good strong sniff is 
named regu. It is also applied to kissing, 85c. In Maorij, reka-reka 
is tickling and otherwise pleasantly provoking by means of contact. 
Roke in English is to scratch, also futuere. Lick is a form of the 
same root-meaning. Rak in Akkadian is to beget. These are all 
modes of knowing, and in Egyptian rekh is to know and denotes 
relationship. This knowledge, this relationship, was once limited to 
smelling, licking, and other animal modes of knowing. 

Smelling and breathing were primitive means of knowing, and the 
language of the animal was continued; and is traceable: in human 
language, as well as in human customs. 

Our words new and news; Breton, nevas; Latin, novus; Greek, 
veoq; Gothict ninjo; old Norse, nyr, Gaelic, nuadh, Sanskrit, nava, 
Arabic, Nafs; are all related to ne/(Eg.), for the breath, and to per- 
ception by means of smell. To nose is to smelt. The Danish and 
A. S. nys, to get news of a thing, is to get wind or scent of it. The 
Dutch neuselen, means to sniff after. The nose obtained the earliest 
news. In Egyptian, khnum is to smell with the nose for determinative. 
The same word means to choose and select with the nose. It is also 
the name for the nurse, tutor and educator; the nose being a primary 
teacher. Khnum is to ken by the nose, and the word modifies into 
num, to guide, direct; accompany, go together, in such an act as 
"numming" with noses, and other forms of kenning or knowing 
each other. 

The act of smelling passed into the domain of sacrifice, and survived 
in the mysteries where the branch and other emblems were smelled. 
The Divinity of Israel threatens not to continue to be led by the nose 
in this way any longer. "7 will not smell the savour of your sweet 
odours,"^ "I will not smell in your solemn assemblies," i.e. on the day 
of feasting. This divinity, like the Kamite (Gold Coast) Ananse, 

1 Levit. xxvi. 31. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 8i 

the spider-god, talks through his nose. It is the primitive god of the 
primitive man.i 

Charlevoix mentions a tribe of Indians on the Gulf of Mexico, who 
continued the custom of blowing or breathing into each other's ears, 2 
as a mode of salutation. This is but a variation of the same 
ceremony, having the same significance. 

The ear, and ears, are named ankh in Egyptian, and in Inner 

Ngoli is the ear in Mende. 
Nguli ,, Gbandi. 

Nogu ,, Kra. 

The ear is Inaka in Shoshoni. 

Inako in Wihinasht, 
Naksha in Mandan is ears. 
Naughta in Osage. 
Nicroca in Moxos. 
Nikobho in Mongoyos 
Ngureong in Lake Mac- 
quarie, Australia. 

The custom, like the hongi, denotes breathing and actually 
communicating life in place of wishing it. Analogous to this was the 
practice of the Egyptians, who placed a form of the ankh-sign in 
the ears of their dead. In the Ritual; the 13th chapter is "said over 
the drop of an earring of the ankham flower placed on the left ear of 
the spirit.'" That was the flower of life worn as an eardrop by the 
mummy. It was also an ancient custom in England to wear a rose 
in the ear. 

When the ear, or ankh (Eg.) was eaten by the female Ariki as a 
sacrifice, the Maori identified the offering with the heavenly Henga 
and cried, 

" Lift up his offering, 
To Henga a te Rangi; 
His offering; 

Eat, O invisible one, listen to me. 
Let that food bring you doujn from the sky."^ 

The food was a human ear, the type of hearing; and the sacrifice 

was a mode of prayer, with the ear for an ideographic determinative. "^ 

In like manner, motoi, in Maori, means to beg, to pray. And this 


. is the ear in Fashlaha. 


,, Bushman 

Engisk . . . 


Ngou . . . 

„ Landoro. 

t is a world-wide name for t 

The ear is 

Nakhu in Karen. 


Nachit in Garo. 

Nekho in Limbu. 

Inkon in Maram. 

Nak'h in Punjabi, &c. 

Unga in Armenian. 

Yang in Honduras. 

Nocas in Mexican. 

1 This mode of stating a Scriptural fact may be considered offensive by those 
who never consider the offensiveness of the fact itself. I repudiate the Voltairan 
mode of treatment; but it was not unwarranted. 

2 Vol. iii. p. 16. 

3 Taylor, New Zealand, p. 182. 

'* When the Egyptians would symbolize a man who hears with more than 
customary acuteness they pourtray a she-goat, for she respires (or hears) both 
through her nostrils and ears (Hor-ApoUo, B. ii. 68). Of course the sense of 
perception was one, the organs varied. 

82 The Natural Genesis. 

is also the name of an ear-ornamant made of green stone, which, 
placed in the ear, like the ankham flower, becomes a visible prayer, 
a gesture-sign addressed to the unseen power as the hearer. 

In the following illustration of the ankh-sign, the nose and ears 
have a remarkable meeting-point. If a cow during the night is 
heard to groan in her sleep, it is a custom with the Hottetots to 
catch her next mornings, and a piece of skin above her nose is 
cut so that it hangs down in the shape of an ear-ring or eardrops. If 
this be neglected the owner will die.i Therefore the eardrop shape 
is a symbol of life or the ankh (Eg) . 

The name and tribe-sign of the Arikara. Indians denotes them to 
be the wearers of "big earrings. "2 The name of the Orcgones or 
Orejones is derived from or-ejo, the ear, as the large-eared people, and 
the large-ear supplied a type-name to various American and Euro- 
pean tribes from the lobe of the ear being perforated and artificially 
enlarged in accordance with a most andent and world-wide custom; 
the size of the hole being a sign of the hero who had bravely borne 
the pain and suffering. 

The Incas had this type-name of the ear; and they only permitted 
the Aymaras to cultivate the large ear-lobe a long while after the 
conquest. The jackal, the fenekh and the ass were typhonian 
representatives of the hearer. 

In John's Gospel we read — "And when he had said this he breathed 
on them, and saith unto them, receive ye the Holy Spirit (ch. xx. 22). 
This was a survival of the breathing in the ear and the rubbing noses 
of an earlier time, and only in the primitive stage can the typology 
be fathomed. In this aspect the invitation "Come smell me," or 
Breathe me, signified, give me life, inspire me. It was the language 
of the female animal converted into verbal speech. The general 
object of these salutations is to wish or to give life and health, and in 
the custom of the people; of Carmana, mentioned by Athenasus, they 
used to offer life itself — the blood being the life — by "breathing" a 
vein and holding forth the red drops to drink. This was the exact 
equivalent of the Egyptian practice of offertllg the ankh, the emblem 
of life; the blood being an earlier reality. Ankh (Eg.) life, liquid 
of life is the name of blood in the Garo anchi. 

Hunga means medicine in the Omaha (Indian) language and in 
the African tongues. 

To be well, or healthy, is — 

Ngo in Kanuri. Inga in N'godsin. Nkindei in Nabu. 

Ngo in Munio. Ngo in Bagrimi. Aingete in N'kele. 

Nga in N'guru. Ngo-dodo in Tiwi. 

Lastly, the healer and lifegiver in many Kamite languages bears 
the type-name of life, living, to live, breathe; and of the organs of 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 87. 2 Mallery, Collection, p. 295. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 83 

breathing, the name being chiefly found in the duplicated form. The 
doctor is designated — 

in Isawu. 

Nganga in Kanyika. 

Nganga in 


,, Kum. 

Nganga ,, Mubaya. 

Ngana , , 


,, Kabenda. 

Nganga ,, Bumbete. 

Ngan , , 


,, Mimboma. 

Nganga ,, Nyombe. 

Nanga , , 


„ Musentanda. 

Nganga ,, Basunde. 

Ngan , , 


Anothet ceremonial custom known to be wide-spread is that of 
invoking a blessing when one sneezes. This is intimately related 
to the salutation by breathing and sniffing, and is founded on the 
same principle. Sneezing is a sign of life because connected with 
the breath. The first sign of life in the man. made by Prometheus 
was a sneeze, which connects the sneeze with the breath or life. The 
sneeze is a vigorous expulsion of the breath. 

Sneezing with the Zulus is a token that a sick person will be 
restored to health. The sneeze is typical of the good spirit being 
with him. If he cannot sneeze they judge the disease to be very bad 
indeed. The sneeze is a sign of health. "He hath sneezed thrice, turn 
him out of the hospital."^ 

Sneezing is not only a vigorous form of breathing, but it is in- 
voluntary; hence inspired or or an extraordinary origin. A hearty 
sneeze when ill and faint would imply a sudden accession of the 
breathing power, which was inwardly inspiring and outwardly expel- 
ling; the good spirit enters and the bad spirit departs, cast out by 
the sudden impulsion. The expulsion and repudiation implied in 
sneezing is yet glanced at in the saying that such a thing is "not to be 
sneezed at." 

A sneeze, say the Zulus, gives a man power to remember that the 
spirit is with him. The Tongo (i tongo) is a spirit like the Wong and 
others founded on the Ankh type of life. 

Sneezing, according to Hor-Apollo, was held to be the antithesis 
of the spleen. He says the Egyptians depict a dog to denote smell- 
ing and sneezing, because the thoroughly splenetic are unable to 
smell, or sneeze, or laugh; that is, be open, blithe, and frank-hearted. 
The dog, he avers, of all animals, has a very small spleen, and what 
spleen he has is the cause of his madness or rabies. 2 This is sup- 
ported by a statement in the "Litany of Ra,"3 "his spleen is in the 
God Fenti,'" i.e. the God of the Nostrils. This may serve to connect the 
sneeze with something to be got rid of and breath as the means. 

The foundation for such customs, beliefs, and sa3dngs which are con- 
nected with sneezing was laid in the time when the spirit was the 
breath and the breath was the life. Hence the object of provoking 
the sneeze and invoking the good spirit. 

It is common for people to take a pinch of snuff to cause a sneeze 
for the expulsion of headache, and in this connection the British 

1 Brand on Sneezing. 2 Book i. 39. ^ ch. iv. 8. 

84 The Natural Genesis. 

custom of placing on the dead a plate full of snuff is most remarkable. 
If a pinch of snuff were efficacious in expelling the bad spirit, stuffi- 
ness, or pain by means of a sneeze, then the: plateful of snuff laid on 
the breathing- place — the bosom of the dead — was typically intended 
in relation to the breathing or the future life, and wishing well or 
well-wishing. This also was a mode of saying, "Lf/e to you," with the 
type on a large scale. The sneezing away of obstruction and blowing 
the nose to expel the disease would lead to the primitive practice of 
"blowing away disease," which is still extant among the early races. 
To blow into the left hand is an Indian sign for medicine and 
healing. 1 

The breath being the soul, a sneeze was a breathing sign of soul 
or the good spirit, the expeller of the bad and evil one, the opponent 
or adversary. The Negroes of Old Calabar shake off evil influences 
with a sneeze. The sneeze, then, was a sign of life, soul, or spirit. 
Jacob prayed that the soul of man might not depart with a sneeze, 
i.e., die with the breath. When the Hindu sneezes the bystanders 
cry "Lfye.'"2 The Jews say, a^n asvj or "good life."^ The Samoans 
exclaim "Life to you.'"'* A blessing is still the rule in southern 

When the Zulu sneezes he exclaims, "/ am now blessed.'" the spirit, 
the good spirit, was with him, and that constituted the very nick of 
time for wishing and invoking. "Tutuka" is an exclamation used 
by the Xosa Kaffirs. Tutu is the ancestral spirit, Ka denotes an 
attempt. Tutuka may be rendered "the ancestral spirit tries to 
speak," as it was supposed to do in a sneeze. A tree also named 
tuti, or tati is the sneeze-wood of the colonists. 

It was a common belief that no idiot could sneeze, and that there 
was no surety like a sneeze for the new-born child's having a soul. 
British "howdies," or nurses, held the child to be under the fairy spell 
until it showed signs of spirit by sneezing. "God sain the bairn," 
said an old nurse when the little one sneezed at last; "its no a 
warlock." The ancestral soul had descended. This mingling and 
confounding of spirits" — that of the Breath and the Manes — is 
shown in the Maori rite of infant baptism. On the eighth day after 
birth the ceremony was performed at the side of a stream. A native 
priest sprinkled the child with a twig, or branch, when the little one 
was not immersed. The priest kept calling over the names of its 
ancestors until at last the child sneezed. That was its name 
thus chosen by the child itself, or the ancestral spirit manifesting 
through it. 5 

With the Parsees the rule is that when a person sneezes "one is to 
speak a Yatha-aku-vairyo, and one Ashem-vohu; and also when one 
hears the sneezing of any person to speak in the like manner is considered 

1 Wied. 2 Ward, Hindus, vol. i. p. 142. ^ Buxtorf. 

"* Turner, Polynesia, p. 348. ^ Taylor, New Zealand, p. 184. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 85 

as an action of good." It is asked; What causes sneezing? And the 
reply is "hungry living." The remedy for its existence is the 
Ahunaver and praise of righteousness; the Honover of the Avesta; 
i.e. the Egyptian Un-Nefer, or the Revealer of Good.^ 

The invocation made on sneezing is a part of the same ritual 
relating to the breath, as the Parsee rule for uttering one Ashem- 
vohu with every coming and going of the breath on lying down 
to sleep. 2 

Sneezing is certainty a spontaneous act enough, but without some 
idea connected with the act and attached fast to it no such universal 
ceremonial custom as invocation at the time of sneezing could 
have become world-wide. The sneeze would not have been a type of 
the same idea without some pre-agreement and consensus. 

"Do you not see that all the world is one?" said Hernando de Soto 
when he perceived the Floridans had the same custom or salutation 
on sneezing as the Spaniards. 3 

Mr. Haliburton brings forward the universal habit of sayng "God 
bless you," or making an invocation when one sneezes, as his 
strongest case for concluding that such primitive customs have been 
inherited from one common source, and that they owe their origin to 
an era anterior to the dispersion of the human race. The typology is 
certainly one, and Egypt, the explicator, vouches for the Kamite 

Our word sneeze is identical with the Egyptian snesh, to open, 
discover, open of itself, which is connected with sen, the breath, 
as the opener, .and senn, to make the foundation and passage by 
opening. Snes also signifies salutation, to invoke, wish, evoke, adore 
— Sanskrit, sans, to wish, desire, invoke — all that accompanies the 
ceremony of sternutation is expressed by the word snes, our English 

The doctrine, so to speak, of the sneeze was eminently Inner 
African. The name of the sneeze is 

Siani in Krebo. Suana in Baiu. Dsune in Bagba. 

Sard in Gbe. Tison in Soso. Dsuna in Momenya. 

Usiane in Isonama. Dsisin in Bulom. Dzieni in Bayon. 

"The Indian nations," says Morgan, "after treating, always 
exchanged belts, which were not only the ratification, but the 
memorandum of a compact. When agreements were covenanted 
by the Iroquois, belts of wampum were exchanged as determinatives 
of their intentions to keep troth. "^ "This belt preserves my words," 
was a common remark of their chiefs in council, the belt being 
symbolic of the bond and covenant. The speaker then delivered a 

1 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. xii. 33. 2 j]jid. ch. iv. 14. 

3 Theodore Irving, Conquest of Florida, vol. ii. p. 161. 
"* Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 138. 

86 The Natural Genesis. 

belt to the other side in token of faith and honour in the execution 
of the treaty or promise. "Here's my belt," was the equivalent of 
"Here's my hand on it," or "I give you my word of honour." 

The belt of wampum was a sign of the same significance as the 
Egyptian tat, a belt-buckle, an emblem of eternitizing in the region 
of Tattu. The buckle is based on the tongue, but the act of tatting 
with the human tongue preceded the tongue of the buckle, and was 
its ante type, with the same meaning of establishing the covenant of 
affection, mutual agreement, or ownership, giving and taking; the 
first form of which had been effected by licking with the tongue. 

Covenants were made by tonguing in this way, before speech was 
formulated. Hence, when it was evolved, we find language called by 
the name of the member, the tongue, the tat. 

The tongue as a tat is identical with language, and the use of the 
member as a sign of expression was earlier than words. Licking 
with the tongue is a part of the language of animals, and must have 
been of the primitive man. By licking each other the animals 
establish a covenant with their tongues, and this custom can be 
followed into the human phase, both of act and language. 

When anything is presented to the Esquimaux, they have the 
habit of licking it at once as a sign or ownership. In New Zealand, 
according to Dieffenbach, the natives had the same practice, only 
their licking was done by the givers of the present. 

Licking it was tonguing it, anointing it, and consecrating the gift 
whether received or given; and the act, as explained by aid of Egyp- 
tian, is one of the customs belonging to the time of gesture-language. 
The one word "taf includes the gift, given, taken, and assumed. 

In the symbolical stage licking was a mode of anointing. In 
provincial English a "good licking" alternates with "anointing" as a 
nick-name for a thrashing or beating. Also spittle was a form of 
unction made use of for anointing in baptism, and in exorcism. In 
Egyptian, tat, the name of the tongue and mouth, also signifies 
unction and a ceremony; and "tatting," by spitting, follows the 
custom of licking as a mode of establishing and covenanting. 
Bruisers have the habit of spitting in their hand before the fight 
begins in token of a covenant of good-fellowship. 

"In the north of England," says Brand, "the boys have a custom 
amongst themselves of spitting their faith (or, as they call it, 'their 
saul,' i.e. soul) as a form of oath-taking." 

The Newcastle colliers, in their combinations, are said to pledge 
themselves to keep faith by spitting on a stone, and there is a popular 
saying, applied to persons who hang together, "They spit upon the 
same stone." ^ 

This mode of covenanting may have a bearing on the figures of the 
hand found in the Australian caves. These symbols are supposed 

1 Brand on Spitting. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 87 

to have been imprinted on the walls by placing the huma hand on the 
clean stone and spitting some colouring matter all around it, and so 
leaving the impress of a hand.i The hand and spitttng were two signs 
of tatting or establishing a covenant to which the hand would remain 
a witness. The word tat, for hand and typing, abrades into td, and 
td in Maori is a name of the tattoo; to imprint and paint! Tete is 
to stand fixed in the ground; titi to stick or stamp in and make fast. 
Tutu, a messenger; also to summon and gather in a solemn assembly. 

Captain Cooke says the natives of the Tongan Islands "have a 
singular custom of putting everything you give them to their heads, by 
way of thanks as we conjectured."^ 

Here the head was the "tat," and tat (Eg.) French tete, is the head. 

The Ashantis had a war-custom of sending a head with the 
Messenger-Sword (this head was found to show considerable likeness 
to ancient Egyptian work, especially in the beards), said to intimate 
"I mean to cut off your head." Head, messenger, and sword^ are 
each named the tat in Egyptian. 

The young Sioux Indian is obliged to take a head or scalp to win 
"the feather" before a girl will marry him. So the young Somali of 
Africa, or the Dyak of Borneo must take a head in order that he 
may take a wife. "If need not," says Mr. J. G. Wood, "be the head 
of an enemy;" it is a token, not merely a trophy, showing the typical 
nature of the head. This is an ancient symbolic institution, conflict- 
ing with later law, as both tribes award punishment for murder. 

As late as the seventeenth century, a Russian petition began with 
the words "So and so strikes his forehead" and petitioners were termed 
the "forehead strikers."^ The custom was Kamite, and Egyptia.n will 
explain it. The forehead, temples, ears and nose were struck by the 
petitioner. The meaning (which may vary) is then interpreted by 
a gesture sign. TO strike the flag is to lower it; and "1 strike my 
head," means 1 bow to you; 1 acknowledge you as my head! But 
the gesture was voluntary before it was made compulsory, and only 
when the custom becomes coercive do we reach the degradation of 
smelling the earth or striking the ground with the forehead. 

The personal member or feature had to stand in place of a personal 
pronoun in gesture language! In Egyptian, he who speaks to himself 
is he who speaks to his head.^ 

1 "The hand-print on the wall is commonly used by the Jews to avert the evil 
eye; care is taken to put it in a conspicuous place outside the house before a 
marriage, birth, or other festival. In the ruins of El Barid, near Petra, Professor 
Palmer and I found a cistern whose cornice was decorated with hand-prints 
alternately black and red. At the present day both Moslems, Christians, and Jews 
hang hands, rudely cut out of a thin plate, of silver or gold, round the necks of 
their children to preserve them from the evil eye." — C. F. Trywhitt Drake, in 
Qtly. Statement of Pal. Explor. Fund, January, 1873, p. 16, note. 

2 Voyage towards the South Pole, vol. i. p. 321. 

3 Archaeological Journal, vol. xxxi. p. 29. 

'^ Bowditch, On Superstitions Common to Egyptians and Ashantis. Paris. 
s Spencer, Ceremonial Institutions, v. p. 141. ^ Litany ofRa, 7 and 57. 

88 The Natural Genesis. 

Lifting the hands to the forehead or temples is also a sign of 
obeisance. The oriental salute of an inferior includes the putting of 
his fingers to his forehead. The Sumatrans touch the forehead or 
temples. This gesture may be read by the Egyptian name of the 
temples of the forehead, Teb, a word that means to pray, implore, 
seal, answer, be responsible for. 

The Fijian Teb; or Tobe is a kind of pig-tail, and when tributaries 
approached their master, they were commanded by a messenger to 
cut off their Tabes, and all of them docked their tails, i This was a 
sign of subjection, or token of ownership. The Egyptian "Tebuf 
is likewise a sign of hair cut off, a lock of hair. 

The Khonds have the custom of holding their two ears in their 
hands as the symbol of submission, or as it is here represented, the 
token of a covenant, a mode of swearing by the Ankh, which de- 
notes the two ears, the oath and covenant, in Egpytian. Such a 
custom would lead to cutting off the ears of the outlaw. 

"No one," says Mr. Spencer, "can suppose that handshaking was 
ever deliberated fixed upon as a salute.'"^ Such customs grew by 
degrees, and the type was passed on from one thing to the other as 
the special ideograph of the gesture-sign. The Egyptian "tatting" 
had become handshaking. "Two men joining their hands denote 
concord," says Hor- Apollo. 3 The sign is found as the determinative 
of amity, covenant, alliance. "^ 

Dogs and apes will spontaneously offer the paw. Here at least we 
can shake hands with our predecessors. In offering the paw, or hand, 
they were tatting, making the present, and establishing an under- 
standing of friendship by this mode of invitation; a stage in advance 
of smelling and licking. The custom of making presents is based as 
lowly as this in the desire to make friends — a desire evinced by the 
animals the more they enter into a mixed condition, and are drawn 
out of their primal isolation. Mixing together is for them a mode of 

The hieroglyphic "Tat," as hand, denotes the offspring presented, 
to give and take possession. The next phase is the clasp-sign of a 
covenant (Ank, Eg.); in this the give-and-take are enacted. Then 
the clasp and shake of the hand becomes a symbolical custom in the 
covenant of good-fellowship. Deep down in the English nature there 
yet lingers the ancient sense of its almost superceded sacredness. It 
is a form of faf-ing wtth the hand as in the other cases with the 
tongue or head. "By the Haft," is a common English oath, and 
"loose in the haft," means "not quite honest." In this the handle 
follows the hand as the type of a covenant. 

The Egyptian Ank, to clasp and squeeze, is found in the Maori 

1 Erskine, Capt. J. E., Cruise among the Pacific Islands, p. 454. 

2 Contemporary Review, May, 1878, p. 7 — 89. ^ Book ii. 11. 
'^ Birch, Egyptian Texts, p. 93. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 89 

Anga, for the cockle-shell, and the Angarite, a bivalve molusk. 
Rite denotes the likeness of the Anga, or clasping shell. Anga- 
anga signifies agreement, and Rite means agreed to, performed. 
Thus Ank (Eg.), to pair, to clasp, make a covenant, as in clasping 
hands, is equivalent to the perfect two-oneness of the bivalve, 
which is here one of the Ank- types by name. The shell of the 
bivalve, which closed to clasp and protect the lift in the waters, 
would thus acquire its significance as a type of twinning together, 
a token therefore of agreement, of unity, in the belt of Wampum; 
of covenant, as the currency used for bartering; and possibly of 
re-uniting, when shells (coffins are still called shells) were heaped 
above the bones of the dead. Oyster and musseZ-shells were 
sacredly preserved by the Wenya among their treasures, 1 together 
with the beads, which denote reproduction or resurrection. 

The clasp of hands in shaking-them was a final token of the 

We have to think our way back to the time and condition when 
the human body supplied the chief symbols of expression, and there 
were no manufactured forms, no loop or knot, or Crux Ansata, 
Tat-pillar, or belt, or buckle; no sword, or book, or Mamit to swear 
by; almost nothing but the human organs, limbs, and gestures. 
These supplied the hieroglyphics in the language of gesture-signs; 
and the customs in which the typology was continued are the 
hieroglyphics where there are no others. In this language, to "" cross 
the palm for good luck," is an ideograph of equivalent value to that 
of the Tat (hand) and Tat Cross. 

In the present researches the clue has been continually found in the 
most primitive phase of the thought, after long seeking for it vainly in 
the later stages. The idea of founding and establishing by opening was 
developed by the Egyptians into a doctrine of creation. Ptah was a 
form of the opener, that is one meaning of his name. He carries the 
Tat image of founding and establishing. The "opener" is a title of 
the rising sun. The title of Un-Nefer is that of the good opener. Sut 
opened whe Genitrix whom Horus sealed. This may be read either in 
the physiological or the astronomical phase. If we take it in the 
latter, Sut, as star-god, opened the year with the rising of Sothis, 
and on his rising was the Great Bear cycle founded. Now when 
this opening was first observed, the earth being considered as a flat 
surface endlessly extended, the star Sothis bad to break its way up 
through the earth, according to appearances; and so the opener 
became the founder of a circle of time. The born child did the 
same; and in the passage quoted Sut represents the child; Horus is 
the pubescent male, the generator. The tooth which cut its way 
through the gums was a perfect type of that which opened. The 
testicle was another. The pubes another. 

1 Stanley, Dark Continent, vol. ii. p. 354. 

90 The Natural Genesis. 

We are now in a position to read the typology of certain primitive 
customs and ceremonial usages of the Stone and Bone Age, which 
have survived to the present time amongst the elder races of the 
world; such as semi- castration, or the knocking out of teeth at the 
period of puberty, or filing them to make the opening visible between. 
"Gat-toothed I was, and that became me well," says the jolly wife of 
Bath, with her interpretation of the cut or opening. Cut or indented 
teeth are still considered an ornament to the female in England, and 
that is a modified form of the African charm which the "hussies" — 
denounced by Livingstone — produced by filing their teeth. 

In the hieroglyphics, Un, to open, be open and periodic, has the 
open-eyed hare for determinative. This open condition thus denoted 
means "it is lawful;" "1 am open to you," or "unprohibited." The 
filed teeth of the females and the tooth forced out of the male, thus 
represent the open condition of lawful intercourse. 

The Vei people perform a rite called the Sande. When the female 
becomes pubescent she undergoes a sort of circumcision, or rather a 
rite of being founded as the woman by opening, from which time she 
can be bought or hired [Sande] as she too is sennt, or established, 
by being "opened." In the rites of puberty, the cutting and opening 
are at times performed by those who impersonate the gods or 
supernatural powers. This suggests the genesis of other customs 
like that of the Babylonians mentioned by Herodotus, i who says that 
every native woman was compelled to sit in the Temple of Venus 
(Belit) once in her life and have intercourse with some stranger. 
Many wore a crown of cord round their head, the top-knot of 

It was a custom in India for virgins to present themselves in the 
temples to be opened and made free to marry. 2 

This rite of opening was Totemic first and became religious 
afterwards. In this way certain corporate and temple rights were 
founded. The offerings made by or to the females were the property 
of the priesthood. Theirs was primarily the "droit du seigneuf (the 
right and rite of pucelage and cuissage) to open the young virgins — 
a right that was claimed by the elders among the Australian blacks. 

The priest represented Priapus, the generative power. His rights 
were farmed out in Babylon as in India, and the temple was thereby 

"Thou shalt not bring the hire of a prostitute into the House of the 
Lord is the command which proves the practice amongst the 
Hebrews (Deut xxiii 18). 

This traffic in the rights of the priesthood introduced a mode of 
commutation and a principle of compensation, whether the price was 
claimed by the temple or the tribe. The right of the reverend 

1 Herodotus, b. i. 199. 

2 Delaure, Histoire Abregee des Cultes, vol. i. p. 431; vol. ii. p. 108. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 91 

seigneur was waived on payment of a price; and this mode of 
commutation probably indicates the origin of compensation for the 
bride who was captured in marriage. 

The time came when there was a revolt of youth against the 
rights of the elders, and a price was set upon virginity, to be paid 
by the lover. 

When the Kaffir female has attained the marriageable age, which 
was primarily that of puberty, she is at liberty to woo her intended 
husband by sending him an "um- Zomo." The lomo is symbolically 
her mouth. But the word signifies any opening, or the opening of 
anything. This means that she is open to him, or has undergone the 
opening rite.i 

Here, as everywhere else, the natural genesis only of the primitive 
custom can interpret it in the later symbolical or superstitious phase. 
The tooth established a foundarion by opening the ground, therefore 
a tooth was knocked out at the time of puberty as the type or token 
of another foundation by opening the ground. 

When the testicle descended, pubescence was founded by its 
opening of the ground. Hence, in the semi-castration of the 
Bushmen (in times past) as a rite of young-man-making, the opening 
was made by extraction of one testicle. In the fanatical and religious 
phase, when the male devotee was assimilated to the Eternal Child, 
the foundation was established and the consecration completed by 
total castration. 

What has been termed fashions in deformity did not originate in 
the senselessness of the modern victims of the prison-house of 
pride. These customs were ideographic, and had their meanings 
and uses. 

The Zulu "Hlanhla" for the opening between the teeth, also means 
good luck, prosperity, and plenty of progeny. "Tapu" (Maoiri), 
according to Shortland, signifies to be "thoroughly-marked" and this 
agrees with Tebu (Eg.) to be sealed, to become responsible. 

Gesture-signs were: not the only human hieroglyphics; the body 
itself was the first book of pictographs. A picture is still called a 
cut, and the earliest pictures were cut in the live black flesh for uses 
belonging to the system of primitive signs. This was continued and 
modified in the customs of tattoo as the human skin grew somewhat 

The incisions which are cut in the flesh from the shoulder to the 
hip of the pubescent males among the Australian aborigines are 
called Manka. These are of such a secret significance that they 
must never be spoken of when women and children are present. 

Manka relates to puberty and to clothing. The Manaeka in Maori is 
a garment. Menka (Eg.) denotes clothing. The first clothing was 
the toga virilis assumed at puberty, consisting mainly of hair and 

1 Dugmore, Kaffir Laws and Customs, p. 47. 

92 The Natural Genesis. 

slashes in the flesh. We find the impubescent are the naked, and the 
pubescent are the clothed. Tattoo was a form of clothing the human 
body with the marks of mannood, pictures (cuts) of puberty, and 
of heroic triumph over pain, that illustrated the bearing of the 

The Moori fashion of wearing the hair tied up in a knot at the 
forehead is called Ngou-ngou, and the top-knot put on at puberty is 
named the Ngoi. The earliest Ankh-tie in Egypt was the knot-sign 
of femine pubescence and of putting on clothes. 

In Inner Africa the Gree-Gree as a bracelet or necklace is a form 
of the ankh called 

Wonka in N'goala Wuanga in Lubalo. Nganga in Songo. 

Wuanka in Kisama. Owanga in Pangela. 

In the Kaffir languages the ground-root of this Ng or Nek may be 
studied in the most primitive relationships. The skin beaten by 
women to make the music which circumcised lads keep time to in 
the dance of the pubescent, is a Ngqongo and the word which 
denotes the sexual gestures and contortions made in the dance that is 
performed when a girl attains puberty is Ngqungqa. This is identical 
with the Maori ngangahu, a dance, and to distort the features, or 
make game of, and provoke, as was done by the women in the 
mysteries when the boy was made a free man. 

The Coco is a ring worn on the heads of the Zulu men to dis- 
tinguish them from theimpubescent boys, and the custom includes 
the rings worn in the ear, nose, or lip of the women. 

With the Bongas, as soon as a woman is married, her lower lip is 
bored, and the orifice plugged to extend the circle. The plugs are 
gradually increased in size until the hole in the lip is five or six times 
its original proportions. 

The plugs employed are cylindrical in form, and often not less 
than an inch thick; they are exactly like the pegs of bone and wood 
and straw worn by the Musgoo women. Other pegs and rings are 
worn in the lips, nose, and ears, but the plug in the lower lip is alone 
the sine qua non for the married women, i It is here the same token 
then as the marriage ring in Europe. But the custom dates from a 
time before metal rings were made, and the circle had to be incised 
and formed in human flesh; when a bone, a stone, or other emblem 
filled the place of the later ring worn in the orifice. Not that the 
ring originated with marriage in the modern sense, but it was a 
token at first that the maiden was marriageable, or ready to bear 
young. In Egyptian, for example, the completed course, the circuit, 
is written with the Shen-ring of reproduction. In the Balu and Bayon 
dialects. Sin is the name of the nose-ring; in Miut the ear-ring is 

1 Schweinfurth, Heart of Africa, vol. i. p. 297. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 93 

Tsen, Sannu in Bambara, and the Dzeni is a Gree-Gree ring in 

The bones and stones inserted in the holes bored through the 
nose, lip, and ear, were images of the founding by opening, in rela- 
tion to puberty; the opening period of the woman; the founding 
and establishing of the man. 

Here it may be noted that Renka (Eg,) the Pubes, the period of 
pubescence, and the Renk, English, for the man, are related by 
name to the ring (Chinese Ling), which was a type of some period 
com-pleted; the circle being a visible figure of the cycle. 

The ring, the synonym of the Renka is represented in the Inner 
African languages by 

Lunga, the Ear-ring, Kabenda. Belingu, the Ear-ring, Kasunda. 

Nlunga ,, ,, Mimboma. Lingben ,, ,, Nao. 

Nlunga ,, ,, Basunde. Alengo, a Gree-Gree, Orungu. 

The arm-ring is a 

Lenke in Lubalo. Longa in Orungu. Nlunnga in Nyombe. 

Longa in Baseke. Nlungo in Mimboma. 

It is the same word as link and ring, and the name coincides with 
those of the other types of puberty, the hair, bone, and stone 
which we shall find retaining the same name in the most diverse 
of languages. 

The Hindu Langi is a peculiar boddice, and Langiam means fit to 
be joined (or linked) in marriage. 

In the Parsee "Shayast La-Shay asf instructions are given for the 
woman, the moment menstruation begins [not for the first time) to take 
off first her necklace, then her ear-rings, then her head-fillet (Kambar), 
and apparently she is prohibited from wearing Zeaf/ier coverings or shoes. 1 
These are the very ornaments put on by the most primitive races 
in token of the female having attained pubsecence. 

The Kustik girdle of the Parsees is assumed at the time of pu- 
berty, when they have turned fourteen years of age. Until then 
there is no sin in the male or female running about uncovered, 
as in Egypt and Inner Africa. 2 

The hieroglyphic Khekh (Eg.) is a collar with nine beads, the 
sign of gestation. Khekhru is a generic name for "ornaments." 
These are founded on the necklace and collar, the ornaments of 
the pubescent maiden and the enceinte genitrix. 

In the portrait of a Lobah woman, figured by Schweinfurth in 
the ""Heart of Africa" the plugs that fill the holes with which the 
ear is perforated are nine in number; the same as the number of 
beads (bubu) worn in the sacred collar of Isis. This many-plugged 
female likewise wears a round disk in the upper, and a pointed cone 
in the lower lip. 3 

1 Ch. iii. 2, 3. 2 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. iv. and x. 

3 Also copied by Flower, Fashion in Deformity, fig. v. p. 24. 

94 The Natural Genesis. 

A stick and a straw were two of the types employed as plugs 
for the apertures. These can be paralleled in Britain as the two signs 
of establishing a covenant. When land was given by the proprietor 
to his tenant for one or or more years, it was a custom to give the 
tenant a stick of wood in one hand and some straw in the other, 
which was then returned to the master, and this act was the deed 
and bond of the lease, i 

In Egypt the collar called Mend or Menka was the ring of the wet 
nurse. It had nine or ten beads, according to the reckoning, and 
relates to the nine months or ten moons of gestation. In the 
N'goala dialect Menu is the name for the nose-ring; emenga in 
Bola, Ka-menga in Sarar. The Menkua is an armlet in Afudu. 
Ark (Eg.) denotes a period, a covenant, to surround, tie up; be per- 
fected, and it is a form of the Ankh-knot of life. In Ebe the ear-ring 
is an ark-ring called Arukd, and in Nupe the armlet is an Uroka. 

The Thlinkeet female children have a slit made in the under lip, 
parallel with the mouth, about half-an-inch below it. The recognised 
size is produced by putting in larger and larger objects, and at 
puberty a block of wood is inserted. This is usually of an oval or 
elliptical shape, the same as the Ru, <=c:>the symbolical mouth in the 
hieroglyphics, and is therefore the female emblem, the Loma or 

The suggestive shape of the same oval figure has been observed in 
the whitish cicatrices raised by cuts in the black flesh of the African 
females. The ovoid circle, with the stone, bone, or metal inserted, is 
finally the emblem of the female and the male. Moreover, the block 
employed hy the Thlinkeet matrons to fill the oval was of an ovoid 
or egg-like shape, corresponding to the egg of the male. It is at the 
time of young-man making or pubescence that the Batoka tribes 
knock a front tooth out of their children's mouths. 2 

The earliest piercing of the lip is performed by the Eskimo, on 
approaching manhood, which identifies it with the rites of the Maori 
and Batokas as sexual. This is corroborated by the religious festival 
or sacred feast with which the ceremony is accompanied. 

Haygarth tells us of a young Australian native, who had become 
servant to a settler, that he said one day, "with a look of importance, 
he must go away for a few days, as he had grown up to man's estate, 
and it was high time he should go and have his teeth knocked out."^ 

The Peruvian traditions affirmed it was a practice "very 
servicable to the gods," for fathers to take out their children's teeth. 

In Java the opening is made by hollowing out the canine teeth, 

1 Martin, 125. "The keen-darting Gwrneth slew the largest bear that ever was 
seen with an arrow of straw." — Welsh Arch. vol. ii. p. 68. Vide Herod., B. iv. 33, for 
an offering of straw. "If she converses no more," sings the Welsh bard, "break the 
straw with my fair one." 

2 See vol. ii. p. 647. 

^ Haygarth, Bush Life in Australia, vol. i. p. 103. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 95 

sometimes so deeply as to penetrate the pulp cavity. In Borneo the 
teeth are drilled, and the hole is filled with a plug of brass, having 
a round or star-shaped knob. Sometimes the teeth were so filed as 
to leave a lozenge-shaped white piece of enamal untouched. 1 This 
agrees with the ovoid figure cut in the lip or on the inner arm. 
Blackening the teeth and lips, a custom very widely spread, had the 
same origin, as a sign of feminine pubescence. To have red lips after 
the age of puberty was a great reproach to the Maori women, and the 
colour was covered, put out of sight by tattooing the lips; if they were 
not tattooed elsewhere, this sign of adultship was never omitted, 
and many were tattooed only on the mouth. Blacking the teeth 
would be a modified kind of tattoo, and of putting on a covering. 

The Rejang women of Sumatra are in the habit of making their 
teeth jet black, but some of them, particularly those of the Lampong 
country, file them right down to the gums,^ to that they are made 
invisible that way. 

The Egyptians had got beyond this blacking of the teeth and lips 
but the typology was continued by the women blacking their eyes; 
painting the ovoid circle round them, and elongating the natural 
shape. The eye is a mirror, an emblem of reproduction, and this 
was underlined at the time of puberty. This did Jezebel when she 
stimmied her eyes, like the Egyptian women. Black, however, was 
not the only symbolic colour. At one monumental period the female 
eyes were painted underneath with a band of green, the colour of 
reproduction. We still use the term of "green-sickness" in a like 
sense. Customs that are at last degraded into a fashionable form of 
meaningless mimicry were consciously begun for use, and continued 
into the stage of superstition. 

The Unyamwezi girl, says Stanley, ^ "waits with impatience the 
day when she can be married, and have a cloth to fold around her bodyf 
till then she wears no garment. So the Egyptian maiden went 
naked up to the time of puberty. The earliest revelation taught 
the need of a monthly covering. Hence the figurative "fig-leaf 
and the loin-belt. To attain this dignity was the earliest of woman's 
rights. In the Vei language the virgin (which means the pubescent 
female) is named after the loin-cloth. This is a Bere, and the 
wearer becomes a Beremo. There is a significant Accra saying, 
"He has no cloth [or mama) and calls for a woman" — meaning he is 
too poor to provide the least bit of a garment to cover her shame. 

The beginnings of morality were of a nature too lowly ro be noticed 
by writers on ethics. Yet the origin of the sense of shame may be 
traced to the period of feminine puberty, and the first natural need of 
concealment by means of the fig-leaf, liku, or ankh-tie. A feeling of 
proud pleasure must have preceded any sense of shame at this proof of 

1 Flower, Fashion in Deformity, p. 31. 2 Dieffenback, ii. 35. 

3 Marsden, Sumatra, p. 52. '^ How I found Livingstone, pp. 5 and 6. 

96 The Natural Genesis. 

womanhood, but the tribal-consciousness demanded the covert, and 
the sense of something to hide would evolve the feeling of shame in 
presence of the male. Then it was held to be a shame, a mark of 
the monkey, to violate the tapu, and it grew to be wrong in the man 
to look on the woman during her period. By this token Nature 
revealed the time of reproduction, and therefore for reproducing. 
The first covenant was founded on this ground of fact, and to break 
it became morally wrong. 

When the Hottentot boys come of age at puberty, they are taught 
to speak the truth, respect the female sex, and not commit rape,^ or, 
it may be added, violate tapu. 

In the Australian ceremonies called Mur-rum Tur-uk-ur-uk, a 
covenant is made with sticks or twigs, which are thrown by the young 
men at the pubescent girl, as a token that they will not assault her, 
but will accord her their protection until she is given away lawfully 
to her betrothed; whilst, on her side, she may meanwhile entertain 
any one of them as her lover. 2 

The top-knot of puberty was and still is worn by the women in 
some parts of France. Montaigne describes the females of his neigh- 
bourhood as shaping the male image in their kercheifs, and wearing 
it as a fore-top, and when they come to be widows they turn it round 
and hide it beneath their caps. 3 This knot was identical with the 
Ankh-tie of Egypt, and the Ngoi of the Maori, which denoted the 
period of putting on clothing, and the covering of the hair by the 
femme converte. As a symbolic custom, it is identical with the African 
flesh-cutting and tooth-filing, the Maori tattoo of the lips, and the 
Japanese blacking of the teeth. . 

This right of cover, however, is denied in various of the Inner 
African Courts, where womankind is still reduced to the pre-pubescent 
status, or childish condition elsewhere. "IVomen may only enter the 
presence of the Sultan of Meli in a stark naked condition. Even his 
own daughters must conform to the custom." At the Court of Uganda, 
according to Speke, the valets were stark-naked, full-grown women. 

It should be noted however that at a later stage the "naked 
Goddess" in Egypt and India is also the unchaste, a type of the 
prostitute, as the opposite to the femme converte. 

In Egypt the women were clothed, but Diodorus has described them 
as exposing themselves naked in presence of the God Apis. Also, 
in the Inscription of Pianchi Mer-Amen,'^ we read that the king had 
"peace-offerings" brought to him; then followed "the queens and 
princesses to adore the king after the wont of women" — or literally 
with the things [choses) of women. "But his majesty did not turn 
his countenance upon them." 

The woman in Proverbs makes her invitation to the young man 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 18. 2 Smyth, B. i. p. 61-3. 

3 On some verses of Virgil. "* Inscription, line 63. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 97 

with the statement that she has peace-offerings to proffer. One 
mode of preferring peace-offerings was by exposure of the person in 
the dance; a primitive form of which survives in the French "can- 
can." The Fijians dance the can-can called gini-gini, a religious 
ceremonial dance with which women welcome back the returning 
heroes with wanton gestures and motions, or those peace-offerings 
that were the reward of the warrior, the bull of battle, proffered with 
the simplicity of gesture-language. 

It was a feminine form of kotouing to the male, or the bull. The 
North Americans likewise danced a can-can. Penn said the worship of 
the Lenape Indians consisted of sacrifices and cantico, the latter being a 
round dance performed with shouts and antic gestures. "Gentikehn" 
in the Algonkin Delaware means to dance a sacred dance. 

The Maori also dances the can-can. Kani-kan is to dance and 
to move backwards and forwards. Kanu-kana, in Kaffir, is to 
lust after one another. The Hindus call the Wag-tail [Montacilla 
alba) Matta- Khanjana; but more particularly — that is, typically 
— at the pairing season. The Wag-tail in love as the "Matta- 
KhanjancT dances the can-can of love. Khanjana denotes going, 
moving; the secret pleasures of the Yatis; the cohabitation of 
saints. Khan-khana (Sansk.) is the tinkle-tinkle of a bell. 

The Egyptian kan-kannu is to dance and leap; kan is to dance, 
and kannu is victory. It has survived because it was a sacred dance 
and it was sacred because it was sexual. 

The Egyptians continued the leaping dance, or kan-kannu, from 
Inner Africa, and gave to it a symbolic significance. Plutarch tells 
how they represented generation by means of motion, though less 
grossly doubtless than in Africa beyond. He says of the Sistrum of 
Isis, an emblem of the female in two phases, those of Isis and 
Nephhys, "they tell us that the Sistrums frighten away and avert 
Typhon, insinuating that as corruption (i.e. the menses) locks up and 
fixes nature's course, so generation resolves and excites it by means of 
motion."^ And so the Sistrums were shaken, and the waving to and 
fro of their limbs and bodies was a sign of Typhon's dismissal, and the 
time of peace-offerings. 

In the sacred dance the idea illustrated was that with the 
departure of Typhon all need of secrecy and seclusion was gone, 
hence the motive of the festival, and freedom of the dance. 

The universal name of the dance and dancing in Inner Africa wil 
tell us where the can-can came from. This is: — 

Kina, Mbamba. Kina, Songo. Gani, Kanem. 

Kini, Ntere. Kena, Kisama. Kina, Lubalo. 

Kim, Mutsaya. Nkan, Limba. Kina, Nyamban. 

Kine, Babuma. Gani, Tumbukta. Yani, Salum. 

Kena, Bumbette. Kan, Padsade. Yini, Krebo. 
Gina, Kasande. 

1 Of Is. andOs. 

98 The Natural Genesis. 

Partial exposure of the person is still an African mode of showing 
homage, because it is a return to the status of childhood, intended 
to be a contrast to the person who is clothed with dignity, which first 
began with the investiture of pubescence, the toga virilis. Moreover, 
the wives of the Zulu King, Dingairn, said that when he was present 
they were only allowed to appear on all fours, and always moved 
about on their hands and knees. In Loango this was the prescribed 
attitude for wives in general in presence of their husbands. Captain 
Burton says the Dakro, a woman who bears messages from the King 
of Danome to the men, goes on all fours before him, and "as a rule 
she goes on all fours to these men, but only kneels to smaller men." So 
the oriental women are not compelled to veil the face before slaves or 
men of inferior position, they being more on an equality as mere 

The earliest Genitrix went on all fours, as she is pourtrayed in 
mythology, and personified as the hinder part; a type continued 
from the time when woman was the female animal. 

In Africa it is found to be almost as at first in the action of the 
woman, who goes on all fours to the male. That which was once 
natural is continued wholly or partially as a typical mode of doing 
honour. The wives of a great man among the Soosoos bend their 
bodies to him with one hand resting on each knee. This attitude is 
also assumed when he passes by. i 

Among certain African tribes the women greet the men — and even 
half-grown youths — by bending their backs until the tips of their 
fingers rest on the toes of their feet; or, by turning their bodies 
sideways, clapping their hands, exclaiming wake, wake, waky, 
waky, huh, huh.^ 

In some parts of Indias and in certain of the Pacific Islands it is 
considered a token of respect and an act of homage to present the 
back-side to a superior. The most precious offering to the Deity of 
Israel even when the male idea dominated, continued to be the rump 
(Aliah)4 a the hinder thigh which from the beginning had been an 
emblem of the female, a sacrificial type of that which was once 
offered in the custom of the feminine Kotou, the hieroglyphic 
"Ur-heka" the great magic power, or potent charm of primitive man. 

The most striking feature in the females of the Bushman race is 
their protuberant hinder part; this is peculiar enough to cause 
perplexity to the Anthropologist. Descriptions have been given that 
recall the saying of Proclus in Timasus, "immense nature is suspended 
from the back of the vivific goddess." But the doctrine of sexual 
selection and the customs of Kotou may suggest an explanation of 

1 Winterbottom, Account of the Native Africans in the Neighbourhood of Sierra 
Leone, vol. i. p. 122. 

2 Stanley, How I found Livingstone, p. 551. 

3 Dubois, Description of the People of India, p. 210. 
"* Lev. iii. 9; vii. 3; viii. 5; ix. 19. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 99 

this feminine formation of an earlier time that made peculiar appeal 
to a primitive taste. In the Maori language Kotua means respect, 
regard, to pay homage, ivith the back turned towards one. This denotes 
a primordial mode of Kotou. Khetu in Egyptian signifies reversal. 
One meaning is conveyed by the Hebrew Ulp. In Zulu Kaffir Uku- 
Kotamela is to stoop or bow down towards a person. The genesis 
of such a custom is not far to seek. It belongs to the stage at which 
the female performed the Kotou animal-fashion, and the African 
belle was of the Bushwoman type of beauty. 

Invertions of the custom of Kotou still abound, and are per- 
formed with much ceremony in every royal European court. In 
these the obeisance is still made by the persons going backwards. 
Such is the persistence of customs, natural or unnatural, that have 
once become symbolical; and so the bishop wears his Liku or shent 
apron of puberty, and the courtly flunkey bows backwards in happy 
ignorance of the excessively simple origines of such specimens of 

In some regions of Inner Africa it is a practice for the females to 
pluck out the hair of their eyebrows; special pincers for that purpose 
forming a part of the outfit of their toilette. This is a kind of 
Kotouing to the male; a poor- thing sort of mode in being unmas- 
culine, or more feminine and servile; a negational distinction of 
the sex. 

Acosta describes the Perovians as pulling out their eyebrows and 
eyelashes, and offering the hairs to the gods, and it was a practice 
when in the temples to perform the pantomime of plucking out the 
eyebrows and of blowing the hairs towards the Idol. 

What the African female performs in kotouing to the male was 
also practised in sacrifice to the gods, whether by the Peruvians, or 
by Lucian at Hierapolis, or by Paul in Cenchrea. 

The women of New Zealand, Samoa, New Caledonia, and 
Tasmania, the brown race and the black, have their hair cut short or 
cropped close, whilst the men all wear theirs long. 

The Chinese continue the custom, said to be a Tartar one, of 
fixing the espousals by sending a matron from the bridegroom with a 
pin to fasten up the hair of the betrothed female. Hair is an emblem 
of pubescence which applied to both sexes. In Egyptian An for 
the hair, is the name for beauty of appearance, to become beautiful, 
and sexually inviting. But the hair type is found to be the especial 
glory of the male, the bearded one. 

In the Tasmanian rite of young-man-making, a girdle of human 
hair sometimes of the pubes forcibly extracted was presented to the 
initiated to be worn as the token of their manhood. 

The Australians of Botany Bay plaited strings of human hair and 
wore them as girdles round their waists. The Australian Dieyeri 
manufacture a form of the "An,/c/i-tie"called a Yinka, to he worn by 

100 The Natural Genesis. 

the male at puberty. This is a string of twisted human hair which is 
worn round the waist, and is ordinarily 300 yards .in length. The 
Yinka^ is greatly prized but is exceedingly rare on account of the 
difficulty in procuring human hair. 

This emblem of the male was suppressed or diminished in the 
female, hence her covering, cutting, or plucking out of the hair. Nor 
was this all. The feminine pubes were turned into ornaments for 
masculine wear, in the mysteries and out of them. It was a custom 
with the ancient Irish for the women to present their lovers with rings 
and bracelets made of their own hair. 2 The hair became a symbol so 
essentially masculine and potent that the dead of both sexes were 
represented by an image of the bearded maker as the Egyptian Shebti. 
St. Austin also refers to those who think that woman will rise 
again in the male image rather than ber own; although he does not 
assign the true reason for making the type of resurrection masculine. 

From so simple an origin arose the practtce insisted on by St. Paul, 
of the female wearing her head covered in presence of the angel, and 
in the worship of the male deity. At Hierapolis, the devotee offered 
her hair, or pubes, as a commuted form of feminine sacrifice. 

In the Egyptian paintings, baldness is a mode of representing non- 
virility in the pigmy Ptah, the crook-legged abortion; a phase of the 
god as Ptah-Sekari, the infantile and infertile. The bald head agrees 
with the penis manu compressus of his portraits, and both betoken 
the impubescent one, the Ren in opposition to the Renka. 

The Osirified in the Ritual rejoicing in his having retained all the 
tokens of his manhood in death says, amongst other things; "My 
eye-brow is not plucked out. "3 "No injury is done to my body." 
There is another reference in the words, "7 knew that eye; the hair of 
the Man was on itr^^ 

Hair is one of those human types that lead us back to gesture- 
language in many lands. 

The Pai-Ute Indians make the sign for the Chief by grasping the 
fore-lock of their hair and lifting it up at full length. A lesser length 
of hair denotes a lower rank.s The more bair the greater the man. 
So, under the order of chivalry it was a token of respect for the 
gentleman to pull at his moustache when in presence of a lady; and 
pulling the forelock is still a provincial mode of making an obeisance 
to a superior; as it is also with English sailors. 

In Mediaeval Europe the inferior classes of the people were 
prohibited by statute, or edict, from wearing "Fur." Rank was 
then denoted by the skin of the animal, as in Africa to-day. Indeed 
the word "rank" is one with the Egyptian Rnk for the pubes, which 

1 "YiNKA." The Zulu Kaffir "Yinga" is a necklace of coloured beads. The 
"Ingu" in Aku, is made of beads; the Hango, Busunde, is a chain-fetter. 

2 Gough's Camden, vol. iii. p. 658. ^ ch. civ. 

"* Ch. cxv. s Mallery, Introd. p. 19. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. ioi 

constituted the first rank of the male, and founded his supremacy 
over the female. 

The Welsh Rhenc or Breton Rhenk is primarily the status 
attained at puberty which afterwards became the rank in the Male 
line of descent. 

The name of the man was originally conferred, like the white stone 
in the Mysteries, at the time of puberty. Thus the name, the stone, 
and pubes or hair, were homotypes. According to Hans Stade the 
Tupi warrior took away the name of the man whom he slew and bore 
it himself; and when the young Creek Indian brought in his first 
scalp he won his war-name, and became a Brave. 

The Osage Indians are reported as killing an enemy on purpose to 
suspend his scalp over the grave of their own buried warrior, with 
the view of sending the murdered man's spirit to him as his slave in 
the other world; and this interpretation is supported by the fact that 
when the Chichimec scalped his enemy alive, the vanquished man 
became the conqueror's slave by the loss of his scalp and hair, the 
tokens of his manhood. Childhood, widowhood, bereavement, igno- 
miny, and slavery, were all indicated by the hairless condition. 

With some races the woman shaved her head on losing her 
husband. The same word Mundai in Toda, is the name of the 
widow and the bald. In the Hieroglyphics the determinative of the 
Kharu or widow, is the detached scalplike tress of hair. Also 
plucking out the hair was a gesture-sign of grief and mourning. 

Loss of hair was degrading and humiliating, whether voluntary or 
enforced, and shaving is the symbolic act of rendering non- virile, 
monkish, unsexual, whether applied to the pubes, beard, or crown, 
as it was in Egypt, and still is in the Cult of the Virgin Mother and 
her impubescent Bambino in Rome. 

This is recognized by Isaiah who threatens Israel with a razor that 
will shave it at both ends and ""it shall consume the beard." ^ 

As hair was the emblem of virility and reproduction, baldness was 
the natural antithesis; and the loss of the hair was enforced as a 
later form of penalty, because it had been held so sacred as a 
voluntary offering. The hair being a symbol of reproducing potency, 
this will account for the lock of a person's hair being considered the 
representative of the personal self, when his life is sought to be 
taken, or blasted by magic, i.e. enacting of the malignant desire in 
gesture-language according to primitive useage. 

It is believed that the hair and nails ought never to be cut on 
Sunday, the day of Khem-Horus, or on Friday, the day of the 

The Lion Faru in the Ritual is called the "Lord of numerous trans- 
formations of skins," i.e. repeatings of the hair; and time was, in 
England, when people would make a point of having their hair cut 

1 Ch. vii. 20. 

102 The Natural Genesis. 

whilst the Moon, the female reproducer, was in the sign of the Lion 
or the Ram;i two chief types of male potency. 

When we know the symbolic value of nail from the origin 
we can understand the reason why biting the nail by way of scorn 
should be considered an insult. 2 The act was equal to plucking 
the beard or cutting the hair; it was aimed at the person's manhood, 
on the ground of nail being a representative of virility in gesture- 
language and the primitive typology. 

The nails as an equivalent for the hair, a type of "renewal coming 
of itself ," will account for a custom like this: — "The ancient French- 
men had a ceremony that when they would marry, the bridegroom 
should pare his nails and send them to his new wife; which done 
they lived together afterwards as man and wife."^ The act had the 
same significance as when the pubes or locks of hair were offered 
to the divine Genitrix, or the foreskins were piled in the circle of 
the twelve stones at Gilgal. Each was dedicated to re-production. 

Captain Cook describes the Maori as wearing the nails and teeth 
of their dead relations.^ These were equivalent to the phallus worn 
by the widows, as a type of re-production. 

It was an Egyptian custom to gild the nails, teeth, and membrum 
virile of the embalmed mummy. These were glorified in the gloom 
of the grave because, as types of production, they served in a second 
phase as emblems of foundation, and visible bases of renewal and 

It was a theory that the hair, beard, and nails of the Japanese 
Mikado were never cut. They had to be trimmed furtively while 
he was sleeping. This corresponds to the assumption that the king 
never dies. He was not reproducible. He only transformed. He 
was the living one, like the Ankh (Eg.); an image of the ever-living, 
a type of the immortal. 

The male emblem of virility, like the scalp, was a trophy to be 
cut off in battle. On the monuments there are heaps of these col- 
lected as evidence of conquest. In one instance the "spoils of the 
Rebu" consist of donkey- loads of phalluses (Karurnatu) and severed 
hands. 12,535 members and hands were cut off from the dead after 
the battle of Khesef-Tamahu, and deposited as proofs of victory — 
an enacted report — before the Pharaoh Rameses. 

By aid of the hieroglyphic values conferred on the image in life, 
we can read the significance of the emblem in death. By its 
excision the enemy was typically annihilated; the last tribute paid 
thus was the forfeiture or his personality in a spiritual sense; for 
without the member the deceased, according to Egyptian thought, 
could not be reconstructed. He would not rise again; resurrection, 

1 Brand, The Moon. 2 Brand, Hand and Finger-nails. 

3 Vaughan's Golden Greece, 1608. 

'^ Cook, Hawksworth Voy. vol. iii. 457. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 103 

as in the case of Osiris, depended on repossessing the member. The 
type of individuality here was the emblem of existence hereafter. 

We have only to become acquainted with the doctrine of the 
mummy in the Ritual, and see the fearful anxiety of the deceased 
to get all his members intact and solid, to avoid dissolution; see 
how he rejoices in the firmness of his phallus, the hardness of his 
heart, the Soundness and indissolubility of his vertebras, to apprehend 
what terrible meaning there was in the custom of dismembering the 
body, swallowing the eyes, eating the heart, or pulverising the bones 
to drink them in water as an ocular demonstration of dissolution. 
The New Zealanders are said to think that a man who is eaten 
is thus destroyed soul and body. 1 

In the Atharva-Veda it is affirmed that when the dead passed 
through the sacrificial fire to heaven, Agni (fire) does not consume 
their generative organ; whereas in the earlier thought of Kam it 
would have been held to do so, or to efface the type, which came 
to the same thing, symbolically, on the most physical plane of 

Because the custom was typical, it permitted of modification and 
commutation in the interchange of types. Thus the "bloody fore- 
skin" of the slain came to be adopted in place of the total emblem, 
as with the Abyssinians, described by Bruce, and the hundred 
Philistine foreskins demanded by Saul of David, and doubled as 
the dowry of Michal.2 The foreskin, or prepuce-cover had precisely 
the same symbolical value as the sign of manhood, hence its excision 
at the age of puberty, for that was the earlier period, and the 
Jewish custom does not retain the primary significance, except in 
its being a commutated offering to the paternal deity. 

Scalping had a similar origin. The hair being a token of manhood 
and potency, the scalp bore these values as a typical trophy. 
Cutting off the head was but a less refined mode of taking the scalp 
without the trouble. In other forms of mutilation the hair was the 
primary object as a type of the male potency now utterly vanquished 
in the dead, or transferred, still living, to the living. 

It was not only the act of killing that was consecrated by the 
mutilation of the dead. Among the Shoshones, taking an enemy's 
scalp was an honour quite independent of the act of vanquishing 
him. To kill your adversary was of no importance unless the scalp 
was secured; and if a warrior slew any number of foes in battle and 
others obtained the scalps, they who took them had all the honour; 
this went with the trophy, that is the type. 

There was a recent massacre of the Kultas by the Khonds, in, 
which one of the latter picked up the bead of an old man, who had 
just been decapitated, and was carrying it off in triumph, when the 
leader called out to him, "Why carry about a head without hair? 

^ Taylor, New Zealand, p. loi. 2 j Sam. xviii. 25. 

104 The Natural Genesis. 

There will be no scalping of himr and he threw away the useless 
trophy. 1 

It was a practice with the Maori for the victor in battle to scoop 
out the left eye of his dead enemy and swallow it. This was done, 
says Dieffenbach, because the soul was supposed to have its seat in 
the left eye. 2 

The left eye of a chief was believed to become a star after his 
death; and Shungie, a New Zealand chief, declared that he had 
swallowed the left eye of an enemy whom he had killed for the 
purpose of increasing the glory of his own when it shone in the 
firmament above. 

According to the typology of Egypt, the left symbolic eye is the 
eye of light by night — the eye of the moon in the dark. It is said to 
Ra in the inscription of El Karjeh — "Thy left eye is in the disk of 
night. Thou shinest in the morning out of the earth, thy right eye is the 
essence."^ The right eye was the sun. 

In the story told by Plutarch, Hermes (Taht) is said to cut out 
Typhon's muscles, and turn them into lute-strings. Typhon tears 
out the eye of Taht and swallows it. That is the left symbolic lunar 
eye. Then the sun restores the eye when the moon is renewed.. 

According to Karaite typology the Maori warrior swallowed that 
which would have been his enemy's light by night — his moon in the 
darkness of death, and thus extinguished him utterly. 

There can be little doubt that a religious cannibalism had its origin 
or derived its significance from the victors eating portions of the 
vanquished, and finishing them that way. The Kongo Namaquas, 
like many other Africans, eat human flesh in time of war,^ and 
then only. 

Many unintelligible forms of thought may be interpreted by an 
original type when once we obtain the clue to the origin — and 
very little short of the origin in these customs is really worth 
knowing — which enables us to follow them in their later phases 
of survival. 

The idea of reproduction and continuity, symboUed by the Hiero- 
glyphic skin, is the primary cause of the belief as expressed in 
popular lore, that the cow's hide has the quality of stretching and 
extending endlessly. Hence the garment of cow's hide worn by 
Vishnu in the Mahabhdrata. 

According to the Vulgate, the Maker stretched out the heaven like 
a skin.^ 

It is by means of a skin which they possess that men and women 
are enabled to change themselves into seals, in the folklore of Shet- 
land. And through the same type of transference, the Seals are 
looked upon as human beings who have been transfigured. 

1 Globe newspaper, August 24, 1882. 2 Vol. ii. p. 129. ^ Line 21. 

"* Koelle, Polyglotta Africana, Introd. p. 15. ^ Ps. civ. 2. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 105 

All turns on the skin, whichever way the transformation may take 
place. When the Finn woman is once in the power of the Shetlander, 
it is bcatuse he has possession of her skin, without which she can 
never transform back again or escape from her captor. 

In the "Orphic Fragments" we read, "No one has seen Protogonos 
ivith his eyes, except the Sacred Night alone; all others wondered when 
they beheld in the ether the unexpected light, such as the skin of the 
immortal Phanes shot forth." ^ The skin is here the same type of 
transformation as that of the Finn. The type is one whether it be 
the wolf-dog or jackal of Anup, the lion of Shu or any other form of 
the Phoenix-skin including the Seal of the Shetlanders, and of the 
Ahts of North America. 

The natural origin of all the transformations, by assuming the 
skin, hair, or feathers of the animals or birds, may be traced to the 
ritual and ceremonial of puberty. When the boy became pubescent, 
he transformed into the hairy one. The first clothing was hair, and 
this was followed by fur and feather, and the skin with hair on, worn 
in later times. He made his transformation in the likeness of the 
totemic animal, and became a bear, a wolf, a bull, a dog, a seal, a 
crow, hawk, or other tribal type of the ancestral descent. This mode 
of transformation was then continued in the religious mysteries, and 
applied to other changes. For example, we speak of a "change of 
heart," but the Egyptian "change of heart," was represented by 
taking the old heart out of the mummy's breast to embalm or 
preserve it apart; and replacing it by the beetle, a type of change and 

That which we can talk, say, and write was first enacted, and the 
most primitive customs were the sole records of such acting by men 
who performed those things that could not otherwise have been 
memorized. These customs had their origin in gesture-language; 
they constitute the drama of dumb humanity, and volumes might be 
filled in showing the (to us) unnatural-looking results of an origin 
that was quite natural. 

Seeing the primitive importance of the skin as a type of prowess 
and a symbol ef reproduction adopted on account of its shooting the 
hair and renewing itself, it is more than probable that the custom of 
throwing the old shoe after the newly- wedded pair is connected with 
the skin-type of repetition (Nem). We have to think back beyond 
leather to the time when the sandal was made of skin, and worn with 
the hair on. The shoe of Vair fur or hair which fitted Cinderella was 
of the same symbolic value. The Prince was in search of the 
reproducer. The shoe is thrown for good luck, which in this case 
means progeny. For the typology is actively identified by the 
Esquimaux, who seize an old shoe of the English with great avidity, 
cut it up into strips, and turn them into talismans to make barren 

1 [Ancient Fragments] Ed. Cory, p. 396. 

io6 The Natural Genesis. 

women fertile, or teeming. i This may be adduced as the connecting- 
link still extant, with the custom of throwing the old shoe for good 
luck in marriage, and the non- wearing of skin or leather during 
menstruation by the Parsee women. 

Such an application of the skin of the animal in the shape of the 
shoe will also explicate the custom of putting shoes on the dead or 
burying a pair with them, as was done in England and other northern 
countries. In Scandinavia the burial shoe is called helso or Hell- 
shoe. The shoe would have the same significance as the skin in 
which the Inner Africans still inter their dead, and the Bes or Nem 
skin that was held to give warmth, protection, and the hope of a 
joyful resurrection, or reproduction to the mummy in Egypt. At the 
famous Duke of Wellington's funeral a pair of boots were carried to 
St. Paul's Cathedral in the stirrups of the dead warrior's horse; as is 
the rule at the burial of a field- marshal 

The shoe-skin being a sign of supremacy, as shown, for instance, 
by the declaration of the Hebrew Deity, "Over Edom will I cast my 
shoe,"^ this will account for its being taken off as an acknow- 
ledgment of inferiority. The earliest skins worn were trophies of 
the victor and types or his virility, proofs of his potency. 

The pubes supplied a supreme type of male power. The vesture, 
the shoe, and hat, were made of skin, fur, or feather, which are 
interchangeable as symbols. These being worn proudly, were 
doffed in humility. The Cossacks of the Don elected their Hetman 
by casting their skins or hairy caps at him, which were reckoned 
as votes. 

The hat is put on by the Speaker of the House of Commons as 
the chief sign of his authority. The hat, or beaver, was also a form 
of the skin. The bear-skin Busby continues the Bus-skin of Egypt, 
which was a sign of protecting power and of transference; it is a 
genuine relic of the primaeval skin wherewith the conqueror clothed 
himself, and sought to frighten his foe. The tall silk hat is an 
imitation of the hairy one, and in this the man still tries to look 
martial, and the boy pubescent. In the shape of the hat the skin is 
still a type of transformation from boy to man. 

The relationship of the skin to the hair and renewed life is demon- 
strated by the ancient custom of presenting a pair of gloves to 
the culprits who had heen condemned to die, but who received the 
king's pardon, whereby the glove: became the type of life renewed. 
This custom was followed by a pair of gloves being given to 
the judge before whom no prisoner had been capitally convicted at 
what is termed a "Maiden Assize." The same theory of origin will 
also explain why gloves should have been given at weddings. In the 
time of Queen Elizabeth the bridegroom wore gloves in his hat 
as the symbol of good husbandry, and this identifies the type. 

1 Egede, Greenland p. 198. 2 ps_ jx. 8. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 107 

The glove hung up in churches and in the pews of those who had 
died young is a sign of the same significance as the skin buried with 
the dead as the symbol of a future life. 

Some amorous pleasantry is connected with the belief that if a 
woman surprises a man when he is sleepinh, and kisses without 
waking him, she is entitled to receive a new pair of gloves. It 
was especially applicable on Valentine's Day, when lovers were 
chosen by lot or captured. The covertness of the act has the look of 
the lady's having earned the right to be covered, or to become the 
femme converte, as if it were a form of feminine capture. 

The skin was made use of in the ceremony of bride-capture; the 
bride in some instances being carried off in the symbolical skin. In 
the Sutras it was provided that at one important part of the marriage 
ceremony, the bridegroom and a strong man should compel the bride 
to sit down on the skin of a red ox. The skin was the same emblem 
of reproduction as if thrown after the wedding pair or buried with 
the dead. Nor is the type limited to reproduction. Bus, the skin, 
also signifies transference, to pass, change from one to another. 
Thus the skin or shoe is a double Ideograph when applied to 
the bride. 

Much has been written of late years on the subject of capture in 
marriage. The present writer, however, is not concerned with tribal 
endogamy and exogamy. The act of capture goes back of necessity 
to the state of utterest promiscuity. The capture of the female 
by the male is so ancient that it may be compared with the capture of 
the hen by the cock. Next lawless capture was regulated and applied 
to periods of time and to persons within and without the Totemic 

Under the sign of Fekh in the hieroglyphics, we have the meaning 
of to capture, inclose, clasp, untie, undress, denude, burst open, 
and in short ravish the female as was done even in accordance with 
the regulated customs of capture. 

The hieroglyphic tie, noose, or knot, is the determinative of Fekh, 
and all the ideas connected with capturing, tying, making a bond 
and covenant. It is the determinative of Ark and Ankh to surround, 
envelop, clasp, pair, couple, and duplicate. The knot then is the sign 
of capture and covenant, which include all the various modes of 
marriage. The knot is still the symbol of marriage, described as 
tying the knot. The ring, the wreath, the scarf, are other circular 
and corroborative symbols. But the knot did not originate with the 
ceremony of marriage, whether of capture or covenant. It is the 
hieroglyphic sign of life and reproduction. As such it was carried by 
the: Great, the enceinte. Mother, as her emblem. It is the ideograph 
of periodicity, and was primally the determinative of Ark, the end of 
a period, to end, be perfected; and applies to the period of feminine 
pubescence. It is the determinative of Ankh, to put on clothes. 

io8 The Natural Genesis. 

to dress, the nature, of which is shown by linen hung up to dry. 
The first Ankh-tie was put on at puberty, by the leaf-wearers, 
some of whom still clothe themselves with a leaf-girdle to-day, 
as do the Juangs of India — described by Colonel Dalton — whose 
name is possibly based on their early type of the Ankh-tie, whence 
the Juang. This tie is still made of leaves in the Kaffir Cacawe. 

Fekh (Eg.), the tie, girdle, band, or knot is identical with the 
Zulu Foko, a woman's top-knot, the sign of pubescence, and the 
status of womanhood. The origin of the tie then can be traced 
to the simplest necessity of nature. It was next adopted as the 
sign of reproduction, because it had become the token of feminine 
pubescence, and the period of possible pregnancy; therefore a symbol 
itself. The type was continued in the Egyptian and Inner African 
custom of tying up or snooding the hair after that period. Here 
again the tie, or knot, signified that the wearer was capturable — ready 
for marriage, and it constituted a primitive means of distinguishing 
between the right and wrong, according to the rude inter-tribal code 
of ravishing. 

The laws of regulated capture are illustrated by the Narrinyeri 
tribes of Australia, with whom members of the different clans are 
present at each other's ceremonies of young- man- making to see that 
they only enter those youths who are of the proper age, so that they 
may not claim more females from another tribe than properly belong 
to them, or than they have the right to takeA 

The Arku (Eg.), tie, is represented by the Fijian Liku (a variant 
of the word Arku), or loin-cloth which is assumed at the time of 
puberty. The Liku is likewise known to the Australian Aborigines. 
The young females of Victoria put on a girdle or very short skirt 
made of opossum fur, called a Leek-Leek.^ 

When the daughter of a Fijian chief was betrothed in infancy, the 
mother carried a Liku as a present to the intended husband in token, 
and as a pledge that her daughter should be his wife. The Liku is 
the feminine loin-doth, zone; girdle and apron all in one. The message 
conveyed to him by this sign would tell him that when the girl put 
on the Liku at puberty she would become his wife. In return, he 
presented to the mother some whales' teeth as his pledge, and sign 
of the covenant. 3 The tooth emblem of Adultship — Hu (Eg.), tooth, 
ivory, and the Adult Solar God, — was one with the Nails of the 
Frenchmen, or the lock of hair sent in later times, to be worn by the 
woman. The tooth, and loin-cloth, were typical of pubescence in the 
two sexes, hence their relationship to marriage. 

The Fijian Liku and Victorian Leek-Leek, is Inner African, as the 

Lok, Waist-cloth, Wolof. Loga, Shirt, Kore. Halak, Shirt, Soa. 

Liga, Shirt, Kano. Lugod ,, Dsarawa. Halak, ,, Wodai. 

Liga ,, Kadzina. Ariga ,, Mbarike. Melagiye ,, Beran. 

Dolokie ,, Timbo. 

1 Smyth, vol. i. p. 65. 2 Smyth, vol. i. p. 272. ^ Williams, Fiji, vol. i. p. 168. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 


Also the Ark and Ankh Nooses are names for cord or rope: — 

Aruba, Ear-ring, Ebe. 

, f Armlet or 1 

' I Bracelet. J 

Orugba, a Cord, in Igu. Olugba, a Cord, in Egbria-Hima. 

Orugba, ,, ,, Opanda. Oruka, Ear-ring, Ife. 


The Ankh tie is likewise Inner African, as 

{Rope or 1 
p J J Landoro. N ket 

{Rope or 1 
Cord, i 




























{Rope or 1 
Cord, J 

Cord, jKonguan. 






The typical knot on the head, called by the Maori, Ngoi, made the 
same communication as the knot in the handkerchief, used for "kiss- 
in-the-ring," which signified to capture and kiss, because the time 
had come. And so the type was carried on in the bridal knot, 
and representative ring, when coupling had attained the status of 
monogamous marriage. 

Such types founded in the necessities of nature — the sole revealer 
in the matter — were continued as signs or symbols, and still survive 
in hieroglyphical customs where they are no longer read. 

Max Miiller has remarked, that: — 

"The Sanskrit name of love is Smara; it is derived from Smar, 
to recollect; and the same root has supplied the German Schmerz, pain, 
and the English, smari."^ 

In Egyptian, Mer is to love, to kiss, attach, bind; the Merti (our 
married) are persons who are attached and bound together. Mer is 
determined by the noose, or tie of binding; hence Hor- Apollo 
says truly a noose denotes love.^ S is the causative prefix to 
verbs, whence Smar (and Smart) to bind, twist, slaughter, which 
serves to connect the word with pain and smart. Smara (Eg.) to 
bind, also means to collet, and is applied to the collecting of taxes, 3 
and the Sanskrit Smara, to re-collect, is the metaphysical phase of 
Smaru (Eg.) to collect, which again agrees with mer, to be attached, 
or bound together. 

This meaning of love began in collecting and capturing or binding 
the females, as the primitive mode of abstracting, whether legally or 
illegally, not in semtimental recollection, or an abstract kind of word. 
Forcible and legalized capture preceded the bondage of affection and 
the name of the one was continued for the other. 

Such is the part played by words in obscuring the meaning they 
had in the past with the sense they bear at present; i.e.. in the Aryan 

In one shape or other the knot, tie, Ankh, Ark, or Mer-circle, is 
universally worn, figured, and pourtrayed tn the coupling or marriage 
1 Lectures, vol. i. p. 383, ed. 1863. 2 q [[_ 26. 

3 Goodwin, R. A. 1861, 125. 

no The Natural Genesis. 

ceremony. Enacting the knot came first. Hence the noose-sign of 
capture under the term Fekh. In the marriage or the Aztecs a priest 
tied a point of the bride's gown or huepilli to the tilmatli or mantle 
of the bridegroom; this was their marriage ceremony, and mode of tying 
the knot. At other times the circle was traversed. The bridegroom 
carried the bride on his back and made the circuit of her house. 

The Veddahs of Ceylon, who, according to Tennant, have no 
marriage rites, are said by another writer to use a symbol of dura- 
tion for the union of the man and woman who pair together. The 
woman twists a cord, and on the wedding day she presents this to 
her mate who puts it round his waist to wear till death, i 

The supposition still prevails amongst the working classes in some 
English counties that a husband may lawfully sell his wife to another 
man provided he puts her up to auction, and delivers her over to the 
buyer with a noose about her neck. The act is continually cropping 
up in the newspapers. In this ceremony the noose-sign of capture 
and covenant continues to do duty in the act of transfer and the 
making of a new bargain; and the hank is still the hieroglyphic 

The religious ritual of the modems also is crowded like a kitchen 
midden with the refuse relics of customs that were once natural and 
are now clung to as if they were supernatural in their efficacy, 
because their origin is unknown. Such customs are like those 
rudimentary organs of animals that nature suppressed and 
superseded, which only tell of uses long since passed away. 

Some of these lost all their significance when they were transferred 
from one period of life to another, as the rites and ceremonies of 
pubesence were transposed to the time of infant baptism. At the 
period of puberty the youth was inducted into the tribe; the tribal mark 
and totemic name were conferred on him in a baptism of blood. His 
Totem-tattoo was scored into the flesh of his back. The brand of the 
deserter shows this custom on the reverse of the coin. A front tooth 
was knocked out and the prepuce cover either closed or the mark 
was made by the longitudinal slit of the Australian Aborigines and 
the Fijians. By the one cut he was dedicated to the clan as its 
kinsman; by the other he was consecrated as a future generator. 
Hence the name of the rites of "young-man-making." The mutila- 
tion took various forms at different times amongst many peoples. 

The Burmese for example bore their ears and the custom takes the 
rank of a baptism. It was primally the making and sacred sealing 
of a bond and covenant in the blood of a responsible individual who 
could understand the nature of it. But when the custom of circum- 
cision was transferred to the time of childhood, as it had been by the 
Jews, to be performed on the infant of eight days old, then the 
natural [i.e. according to the savage condition) in transforming 

1 Quoted in Primitive Manners and Customs, p. 236, Farrer. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 


into the symbolic custom, loses its sense; and it becomes cruel in 
its dotage. 

The custom of shaving the head of an infant, or cutting its hair at 
the time of conferring the father's name, can only be explained by 
the first intention. The Peruvians also cut the babe's hair cere- 
monially with a stone knife when the name was conferred at the 
age of two years. It is a common Moslem custom in Africa for 
the child to have its hair cut when the name of the father is given 
to it. 

Park in his travels into Inner Africa says it is a custom among the 
Mandcngas for the child to be named when it is seven or eight days 
old, and the ceremony commences by the priest shaving the infant's 
head. In Europe too cutting the hair of the child or young man was 
a mode of adopting and fathering. Clovis offered his beard for 
Alaric to cut in token that he adopted him for his son, and Charles 
Martel sent his son, Pepin, to Luithprand. the Lombard king, that 
he might cut his first locks and thus adopt him as his son. i 

The custom was continued as symbolical, but the transfer of the 
rite from the time of puberty leaves the natural genesis so far behind 
that it is lost sight of. At the period of young-man-making the shaving 
and hair-plucking represented a typical return to infancy, and the 
pubescent male was thus reborn and adopted into the community as its 
child. But when the ceremony is enacted in infancy it is meaningless 
and becomes inexplicable. 

There is abundant evidence to prove that the earliest tattooing 
was done by cuts in the flesh, and that these were totemic signs. 
Burton testifies that in Abeokuta every tribe, sub-tribe, and family 
had its blazon printed on the body ranging from great gashes down 
to a diminutive pattern-prick. 

The totemic preceded the individual ancestor as father; and 
affiliation to the Totem was first. At a later stage such symbols 
became ancestral, but they originated as tribal marks and were 
primarily adopted for use in the earliest societary phase. They were 
signs of the bond of fellowship before they were turned into the 
badges of bondage to an individual tyrant. 

The same less of sense occurs in transferring the rite of baptism 
from the age of puberty to that of infancy. The Kaffir and Hottentot 
girls undergo the baptism of water at this time. Casalls describes 
one form; yet to be quoted; Dr. Hahn another. It is a Hottentot 
custom for pubescent girls to be exposed stark naked to the first 
thunder-storm that follows their period, and, as an eye-witness, he 
describes them running to and fro in this manner when the thunder 
roared incessantly, and the sky appeared to be one continued flash of 
lightning, and the rain drenched them in a deluge. 2 

1 Spencer, Ceremonial Institutions, p. 63. 

2 Tsuni-Goam, p. 87. 


The Natural Genesis. 

Baptism at puberty was also a rite of consecration by means of 
blood, because blood was the announcer of the female period of 
pubescence. So lowly of status was the "primasval revelation." 
Nature herself wrote the first rubric; and her red was blood. This 
was next applied to the male at puberty by the bond made in his 
blood. Adult baptism, whether with water or blood, was a consecra- 
tion of the generative powers to righteous use and a cleanly life. But 
a baptism of the unconscious babe as a rite of re-generation by 
ministers who are profoundly ignorant of its origin and significance, 
becomes an imposture, all the greater for its sanctity. The con- 
tinuity of the custom is shown by the child's taking the father's 
name instead of the tribal one of old. The re-generation doctrine, 
however, is nought but a delusive shadow of the past, the Manes of a 
meaning long since dead. Indeed, the whole masquerade of Roman 
Ritualism in these appurtenances of the past is now as sorry a sight to 
the Archaic student as the straw crowns and faded finery of the kings 
and queens whose domain is limited to the asylum for lunatics. 

Not that the evolutionist can justly complain of these specimens 
of survival. "As it was in the beginning," is the gospel found to be 
continued by them; and no written record in the present can 
compare with the unwritten records of the past which are preserved 
in symbolical customs. 

When we know that the human race first dated from the dark, 
the lower side, and reckoned the place of darkness in the north by the 
left hand, that will explain numerous customs connected with the 
left hand. 

The Talmudists assert that man was created ftom the left hand. 
Sut was born from the left side. In the Roman worship of the Great 
Mother, a left hand was borne in the sacred procession with the palm 
expanded,! because the left hand was a feminine type. The Vama- 
charis, or left-hand worshippers of Siva are Yonias, those who recog- 
nise the female as primary. In English churches and chapels the men 
used to sit on the south side, or right hand; the women to the north 
on the left hand, which is precisely the same symbolical custom as 
that observed in the burial of the Bongo dead. A custom like this yet 
affects the Ritualistic controversy. The followers of the female still 
lean to the left side and the place of the Genitrix in the north. In 
the year 1628, Prebendary Smart, in preaching against cerwn innova- 
tions made in the Ritualistic practices of the Reformed Church says the 
Communion-Tab le must "stand as it had wont to do. Neither must 
the table be placed along from north to south, as the altar is set, but 
from east to west as the custom is of all Reformed Churches, other- 
wise the minister cannot stand at the north side, there being neither 
side towards then north. The Lord's table eleven years ago was 

1 Apuleius. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 113 

turned into an altar, and so placed that the minister cannot stand to 
do his office on the north side, as the law expressly charge th him to 
do, because there is no side of the table standing northward." 

As in the Hebrew arrangements, the north side represents the birth- 
place of all beginnings, the mouthpiece of emanation. Prebendary 
Smart was an English Vamachari, and the Eucharistic table standing 
"in the sides of the north" represented the Virgin Mother just as 
surely as if she had been the Vamoru-tara. of the Tantras. When 
the "Sohar" declares that the left side will have the upper hand 
and the unclean will be the strong, till the Holy God shall build the 
temple and establish the world; then will His Holy Word meet with 
due honour, and the unclean shall pass away fi-om the earth, it is 
the same conflict of the male with the female, that is yet current in 
modern Ritualism. 

It is the English rule of the road in driving for each to take the 
left side, because that is the inferior hand, and thus each offers the 
place of honour to the other. The Toda Palal (priest), who has 
always used the right hand for the purpose of washing, when exalted 
to the divine office, always uses his left hand to wash his face and 
teeth on first rising in the morning. 1 

The left hand being first, the: earliest progression was made from 
left to right. This was illustrated in the ceremonial of the "Sabbath" 
when the witches always went "Widdershins," i.e. from left to right 
in their circular dances, and thus represented the "backward way" 
of the moon which passes through the stellar heaven from west to 
east, contrariwise to the apparent diurnal motion. In the later Solar 
Cult this was reversed; the worshippers went "deasil," from right to 
left. The right hand had become foremost of the two. 

As with the left hand, which is the inferior put first, so is it with the 
lower that preceded the upper, and — to take one illustrative custom 
— the lower is so sacredly the first with the natives near Lake 
Malo, that if a child cuts its upper teeth before the lower, it is 
killed as unlucky. 2 Captain Burton tells me the custom is 
common in Africa. A practice like this is unconsciously typical, 
and all such customs have unwittingly registered facts for the 

Also as certain animals like the ass, the cock in the springtide 
pastimes, and others have suffered for the parts they once played in 
symbolism, so has it been with woman, as the widow, the step-mother, 
and others, who have been victimized on account of their typical 
characters in mythology, which reflected the pre-monogamous 
status of woman. 

"Don't have the mother-in-law to live in your house," is a prevalent 
piece of advice at the time of marriage. Dislike to the mother-in- 

1 Marshall, A Phrenologist among the Todas, p. 141. 

2 Livingstone's Last Journals, i. 276. 

114 The Natural Genesis. 

law is cultivated by such sayings, independently of the person. The 
mother-in-law is thus a generalized character. 

The Zulu Kaffirs have a custom which is termed being "ashamed of 
the mother-in-law," and the Kaffir and his mother-in-law are taught 
to avoid each other, not to look each other in the face when they 
meet, and not to repeat each other's names. Should they chance to 
pass each other, he will hide his blushes behind his shield, and she 
will seek the protection of a bush, i 

This is current in Zululand, in Ashanti, and other parts of Africa. 
With the Beni Amer, the wife, as well as her husband, hides herself 
at the approach of the mother-in-law. 2 The custom belongs to the 
laws of Tabu. According to Richardson, when any of the Cree 
Indians live with the wife's parents after marriage, the etiquette of 
the family demands that the husband's mother-in-law must not speak 
to him nor even look at him. 

Philander Prescott, writing of the Dacotahs, says he had heard of in- 
stances in which a violation of this law had been punished by stripping 
the offender piecemeal, and leaving him stark naked by casting every 
rag of clothing away. 3 This, too, would be a typical custom. 

With the Arawaks of Guiana, it was unlawful for the son-in-law 
to look on the face of his mother-in-law. They were partitioned off 
from each other in the same house, and sat back to back in the 
same boat.^ 

Among the Australian Aborigines, the son-in-law must shun his 
mother-in-law, and she may not look on him. If they chance to 
meet he will hide behind his shield, and she will squat down in the 
bush-grass. If she is near her tribe when he goes by, they endeavour 
to screen her, but they do not mention his name. It is believed that 
if they were to look on each other, both would become old prema- 
turely and die. This strict etiquette commences from the moment 
the female child is promised to the man, and belongs to the same 
class of ideas as that of the Liku being presented by the future 
mother-in-law to the intended husband. ^ In the lowest caste of 
Hindus, however, the man sleeps with his mother-in-law until the 
promised bride comes of age. 

There is an Indian story of the man who looked on his mother-in- 
law, or, in other phrase, made love to her, whereupon she threw a 
handful of ashes at him. These scarred his face forever. The man 
was the lunar god. Hence when it is new moon he turns the burnt 
and blackened side of bis face to us and the blots are still to be 
seen. The custom had become typical, but there is a natural 
genesis beyond. 

Certain rules of courtesy and etiquette look ridiculous to us chiefly 

1 Wood, Nat. History of Man, "Africa," p. 87. 2 Munzinger, p. 325. 

3 Schoolcraft, vol. ii. 196. '^ Tylor, Early History, p. 285. 

^ Smyth, vol. i. pp. 95-96. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 115 

because they were so simple in their origin, but so sacred in their 
end and aim. So much is apparently made of so little. But we have 
to go back a long way to attain the true standpoint. When we 
learn that among the African Khoi-Khoi (or first men), the son- 
in-law was compelled to spend his earliest years, like Jacob, in the 
service of his father-in-law, and to be the old man's constant com- 
panion, we see at a glance why he was bound not to look on, 
or to have intercourse with his mother-in-law. One kind of inter- 
course was then interpreted by another, as a mode of memorizing 
the law. 

Again, the highest oath that a man can take, and still takes, is to 
swear by his eldest sister, and if he should perjure himself in taking 
her name, she is allowed to carry off the finest cows or sheep from 
his flock. 

Also, a. man may not address his own sister personally. He must 
speak to another person who addresses her in his name: or, if no 
one else is present, he has to be overheard by her as he expresses a 
wish that somebody would tell his sister what be wants. 1 This looks 
as ludicrous as the sight of a dog scratching the air whilst some one 
is scratching him. Still the dog goes upon the ground of the real 
scratch, and the etiquette of the Hottentot is but the shadow of a 
primal reality. 

We see in this custom a relic of the earliest code of morals as 
ancient as the time when incest was prohibited. The eldest sister 
can still inflict punishment on the grown-up brother who violates 
that traditional etiquette which now typifies the power of protecting 
her own person. It is noticeable that the Tamil "Aunei," for the 
mother, is honorifically the elder sister. 

With the Veddas of Ceylon the brother might marry his younger 
sister, but was prohibited from taking the elder to wife. On the 
Isthmus of Darien the people have a tradition that the man in the 
moon was guilty of incest with his elder sister. 

The Esquimaux likewise charge the man in the moon with an 
unnatural love for his sister who daubed his face over with mud to 
frighten him away. Thus the sister and the mother-in-law meet in 
the same myth. 

The Chaldean Magi and the Thessalian Charmers are credited 
with the power of bringing down the moon to the earth. The 
Greenlanders told Egede, the missionary, that the moon frequently 
came down on a visit to their wives, who, on the occasion, were 
accustomed to anoint themselves with spittle. But what moon? 
That on which the feminine fertility depended; and when it did not 
descend, or rise, it was a part of the sorcerer's work to charm it and 
"bring down the moon." 

The Arabic saying that "When a woman has a husband, she can 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, pp. 18-21. 

ii6 The Natural Genesis. 

turn the moon round her little finger," goes to the root of the matter, 
and identifies the moon. 

One of the most curious of all symbolical customs is known as the 
Basque Couvade, called by the French /aire la couvade, or the act of 
hatching. In this we have another ceremony which survives when 
the clue to its origin and significance has been lost. Another of those 
enactments that belong to the system of a common typology, the key 
to which has been mislaid, as was that of the Egyptian hieroglyphics 
previously to the nineteenth century. The custom belongs to some 
of the most diverse races of the world. It has been found amongst 
the Iberians, Basques, Corsicans, Navarrese, West and other 
Africans, Caribs of Arawak, the Tamanacs, Abipones, Dyaks of 
Borneo, Tupis of Brazil, the people of West Yunnan in China, 
the Greenlanders, Indians of California, and other primitive or 
pre-Aryan races of men. 

In performing the couvade the father takes the place of the 
mother; goes to bed with the new-born child and "lies in" instead 
of the female. 

The following account is given by Du Tertre or the Carib couvade 
in the West Indies: — 

"When a child is born, the mother goes presently to her work, but the father 
begins to complain, and takes to his hammock, and there he is visited as though he 
were sick, and underoges a course of dieting which would cure of the gout the most 
replete of Frenchmen. How they can fast so much and not die of it is amazing to 
me, for they sometimes pass the first five days without eating or drinking any- 
thing; then up to the tenth they drink ouycou, which has about as much 
nourisment in it as beer. These ten days passed, they begin to east cassava 
only, drinking ouycou, and abstain from everything else for the space of a whole 
month. During this time, however, they only eat the inside of the cassava, so 
these cassava rims they keep for the feast at the end of forty days, hanging them 
up in the house with a cord. When the forty days are up they invite their relations 
and best friends, who, being arrived, before they set to eating, hack the skin of the 
poor wretch with agouti teeth, and draw blood from all parts of his body, in such 
sort that from being sick by pure imagination they often make a real patient of 
him. This is, however, so to speak, only the fish, for now comes the sauce they 
prepare for him; they take sixty or eighty large grains of pimento, or Indian pepper, 
the strongest they can get, and after well mashing it in water, they wash with this 
peppery infusion the wounds and scars of the poor fellow, who, I believe, suffers no 
less than if he were burnt alive; however, he must not utter a single word if he will 
not pass for a coward and a wretch. This ceremony finished, they bring him back 
to his bed, where he remains some days more, and the rest go and make good cheer 
in the house at his expense. Nor is this all; for through the space of six whole 
months he eats neither bird nor fish, firmly believing that this would injure the 
child's stomach, and that it would participate in the natural faults of the animals on 
which its father had fed; for example, if the father ate turtle, the child would be deaf 
and have no brains like this animal; if he ate manati, the child would have little 
round eyes like this creature, and so on with the rest." — Du Tetre, Hist. Gen. des 
Antilles habitees par les Frangais, Paris, 1667, vol. ii. p. 371. and fol. According to 
Rochefort's account the very severe fasting was only for the first child. — ^Tylor, Early 
History of Mankind, 3rd ed. p. 393. 

Dr. Tylor's suggestion is that "couvade" shows the "opinion that 
the connection between the father and child is not only, as we think, 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 117 

a mere relation of parentage, affection, and duty; but that their very 
bodies are joined by a physical bond; so that what is done to the one acts 
directly on the other." If so, surely some of the parent's sufferings 
attending the ceremony were calculated to kill any number of chil- 
dren; and this fact is fatal to the reason assigned for the one part of 
the performance which was intended to insure the safety and well-being 
of the child. 

Bachofen suggested that the custom of couvade originated as a 
ceremony that was typical of a transfer in the line of descent from 
the motherhood to the individualised fatherhood, as if the male 
parent were performing an act symbolical of his superseding the 
female parentage. But with the Macusis of Guiana, amongst others, 
the father and mother both lie in, and there is no transfer from the 
mother to the father. So with the Arawacs. The act did not transfer 
the child to the father; 1 they continued to trace the line of descent 
from the mother. 

The custom shows that the parent identifies himself with the infant 
child. He takes no more nourishment than would keep a mere child 
alive, and this is limited at times to the most infantile food. If the 
child dies, it is because of some sin of omission or commission with 
whcih the father is chargeable. He has "neglected to shave off his 
long eyebrows,"^ or he has handled metal, or injured his nails. For 
the Macusis of Guiana might not scratch themselves with their own 
mails (a type of pubescence) , and a rib of the palm-teaf was hung up 
for use instead. An Abipone resisted the luxury of a pinch of snuff 
for fear it should make him sneeze and the sneeze bring some danger 
upon the child. 3 

When the child is born the father exhibits the offspring as his. 
He receives the congratulations of friends instead of the mother. 
The father not only takes the mother's place in bed with the child; 
He makes a typical transformation into the character of a child. He 
becomes as a little child in his habits and diet before the child 
is born. 

Among the Coroadas as soon as the woman was known to be 
pregnant the strict regimen began and the man lived chiefly on fish 
and fruits; his infantile diet. The men of the Carib and Acawoid 
nations abstained from certain kinds of meat lest the expected child 
might be injured in some mysterious manner by the father's eating 
of them. 4 

Thus the father represents or impersonates the child before birth and 
religiously abstains from everything that could hurt an infant. He 
did also take the place of the mother, but the still more arresting 
phenomenon is found in his becoming as the child. 

1 Spix and Martius, Travels in Brazil, vol. ii. 347. 

2 Dobrizhoffer on the Abipones. ^ Dobrizhoffer. 
'^ Brett, Indian Tribes of Guinea, p. 355. 

ii8 The Natural Genesis. 

There is no modern meaning: in the act itself; nothing rational; and 
no natural genesis will directly account for it. It is done in violation 
of the natural law of nursing, whether animal or human, and must 
have been utterly humiliating to man unless dominated by some 
idea which protected him from ridicule and derision. 

What then did the couvade mean symbolically, and what was the 
natural phenomenon in which the custom originated? The Kamite 
typology alone can tell us; and the present writer is prepared to 
stake the authenticity of his rendering of the primitive system of 
dramatic representation with Egypt as the mouthpiece of Kam, on 
the truth of her interpretation of couvade. 

The act of couvade is a ceremony typical of the transformation of 
the father into the child, which can be read by the doctrine of Khepr, 
the Scarab-god, who was the creator by transformation. Khepr signi- 
fies to create, but it also means to transform; and the name of 
couvade agrees with the Egyptian khep, to change and transform in 
giving birth to, or in hatching. 

It is said in the Litany of Ra, "Homage to thee, Ra, the beetle (Khepr) 
that folds his wings, that rests in the Empyrean, that is bom as his 
own son." 

One of the titles of Osiris, who changed into Horus of the Meshken, 
the place of re-birth, is the "old man who becomes young"; and the 
word for this transformation is "khepat." In the inscriptions, Khepr 
is designated "the Sacrabaeus which enters life as its own son." 

Ptah, who was a form of Khepr-Ra, is addressed thus: — "O God, 
architect of the world, thou art without a father, begotten by thine own 
becoming, thou art without a mother, being bom through repetition of 
thyself"^ In another text we read: — "O divine Scarabaeus, created 
from itself. O God, who hath made the substance which is in him. O 
God, who hast made his own father and impregnated his own mother."^ 

"To denote an Only Begotten," says Hor-ApoUo, "the Egyptians de- 
lineate a Scarabaeus, because the Scarabaeus is a creature self produced, 
being unconceived by a female. The Scarabaeus also symbolises gener- 
ation and a father, because it is engendered by the father solely."^ And 
in the Egyptian mythology, Khepr, the beetle whose name means the 
transformer, makes his transformation into his own son. In the Ritual^ 
the re-born spirit makes the transformation of Khepr in its manifesta- 
tion to light or re-birth in the likeness of the young sun-god. Khepr, 
the beetle, buried himself, with his seed, in the earth, there he transformed, 
and the father issued forth as the son. In the couvade the beetle's 
proceeding is imitated in all simplicity. 

Doubtless the act of Couvade did imply an attempt to indivi- 
dualise the ancestral spirit believed in before it could be personally 

1 Text cited by Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, p. 222. 

2 From a papyrus rendered by M. Chabas. 

3 B. i. 10. 4 Ch. Ixiv. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 119 

recognised, and was a mode of fathering the child, and demonstrating 
the line of continuity and renewal by the transformation of the 
parent into his own child. So far Bachofen's suggestion was right. It 
belonged to a very primitive interpretation of phenomena. The act 
of couvade was a representation of the creative process, not by the 
father incarnating himself in his seed, but as transforming into his 
own seed or other self, like the beetle, said to procreate without the 
female. It was the transformation or that which was recognised as 
the ancestral spirit before the individual fatherhood was known! 
Also, the father's sufferings, which far exceeded those of a mother, 
were probably intended to do so in proof that he was worthy of being 
reckoned as the parent of the child. How faithfully the drama 
was represented and the typology presented intact may be seen in 
the Carib Couvade, in which, for six months, the father ate neither 
fish nor fowl, the two images of the two truths of air and water. 

"They say also that the beetle lives six months under ground and six 
above." ^ That is as a solar symbol, representative of the sun in the 
six lower and six upper signs. Hor-Apollo also describes Khepr as 
a lunar type, and observes; "The beetle deposits its ball in the earth 
for the space of twenty-eight days; for inthat number of days the moon 
passes through the twelve signs of the zodiac." This would correspond 
to the lying -in or abstinence from certain food for one month. 

On the nine-and-twentieth day — the day of the creation and 
re-creation of the world — occurs the baptism of the beetle. Khepr 
casts his ball into the water, where it opens, and the young beetles 
issue forth; the old Scarab being renewed in its young by this act of 
immersion or regeneration. 2 

Khepr was said to form his own body continually^ from self- 
originated substance, and the father acts as if he were the gestator 
and bringer-forth of the child before the time of lying-in; as if he 
too were the former of his own future body. Taht, the lunar god, is 
called the "self-created," "never-born." 

Every time the sun was represented as lying-in, and transforming, 
he performed the couvade annually as the "Great Cat which is in 
Annu," the solar birthplace, where the father was reproduced by 
the cat as his own son. 

The father had to cut off his long eyebrows. This cutting of the 
hair was also typical. The non-virile Ptah was depicted bald- 
headed, as the pigmy or child who represented the fire of the sun in 
its dwarfage. So the god Tum, in his resurrection, makes the 
transformation into his ambu, his eyelashes (or eyebrows). ^ The long 
eyebrows answer perfectly to the horns of the Scarabasus, on which 
such stress is laid in the Ritual. 

The forty days are identical with the forty days of suffering found 

1 Clement Alexander, Strom. 5. 2 b_ ; _ jo_ 

3 Rit. ch. xvii. "* Lepsius, Todenbuch, Ixxviii. 13. 

120 The Natural Genesis. 

in many myths, including the forty days of Lent, the forty days of 
(comparative) fasting in the solar drama. Forty days was the 
period of seclusion after childbirth appointed for the woman 
by the Parsee and Levitical Law.i So in the transformation of 
Apis, when the old bull died, its successor remained during forty 
days shut up in an island of the Nile. This, too, was a form of the 
couvade; the bull, or beetle, or the sun which they both typified, did 
not diet but was changed, the old into the young one. The father 
was a follower of the suffering sun-god, and the scoring of his back 
answers to the cutting in pieces of Ptah, or the dismemberment of 
Osiris. Sekari is the title of the suffering Ptah. and sekar means to 
cut; cut in pieces; sacrifice; or, as we have the word in English, to 
score and scarify. 

Couvade can be explained, then, by the doctrines of the solar 
drama. But the beetle type of transformation was lunar first, and 
the lunar transformation and renewal were the earliest observed and 

The natural genesis of the doctrine is visible in the lunar phase, 
where the parental moon (as male) is seen to reproduce itself as the 
young one. In the solar phase it had become symbolical. 

Couvade goes back to the time of the mother and child before the 
individual fatherhood was ascertained, aad the Hottentots have the 
myth of the virgin mother and her self-begetting babe in the most 
primitive form. The deity or the Hottentots, Heitsi-eibib, is Lunar. 
He was the transformer and renewer, like a tree; the tree being his 
especial type instead of the beetle or cat. 

Heitsi-eibib is the young moon-god who is born without the 
fatherhood. In one account of his birth it is said there was grass 
growing, and a cow came and ate of the grass, and she grew 
pregnant, and brought forth a young bull. In another version the 
young girls went out to fetch fire-wood, and one girl took a hobe-ga 
(a juicy kind of sweetish grass), chewed it, and swallowed the juice; 
and she became pregnant from this juice, and was delivered of a 
son, who was very clever, and she called that boy Heitsi-eibib, and 
all the other young women came and helped her to nurse the boy. 

Once on a time, when the mother and her friends were travelling, he 
was very naughty and fretful, so that his mother had to stop whilst 
her friends went on. Again he was naughty and dirty, and detained 
his mother until at length her friends were out of sight. Then all of 
a sudden he became a big man, and forced his mother to the ground 
and committed incest. (In Khoi-Khoi the word is Xai-si, cum 
matre coiit.) Then he transformed into a baby once more, and when 
she came to her mother, she put him down on the ground and took 
no notice of him. At: last her mother said, "Don't you hear your 

1 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. iii. 15; Leuit. ch. xv. 19. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 121 

child crying?" The daughter replied, "/ hear; but let big men help 
themselves as big men do."^ 

This is the myth according to naked nature, and to naked nature 
we must go to read it. Nor does it contain any irrational element 
when once it is fathomed in phenomena. The irrational or insane 
clement is introduced only when the mythical is assumed to be 
historical and human. 

In this myth Heitsi-eibib personifies the male moon. As a child 
his mother carries him on her back in the Hottentot fashion. 
The moon reproduces itself visibly, but the first part of the re- 
begettal is out of view. It occurs when the friends of the mother 
are all gone out of sight. He is said to throw her down to commit 
the rape on her. 

In the Ritual the lunar goddess or mother of the moon describes 
this re-begettal on herself: She says, "7 have prepared Taht at the gate 
of the moon," i.e., the young moon-god who, in the Khoi-khoi myth, 
is Heitsi-eibib. Previously she has said, "I kiss, I embrace him, I come 
to him, I have fallen down with him in the Eastern Valley.'" "I have 
united Sut (the Child) in the upper houses, through the old man with 
him." "I have brought my orb to darkness, it is changed to light."^ 

As the genitrix preceded the fatherhood in mythology, the first 
mother is the Virgin Mother, and the god or child begotten of her 
is self-begotten. 

The Moon in Egypt, as Taht, was male, and the male Moon, 
transforming into the child, affords a natural genesis for couvade. 
From the origin in lunar phenomena, the type of the male child 
renewing himself was evolved as in "Heitsi-eibib." It was applied to 
Sut, Shu, Ptah, but especially to Horus, who is pourtrayed with 
the god Bes standing behind him. This representation shows us the 
"old man who becomes young," and the custom of couvade offers 
the best interpretation of the meaning of that group in which the 
grinning jolly Bes acts the part of the male gestator or reproducer 
of the child by transformation. The word Bes signifies to change 
from one to the other. 

Bes was a great favourite with Egyptian women as an ornament to 
the toilet-table, and a symbolic figure at the head of their beds. My 
conclusion is, that his wide-legged pose, his protruding tongue, and 
parturient expression (cf. Bis, Sans, to split; Bishkala, parturient), 
are intended to pourtray the bringing forth of the child; as the 
old one who becomes young. 

The particular transformation signified by the Bes-Horus group is 
that of the Elder Horus into the youthful Virile one, at puberty and 
therefore only typical. 

In Egypt the doctrine appears midway between the primitive 
nature of the Hottentot myth, and its culmination in the christology 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 69. 2 ch. Ixxx. 

122 The Natural Genesis. 

of Rome. A theosophical doctrine like that of the Virgin Mother 
and the Child-Christ, as commonly accepted, can find no explanation 
in science, and has no foundation in human nature. It must be 
referred back to the mythical origines to be understood for the first 
time, by the aid of known phenomena. In its latest inexplicable 
phase it becomes a part of the grossest superstition the world has 
ever seen. 

It is in accordance with the natural and mythological origin here 
suggested, that in Germany similar superstitions cluster around the 
godfather, who partially plays the part of the father in the couvade. 
"It is believed that the habits and proceedings of the godfather and 
godmother affect the child's life and character. Particularly the 
godfather at the christening must not think of disease or madness lest 
this come upon the child; he must not look round on the way to the 
church lest the child should grow up an idle stare-about; nor must he 
carry a knife about him for fear of making the child a suicide; the 
godmother must put on a clean shift to go to the baptism or the baby 
will grow up untidy."^ 

Not until we have penetrated to this depth in an artesian attempt 
to bore to the bottom, do we get at the origin of religious doctrines 
into which far other meanings have been interfused. Here we find 
the indefinitely earlier form of the only-begotten Son, and the real 
origin and primasval illustration of attaining eternal life by conversion 
— the later name for transformation — "into a little child." In the 
couvade that conversion was religiously enacted, with a pathetic 
childlikeness, by the male performing the two characters of the child 
and the pubescent male, as well as that of the mother, and thus 
representing a trinity in unity, which became the later theological 

The wonder is not that the father and husband was made to 
suffer so much in the "couvade," but that he was not altogether 
effaced. The old moon or sun never emerged again from its lying-in, 
except in the regenerated shape of its own child; and some ap- 
proximation even to this phase of utter effacement and extinction 
appears to have been attempted, and may be at the root of other 
primitive custom. 

The Bechuanas in public orations call themselves sons of the late 
king. 2 

The passing away of the father would be actually realised by the 
arrangement of the Andamam islanders, in which the father and 
mother remained together until the child was weaned, when they 
separated as a matter of course, and each sought a new partner. 3 

In the celestial allegory the son preceded the father as bull of 
the mother, and the boy became the husband of his own mother. 

1 Tylor, Early History, p. 304, 3rd ed. 2 Spencer, A. R. table 21. 

3 Belcher, Trans. Ethn. Society, vol. v. p. 45. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 123 

And amongst the Reddies of Southern India, there was a singular 
custom that may have realized this mythical relationship of the 
child-husband to the mother. With them a young woman is 
married to a boy of five or six years of age. But the marriage is 
consummated by her living with some adult male, it may be with 
the boy-husband's own father, who begets the chidren which are 
fathered on the boy. When the boy himself grows up, he in turn 
takes up with some other boy's wife, and procreates children for 
another boy-husband. 1 

The priority and supremacy of the son which is reflected in the 
mirror of Egyptian mythology was acknowledged in Tahiti, where 
the monarch abdicated so soon as a son was born to him. The son 
became as it were the husband of the mother. Under the same 
system the land-owners lost the fee-simple of their land and were turned 
into trustees for, their own sons, who became the actual possessors. 2 

In Sumatra, the father is called Pa-Rindu (from Bapa, the father 
of) the father of the child, which, as the nursling, is in Egyptian the 
Renn. Also it is the first child, the Renn, that he is named after: he 
himself was the second or grwn-up form of the child, the Renpu of 
the mythos. So Khem-Horus is the secondary form of the child 

It followed from the social condition that the father should be 
called after the child, which was first named after the mother. In 
Australia, when a man's eldest child was named, the father and mother 
both were called after the child, and took their place in the rear of 
it. The child being names Kadli, Penna the father [Penna, man), 
becomes Kadlitpenna, the man of the child; the mother (from 
Ngangki, the female, as woman) become Kadlingangki, the woman of 
the child. 

This pre-eminence of the son is shown by the Egyptian titles of 
"Atef-nuter," the father of the Divine One, and "Mut-Suten," 
mother of the king, the Suten being named from Sut, the child. The 
son was the great male divinity and type before the fatherhood was 
established. Here the boy precedes the father as the husband of the 
mother; he grows up to become the later father, as did Sut and Shu 
in the Stellar, and Sevekh or Khcm-Horus in the Solar mythos. In 
such wise the Inner African origines which passed out over the 
world as natural customs, were enshrined for ever in the Kamite 

It has been shown how the most ancient customs practised in 
common by different races may be a guide to the pre-historic past 
where language fails to lead us farther. Symbolic customs and 
usages are among the oldest data extant, and the more primitive 

1 Short, Trans. Bthn. Society, N. S. vol. vii. p. 194. 

2 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, vol. ii. pp. 346 — 7. 

124 The Natural Genesis. 

of these preserve the most fundamental human relationship and 
speak of a unity of origin in a kind of universal tongue. 

The primordial customs, usages, ceremonies, and other modes of 
thought and expression still survive in Inner Africa, where they have 
been continued because never outgrown by culture and development. 

Fish were considered an abomination by the ancient Egyptians, 
who did not use them as an article of diet. So is it with the Somali 
and other Africans. The Kaffirs to this day eat no kind of fish, and 
call them all snakes without distinction, i 

The Stone Age of the Hottentots, or "Khoi-Khoi," is proved to have 
existed by the fact that their priests preserve and still use the sacred 
stone knife made or a sharp shard of quartz. This is employed in 
the rite of young-man-making, and in the sacrifice of animals offered 
to the manes or the god. 2 The Bongos of Abyssinia yet employ 
flint chips as their fleams for bleeding, just as the Egyptians preserved 
the stone knife for embalming. It is a strict injunction in the rubric 
of the Ritual that the looth chapter should be painted with the point 
of a graver of green felspar (with yellow colour). The incisor of hard, 
green stone, the Uat, being sacredly used in the later painting, as it 
had been and because it had been in scraping and cutting the stone and 
bone. Wampum of cockle-shell was found in the bone-cave at Aurignac 
(in the year 1842), along unth the bones of the mammoth and other giant 
mammals of the Quaternary epoch. And wampum, the common 
wear, in what Burton terms the pre-historic adornment, is still 
extant in South Africa, consisting of shells ground down into small 
thin disks for threading. 

It was a practise in the old Stone Age of Europe, as revealed by 
the bone-caves, to bury the dead in a sitting posture, and in obvious 
imitation of the fetus folded in the mother's womb. This was a 
custom of the Tasmanians, who placed the corpse in the hollow tree (for 
a coffin) in a sitting posture, with the knees drawn up to the chin. 
The custom has been universal. The type is extant in the Peruvian 
mummy, and Nature herself suggests the primary model. 

The Hottentots, Bongos, Kaffirs, Bechuanas, and Baris, amongst 
others, still bury their dead according to this likeness of the embryo 
in the uterus. Explorers of Inner Africa have not yet got to work 
with the mattock and spade; when they do, a custom like this ought 
to yield up some valuable relics of the pre-historic past. 3 

1 Theal, Kaffir Folk-lore, p. 16. 2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goem, p. 23. 

3 It was recently reported from South Africa that in making the "Umgenf cutting 
(through red loam, gravel, and limestone rock), at fourteen feet from the surface, 
from which a dense forest had been previously been cleared, the navvies came upon the 
remains of a fire, charred sticks, 85c., in the red loam. Close by the engineer found 
what he describes as a well-made and beautifully-finished flind adze head, the 
cutting-face sloping from one corner to the other, with a bevelled edge like a chisel, 
and the other end finished off with a round flat knob. Again, at forty feet from the 
surface, in the hard gravel, he found a good many flint instruments, the two most 
remarkable ones being a round stone, about the size of a large orange, very much 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 


It is certain that this was the intention in burial, because the tomb 
and womb are identical under various names. 

Some of the large mounds left in Mississippi were called "navels" 
by the Chickasaws, although the Indians are said not to have had 
any idea whether these were natural mounds or artifcial structures. 
They thought Mississippi was at the centre of the earth, and the 
mounds were as the navel in the middle of the human body. 1 Navel, 
belly, and uterus, are synonymous in the pre-historic languages. An 
Egyptian name of the navel, as Khepa, is also the name of the womb, 
the concealed place, the secret intimate abode, the sanctuary. The 
tomb being founded on the womb will account for these mounds as 
burial-places being identified as navels. The navel is a type of the 
birthplace, and a sign of breath, which in Egyptian is Nef; the 
gestator and breather of life being personified in Neft (Nephthys in 
the Greek). 

Nyefe is the belly, 



Nufuo is the female breast, Ashante 


, ,, 




, navel in 

the Avestu. 


, navel 




, ,, 

in Lap. 


5 ,, 




, ,, 

,, Finnic. 






, ,, 

,, Esthonian 


, female breast, 

Mb of on 


, ,, 

,, Sanskrit. 


, ,, 





,, Anduman. 


, ,, 




, ,, 

,, Musu. 

The Osirian, speaking as a re-born spirit, says, the "Gods rejoice 
when they see him coming forth from the womb, bom of his mother."^ 
That was from the mount of the horizon, called the 'Tser Hill." Anup, 
the Psychopompus, is called chief of the mountain in which the dead 
were laid. 

An Egyptian formula for the living and the dead is literally those 
who are on earth and on the mountain. The mountain being a solid 
figure of the celestial dome and breathing-place above, as well as a 
type of the mount that is still known as the mons veneris. 

We shall find that the Great Mother was represented by the natural 
mount, the earliest burial-place. Next, the mounds were reared as 
artificial mounts, places of re-birth, wombs, or navels, or both in one, 
as is the Hindu image, called the Nabhi-yoni, or female umbilicus. 
The mound then, identified with navel, is further identified as an 
enormous swelling Nabhi-yoni. And such, it may be suggested, 
was the Nebbi-yunus, one of the two great mounds opposite Mosul, 
called Jonah's Tomb, figured as a mound instead of the vast Hindu 

flattened at each pole, with a three-quarter inch hole drilled through it, and by the 
side of it a stone handle seven or eight inches long, one end just fitting through 
the hole, and the other end rounded off; when put together it had the appear- 
ance of a small stone-mason's mallet. At a short distance from this was a stone 
quoit, almost exactly like the iron ones at present in use, except that, from where 
the indentation for the thumb is, the circle was cut straight across, for about a 
quarter of the circumference, by a round handle. . . . (Knowledge, June 33, 1883). 
(A page of the remotest past is missing in Africa generally in consequence of the 
lack of flints). 

1 Schoolcraft, i. 311. 2 ch. Ixxix. 

126 The Natural Genesis. 

umbilicus of stone. "Omphale ges," the navel of the earth, was a 
Greek designation of Delphi. The Nafedhro apdm, or umbilicus of 
the waters, is the sacred mount of the Avesta; the Alborz of the 
Bundahish, the breathing-place that rose up out of the Abyssal 
Sea. The original birthplace of mankind was thus externalized on 
a vast scale. 

We have the navel mound in Britain by name, as the Knap Hill, 
the mount, or a rising ground. There is a Knap Hill about three 
miles from Silbury Hill. 

This mother-mould of the beginning, the base of all building, has 
been continued up to the present time. The nave still shows the 
church to be a navel- mound, the swelling image of the procreant 
mother. "Beloved of the Adytum, come to Kha," exclaims Nephthys 
to Osiris, the "fructifying bull." Kha is represented by the vaginal 
emblem, the entrance or porch; the womb was the adytum, argha, 
nave, or lady chapel; the holy of holies in Egyptian temples. This 
may account for the custom of the marriage ceremony being com- 
menced in the porch, and concluded within the body of the church. 

The Navel was not the sole feminine type of the Hill. The Pap 
and Mammas were also applied. This will account for the "Mam" 
— as in "Mam-Tor" — a breast-shaped nill. Nipple and Navel are 
two forms of the same name; and the types are interchangeable. In 
Africa the womb or belly is the Memba in Nyamban, and Mimba in 
Marawi. So the "Tut" hill is identical with the Teat and the 
Hieroglyphic ^ mammas or teat-sign of the female, which is still 
extant as the letter D. The Hill, as burial-mound, was the uterus 
of Mother-Earth within; her navel or mammas without; and the 
interchange of types will account for the teat or t/t/j being the 
Yoni in Greek. 

The Vase is another identifiable type. This was found in the 
Mound or Mount of Hissarlik as a vase with breasts. The pot, or 
Vase, typified the mother's womb. Menka (Eg.) is the vase and the 
Genitrix, hence the vase with female breasts. The type was continued 
in the Roman catacombs, when it had passed into the vessel of glass. 
The vase was personified in Europe as the woman-figure offering her 
womb, or emblem, in the shape of a vase, in a pitiably pathetic 
manner. 2 The vase was an important and prominent symbol in the 
Aztec and Maya mythologies. The Yumanas, also the Tupis, were 
accustomed to bury their dead doubled up in an earthen pot. 

The mound-builders were far advaned in the art of pottery. Some 
of their work has been found perfect as that of the ancient Peruvians. 
An urn holding forty-six quarts was dug up near Harrison Mound, in 
South Carolina, which had been buried with a quantity of beads, 3 just 

1 "Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys." — Records, voL ii. p. 123. 

2 Plates [xxix, xxx] in [Thomas Wright's] The Worship of the Generative Powers. 

3 Baldwin, Ancient America, p. 24. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 127 

as the beads were entombed with Egyptian mummies; the beads of 
Isis, a symbol of gestation and reproduction. In the Bongo burial 
the vase or pitcher is placed on the summit of the cairn of stones 
erected over the grave. 

The genesis and development of the coffin or shell is an interesting 
study. The mother's womb was the natural type for the Palaeolithic 
cave, or the navel- mound. This was continued in the vase with 
female breasts. The tree was the earliest coffin of wood. The 
Scottish Cos, a hollow tree, agrees with the Kas (Eg.), for the coffin, 
which was followed by the Kist (chest) or familyArk for the bones. 
The link between the domestic bone-ark and the hearse was extant 
in certain Scottish villages not long since as a general burial-chest. 

It was stated in the Paris Moniteur, during the month of January 
1865, that in the province of Venice, Italy, excavations of a bone- 
cave were made, and bones of animals, chiefly post- tertiary, were 
found together with flint implements, a needle of bone, having both 
eye and point, and a plate of an argillaceous compound, on which 
was scratched a rude figure of the male organ of generation; and 
that these things were dug from beneath ten feet of stalagmite. That 
emblem was a type of resurrection, formed on the most natural 
grounds. According to the Gnosis, this rude figure had the same 
significance, denoting a place of burial for those who expected to rise 
again, and its image in the tomb can be read by the Egyptian 
"Litany of Ra" (34) . "Homage to thee, Ra! supreme power, the ray of 
light in the sarcophagus! Its form is that of the progenitor." 

The self- erecting member was the type of resurrection, as the 
image of Khem-Horus, the re-arising sun, and of Khepr-Ra, the 
re-erector of the dead. The widows of the aborigines of Australia 
are in the habit of wearing the dead husband's phallus round their 
necks, and the significance of the custom is the same as in Egypt 
and the bone-caves. The emblem was sacred as the type of repro- 
duction. The same type was worn as an ear-drop by the ladies of 
Latium, and is yet worn in southern Italy. 

"Images of pollution have been found at Hissarlik," exclaims the 
author of Juventus Mundi, and the voice of the primitive con- 
sciousness says the phallus typified the earliest ray of light that 
penetrated the darkness of the grave; indeed this primitive type is 
found in a fourfold form in the Christian iconography of the Roman 
catacombs. 1 

The branch of palm has now taken its place in the imagery of 
heaven and the typology of the eternal. In the Book of Revelation 
those who stand before the throne are pourtrayed with palms in their 
hands. Horus is represented in the monuments as defending himself 
against his evil enemy, Sut, or Satan, with a palm-branch in his hand. 
The branch of palm was, and still is, an emblem of renewal. But 

1 Vide Drawing in Section vii. [p. 425.] 

128 The Natural Genesis. 

the branch of birch that was buried with the dead in the barrows 
had the same meaning. A barrow at Kepwick was found to be lined 
with the bark and branches of the birch. That is the Bedwen of the 
British, which was also the maypole and the phallus. The Bedwen 
was typical of resurrection equally with the palm. 

As already shown, the beetle type of Khepr, the transformer, 
was also buried with the dead in Britain, as it was in Egypt. 
Beads were likewise buried with the British dead as they are 
with the Africans, and with Egyptian mummies. As these were 
imperishable it should be noticed that a kind of bead which is made 
in Africa has been found buried in Britain. Beads denote reproduc- 
tion, and were worn by the genitrix Isis when enceinte, as the 
beads and berries are worn by pregnant women in Africa to-day. 
Beads in the tomb typified re-birth, whether in Africa, America, 
Australia, or Britain. The Glainiau Nadredd of the Welsh were the 
serpent bead which symbolized renewal; the Glains, as the bard 
Meilyr tells us, represented a resurrection. 

In the Ritual, Ptah is the re-clother of the soul of the deceased in 
flesh, or, as it is said in the 64th chapter, "I have made the dress which 
Ptah has woven out of his clay.'" The god himself tells Rameses 11. 
that he has re-fashioned his flesh in vermillionA That is, the red clay 
which represented the flesh. 

"Having had my flesh embalmed," says the Osirified deceased, "my 
body does not decay;" and the bones were coated with the red earth 
long before the body could have been embalmed. Ptah's dress of 
clay was imitated in the rudest mode of embalming the bones of the 
dead in the red earth used by the Maori, the Australian aborigines, 
the North American Indians, and the mound-builders in Britain, 
at Caithness. 

Now, all the conditions for the natural genesis of this custom meet 
in Africa, and in that land alone did it culminate in a supreme art of 
embalmment. The red earth was used there to preserve the dead, 
because it was first necessary to protect the live flesh from the fury 
of the sun. The red Indian, the black Australian, and the palaeo- 
lithic Briton had no such need of protection from the solar fire. 

From beginning to end the custom is traceable in Africa today. 
The Kaffirs still cover their living bodies with an ointment of fat and 
red clay, which makes them shine like statues of polished bronze. 2 
The practice of the living was applied to the dead, and is still 
continued by the Bushmen, who anoint the head of the corpse with 
grease and red powder, and embalm their dead as rudely as did 
the Inner Africans (or the men of the mounds) ages before the 
Karaites of the Nile Valley had developed the natural custom into an 
art of absolute perfection. 

The practice survives in the Maori Hahunga, (named from Hahu, 

1 Inscription of Abu Simbel, line 9. ^Theal, Kaffir Folk-Lore, p. 12. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 129 

to disinter the bones of the dead, and remove them to their last 
resting-place), in which the bones of the deceased chief are taken 
up and scraped clean. They are then re-fleshed, as it were, with a 
coating of red earth, wrapped in a red-stained mat, and placed in a 
box or a bowl smeared with the sacred colour, and deposited in a 
painted tomb.i 

The Australian black warriors are anointed with grease and 
embalmed or ornamented with red ochre. The corpse is then 
doubled up, and tightly wrapped in the Opossum-rug, like the Bongo, 
Bari, or Bechuana of Africa. 

After the body has lain in the ground for some months it is 
disinterred, the bones are scraped and cleaned, and packed in a 
roll of pliable bark. This is painted and ornamented with strings of 
beads. It is then called "Ngobera," and is kept in camp with the 
living. It had undergone a transformation which, in Egyptian, is 
denoted by Khepra. 

And just as the Egyptians had their mummy image carried round 
at the banquet as a type of Khepra, a reminder of immortality, so the 
Ngobera is still brought forth by the Australians into the midst of 
the domestic circle at the gathering of relatives and friends. 2 The 
custom and mode are indefinitely older than embalmment in Egypt, 
and these have persisted both in Inner Africa and Australia, all 
through the ages during which the long procession of Egyptian civili- 
sation was slowly filing past. The typology is the same, and the 
Ngobera is identical, even by name, with the Egyptian Khepra 
(Ptah), the transformer, the divinity who refleshes the dead with 
his red clay. 

The strings of beads correspond to the network of beads with 
which Egyptian mummies were wrapped as the symbol of the Net 
that recovered Horus or Osiris from the waters of the Nile; the beads 
that were worn by Isis, during gestation, in the Collar containing 
nine in number. 

The bones of the dead were buried in the ancient British middens 
after they had been rudely embalmed and preserved in red earth and 
sea- shells. An old name of the English midden is a Miskin; the 
Muschna, a heap or pile in the Orisons. Now the Meskhen is the 
Egyptian place of burial and re-birth, and the typology of the burial 
customs shows that the dead were buried for their re-birth. 

Further, in the eschatological phase, the Meshken became the place 
of re-birth for the soul. It was the Egyptian Purgatory, and the Irish 
have the Miskhen as the Purgatory. 

In the comical Pilgrims' Pilgramage into Ireland, it is said, "An 
Ignis fatuus the silly people deem to be a soul broken out of 
Purgatory;" and in a Wonderful History (1704) we are told that in 
superstitious times the Popish Clergy persuaded the ignorant people 

1 Taylor, New Zealand, p. 95. 2 Smyth. 

130 The Natural Genesis. 

that the "Will-o'-the-Wisps" were souls come out of Purgatory all in 
flame, to move the people to pray for their entire deliverance. i 

In Ireland the "Will-o'-the-Wisp" is known as "Miscanne Many," 
as may be seen by an allusion in the story of Morty Sullivan and 
the Spirit-Horse in Croker's Fairy Legends of the South of Ireland. 
"Man-in-the-Oak" is an English name for the Ignis fatuus, and 
Miscanne repeats the Egyptian Meskhen, which is the name of the 
Purgatory, as the place of burial and re-birth for the Stars, the Sun, 
and the Souls, in the region of the under- wo rid. 

The Inner African mode of burying the dead wrapped up in the 
skin of an animal is identical with that of a remote age in the British 
Isles. General Sir J. Alexander has described the most ancient 
woman in Scotland who had been buried deep in a bog, and was 
well-preserved in a deer skin. The Bongos and Bechuanas still wrap 
their dead in a cow's skin. 2 

The ritual and hieroglyphics of the Egyptians contain the typology 
of the skin. The Nem (skin) means repetition, to renew, a second 
time or form. 

The deceased whose body has been laid aside, says to the God. 
"Thou makest to me a skin," and "7 make to Thee a skin, my soul."^ 
This part of the ritual is especially Inner African. It comes from 
the land of Kena or Nubi. 

The skin was of course a preservative in itself. But the deer- skin 
goes with the deer's horn as a type of renewal, and so the natural 
image of preservation becomes symbolical. 

It has often been a subject of wonder why the men of the Neolithic 
age should have buried the axes and other amulets of green stone, 
the polished jade, with their dead. The custom was Kamite; and if 
the Egyptians had no jade for the purpose, they had other green 
stones called Uat. We read again, in the Ritual, "/ have said the 
opposite of evil. I have done what they (the wicked) could not when I 
was (or when 1 represented) the amulet of green jasper protecting the 
throat of the Sun."'^ 

This is the chapter of propitiating the Ka, or double of a person, 
in the spirit world. 

In the "Hall of Two Truths," the Egyptian judgment hall, the 
reason for this custom was explained. It is said in the 125th chapter 
of the Ritual, "Explain to him (the deceased) why thou hast made for 
him the amulet (handle) of green stone after thou buriest him" And it 
must be admitted that they are the right authorities to consult in 
such mystical matters, who can explain them. 

The axe of the Stone Age was Egypt's especial emblem of power 

1 Brand, Will-with-a-Wisp. It likewise looks as if the Egyptian Mammesi, 
another name for the place of burial and re-birth of the Mam (Mummy), had 
survived by name in the Gaelic Mamsie, a tumulus. 

2 See Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 664. 

3 Rit. ch. clxvi. '* Ibid. ch. cv. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 131 

and divinity, the type of founding by opening the ground, making a 
passage, and therefore appropriate to the buried dead, as another 
image of resurrection. Axes of green stone were also buried in the 
ancient mounds of Japan, and an emerald was made the base or 
heart of the Aztec mummy. 1 

The custom has its representative likeness in the most mystical 
parts of the Book of the Dead. In the chapter said over a tablet of 
Felspar, the speaker personates the green stone called Uat, our Jade, 
and says, "I am the Felspar tablet. It hates all injury. It is well; I 
am well. It is not injured; I am not injured. It is not scraped; I am 
not scraped."^ 

It was a type of duration impenetrable to the tooth of time and 
corrosion of decay, that also retained its polish. 

And again, in the same paragraph, it is said of the mummy 
awaiting its re-erection: "Shu has walked to him under the name of 
Felspar," or Uat. Shu is the god of breath and soul: and here 
it should be remembered, the parturient "Ses" is a form of Shu. 
Also, as the god in green, the colour of reproduction from the under- 
world, Shu is the heaven-bringer. But the god and the soul are not 
only represented by the green stone; according to the idiomatic 
mode of expression they impersonate it; it was them. The green 
stone therefore was not only the symbol of divinity in general, but of 
the god of breath, soul, and reproduction (like the green things) 
from the under-world. This chapter "was placed at the throat (breathing 
place) of the mummy" and the green stone was one of the amulets 
worn by the dead. 3 

Long before the axe of jade could have been cut and polished for 
a type, the flake of flint, the stone, or deer's horn, and the typical 
branch served the same purpose. 

These talismanic tokens buried with the dead were emblematic of 
preservation, continuity, and renewal; stone, bone, and horn being 
types of permanance. As Hor-Apollo says, the symbol of the stag's 
horn signifies duration."^ The symbol of bone denoted permanence 
and safety. 5 

If the rite were only prompted by mere desire for the continuity 
of the dead, the living who buried these types of power and stability 
were already founding for another life by putting, as it were, a 
bottom into the grave; a physical foothold. For this purpose a shard 
of pottery was as good a type of duration as the stone of power. And 
so many of the ancient British barrows are found to have been 
strewn with shards of pottery along with flint stones; a shard of 
pottery being equivalent to a flake of felspar. This mode of inter 
ment with "shards, flints, and pebbles" is recognised by Shakspeare 

1 Book of the Beginnings, vol. i., pp. 93 — 4. 

2 Rit. ch. clxi. Birch. ^ j^jj_ ch_ ^Ixi. 
'^ B. ii. 21. SB. ii. 10. 

132 The Natural Genesis. 

as non-Christian, and therefore a pagan form of burial, reserved for 
suicides. 1 

Such primitive customs are like the actions of the dumb, or 
gesture-signs addressed to the eye, that preceded speech for the ear. 

The axe of An-up the Opener was continued in the stone purgatory 
Hammers of the Irish, with which the dead were supposed to knock 
at the portals to get free passage through. 

The Hair brought by Anup (the Dog) for his work of embalm- 
ment is alluded to in the Ritual. 2 He was the hairy god of the 
Dog-star, and of the planet Mercury, who came for the dying, and 
conducted the dead through the darkness of the nether- wo rid; and 
here the hair, which is another type of reproduction, is used by him 
in the work of embalmment — the preparation for the resurrection. 
That is, so to say, the hair of the dog of Death is employed in the 
restoration to life and health. This offers good ground for the origin 
of the belief in the efficacy of a hair of the dog that bites you. 

In the Edda (Havamal, 138), it is said "Dog's hair heals Dog's 
bite." This was a faith so firmly founded in Britain that a few years 
since a woman of Oldham prosecuted the owner of a dog which had 
bitten her. She said she would not have done so if the owner of the 
animal had given her some of its hair to protect her against any evil 
consequences from the bite. 3 Hair as the sign of reproduction will 
explain the custom of cutting it from the tail of a weaning calf 
and stuffing it. into the ear of the cow from which the young one had 
been taken; an action emblematic of future production (of milk, or 
young) which may be paralleled in the human domain by the practice 
of inserting the bones of young children into the skulls of the adult 
dead, as they are found in the caves of France. The same primitive 
phase of thought is exemplified by the Hottentot hunter, who if he has 
wounded game without causing immediate death, will, as the lamed 
animal limps off, take up a handful of sand from its footprints, to 
throw into the air and bring it down by this obliteration of its track. 

It is an English superstition that hair when cut off or combed out 
should be buried, never burned, because of a tradition that the owner 
will come and search for it at the time of the resurrection! The hair 
being a type of pubescence and reproduction is the same here as the 
hair of Anup, or the tuft worn on the chin of the mummy by both 
male and female alike, as an emblem of the rising again, or re-creation 
in the next life. Tradition and custom preserve the typology intact. 

The Bongos, as remarked in the previous volume, continue to 
bury their dead in a symbolic fashion, which they themselves do not 
understand. The male and female are interred with their faces turned 
in opposite directions; the male facing the north, the female the 
south. And in the Egyptian typology the south is the front of 

1 Hamlet, A. v. S. i. 2 ch. xc. 

3 Notes and Queries, vol. v. p. 581. 

Typology of Primitive Customs. 133 

heaven, the male being before, and the north is behind, the female 
being considered the hind part. Hor-ApoUo tells us that when the 
Egyptians would denote an amulet, they pourtray two human heads, 
one of a male looking inwards the other of a female looking outwards. 
This is a type of protection, for they say that no demon will molest 
any person thus guarded. Without inscriptions they protect them- 
selves with the two heads. 1 Here the typology is identical with that 
of the Bongo burial, and explains it. So the Dayaks will make the 
rude figures of a naked man and woman and set them face to 
face with each other on the way leading to their farms as a mode of 
protection against evil influences. 2 

The Hottentots, the Bongos, and other African tribes still 
raise the same memorial mounds of stones over their dead, or above 
the grave of their god (or chief), who rises again, as did the earliest 
cairn-makers of the remotest past. The nearest likeness to the 
British long-horned cairns, is extant in the long cairns of the Hotten- 
tots, one of which was seen by Alexander in a cleft between two 
eminences. This was a heap of stones eight yards long by one and 
ahalf high. And these " Heisi-Eibega" are found scattered wherever 
the Hottentot race has lived in East and South Africa. 

Lastly, it is possible that some of the Cup-markings on the British 
stones may be read by the Egyptian typology. Many of them are 
oval or egg-shaped. The egg was a most primitive type of birth and 
re-birth. "Oh! Sun in his EggT is an exclamation in the Ritual. 
The sun, or the dead returned as it were to the egg-stage in the under 
world for the re-hatching or couvade. 

Now the Egg O is an Egyptian ideograph of enveloping and 
embalming the dead; and these egg-shaped signs are incised on the 
cap-stones and coverings of the dead. 

It is also noticeable that many or the cups are dotted at the centre, 
and in the hieroglyphics the eye is the ideograph of watching, to be 
watched over, to sleep; to dream. A plain circle also served as an 
equivalent for the eye; and twin circles were the same as a pair of 
eyes. These cups or eyes are known to have received offerings, 
especially of fat! And if the dotted circles represented eyes, then 
we are able to read the custom of filling the cup with fat or oil by the 
Egyptian doctrine of "filling the eye." Filling the eye of Horus is 
synonymous with bringing an offering of holy oil. In fact Dr. Birch 
reads, "I have filled for thee the eye of Horus," where M. Naville has 
it, "I have anointed thee with the offering of holy oil."'^ 

The eye, as reflector of the image, was turned Into a type of re- 
producing. The year was re-born from the eye, whether at the vernal 
equinox, as in the zodiac of Denderah, or at the summer solstice. 

1 Hor-Apollo, B. i. 24. 2 gt. John, Far East, vol. i. p. 198. ^ ch. xvii. 

"* Birch; Ritual, "Address of Horus to Osiris," line 39; Naville, Records, vol. x. 
p. 164. 

134 The Natural Genesis. 

Hence it is said of the deceased, "His eye (his spirit) is at peace in its 
place or over his person at the hour of the night; full the fourth hour of 
the earth, complete on the ^oth of Epiphi (June 15th). The person of the 
eye then shines as he did at first." Here the eye and spirit are 
identical; so that to feed the eye with fat was to feed the spirit; a 
primitive mode of glorifying and causing to shine, which, like anoint- 
ing the body with fat, was pre-eminently African. 

The Osirified deceased boasts that he obtains assistance by his 
eye, i.e. the eye filled with oil or fat;i and this becomes a Lamp to 
dazzle and daze the powers of darkness. 

In the North of England the pupil of the eye is called the candle; 
and in the hieroglyphics the "Ar" is both the eye and the candle. 
This serves as a link between the lamp of light and filling the 
symbolic eye with oil or fat. 

The offering of fat or oil to the eye would be made with intent to 
make the spirit of the person shine in glory. Supplying the eye with 
fat was an earlier mode of feeding the lamp of light which was 
placed in the graves of later times after lamps were made. In like 
manner the pot or cruse of oil is carried by the Ram as the light of 
the dead in the iconography of the catacombs. Also, some of the 
Roman lamps have the shape of an eye. 

Thus the Ritual or "Book of the Dead," which was so sacredly 
buried with the Egyptian mummy, becomes a live tongue in the 
mouth of Death itself, the interpreter of the typology of the tomb 
and of customs the most primitive, most obscure, most universal. 

1 Birch, ch. cxlviii. 



"I have penetrated the region of the Two Truths." — Egyptian Ritual, ch. i. 
"I follow the Two Truths." — Egyptian Ritual, ch. Ixxvii. 

The words myth, mythos, and Mythology are derived from the 
Greek ^wBoq, Muthos, which is usually taken to mean a saying, a 
word, and is sometimes equivalent to Logos. In consequence. Mytho- 
logy has been declared to have originated in mere sayings, the clue 
to which was lost before Mythology proper could have existed. For 
it has been affirmed by Max Miiller and maintained by his followers 
that the radical meaning and primitive power of certain words (and 
sayings) must be obscured or lost for them to become mythological; 
and that the essential character of a true myth consists in its being no 
longer intelligible by a reference to the spoken language, i 

Such teaching of "comparative Mythology" is the result of its 
being limited to the Aryan area; and if the myth be no longer 
intelligible in the later languages we must look for it in the earlier. 

The Greek Muthoi, for sayings, represents the Egyptian Mutu, for 
ejaculations or brief utterances. Mutuni (Eg.) means Lo it is, or It 
is verily so. In a similar sense, "So Mote it be" is used by our free- 
masons, which brings on a saying and an ancient mode of saying 
under one word. Mut (Eg.) signifies the pronouncing of conservative 
formulas. And these formulas and wise sayings were part of the 
Muthoi in Egypt. The muthoi or myths did not begin in Greece or 
originate in any Aryan language; nor with the sayings which 
are the fading metaphors of Mythology and the utterances of its 
second childhood. Nor is the Myth a mere word in Greek. Mutheo- 
mai is not simply to say, but to feign and fable, represent and invent. 

MudiKog signifies that which pertains to fable and Myth in an early 
sense; MudoXoyeto, is to recite fables. In Attic prose the Myth 
was commonly a legend of early Greek times, before the dawn 
of history. The Mythoi were no mere sayings in a modern sense; 

1 Comparative Mythology. Chips, vol. ii. pp. 73 — 77. 

136 The Natural Genesis. 

they were mystical. In them the mysteries were uttered by word 
of mouth to the ear alone; like the Smriti of India. The myths 
are sayings because they were only to be said, not written; hence 
Muthos denotes anything delivered by word of mouth. They are 
myths because uttered by word of mouth alone, but they were so 
uttered because they contained the hidden oral wisdom and dark 
sayings of old. The Mythoi are the Logia, and the Logia, or sayings, 
are assignable to a Sayer or Logos, who was personified as the utterer 
in the Mythology which preceded Theology. The Sayings, or Logia, in 
Egypt, were assigned to Taht, the Moon God, who was the measurer of 
time; the reckoner and registrar of truth in the hall of the Two-fold 
Truth, or double justice. In consequence of his being primarily 
a representative of the dual lunation, Taht was the Sayer, Utterer 
of the divine words, and a Logos, tongue, or Word in person. 

The Sayings or Logia were likewise attributed to the youthful 
Solar God lu-em-Hept (the Egyptian Jesus of the Book of Ecclesias- 
ticus),! and the "second Atum," who was another of the Sayers of 
whom we read, "I have heard the words of lu-em-Hept and Hartataf. 
It is said in their Sayings," etc. 

The ass (Aai) and the cat (Peht) are the Sayers of great words in 
the house of Pet, or Heaven. 2 

The Christian Gospels were founded on and originated in the Logia 
or sayings as Papias emphatically declares. The Christ of John is 
the Word, Logos or Sayer in person. His teaching, according to John 
and Matthew, was conveyed by the Sayings, Logia or Mythoi. 

Now, it is immaterial whether the Greek Muthoi or Mythoi be 
connected at root, not merely etymologically, with the Egyptian 
Mdti, who represents the "Two Truths," but Mu and Ma are inter- 
changeable, and these Sayings were held to be the words of truth 
and wisdom personified. When Paul speaks of a true saying he 
means one of the sayings of Truth, of Aletheia. 

So far from Egyptian Mythology being founded on words that 
have lost their senses, it is the science of Truth in a twofold phase 
or character, called Mdti. Mati, as Divinity, is the goddess who 
presides in the hall of the twin Truth. Mati is also a title of Taht 
in relation to the two Truths. The two Truths (or twinship of 
Mati) appear in the Sanskrit Mithuna, a twin couple, the zodiacal 
Gemini, the state of being dual, Greek Meta; and one form of the 
Mati as Ma and Shu was that of the zodiacal Gemini in Egypt. 
Mati in Sanskrit signified measure and exact knowledge. In 
Egyptian Madt as a noun means an inflexible rule of right; that 
which is strictly accurate in measure, and perfect as the poise of 
scales, the straightness of the plumb line, or the stretcht-out finger. 

Mythology proper — by which is meant its relation to time as 

1 Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. pp. 106 — 109, 290 — 302. 2 j^if_ ch_ cxxv. 

3 Matthew xv. 12; xiv. 11. John vi. 60; vii. 36; viii. 51; xv. 20; xviii. 9. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 137 

distinguished from space, which will be hereafter described — began 
with the measuring and establishing of periods. Ma, earlier Mak, 
in Egyptian denotes measure, to measure, the measurer who in the 
dual character is Mati. Mata in Sanskrit is the Mother, also the 
moon as the measurer of time; time being measured and reckoned 
both by the Mother and the Moon. The Mother measured time in the 
two phases of feminine pubescence and gestation. These are 
signified by the double serpent. Matoti, in Lithuanic, is to measure; 
Muthi, in Toda, is the new moon. Mata signifies ten fishes in Fiji, 
that is a total equal to two hands or the two feet, which are also Mati 
in Egyptian; and Met in No. 10 in Coptic. 

Taht and Maat then are two personified forms of the Measurer 
and the Utterer of truth. This has two aspects like the Mother, 
or the Moon, in her dual Lunation; and these Sayers in Egypt 
preceded the Sayings in Greece. Moreover, Myth and Logos are 
interchangeable in Greek; and one sense of the word Logos is a 
true narration; as it is said, in the Gorgias, the fable differs from 
Xoyog, because the latter is true. Thus the Logos or myth is identical 
with the Ma-Kheru or "True Word" of the Egyptian Theosophy, the 
word that was made Truth when impersonated in the god Har- 

It is now intended to show that Mythology is at root the science of 
the two Truths of Mati, which are at the foundations of Egtprian 
thought and expression. For instance, the Moth is a perfect type of 
Mati, on accound of its transformation from the Grub. Mato in Fin 
is the Grub or Worm; Mato, Lap, the Caterpillar or Grub; Mathu, 
Gothic, a Worm. In English the Moth is the winged Worm, some- 
times called a Soul, in the second of two phases. 

Mati may denote Water and Breath, Decay and Renewal, a pair of 
Feet, the two Waters, the two Solstices, the double Lunation, the 
Twin Lion-Gods, Light and Shade, Menstruation and Gestation, Wet 
and Heat, the Circle and Cross (in the knot or Ankh), the Collar and 
Counterpoise, the house of the Two Truths, or any other type of 
twinship in which the beginning at First bifurcated. 

For, it may be affirmed, generally, that all veritable Beginning in 
typology, mythology, numbers and language, can be traced to the Opening 
of a Oneness which divides and becomes dual in its manifestation. 

So far as the evidence reaches back, all beginning in synonymous 
with opening. In Egyptian, to found is to open. In Maori and 
Mangaian, to being, in tupu, is to open as the bud and flower. So 
the place of opening is the Teph (Eg.), the Tuba in Kaffir; and the 
earliest ascertainable human thought was related to opening. Night 
opened the starry heaven. The black cloud opened with its quivering 
Assegai of the lightning. Darkness opened into day. The mother 
opened to give birth. The child opened into the woman or man at 
puberty. The male opened the female. The eye opened for seeing; 

138 The Natural Genesis. 

the ear for hearing. The nostrils opened with the breath of life. 
The mouth opened to utter forth; hence the mouth and mother are 
one by name. In the act of opening things became dual, and this 
was the bifurcation signified by the Kamite "Two Truths" of all 

Max Miiller asserts that "as soon as Suryas, or-r^Xiog, appears as a 
masculine form, we are in the very thick of Mythology" ;^ that is, as 
soon as sex is distinguishable in words. Nay; but we are caught in 
the thicket before language was sex-denoting at all; and it is at that 
stage we have to read some of the hardest riddles of the Sphinx of 

The Hottentot, amongst other languages, reaches back to that 
stage. "Thou son of a red 'she-bulV " [i.e. of a heroine), is a Hot- 
tentot address to a hero. 2 This agrees with "The Bull called Sothis 
at her time."^ Language had but one name then for the beast of 
both sexes. So Nin, in the Assyrian, denotes both the Lord and the 
Lady, because Nin, or Ninu, was the name of the child, the English 
Ninny, and the child was named before the two sexes were dis- 
tinguished by different terminals. Nin, for the child, was not a 
sex-denoting word, and the child so named might be of either; 
and, so far as the type goes, of Both. 

The Egyptian type of Divinity is the Nunter, or Nuter, our neuter. 
The Nnu is the Ninny, the impubsecent boy, or young one, the 
Khart of either sex, as is the child or the colt. This type-name is 
found in English, Greek, Italian, Javanese, Fijian, North American 
Indian, and other languages, and it is Inner African for the young 
one, as 

Nina in Mende. Nina in Gbandi. A Nene in Soso. 

Neni in Kiriman. Nunina in Toma. A Nene in Kisekise. 

Also for the younger brother, as 

Nau in Koama. Nyan in Yula. Ninda in Biafada. 

Nana in Bagbalan. Nyena in Dselana. Ninda in Landoma. 

Neneye in Pangela. Nyene in Kiamba. Nande in Nyamban. 
Nuane in Isiele. 

It is likewise applied to the younger sister. 

As the child. Homo was born twin (within the limits of language), 
and was separated and distinguished at puberty. We shall find the 
two sexes are said to have been divided by the lizard or serpent, or 
severed by the stone of the opener; and it will be shown how the 
one statement is related to the female, the other to the male. 

The Totemic mysteries reveal the fact that the individual personality 
was constituted at the period of puberty, and determined as twain 
by the manifestation of sex, the "Two Truths" of reproduction. Until 
that time the child-name was not distinguished by gender. In 
Egyptian it was also the Nakhen, or young one, as the Impubescent. 

1 Selected Essays, vol. i. p. 604. 2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 73. ^ j^if_ ch_ ^x. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 139 

Nakh denoted pubescence or virile power, which the terminal en 
negatives. Nicholas, the good genius of children, who was always a 
child himself, is the Nakhen, or Nakh-las.i The A-nak, in Malay, 
Salayer, and Javanese, is the child in the same sense. 

Nakhen (Eg.) reappears in the Sanskrit Nagna, and Nagnaka for 
the girl who is yet impubescent, and on that account allowed to go 
naked. In Zulu, Nguna means to be quiet naked, or to expose the 
person, and in English Nakne is to make naked. The naked were 
the impubescent, those who did not need to be clothed. Hence the 
two classes in the Hall of "Two Truths," the Good and the Evil, are 
called the "Clothed and the Unclothed," in accordance with this simple 
origin of the typology. 

Again, the Hottentontot language shows a primitive mode of dis- 
tinguishing the one sex from the other. In one of the chaunts 
the Mother of the Lion calls him "the yellow child of the Lion- 
tail," i.e. of herself as female Lion. 2 She is the Liontail, the hinder 
part, just as it is in the hieroglyphics where the forepart of the animal 
is masculine, the Lord or Leader, that which goes first, the "Ha!" 
whereas the hind part denotes the female sex. This was then but 
one being, whether as human or beast, and the front was the male, 
the back female. This is the secret of the Sphinx. The orthodox 
sphinx of Egypt is masculine \v^j in front and feminine behind. 
So is the image of Sut-Typhon, 2ZI2> a type of horn and tail, male 
in front and female beind. The Pharaohs, who wore the tail of the 
Lioness or Cow behind them, were male in front and female behind. 
Like the Gods they included the dual totality of one Being in one person, 
born of the Mother, but of both sexes as the Child.^ 

It was a common tradition with the Jews and other races that man. 
Homo, was formed of both sexes at first, and afterwards divided. It 
is so stated in "Genesis." The Rabbi, Jeremiah Ben-Eleazer, also 
supported this view with the authority of the text,^ "Thou hast 
fashioned me Behind and Before."^ Other Rabbis affirm that Homo 
was male in front and female behind; just as we find it was in 
language and is imaged in the Typology, which alone can explain it. 

Within such limits of expression. Homo, or Khem, was born twin; 
the male and female were distinguished by their sex as two forms 
of one being; and these limits of early thought and expression were 
the cause of the dual and epicine types, and of the later superstitious 
beliefs. Sex was first denoted by gesture, and next by images, which 
were retained in the mythological figures like those of the Sphinx, the 

1 Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 165. 2 Tsuni-Goam, p. 73. 

3 The present writer has suggested, and he maintains, that the Pharoah was not 
founded on the Ra (who was the earlier Rek or Rex) but on the double Har, who 
preceded him as the Har-Iu; whence P-har-iu, the dual Horus, the effeminate 
(or feminine) and the virile one united. 

'^ Berachoth, f. 61; Batolocci, Bibl. Rabbin., iv. p. 65. 

s Ps. cxxxix. 5. Talmud, Tract. 

140 The Natural Genesis. 

Centaur, Sut-Typhon, Pan, the God, or Pharaoh, with the feminine 

Not only typology but language itself was also evolved from this 
primary phase that contained and divided into the Twinship of the 
Two Truths. 

As already affirmed, there was a stage at which language was not 
sex-denoting and different words or signs were used by the two sexes 
(as such) to distinguish them. At first the genders were dramatised, 
so to say, and the speech was according to the character or sex of the 
speaker. Doing, demonstrating, in relation to sex (from which peculiar 
customs have descended) preceded saying in sex-denoting speech. 
Language began without distinction of gender. The Kinyamwezi and 
other African languages have no genders. There is a formal absence 
of gender in the Australian dialects. The Algonkin language has 
no direct distinction of gender. In the Fula language of Central 
Africa there is no distinction between the masculine and feminine 
genders, but it divides beings into two classes. In one is everything 
belonging to humanity; in the other everything belonging to the 
brute creation and inanimate objects; these have been termed the 
human and the brute genders. There are two genders in Iroquois 
known as the noble and ignoble, the first being applied to divinities 
and the male of human beings, the second to all other things. The 
Dravidians also have a "high caste or major gender," which is that of 
the divinities as well as great men. The Mexicans evolved a dual 
kind of language on this principle, one form of which is used solely 
by the superior castes, the other by the inferior in social position, i 
In the Aryan languages the father and mother occur without the 
signs of gender, which shows the neuter was first; and the distinction 
between animate and inanimate which forms the genders in the North 
American Indian dialects is visibly earlier than the distinction by sex. 
The sign of gender in the Bonus Pater and bona Mater is obtained by 
means of the adjective. The person, so to say, remains neuter. So 
papa, (Eg.) to produce, may be applied to either the father or the 
mother. The Mother is the Papa in the Australian dialects. 

The Kaffir custom of Hlonipa shows us language in the act of 
becoming twain. It is negatively sex-denoting. The especial 
language of the female becomes so by her avoidance of male names 
and masculine terms. It is similar to the woman distinguishing her 
sex by denuding herself of her eyebrows and pubes, to be un- 
masculine, or become more feminine. Hlonipa was not assumed at first 
as a sort of fig-leaf apron of the feminine consciousness, although it 
may look so now. Certain words, expressions, or sounds were only 
used by each sex because they were sex-denoting, and the primitive 
mode of denoting the sex was by each keeping to its own words. In 

1 Gallatin, Notes on the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico, vol. i., p. 38. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 141 

this way the genders were dramatized, and the human being was 
made twain, as were the two castes in other languages. 

In the American Indian dialects woman use different words from 
the men to denote various degrees of relationship, the custom being 
confined to such words and to the interjections.^ For example, among 
the Araucanian tribes the brother calls his brothers Peni, and his sisters 
Lamnen. But the sisters call both sexes Lamnen.^ In the woman's 
mouth the distinction based on sex is effaced. 

Peni, as in other languages, denotes the male organically, and this 
name the female avoids, not primarily from shame or modesty, but 
because it was representative of the male at first, and was 
afterwards prohibited to the female. The Kaffir women are forbidden 
to pro-nounce the names of any of their husband's male relatives in 
the ascending line, or to use any words in which the chief syllables 
of these names occur. 

The Fijians have an interjection Neu, which is prohibited to the 
men, and is used only by the women. This is a universal form of the 
negative; and in the hieroglyphics Nnu is No, Negation, and the 
woman menstruating. The woman was being limited to her own 
negational sign expressed in sound; just as she was the hinder part, 
as Liontail to the Ha, or front; or as the North to the South for the 
front. Although the first, she became negative to the male. In 
Egyptian the feminine article is also found to serve for the neuter 
one, which preceded sex. 

The Apaches "Nyau" is an exclamation strictly limited to the 
females, whereas "Ah" is the exclamation confined to the males. In 
the African Hausa language the two genders of sex are distinguished 
by the terminal la used for the male, and Nia, the force of which 
has not been determined, for the female. So in a Murray dialect 
(Australia) the word Purragia signifies "You lies" when addressed 
to a man; and "Purragaga" is "You lie," when addressed to a woman.^ 
The reason for this is unknown. 

la and Ma are common forms for Yes and No. In Egyptian, la 
is Yes, positively, certainly. Na is No, negative; these contain the 
Two Truths, however applied. Hence they served as signs of the 
male and female nature; the mle cames to be the superior one, 
according to the Two Truths, a division answering to that of the 
"noes" and "yeas" of the two castes of people in Australia. Even 
when the genders of language had to be expressed by gesture-signs 
and interjectional sounds or clicks, the Two Truths or diverse aspects 
of the one were represented by signs and clicks; for with the Zulus, to 
this day, the woman expressed contempt by a sound like that of the 
c click, whereas a man does it with the x click, and this is according to 
the secret signs or sounds of "Nci-fila," and a very primitive Gnosis. 

1 Archseologia Americana, v. ii. p. 163. 2 jhid. p. 264. 

^ Smyth, Aborgines of Victoria. 

142 The Natural Genesis. 

Such a manner of distinguishing the sexes was developed in the 
Ibu "Nna," for the father, and "Nne" for the mother; and in the Kooch 
Nana for the paternal grandfather, and Nani for the paternal grand- 
mother, by means of a vowel- intonation in a name instead of a 
personal click, or sexual gesture-sign. In the Sonorain dialects of 
America the gender is indicated by the addition of words denoting 
the Man-word and Woman-word, which took the place of earlier 
signs, on the way towards a sex-denoting terminal for single 
words. 1 

In the hieroglyphics the natural ideographic Signs of Sex can be 
traced into sex-denoting suffixes. The feminine terminal and 
article "The" is the sign ^ of the female sex; it is one of the two 
Mammas separated from the body. This phonetic T is an ideo- 
graphic n. the English Teat and Titty, for the female breast. The 
masculine article The is Pa, ideographic Paf (The); and Paf signifies 
the Breath. This sign then denotes the Breath-giver who was at first 
the quickening female and afterwards the causative male, Pepe having 
the same meaning as "engender," the papa as Engenderer. These 
signs are related to the "Two Truths," and to the breath and liquid 
of life, and they became the two masculine and feminine articles and 
sex-denoting suffixes. Thus Gesture-Signs of Sex were first; next 
the Words of Sex; lastly the Woman-Sign, the teat or mammas, 
becomes a terminal t, to denote the feminine gender of words. 

In the Nagari alphabet there are two peculiar signs for symbolic 
sounds which may also be related to the Two Truths of the Water and 
the Breath. The one . represents N and is the symbol of nasal sounds. 
The other : is the symbol of H, and the sibilant called Visarga. 
N denotes the negative element (water) in many languages, including 
Sanskrit, Egyptian, Chinese, Japanese, Akkadian. Visarga is a dis- 
tinctly audible aspirate. This and the H therefore represent Breath. 
The Rabbins have a saying that all came out of the letter H. 

The Two Truths appear in the Chinese division of the roots of their 
language, the full and the empty words, designated Chi-tsen and 
Lin-tsen. Grammar, they say, is an art which teaches us how to dis- 
tinguish between the full and the empty words. Full and empty 
have great nearness to the original nature of the Two Truths, the Yes 
and No, Positive and Negative, Breath and Water, Light and Darkness, 
of the primitive typology. 

The Melbourne blacks used to distinguish their language as 
Nuther galla. Galla is language, and Nuther means No. Judging 
from the Egyptian Nuter and the English Neither, it may be inferred 
that this is negative in the sense of the Neuter that becomes either. 
The language of "No" is equivalent to the "No" or Negative people of 
Australia. The Egyptian Nu-ter contains the elemenu of Nnu, 
Negative; and ter, for the type, image, or status. The pre-pubescent 

1 Buschmann, Abhandlung d. Berlin. Akademie, 1869, i. 103. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 143 

period of the child was neuter in this sense ot neutral which became 
dual at puberty, and the language formed before Homo could be 
sexually distinguished by the name, would be Nuther or Neuter 

In the Kamkatdal and Koriak dialects or the Aino language, man, 
as Homo, is called Nuteira and Nuteiran. The name included both 
sexes, but distinguished neither. It was because the Nuter preceded 
sex that it became a type of divinity beyond sex and the Neuter 
remains the sexless gender. The Neuter of deity is either he or she; 
in the negative sense neither, but potentially both. At this primitive 
stage the type of a biune deity was founded in the likeness of the 
child, which is of either sex, as the dual being. It has been said that 
in no language does the plural precede the singular. But the one, as 
group, was earlier than the personal 1, and the bifurcation and indi- 
vidualization from the group or from the typical one, the Mother, who 
preceded the dual child, is one of the Cruxes of all beginning. Those 
who date from the Mother, the Negative one, are the No-people. 

They who begin as her children are both Yes and No, male and 
female, no longer Neuter. With them there is a dual that precedes 
the singular. It belongs to the pre-pubescent period of the child. 
The Egyptian "Heir Apparent," the Repa, has a name that signifies 
either, the Repa being the royal or divine Child of either sex, of 
two characters, or typically of both. The twofold oneness of the 
primordial Neuter is still attained or preserved in the various duals of 
dignity, the "We," "Our," and "Us," of Royalty, which is an equivalent 
for the Cow-tailed Ra and is represented in literature by the infallible 
"We" of the Reviewer and Editor. In Samoa this is continued to the 
extent of asking the single chief, 1 "Have you Two come?" "Are you 
Two going?" Thus "Your Twinship" is a perfect plural of dignity. 
This plural is pourtrayed by the hieroglyphic sign of Nakh (or Ankh, 
the pair), ^ the type of pubescent power in the male, who has doubled, 
and become "You Two." 

The personal pronoun, 1, is a dual in several ancient languages, 
as in the Hottentot. The Egyptian Ank (1) is plural in Ankh, a pair. 
U, the 1 or Me, is also a plural for they or them. Penti in Egyptian 
is emphatically the one, because the word is plural and indicates a dual 
nature, like that of the pubescent male, the doubled Horus, or the 
female in her second phase of the Two Truths. 

Here, as elsewhere, the dual does precede the singular in language 
and was necessitated by an earlier stage of expression, the 1 being 
twin in sex. The human being was broken in two (as it were) 
to be divided into male and female. This led to the primitive 
legends of the split men, the half men, the one-legged race, who 
fancied the Zulu maiden must be a pair of people. "You Two," 
or the Twinship, restores this onginal unity. The parent when 

1 Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 340. 

144 The Natural Genesis. 

enacting the Couvade might also have been addressed as "You 

The Baroling regard their god as a person with only one leg, and 
they hop round in his image on one leg in their sacred dances. The 
Single Leg, says Rowley, is emblematic of Unity. This one-legged 
divinity was continued in the mummy-type of Ptah, which type indudes 
the male and female, and shows the process of individualizing, i 

In death the: Egyptians returned to the type beyond sex. The 
mummies were bound up in the undivided image of the single-legged 
Ptah, or Osiris, whose legs were at first undivided. The Shebti or 
double of the deceased shows no distinction of sex for the male or 
female, but served for both. The unity of the lower part corresponds 
to the pre-pubescent period of the child in which the sexes were as 
yet undistinguished, or as they called in, undivided. 

In the sacrifices to the Mexican god Tlaloc, children were selected 
who had two whorls in their hair, or were what we call "double- 
crowned. "2 These were held to be the most agreeable offering to the 
gods, because as we read the symbol, the double-Crown, like that of 
the divinities and kings of Egypt represented the Two Truths of the 
biune one. This the present writer considers to have been the reason 
why Twin children were especially chosen to be offered up in sacrifice 
and not from any absurd notions connected with the infidelity of the 
mother and a double fatherhood. Such customs and ideas date from 
a time when there could be no such thing as female fidelity. Hoho 
was the Dahoman god of Twins. These being sacred to him would 
be sacrificed to him. The Twin Being in Mythology is the com- 
plete one, the dual child, and the Twins according to the same idea 
would furnish the perfect offering. The same typology is continued 
in the custom of "Wishing over the double kernel found in a fruit- 
stone called a "phillipine." 

When words become sex-denoting in themselves we are out of 
the thicket of Mythology or Typology; and the "Two Truths" of Egypt 
relate to this primary phase, short of which there is no beginning. 

The "Two Truths" may be said to commence with the natural 
antithesis of the positive and negative. As Day and Night embrace 
the whole world in two halves, so do "Yes" and "No" cover the two 
hemispheres of the world of language; and these may be indicated 
even by the nod and shake of the head in Gesture-language. 

The "Two Truths" originated in there being but one name or type 
for the dual manifestation of an object, person, or thing. Shen (Eg.) 
for instance, is a circle, an orbit, a whole. It was the circle of the 
year. But Shen is also Twin, and Two; the circle of the year, being 
first divided into the Two Times; and the Shen, Tunic, was first put 
on at puberty when the second of the two phases was attained. The 
Shen as the brother and sister were Shu and Tefnut (also the Shenti) 

1 Rowley, Religion of the Africans, p. 24. 2 Bancroft, iii. 332. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 145 

the Lion- Gods of the two gates North and South in the earliest 
halving of the circle. 

This form of the bi-une one was finally fixed in heaven as the Twins 
of the Zodiac. Thus the Shen (as one) includes both sexes, two 
halves, two times; and the Shen-ring is a symbol of reproduction or 
duplicating. The knee-joint and elbow are both Shena (Eg.), or 
Shenat, the equivalent of joint, as the hinge or juncture and point of 
unity. Shen and Sen are interchangeable. Sen is Two or Twin. 
Also Sen (Eg.) means Blood and Breath, the dual foundation of being, 
the Two Truths in a biological sense; the Twin as two principles of 
life under one and the same name. Sen means to be made, to 
become, to be founded, by means of the Mother- Source, and 
secondly, by the quickening breath or spirit, first observed through 
the Mother, and lastly assigned to the Father. 

The Serpent, on account of its sloughing became a pre-eminent type 
of the Twin Truths, or two manifestations of the one, especially in 
the two phases of the female. In India, the Serpent still images 
the two primary Truths represented by the elements of Wind and 
Wet; it is invoked in the one character for fine weather; in the 
other for rain. In the time of Hioun-Thsang, that traveller records 
how the people of Cashmere would go to the spring acoompanied by 
the priest, and "snapping their fingers would invoke the Dragon and at 
once obtain their wishes."^ 

The rootage of Language and of Mythology has to be sought here 
where the oneness bifurcates in duality according to the Egyptian 
doctrine. The Ojibwa signs or hieroglyphics contain a unique 
symbol of the Two Truths, consisting of a serpentine double line which 
represents the River of Words in a twofold flow. This serves as a 
visible figure of unity bifurcating into duality. 

It is an Accra saying that men have Two Ears but these do not 
hear Two Stories; and when the one tongue spoke falsely that 
became the double-tongue. In like manner the Human Being was 
named as one, before the two sexes were distinguished by genders. 
There were two forms of the primary one. The genus had to be 
identified before sex and species could be distinguished by name. 
So that the root of the present matter is not reached on any line of 
research until we bave attained the starting-point in a twofold oneness. 

The name of the Goddess Aahti is the name of the womb, the 
moon, and a pair of bdlows, legs or shanks. Aah denotes the 
house, moon, or the thing which is duplicated by the ti. Thus the 
womb Aahti is the dual house, the place of the Two Truths of the 
Water and Breath, or or duplication in reproduction. The Lunar 
Aahti is the manifestor of the Two Truths in the waxing and waning 
of the moon. The Ibis Aahti was Black and White, thence repre- 
sentative of the dark and light of the lunar orb. 

1 Voyage, Vol. ii. p. 153. 

146 The Natural Genesis. 

The two eyes of the crocodile denoted sunrise, the tip of its tail 
was an ideograph of sunset. 

The earliest division of the human being is founded on sex, 
whatsoever the terminology; and the ideographic signs are the 
members. The He is the head and She the tail of the first dual 
coinage as well as in the latest currency. The He is before, in front, 
and She is the hinder half. He is the outer and the right hand. She 
the inner and the left hand; He being the type of out, and She of in 
and within. He is the upper and active; She the lower and passive 
when the one becomes Twain. 

All the earliest imagery in the Planisphere is arranged acording to 
these Two Truths, or the dual one. There are two Bears, the Greater 
and Lesser; two Dogs, the Major and Minor; two Lions, as the Lion- 
Gods; the double Anubis or dual form of Sut:; two Fishes: two 
Mothers, the Virgin and Gestator; one in the sign of Virgo, the other 
who brings forth the Solar Child in the sign of Pisces. The Twins 
(who in Egypt were the two Lion-Gods); the Ass and its foal; the 
Polar Dragon, North, and Hydra, South; with the Scales figured 
at the equinoctial level, the division as the connecting link of two 
heavens and the express emblem of the Two Truths. 

One of the symbols of Ma is the Ostrich Feather, which is the 
sign both of Light and Shade, Ma and Shu. There can be nothing 
older than Day and Dark, and as the Ostrich Feather was an inner 
African sign of the Two Truths, and as Hor- Apollo says the symbol 
was adopted because of the equal length of the ostrich feathers, it has 
been suggested that the type was first made use of in a land of equal 
day and dark, or equatorial Africa. 1 

This would be a form of equal poise and of the balance before the 
equinoxes were made out in higher latitudes. 

With the Chinese the Two primal principles called Yang and Yin, 
the Male and Female, or Father Heaven and Mother Earth, were 
originally known as Light and Shadow. 2 These are the Two Truths 
of Ma and Shu, or Mati, in Egypt. 

The Hebrew deity is represented according to the Two Truths, 
studying in the Scriptures by day and the Mishna by night. 3 
Also it is said that when Moses was with the Lord during forty 
days and forty nights he was taught the written law; then he under- 
stood it was day, and when he was taught the oral law he knew 
it was night. These also are the Two Truths of Light and Shade, 
i.e. of Ma- Shu (Eg). 

The White and Black ermine worn by English judges continues 
the typology of the Two Truths or the dual justice, and corresponds to 
the feather of Light and Shade which was worn by the Goddess Mati 

Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 484. 

Chalmers, Origin of the Chinese, p. 14. 

Midrash, f. xcvii. c. 3; Buxtorf, Synag. Jud. c. iii. p. 54, Basil, 1661. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 147 

in the Judgment Hall. The ermine, says the Bundahish, was the first 
of the fur animals that was produced. 1 

The Two Truths of Light and Shadow appear in the Bundahish 
represented by Two antagonistic spirits, personified as Ahura-Mazda 
(the spirit of Light), and Aharman (the Angro-Manyus, or Black Man 
of the Avesta). "The region of Light is the place of Ahura-Mazda, 
which they call endless Light, and his omniscience is in vision (sight) or 
revelation." Aharman "in Darkness, with backward understanding 
and desire for destruction, was in the abyss, and it is he who will not be 
(he only exists negatively), and the place of that destruction, and also of 
that Darkness, is what they call endlessly dark."^ In the earliest 
phase these two were simply the Light and the Darkness. 

In many lands the waxing and waning moon conveyed two mes- 
sages to men as its form of the Two Truths. According to a Lithuanian 
precept, boys should be weaned whilst the moon is waxing, and girls 
during the wane. The Orkney Islanders prefer to marry when the 
moon is waxing. The present writer has personally met with a 
prejudice entertained by English villagers against killing the pig in 
the wane of the moon, because the meat wilU waste so in cooking! 
The Two Truths conveyed by the moon's message to men, are set 
forth in the Hottentot legend. 

The Moon once sent an insect to men with this message: — "As I 
die and dying live, so ye shall also die and dying live." On its way the 
insect was overtaken by the hare, who, beeing a fast runner, proposed 
to convey the message to men. The insect consented. When the 
hare arrived she said, "As I die and dying perish, in the same way ye 
shall also die and end." The hare then returned to the Moon and 
told her what she had said to men. This made the Moon so angry 
that she struck the hare on the mouth and slit it. 3 So the hare-lipped 
mouth became a type of the double (cf. the double tongue) or lying 
lip. "We are still angry with the hare," said an old Namaqua, "and 
dislike to eat its flesh because of the message it brought.""^ 

Shu, the feather of Light and Shade, also reads Ma; and Shu-Ma 
or Shu, and his sister (Tefnut) represent the Two Truths of Breath 
and Moisture. These in one form may be the Breath of heaven, and 
its Dew, as Tef is to drip and drop. They likewise denote the breath 
of soul and the blood of source, the mystical water of life. Also, Shu- 
Ma is a name for the "Pool of the Two Truths." 

When Thales, the Milesian, said water was the mother of life, he 
did but formulate the first perception of the primitjve man in a 
thirsty land. Water and Breath were the two elements of life earliest 
identified; and water, having to be sought for and supplied as drink, 
whereas the air came of itself, would make the earliest appeal and first 

1 Ch. xxiv. 13. 2 Bundahish, ch. i, 2, 3. West. 

3 Bleek, No. 31. ^ Ibid, p. 7. 

148 The Natural Genesis. 

demand for recognition. Hence, in Mythology, Water is the primal 
Element. All begins with or issues from the Water, the first of our 
Two Truths. The "Revelation" concerning creation in the forty-first 
chapter of the Koran, says the Lord set His mind to the creation of 
Heaven, and it was darkness or smoke. Al Zamakshari affirms that 
this smoke or vapour of darkness ascended from the waters under the 
throne of God and rose above the waters and formed the heavens. 
In the Hindu creation it is said that "From the foam of the water was 
produced the wind,"^ that is the Breath or Anima, the Egyptian Pef 
(or Beb), the exhalation. 

According to the Vishnu Purana,2 the creation proceeds from the 
quality of Darkness, called Sesha. Sesha shows that Breathing out 
of the Waters which is represented under the waters by Vishnu and 
Ananta. And in Egyptian, Ses is to breathe; Susu, in the Inner 
African languages is smoke, and to breathe. The god Shu, who 
represents the element of breath and air, is the born child of Nun, 
the firmamental water. The doctrine had a natural genesis, and was 
derived from observation. Breath, or vapour, is a secondary con- 
dition of water in the form of mist. Heat is a means of converting 
water into breath or vapour. The Breath of Heaven is born of the 
firmament, which was called the celestial water; water in its second, 
upper, aerial or astherial condiuon. 

The name of the Genitrix Uati signifies both Wet and Heat, and 
the water was converted into breathing life by the Mother when in 
heat, or gestating, i.e. life-making. The soul of man, say the 
Australian blacks, was breathed into him through his navel. The 
two primal principles of Wet and Heat are the bases of beginning in 
the Vedic Hymns, 3 as everywhere else, however mystified by later 
rendering, and obscured by still later translation. The one like Uati 
consists of the water and heat; and although the latter may be 
expressed as fervour and desire, fervour, desire, and heat are yet 
synonymous. We read in the Ritual, "Oh the Being dormant within 
his body, making his burning in flame glowing within the sea, raising 
the sea by his vapour. Come give the fire, transport the vapour to the 
Being." The vapour was the breath, the later spirit or soul. 

In drowning it was observed that the vapour was transported from 
the being, when the breath of life ascended in bubbles of air. Beb 
(Eg.) is to exhale; and they saw the Beb or Pef (gust or wind) was 
exhaled in bubbles or in foam, and so the earliest wind, breath, the 
second element of life, came visibly from the water. Hence the 
element had two aspects, the Water of Life was also the Water of Death; 
for water as the drowning element would impress the primitive man 
as profoundly as did the deadly sting of the Serpent. The Two 
Truths of life as the first and second are well illustrated in an inscrip- 

1 In the M. Bh. S'antip. 6812 ff. Muir, San. Texts, vol. v. p. 357. 

2 B. ii. ch. 3. 3 Rig-Veda, 129. -* Ch. clxiv. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 149 

tion on an Egyptian vase. The Goddess Nut stands in her sycamore 
tree from which she pours the Water of Life. The deceased awaiting 
his resuscitation cries, "Give me the water and the breath of life." 
The Goddess replies, "7 bring thee the vase containing the abundant 
water for rejoicing the heart by its effiision, that thou may est breathe the 
breath of life resulting from it." The Water precedes and is the creative 
cause of the Breath of Life; and such is the relationship and sequence 
of the Two Truths. Water is the first form of matter in all the oldest 
Mythologies or so-called Cosmogonies. It is the mother of substance, 
and mother and matter are one. Water is called by Plato "the liquid 
of the whole vivification;" and again he alludes to it mystically as 
a "certain fountain." That fountain was the mother-source, in the 
mystical rendering of the water of life. 

Water was the First cause in Egypt. So was it in India, or, as it 
was put by later theology, the first creation; and one of the most 
curious ceremonies in the festival of the Water- Goddess Ganges: is 
to make her image and cast it in to the river. "The Pundits," says Sir 
William Jones, 1 "of whom I inquired concerning its origin and import, 
answered that it was prescribed by the Veda, they knew not why." 

Ganga, the Water, like 

Khenka in Chinese, Ngi in N'gura, Nke in Bamon, 

Ngongi in Maori, Ngi in Kamen, Nki in N'goala. 

Engi in Munio, Aningo in Orungu, 

Nki in Kanuri, Nke in Balu. 

is a form of Ankh (Eg.) the liquid or water of life. The goddess Ank 
represented the mystical water, with her crown of hemp, as the 
clother in flesh, and the casting of the image into the waters was 
typical of the human formation from the waters. 

One of the Hawaiian expressions used to designate the death of a 
man was "He has gone to the moist earth and the muddy water (soil) 
from which he was made."^ 

Images modelled in honour of the Genitrix were a symbolical 
offering of the human form which was clothed and shaped by her in 
the womb. It was a commuted kind of human sacrifice, once fulfilled 
by offering a virgin to the water as the Bride of Nile, which we hear 
of in Egypt and can read by the images made to be resolved by the 
Nile or the Ganges as a mode of return by proxy to that source from 
whence we came. The Romans at one time used to make fetish 
images or dolls to cast into the river Tiber as proxies for the earlier 
sacrificial victims. 

The confusion of vapour that rises from the water with spirits 
or apparitions ascending from the lakes is common in Arric:a. For 
instance; in the Vei language Dsina is a Ghost, Spectre, or Wraith. 
Dsi is water, and Na means to come. Thus the Dsina comes from 
the water. The Vei ghosts manifest from the water as one of their 

1 Gods of Greece, Italty, and India. 2 Fornander. 

150 The Natural Genesis. 

Two Abodes. The other is considered to be on the summit of Cape 
Mount, their aerial abode, i the high land of Breath. 

The Maori have a race of beings called the Ponaturi (from Pona, 
the joint, and turi, the knee,) who are literally the people of the 
division, the join of the upper and lower worlds, typified by the knee- 
joint. Their country was underneath the waters, but every night they 
ascended to sleep on dry land in a large house called Manawa-tane, 
or breath fot the suffocated. They were obliged to come up to 
breathe, and the place was at the division or crossing, the level of the 
Two Times, where land or breathing-place was attained. But they 
had to leave before sunrise under penalty of death; for, like the Norse 
Trolls, if the sun saw them they perished. Exactly the same expedient 
is adopted in the Maori legend of "Tawhaki," and the Norse story 
of "Lord Peter," to kill the Ponaturi and the Troll. The myth belongs 
to the division by two of a world of water and breath, and the Beings 
of the water- half ascend by night to breathe the air of the upper 
half, but as they are mere vapour-spirits the sun consumes them with 
its glance. 

The Two Truths of the Inner African beginnings were further 
emphasised and enforced by the peculiar conditions found in Egypt. 
Every year when the new inundation had poured forth its water of 
life, the welcome wind of the north arose with its breath of life and 
spread the tide of the stream out over the thirsty soil. The beatitude 
of Paradise pourtrayed in the Ritual is to drink of the Nile and 
breathe the bliss of the vivifying wind of the north which had 
brought coolness to the burning land. 

"She's hit between wind and water" is a provincial English 
expression for one who is more likely to be a mother than become 
a wife. According to that typology the dead in Egypt were buried 
between wind and water, or in the womb of a new life. The Great 
Pyramid was a symbolical sepulchre containing a Well supposed to 
have some communication with the Nile. Where there was no water, 
this was still represented by the well. The wind or breath was 
allowed for in the small air-hole of the serdab left open to the north 
quarter from whence came the revivifying breath of life. 

These Two Truths of Life are illustrated by the wind and water; 
the two primary and supreme elements of Life, the givers of breath 
and bringers to life, in the American myths. The Quiche four 
ancestors, are four forms of the spirit of breath as males, who were 
created by Hurakan, the air in motion; and their four wives the 
mothers of the human race were four forms of water. Falling Water, 
Beautiful Water, Water of Serpents, and Water of Birds. 2 

At this mental stage the primal biology was formulated. In relation 
to the Two Truths of water and breath Empedoclcs may be quoted 

1 Koelle, Vei Grammar, &c. p. 161. 

2 Brasseur de Bourbourg, Le Libre Sacre de Quiches, &c., pp. 203-305. Note. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 151 

who said: — "The earliest breath was drawn by the first animal when 
the moisture in infants was separated and by that means an entrance 
was given to the external air into the gasping vessels from which the 
moisture retired." 1 

In the beginning all came out of the Nu (Nun) the waters of the 
firmament; and existence is Nuti or Enti (Eg.) as entity. Enti 
means out of; froth; existence in a negative phase; Water being the 
negative of Two Truths when the Breath is included. Nuti as froth 
shows the breath of life issuing from the Waters as it might in frog- 
spittle or the breath-bubbles of the Submerged Water-cow, or Aphro- 
dite personified as kindling into breathing life and beauty as she 
rises from the foam. Nuti, for froth, is the same word as Neith, and 
Aphrodite was the froth or breathing life of the waters. Neith is 
Hathor, the Egyptian Venus, Aphrodite from the froth or Nuti [i.e. 
Neith) in whom the breathing power was entified and named as that 
which came "out of and was altered and personified or represented 
as tha mother of life, who bad two characters derived from the liquid 
of life and the breath of being. The primordial image of power and 
type of time was set in heaven as the Hippopotamus (Ursa Major) 
the great breather in and out of the water. 

One form of Mati signifies to float on the surface at the water; to 
be going jn the cabin, which denotes the second phase, that of the 
breathing life. Water also imaged the visible type of existence; air 
or breath the invisible; hence the priority of water. 

The "secret of Horus in An" is how his mother made him or 
caught him in the water. Neith, or the Net, as it were, fished the 
child from the water. The Fish being a type of the Breather in the 

In several languages birth, beginning, Natalis, is identical with 
swimming. This is seen in Latin as well as in the Egyptian Enti, out 
of (the water), and Mati, to float, in the cabin or Argha-Yoni. In 
Tamil Nid or Nitt is to swim and also to be born. Being born of the 
water is equivalent to being borne upon it. Man was not a born 
swimmer and never could live under water, hence this type of birth 
and existence was found in swimming on the water and in coming 
out of it. 

In the most ancient typology (the Typhonian) life was emaned 
from the waters by the genitrix imaged as the Water-cow. There 
were no human fishers then. When the goddess Neith was created, 
men had learned how to catcb fish. The perch on the head of Neith, 
or Hathor, is a symbol of birth from the waters. Neith also carries 
the Shuttle or Knitter of the Network. Her name is synonymous 
with Net. So Ank, the goddess who wcarn the bundle of hemp or 
flax on her head shows that men were weavers when she was created. 
Neith was the Knitter or Netter and typifies the mother as the 

1 Plutarch, Morals, Sentiments of Philosophers, ch. xxiii. 


The Natural Genesis. 

catcher of fish who netted Horus from the water, or in other words 
gave him birth under the type of the fish. She is pourtrayed as 
suckling her fish in the shape of a crocodile. 

Being, existing, then is figured as an escape (Net) out of the waters, 
a drawing out (Net, to draw) and thence a Netting as the means of 
being born, saved, fished from the drowning element. The Maori 
language has various forms of "Nef with this primary meaning; 
Noti, is to draw together with a cord; Nati, to make fast, hold firm; 
Ngita, to make fast, secure, carry, bring forth; Noto, is to shut. 
Notan, an oyster that keeps shut and safe under water. That which 
could breathe and keep its life under water was the object of deep 
attention to the earliest observers. 

The West-Australians used the term "Netingaf to signify their 
ancestors or beginnings. They also reckoned to come from the waters. 

A Maori meaning attached to the word "Ewe" or Uho, the Pla- 
centa, retains the idea of the primasval land, earth and foothold; the 
Mud of the mythical waters. Ewe, the placenta, the after-birth, is 
likewise the "land of one's birth." Whenua, another name for the 
placenta, also means one's own land, country, native place. The 
Whenu is a warp, a form of the Net. Ea, to appear above water, 
means to be performed, to be produced, or evolved. 

This mode of attaining land and breathing-place gave especial 
significance to the placenta and the umbilical cord. Taugaenga 
(Mao.) the cord, and Tangahagha, the, fish, are both derived from 
nga, to breathe, the breather, to take breath. Likewise Nef (Eg.) 
for breath and the navel, as breathing-place, are identical. iVe/(Eg.) 
is the sailor, and the aboriginal natives of Australia consider that 
children with large navels will be famous swimmers, i The navel is 
the Bilyi (belly) and a. good swimmer is called Bilyi-Gadak, that is 
having a good navel. One name of the navel in English is the 

When the umbilical cord drops off the child, the New Zealanders 
put it in the mussel- shell with which it was severed, and place the 
shell with its freight on the water. If the shell should swim it is a 
lucky omen; but if it capsizes that portends an early death. 2 Others 
cast the cord into the waters as an offering. 

The Placenta (Lat.) is a cake, and the cake sign is the Egyptian 
ideograph of land. The goddess Hathor (Venus) in the tree of life 
pours the water with one hand from the vase, and in the other she 
holds the cake emblem of land^.-the hvo types Qf the Two Truths of 
the beginning. Hathor was that Queen of Heaven to whom the 
Israelite women offered their cakes, which arc called Placentas in the 

In Kanuri one's native place is na dabu kambe, or literally, where 

1 Moor, Aust. Vocab. 2 Hooper, Journal of Ethnological Society, 1869. 

3 Wilk, Mat. Hierog. pi. 24. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 153 

one's umbilical cord was buried. The Placenta thus identifies the 
place of birth, in relation to one's native land. Amongst the Wan- 
yam wizi, when a child is born the father cuts the cord and travels 
with it to the frontier of his district, and there buries it. If the 
frontier be a stream (the natural boundary) he buries it on the bank. 
Then taking the root of a tree (in exchange), he carries it home and 
buries it at the threshold of his door. 1 

It was this beginning that gave such importance to the navel as a 
kind of mesmeric disk which the Ecstatics and Seers of India gaze at 
until they enter the state of trance. They concentrate their thought 
or vision on the navel because it was one of the first oracles; it taught 
them how the child breathed in the womb, and we shall find the 
early men were very loyal and worshipful to every educational fact of 
this kind that offered any response to their wonder, and they gave it 
apotheosis. "Hear, O sons of the Gods, one who speaks through the 
navel (Nabha), for he hails you in your dwellings," cries the Brahman 
Seer. 2 Whatsoever his idea of the Gods and their dwelling, the 
imagery belongs to the simplest beginning of human thought and 
expression. Through the navel was the first manifestation of Nef or 
breath. That way the life was held to be inspired into the child by 
the mother, or the later God. And that way they sought the breathing 

The navel was one of the earliest doorways between two worlds, 
and as such maintained its symbolical value. Through the navel 
men were told of the breathing source, and they made the navel a 
type of foretelling. Naba, in Hebrew, is to prophesy, to utter forth. 
This is a secondary sense, apparently unknown in Egyptian. It was 
the oracle of one of the Two Truths, that relating to Breath, and then 
made the type of another meaning. Both Pliny and Solinus say that 
when Apis was led in the solemn procession if children could get to 
smell its breath they were thought to be thereby gifted with the power 
of predicting future events. 

The navel of the waters is personified in the Avesta. It is said to 
take possession of and to guard the imperishable majesty, i.e. the 
soul of breath, which is preserved amid the waters by means of this 
Mount. In the Sirozah,^ a the navel appears as the navel of the kings, 
or more anciently, the "navel of women,'" the feminine producer being 
first. This navel of the waters was the typical mount and mound, 
the navel-moundr as breathing-place. The Hindu Nabhi-Yoni was a 
dual type of the Two Truths of the breath and the waters of life; the 
navel being an image of breath in the waters of the womb. 

When the male Vishnu takes the place of the female the sacred 
navel loses significance, because the male has been made the source 

1 Stanley, How I found Livingstone, p. 544. 

2 Nabhanedishtha Hymn, v. 4. 

3 Namyad-Yasht, viii. 51. 

154 The Natural Genesis. 

of breath, or soul, whereas the female was first. There is no male 
Vishnu, however, without the female nature. 

iVe/(Eg.) not only means the sailor, it is likewise a type-name for 
the knitter, spinner, and weaver in the Sanskrit Nabhi and Nabha; 
Greek, Nabh; Maori, Nape, to weave (also a fishing-line), Egyptian 
Nebt, a basket of woven wicker-work; Napet, in English, woven 
linen. Hence she who inspired the breath of life into the child 
was the weaver or spinner of the web of life personified in Mytho- 
logy. She was both Argha. and sail (the Egyptian hieroglyphic of 
breath), and the sail and mast were afterwards given to the god as 
Argha-Nautha. In the Athenian festival in honour or Athena, called 
the riANAQHNAlA, the ark or boat was carried in a procession, and 
on it was hung, in the manner of a sail, the sacred garment of the 
Goddess, the peplum that no man had lifted. This sail, the Egyptian 
sign of breath, derives its name from Pef (Eg.), breath. The Two 
Ttuths of breath and water were being celebrated, as shown by the 
boat and sail and the water-pots following the sign of breath, i The 
sail was a lady's smock or body-garment, mystically a veil, the veil 
of Isis or Neith.^ And this sign of breath, the Net of Neith, is to be 
realized at last in one form, as the caul. The caul in which some 
children are enveloped at birth is the network of Neith. 

In this they were netted and fished from the waters. The caul in 
English is synonymous with the smock. It is an old saying, "Oh, you 
are a lucky man; you were wrapped up in a part of your mother's 
smock," when born in the caul. The caul was the work, and the type 
of Neith the knitter, and Athena the weaver. One English name of 
the spider's web is a caul. Also the caul was a head-dress in which 
the hair of the pubescent maiden or married woman was Snooded, as 
was the mythical Gestator. 

Egyptian mummies awaiting their re-birth, in the tomb were invested 
in a network of bugles or beads, that represented the net of Neith, 
in which the child Horus was fished from the Nile. Buckler states 
that the Australian mothers likewise made nets of hair and twisted 
bark, in which they placed the bones of their dead children, and 
wore them tied round their necks by day, and laid them under their 
heads by night. The net-type is the same in both cases. It 
represents the caul of birth and afterwards of re-birth. 

The caul of fat that forms the network of the kidneys was to be 
especially offered to the Hebrew deity. 

1 Potter. Antiq. vol. i. p. 431. 

2 The most occult signification of the saying of Isis, at Sai's, that no man had 
lifted her veil or peplum may now be interpreted. The first clothing or veil was 
assumed on natural grounds at puberty. Isis or Hes is the liquid of life person- 
ified, the flow which ceases with generation. But Isis always wore her veil 
as divinity. She came from herself, and the Generator had not put aside her 
mystic veil. In the same sense, the Nun (cf. nun (Eg.), for negation) takes the veil 
that remains unlifted by the male in marriage. The profoundest mysteries are the 

Typology of the Two Truths. 155 

"Thou shalt take the caul that it about the midriff' and the two 
kidneys, and the fat that is upon them, and burn them upon the altar 
as a 'sweet savour.' "i 

The same caul of fat is still sought for and highly prized by the 
Australian blacks; but it must be human. They make an incision 
in the flank of the live victim, and extract a portion of the kidney- 
caul to anoint themselves with, leaving the sufferer to die slowly. 2 

It is in this connection that the caul, or network, and sign of 
saving from the waters, acquired such significance for sailors. Mid- 
wives used to sell the caul to them as a preservative against drowning; 
also to Advocates, for the purpose or making them eloquent. The 
first connects it with the saving from the flood; the second, with the 
Nabi, because it was a. sign of the revealer and maker known. Navel, 
naval, and nautical, are derived from this origin, and the sailor still 
holds on to the hieroglyphic signs. 

On launching a canoe a Fijian chief has been known to slay several 
men for "rollers" to facilitate the launching; the "rollers" being 
afterwards cooked and eaten. Time was when a chief would kill a 
man, or men, on laying down the keel of a canoe, and try to sacrifice 
a life for every fresh plank added. Why was this? It was because 
the life was the breath in one aspect, the blood in the other. Nef 
(Eg.) breath, is the .sailor, the wind, the breeze. The dead men 
were eaten as "food for the carpenters;" but the souls let out were 
the breath that was to fill the sails, and make the voyage prosperous. 
If a chief did not lower the mast of his vessel within a day or two 
after arriving at the place, some poor creature was sacrificed, and 
taken to him as the "lowering of the mast,"^ or letting out the 
breath of his sail. When a canoe arrived at a place for the first time 
after the death of a chief, the mast was not only lowered, the 
sail was also flung away into the water to be scrambled for. The 
typology is the same when the English or other ships still make the 
death-salute with lowered masts or flags at half-mast high. The sail 
was an Egyptian symbol of breath and soul, and the lowered flag 
now takes the place of the earlier sign. 

The Two Truths of the water and the breath are especially oper- 
ant in certain primitive and traceable customs, some of which are 

When the Brandenburg peasant empties a pan of water on his 
doorstep after the coffin has crossed it on. the day of the burial, to 
"hinder the ghost from coming back," to the custom is based on the 
antithesis of Water and Breath, and on the spirit or soul being 
founded on the breath. So is the belief that the ghost cannot cross 
a running stream without some kind or bridge, if only formed of a 
single thread. 

1 Ex. xxix. 13; Lev. iii. 4, 10, 15. 2 Smyth. 

3 Williams, Fiji, vol. i. p. 306. 

156 The Natural Genesis. 

Dapper, in his description of the Hottentots, 1 says some of them 
wear round the neck certain roots, which they find in the rivers far 
inland. When on a journey they set light to these in a fire, and then 
blow the smoke and ashes about, believing that that fumes or smell 
will keep off wild animals; or they chew the root and spit out the juice 
around the spot where they encamp for the night to ensure pro- 
tection. When the Hottentot goes out hunting, his wife will kindle 
a fire, and she must do nothing else but tend it and keep it alive, for 
if it should go out, her husband will not be successful; or, if she elects 
the other element, she must pour water on the ground. When she 
is tired, her servant, or some one, must pour the water ceaselessly, 
or the hunter will not be lucky. 2 We shall not find a simpler 
application of the Two Elementary Truths. 

On the last night of the year the Strathdown Highlanders form 
themselves into bands and fetch home great loads of juniper bushes, 
which are ranged round the fire to dry until morning. A discreet or 
wise man is then sent to the Dead-and-Living-ford to draw a pitcher 
of water in profound silence; without letting the vessel touch the 
earth. On his return they all retire to rest. Early on New Year's 
morning the usque-cashrichd, or water of the Dead-and-Living-ford, is 
drunk as a charm that is potent till the next New Year's Day. One 
of them then takes a large brush, with which he performs an act of 
lustration by sprinkling the occupants of all the beds. When this is 
ended, the doors and windows are completely closed, and every 
crack and cranny carefully stopped. The juniper collected in the 
various rooms is brought in and set fire to, and a rite of fumigation 
is performed by aid of the suffocating vapour. The more intense the 
Smuchdan, the more propitious is the solemnity. Horses, cattle, and 
other live-stock, are then smoked to preserve them from evil or in- 
imical influence during the coming year. The effusion of the spirit 
following this baptism of water is also represented by the drinking 
of whisky. As soon as the gude wife has sufficiently recovered her 
breath to reach the bottte dhu, she does her best to regenernate the 
wheezing, coughing, nearly choked sufferers. 3 

These Two Truths of the Water and Breath are illustrated in like 
manner by Herodotus, who describes the way in which the Scythians 
made use of Indian hemp in their rite of purification after the burial 
of their dead. He says "The Scythians having buried their dead, 
purify themselves by washing their own bodies. Then they set up 
the tent of fumigation." "When the Scythians have taken some seed 
of the hemp they creep under the clothes, and then put the seed on the 
red-hot stones; this smokes, and produces such a steam that no Greek 
vapour-hath could surpass it." The Scythians, transported with the 
vapour, shout alound with delight. ^ He likewise relates how the 

1 P. 621. 2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 37. 

3 Stewart, Superstitions of the Highlanders. Dyer, p. 17. "* Book iv. 73, 75. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 157 

Massagetas had discovered trees that produced a peculiar kind of 
fruit, which the inhabitants threw on the fire, and sat round it in a 
circle to inhale the odour till they became intoxicated; then they 
rose up and betook themselves to singing and dancing. 1 

In Russia custom requires that on the third day after child-birth 
the mother shall take a vapour bath. The results are often evil, but 
the practice is typical; therefore sacred, and thus continued. The 
Two Truths of the Water and the Breath are combined In the vapour 
bath. Vapour is the breath of water. The vapour or sweating bath 
is a prominent and hitherto inexplicable feature in the mysteries of 
the American Indians, Aztecs, and other races. Vapour produced 
from water by heat was a primitive illustration of the breath of life. 
It was the marvel, the mystery called Kepu (Eg.), the mystery of 
heat, of fermentation, of breathing spirit into the embryo. Kept (Eg.) 
also means to fumigate. This was performed with vapour or other 
fumes produced by fire. 

At a festival of the Delaware Indians said to have been held in 
honour of the God of Fire, a small hut- oven was set up inside the 
house of sacrifice, made of twelve poles tied together atop, and 
covered over with blankets. It was heated with twelve stones made 
red-hot, and twelve men crept within. An old man then threw twelve 
handfuls of tobacco on the stones, and the fumes narcotised the 
sitters, who were carried out swooning. 

The smokers and fumigators with tobacco were inhaling spirit, 
and in-breathing an inspiring life, a delirium of delight. Intoxication 
by tobacco was held by the North American Indians to be a super- 
natural ecstasy in which they saw spirits, as did the Brazilian sorcerers 
by the same means. Breath, breathing, vapour, were synonyms of 
the Spirit, and the North American Indian yet adores the Great 
Spirit, the master of breath, by breathing the smoke of his tobacco- 
pipe toward the sun. 

When the Canadian Indians killed a bear, one of the hunters 
placed the stem of his pipe between the bear's teeth and, breathing 
into the bowl, forced the tobacco-smoke backwards into its mouth, 
adjuring the soul of the animal not to be offendedis 

The smoke was a temporary revivification, a typical giving back 
of the breath, or a mode of spiritual communication by means of 
the breath here represented by the smoke. The smoke of sacrifice 
and of incense represents the breath or spirit. The Chinese burned 
beasts and rich silks and jewels for their vapour to ascend as an 
offering to the celestial spirits. ^ The Jews were commanded to burn 
a perpetual incense before the Lord.s The household deity of the 
Siamese was supposed to delight in the fragrant steam of hot rice 
and Arrack. 

1 Book i. . 203. 2 Loskiel, Ind. of North Am. pt. i. p. 42. 

3 De Plancy, Diet. Inf. '^ Author, pt. ii. p. 65. ^ Ex. xxx. 37; Lev. x. i. 

158 The Natural Genesis. 

In offering flowers to Coatlicue the Aztec Goddess of flowers, it was 
forbidden to smell them before they were presented to the Goddess. 
Scent was considered the spirit of the offering, the breath of the 
flowers, by the primitive races. The Limboos in offering their sacri- 
fices dedicate the "life-breath to the gods, the flesh to themselves. "1 
The Kaffirs eat the animals which they offer to the Manes; the 
hunger of the spirits being satisfied with smoke. The Seminoles of 
Florida held the babe of a woman who died in childbirth over her 
mouth in order that it might receive her spirit with her parting 
breath: the breath was the spirit! So with the Romans, the nearest 
of kin had the right to inhale the breath or soul of the dying. 

At the Jewish feast of Tents or Tabernacles a golden pitcher that 
held three logs of water was filled from the fountain of Siloah. 
When they came with it to the water-gate the trumpet was blown, 
the priests ascended the stair of the altar and turned to the left, 
where two silver basins stood. Each was perforated at bottom with 
a small hole like a nostril. The one toward the west was for the 
water; the one to the east for the wine. 2 The wine to the eastward 
was the Water of Life, and represented the effusion of the Holy Spirit, 
the second of the Two Truths. The double basin with the nostril- 
like aperture repeats the hieroglyphic vase with the two spouts, the 
name of which hag been read Khent and Kent, and probably includes 
both in relation to the Two Truths, for it sjgnincs the nose (which is 
fent), and it is at the same time a water- vase, or a vase of the Two 

At the moment of pouring out one of the waters, in this case the 
Water of Life, considered by some Talmudists to be the effusion of 
the Holy Spirit, a strange transformation scene occurred. The priests 
suddenly cast off their belts and breeches; tore them into shreds and 
then made use of the strips as candle-wicks to which they set light. 3 

This was the analogue of the rising up to play in the Exodus, and 
conjoining promiscuously as in the Witches' Sabbath, the first mode 
of celebrating an influx of the Spirit. 

The Jewish breeches were not a masculine garb. The Makanase^ 
was a form of the primordial garment of womankind, still put on first 
by the priests, the same as the Egyptian Ank, the dress and strap, 
which often appears as linen hung up to dry. The tearing up of this 
was typical of the negative period past, and the setting light to the 
strips as candles was the equivalent of procreation. To light a 
candle Sta (Eg.) is synonymous with begetting a child. 

The unleavened bread of the Egyptians and the Jews was symbo- 
lical of the first feminine period. Fermentation (Kepa) was the primary 
form of spirit, and of the second of the Two Truths represented by the 

1 Trans. Eth. Soc. new series, vol. vii. p. 153. 

2 Mishna, Treatise Succah, iv. 9. ^ ibid. v. 

"* Josephus, Ant. bk. 3, ch. vii. p. i; also Wars, bk. 5, ch. v. p . 7. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 159 

leavened bread. Sekha-hut (Eg.) is leavened or inspirited bread. 
Dough, when leavened began to show holes and rents; it commenced 
breathing. In the Mishna instructions are given to the women who 
make unleavened bread, that they are to plunge their hands into cold 
water to prevent its breathing, or to hinder the dough from rising. 1 

It was likewise a law that during Passover no man was allowed to 
chew wheat for laying on a wound, because it set up a process of 
fermentation on the way to becoming leavened. 2 

Bread, when fermented, and breath are synonymous, and in English 
the breathing- place is called the Bread-basket. So the Goddess Neft 
whose name signifies the Breathed, or the Breather, carries the 
bread and seed basket on her head; and she who is the Lady of 
Breath or Seed is the later Llafdig, or Lady of the Loaf. 

The Jews also apply the Two Truths to fruit, and make a distinc- 
tion between Biccurim. the fruits of the soil in their natural state, 
and the fruits in their prepared condition of wine, oil, and flour called 

Before milk is considered fit for the use of men, with the Kaffirs, 
it needs to ungergo the process of fermentation. New milk is only 
fit for the young, the adults hold it puerile for them to drink it. Fer- 
mented milk represents virility and spirit. ^ 

Of the Passover feast the Rabbins say: "On all other nights we 
dip what we eat once; on this night we dip twice." Other ceremonial 
observances show the unification of the Two Truths. 

The "Passover of the Rcsurection" is spoken of by the two brothers 
in the Gospel of Nicodemus.^ They state that they were "baptized 
along with other dead who had arisen," and that afterwards they cele- 
brated the Passover of the Resurrection. 

The child Horus was fabled to be drowned, and the Osirified in 
this character enters the water. Bacchus, lord of the humid nature, 
in being raised again ascends from the waters and in the character 
of the twice-born was called the Fanman or winnower. ^ The initiated 
in the greater mysteries were purified with water and breathed on, 
fanned, or winnowed by the purifying spirit. 

" Tis the Leneean feast (Bacchic) . But we ourselves now, at least, 
are winnowed (pure). "6 

The Two symbols held in the hands of the Egyptian Gods, the Hek 
or Aut Crook'^ and the Khi, are signs of these Two Truths. The Hook 
which denotes laying hold of is the determinative of matter as "Aut." 
The Khi is a fan, the sign of breath or spirit. 

1 Tract. Pesachim, ch. iii. 2 Mishna, Treatise 4, ch. ii. p. 7. ^ Dogmore, p. 135. 

'* Ch. xi. pt. 2. '^ Plutarch, Isis and Osiris. ^ Aristophanes, Achara, 471. 

"^ The Crook is an Inner African symbol. Hurd says of certain tribes, "they 
place fetishes before their doors, and these titular deities are made in the form 
of grapples or hoods which we use to shake our fruit-trees." — Hurd, p. 374. From 
this natural genesis the type becomes the Crozier of the Pope of Rome, and of the 
Lama in Tibet, the Symbol of the Gods in the temples of Japan. But the Inner 
African fetish image is primary. 

i6o The Natural Genesis. 

The "Two Truths" are represented by the Water and the Spirit or 
ghost in the dual baptism practised in many lands and in all the 
known Mysteries. The Two Baptisms of the Gnostics were recognised 
by them as the animal and the spiritual, i 

In the New Testament records we find the Two Baptisms contending 
for supremacy. John is represented as the Baptizer with Water and 
Paul with the Holy Ghost. 2 They are likewise illustrated by the Two 
Baptisms of Joh and Jesus. John says, "I baptise with Water," 
but Jesus is "He which baptizeth with the Holy Ghost." The double 
baptism is pourtrayed in Jordan by John baptizing Jesus with water, 
and the Spirit descending from heaven like a dove, one of the symbolic 
birds of soul, and by the fire which Justin asserts was kindled in the 
river Jordan. The Two Truths are recognizable even in the formula 
of the Christiansr applied to heretics who were "to be baptized or 

The "Two Truths" of Biology survive in their primitive perfection 
as the "Blood and Fire" blazoned on the banners of organized 
ignorance by the "Salvation Army." The blood of the female and 
the vivifying fire of the male are the two factors in the human 
creation. These bringers to birth in the naturnl genesis, the "double 
primitive force" of the Creator Ptah, — were continued as types of 
re-birth in the symbolical representation of the Mysteries, where the 
soul was supposed to be regenerated in baptism, reborn and saved, 
as by Fire and Blood, or the Water and Breath, that were made use 
of in the purifying rite. When divorced from their origin and un- 
explained by the Gnosis, such doctrines and dogmas culminate in 
publicly profaning all that was once held sacred under the Seal of 
Secresy because they were so natural in their genesis. 

Among the Jakun Tribes of the Malay Peninsula the Two Truths 
of the water and breath are recognised in their dual baptism. When 
a child is born it is carried to the nearest stream and washed. There 
a fire is kindled, fragrant wood is burned, and the child is passed to 
and fro through the fumjgatory incense-smoke, or breath of fire.^ 
When the child is born the Khoi-khoi kindle a fire with the Dorob, a 
fire-drill; no flint, steel, or matches being allowed. This fire has to 
be maintained until the navel heals and the umbilical cord drops off. 
Nothing must be cooked on that fire. If these injunctions be not 
duly observed, the child will surely die.^ 

The old Pahlavi Rivayat, or Miscellany of Traditional Memoranda 
called the Shayast La-Shayast, gives instructions for the fire to be 
stirred and made to blaze high the moment the navel-cord of the 
new-born infant is severed, and for three days and three nights no one 
is to pass between the child and the fire.s The Placenta is still offered 
up as a burnt sacrifice by all good nurses; fire being the superior 

1 Irenasus, bk. i, ch. xxi. p. 2. 2 Acts xix. ^ Journal Ind. Archip. vol. ii. p. 364. 
"* Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 77. ^ Ch. x. 15. Author. 

Typology of the Two Truths. i6i 

element of life, the fire that vivifies; the solar or masculine fire. 
It is also an English custom for the parturient woman to breathe in 
her left hand to bring away the after- birth. 

In ancient Mexico the first act of lustration took place at birth. 
The child was washed by the nurse in the name of the Water Goddess 
to remove the outward impurity. Next she blew her breath on water 
held in her right hand, and prayed the invisible deity (the Holy 
Spirit) to descend upon the water for baptism of the inner nature and 
deliverance from sin, foulness, and misfortune. Four days later there 
was another ceremony (the Nem, or second festival of Egypt), at 
which the babe was named, and it is said the child was passed four 
times through the fire.i These customs were continued in the 

Modern writers may begin their account of the religious origines 
with the "Perception of the Infinite"; but such thinkers, whose 

"Nimble souls 
Can spin an insubstantial universe 
Suiting their mood, and call it possible, 
Sooner than see one grain with eye exact 
And give strict record ofit,'"^ 

are not calculated to interpret the thought of primitive men who 
began with a perception, of the Definite. They saw the breathing 
image of life issue from the water in various forms. They found that 
water was an element opposed to breath. They observed the fish, 
the frog and the hippopotamus could keep under water and live; the 
water did not extinguish their breath as it did that of the human 
being. Hence when they tried to express the perception of a power 
beyond themselves, it took one shape as the power of breathing in 
the water. Such is one of the great facts registered in the Kamite 
Typology. This perception led to the pourtrayal of power in the 
image of the frog, the eel, the perch, the hippopotamus, the crocodile, 
and other types of that which could cross the waters and live 
beneath them. 

In one figure of life issuing from the waters the Lotus is the type of 
the bearing and breathing power. It is noticeable that the Greek 
word crreyco, which is used for bearing, means to hold water, and in 
gestation the bearer as vessel is water-tight in the mystical sense. 
Hence the pregnant Water-Horse was adopted as a type of the 
bearing Mother; the Lotus on the Water is the early type of the 
natural Argo. The Womb, or Argha-Yoni, was the primary form of 
the boat that goes of itself without sail or wind in the mythical 
tales. But the Water and Lotus are both female emblems at first. 
The Lotus represented Her who came from herself or from the Water 
of Life, i.e. the blood source. The Papyrus- Sceptre; the Uat, is the 
express sign of the feminine nature of Uati who impersonated both 

1 Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. ii. p. 394. 2 Spanish Gipsy. 

i62 The Natural Genesis. 

Truths of Wet and Heat, Water and Breath, or Body and Soul. It 
was the blue and red Lotus in Egypt, where red denoted flesh and 
blood, blue signified the soul.i 

To image Source as Water, thry identified Water first as Source. 
This was the one existence with Two Manifestations, or two aspects; 
the water of life in one sense might become the water of death in 
the other, according as it was drink of life or drench of death. 

In the mystical phase it was the water of life when it nourished 
the embryo, and the water of death to the seed that was mixed with 
it through the non-observance of time and season. 

A mythical form of the Twin Waters of Source was supplied by 
the Red and White or Spotted Cow, as the menstrual fluid and milk; 
the water of the womb and breast; the red source being reckoned 
first as it is in nature. Maka, Menka, or Menkhat, the genitrix, 
carries in her hands two Vases, the symbol in a dual aspect of the 
two Waters of the Motherhood. 

In the Bundahish there is a physiological account of the Two 
Waters of Source considered as female and male. In this the seed of 
the male becomes the uppermost of the two, and is a form of the 
spirit that broods over the waters in creation or incubation. It says 
in Revelation — 

"The seed of the females which issues beforehand takes a place ivithin 
the womb, and the seed of the males will remain above it and will fill 
the space of the womb; whatever refrains therefrom becomes blood again, 
enters into the veins of the females, and at the same time any one [child) 
is born it becomes milk and nourishes him, as all milk arisesfrom the 
seed of the males, and the blood is that of the females."^ 

According to the Parsee Ritual the rule is that "That which comes 
from the menstruous woman to any one or to anything is to be washed 
with bull's urine [gomez] and water."^ These also are two opposite 
forms of the Waters as male and female. 

The Two Waters are divided, and one of them is underlined with 
red by John as the water and the blood. ^ 

The double baptism of the Mysteries was also by water and by 
blood. The blood represented the Hesmen, the menstrual purifica- 
tion, and the water the masculine source, as may be learned from 
the Ritual and the process of regenerating; hence the water of 
purifying and the water of vivifying, the Pool of Natron and the Pool 
of Salt. 5 

Considered as Liquid or Uat the Two Waters are One, but they 
were divided to distinguish them. They were One when the Water 
and the Breath constituted the Two Truths. When distinguished as 
the male and female of source there are Three, including the Breath, 

1 See plate in Bonwick's Egyptian Belief and Modern Thought. 

2 Bundahish, ch. xvi. p. 5. West. ^ Shayast La-Shayast, ch. x. 38. 
4 I John V. 7, 8. 5 Ch. xvii. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 163 

and John identifies the later three as the Water, Blood, and Spirit. 
"The Christ came," he says, "by Water and Blood." The Alexandrine 
version distinctly says He came by Water and the Spirit. Another 
version gives the Water, Blood, and Spirit. 

This uninterpreted Gospel mystery is only explicable by aid of 
the Two Truths, and by distinguishing their variations. John has 
taken the Two Truths of the Water (male), the Blood (female), to 
evolve the Spirit as the third witness of his Trinity; "and these three 
agree in one." There were but Two Truths, but these were blended 
to produce the Son who was a third to the preceding two as the one 
in whom they united and were reproduced; the Spirit of Life being 
here evolved from the Two Waters, male and female. 

The negroes of St. Croix, West Indies, on becoming Christianized 
objected to be baptized by the water from the earth, they insisted on 
using rain-water which came down from heaven. 1 Such a superstition 
belongs to an earlier form of faith than the Christian, which, especially 
in the Protestant phase, is smilingly ignorant of any distinction 
between the two. The Catholics sanctify the water of earth by 
adding salt, and this turns the water of Hesmen (blood) into the 
Pool of Salt according to the Egyptian Ritual. 2 

When the Two Waters are distinguished as male and female, 
existence, healing, and purity are made dependent upon their not 
being mixed. Various legends inculcate the never mixing of the 
white source with the red. The Talmudists say the waters of 
Jordan are unfit for healing the unclean because they are mixed 
waters. This is a relic of naming from the Two Waters considered 
as male and female continued from the time when distinction of 
season was first taught. 

In the Book of Enoch, when the world is destroyed it is described 
in the same typical language. Destruction depends upon the Waters 
mixing, the water above being considered as masculine source. 
"The water which is above shall be the agent [male], and the water 
which is under the earth shall be the recipient, and all shall be 

Unlike the Jordan described by the Rabbins, the Welsh Bala, on 
going forth from the source at the head of the twin river Dee was 
famed for not mixing its dual waters which ran into one lake but 
were reputed to pass through it in separate currents that never 
blended together. The same was said of various other waters. 
Homer describes the river Titaresius flowing from the Styx as pure 
and unmixed with the waters of death; and gliding like oil over the 
surface of the waters by which the gods made their covenants. 

The Twin Waters are also localised in Dumfriesshire, where the 
river Esk takes the double form of the white and black Esk. The 

1 Contemporary Review, 1875, p. 773. 2 ch. xvii. 

3 Book of Enoch, ch. liv, 7-10. 

i64 The Natural Genesis. 

place where the one water bifurcates was once sacred to most an- 
cient rites; a fair was formerly held there annually, at which it was 
the custom for unmarried persons of both sexes to choose a 
companion with whom they were to live for the year following. This 
was called hand-fasting. If they liked each other they were then 
united for life, and if not they separated and made a fresh choice, i 

The Kabala Denudata says there are two dews, the dew of Macro- 
prosopus (the primal cause) and the dew of the Seir. 

In the inscription of Darius at El-Kharjeh the two waters appear 
as the young and the old Han or Mu; Youth and Age being the two 
aspects there assigned to the same element for typical purposes. 

The Twin Waters are found at the centre of all in the Assyrian 
place of beginning, in the realm of Hea and Nin-ki-Gal, the Great 
Lady of the earth, or the Great Mother Earth. Here, according to the 
Assyrian mythos rose the stream Miebalati or waters of life, and here 
also the "waters of death which cleanse not the hands," in consequence, 
probably, of being like the Egyptian tesh and pant, the red source. 
The Basutos have a mysterious region in the world of spirits called 
Mosima, the Abyss. The Baperis on the northern shore of the Fal 
river affirm that the entrance to this region is in their country. 
Here the universal Two Waters are located; one is a kind of Styx, 
the river of death; the other, in a cistern, is the water of life and 
nectar of the gods. 2 

The natives of Millbank identify the water with Two rivers guarded 
by two huge portals and flowing from a dark lake. The good enter 
the stream to the right hand, this is the water of life from which they 
are eternally supplied. The wicked enter the water on the left hand 
and suffer from starvation and perishing cold. 3 In this, the Two 
Waters appear just as in the Ritual, and the myth presents the eschato- 
logical aspect of the Egyptian judgment. Even the island answers 
to the Isle of the Blessed in the celestial Nile. 

The Water that divides in space is a type of bifurcation in the 
beginning. The heaven or firmament, (the Nun) was first appre- 
hended, or named as the water above. This was divided in creation 
as we find it in the Hebrew Genesis where the water is separated 
into upper and lower, and was represented by the two manifestations 
of day and dark, the water of life and water of death. Various 
legends may be read by an application of this type. The Chinese 
have a saying that Chaos opened and unfolded at midnight, and 
therefore they date their day from that hour; the one time of the 
"Two Truths" of Light and Shade. 

The separation was next marked on the two horizons of dawn 
and darkness. The one water that is divided in the Ritual be- 
came twain in forming Two Lakes ;4 the Northern being the lake 

1 Sir John Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xii. p. 615. 1794. 

2 Casalis, The Basutos, p. 248. ^ Bancroft, vol. iii. p. 519. '^ Ch. cix. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 165 

of primordial matter; the Southern, the lake of sacred principles or 
seminal (later spiritual) essences. Thus the south, as the region of 
light, and the North as the domain of darkness, were the bright 
and the dark waters of the Two heavens. This was in the vaguest 
stage of distinguishing before the Two Solstices could be deter- 
mined by Two constellations or stars. We find the water of life is 
sometimes said to be concealed between two lofty mountains which 
shut closely together. But for two or three minutes in each day they 
open, and the seeker of the healing and vivifying water must be 
ready on the instant to dash through the opening, dip his two flasks 
and as instantly rush back. 

There is a Slovak version of the myth, which makes the cleft in 
one mountain open at mid-day, the other at mid-night. The mid-day 
cleft discloses the water of life, the mid-night one reveals the water 
of death. 1 In this version the division is that of mid-day and mid- 
dark, and the heaven is the water of light and shade, as it is in 
Egyptian when the pool of the two waters is called Shu-Ma, or 
Ma-Shu, i.e. light and shade. Similar stories are told of the Moslem 
Mount Kaf. 

This imagery or the cloven mountain is applied by Zechariah on 
the grand scale to the great year when the Lord shall go forth and 
stand upon the Mount of Olives, "And the Mount of Olives shall cleave in 
the midst thereof toward the East and toward the West, and half of the 
Mountain shall remove toward the North and half toward the South."^ 
This is the Mount of the Equinoxes, yet to be described. When the 
vast cleft shall open into a deep valley the "living waters shall go out 
from Jerusalem: half of them toward the Souther sea (in front or 
before) and half of them toward the Hinder sea [i.e. the north, which 
implies the other being south). 3 These are the Two waters of the 
earliest division. 

"Generator of Years" is another name of the Two Pools — the Pool 
of Natron and the Pool of Salt — in which the Sun was re-born by day 
and the Moon was renewed by night. This shows the waters in re- 
lation to the keepers of time and period. The first definite indicators 
of the Year were the seven stars of the Great Bear, and the "Well of 
the Seven Stars" the Hebrew Beer-Sheba, was an early form of the 
primordial water of the nocturnal heaven, from the depths of which 
the constellation arose in latitudes where it dipped below the horizon. 
Then it became the Pool of the Sun and Moon on the two opposite 
sides of the Circle, when the waters were divided. The Muhammedan 
traditions speak of the two waters as the Pool of the Sun and the 
Pool of the Moon.^ 

In Polynesia the god Tane was the mythical divider of the heaven 
from earth, or the waters into upper and lower; and the divided or 

1 Wenrig, p. 148. 2 Zech. xiv. 4. ^ Verse 8. 

'^ Sprenger, Leben Muhammed, p. iii. 

i66 The Natural Genesis. 

dividing waters are still represented by the constellation Eridanus, 
the larutana (Eg.), or River of the Division. In a Maori myth the 
Waters of Tane are the Waters of Life and renewal for the Moon. 
At their only festival, that of the New Moon, the women assembled 
and bewailed those who had died during the last moon, crying, 
"Alas, thou, O Moon, hast returned to life, but our departed ones come 
not back. Thou hast bathed in the livingWaters of Tane, and had thy 
life renewed, but there has been no fountain of living water to restore life 
to our departed ones."^ 

Following the division of light and shade the two Solstices were 
established, north and south, by means of two stars, such as the 
double Law- giver Kepheus (Kafi or Ma- Shu) north, and Cor Leonis 
in the zodiac. Kepheus was known in India as Capuja2 and in 
New Zealand Kupe (a name of Maui the Maori Shu) is celebrated as 
the Divider of the north from the south islands and as the Former of 
Cook's Straits. 

This first division of the heaven, the water, or the circle, is possibly 
symbolised in the custom of the Algonquin Indians who, when on 
the war-path, drink out of small bowls which are marked across the 
middle. In going out one side of the circle is placed to the mouth 
and in coming back the other. In such customs the original 
meaning continued to be enacted when otherwise forgotten. 

The Chinese have the Two Waters of the Egyptian Ann as Two 
Rivers in the Valley of Han or Han-mun. It is said to have been 
in this valley that Hwang-tc the first mythical Emperor of China 
obtained the Map-writings in red lines and in the Seal character. 
The dragon-writing was derived from the River Ho; the tortoise- 
writing from the River Lo, the two waters which are still represented 
by the double stream of Aquarius. 3 

At the time and place of receiving the writings there were three days 
and nights during which all was wrapt in vapour. When the mist re- 
moved the Emperor saw a great fish and sacrificed to it. Three days 
and nights was the length of time during which the hero was immured 
in the fish's belly. It was when the fish floated off to sea that Hwang- 
te obtained the map-writings in the Valley of Ran (Egyptian Ann) the 
Birth-place, where the one water of heaven was divided in two for 
the earliest mapping- out. The Fish was in all likelihood the Pisces 
Australis which contains the great Star Fomalhaut (the mouth of 
the fish), one of the determinatives of the four quarters. This was 
an early sign of the solstitial division; and the Fish, Crocodile, or 
Water-cow, was the primordial type of the genitrix who brought forth 
the writings from the waters. 

As before said one name of the Egyptian pool is Shu-Ma, or Ma- 

1 Te Ika a Maui, 54. 2 wilford, Asiatic Researches. 

3 Annals of the Bamboo Books. Notes. Legge's Chinese Classics, vol. iii.p. i; 
Prol. p. 109. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 167 

Shu, in relation to the Two Truths represented by Ma and Shu, and 
the Chinese have a curious ceremony designated the Mae-Shuwy. 
On the death, of a parent the eldest son living puts two small copper 
coins into an earthen vessel which he takes in his hands and goes, 
accompanied with other mourners, to the city-moat, or to the well at 
the village gate, where he deposits the money and takes some water, 
with which the face of the dead is washed. Whoever brings this 
water is entitled to a double share of the property. When there are no 
children or grandchildren the next of kin purchases the water, and this 
ceremony determines the heir to the double possession. 1 In this typical 
ceremony the water at the gate, the two copper coins, the twofold 
property all tend to identify the Mae-Shuwy rite with the Two Truths 
of the pool called Ma-Shu in Egyptian mythology. 

The Great Hall of the Two Truths in the Ritual stands at the 
place of the double pool or lake. This is in Ann, which is an Egyptian 
name of the Valley and of Fish. 

The Pool of the Two Waters was also formed at the place of the 
great Serpent Temple, Nagkon-Wat, in Cambodia. On either side of 
the immense causeway, 725 feet long, is an artificial lake fed by 
springs, each lake covering about five acres of ground. 2 Popular 
tradition assigns the foundations of the temple to the prince of Roma, 
whose name is mentioned by the native historians. Now the Fish 
was a sign of the birth-place from the beginning. It was then the 
prince, the Repa and heir-apparent, was born, that being the sign of 
re-birth out of the waters, which was fixed at last as the sign of Pisces 
in the solar zodiac. 

It was there that Semiramis or Derketo, the fish-tailed genitrix, 
brought forth her son; and in the temple of Roma there is a repre- 
sentation of the child as Vishnu issuing from the mouth of the 
cmaning fish, holding in his hand the Word, which has been rescued 
from the waters. Rama is another Egyptian name for the 
fish, and for the throat out of which issues the Word. It has been 
previously Suggested that Semi (Eg.), the image, and Rami (Eg.), the 
fish, supplied the name of the fish-tailed Semiramis. It is the celestial 
locality that will account for Roma in Cambodia and Rome in Italy. 
Rumo was an ancient name of the River Tiber, and from this the city 
was undoubtedly named as the birth-place of the twins, Romulus and 
Remus. Ram (Eg.), the fish and the throat, is still represented by 
the mitre, shaped like the fish's mouth, worn by the Pope of Rome; 
and Roma, called the mother of the twins, is one with Semiramis 
of Nineveh. 

The Pool of the Two Waters, denominated the Twin Pools, 
was represented in Jerusalem as the Two Pools called Bezatha 
by Eusebius in his Onomasticon. He says, "there is a pool 

1 Kidd, China, pp. 175, 176. 

2 Vincent, Land of the White Elephant, p. 309. 

i68 The Natural Genesis. 

at Jerusalem, which is the Piscina Probatica, that had formerly five 
porches, and now is pointed out as the twin pools there, of which 
one is filled by the rains of the year, but the other exhibits its water 
tinged in an extraordinary manner with red, retaining a trace, they 
say, of the victims that were formerly cleansed in it." The red one 
answers to the Pool of Pant and Hesmen; the other to the Water of 
Life. Jerusalem, the Mount of Peace, the Nabha-Yoni of the earth, 
was one of those sacred cities that were mapped out according to the 
Kamite model in the heavens. As such they include the Well of the 
Abyss (Egyptian "tsta," the depth) and the Water from the source. 

Thus the miracle of the healingi belongs of necessity to the Astro- 
nomical Allegory. The "moving of the waters" is periodic, as in 
all other forms of the mythos. It depends on the coming of the 
Angel — the very impersonation of periodicity — and on his washing in 
the water first. "An angel of the Lord washed at a certain season."^ 
So in the Ritual the deceased is restored to life by the water in which 
Osiris, the good opener (Un-Nefer), has washed. 

The Pool of Two Truths was in Ann (Heliopolis) and Ann is the 
name of the Fish. In Jerusalem it is the Fish-pool, and when the 
Zodiac of the twelve signs was formed the solar birth-place was figured 
in the sign of Pisces, as the outlet from the northern quarter, and the 
Waters of the Abyss, the depth, or Tesui-ta (Eg.) from which come 
the Hebrew Bethesda or Bazatha, and the Assyrian Bit-zida — ^for the 
same imagery is found in the Assyrian mythology and mundane 
mapping out from the one original pattern. In the Greek texts the 
pool is said to be by the sheep, not by the sheep-market, and the Fishes 
of course are next to the sign of the Sheep or Ram in the zodiac. 

The twin-pool was located in Ann, the white water being Southward 
and the red Northward. Here the Church of Anne answers to the 
Temple of Ann in Egypt. Near the Church was a reservoir of water 
which is mentioned by Brocardus, corresponding to the pool or well 
that supplied the two waters. The Assyrians likewise have their Bit- 
Anna. "A shrine of Anna was built on the Mound near Bit-zibal;"^ 
just as the ancient British had their well and water of "St. Anne." 

The Well Zem-Zem at Mecca, into which the moon is fabled to have 
fallen, is an extant form of the Pool of the Two Truths. The waters 
also preserve their dual character as of old. They are the Water of 
Life to the true believer. Every pilgrim who visits the shrine seeks 
its well, and both drinks of the water and pours it over his body. It 
is still the water of purification or regeneration in accordance with 
the meaning of Sem-Sem in Egyptian. Sera-Sera (Eg.) denotes the re- 
genesis. The Ritual says: "Inexplicable is the Sera-Sera, it is the 
greatest of all secrets."^ 

The Pool in the Ritual is the Well of Sera-Sera. It was the place 

1 John V. 2-4. 2 Alexandrine version. ^ Griesbach, John v. 2. 

'* Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 512. ^ Ch. xv. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 169 

not only where the Moon fell but where both Moon and Sun were 
renewed. In accordance with which doctrine the deceased seeks the 
well to receive baptismal regeneration and be purified and renovated. 
He says: "I wash in the Pool of Peace. I draw waters from the 
Divine Pool under the Two Sycamores of Heaven and Earth. All 
Justification is redoubled on my behalf"^ "The Osiris is pure by that 
Well of the South and of the North."^ 

The water of Zem-Zem is sent forth to Muhammedan devotees 
abroad as the water of life and spiritual healing. And it is very 
literally the water of death; for a late analysis made by Dr. E. 
Frankland showed it to be sheer sewage "seven times more con- 
centrated than London sewage," and containing 579 grains of solid 
matter per gallon. ^ 

The division of the water is likewise pourtrayed on the monu- 
ments by the figure of Hapi-Mu. Hapi, being of both sexes, 
denotes the one in whom the two were united (Hapi), hence the 
epicene personification. From the mouth of Hapi issues the one water 
which enters two other figures that emane it from their mouths in 
two separate streams. ^ Thus the one water is visibly divided into the 
two waters of Mythology just as the one Nile became two in the Blue 
Nile above and the Red Nile below, in the land of Egypt. Hapi-Mu 
is painted red and blue. One source of the Two Waters of Hapi- 
Mu called the "Abime of Karti" was localized at the Ivory Island, 
Elephantine. 5 This personification of the Waterer was finally fixed 
as the Waterman pouring out the Two Streams in the zodiac. But 
long before the zodiac was formed the Two Waters were said to issue 
from the mount, a figure of the height, sometimes called the Rock of 
the Horizon. The "two-topped mount divine" was a form of this rock 
that divides in two in various myths. The double rock which 
marked the Solstices first, and afterwards the Equinoxes. The well 
or pool of Ma-Shu (Eg.) bubbles up from this mythical mount or rock 
of the horizon in a legend of the people called S/iu-Paropamisans, 
south of the Hindu-Kush. At the top of a rock near the fort of 
Khomushi there rises a spring of brilliant water, hot in winter and 
cool in summer, in a basin always brimming. "Nu-Shu" is said to 
be the sound made by the murmur of the water. Shu having been 
the opener of the rock from which the water sprang at first. In this 
legend Shu appears as the grandson of Noah. Nu (Eg.) is water and 
a variant of Mu or Ma; thus Nu-Shu is equivalent to Ma-Shu, the 
name of the pool in Egyptian. Shu was the divider of the rock 
whence came the water as the god of the two Solstices or divisions in 

1 Ch. xvcii. 2 ch. cxxv. 

3 Report in Times newspaper, Sep. 9, 1881. 
'^ Pourtrayed on the tomb of Rameses III. 
^ Inscription of Seti I. at Rhedesieh. 

lyo The Natural Genesis. 

heaven. This, like the Hebrew legend of Moses or Mashu smiting 
the rock, is another version of the same original mythos.i 

In Maori the Two Truths of Mati find expression the most perfect. 
Matua signifies the first; the parent and parents. Matauai denotes 
the fountain-head. Matatu is to begin to flow. Matahae means the 
stream diverging from the main channel where the water becomes 
the Two Waters. Mata-mata is the source of all, the bifurcating or 
dual point of beginning; an exact equivalent for the dual Mati (Eg.). 
Motu means dividing, to be severed; and Matahi is the name of 
the two first months of the year. 

One ancient Egyptian name of the birth-place in the beginning 
where the water divided into two — as in the double stream of the 
Waterman — was Mat, the middle; later Ann, and this is extant by 
name in the Mangaian and Maori mythology. Rangimotia, or the 
centre of the heavens, is the point of commencement marked by a 
hill, 2 as it was in Mat, the boundary, division, middle of the heaven. 
It was on Rangi-Motia that Ru, the sky-supporter, planted the trees 
upon which the heaven was raised up from the earth. The division 
of Mangaia was based on that of the hill Rangimotia; the centre of the 
heavens; and in accordance with this mapping out of the land it was 
the custom in ancient times, whenever a large fish was stranded, to 
divide the fish in two, straight along the back-bone, and then appor- 
tion it in shares, the head going to the two eastern chiefs, the tail to 
the two western, and the middle to the two central chiefs of Mangaia.3 
Again, the divided fish typifies the one fish of the primordial division 
which is represented for us by the twin fishes of the zodiac. Also the 
Annamcse consjder it bad luck for a fish to leap out of the water into 
the boat. When this happens the fish must be cut in two and 
thrown into the water again, one half on eachside of the boat.^ 
Such customs are correlative, however widely scattered. The whole 
round of the world is a reflector of the celestial imagery. 

In the kingdom of Udyana, or "the garden," a form of Eden, near 
Cashmere, there is a sacred mountain called "Mount Lan-po-lo" by 
Hiuen-Tshang. At one time it was identified with Meru. It is the 
source of the waters as is Alborz, in the Bundahish, and the Gan- 
Eden in Genesis. The Buddhist pilgrims describe the tree of life, or 
periodicity, Kalpatura, as growing on the summit, where there is a 
lake from which a large river issues, and in the water lurks a dragon. 
In many mythologies the "Two Waters" are localised along with the 
tree and the great serpent (or dragon). The Three are inseparable 
in the Ritual where the Pool of the Two Truths is also the pool of the 
two trees as well as the two waters, and the Apophis serpent that 
lies in the Pool of Pant. 

1 Latham, Comparative Philology, p. 341, note. 

2 Gill, Myths and Song, p. 58. ^ [jjid., p. 138. 

"* Consul Tremlett, Trade Report on Saigon and Cochin China, 1881. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 171 

In a Russian story a flying snake brings two heroes to a lake into 
which a green bough is cast, and the green bough forthwith breaks 
into flame and is consumed. Into another lake they flung a decay- 
ing log, and this immediately burst into blossom. 1 The legend 
preserves its two branches of the two trees and the two waters of life 
and death as found in the Pool of Ma-shu. These narratives belong 
to the same original myth as the burning bush of Moses and the 
budding rod of Aaron, the flying serpents, the bitter waters, with the 
log or tree cast in to make them sweet. As such they have been 
preserved in the northern folklore instead of being converted into 
Hebrew history out of the Kamite mythology. In the Russian 
stories these Two Waters also appear as the water of strength and of 
weakness. They are often among the precious treasures guarded by 
the Serpent in a cave, cellar, or other hole of the under-world. One 
of the Skazkas tells of a wondrous garden in which there are two 
springs of healing and life-giving water, and around this garden coils 
a mighty serpent like that of Midgard hidden in the waters, which 
encircles the world until the last day. The Egyptian pool of the 
Two Truths is represented in the Bundahish by the Abyssal waters. 
These are identifiable by the tree and the lurking monster. Here it 
is the Hom tree, the tree of healing and immortality. The Apophis 
dragon of the Egyptian pool is here the lizard with a log-like body, 
which is at eternal enmity with the good mind, and for ever tries to 
injure and destroy the Tree of Life. The waters, in a modern Greek 
story, are guarded by a Lamia, a serpent- woman, and these flow 
from a rock. In another, the cleft of the mountain opens at mid- 
day, and the springs are disclosed. Each of these cries "Draw from 
me," but the bee flies to the one that gives life. 2 

The Healing Water that is periodic in the GOspel according to 
John is one with the water that only heals periodically in this form 
of the Mythos. 

The Mount, or Rock, and the Tree, arc co-types with the water at 
the point of all commencement, and these can be traced in many 
localities. For example — 

The same Pool of the Two Truths, along with the Tree of the 
Ritual, is found in the story told by Varro of the origin of Athens. 
It is related that a double wonder appeared springing out of the 
earth — the olive tree and water. The oracle declared that the olive 
was the sign of Athena, the water of Poseidon; and the people were 
to choose from which of the two — tree or water — they would name 
their city, the name of Athens being adopted. 

The Two Waters are also described in the "Bundahish" as 
belonging to the "beginnings of creation." They are said to flow 
from the north, where the Aredvivsur fount of the waters is the 
source of all. 

1 Ralston, pp. 333-234, also 250. 2 Hahn, vol. ii. pp. 234-380. 

172 The Natural Genesis. 

Ardvi-sura, in the Aban Yasht, is a title of the Goddess Anahita, 
who is the female Angel of the Waters; and the name of Anahid is 
applied to the planet Venus in the Bundahish. Anahita. is the 
Persian form of the Egyptian Anit (Neith) and the Assyrian and 
Syrian Anne. The waters come "part from Alburz and part from 
the Alburz of Ahura-Mazda; one towards the west, that is the Arag, 
and one towards the east, that is the Veh River." Of these it is said: 
"Through those finger-breadth tricklings dost thou pour and draw forth 
such waters, O Ahura-Mazdar The fertilization of the world arises 
from these two waters, i 

Here, as elsewhere, the mythical waters have been confused with 
actual rivers with which they were identified, but the celestial Egypt 
and the Nile of the Waterman are indicated as the originals of the 
common Mythos. The Arag is described as passing through the 
"Land of Spetos, which they also call Mesr, and they call it there the 
river Mf ." Mesr is Egypt, the Mes-ru, or outlet of birth, and Spetos 
therefore represents the word Egypt. 2 The S in Pazend being 
equivalent to the Avesta G or Pahlavi ik or ig, Spetos is a form of 
Egypt like Coptus or Egyptos. Niv is also identical with Num (Eg.) 
or with Nil, if the Pazend form of the word be transcribed through 

The Tree, the Water, and the Serpent, which are clustered together 
in various myths at the point of commencement, may be identified at 
last as Inner African, for these are the three supreme types of 
divinity with several races. The Water, the Serpent, and the Tree, 
sometimes classed as a triad, are the objects of worship in Hwida. 
Three deities only are adored by the Negroes of Guinea — the Water, 
Tree, and Serpent. 3 This myth of the Heaven that divided into the 
Two Waters of Day and Dark, of South and North, of Life and Death, 
is universal, and belongs to a total system of typology that is one 
and indivisible. 

It takes years to fathom the simplicity of the primitive thought and 
expression; the knowingness of the "ignorant present" is totally anti- 
podal to such matters as are herein interpreted. The Two Truths 
were also typified by motion and non- motion, or arrest in relation to 
the female. This is shadowed forth by Plutarch in a somewhat 
abstract and remote manner, but thoroughly illustrative of the way 
in which the simplicities of the early time have been transmogrified 
into the "Mysteries" of the later, especially by the Greeks: — 

"The generative and salutary part of nature hath its motion towards him 
(Osiris), and in order to procure being; but the destroying and corruptive part 
hath its motion from him, and in order to procure non-being. For which reason 
they call the form part Isis, from going, and being bom-along with knowledge, 
she being a kind of living and prudent motion. For her name is not of a 

1 Bundahish, ch. vii. 15; ch. xx. 2; West. 

2 Bundahish, ch. xx. 8; West, footnote. 

3 Burton, Dahome. Bosnian's Voyage, p. 195. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 173 

barbarous original; but as all the gods have one name (Theos) in common, and 
that is derived from the first two letters of Theon (runner) and of Theatos 
(visible), so also this very goddess is both from motion and science at once called 
Isis by us and Isis also by the Egyptians. So, likewise, Plato tells us that the 
ancients opened the nature of the word Usia (or substance) by calling it I si a (that 
is, knowledge and motion); as also that Neosis (intellection) and Phronesis (discre- 
tion) had their names given them for being a Phora (or agitation) and a kind of 
motion or Nus (or mind), which was then, as it were Hiemenos and Pheromenos 
(that is, moved and agitated), and the like he affirmeth of Syniemay (which signifies 
to understand), that it was as much as to say to be in commotion. Nay, he saith 
moreover, that they attribute the verynames of the Agathon (or good) and of 
Ardie (or virtue) to the Theontes (or runners) and the Eurountes (or well-movers). 
As likewise on the other hand again, they used terms opposite to motion by way 
of reproach; for they called what clogged, tied up, locked up, and confined 
matter from J esthai and J anal (that is, from agitation and motion), Kakia (base- 
ness or ill-motion), Aporial (diificulty or difficult motion), Deilia (fearfulness or 
fearful motion), and Anina (sorrow or want of motion). As corruption locks up and 
fixes Nature's course, so generation resolves and excites it by means of motion."i 

The simple foundation for this doctrinal abstruseness is that the 
early men perceived and taught that there was a time to go, and a 
time not to go, or a time of motion and a time of arrest. Some of the 
strangest matter in all folk-lore is related to this subject. The 
Hottentots speak out more plainly. Bleek tells us how in their folk- 
tales it is affimed that by the glance from the eye of a maiden (this, 
he says, is probably at a time when she would be usually kept in 
strict retirement) men become fixed in whatever position theythen 
occupied, with whatever they were holding in their hands. They 
were also transformed into "trees that talked. "2 That is, as other 
legends show, during the ordinary menstrual period, which was looked 
upon as the opposite of motion, an end of time, a solution of 
continuity, a phase of arrest. 

At a later stage of thought it is said: "The fiend or demoness Geh is 
so violent that where no other fiend can smite with a look, she smites 
with a look."^ 

This arrest was transferred and reflected in the persons of those 
who looked on the maiden at the tabu time. Many legend of a 
transformation of living things into stone originated in this way, and 
the petrifying is often assigned to water. The water of life, repre- 
sented as the water of death or negation in the occult sense, is after- 
wards externalised. 

The Polynesians and North American Indians call water that flows 
living water, and when it ceases to flow it is dead water. Also, 
during the negative period, or the solution of continuity in time, it 
was the dead water, or water of death, according to the symbol. The 
water of life flowed, was in living motion, and motion was equivalent 
to generation, wheras corruption, as Plutarch has it, "locks up and 
fixes Nature's course," and this corruption was that of the dead water, 
the Typhonian torpidity which required to be aroused by means of 
motion in generation. 

1 Plutarch, Morals, vol. iv. p. 119; London, 1704. 2 Bleek, p. 14. 

3 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. iii. 39. 

174 The Natural Genesis. 

Remembering the Liku token of a marriage covenant and other 
customs connected with the reckoning of intercourse between the 
sexes from the time of feminine puberty, it is more than probable 
that the myth of the Sleeping Beauty and her water of life is founded 
on the condition of the pre-pubescent and un-opcn female. This, 
too, was a condition of not going, non-motion, arrest, passivity, the 
first lock-up to primitive man, which was also applied to menstrua- 
tion as the opposite of motion in another sense, both meeting in the 
one meaning of non-going during the time of Tabu. 

One of the Two Waters is described as a magic fluid flowing from 
the hands and feet of a fair maiden, who is a form of the "Sleeping 
Beauty." In a variant of the same Russian story, the precious water 
is contained in a flask concealed beneath, the pillow of the Sleeping 
Beauty, who lies on her couch in the Enchanted Castle amidst the 
realm that is locked in magic slumber, until the Prince comes 
to wake all up and to carry off the prize, here represented as the 
feminine Water of Renewal, which is sought for the purpose of 
turning age into youth, or, in other phrase, for reproduction.! 

The Russian Folk Tales almost invariably recognise Two Waters 
as being made use of for the miraculous restoration or transformation. 
One is called the Water of Death. This is employed in healing the 
wounds of a corpse. The Living Water is held to restore the body 
to life. 2 

The Norse tales speak of two waters: one — the Water of Death 
— induces a magic sleep, from which the Water of Life alone 
can recover. 

These waters in the Folk-lore make the blind to see and the lame 
to walk, as they do in the Russian story of the Blind Man and the 
Cripple, both of whom are cured by one of the Two Waters; the 
witch being destroyed in the other; 3 this correlates with the belief 
that evil spirits, when exorcised, flee to and find their place of 
disappearing in the Red Sea; the Sea or Pool of Dissolution in 
the Ritual. 

Both Truths of the Water and Breath were at first represented by 
the Great Mother of Mythology in accordance with the earliest appear- 
ances. The mother gave the Water of Being as flesh-maker to the child, 
and breathed the qukkcning breath of life into the embryo through its 
navel. Breath was the second element of life — the spirit that fluttered 
over the mystical waters. The Two Truths were also assigned to the 
genitrix, in two characters, those of the two sisters, Isis and Neft, one 
of whom represented the Red Source, the other the Breath, or Nef. 
Next the male was made the breather, and the female represented the 
water. He was the Inspirer of soul, and she the Former of flesh. The 
Phallus as Nefer, becomes the male breather. A Yoruban saying 

1 Ralston, Russian Folk Tales, p. 335. 2 [jjid, p. 331. 

3 Ibid. p. 340. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 175 

affirms that "Marrow [cf. the Hebrew fDt?) is the Father of Blood." 
Observation had then extended to the region of causation, and the 
male principle had been made primary. The Bat (Eg,) is the Father 
as the Inspirer of the Breath or soul, called the Bd, eatlier Paf. And 
the male as Bat or Pater, the Inspirer of Breath, is strangely illustrated 
in an Indian sculpture from the Cave Temple of Elephanta, now in 
the British Museum. The critic of the present work should take a 
lesson in symbolism from this sculpture. To the eye that is un- 
familiar with, and the mind that is uninstructed in such teachings of 
the past, it is ghastly in its grossness; a fragment from Sodom, a 
damning proof against the carnal heathen mind. Yet denuncia- 
tion is altogether beide the mark. Such things, of course, are not 
reproducible now, but they have never been explained. Once the 
meaning of these representations was piously expounded in the Caves 
of the Mysteries, where the primitive pictures were drawn on the 
walls of the Chambers of Imagery. The group here referred to very 
simply sets forth the male as the supplier to the female of the Breath 
and the Water of Life, as in the dual emanation proceeding from 
Khem in the drawings at Denderah. The male is the breather of life 
in a twofold character, and the act of natural congress could not 
have represented the meaning as does this biological allegory. 1 

When this repellent subject was carved it was to demonstrate 
the idea that a male source was the nourishing potency of nature, 
and the breather or inspirer of the female; and both the Water and 
the Breath of Life are here assigned to the male, as the active agent 
of a Biune nature, in which the female, as the passive recipient, is 
being fertilised. The Hindus reduced the feminine to mere nonentity, 
and here ascribe both the breath and the liquid vivification to the 
male; the female being now pourtrayed as the receiving instead of the 
emaning double-mouth. This transfer of the breathing-source from 
the female to the male can be traced in Egypt. 

In the Ritual the speaker in the new life says he has been 
"snatched from the Waters of his Mother," and "emaned from the 
nostril of his father Osiris." At this stage the father had become 
the breather of life. But the mother was primordial. 

When the two Divine Sisters invoke Osiris, to come to them to 
Kha, as the beloved of the Adytum, the Lord of the sixth day's festival, 
the fructifying Bull, Isis says: "thou contest to us from thy retreat to 
spread the water of thy soul; to distribute the Bread of thy being, that 
the Gods may live, and men also."^ Bread and Breath are homotypes, 
and thus the Male Divinity is here the Lord of the Two Truths, and 
supplier of the Water and the Breath, as in the Indian drawing. 

The Two Truths of Water and Breath were likewise represented 
by the God Num or Khnef. He is the Lord of the inundation; the 

1 In the British Museum. Copied by Payne Knight [Worship of Priapus, pi. xi] 

2 Records, vol. ii. p. 132. 

176 The Natural Genesis. 

King of Frogs; the Sailor, the Spirit breathing on the waters in 
creation. He is characterised as the Great God making (like a Potter) 
the Son of his race with the good Breath in his Mouth A 

In the Hebrew version of the Mythos the water of life flows from 
the Rock Tser until the time of Miriam's passing away. She 
represented the feminine source. The change to the masculine 
occurs when the water gushes for the first time from the Rock Sela, 
by command of Moses. 2 This was the Water of Meribah, and in 
Egyptian Meri is water, and Bah signifies the male. In Chinese Fu- 
Mu for the parents is now understood to mean the father and mother. 
Both, however, were feminine names at first, and Fu (Chin.) is still a 
name of the wife; Fu (Eg.) signifies dilatation, swelling, bearing, the 
mother as gestator. Mu is water and the mother. Fu, fuf, or puf, 
denotes the breath of life, whether represented by the male or female, 
and the two parents are identical by name with the two elements of 
breath and water. 

When the masculine deity had taken the place of the mother, and 
the sun had been adopted for the creative type, the same imagery of 
the Two Waters and the Twin Source was applied to the Solar God. 
We read in the "Magical Texts": "When the sun becomes weak he lets 
fall the sweat of his members and this changes to a liquid; he bleeds 
much."^ Then he was called the sun in linen; he was bound up as a 
woman; or he was Osiris-tesh-tesh in his bloody sweat, in Smen. 

In another of the sun's weepings or sheddings he is figuratively 
said to "let water fall from his eyes; it is changed into working bees; 
they work in the flowers of each kind, and honey and wax are produced 
instead of water." Shu and Tefnut (an equivalent of Shu and Ma) 
are said to weep much. "Shu and Tefnut give it (the liquid) to the 
living members."'* But the sun is the deity who in the later mythos 
sheds one water that turns to blood, and a liquid source of life which 
is typified by wax or sperm. The English Ritualists still cling to 
their long sperm candles as the sign of the Light of the World, the 
Solar Messiah; the red sourt;e being 3ymboHsed by the bloody wafer 
of the Papists. The tallest wax candle in Rome is the same, 
symbolically, as the most elongated Linga of Siva in India, and both 
meet where they can be explained in the typology of Kam. The 
Hebrew deity is also represented as shedding two creative tears, a 
more abstract form of the primasval Two Waters. ^ 

In a Hindu picture^ of Mahadeva and Parvcti, the waters of Soma 
are seen issuing from the head of the male deity, and from the 
mouth of the Cow, the feminine personification. Siva is the mouth of 
the Male Source, and Parvati, the great Mother, the Mouth (Mut) of 
the feminine source. 

1 Birch, Gallery, p. 9. 2 Num. xx. 8. 

3 Records, vol. vi. pp. 115-116. '^ Ibid. 

s Bartolucci, torn i. 596. ^ Moor's Hindu Pantheon, pi. 17. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 177 

The golden rod standing amid the waters is a hieroglyphic of the 
biune one. The reed as Vetasa in Sanskrit, is synonymous with 
the male emblem. He who knows the golden reed standing in 
the midst of the waters is the mysterious Prajapati, as generator. 
This golden reed is described standing in streams of butter 1 (Ghrita). 
Opposite as it may seem to any direct resemblance, butter is the 
representative of female source, not of the male. 

And rightly too. It came from the female, the cow, the nourisher, 
and in the sacrificial rites Soma was typical of the male origin; 
Butter of the female. Thus the golden reed and the butter are the 
biune source imaged in Prajapati. Ghritaki, the Butterer or female 
Anointer is an epithet of the Goddess Saraswati. "May the waters, the 
mothers, cleanse us; they who purifiy with butter, purify us with butter."^ is 
one of the invocations, and Saraswati was this Purifier personified. 

The golden reed of Prajapati is the Priapus. The linga and reed 
also cross by name in the Kaffir Hlanga for the reed and for the name 
of the Zulu Prajapati or progenitor, the great, great Father of all. 

Porphyry tells us that Zaratusht consecrated a cave in a mountain 
on the borders of Persia, where he represents the powers of nature 
by painted symbols, as the souls descending into birth. "For," he 
remarks, "the ancients thought that these souls are incumbent on the 
water which is inspired by divinity, as Numenius says, who adds, that 
on this account a prophet asserts that the Spirit of God moved on the 
waters."^ In this later phase the souls descend instead of ascending in 
froth, foam, vapour, or breath. 

The Two Truths of Egyptian biology, the blood and breath named 
Sen or Sun (the u being earlier than the e) are apparently extant as 
English in relation to the sound of fishes. The cod-sound is scienti- 
fically known as the "swim-bladder," and popularly as the aorta or 
great blood-vessel. These two are organs of breath and blood, both 
of which are named Sen in Egyptian, where alone after all superficial 
philological discussion we can reach the root of the matter. 

Sen (Eg.) means to make a foundation by opening, as is done by 
the breath and the blood. It also signifies to pass. From this comes 
the sennt or sunnt as in the Sound, a strait, a sea passage, and the 
snout, a passage for the breath (sun). Sunnt is that which is founded, 
the very self-hood, from sun which in biology is the blood or the 
breath. Sunnu in Assyrian and Sen in Chinese denote foundation. 
If we take the fish-sound to be the air-vessel or swim-bladder, then 
sun, to breathe, is the root of sound. Sne, in English, is to swim. If 
the aorta, then sun, the blood will account for it as a blood-vessel. 
And if the name of the "sound" belongs to both, as it well may, we 
have the Two Truths of Egyptian biology under one word. Sun (Eg,) 
being breath and to breathe, Sound is likewise that which is breathen; 

1 Muir, Sans. Texts, vol. v. p. 384. 2 [jjid, p. 338. 

3 Taylor's Porphyry, pp. 174-7. 

lyS The Natural Genesis. 

and the snout, like the sound, is an organ of breath or air. The Two 
Truths may be followed in manifold directions.. 

The author of Juventus Mundi has elaborately demonstrated that 
Homer's colour-phrases all resolve at last into epithets of brightness 
and darkness,! and that in his use of words for light and dark he is 
unerring, whereas his other epithets are confused and indefinite and 
his colours all run. 

From this undoubted fact he infers that the author of the Riad 
and Odyssey was especially sensitive to light and dark, but that the 
perception of colour was almost absent. He remarks that "a child of 
three years in our nurseries knows, that is to say sees, more of colour 
than the man who founded for the race the sublime office ofthepast."^ 

It may be that the archaic or primitive man set out with a limited 
perception of colours. But Homer could in no wise have represented 
the primitive man. The world was very old when Greece was young. 
In the beginning an was luminous and non-luminous. This stage is 
expressed by the Two Truths of Light and Shade as the two aspects of 
one truth which determined the earliest classification of colours. 

The double Sut, as Sut Nub, is typified as black and golden by 
the bird of darkness and the gold hawk. The moon is black and 
white, and these were imaged by the black and white ibis. White 
and black were equated by the blue and red of the solar colours, 
those of the blue heaven and red sun which are also found in the 
tongue of Hu and in the two colours of spirit (blue) and flesh (red) . 

These pairs conform to the primary dual of light and shade, upper 
crown and lower. Black and red permute in Homer or in Egypt as 
the lower of two colours. The Two Truths dominate in Homer's 
system of colour, which is symbolical. Scientifically, all colours 
resolve into light and its negation dark. Light and dark were the 
two primaries, and in the sacred writings all other colours were 
affiliated to the parental pair. So Homer founded upon light and 
darkness as the two opposite poles, because in the beginning there 
were but Two Truths of what came to be called colour — those of light 
and shade. This has nought to do with colour-blindness or defective 
perception of colours. It is a relic of the past, religiously preserved. 
The colour-blindness, like much of our modern blindness, was not 
natural but sacerdotal. And when the limits are thus imposed they 
are held to be divine; the boundary is the most sacred part of the 
domain occupied; the fetters are more highly prized than any 

Plato bears witness that for ten thousand years the religious art of 
Egypt was forcibly held in bonds like these and doomed to repeat 
itself without innovation or change. The twilight of the Two Truths 
was perpetuated; the past for ever reproduced, as the most hallowed 
thing that could be done by Art. This was the sacred sign of the 

1 Juventus Mundi, p. 539. 2 Nineteenth Century, October, 1877. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 179 

religious writings, the note of the initiated, and, as it turns out, 
incontrovertible evidence for the Kamite origines, and the doctrine of 
mental evolution. 

In like manner an important ethnological fact was registered by 
the Greek artists, through their following the Egyptian canon. In 
the Apes the second toe is considerably longer than the first, and 
the long great toe is an attribute especially human. But the Greeks 
represented the first toe as being shorter than the second, and this 
has been conventionalised in modern art.i They copied from the 
Egyptians who had derived and retained the type from the negro on 
the way from the ape, and so it was perpetuated as the token of a 
well-proportioned foot. But the Greeks were no more Ape-toed than 
Homer was colour-blind. 

The same limitation to the law of the "Two Truths" found in 
Homer can be traced in the colours of the Wampum belts used by 
the American Indians of the North Atlantic coast. In these the Light 
shades of colour were all in one class of signs denoting peace and 
pleasantness in different degrees, whereas the Dark hues were all in 
the second, signifying gradations of warfare, and other dangers. 

One frequently meets with proofs that the ancient s3Tnbolism survived 
more or less in the secret societies. For example, Jacob Bohme, who 
was one of the illuminati, observes, 2 "We must be silent concerning the 
Times of the ancients, whose number shall stand open in the Rose of the 
Lily.'" And he further remarks, "Those who are ours will know what I 

Here is an allusion to the two times of the Two Truths, whose 
perfect flower-symbol was the Lily-lotus of Egypt. The Lily-lotus, 
the Sushenin, or Sushen, was the flower of the Two Truths and two 
colours, the breather in and out of the waters. Isis was said to have 
conceived by smelling this flower. So Gabriel, the Announcer, offers 
the lily to Mary at the time of her conception. The Greek Muses 
were said to speak with the lilied voice of the gods. 3 The Lily- lotus, 
or rose of the lily, is the only flower really identifiable in the Hebrew 

There were two mirrors made use of in the Mysteries. It is said 
in the Talmud, "All the prophets looked into the non-luminous mirror, 
while our teacher Moses looked into the luminous mirror."^ The non- 
luminous mirror was the dark water that first reflected a face or 
likeness, when the creative spirit looked into it. This was symbolised 
by the Black Mirror of the Magi and Mysteries. The monthly 
prognosticators in the occult sense looked in the black mirror, and 

1 Flower, Fashion in Deformity, page 67. 

2 Works, ch. xxx. sec. 54; Lond.: 1654. ^ Hiad, iii. 152, Theog. 41. 

'^ In Spanish a Lily is still called Azugena, that is the Egyptian Sushen (from 
Sushein), the Lily and Lotus in one. Sush is to open, to unclose; and Nn or Nu 
is the Water. Also Sushen was continued in Arabic, and as the English female 
name of Susan. ^ Jebamoth, 49 b. 

i8o The Natural Genesis. 

prophesied. Paul alludes to this black mirror when he says we see 
as in a glass darkly. That is, we only see in the non-luminous 
mirror of the Mysteries. Ma, to see, is also to mirror with the eye 
for the mirror. The water of life and of death was a form of the 
Twin-Mirror of Ma. Also a mirror of steel and one of water were 
employed, as in the temple of Neptune, described by Pausanias. The 
steel, Ba (Eg.), identifies the one with Ba, the soul; the water repre- 
sented the female source. The Initiates in the Greater Mysteries 
were designated magicians of the steel mirror. The Ba or steel was 
also a type of the Blue Heaven, i The Two Mirrors also represented 
the Two Trees — of Life and the knowledge of Good and Evil. 

The Mysteries of Masonry are founded on the "Two Truths" of 
the goddess Ma, who survives in them, even by her name. "How 
few newly-made Masons but go away (from their initiation) imagining 
that it (the word communicated with mouth to ear, and at low breath) 
has some connection with the 'marrow in the bone. ' What do they know 
of that mystical personage known to some adapts as the 'venerable Mah'?" 
This question is asked and left unanswered in "Isis Unveiled"2 by an 
Initiate in various mysteries. 

The essential idea of Masonry is that of a Company or Brother- 
hood of builders working under the Master Architects, just as the 
Company of the Seven Khnemmu work under the direction of Ptah 
and Ma; Ptah being the artisan who built with Truth; that is, with 
Ma. The Seven Khnemmu are their operatives. Egypt will re- 
identify Masonry as a mystic craft, with foundations in facts that go 
beyond the religious Mysteries of the Hebrews, Romans, or Greeks. 
Here, for example, is Masonry. An Egyptian scribe addresses the 
gods as the "Nutriu, who test by their Level (the Mason's level) the 
words of men; the lord of law [i.e. Maat). Hail to you, ye gods, ye 
associate gods."^ 

A mason in Egyptian is a Makh (Makht), and Ma has an earlier 
form in Makh, for rule and measure. Also the goddesss of rule and 
measure had a prior personification in Makha (or Menka), who came 

1 Mirror. The Mother of the Gods was their Mirror. Tef is the genitrix and 
the Pupil of the Eye, and the Eye was a Mirror. The Japanese make much of 
this type. A correspondent sent me the following: — The Japanese have an 
ancient myth to this effect — In the beginning the earth was comparatively dark, 
because the sun-goddess was concealed in a cave, and would not appear. The 
gods decided to entice her out by means of her own image shown to her in a 
mirror; for this purpose they made a mirror with steel got from heaven, and hung 
it on a tree opposite the cave, whose petulant tenant was to be aroused by the 
dancing and singing of a certain lovely goddess, while all the gods made music. 
This goddess danced, like David, "with all her might," and her excitement and 
her action rising together, loosened her dress, thus revealing more and more of her 
loveliness, till at least, to the intense delight of the gods, her garment slipped from 
her altogether! The laughter of the gods shook the heavens (ea^ea-roi; yeAoj!), 
and the sun-goddess rushing out of her cave, saw her beautiful image in the 
mirror, and rushing up to it, was caught, and obliged ever after to perform the 
office of light-giving. 

2 Vol. ii. p. 388. 3 Text cited by Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, p. 208. 

Typology of the Two Truths. i8i 

into these islands as Macha, the wife of Nevy, whether accompanied 
by any Masonic mysteries or not. Sen (Eg.) denotes a brother or 
brotherhood; Sen-sen means to fraternise. Thus derived, the Ma- 
sen or Makh-senwould be the Brother-Mason of the craft, and the 
fraternity would be that of Ma, not only as masons, but as that of 
Truth. The Masonic Brotherhood is founded on "Truth," as one 
of its primordial tenets; and Ma is Truth. The Initiate is instructed 
to be true and trusty, and is consecrated to the Truth, which alone is 
immutable and eternal. This Truth was first founded and expressed 
by the stone-squarers and polishers in the typology and language 
of building. Hence the symbols, the square, compasses, and other 
Masonic emblems. 

One sign worn by Ma is the ostrich feather, which denotes both 
light and shade, or black and white. The Masons likewise wear 
a suit of black, with white aprons, gloves, stockings, and sometimes 
white shoes, which are the exact equivalent of the feather of light 
and shade worn by the goddess Ma. In their processions the Masons 
always walk Two and Two; and Ma is dual; Sen means two. The 
eye is one of the Masonic signs. In Egyptian Ma is the eye and 
the word also signifies seeing. The hand is proffered in greeting to 
make the peculiar sign of the Brotherhood, and the hand extended to 
offer and give is an ideograph of Md. The hands crossed in making 
the circle of the mystic chain form another hieroglyphic of Md or 
Mah, the crossed loop, tie, wreath, or crown. Masons read the 
twenty-four inch rule as a sign of the twenty-four hours, or day 
and night. The twenty-four inch rule represents two feet; and two 
feet in Egyptian read Mdti, a pair of footsoles, as well as the Two 
Truths of Ma; the Two Truths that were the basis on which all 

The pair of shoes occasionally found with the pair of half-opened 
compasses on the tombs of masons in Rome,i are the same symbolically 
as the pair of feet on the ancient stones of Britain and Ireland and in 
Polynesia or other parts of the world, and these may be interpreted 
by the pair of feet or the "footstep and the sole" of the Two Lion- 
gods of Egypt who kept the gates or divisions of the Two Solstices, 
north and South. The half-closed compasses which accompany them 
denote the midway of the equinoctial level. 

The council-chamber of the "knight of the east" degree is 
illuminated by seventy-two lights, erroneously supposed to be in 
memory of the seventy-two years captivity of the Jews, but which 
relate to the seventy-two duo-decans of the zodiac of twelve signs; 
these were also typified by the tree with seventy-two branches and by 
the Parsee Kustik or Sacred Girdle formed of seventy- two threads 
which represents the girdle studded with stars that was first prepared 
in heaven according to the good Mazdayasnian Law. 2 

1 Dallaway, Discourse on Architecture, p. 401. 2 Yasna, ix. 81. 

i82 The Natural Genesis. 

English Free-Masons in Australia have felt convinced that the 
aborigines were in possession of some of their own secret signs. Dr. 
de Plongeon is certain that he detected traces of the mystic craft 
among the ruins of Uxmal. There is nothing incredible in this. 
Some of these signs have persisted from the earliest times because 
they belong to those gestures which are the oldest form of 

Under the Totemic system certain signs were given to each 
fraternity whereby their brotherhood was known, and this mode at 
least is extant in the signs of Free-Masonry. Red, is the colour of 
Ma, and Sen (Eg.) is blood. Blood is sworn by in Masonry, and thus 
supplies the true colour. Seng in English is both blood and true. 
This type of Ma, the true, used to be the chosen colour of the 
English felon about to be executed, who held a red handkerchief in 
his hand when on the scaffold to show that he had betrayed no 
secrets, but died "bloody true."i 

When the candidates were initiated into the Eleusinian Gnosis the 
holy mysteries were read to them out of a stone book called Petroma, 
the book being of stone and formed of two stones fitly cemented 
together. 2 But the Petroma meant more than the Stone Book. Petru 
(Eg.) is to show, explain, interpret. Hence the "Peter" or interpreter 
of the mysteries who became the typical interpreter or "Peter" of 
the Roman Church. The Petroma was the book of Md written on 
stone, and the two leaves or tablets corresponded to the Twofold 
Truths of Ma, the Truth in its dual aspect. The double tablet of stone 
is yet represented in English churches with the Ten Commandments 
inscribed on it, and every Sunday the Petar, interpreter, goes to the 
Petroma and reads the Ten Commandments, just as the Peter of the 
mysteries read out of the Stone-Book to the Initiates. The same 
mysteries are now performed by daylight. 

The Two Truths are likewise illustrated by the numbers nine and 
ten. The number ten is lunar; it is the number of Menat. the Wet- 
Nurse. Merit denotes number ten and liquid measure. The number 
nine of Ma and Ptah is that of dry measures and the reckoning by 
nine solar months. Nine solar and ten lunar months are the Two 
Truths relating to feminine periodicity; the Two Truths of Mdti. 

In an inscription on the San-tablet these two numbers meet. 
There was an order of priestesses called the Didyma or Twins, who 
were allowed ten gallons of oil of sesame with nine bushels of barley 
a month, in addition to a provision of three loaves daily. The Didyma 
were keepers of the Two Truths. 

The Great Pyramid was built according to these two reckonings, 
its slope being that which builders call nine by ten. Another illustra- 

1 Rawlinson, Report to General Board of Health from the Parish of Havant, 

2 Potter, vol. i. p. 391. 

Typology of the Two Truths. 183 

tion may be found in the English game of skittles with either nine 
pins or ten pins. 

The one Truth of all Beginning is probably extant under the 
name of Nuter. In the ancient languages of India this is the 
name for blood, as Netru, Sudugur; Netturu, Canarese; Netteru, 
Telugu; Netra, Kohatar, and others; and this source was typified by 
Neith (Isis) who was designated Nuter.t, the feminine Nature, out of 
whom all issued in the beginning; the One Blood of the Motherhood 
which became dual through the typical "Two Sisters" when the 
fountain-head was divided into the first two Totemic lines of descent. 

By degrees the first of the Two Truths in the primitive biology was 
degraded from its primacy of place. When the soul was assigned to 
the male, the water as feminine source was made the passive factor; 
the negative element that only served to give life by vanishing away. 
It became the Unreal one of the Two, and on this was founded the 
doctrine of Mays or illusion in India, and In Egypt, of Annihilation in 
the Pool of Pant, or the Red Sea of the Ritual. Further illustrations 
of this natural genesis of primitive ideas might be adduced. 

There are Two Times, says the Surya Siddhanta.i Time the de- 
stroyer of worlds, and another Time which has for its nature to bring 
to pass. This latter, according as it is gross or minute, is called by 
two names, real (murta) and unreal (amurta). That which begins with 
respirations (prana) is called real, that which begins with atoms (truti) 
or matter, is called unreal. The real and unreal applied to time is 
akin to the Parsee doctrine applied to Vohu-Manyu, the Good Mind 
that dominates the hemisphere of Reality, or of all things good, perfect 
and true; and Akem-Mainyu, the Extinguisher in the hemisphere of 

The "Two Spirits" of the Parsee writings also illustrate the Two 
Truths, or the Truth in its twinship. Ahura-Mazda is the teller of 
Truth, and the evil spirit the teller of lies, hence the double tongue, as it 
is represented by the Indian gesture-sign with the two fingers diverging 
from the corners of the mouth. Two minds or intellects and "two 
lives" are also spoken of in the Gathas. These two intellects are called 
the First and the Last, which came to be applied to the here and 
hereafter. The Two Lives correspond to the Two Truths as Matter 
and Spirit, or Body and Soul. 

The origin of Good and Evil in the nature of man considered as a 
being of flesh and spirit, and as the embodiment of two opposite 
principles with a spontaneous tendency toward good, supposed to 
originate in the Spirit, and an antagonistic impulse towards evil assumed 
to be engendered by the blood (or flesh) which are destructive of 
individual responsibility, not to say of personal identity, has no other 
foundation except in the perversion and misapplication of the 
dualism of the primitive Two Truths. 

1 Book i. V. 10. 

i84 The Natural Genesis. 

There was no new point of departure in phenomena, nothing added 
to nature or human knowledge in these later views of the Metaphysi- 
cians and Theosophists. It was but the transformation of Mythology 
into Metaphysics, Philosophy, and Theology, in which the supposed 
revelation of a newer truth was largely founded on a falsification of 
the old. 

From these "Two Truths" of all Beginning the total system of 
Typology and Mythology was telescopically drawn out joint by joint, 
and as we shut up the glass again in the return process and attain 
the early stand-point and focus of vision we perceive with more or 
less exactness what the early thinkers saw. 



The limits are here identical with the origines; and to demonstrate the one is to define the other. 

We have seen that the first Beginning is figured as Opening; and 
this bifurcation of the one in the commencement may be compared 
with the opening of the oyster. The present Section will determine 
whether the writer has securely inserted the knife into an hitherto 
unopened bivalve of the "Two Truths" type, because NUMBERS 
furnish a crucial test of this beginning with the Two Hands as 
demonstrators of the Two Truths. 

NUMBERS constitute a true connecting link between the earliest 
gesture-signs and spoken language. Hand-reckoning with digital 
numerals is one of the primitive customs found to be universal; our 
English Hundred — the Arabic hand — is found on the Hand-type of 
counting up to ten. 

The Omagua gets his number five from the hand, Pua, and his ten 
by duplication from Upapua. Tallek, a hand, serves also for the 
Number 5 in Labrador. The Lower Murray natives of Australia 
express 5 by one hand, and 10 by two hands. Tut (Eg.) is a hand, 
also the Number 5. Kep is the fist, and the Variant Seb is Number 5. 

The Hottentot Koru for Number 5 means the Palm cava, the 
Inner or female hand. In the Kamite Typology the outer or second 
of the two is considered the male type, an equivalent for Number 2 or 
Number 10. 

The Latin V for Number 5 is obviously a hand, conventiona- 
lized to represent the divided thumb and fingers. The Phonetic V or 
F was a syllabic Fa, i.e. a hieroglyphic hand; originally a Kafa 
or Kaph. 

Tatlemat in the Eskimo (Tshuktshi Nos.) is Number 5, and the 
word is connected with the arm in Greenland, whilst in Egyptian Tat 
is the hand (a Number 5), and lem denotes the arm. 

An Irish A, the first, the one, as a letter, is named Acab, corre- 

i86 The Natural Genesis. 

spending to the hand, the Kep (Eg.), Gap Akkadian; Kaph, Hebrew. 
The British letter "Cailep" is the loth and it signifies the double or 
second hand. Khep (Eg.) to make the figure also denotes the figure as 
the fist, of five digits. So in French, Chiffre, for the figure, is the name 
of the digit. 

Number 20 in the Africa Pika, is Kobolo, literally two heads 
or two upper halves. This agrees with the Number 10 of the Towka 
Indians of South America, which means half a man; the Number 20 
being equivalent to a whole man. In Egyptian Ten is one half. The 
Vei numeral for number 20 is called Mo bande, and in Kono Mo 
odon bande; these denote a person completed. 1 

The Tamanacs reckon Number 5 as a whole hand, and 10 as both 
hands; 15 a whole foot, and 20 a whole Indian. The Aztec 10 is 
Matlactli from Ma, hand, and tlactli, one half; 10 is the upper or 
hand- half of a man. The Greenlanders, Eskimos, and others, count 
by the hands and feet, with a whole man for 20. The Rajmahli 
tribes still reckon by twenties in this way, although they have the 
Hindi numerals as well. In the memoria technical of the Hindu 
Sages the Nail is a sign of Number 20. The Nail is a type of 
Virility and of manhood as previous shown. The Number 20 is 
equivalent to a whole or completed man, the man of twenty years, 
as well as the 20 Nails. 

Thus when the Buddha is represented with a Nail in the palm of 
his hand (as in a statue now at Birmingham) , instead of denoted the 
crucified, it distinguishes the completed male from the Child-Buddha; 
the Nail as Clavus surving instead of Unguis. So the clavus was 
used in the ancient Roman reckoning of years in place of the 

Man and the Number 20 have the same name at times in the same 
group of African languages. Thus Man is Momba in Bala, Pati and 
Momenya, whilst Momba is Number 20 in N'goten and Melon. But 20 
implies an advanced stage of reckoning. The 2, 5 and 10 were 
the earlier limits. Various African tribes only count up to five, or 
one hand. In the Mbamba they reckon up to Betan, 5; in NXi, to 
Mitan, 5; in Tiwi, to Witan, 5; in N'Kele, to Tane, 5; and then they 
begin again. 2 The tan is their division, end, a place of division, and 
cutting off, of tenning, so to say. 

In Algonkin Ten is the five more than the first five, equal to the 
second of the two hands. In the Makua numerals Pili is 2 and 7, 
Taru is 3 and 8, Cheshe is 4 and 9; that is, 2, 3 and 4 on either hand, 
according to the gesture-sign. So in the Aht language there is but 
one name for Numbers i and 6, and one for Numbers 2 and 7. Also, 
Guii is I, Guisa 6; Gam, 2, Gamana, 7; Nona, 3, Nonandi, 8, in the 
Ai-Bushman. This mode frequently survives and the hand type is 

1 Koelle, Vei Language, p. 27; Polyglotta Africana, p. 14. 

2 Koelle. 

Typology OF Numbers. 187 

implied where the principle of naming has been lost sight of 

The oldest Australian languages show that originally they had no 
names for numbers beyond two. The Tasmanians counted one, two, 
plenty. The New Hollanders reckoned one, two, many. But they 
had the means of reckoning up to ten in their digits, which would serve 
to signal how many, although they had no names for the numbers. 
Here we have a test of the unity of origin. For, as the two hands, 
or rather two arms, were reckoned first, and the ten digits afterwards; 
as one hand is a figure of 5, and two hands form the 10, it follows 
on the development theory that the names of No. i as arm or hand, 
will often agree with those of No. 5; and the names of two, as hands, 
with those of No. 10. 

This is what we do find. The hand and No. 5, the two hands and 
No. 10 are constant equivalents under the same name. 

"Keba," in Kra, and other dialects, is an Inner African type-name 
for the hands, or two other limbs. This is continued in the Kab, 
Kaf, Kep, or Khep, for the hand in Egyptian, Kaph, Hebrew, 
Gap, Akkadian; Cab, Mexican; Chopa, Movima; Tcapai, Pujuni; 
Gaupen, a handful, in Scotch. Keb (Eg.) signifies double, to du- 
plicate, and the hand, arm, or leg is a dual member. The hand, 
then, is a figure of five or ten according to the gesture-sign. We see 
by the hieroglyphs that Kep, a fist (of five) preceded the modified 
Seb for the Number Five. And this type-name will be often found 
as the title of Ten. 

In the Yukahiri Tungus language the Numbers Two and Ten are 
both named Dshur, the two hands being equivalent to the ten 
fingers. In Egyptian Shera is the boy or girl, the child of either sex; 
the two sexes being likewise equivalent to the two hands. So in the 
Norway Gipsy Dy is Number Two, and Ty Number Ten. 

Lekh (or rekh) in Egyptian is to count; Lokhet in Finnish is to 
reckon, Lokke being Number 10, or the reckoning; and in Russian 
Ruka (Luka) is the hand. Kaks (modified Kas) Number 2 (or 
twin) in Akkadian; Kaksi, Olonets; Kaksi Karelian; Kaks, Fin; 
Kasi, Vod; Kaks, Esthonian; Kads, Kamkatkan; are explained 
by the name of the hand, which is Kasi, Karelian; Kasi, Olonets; 
Kdssi, Esthonian; Kesi, Fin. The Egyptian Khekh, or Khausu, for 
the beam of the balance, is another form of the one that is twin in 
its two arms. Also Khkha (Eg.), is the name of Number and to 

The names of Numbers throughout all languages show an incessant 
interchange in this way under one and the same type- word. Kefto is 
the number 2 in Mordvin; and Khepti is the two hands, Kabti the 
two arms in the hieroglyphics. The Mexican Quipu, knot (Egyptian 
Khabu), is a tie of 10, yet it agrees by name with Kep (Eg.) for the 
fist of five. So the Hebrew Jad is one hand, but it suffices for the 

i88 The Natural Genesis. 

numeral sign of lo. With the exception of Number i, all the 
numerals of the Abane (Circassian) language are based on this 
hand-type of name, 

Soba is No. i; Khuba is No. 5. Akhba is No. 8. 

Ukhba ,, ,, 2. Ziba ,, ,, 6. Ishba ,, ,, 9. 

Khpa ,, ,, 3. Bishba ,, ,, 9. Zheba ,, ,, 10. 

Pshiba ,, ,, 4. 

The foot is Shepeh, in the same language. 

The Assyrian numbers are digital. One is the hand. Two signifies 
duplication. Three means after, or following. Five is a fist. Six 
denotes the other hand. Ten means together, the total expressed by 
two hands, or ten fingers in detail. 

The Akkadian Ua for the sole, chief one, and the Fijian Vua for 
the one only, agree by name with the Egyptian Ud for the one, the 
one alone; the only one. This Ud (Eg.) has the hand for deter- 
minative, and is probably a worn-down form of Ufa, from Kufa, the 
hand or fist. Ud is written with the barbed hook; a later type of 
laying hold. Kef a, Shd, Api, Fa, Ud, d, are all Egyptian forms of 
the first one. Number i, or one hand. The Egyptian Ua or Uat 
(Coptic Ouat, Toda Vodd, for the one) is Number 5 in the Ostiak 
Uet, that is the one as a hand. 

Pairing the two hands would be a primary mode of signifying or 
reckoning two. Clasping the hand, the earliest manner of fiving, by 
making the fist, and the two hands clasped together and cut off at 
the wrists form the hieroglyphic sign of Number 10, n. 

The root of the words Numero and Number may be found in 
Num. (Eg.) to join, or put together, add, repeat, again, twice, second. 
Nem.a in Sanskrit, for the other, one-half of a whole, thence the other 
or second half, is identical with the Egyptian Num or Nem, which is 
as early as adding another one to the first to reckon two. Num for 
twice and second has a variant in Nub, the all, as a twin-total; the 
male and female, or the two hands. 

In the Manyak language Number 2 is Nabi, and in the North 
American Indian languages it is 

Nopa in Yankton. Nompiun in Winebago. Nomba in Omaha. 

Noopah in Minetari. Nompah in Dacotah. Nooment in Crow. 

Naperra in Catawba. Nombaugh in Osage. Nompah in Mandan. 

Here the digital origin is likewise shown by the name for the hand 
itself, which is 

Napai, Yankton. Nomba, Omaha. Nimei, Shabun. 

Nahbeehah, Winebago. Numba, Osage. 

But there is more than one way of duplicating, and the earliest is 
by division of the one, not by addition to it. The Gallas obtain their 
two as two halves of the one, by breaking a cake of salt; a broken 
piece, from Tchaba, to break, having the meaning of one-half. This 

Typology OF Numbers. 189 

is the Egyptian Kab, double; Xosa Gabu, to part in two, double; 
Gabha, Sanskrit, to be cloven in two; Kapala, one half; Koporo, 
Maori, truncated; Kabili, doubly, Zulu; Kuppoa, the elbow, Murray 
(Aust.); Akkadian Gab, for the female breast, to be abreast, or duplicated. 
The body is one, but when divided the hand or foot becomes tchaba, 
Kaf, Khep, Kab, or Gap (Akk.), by name as the divided or duplicated 
one. The principle may be illustrated by the Gab for the mouth; 
the Geb for the bird's beak, and by the Gape. The Gab becomes 
dual in the gape. Gcaba, Xosa Kaffir, is to crack open, as in the Chap. 
"I Cebo" is true and good counsel when the word is used in the 
singular number, but in the plural it means false or bad advice. 

Pidu is an Akkadian name of Number i or the first one. Bat is 
the Basque name for Number i. Foda is Number i in Bulanda. 
These denote the opening one that divides and duplicated. Put or Pet 
in Chinese signifies the very beginning, by opening, putting forth. 
Puthu (Eg.) is to open the mouth, or other member that divided in 
two. Pita (Ass.) is to open; ns (Heb.), the opening; Arab, Fath. 

Pepu and Pu (Eg.) are to divide. This the Wings to for flight. 
Hence Ppat means to fly. Ppat, to figure forth, is by dividing. So 
the Wing or foot divides to become a figure of two. 

The New Caledonians count ten with a prefix to the names. 

Oua-nait is No. i. 

Oua-duo ,, No. 2. 

Oua-tagien ,, No. 3. 

Oua-thsdt ,, No. 4. 

This oua is otherwise rendered Paih and Wae, and in Tahitian Pae 
denotes the division or portion divided off as a hand, or one half. 
Wae in Maori signifies the limb and to divide, part, separate. Applied 
to the hand it would denote the dividing of the one hand into two, 
and the two hands into ten digits in accordance with the natural 
process. The Hebrew Sephr, to number, also denotes a splitting and 
dividing into parts. 

The principle of derivation through division may by illustrated by 
the Hebrew Achad for the only one. This is a common name for the 
Numeral one. In Africa, for example 



No. 5. 

Oua-naim-guien is 





No. 6. 

Oua-naim-bait ,, 





No. 7. 

Oua-naim-hic ,, 



Gade is one in Bode. 

Kado is one in Afudu. 

Keddy is one in Begharmi. 

Godsi ,, N'godsin. 

Kuden ,, Legba. 

Kadenda ,, Darrunga. 

Gudio ,, Doai. 

Kudum ,, Kaure. 

Hido „ Batta. 

Kede ,, Bagrmi. 

Kudom ,, Kiamba 

Ahad ,, Hurur. 

Ket ,, Anan. 

Kedem ,, Soso. 

Adde „ Tigre. 

These can be followed by 

Ahad, Arabic. 

Kat in Lepcha. 

Khuta in Pumpokolsk. 

Achad, Hebrew. 

Kat in Magar. 

Chuodschse in Kamacintzi. 

Ahad, Assyrian. 

Kate in Gyarung. 

Ikhet in Watlala. 

Hhad, Syriac. 

Khatu in Tengsa. 


' in Lap. 

Kotum, Omar. 

Katang in Nowgong. 

Yet in Tharu. 

Ketch, Insam. 

Ektai in Kirata. 

It in Milchan. 

Hetz, Yengen. 

Akhet in Khari. 

It in Sumchu. 

Kitol, San Antonio. 

Kadu in Pwo. 

1 Latham, Comparative Philology, p. 381. 

igo The Natural Genesis. 

This is also a type-name for the Woman, as 

Kat in Karigas. Kota in Kwaliokwa. Kithia in Chetemacha, &c. 

Likewise for the hand and the uterus, as in 




Qatu or 
K&zdte, J 

Ucht, womb, Gadic. 




b , r 1 9 1 . 

Kutte, Cut or \ 
Cat, i'"^ 




Qui da. 

Old Norse. 

, E n g 1 5 h 













The Hebrew name of the one, as Chad or Achad is related to 
Chadi 'nn the Middle, that which divides in two, as the Breast; also 
the place where the two halves divide. 

Achad is applied to unity as well as to the unit, hence it means 

The Hebrew rites of Achad, the Only One, denounced by Isaiah 
(Ch. bcvi. 17) in a confused but conscious passage, applied to that 
primordial unity only to be found in the female nature, which was 
personified in the mother, as Kaf-Mut and Haf-hor; the British Ked; 
Katesh, an Egyptian form of the naked goddess Ken or Chivn; 
and Kotavi, the naked type of Durga in India. The female alone 
divides to become Two and she therefore was, the only One who is 
still worshipped by the Yonias as the one alone from the Beginning. 

Under the type-word Ankh we also get back to a oneness, or a one 
in phenomena, which is represented by the Ankh-tiem the Hank 
or Ing as a community, and the Ng as first person who duplicates. 

Inek is number i in the African Shiho, Inneke in Danakil. This 
one is the Man in the Eskimo Inuk or Innuk. In Egyptian Ank is 
the one as the King, the first person, the 1 or A one. Enika, Aku, is 
oneness applied to personality. 

Ankh also denotes duplication, and Ank the Mother is the one 
who duplicates. Several other types of oneness and the one that 
duplicates are extant, in the Ankle, Knuckle, and the Neck, the Hinko 
in Nyamwezi: the Ancha, Arabic; Hanche, French; Haunch, English, 
for the hip; the Inoku for the Navel, Nyamwezi, as the place of 
duplication where the two were joined together, and severed. Naka, 
Maori, means connection; Niko is the tie. The Anga, Maori, is a 
bivalve fish. Hangi, Nyamwezi, is repetition, and duplication. 

Here then we have a type-word which signifies the one (like the 
hand, foot, or ear), as the initial point of reckoning. 

Under such a type-name we may expect to find the numbers i and 
2; 5 and 10 because of the two sexes, the two hands, and the digital 
origin of reckoning. 

In keeping wjth these initial limits the Maori Anake is the one, 
only, unique, without exception. 

The Xosa Onke, for one (one loaf of bread) every one, is also a 
plural, and signifies the All which, as the typology shows, may be 

Typology of Numbers. 


comprised in the dual one or oneness of the Beginning, that divided 
and became twain. 

In the Kaffir languages Nye, earlier Nge, signifies oneness, unity. 
Hanac is the one in Quichua. Nge or Nye is the African guttural- 
nasal, NO, the Sound of Negation which was first, whether 
represented by the Water, the Motherhood, or the left hand. 

The English Ing or Hank is one as a body of people; the 
Hottentot Hongu is one as a group of Seven; and the Number i is 

Onji in Tula. 
Nge in Kakhyea. 
Nkho in Atna. 

Naksh in Piakaws. 
Hongo in Chetemacha. 
Wanche in Yankton. 

Jungkihkh in Winebago. 
Quenchique in Bayano. 
Ingsing in Karaga. 

Ankua is No. 5 in Faslaha. 













Ango is 

No. 5 in Dofla. 


„ Gadi. 


,, Deer. 


,, Kooch. 


,, ,, Persian. 


,, ,, Sanskrit 

Bunch (of five) English. 

Ankh or Nak is also a common type-name for Number 2. 

Ankh, two ears, Egyptian. 
Hanak, No. 2, in Banyun. 
Ahinka, Tumbuktu. 
Onogha, Nubian. 
Nakha, Dog-rib Indian. 
Nakhei, Kutshin. 

Ainak, Kushutshewak. 
Aniko, Miri. 
Nkhong, Singpho. 
Nyik-ching, Changlo. 
Onhong, Kakhyen. 
Naghur, Chepewyan. 

Neguth, Shienne. 
Nakte, Tuscarora. 
Nkaik, Rukheng. 
Niokhtsh, Kolyma. 
Niyoktsh, Koriak. 

Nak permutes with Nas, and in this form of Number 2 we have 

Nyis, Tibetan. 
Nish, Milchan. 
Nish, Sumchu. 
Ms, Magar. 
Nishi, Sunwar. 

Nes, Darnley Island. 
Naes, Erroob. 
Neish, Potowatami. 
Neczhivand, Ojibwa. 
Nishuh, Knistinaux. 

Nes, Etchemin. 
Nies, Abenaki. 
Neis, Arapaho. 
Nass, Adaihe. 

The Ankh (Eg.), as Ear, is both one and two. So is it with the 
Hand or Panka (Sanskrit). In the Portland dialect (Australia) the 
ear is named Wing, which reminds us that the wing also duplicates 
and becomes a pair, like the ear or the hand. Pankti (Sanskrit) 
number 5, a set or cluster of five, is also the number 10, because 
the Pair, as Arms, sub-divides into 5 and 10 as fingers. 

Ango is five in Dofla, and Inge, in Abor (the same group of 
languages), is Number 10. 

Onger in Amberbaki. 
Inge in Abor and Miri. 
Ongus in Teniseian. 

Wonka in Tshuvash. 
langpono in Tagala. 

Ongefoula in Cocos Island. 
Nokolou in Fonofono. 

The type-names, then, for number i, include various forms of the 
one that became two, or had a dual manifestation and are not 
limited to the hand. These may be the one Being that bifurcates as 
Omoroka, the one Mother that divides into Mother and Sister or 
Mother and Child; the one species of the two sexes; the male front 

192 The Natural Genesis. 

and the female hind parts. One person with two halves, upper and 
lower, or hands, right and left. 

The notion of oneness and firstness preceded that of one in reckoning, 
and this had several types. The Mother was first; Darkness was 
first; Water wis first; the Left Hand was first. The Hebrew n, or He, 
which the Rabbins tell us "all came out of," has the numerical value 
of 5, the equivalent of one Hand; hence it interchanges with the 
Jad (hand). The Left, inner or female hand, is the first that was 
used in reckoning the number five. 

The Australian Ngangan, for the Mother, signifies the Thumb. So 
in Maori Matua the first, the Parent, denotes the thumb, the Koro- 
Matua, as the first or fifth, the one or the sum of the five. The first 
one and five were those of the left hand, the Mother-hand, or inferior 
first. Whereas "Tupa," the other Thumb, in Xosa Kaffir, is also 
the name for number 6. This was a male type. Reckoning from 
the left hand as the first and foremost is yet extant amongst the 
Kaffirs in whose social system the wife of the left hand is the great 
lady; the wife of the right hand is the secondary and lesser one. Also 
the son of the left hand is the elder, superior — who is the principal 
heir, and the chief of the first clan; the son of the right hand being 
the inferior one — the head only of a secondary clan.i This progression 
from left to right illustrates the bifurcation of beginning in the 
societary phase, just as the Circle of heaven was divided to become 
two, as Night on the left hand, and Day on the right. 

The Egyptian Un or one is the round of an hour. The Circle 
is represented by the Cipher, as the first figure or one. The Circle, 
the Nought, the Cipher, is still the primordial figure, as the sign 
of zero. It has gone down low, or rather remains first; it is the 
repeater and dominant determinative of figures, and still gives 
significance to all the rest. 

The Welsh Cyfr, English Cipher, French Chiffre, Arabic Sifron, 
Italian Zephiro, Swahili, Sifuru, Hebrew IBS, may all be derived from 
the Egyptian Khefr or Khepr. Khepr means to figure; to make the 
figure, form or type which in the Cipher is a Circle. In Africa the 
Beetle, Khepra, was an early form of the Cypherer or Chiffrer 
(French) because he was observed to roll up his ball in the shape of 
a cipher, or of the world. His name is derived from Khep, to form 
and figure forth. 

The figures made use of in Africa, which are called the "Gobaf 
figures, bear the name of Khepr, — a name probably derived from the 
Scarab (Khepr) as the figurer. "Gobar," says Max Muller,2 "means 
dust, and those figures were so called because, as the Arabs say, they 
'were first introduced by an Indian who used a table covered with fine 
dust for the purpose of ciphering.' " Ghubdr is dust in Arabic; Gobar, 

1 Theal, Kaffir Folk Tales, p. 6. 

2 Chips, vol. ii. p. 292. 

Typology OF Numbers. 193 

cow-dung in Hindustani; but, it we read Khepr for the Indian who 
used dust for his figures we shall recover the original Cipherer of 
the legend in the Beetle (khepr) that rolled up its ball of dung and 
dust and covered its seed in making the first figure or Cipher. 

The Beetle was a lunar emblem before it was assigned to the solar 
god, and the figure made by the renewing moon was that of the 
horned crescent orbing into a circle. The figure of the new moon is 
Kupra in Etruscan, and Kibulia in the African Guresa language. 
These correspond by name to Khepra, the figurer of the Circle in 
Egypt, and to the "Gobaf figures of the Africans. But the earliest 
maker of the Circle in Heaven that is related to time and number 
was the genitrix Kep, the goddess of the Seven Stars, who carries in 
her hand the Noose sign ^^^ of Ark, a period, an ending, a turn 
round, i.e. a time. She was the MQther of the first revolution, 
registered as a figure, circle and cycle of time, in a latitude where the 
Great Bear was the Dipper below the horizon at the Crossing in the 
north. Her symbolic figure combines a Circle and a Cross, the 
image of the Circle above the horizon and the Crossing below. In 
making her circle and in crossing she formed the Cipher and the 
Cross-sign of Ten; and Kep is the first one in Egyptian mythology — 
the genitrix whose hands are said to be the Two Bears. Kep or Kef 
was the Mother of Beginnings, and in Bambarra Kufolo is the beginning. 

So Ud (Eg.) in the feminine gender is Uat, the genetrix, and the 
one in Coptic; Uata, the Woman, as Mother, in Hausa; and Uat is 
another form of this Goddess of the North. 

The Mother then is our chief type of number One or the first in figures 
and numbers, as she is in nature and in the mirror of Mythology. 

Hor- Apollo tells us the Vulture, Mu, represented Two Drachmas, 
"because among the Egyptians the Unit of money was the two 
drachmas, and the unit is the origin of every number; therefore, when 
they would denote two drachmas they, with good reason, depict a Vul- 
ture, inasmuch as, like Unity, it seems to be Mother and Generation 
in one."^ This was as a type of the Two Truths, or the dual one. 

The Alexandrine interpreters of the Old Testament always reckon 
the Hebrew money by the Didrachma. For the Drachma they use 
the half of a Didrachma, to ^ihiav toO Mpaxtwy. The Vulture, Mu, 
was the sign of the gestator, the royal mother, the woman of the 
"Two Truths," who wore the double crown; the one that first dupli- 
cated. This, too, shows a beginning with bi-unity of type in which 
the dual may be said to precede the singular. 

In the Inner African languages the Mother is identical with the 
number i as the Mama (variants Nga-Nga, Nana, and Kaka). 
Number i is: 

Mom and Momu in Tiwi. Mumo in Mubaya. Momos in Babuma. 

Momo in Bumbato. Mmo and Mo in Bayon. Mbo in Ndob. 

1 Book i, II. 


The Natural Genesis. 

Mbo in Tumu. 
Mho in Aro. 
Mfu in Isiele. 
Umot in Penin. 
Emot in Konguan. 
Imo and Mo in Param. 

In the Tungus dialects: 

Moi in Bute. 
Mo in Mbe. 
Mo in Pati. 
Mo in Papiah. 
Mo in Momenya. 
Mo in Kam. 

Mo in N'goala. 
Mo in Bamoin. 
Mo in Balu. 
Mo in Bagba. 

Muein Mon isNo. 

Mu.dmu or V « Moem Ka is No. i. 

momu J Moem KhongisNo. I. 

This reduced form of the primary Momu takes on the terminal t 
and becomes Mot, number i, Cochin; Mot, number i, Tonquin; 
just as Mmu and Mu become Mut in the African languages. The 
full form is Momo or Momu; Mo, as in Bayon, is the reduced word. 
Momo, Mom or Mam, for the one, enables us to identify this name of 
the one with the Mother. Mmu, Mu, or M, denotes the Mother, in 
Egyptian; and Mu, the Vulture-type of the genitrix. Mam, Umam, 
Umma, and Ma, are the Mother in the Kiranti dialects. This type- 
name for the Mother is wide-spread. 

Mam is the Mother in Welsh. Mamma is the Mother in Murrumbidgee. 

Mma is the Mother in Aksonga. Ama is the Mother in Erroob (Australia). 

Momo, moo or mu is the Mother in Chinese. Memi is the Mother in Barre (Australia). 
Mu is the Mother in Amoy. 

In the African languages the Mother is: 

Mama in Makua. Mama in Kanyika. 

Mama in Songo. Mama in Ntere. 

Mama in Mose. Mama in Mutsaya. 

Mama in Babuma. 

Mama in Kasands. 

Mama in Nyombe. 

Mama in Basunde. 

Mametu in Kisana. 

Mma in Kiriman. 

Amama in Meto. 

Mm.a in Guresa. 
Mma, Mema 

and Mua 
Mmo or Mmae in Momenya. 
Mmae in Papiah. 
Moma or 


in N'goala. 

in Mimboma. in Nyamban. 
Mam.a in Landoma. 
Mame in Koro. 
Mama in Undaza. 
Mma in Benin. 
Omma in Wadai. 
Mame in Kaffir. 
Mam. (woman) Dsarawa. 
Momare in Baseke. 

These, with their variants and reduced forms, show a general 
type-name for the Mother in Africa. 

It is still more to the purpose that the Grandmother, the old, first 
Mother should bear the same name almost universally as the Mama, 
or the Ma. 

Mam. Grandmother Woloi. 

Mama Grandmother Toronka. 

Mame , 


Mama , 

, Dsalunka 

Mama , 

, Kano. 

Mma , 

, Bambara. 

Mama , 

, Landoma. 

Mama , 

, Kono. 

Mama , 

, Bulanda. 

Mama , 


Mama , 

, Gadsaga. 

Mama , 

, Solima. 

Mama , 

, Parama. 

Mama , 

, Kisekise. 

Mama , 

, Biafada. 

Mama , 


Mama , 

, Padsade. 

Mama , 

, Gbandi. 

Mama , 

, Baga of Kalum. 

Mama , 

, Mende 

Mama , 


Mama , 

, Adampe. 

Mama , 

, Mandenga. 

Mama , 

, Anfue., 

Mama , 

, Kabungu. 

Mama , 

, Hwida. 

The Mother, then. Was the first person, as the Mama. Mama (Eg.) 
to bear, to carry, denotes the enceinte Mother. In the single form of 

Typology OF Numbers. 195 

the word this becomes Md, Mu, or Mo, for the Mother, and for the 
number i. In Egyptian the reduced Ma or Mu takes on the feminine 
terminal t to become the Mat or Mut, the Mater and Mother; 
whence came those words. The Mother being the first person 
recognized as Primus, we may expect to find hers is the first personal 
name, or the pronoun of the first person. This appears in the 
African languages as 

Mom, I, in Yagba. Mem, I, in Niki. Mem., I, in Mutsaya. 

Mam., ,, Legba. Mom.i, ,, Idsesa., ,, Param. 

Mem.i, ,, Mbamba. Mum.i, ,, Dsebu. Mem., ,, Bushman. 

Mampe, ,, Padsade. 

The Mo, Ma, and Mi being likewise universal for the 1, or as we 
have it in English, the Me. This is Mam in the Avesta; Menet, 
Latin; Mu, Akkadian; Mu, Proto-Median ; Md, Finnic; Ma, Ostiac; 
Me, Estrucan; Me, Ziranian; Mi, Welsh and Irish. The primordial 
personality was not that of Self — not the 1 or Me, but that of the 
Mammy, the Mother, the My one, mime. The African Mame, in the 
Kaffir languages, is the abstract form of the Motherhood; and 
"Mame" "is my Mother. Captain Burton says the African Negro is 
still a child who, in his fear or distress, will call on his "Mama" 
above, like any other infant. The Hindu does the same, to quote 
no others. "Mame" is a Kaffir exclamation, a call to stop, and 
an invitation to a feast. Momi, in Maori, is to suck; Mama, to 
ooze through a tiny aperture, as does the milk from the Mammae 
— the Maameyhu, or mother's breast, in the Carib languages. Mamma, 
Fin, is the Mothers breast; Mamme, Dutch, is the Mother, Nurse, 
and Breast; Mamman is to give suck. The Africcan "Mama," inter- 
changes with Nana, for the Mother, the first one, and this also is a 
type-name in language for number i, as, 

Nein, in West Shan. Uniun, in Apya. Nengui, in Fonofono. 

Nung, in Siamese. Unname, in Manx. Nyombi, Lachlan (Aust.) 

Nung, in Khamti. Onon, in Cornish. Nin-gotchau, in Ottawa. 

Onnon, Koriak. Unan, Breton. Nancas, in Adaihe. 

Ennene, in Reindeer Tshukshi. Onno, in Malayalim. Unin-itegni, in Mbaya. 

The Inner African N is commonly sounded Ng, and Nana repre- 
sents Nga-Nga. Thus the mother is named 

Nga in Soso, Noki in Hwida, Ngoro in Mbamba, 

Nga in Kisekise, Engo in Kiana, Ngo in Dsarawa, 

JVga in Tene, JVgue and iVgie in Orungu, JVgo in Tiwi, 

Nge in Mende, Ngua in Musentandu, Ngob in Mbe — 

which furnishes another form of the first personal pronoun. 

Nge is I in Mende. Nga is I in N'gola. Ng is I in Dahome. 

Nge \ Nge 

and I ,, ,, Gbandi. Ngini 

Nya ) Nga 

Ngo ,, ,, Landoro. Ngo 

Ngo ,, ,, Kasande. Ng 

Songo. Ngi ,, ,, Bola. 

Fulup. Nho ,, ,, Marawi. 

Kise-Kise. Ngi ,, ,, Mimboma. 

Gbere. Ngi ,, ,, Musentandu. 

196 The Natural Genesis. 

This supplied a universal form of the first personal pronoun, 
ranging through 

Nge in /Ethiopic. Naika in Kamilaroi (Ngui is Noika in Chinook. 

Ank in Egyptian. My) Hang in Thara. 

Anaku in Assyrian. Ngo in Chinese. Nga in Burman. 

Anakhi in Hebrew. Ink in Palouse. JViai in Tarawan. 

Nga-Nga in W. Australian. Inga in Limbu. Ayung in Cherokee. 

JVgai in Port Lincoln. Ung in Khaling. iVa/c in Gundi — 
Ngatoa in Wiradurei. 

and numbers more. This root of The One gave the name to the Ank 
(Eg.) for king; Greek Anax; Peruvian Inca; Maori Heinga; Irish Aonach 
(pdn.ce); Arabic Anuk; Malayan Inchi (master) ; the Basque Jainco 
(Jingo) for the divinty. These were applied to the male who came 
to the front as the chief one, the ruling 1 of later times. The earliest 
male Ankh, however, was not the father, but the uncle, the Kaffir 
Nakwabo or sister's brother, on account of the blood-tie; he who 
became Nakh Or Ank (Eg.) at puberty. With the Hottentots the 
Uncle is the Naub or Ancestor. The Mother of Life, Ank, the god- 
dess of life in Egypt, and the Ankh or Hank of people, were still 
earlier. The female was the first known reproducer of the particular 
child, and therefore was recognised and named as the primal parent, 
the one, the eariest Ankh or Ancestor. 

The primary mode of duplicating in language was by repeating the 
word, syllable, or sound. And Ankh (Eg.) to duplicate, to double, a 
pair, is the name of the mother in the duplicative stage, as 

Na-nga and Ngu, Tene. Nyongo or Nyongongo, Diwala. N^gangri, in Xosa, is the 

Nyang, Mende. Ngudtu, Mu-entandu. first in time. 

Ninge, Landoro. Nyangei, Nalu. 

This dual form is perfectly preserved in the Australian and Maori 
languages, where Ngangan is the mother in the West Australian. 
Ngoingoi, Maori, is the typical old woman, answering to Ank (Eg.) 
the mother of life. Neing-Menna, Tasmanian, is the mother. Nga- 
ango in Yarra (Aust.) is the breath. In the Pine Plains (Aust.) 
dialect, Ngango signifies the very beginning. 

These show the Ankh of the beginning under the duplicated form 
of the name, the mother being the first duplicator. This primordial 
type-name is that of the woman, as 

Nike in Eafen. Ankena in Bushman. 


Woman, Uta. 

Nkas in Marawi. Nyoka, thy Mother, Kaffir. 


,, Winebago 

Negne in Bute. Enga, Mother, Ho. 


,, Seneca. 

Onogua in Akurakura. Unnaach, Woman, Chemmesyan. 


,, Attakapa. 

Ungue in N'goala. Ehnek, Woman, Santa Barbara. 


,, Baniwa. 

Iga wears down to the Eka, Ich, and 1. It did 

SO in Africa, as 

Iga, Bini. Ai, Tumbuktu. 

/, Bidsogo. 

Gi, Bola. A, Kasm. 

/, Landoma. 

Gi, Sarar. /, Egbele. 

/, Kisi. 

Gi, Toma. /, Bini. 

/, Time. 

Typology OF Numbers. 197 

Again, water, drink, or suck, is another form of the first one, as 
the element of life derived from the Mama and Mammas. It is the 
primary truth of the Two in Mythology. And water is 

Mema in Lubalo. Mmeli in Isoama. Mambia in Biafada. 

Mmi in Isiele. Momel in Fulup. Mambes in Padsade. 

Mmeli in Aro. Momel in Filbam. 

With many variants and worn-down forms in dmi, umi, dmee, and 
md. Blood, the mystical water of life, is Mme in Abadsa; Mmei in 
Aro, African. Mum in Japanese signifies that which is primordial, 
the first, and in the Assyrian creation the Mumu or Mami are the 
waters of creation. Mamari in Polynesian is the spawn of the waters. 
This Inner African type-name for Water and the Mother-source still 
survives, as 

Mem, Upper Sacramento. Momi, Tsamak. Mimeil, Reindeer Tahuktshi. 

Mehm., Copeh. Mumdi (River) Sekumne. Mimlipil, Karaga. 

Mem, Mag Readings. Mimal, Korika. Mampuka, Wiliamet. 

Momi, Pajuni. Mimal, The Kolyma. Mimpo, or Ampo, Lutuami. 

The Mother and Water are one in Mythology, and both have the same 
name in the earliest stage of language — that of the mere duplication 
of sounds to constitute words. 

It is now suggested that Ma-ma signifies the mother (bearer) in 
Egyptian — 

Momo in Chinese. Mama in Fin. Mamma in AustraHan — 

Mam in Welsh. Memi in Barre (American). 

because of the origin in Inner Africa as the birthplace of language. 
The Number 2 in the African languages is — 

Beba in Melon. Mba in Puka. Mba and Pipa in Param. 

Biba in Baseke. Mba in Pati. Mfa in Okam. 

Beba in Udom. Mbe in Kum. Mva in Yasgua. 

Beba in Diwala. Mbe in Bagbu. Vli in Fan. 

Beba in N'kele. Mbe in Bamom. Epfa in Egbele. 

Befe in N'Ki. Mbe in Momenya. Eva in Bini. 

Be/ai and Mfae/ai in Afudu. Mba and Pa in Papiah. Efa in Ihewe. 

Bepai in Konguan. Mba in N'halmoa. Eba in Ekamtulufu — 

Mbe in Tumu. 

and others. 

The Param language shows that Pipa is a modified form of Mpipa 
or Mbipa; as Befai is the abraded form of Mbefai in Afudu. The 
Mb of the primitive pronunciation having been worn down to the 
simple B in "Befai." As abraded forms of the original Momo for 
number i and Mbefa number 2 we have 

Mo, No. i; Mba, No. 2; Pati. Mo, No. i; Mbe, No. 2; Bamom. 

Mo, No. i; Mbe, No. 2; Bagba. Mo, No. i; Mba and Pipa, No. 2; Param. 


The Natural Genesis. 

le father 

in Africa is a 

type of Papa or Mbefa, 

number 2 

Paps, Father, Songo. 

Mfa, Father, Vei 

Baba, Father, Yagba. 


, Limba. 


, Kanem. 




, Landoma. 


, Basa. 


, Dsumu. 


, Filham. 


, Bidsogo. 


, Oworo. 






, Dsebu. 


, Sarar. 


, Gadsaga. 












, Bulunda. 


, Karekare. 


, Kabunga. 


, Barba. 


, N'godsin. 


, Tene. 


, Tumbuktu. 


, Dosi. 


, Mose. 


, Bagrmi. 


, Kamuku. 


, Kisekise. 


, Kadzina. 


, Kiriman. 


, Toronka. 




, Biafada. 


, Dsalunka. 


, Salum. 


, Wartashin 


, Kankanka. 




, Goburu. 


, Bambara. 




, Kano. 

Mb a, \ 



, Idsesa. 




, Gurma. 


, Yoruba. 


, Arabic. 


Here the father coincides by name with the number 2, and as the foot 
is also a figure of two, this will account for its being named Pupu, 
Ipupo, etc. in the Carib languages, as well as for 

Bofo, No. 10 in Kafen, Papa, No. lo in Padsade, Baba- ] .. . „. , 

, , , } No. 10 m limboras. 

Inecrahuk J 

being equivalent to the two as feet. 

These Inner African type-words for the mother and father are 
found in various other groups of languages. The African Mb is 
also preserved in the Barre dialect of America. 



Mbaba, Father, Barre. 

Am.a, Mother; 


Father, Pakhya 


( EngHsh 
Papa, I . °, 
^ ,, I & others 

Am.a ,, 
Am.a ,, 




Apa ,, Murmi. 
Aba „ Dhimal. 

Momo \ 
or Mu J " 




Appa ,, Singhalese. 

Am.a ,, 


Eroob, Aust 


Ahpa ,, Burmese. 
Aba ,, Garo. 

Hammoh ,, 


j Lewis' Mur- 
\ ray Island. 


Abo ,, Lepcha. 

Ama ,, 



The worn 

-down forms are also African, as — 

Ma, Mother; Ba, Father, Mose. 

Ma, Mother; 



Dewoi, &c. 

Mai ,, 

Pui ,, Lubalo. 

Omma ,, 



M (Mam) and B (Bab) as signs or the first and second, the Mother 
and Male, are numerically equal to One and Two, or the singular and 
plural numbers in language; and in the Kaffir dialects the Um prefix 
stands for the singular number, and Aba is the first plural. Thus 
Um-fazi is a (one) woman; Aba-fazi, women. Um-Ntu is a person; 
Aba-Ntu, these persons (from which we may derive the Bantu name). 

It was not the Individ ualised father, however, who was first 
named; the Babe, Bube, or Bebe — 

Pupom,bo, the Boy, Kisi. 
Bafes, Boy, Baga. 

was the earliest male. 

The Pup is the young one. The Pubes constituted the one who was 
pubens, whence the Papa as begetter. In Egpytian, Pa-pa means to 

Popere, Boy, Toda. 
Bube, Boy, German 

Bubboh, Little Boy, Fer- 
nando Po — 

Typology OF Numbers. 199 

produce, and this is first applied to the female being delivered of a 
child, she who was the primordial Producer. Pepe (E.) signfies to 
engender. The name for mankind, the race and the male, is derived 
from this root, based on Puberty. Papa, or Pepe (Eg.), contains the 
elememts of "the He;" the him or it of a masculine gender. The 
reduced Pa also becomes the masculine article. The "Papa," or 
Inner African father, whether as the Second of Two, or as the re-pro- 
ducer and male duplicator, is indicated in the duplicative stage of sounds. 
This is continued in Pepe, to engender. It is visibly reduced to Pa for 
the masculine pronoun, and then instead of the pa being repeated, as 
in "Papa" for the father, a dual terminal T was added, and we have 
Pat or Bat (Eg.) as the name for the Pater, Vater, or Father, and Pats 
(Sanskrit) for the Husband. Instead of Pepe, to engender. Bat is to 
inspire the soul (or Paba), give breath to by means of the male. 
With the addition of T, ti, or a sign of 2, for a terminal, we have the 
plural in a more workable form, and Pat serves for mankind in 
general, whereas Papa was limited to the producer. In the same 
way Sen-Sen is the Coptic word for Sound, based on Sen-Sen to 
breathe, or breathe-breathe. But in the secondary stage of forma- 
tion Sen-Sen is represented by Sen-t (Eg.), the English Sound. The 
T or D being used instead of repeating the same sound. So "Papa" 
served as a sign of Number 2, reckoned by the repetition of a sound; 
but, with the figure of two added in the T, reckoning was super- 
seded, and the sign for reading took the place of the sound repeated 
for the ear. 

Egyptian shows the visible passage from this Inner African stage 
of mere duplication of the same sound to denote the second, the 
reproduced, or the reproducer, to the later mode of indicating the 
duplication by means of a dual terminal, in which process the Papa 
or Baba as reproducer became the Bd.t or Pat, and the Father of 
later language; as the Mama became the Mat or Mut, the Mother. 
Papa then was reduced to Pa, and the terminal T (or ti) was added to 
form the word Pat (Bat), as the name for the second, or dual one. In 
Egyptian, for example, Peh-peh, is synonymous with Pehti, and these 
likewise show the two modes of duplication. Peh-peh, or Pehti, is 
the Lioness in two halves. This dual one was the Child, at first, on 
account of the Two Sexes. Also it was the male child at two 
periods. In various African languages the boy is known by two 
different names — the one before, and the other after, puberty. 

Another type of the dual one is the foot or Put (Eg.) and. the pud 
or hand, the one that divides and becomes twain. Fut (Eg.) is to 
be divided and separated, and the foot is a type. Thus Put (Eg.) is 
two handfuls. 

Bit, Chinese, is to separate Futa is No. 2 in Japanese. Bitya, second, Avesta. 

and be doubled. Piti ,, ,, Tahitian. Pe is No. 2 in Batta. 

Bheda, Sanskrit, dividing. Pitco ,, ,, Riccari. Bi is No. 2. in Akkadian. 

Path, Tamul, division. Peetho ,, ,, Pawni. B ,, ,, Avesta. 


The Natural Genesis. 

In this final form the letter B suffices to figure the duality of Pat, 
the earlier Pa-pa, to the eye; and in the hieroglyphics a double P 
deposits or represents the sound and sign of B. 

The foot is a type of Number 2. It was named in the Inner 
African languages as — 

Pita, foot, Musu. Efaeta, foot, Esitako. 

Afota, foot 


Pita, „ Gugu. Buta, „ Puka. 

Fata, „ 


Beta, ,, Kupa. Afota, ,, Adampe. 


,, Bulanda. 

And this type-word is universal for the foot. 

Phxt, foot, Egyptian. Bitis, foot, Pampango. 

Pidna, foot. 


Put, ,, Solony. But, ,, Karagas. 



Put, „ Pianoghotto. Pud, „ Votiak. 



Pat, „ Batta. Patula, „ Singhalese. 

Padha, „ 


Pats, feet, Lutnami. Ptari, ,, Tamanaka. 

Pedis, „ 


Pata, foot, Rossawu. Pethi, ,, Ulea. 

Fotus, „ 


Pado, ,, Javanese. Petchem ,, Tobi. 



Pada, ,, Malay. Petiran, feet, Cartaret Bay 

But the primordial type of the one that divided to become two is 

the female or uterine abode, which is the 

Bed, in English Putu, in Malay. 

Fud, in Baverian. 

Butah, in Basque. Bast, in N. W. American. 


in Latin. 

Beth, in Hebrew. 

We have now got Pat, put, fut, for the typical Two, in place of 
Papa; and Pat (Eg.), for two handfuls, when applied to the digits, 
is equivalent to Number 10. Thus Putolu, two hands or two feet, 
is Number 10 in the Micmac Indian. And this will explain why 
Number 10 has the same name, especially in the old non-Aryan 
languages of India. 

Bud is 10 in Khotovzi. 
Pade ,, Gadaba. 

Pothu ,, Yerukali. 
Padth ,, Gundi. 
Putta ,, Tamul. 

Padi is 10 in Telegu. 
Patta ,, Malayalim. 
Pattu „ Tulu. 
Pattu ,, Irular. 

Patte is 10 in Kohatar. 
Avaturu ,, Thug. 
Paduri ,, Thochu. 
Petiran, two feet, Australian. 

So in the African languages the name for Number 10 is a form of 
the Number 2, as — 







Ubo, 10, 








Eiruo, ,, 


The one is followed by two, either through dividing or adding. 
The mother became two by dividing or bifurcating at the link of the 
umbilical cord. This accounts for other type-names of the Number 
Two. One of these is Pek, Pak, or Bak. The Goddess Pekh divided 
into the two halves of the Lion which was masculine in front and 
female behind 

The Brahmans say, "The supreme Spirit in the act of creation became, 
by Yoga, Two-fold."^ 

Pik, in Chinese, is to cleave; Pakohu, Maori, is the cleft or division; 
Pakoto, Zulu, the uterus; Pake, Maori, denotes the sound made in 

1 Wilson, Brahma Vaivartia Purana. 

Typology OF Numbers. 301 

dividing or rending in two; and in Toda, the umbilical cord is the 
Pokku, that which is severed at birth, when the one becomes twain. 

Abeka, in Kaffir, is to divide by spontaneous or internal action; 
Pagu in Tamul, is to divide; Phaka, Vayu; means by halves; Posh; 
English Gipsy, is one half, a halfpenny. 

When the human being is divided into front and hind part, the 
pekh (Eg.) or rump, is the Back, the hinder of two halves. Thus 
Piga, Gundi, is the hind part; Pak; Chinese, the back. The Page is 
one side of the leaf, which divides in two. The Peg is divided, or 
serves to divide. The worn Epoch, for a solemn date, denotes the 
division applied to time. And in the African Isubu language, the 
Epoke is the native name for the division. So primitive; is the 
application, that the people divide their day into three Epokes, and 
have no other reckoning of time. 1 

According to Cassar, Gaul, of the Keltas, was divided into forty- 
three pagi, clans, or communities. In this instance the pagi is tribal, 
and the divisional name is applied to the people on the land. 

The Pekha or Fekh (Eg.), for a reward, signified the division as a 
Share, and this was the primary form of Fee and Pay, both in nature 
and by name. 

In Java and Tibet the number Two is expressed by paksha, a wing 
or other member that is twofold. A pick-axe is a double weapon. 
A Picket is a two-pronged fork. Pie-bald is pick-hald, or two-coloured 
as is the Magpie, and in Devon this duality is called Pie-picked. 

The Pigeon, or Dove, like the Pye, is a parti-coloured bird. 

The Bat is a twin- type, and the Scotch call this winged mammal a 
"Bakie" Bird; the Maori name for it is Peka-Peka; both ""Baf 
and "Bakie" denote the twofold nature, and both are derived (with 
two different terminals) from an original Baba, Papa, or Pepe, to 
divide, be double, become twofold. 

Number 5 is the dividing number on the left hand, and number 6 
on the right. In the African languages number 6 is named both 

Pagi and Padsi, in Sarar. Paga and Padsi, in Kanyop. Mpagi and Mpadyi, in Biafanda. 

just as Bakie and Bat are two names of the winged mammal in 

"The Bat," says Hor- Apollo, "was an Egyptian image of the 
mother suckling her child. "2 It represented that biunity of being 
which was first seen in the mother who had "bagged"; and next 
was typified in the Bach or Bacchus, the Child of both sexes. 

Bak and Pak, to be dual or divide, will explain the name of the 
foot; as — 

Peg, foot, Avar. Peg, foot, Tshari. Bisi, foot, Ceram. 

Peg, ,, Antshukh 

1 Koelle. 2 Book ii. 53. 

202 The Natural Genesis. 

Also the Moon, which is dual in its lunation, is 

Biga, in Nertshinsk. Bega, in Yakutsk. Bekh, in Lamat. 

The Frog is the divider, named Bheki in Sanskrit, i 

To Bag in English is to become pregnant, to duplicate in being 
with child. Bok, in Vayu, is to be born. 

The human being divided as the mother and child. Next, the little 
one is the Bach, Welsh, the little boy; Beg, Keltic; Beag, Gaelic; 
and from Bach or Bog comes the name of the Boy. This is the Xosa 
Baxa, for the young child of either sex; also the fork in the branch 
of a tree. 

The child is the Pagrarai in Tasmanian; the Pickaninny in North 
Tasmanian; a Pickle in provincial English. 

The Boy, or Bach, as the little one, is the Second of two, and of 
a dual nature. This is the Bacchus or eternal Boy; the Child which 
may be of either sex, and so was divinized as the type of both. 

In England twins of both sexes are called a Pigeon-Pair. Bak, 
then, denotes the dual, the Second, in various languages, and thus 
becomes a type-name for Number 2, as — 

Biga, in Basque. Poquah, in Darien. Pet'h (a piece), in Breton. 

Bagu, in Savara. Vocua, in Cunacuna. 

As Bacchus represented the Bach, or little one that was of either 
sex, and the boy in two phases, so did Bar (Sut), the Hebrew Baal 
the son of Typhon. The Hebrew form of the name as Bagal (^733), 
and the New Forest Bugle for the Bull, show the root Bag or Pekh, 
to divide and become twain, as did the Child in Boy and Girl. In sex 
the Bar or Baal was twin, hence the biune being; sO that there is 
a meeting-point between Bar and Pair. The child being what is 
still termed a Pigeon-pair [i.e. Boy and Girl) or Twin, because of 
either sex. Bala, in Sanskrit, denotes the child of either sex up to 
the age of puberty. This was Bala-Rama. 

Abela, Kaffir, is to divide; Bil, Sanskrit, means to split, cleave, 
divide in two. The Bill, as weapon, is the divider, equally with Bar, 
the foetus, in Persian. Bhurij (Sans.) denotes the two hands, two 
halves of heaven and earth, a pair, as Shears, or Scissors. Baru (Ass.) 
is one half; Paru (Eg.) one half of the double house. In Tasmanian 
the feet are named Perre, — Berre in some Australian dialects. And, 
by duplication, Purre-purra is Number 4 in Catawba. 

Bara, in Vei, is the umbilicus, the place of dividing; Begel, whence 

1 Pekh. A type-word like this may be followed in languages under numerous 
co-types. It is an inner African name for the knife, as the divider, which is 

Poko, in N'gola. Poko, in Kisama. Faga, in Kra. 

Poko, in Lubalo. Lipoko, in Kasanda. Pagbe, in Gbe. 

In the Tinneh (American) group of languages this applies to the name of the knife; as 

Pesh, Apache. Poos, Dogrib. Paysche, Pinalero. 

Pes, Coppermine. Pesh, Navajo. Pesh, Mescalero. 

Bess, Chipewan. 

Typology OF Numbers. 303 

Bel (Cornish) is the Navel; Bal (Akk.), the Axe or Hatchet; Palu, 
Assyrian, an instrument for dividing. 

The first instrument used for dividing was the Stone; and this in 
the African languages is the 

Pulag, in Kanyop. Pulak, in Bola. Fulagu, in Bulanda. 

Pulak, in Pepel. Palak., in Sarar. 

Pelek is the Axe in Greek. 

Peleg, in Hebrew, signifies the first division of Mankind into the 
Gens, Tribe, or Totemic family, and this type of Number 2, which is 
the second stage, promiscuity being the first, is world-wide under the 
same name. We are told it was in the days of Peleg that the earth 
was divided. 1 It certainly was under that name the mass or horde 
was discreted to distinguish the one from the other, or to discriminate 
them at all. The Hebrew Peleg is the Akkadian Pulugu, and the 
Assyrian Bulugu, for the division or dividing. This primary division 
was Inner African, for Piliku (or Piriku) is an ancient name of the tribal 
divisions of the Kaffirs. The name had crossed the world; it reappears 
as the "Bulluk," an Australian (Ja-jow-er-ong) name for the tribe; and 
the Palleg, Or body, in Lap. It was also brought into the British 
Isles as the Bolg, the Irish Fir-Bolg. The Belgae and Bulgars likewise 
continued the name, which has survived from the earliest division of 
the race into communties, companies, partnerships, such as the 
Swedish Bolag, Icelandic Felag, Turkish Buluk, Sclavonic Pulk, Gaelic 
Burach, and English Borow, in which the division was by Ten, the 
base of our Cantreds, Hundreds, and the Counties that became the 
final divisions of the land. 

The Flag-stone is the divided one, and the flag (banner) is the sign 
of the division. One name of the Koran is al Forkan, from faraka, to 
divide. The Avesta Fargard is a division. So the Hebrews 
employ the word Perak or Pirka for a section or division of Scrip- 
ture. These are identical with our word fork, for the divided body. 
The Month Nisan is called purakku in Assyrian, the dividing Month; 
and the Veil of the Jewish Temple was the Dividing Veil named 
Parakah (n3is) because it divided in twain like the Circle of the 

The Foot being dual, is named 

nige in Modrvin. Bhori in Kooch. Berre in Australian. 

Bale in Murmi. Fiyolu in Maldive. Poro in Mayoruna. 

Bhale in Gurung. Balankeke in New Ireland. It-pari in Tocantios. 

Pali in Newar. Perre in Tasmanian. Da-para in Cherente. 
Pal in Korean. 

The Arm being dual, is named 

Bulo in Mandenga. Belare in Tene. Brech in Cornish. 

Bulo in Dsalunka. Belarai in Kisekise. Braich in Welsh. 

Bulo in Kankanka. Balarai in Soso. Porene in Pinegorine. 

Bulo in Bambara. Bera in Udso. Ibarana in Ombay. 

Buro in Vei. Brech in Breton. 

1 I Chron. i. 19. 


The Natural Genesis. 

The Breech is divided, the Brogue (shoe) is double; as speech, it 
is a mixture; Breeks are the divided garment, following the naming 
from the limb. Brack, is speckled; Braggled is brindled. A Bracket 
is a two-year-old stag. Bragged (English) is to be pregnant or in 
foal. The Brat is a child of either sex. The ballok is twin. 

This root supplied a type-name for Number 2. In the African 
languages Two is — 

Belu, Karekare. 

Bali, Dselana. 

Biele, Ntere. 

Puli, Meto. 

Peli, Matalan. 

Vere and Pfere, Gbese. 

Fere, Gio. 

Pere, Mano. 

Fila, Mandenga. 

Fila, Kabunga. 

Bar, Mobba 
Birr, Darrunga. 
Biri or Bili, Swahili. 
Bella, Dalla. 
Beli, Kiriman. 
Bale, Nl^ele. 
Bele, Nalu. 
Biele, Mbamba. 
Bel, Mutsaya. 
Buol, Babuma. 
Bolo, Pika. 

Fila, Toronka. 
Fila, Dsalunka. 
Fila, Kankanka. 
Fela, Kono. 
Fele, Gabandi. 
Fele, Landoro. 
Fele, Mende. 
Fele, Toma. 
Fillo, Gadsaga. 
Fali, Ham. 

These are Inner African, and this is the type-name for Number 2 
in the Australian dialects, as — 

Bular, Karaula. 

Pulla, WoUondilly River. 

Bullait, Witouro. 

Bulla, Morton Bay. 
Baloara, Lake Macquarie. 
Bula, Wellington. 
Bulia, Lachlan. 

Buleara, Windurei. 
Bularr, Kamilaroi. 
Burla, Queensland. 

Number Two is also — 

Bar in Khonh. 
Bur in Ka. 

Pir in Kambodia. 

Barria in Sonthal. 

And as 2 and 10 are equivalent in the two hands, the Number 10 
accordingly is — 

Bela bu in Gbe. Fulu in Batta. Puluk in Malay. 

Fer in Dselana. 
FUra in Kasm. 
Fura in Yula. 

Pulu in Atshin. 
Fulu in Malagasi. 

Peru in Akkadian. 

Boroiv (a tenth) in English. 

Bar, the child, in Egyptian, Hebrew and Assyrian, is an Inner 
African name for the boy who became the Vir. 

Bira, a Boy, in Mose. 
Bear ,, ,, Dselana. 
Bila ,, ,, Guresa. 

Bara, a Boy, in Yula. 
T^ra ,, ,, Legba. 
Efilera ,, ,, Kaure. 

Bela-kuro, a Boy, in Man- 
Belin is the Young One. 

In Persian Pur is the boy, or son; Bor in Suffolk ; Ballach, in Irish 
is the boy. Per (Eg.) denotes the male manifestor. From this root- 
name of the Boy came that of the brother as one of two; the sister 
being the other. In the African and other languages the brother is — 

Eburo, Aku. 
Aburo, Idsesa. 
Aburo, Yoruba. 
Aboru, Eki. 
Aburo, Dsumu. 

Aburo, Dsebu. 
Aburo, Ife. 
Brai, Zaza. 
Brat, Slavonic. 

Brathair, Irish. 
Phratar, Greek. 
Bhratar, Sanskrit. 
Frater, Latin. 

Paltr or Paotr is the Breton name for the Boy. 

The type-name for Number 2 in Egyptian is Shen, and Shen 
denotes the brother and sister; two in sex. Shen is also the double 

Typology of Numbers. 


or mummy- type of the second life; Shen, the seal-ring (and circle) 
of Reproduction; Shena, the knee-joint and elbow. 


Znauh, the Two Arms, Coptic. 
Shama, feet, Luchu. 
Sinee, No. 2, Hebrew. 
Sina ,, ,, Assyrian. 

Sen ,, ,, Berber. 

Essin ,, ,, Tonareg. 

As the two are also two 

Sani , 
Seneni , 

Eshin , 

San-dah , 


San Louis 

Song, Laos. 
Song, Siamese. 
Sang, Ahom. 
Song, Khamri. 
Tsong, Shan. 

this name will account for the 

Number lo in some other groups of language. Thus — 

Dzhun, is No. 
Dzhan ,, , 
Dzhan ,, , 

10, Mantshu. 
, Mid-Amoor. 
, Nertshinsk. 

Dzhan, is No. 10, Yakutsk. Dzhan, is No. 
Dzhan, ,, ,, Tshapodzhir. Dzhoun. ,, 

10, Mangasela. 
„ Mille. 

In the last-quoted language (Mille, Tarawan group) Dzhoun is the 
base of all their reckoning; their i as well as lo; 6 is Dildzheno; 
7 is Adzheno; 9 is Me-Dzhuon on this foundation, corresponding to 
the Shen-ring which is dual by name, and is the sign of duplicating. 

The nursling and effeminate child of either sex is the Renn in 
Egyptian. In Inner Africa, Len Yahare is the daughter, in Gadsaga; 
Lonufi in Anfue. Rinmer is the child in the Australian languages. 
In English we have the Runt for the little one, the dwarf, and for the 
castrated ox. The Loon, Cornish Lin, a fool or simpleton, is a form 
of the Renn or Lenn. The impubescent child of early times furnished 
a type-name for the grown-up simpleton of later language. 

The Renn as child is equivalent to Number 2. In the African 
Agaw dialects the Number 2 is Lin-ga. In others — 

Rendu, is Two, in Malayalim. 
Irandu ,, ,, TamuL 
Rendu ,, ,, Yerukali. 
Rendu ,, ,, Gadaba. 

Another Egyptian name of the nursling child is Rer or Ru-ru. 
This also is a dual applied to companions, steps, and to the horizon as 
the place of the two lions. It applies to the child or children. Ru-ru 
is two by repetition. This furnishes another name for the Number 2. 
In the Moor dialect. New Guinea, Number 2 is Roeroe still and 
answers to Ruru, for the child, the children, or the double horizon. 

We likewise have the rere as a dual in the "rere-mouse," the winged 
mammal; the rere-supper, a second course, the rere- tail, and the 
Rear for the hinder part or following after. R and L are interchange- 
able, and in the Fonofono dialect of New Caledonia Lelou is Number 
2, and Lolai in Mangarei. The duplicate was first because the 
number two depended on repetition, but this was modified when it 
passed out of the phase of reckoning. Thus we find — 




in Baga. 

Silia, is Two, in N'godsin 
Silia ,, ,, Doai. 
Emdu ,, ,, Irular. 
Rendu ,, ,, Telegu. 









No. 2 

, Figi. 



2, Fonofono. 


No. 2, 







Pelew Isles. 




Cocos Island. 


New Caledonia. 




( Kanaka, Sand 
\ wich Islands 























2o6 The Natural Genesis. 

Another Egyptian name for the child of either sex is the Sherau, 
the youth, the son, or daughter. This too is a twin title for the 
child in two characters; and the kindred name for Number 2 is — 

Shiri, Mingrelian. Dzhur, Tshapodzhir. Dzhur, Yakutsk. 

Serou, Papuan Dzyur, Yenesei. Dzhur, Tungus. 

Dsur, Lazic. Dzhur, Lamut. Dzur, Amur. 
Tshiri, Coroata. 

Sher (Eg.) for the Adult, the Male in his second phase, also agrees 
with and accounts for the names of Number 10 as — 

Ashiri in KaSia. Assur in Hurur. disarm Hebrew. 

Ashur in Tigre. j4ssir in Yangaro. Sher in Egyptian. 

Assur in Arkiko. Ashar in Arabic. 

All Beginning in language and typology is bound up with the one 
becoming twain, in accordance with the doctrine of the "Two Truths." 
The Mother was the one that duplicated in the child, which was the 
twin or two-one because of either sex. 

Number 3 is the pubescent Male. The Mother was first recognised 
as the Producer, because she was the Bringer-forth, therefore she was 
the Primus, the typical number i under several names. From her 
the Children traced the earliest descent, and the Child was the second 
as the one reproduced, therefore the Child is number 2. The begetter 
was last, and where three were distinctly recognised he was third person 
in the series. This was the order of Nature which passed into the 
primitive Sociology and Mythology; for, as it was on earth so is it in 
Heaven. Hence it follows that in the oldest Cult, there is no Father 
in Heaven, but only the Child of the Mother who becomes pubescent 
to reproduced Himself in the celestial Couvade, because the system 
was founded before the Begetter could have been recognised as the 
individual Father of the Child. This was the Cult of the Mother 
and Child, in which the Child included both sexes, because it could 
be Boy or Girl, and the Boy at puberty becomes the Consort of the 
Mother to reproduce the Babe. So excessively simple in Nature was 
the origin of this great Theological Mystery. 

When the Otomacs signify the number 3 they unite the thumb, 
the fore-finger, and the third or root-finger, the other two digits being 
held down. This same sign of the trinity in unity is made by the 
Hindu Compound Being Arddha-Nari, with the band that holds the 
Trisula.^ Arddha-Nari is a biune being as male and female; and 
yet of a triadic nature, because the Mother, the Child, and the Virile 
one were represented as the totality of being that was triune in nature 
and biune in sex. The contention between this Triadic-Dyad, and the 
later, more orthodox Egyptian Trinity of Father, Mother, and Son, 
is also found in language with regard to the names of the Boy 
and Man. 

1 Moor's Hindu Pantheon, pi. 24. 

Typology OF Numbers. 307 

Tutu (or Tet) in Egyptian is the Child, the Son of the Mother. 
This is an Inner African type-name for the young one, as 

Toto, Ota O Tutu, Oworo. Tito, Dsekiri. 

Tutu, Dsumu. Tuto, Eki. O Tito, Oudo. 

Tutu, Dsebu. Tuty, Ife. Teto, Idesa. 

The name is applied to the young, renewed Moon, which was 
reproduced by the old Moon (Cf. Ishtar, as Goddess 15), considered 
to be the Mother of the Child; the full Moon representing the 
Genitrix who was the one alone. The young Moon is 

Tutu, Egba. Tutu, Dsebu. Tutu, Ife. 

Toto, Yoruba. Teto, Yagba. Tito, Dsekiri. 

Tutu, Oworo. Titu, Ota. 

In Egypt, this name of the new Moon was continued in Tet, Taht, 
or Tahuti, the God who carries the young Moon on his head. Tet, 
Tat, or Tahuti, is a dual form answering to two or the second of two, 
the young one of two. Ti written "T, shows the duplication of the T, 
and the inner African Tutu is just the sound of double T. So that the 
name of the young one, the child, the repeater, the second of two, is 
expressed by repetition and duplication of the T-sound, and Tet 
(Tutu) is afterwards depicted by one T, with the sign of duplicating as 
a terminal. Because it was the sign of the one reproduced as the Child, 
Tut or Tat could be, and was, extended to become the name of the 
Reproducer as the individualised Father in later times. In Egyptian, 
Tat is the generative organ; it also means to engender, to establish, 
and denotes the Begetter; the Welsh Tat, English Dad, Scottish 
Dod, Omaha Dadai, and Kaffir Doda. 

In forty different dialects of Inner Africa, the radical Tat furnishes 
the same name for the Father as for the number 3, and the Begetter 
is the Third by name, as he was in the reckoning of the Mother 
(number i), the Child (number 2), and the Adult Male (number 3). 

Tata is father, Babuma, and Tet, No. 3. 
Tata ,, Bumbete, and Mitatu, No. 3. 


Kasands, and Tatu, No. 3. 
Nyombe, and Tatu, No. 3. 
Basunde, and Tatu, No. 3. 
Pangela, and Tatu, No. 3. 
Marawi, and Tatu, No. 3. 

In like manner the Boy-name as Bach becomes a later type-name 
for the man, or Virile Male. The Boy was, literally, father to the 
Man, and just as the father took his name from the child, according to 
one custom, so he continued the Boy-name tor the man or Head as 

Boie in Nertshinsk. Boya in Tunguska. Bash in Teleut. 

Beye in Mantshu. Boyo in Mangasela. Bash in Baraba. 

Boye, Yakutsk. Bas in Kirghiz. Bash in Tshulim. 

Beye in Lamut. Bash in Uzbek. Posh in Tobolsk. 
Boya in Yenesei. 

Naturally enough the Boy and Man meet under the one name of Bar, 
on account of the Male principle and the Boy's Second Character. 
Boro in Sena is the Membrum Virile; Phallos in Greek; Beron in 

2o8 The Natural Genesis. 

Tasmanian. Bala in Sanskrit, and Bura in Fiji, are the masculine 
Source. Bara, in the Mandenga dialects, signifies pubescence, the 
pubes or beard. This is a type-name for the male as Vir, which is 

Viri in Kusi-Kumnk. Fir in Irish. Veres in Zirianian. 

Vir in Latin. Peru in Magyar. 

The Hair or Pubes is 

Bal, Ghagar. Vols, Malagasi. Barba (beard), Latin. 

Bolo, Tagala. Parpee, Comanch. Broda, Sclavonic. 

Bol-bol, Bissayain. Polt, Irish. Bamda, Lithuanic. 

Bul-bul, Pampango. Polt, Scotch. Beard, English. 

Bulu, Malay. Polt, Scotch. Varvara (hairy), Sanskrit. 
Bulu, Dyak. 

In Inner Africa the Male also attained the Status of Man (Vir) under 
the name of Bar (the Boy) as 

Baro in Yura. Abalo in Legba. Pela in Guara. 

Balga in Babuma. Abalo in Kaure. Vale in Kambali. 

Bala in Bagbalan. Ebola in Kiambu. Baro in Yula. 

Mbal in Koama. Balera in Bumbete. 

Thus Omakuru or Omakuri is the Khem-Horus, the Virle type of 
divinity, with the Damaras, their Father in Heaven; and this God 
bears the type-name of the Boy, who is 

Omakuri in Fulup. Omo-Kuri, in Egba. Oma-Kure in Yoruba. 

Oma-Kurei in Ondo. Oma-Kuri, in Dsuma. 

Here the name is the exact equivalent of Khem-Har, the Adult 
and Virile Horus, the Man- Child of the Mythos. Bar-Typhon was 
the great Stellar type of the double Child of the Mother, and the 
Khem-Horus was the later Solar type. 

The male child, then, had two characters. In the Second of these 
it was Khemt, and became the Khem-Horus or Virile One (the Sun 
as Generator) . Khem signifies the male potency of the Homme fait. 
And in Egyptian Khemt is the nam.e of number 3. The God Khem 
shows the primordial type of the Begetter. Camo, in Zulu, denotes 
the male parts. Chem, Chinese, signifies the Manifestor, fulcrum 
and stand-point. This is imaged by the Creator Khem. Khem is the 
master, the prevailer in the sexual sense ;and in Irish, Coimhdhe 
means the being master. Kum-Kani (Xosa Kaffir) denotes kingship, 
rule, authority. The Kumara (Sans.) is the prince, the heir-apparent, 
as is the Egyptian Khem-Ar (or Har). Various tides like the Emir 
or Amir were derived from the Khem-Ar (Eg.), or pubescent Child, 
who became the Begetter, as Consort of the Mother. Kaumatua in 
Maori is the adult; Kiamat in Bolang-Hitam is the father's title. 
In Hebrew the male ass is a Chamor. In several African languages 
the male elephant is Kama. Khem, the Homo, being the complete 
man, accounts for Gamru to be complete in Assyrian. Camani, in 
Quithuai is to create, enjoy sexually, and Camac is the Creator. 
Comoun (Eng.) denotes intercourse. Kama (Eg.) is to create, form, 
produce. Khem (Eg.) for desire, to go, supplied the later name of love 

Typology OF Numbers. 309 

as in Kama (Sanskrit); Kim (Comanche), to love; Kamakh (Shoshone), 
to love; Cam (Eng. Gipsy), to love, desire. Khem, the virile Male, is 
the earlier form of the Homme or Homo. Thus, Man is — 

Kame and Hame in Soso. Hemi in Maring. N'gosne in Mare. 

Gose in Boko. Kamolan in Andaman. Chamhami, Vir. lb. 

Khoim in Khoi-Khoi. Kuayuma in Tagwi. Comai in Oregones. 

Gesnsenen in Bode. Kum in Mid-Ostiak. Couimake in Apiaca. 

Gemseg in N'godsin. Kume in Punpokolsk. Comolgy in Peba. 

Koombai in Nyamnam. Kum in Obi. Kmari in Georgian. 

Kamere in Darrunga. Kuim in Ostiak. [/mo in Itonama. 

Heme in Kisekise. Kem in Vogul. Komi in Burmese. 

Omoi in Egbele. Kymshan in Koriak of Guma in Gothic. 

Niami in Esitaka. the Tigil. Gom in English. 

Khem in Egyptian. Kamshan in Kamkatkan Homo in Latin. 

Kami in Kami. of the TigiL Amha in Irish. 

Kumi in Kumi. Kaimeer in Erroob. j4mme in Sibagur Miri. 
Chamai in Koreng. 

To be Khemt (Eg.) is to be pubescent, attain the Second charac- 
ter of the Male Child and become the Creator. Here it may be 
remarked that in Tahitian Hum is number 10, and the word origi- 
nally signified Hairs. So in Egyptian Har is number 10, and the 
name of Horus the pubescent or hairy one, the Khem-Horus who 
was Second of the Two. Huru and hairy agree with the second of 
two characters just as ten includes the second of two hands. In like 
manner the name of the Two Truths and the Twins is Ma-shi in 
Egyptian, and in Chemuhuevi Mashu in the number 10. 

It has been confidently asserted by the Aryanists that Man was 
self- distinguished by naming himself from his Mind; that Man 
signifies to think, the Sanskrit manu originally meaning the Thinker 
and then Man. Whereas the typology, the ideographs, and the oldest 
language prove him to have been designated the Homo, Homme, or 
Khem and the Man, Egyptian Men from his attributes of pubescence. 
Men (Eg.) means to erect, to fecundate, to found. Men is the Bull, 
the typical male. In gesture language tne sign for Man is made in 
front of the crotch, not of the forehead. 

The North-American Indian signs for Man include one made with 
the typical forefinger extended and denoting him, who stands like 
Men, Mentu, or Khem. 1 The Indian Wife makes the sign of Husband 
by imitating the male emblem with the right fist denoting "Man 1 

The Man dated from puberty as third in the Triad, and the types 
of his virlity, including Hair, Beard, Stone, Tooth, and Voice, will be 
found under the pubescent names. Khem is one name for the Man, 
and the hair or pubes is: — 

Tchame, beard, inTigre. Gambosi, hair, inBiafada. 

Hamoi ,, Bishari. Chham., ,, Thaksya. 

Sameyga ,, Nubian. Cham ,, Changlo. 

Gansur ,, Mobba. Syam. ,, Brambu. 

Kommo ,, Woratta. Chham. ,, Magar. 

1 Mallery, p. 53. ^ Dakota, iv. 


The Natural Genesis. 

Achom, hair, in Lepcha. 
Kunsi „ Sak. 

Sham ,, 


Sam ,, 


Sam ,, 


Sam ,, 


Unde, beard 

in Middle and Upper Obi 

Gumi ,, 


Tshim, hair, 

in Tubi. 

Kum-Kum, beard, in Rotuma. 

Kumi-Kumi , 

, Marguesas. 



Kumi Kumi, beard under the chin, Maori. 

Kam.bissek, beard. New Ireland. 

Koam., hair or beard, Myfoor, New Guinea. 

Gemi, beard in Hansu. 

Hamher, hair in Tumbuktu. 

Kampu ,, Songo. 

Kaman, beard in Garo. 

Amu ,, Zapara. 

Gum,e is tooth in Kajunah. ,, Serawulli. 

Camablee ,, Maya. 

The Horus-Child was represented as silent or dumb [Kart, Eg.) 
whose Virile or True Voice came with puberty; when he was Khemt 
as number 3. So the name of Hu, the God whose symbol is a 
Tongue, signifies the Adult. 

In the Australian, African, and Mexican languages, Kame denotes 
voice, speech, utterance, and mouth. In Van Diemen's Land Kamy 
signifies tongue, mouth, and tooth, each a synonym of puberty, like 
hair and beard. Khem-Horus was the adult Horus who could open 
his mouth and had got his virile voice, hair, or beard. Gemi is the 
mouth in Wolof; Kambi in the Agau dialect; Agema in Motorian, 
and Kamatl in Huasteca. 

Although there were three in series and development there were 
but two in sex, as there are only two hands. Hence the name of 
Khem, the pubescent male, is also identical with the second hand 
and number 10 in the African languages. 

Kum. is No. 

10 in 


Kumi is No 

10 in Nyombe. 

Gu ma is No. lo in Bode. 




Kumi , 

, Basunde. 


,, Dosi. 



Kumi , 

, Muntu. 


,, Bayon. 



Kumi , 

, Kiriman. 


,, Kum. 



Kumi , 

, Marawi. 


,, Bagba. 



Komi , 

, Nyamban 


,, Bamom. 



Goma , 

, Hausa. 


,, Momenya 



Goma , 

, Kadsim. 

Ten is likewise. 

Cumme in Vod. 

Kymmen in 


Hamishin Palaik. 

Kamen in Mordvin. 

Kummene ir 

1 Olonets. 

Samfor in Papuan. 


mme in Estonian. 
imemen in Fin. 

Amar in | 

Basque (of. Am, 
the Fist. 


Samfor in Mefur. 
Sampalu in Bina. 

Such interchange was necessitated by the unity of the types and 
early limits of language. 

The Renn, or nursling Child, became the Renka, the Man, at 
puberty, Renka (Eg.) being the pubes. Hence the Man is the 

Ranuka in Tamena. 
Renk, the Pubescent Knight, English. 
Rund ,, ,, Quichua. 

Reanci ,, ,, Sabipoconi. 

/ In the Batta, 
Oranga ,, ,, < Malay, and 

I other groups 

Oreng, the Man, Sumenap. 

Oreng ,, Madura. 

Langai ,, Patos. 

Langai ,, Parigi. 

Lonco (Man and Pubes), Auraucanan. 

Loonkquee Oneida. 

Lango, Virile Male, Sanskrit. 

These names of the Man are one with the Sanskrit Linga, and the 
Linch-pin of the stag; the Zulu Hlanga, or Lungu, a reed; the 

Typology of Numbers. 


typical Reed from which the human race originated, the Male 
Member. Other primitive emblems of virility can be traced under 
the same type-name. 

In the Australian and other languages 

, inYarra. Long, is Stone, inKakhyen. Along, is Bone, inAbor. 

Along, ,, ,, Miri. 
Irang, is Teeth, inBathurst. 
Irang ,, ,, Wellington. 
Irang ,, ,, Wiradurei. 
Leeangy, is Tooth, in Borsiper. 
Leenag ,, ,, Yarra. 

Among the Australian names for the Beard and Hair types of 
Virility are 

Teamka, Menero Downs. Ooran, Regent's Lake. Yarren, Sidney. 

Yerreng, Morton Island. Uran, Wellington. Wurung, Lake Macquarrie. 

In Inner Africa 


LUllC, 111 ICXllO.. 

, ,, Wiradurei. 

ui^f ly, ikS Kjn-fiic, 

Lunggau ,, ,, 


N. Tunkhul. 


, ,, Tasmanian 

. Ngalung ,, ,, 



, ,, Tuscarora. 

T'hullung ,, ,, 



, ,, Singpho. 

Khlung ,, ,, 



, „ Jill. 

Lung ,, ,, 



, „ Sak. 

Arung, is Horn, 

in Sak. 


, ,, Kami. 

Nlenge, is Hair, in Basunde. 

Elungi or Eluni, is Hair, in Oworo. 

The Nail of the finger or toe is 

Lenyal in Mutsaya. Kentoli in Bumbete. 

Lenyala in Babuma. 

Lunsoana in Lubalo. 

the Two in Sex 
Hence Khem or 

Angom, Abor. 
Kasami, Gyarung. 
Sam, Murmi. 
Sivem, Brambu. 
Sumsho, Chepang. 
Sumya, Karata. 
Syumsh, Limbu. 
Sam, Lepcha. 
Sum, Takpa. 
Sum., Lhops. 
Sum., Milchan. 
Sum., Theburskud. 
Sam., Thaksya. 
Sam., Changlo. 
Sum., Tibetan. 
Sam., Laos. 

But the Second of 
Mother, Child, and Vir. 

Khem.t, Egyptian. 
Shemt, Coptic. 
Kumat, Tsheremis. 
Chami, Cochetimi. 
Kuin, Zirianian. 
Kacham., Mihjhu. 
Kimsa, Aymora. 
Kim.isa, Cayuvava. 
Yameenee, Yankton. 
Yakmani, Dacotah. 
Homka, Kulanapo., Cuchan., Dieguno. 
Hamcha, Cocomaricopa. 
Mamoke, Mohave. 
Hum., Sumcha. 
Dskumi, Lazic. 

Basnage says the World was formed by analogy to the Hebrew 
alphabet, which is numeral, i The first three letters of this, Aleph, 
Beth, and Gimel, are types of our numbers, i, 2, and 3. Aleph is 
called the Steer in Phoenicianm, the Calf in the hieroglyphics, an 
image of the Primordial One, who was Cow-headed, as Hathor; 
Calf-headed, as Ahti (Typhon); and the Water-Cow, as Kheb. The 
Beth is Both, Twin, Two. Gimel is the Camel, a type of potency 
answering by name to the Third, who js Khemt (3) in Egyptian. 

This origin of the Three is not only shown by names, it is visibly 
demonstrated in the shape of our figures i, 2 and 3; the number 3 
being third in series and dual in form. The same law governs our 

1 History of the Jews, p. 190. 

Orunyara in Pangela. 
Serene in Gadsaga. 

was Third in the Series of 
Khemt signifies number 3. 

Sam., Siamese. 
Sami, Abom. 
Sam, Khamti. 
Tsam, Shan. 
Zam., Canton. 
Sium, Tanguhti. 
Semi, Suanic. 
Sami, Georgian. 
Sumi, Mingrelian. 
Sam, Canaan. 
Asaiv, Nowgong. 
Asam, Tengsa. 
Asam, Khari. 
Asam, Joboca. 
Asum, Mitham. 
Masum, Singpho. 

212 The Natural Genesis. 

three first Notes of punctuation — the comma (,), semi-colon (;), and 
colon (:); in which the colon is likewise third in series and an ideo- 
graphic two in shape. The duadic-triad is also figured in the Hebrew 
letter Shin JT. This sign is a Tooth. The Tooth, Hu (Eg.) is a type 
of Adultship, and the name signifies the Adult. The Shin is a 
Double Tooth; its fangs made it a figure of the trinity in unity, and 
its numeral value is 3 in the series of hundreds. Khemt (Eg,) is also 
the Trident, another figure of the triune being. The author of the 
Book of God gives the sign of 30 for the mysticat Ao as the Hindu 
Aura; and No. 30 is the numeral value of "Khemf expressed in 
Tens; the symbol of the triune one.i 

Tree and Three are also synonymous. First, the Tree was the 
Mother, as Producer; the Child was the Branch. But number 3 
implies the notion of Cause, or the ROOt of the Tree. This was 
masculine. The Ren, as Renpu (Eg.), is the male root or plant of 
renewal. In Inner Africa the Root is 

Ran in Nso. Avon in Anan. Lun-ganzi in Kabenda. 

Ren in Wolof. Lun-Kandzi in Nymobe. Lingi in Tumbuktu. 

Erona in Okam. 

The Root likewise agrees in name with the Sheru (Eg.) for the 
Adult or pubescent Youth, and with the Tser Rock or Stone, as 

Sila, the Root, Mandega. Suru, the Root, Vei. Zori, the Root, Pika. 

Suluo ,, Kabunga. Suro, ,, Kra. Nzoran ,, Dsarawa. 

Sulu ,, Koso. Suro, ,, Krabo. Osire ,, Akurakura. 

The number 3 and the Tree are identical in the Hottentot Nona, 
Three, and Nonas, the Root, the radix of the tree. 2 The third digit 
counted either way, is the root-finger. Here it may be noticed that 
the Morindo Citrifolia Tree, which has the most "wonderfully tena- 
cious" root, is called by the Mangaians the Nono tree. 3 

The genealogy of the first family Tree was the Mother (number i 
as Stem), Child (number 2, as Branch), Adult (No. 3, as Root). This 
may explain why the Egyptians wrote their first plural with the sign 
of 3 instead of 2; and why the Greeks used the oath, or typical 
expression, "By Three am 1 overthrown." Three is likewise identical 
with Throw, and a Throw is Three in number with tho Letts, who, 
in counting crabs, throw three at a time; the word Mettens meaning 
Three, or a throw. Three is the first and Nine is the full Egyptian 
plural, the highest number on the right. The masculine Hand, as 
Ten, resolves once more into the Twin-total, the Two-One, the Alpha 
and Omega of the Beginning. The word Three (as well as Tree), in 
its various forms, is a universal type-name, derived from this origin. 
The Third was the Adult Male, and Ter (Eg.) is to engender, Turreti, 

1 Introduction, p. 327. 

2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 14. 

3 Gill. 

Typology of Numbers. 


in Lithuanic. Ter (Eg.), as agent, is the Phallus; the Vayu Tholu; 
English Tolly (and Dil), the Fijian Droi, and Maori Tara. 

The-well-known Phallic Ters of Antwerp was an impersonation of 
Ter. In Egypt Khepr- Ter was the Erector or re-erector of the dead. 
The Negro God Til (Tir) who created the first human pair out of the 
knee-caps of the Hermaphrodite Mother was likewise a form of the 
God Three as the Virile Male, who followed the Mother and Child 
and became a begetting God. The Yurecares also have the God Tiri, 
who is said to have divided the human being into male and female. 
The first mortals, they affirm, were one at root, and appeared in the bole 
of a tree. This the God Tiri split in two, and the man and woman 
emerged. Tiri is a form of the God Three, who represents the dis- 
tinction of the sexes at puberty, when the child becomes the Khemt 
Horus, the Horus as Third, the Homme fait, the Lord, the root of 
the Tree. 


Turn in Kiriman. 
Taru in Meto. 
Taro in Matatan. 
Teraro in Nyamban. 

In Inner Africa, No. ^ 

Tere in Koama. 
Tore in Bagbalan. 
Tere in Okuloma. 
Taru in Udso. 
Ter in Paipah. 

Outside of Africa we have 

Tar in Nso. 
Tare in Tiwi. 
Itar in Mbarike. 
Tal in Gura. 

Turu in Maori. 
Tolu in Fiji. 
Toru in Polynesia. 
Tolou in Mami. 
Toro in Pome. 
Bo-toro in Seroel. 
Toroe in Das en. 
Toro in Wandamia. 
Tolu in Mayorga. 
Tolou in Cocos Island. 
Toru in Marquesas. 
Tilu in Mille. 
Tulo in Bissayan. 
Tallo in Iloco. 
Talu in Cayagan. 
Tolo in Timur. 
Tellu in Rotti. 
Etellu in Manatoto. 

Tullu in Savu . 
Telu in Ende. 
Telu in Sasak. 
Telu in Malagasi. 
Tolu in Batta dialects. 
Dre in West Pushtu. 
Tre in Gadi. 
Trak in Kashmir. 
Tra in Tirhai. 
Tholth in Syriac. 
Thaloth in Arabic. 
Tri in Breton. 
Tri in Welsh. 
Try in Cornish. 
Tri in Irish. 
Tri in Scotch. 
Tree in Manx. 
Tra in Tirhai. 

Three in English. 
Tria in Greek. 
Try in Sclavonic. 
Trys in Lithuaniac. 
Tres in Latin. 
Trui in Kashkari. 
Triu in Arniya. 
Tri in Sanskrit. 
Tre in Siah Posh. 
Turrun, in Khurbat. 
Trin in Tater. 
Trin in Gipsy of Norway. 
Toluke in Kennay. 
Teli-ko, in Tatalui. 
Tula-ba in San Raphael. 
Tulu-bahi in San Miguel. 
Tarani in Garura. 
Tereivaid in Jaol. 

This type-word for No. 3 is identical with the name of the Two 
Times, or Teru (Eg.) and the Second phase of the male child, who 
became the "Bull of the Mother" at puberty as Ter the engenderer. 
Also the African name of the Bull is 

Tura in Biafada. Tura in Bambara. Tor in Adirar. 

Tura in Mandenga. Tura in Landoma. Tor and Adarif in Beran. 

Tura in Kabunga. Turana in Soso. Turin Arabic. 

Tura in Dsalunka. Dalo in Bornu. Taurus in Latin. 

Tura in Kankanka. 

Tar and Sur or Sar are interchangeable for No. 3 in the African 
languages, and 

Sara is No. 3 in Kisekise. Saranis No. 3 in Tene. Salasais No. 3 inBeran. 

Saran ,, Soso. Silasa ,, Wadsi. Selaste ,, Tigre. 

These correspond to Salas for No. 3 in Assyrian. 

214 The Natural Genesis. 

This agrees with the Sheru (Eg.) for the Bull or adult male, and 
with the name for hair and other types of virility in various languages. 
It is by the nature of the types alone that anything final can be deter- 
mined about the names. The Hairy one and the Hero are synony- 
mous because the first hero was the pubescent male. 

The Egyptian Sher, the hairy, is applied to barley and to the adult 
male. In English Share is hair, the pubes of the male; Hebrew I't?. 
This is the natural root of the Sire, English; the Sar, Akkadian, 
Sarru, Assyrian; Sar, Persian; Tsar, Russian; Sur, Hindi; and 
Sar, Gaelic for the Hero; the Kaiser and Cesser, who are all founded 
on the pubescent male, the bearded and hairy one. The root reappears 
in the latin Caesaries for the hair. The Cassar represented the Sheru 
(Eg.), and there was a popular Roman belief that Julius Cassar was 
long-haired when born! 

The name identifies the male ruler with hair, and number 3, and the 
Triad of Mother, Child, and pubescent Male was completed in the Sar, 
Sheru, Sir, Sire, or Cassar. 

We are now able to affirm that, beyond the Two hands as the means 
of signalling numbers, the archetypes of One, Two, and Three, running 
through many groups of languages, are the Mother, One, the Child 
(twin) Two, the virile Male, Three; these three being the typical 
trinity in unity, under various names. 

The divinity Pan or Phanes, for example, is a form of this triune 
total or collective All. Pan is the hairy, horned one of a mystical 
compound nature. Hair and horn are his types of pubescence, which 
show the second phase of the male child. An (Eg.) for hair, to be 
hairy and wanton, is a reduced form of Fan, Pan or Benn, the Phoenix. 
Phanes was the Phoenix that transformed at the time of puberty. 
The Benn or Aan was the hairy Ape. The Phoenix (Nycticorax) wore 
the double plume; a kind of feather of the Two Truths. Hair and 
feather are interchangeable types, and the double feather of the 
Phoenix is still worn by the Kaffirs who don the feather of the 
Blue Crane. 

This is the sign of the hero, but it is related to puberty; hence the 
winning and wearing of "the feather" by the virile Indian, who 
takes a scalp to become a Brave. Hence also the Mexican myth of 
the feather which caused conception in the Virgin Mother. 

Our own popular "Punch" is likewie a Pan, or Phoenix, a 
personification of puberty in the character of the All, the Supreme 
Being, who acts as if he were everybody; and the drama of "Punch 
and Judy" is the celebration of his coming to power. Puns in 
Sanskrit denotes the same typical male, the masculine attributes, the 
virile member; Bangi in Zulu, the virile male. 

Pan's animal type is the Goat. In English the Buncus is a Donkey, 
and the Bingo a Dog. In Welsh the Baingu is a Bull; this was the 
Bull of Hu, the pubescent Son and Consort of Kedy (who possibly 

Typology of Numbers. 


survives as Judy) the Great Mother. As Khem, the virile male 
became the Bull of the Mother, as Punch he is the bully. 

In his explanation of the cardinal numbers Bopp says "he does 
not think that any language has produced especial original words for 
the particular designations of such compound and peculiar ideas as 
three, four, five, etc." He admits that the appellations of numbers 
resist all comparison with the verbal roots, and he tries to explain 
them by the pronominal roots. Being limited to the Aryan group he 
is compelled to derive the Gothic Pidvor for number 4 from the 
Sanskrit Chatwar for number 4.1 But if Fid were derivable from 
Chat there would be an end to all foothold in language. It is 
possible of course for these to become equivalents in later language 
because both may be derived from an earlier word that will account 
for them. Oh (or K) and F being the twin phonetic deposits of an 
original ideographic Kf. 

The Gothic Fid, in Fidvor, is one form or the type-name for 
number 4 to be found in the most ancient and diverse languages. It 
is Inner African, to begin with, as — 

Fudu, Hausa. 
Fudu, Kano. 
Fodu, Kadzina. 
Fedu, Karekare. 

It was continued as — 

Feto, in Coptic. 

Futu and Aftu, in Egyptian. 

Erbaht, in Tigre. 

Aybatta, in Gafat. 

Arbat in Arabic. 

Fudu, Bode. 
Fudu, N'godsin. 
Fudu, Doai. 

Pidujar, Fethera and 

Phedair, in Welsh. 
Patzar, in Cornish. 
Fidvar, in Gothic. 

Ufade, Mandara. 
Fadyg, Bishari. 
Fat, Batta. 

Fepther, in English (Betty- 
Bodkin, the 4th finger). 
Effat, in Malagasy. 
Pi-ffat, in Guebe (Papuan). 

[Pi is a prefix, as in Pi-leure for five) 

Po-bitz, Yengen. 

Boat, Amberbaki (New Guinea). 
Fat, Salawatti (New Guinea). 
E-vatz, or Ta-vats, Mallicollo (New 

Thasit, New Caledonia. 
Eppat, Iloco. 

Puet, Atshin 
Opat, Toba Batta. 
Mpat, Sasak. 
Opat, Bima. 
Apat, Bissayan. 
Apat, Tagala. 

This type-name for number 4 is one of the primaries or the present 
work, one of the radicals of language, one of the words of the world. 
The types that lead to the one proto-type of the number 4 are pre- 
served in the hieroglyphics. Fetu and Aft (Eg.) are variants for the 
number 4, the four quarters or the four-legged thing. Aft is the 
hinder part or quarter of the four-legged animal. The four-legged 
crocodile was one type of Aft or Apt (as goddess). We have the 
same figure of 4 by name in English as the Eft. 

The hippopotamus is another type of Aft (Apt) , and this four-legged 
animal has four toes on each foot. The word foot, pat, or pode is 
identical with Fut for number 4, and thus points to the origin of the 

1 Bopp, Comparative Grammar, vol. i. p. 427. Eng. Tr. 

2i6 The Natural Genesis. 

type-name in that of the four-footed animal the Aft or Fut or Egypt. 
Thus, by name and nature, the type of number 4 is Quadrupedal. 

And the reason why the type-name of number 2 and the two feet 
is also a name for number 4 is because in the latter case the type was 
four-footed. Every primitive word has to be determined and differenti- 
ated by the type intended. Aft or fut may be the chair, the couch with 
four legs, the abode with four corners, or the heaven of four quarters. 
When the type is human the heaven above is represented by a woman 
arching over and resting on the earth with her hands and feet. In 
this case the quadrupedal typt is pourtrayed by the two hands and two 
feet. It may be the four-footed fyl-fot Cross of Thor is names from 
the four as Fut. But the great type of number 4 was the ancient 
Typhon, the Mother of Beginnings. 

Aft is an abraded form of Kheft (Variant Khept) for the hind 
quarter which was the north in the heaven of the two halves, and 
west in the heaven of four quarters. 

The Khept is the hind quarter of the Quadruped, and Fet (or Aft) 
is number 4 and the four quarters. By return to the earlier Khaft 
or Khept we reach an orignal for Chat as well as Fid. Khaft modi- 
fies into both Khat a.nd Aft (or Fet), and thus furnishes two different 
words with one meaning to later language. The Khat (Khept) as 
the hinder thigh is the seat nearest to nature. So the Kati in 
Sanskrit is the seat or buttocks. In English we have the Fud 
for the tail. Both are contained in the word Khaft, equally 
with Chat and Fid. One form of the seat is the chair, and the Irish 
Ceathar and Manx Kiare for number 4 agree with the Chair, Kadair 
and quadrangular Caer, the seat-type of the four, and therefore with 
Khept the hinder thigh of the beast, and with Aft the seat, hinder 
part, also to squat or go down, as the animal on all fours. The proto- 
typal idea of number 4 then is quadrupedal, and the Quadra, Quad- 
ruped, Chatwar, and Ceathar preserve the fact in their names. 

The Assyrian Arbata, Irbitti or Irbit, for number 4, is usually 
derived from Rab, to be great. But the Rep (Eg.) is the typical 

Rabe, Wolot, Cattle. Laboi, Greek, Bear. Rabi, No. 4, Manyak. 

Rabu, Coptic, Lion. Lup, Victoria, Sheep. 

Also, J?31 applied to the couch, i and to the lying down of four- 
footed things, agrees with the Egyptian Rep. 

There is no such chance or coincidence as the Aryanists have un- 
wittingly assumed, and would make us believe, when we find that: — 

Fima is No. 5 in Marquesan. Pemp is No. 5 in Breton. Pemajala is No. 5 in Eslen. 

Fimf ,, Gothic. Pymp ,, Cornish. Pumazho ,, Chepanga. 

nevre ,, /Eloic Greek. Pump ,, Welsh. 

And that in the Yesso dialect, one of the Aino group, Fambe is the 

1 Ps. cxxxix. 3. 

Typology OF Numbers. 317 

name for Number 10. These are explained by the hand itself. In 
old English one name for the hands is fambles. This agrees with the 
Egyptian dm or fam for the fist, and the Botocudo tmpo for the hand. 
The hand is called a bunch of five. To five or to fim, nefjunal^eiv, is 
to make the fist; the Egyptian dm (or fam); and five, fimf, fim, or 
fam. are variants of one original word. In English Pimp is applied 
to coupling together; hence the pimp as a go-between and as a 
faggot of sticks. So in Xosa Kaffir Famba means to heap, pile, 
cluster together, as in making the fist. The radical is Inner African. 

Poma is the hand in Mende. Asi Pome in Adampe. In Xosa 
Kaffir the Pambo is the handle or handles of a pot or other vessel. 
Fumbata is to close the hand in the form of a fist; to grasp in the 
closed hand and hold fast what it contains. 

The Egyptian demf (or famfj is a handful of food, and as dm is 
the fist as well as to eat, this is the equivalent of the Gothic, Greek, 
Breton, Cornish, Welsh and other names for "five" as the handful 
of digits, or one fist. Here the Numbers 5 and 10, the fist, fambles, 
the clustering and handle, are all related by name to the hand and 
there is as surely a unity of origin for the word and types as there 
is for the numbers in the digits. 

Under the name of Tat (Eg.) the hand is the type of offering and 
giving. So, here, the hand as a type of giving is related by name 
to the Inner African words for giving. 

Pem in Yula. FimainSoso. Femao in Tumu. 

Fema in Tene. Fiumo in Momenya. Wema in Baseke. 

Fima in Kise-Kise. 

In Egyptian, one name of the finger is Teb; the fingers are Tebu, 
and Tebu is the name of the number 10 in the series of Thousands. 
Also four Tebu make one Palm, and seven palms (twenty-eight 
fingers) make the Royal Cubit, or Sutem-Mah. 

In Inner Africa — 

Tubo is the finger in Kam. Ghala Sara is the finger in Pika. Ozubo is the finger inOpanda. 

Mo Topo ,, Param. Kobo-bui ,, Tumbuktu. Saba ,, ,, Adirar. 

Gbehi ,, Bini. Kafo-Gabone ,, N'ki. Saba ,, ,, Beran. 

Igbe ,, Ihewe. Kpira-bo ,, Egbele. Osba ,, ,, Wadai. 

The African, Teh, with its variant sounds (explained later on) 
will account for Kep, and Tep being equivalent for the fist and 
the fingers in Egyptian. Tef (Tua) is a name of Seb, the Star, and 
the Divine Father; also of the number 5. These interchange in the 
names of numbers 5 and 10, as 

Tuf, No. 5 in Batta Dsouri, No. 5 in Pula. Gubida, No. 5 in Biafada. 

Dsif ) „ , , Dsouri, ,, Goburu. Kobeda ,, Padsade. 

' Bulanda. 

Kif / " ' Dsouri, ,, Kano. Khuba ,, Absne 

„ - 1 „ Limba 



The Natural Genesis. 

Other African variants for Number 5 corresponding to the Hebrew 
Qams, a fist, Assyrian Hamsu, for number 5, are found in 

Gumen, No. 5 inBanyun. 
Tsamat ,, Baga. 
Semmes ,, Berber. 

The Number lo is — 

Zabe Osaba and Otabe in Koro. 
Dsob in Akurakura. 
Dsob in Okam. 
Tubban in Danskil. 
Tofat in Timne. 

Hm, No. 5 in Basa. 
Hmu „ Krebo. 

Hm, No. 5 in Gbe. 
Mhm „ Dewoi. 

Tsofats in Baga of Kalum. 
Kob and Kowa in Ham. 
Kof in Limb a. 
Gfad in Bulanda. 
[//cofc in Yasgua. 

Kepu in Landoro. 
Igbe in Egbele. 
/gfce in Bini. 
Igbe in Ihewe. 

These are Inner African. 

Number lo (to carry out the illustration) is- 

Tap in Tonkin. 
Tuap in Cochin China. 
Shap in Cantonese. 
Dap in Kambojia. 
Tovo in Japanese. 
Toverah in Moor. 
Sip in Laos. 
Sip in Siamese. 
Sip in Ahom. 

Sifc in E. Shan. 
Sip in Khamti.. 
Sapula in Batta. 
Sapuia in Lubu. 
Sepulu in Ula. 
Sapulu in Susak. 
Sapulu in Sumbawa. 
Sabuali in Ende. 
Sapulu in Timur. 

Sapulu in Rotti. 
Sapulu in Manatoto. 
Sapulu in Malay. 
Kep in Angami. 
Kip in Kirata. 
Kep in Mikir. 
Kyep in Mijhu. 
Kippio in Chemmesyan. 

In the Baniwa and Coretu dialects Xop, the hand, is the base of 

Nucopi, handjMaipur. Nucabi, hand, Baree. Tchonpumau, hand, Juri. 

Nucapi ,, Isanna. Em-Kiape ,, Uaenambeu. 

This last is founded on the fingers, that is, on the bunch of five. 

Tchoupei, fingers, Juri. Nu-Capi, fingers, Uaenambeu. 

The Egyptian Kep is a fist, a hand of five. And as the group of 
five the foot is found under the same name in Hebrew, where the 
hand and foot are both named Kaph; the same word being applied to 
to branches. This is a type-name for both hand and foot in the 
African languages. Also, 

Tchouoti is the foot in Juri. 
Giapa ,, ,, Coretu. 

Giapa-muetshu (Hterally, foot-fingers), the 

toes, Coretu. 
Tchoupomoru, the toes, Juri. 

In Sanskrit the 5 appears as Capata for the fifth note in music. 

Professor Sayce takes the Assyrian name of number i, Istin or 
Estin, to be derived from the root "es," to which the t was added, as 
in the case of the other numerals. M. Bertin compares it with the 
Hebrew "Aish," for the personal one, each one, every one. But Shd 
is the first One in the hieroglyphics, and this is also the Arm. Shd is 
a reduced form of She/ and Kep, the Arm or Hand. Moreover, this 
Sha is repeated in a type-name for number 6, the one on the other 
hand. Sha being the first, as Arm or One Hand. Sha-Sha in the 
duplicative stage of sounds denotes the second or other hand, the first 

Typology of Numbers. 


digit on which was the figure of six. 
Hebrew t^tr , and Shash represents 

Sha-sha is expressed by the 

Sas, No. 6 in Egyptian. 
Sisu ,, Assyrian. 



Shesh, No. 6 in Duman. 
Shash, ,, Persian. 
Shash ,, Biluch. 
Chisa ,, Cochetimi. 

Szeszi ,, Lithanic. 

Szesc, No. 6 in Sclavonic. 
Sex ,, Latin. 

Size „ Old English. 

Se ,, Irish. 

Sei ,, Basque. 

Here also the root- word is Inner African. Number 6 being 

Eseses in Oloma. 
Sises in Kandin. 
Soos in Arkiki. 

Aise in Dahome. 
Aise in Hwida. 
Aise in Mahi. 

The name of Number 7, which is 

Sibitti in Assyrian, 
Sibatta in Gafat, 

Subhat in Amharic. 
Sabata in Gonga. 

appears in the Inner African languages as 

Samboat in N'goala. 
Smabat in Runda. 
Samboade in Kisama. 

Zimbede in Nyambau. 
Sambodia in Mimboma. 
Tsamboadi in Musentandu. 

Eses in Sobo. 
Esa in Egbele. 

Shebata in Kaffa, 
Seb-ti (5-2) in Egyptian, 

Tsambodia in Nyombe. 
Tsambodia in Basunde. 

The Constellation of the Seven Great Stars (Ursa Major) was pro- 
bably the primordial figure of Seven. Seven was often called the 
perfect number. Its name, as Hept (Eg.) is also the name for Plenty, 
a heap of food, and good luck. The Seven were the great heap, or 
cluster of stars, an image of plenty, or a lot that revolved together. 

The Hottentot Hongu the grouped or confederated ones for the 
number 7, points to the Great Bear as the celestial figure. The Bear 
also supplied the pointer hand to the Horologe of time in heaven. 
In fact, as Pythagoras says, the Two Bears were the Two Hands of 
the Great Mother, who was Kep (the hand) or Kheb in Egypt, and who 
as Teb bears the name of the Finger. The first star of this constella- 
tion, Dubhe, is Teb (Eg.), the finger or pointer. Now with the Kaffirs, 
pointing with the forefinger of the right hand is synonymous with 
number 7. In answering the question, "How much did your master 
give you?" they will say, "[/ Kombile," he gave me seven, literally 
he pointed with his forefinger. And in describing seven horses they 
will say, "the horses have pointed" (amahashi akombile) that is, there 
were seven of them. 1 Such a mode of expression is based on finger- 
counting. The Zulu begins his reckoning with the little finger of his 
left hand and continues with the thumb on the second hand, so that the 
forefinger becomes a figure of seven. The verb Komba, to point, 
which denotes the forefinger as the pointer, is founded on the name of 
the number seven, and the Seven Stars were the primordial Pointers. 

It is quite possible, too, that when the North American Indians 
make the sign of Good^ with the thumb and forefinger of the right 
hand in front of the mouth the other fingers being closed, it is as the 

^ Tylor. 

2 Burton. 

220 The Natural Genesis. 

sign of number 7, the figure of good, luck, plenty, lots of food, in 
the hieroglyphics. 

There is nothing more common than the interchange of the 
numbers 7 and 10 under the one root-name in the African and other 
groups of languages. This is on account of the digital origin of 
numbers and the naming in the stage of gesture-sign. Both hands 
held up were the first sign of ten, and Seven was indicated by one 
hand and two digits, or the second digit on the right hand. 

Kepti or Kabti in Egyptian denotes two arms, two fists, or two 
hands. From Kepti we derive Hepti and Sebti, number 7. Kep-ti 
may be read 5 — 2, or twice 5, because the ti adds 2, or it may dupli- 
cate the hand. These were distinguished by the different gestures. 

A perfect parallel to Kepti (or Seb-ti) for either 7 or 10, as hand 
(Kep) and ti for two, or twice one hand, may be found in the lower 
dialect of the Papuan group in which Rebe is number i, Redoe is 
number 2; Brai-a-rebe, or flve-and-one make the number 6; but, 
Brai-a-redoe, actually 5 and 2, is the name for number Ten. To make 
the ten out of Brai-a-redoe, or 5 — 2, the 2 must duplicate the 5 or the 
hand just as the ti in Kepti would have to duplicate the hand to make 
the value of the number 10 out of a word otherwise signifying 5 — 2 
or number 7. 

The general Kamite or Inner African mode of compounding the 
7 is by 5 + 2. In the Vei, Sumfela; Gbandi, Ngofela; Menda, 
Wo-fela, 85c., for the number 7; the fela denotes Two. Dsou^e-didi, 
for 7 in Matatan, and Tanu-na-Beli in Kiriman. Hem-leso in Krebo is 
number 7 as 5 + 2. Here the Sum, Hem, and Dsowe for 5 are identical 
with the Egyptian Seb (5) and Assyrian Hamsu. 

The Egyptian number 7 as "Sefekh," is found to be written by 
5 + 2 in the style of the goddess Sefekh with the seven rays or horns, 
and this can only be read as Sef, 5, and kh, 2, from khi, the duplicate, 
the second or two, seven being the second digit on the second hand. 
The Two Hands of Heaven were the Two Bears. The Bear constellation 
is Kep, and the two are Kepti. Kep or Keb is the earliest form of 
Seb (Time, Xaip in the Namaqua Hottentot), and she was the Mother 
of all time, as goddess of the Seven Stars. Sebti becomes Sothis 
the Manifestor of Time, named from th etwo hands of time Kep-ti, 
whence Hepti and Sebti for number 7. The Two Hands turned 
round and Sebti (Sothis) struck the hour of the year. To this origin 
in the hand — 2, or Kepti — may be traced the type-name for number 
7 as: — 

Keopits, Witshita. Hepti, Egyptian. Heft, Duman. 

Chappo{t), Minetari. Hapt, Biluch. Saptan, Sanskrit. 

Sambag, Runda. Hapta, Zend. Septem, Latin. 

Shebata, Kaffa. Epta, Greek. Efta, Tater. 

Subhat, Amharic. Haft, Brahni. Avita, Koro. 

Sate, Hurrur. Half Persian. Fitu, Malagasy. 

Sabata, Gonga. Heft, Khurbat Vitu, Fiji. 

Typology OF Numbers. 331 

Whitu, Maori. Fito, Mayorga. Pito, Tagala. 

Fitu, Batta. Fetto, Wahitaho. Pitu, Cayagan. 

Fitu, Malay. Pitu, Ceratn. Pitu, Sasak. 

Fiet, Salawatti. ¥, Bissayan. Petu, or Pedu, Savu. 

Fitu, Magarei. Pito, Iloco. ]Hdu, Bima 

Here it should be borne in mind that numbers 2 and 7 frequently 
have one name and were determined by the two hands. 

Seven is sometimes reckoned as six extended, as in the Aponegicran 
Itawunna (from Itawana), meaning number 6 drawn out. The 
Coptic Sasif for seven, is from Sas number 6. The British Druids 
also had a number 7 called Mor Seisor, the Great Six, was was a 
mystical formula. 

The Egyptian Ses-sen for number 8, reads 6 + 2. The height 
was here attained in the Octave, the sign being the third and 
longest finger (known in Nusery language as "Long Gracious,") 
on the fight, the masculine hand. This was the height of attainment 
as the repeating number, the same as the first in the scale. In 
Hottentot, Khaisi for number 8 signifies the "turning number." 
Eight (Manx Hoght) and height are thus synonymous; and both 
were represented by the longest finger on the right hand. 

The origin and naming of numbers are bound up with the Seven 
Stars of the Bear. These are dual in the two Bears; one of which 
represents the Mother, the She-Bear; the other her son or progeny. 
These were the two heads of Rhea, the Genitrix. Rhea is identified 
with Nupe the Lady of Heaven and Consort of Seb-Kronus. But 
Typhon [i.e. Tep, Teb, Kheb, Kep, or Kefa) was the earlier form 
of the Genitrix, and Sevekh or Khebekh, her son, was the earlier 
form of Seb. These two were the two hands of the earliest Horo- 
loge, that made their circuit once a year, as Kep the Mother and 
Kheb (ekh) the Child (or the Seven Companions); Kep is the hand 
and ti is tvo or twin; and Kep-ti is both hands or the number 7. 
The two hands are feminine and masculine as left and right, lower 
and upper, in Kep and Khebekh (or Kebti, the later Sebti, who 
became Sut). 

From Kepti we derive Hepti (number 7), and Sebti, or Suti. The 
two hands of Kep are a form of number 10 in language. The seven 
Stars identify her name with number 7, and Kep the hand with 
number 5. She is the figure of number 4, as the Quadruped, and as 
Apt (variant Put) , the goddess with four aspects representative of the 
four corners. Number 2 is the same as number 10 in the Two 
Hands. As Tcp (Eg.), she is one, the first, by name, in nature or in 
numbers; and as Teb, she also has the name of the finger. 

Another Egyptian name of the finger is Tekar. The type-name of 
Tek or Dek, for number 10 is fixed for ever in the number and the 
name of the Digits, the original fingers used in reckoning. In 
Egyptian Tek is to add, join, and multiply. The sign of this is 


The Natural Genesis. 

the Tek Cross, the Polynesian Teka, a Cross, and the Roman figure 
of Dec-em or ten. Thus Tek (Eg.) is to multiply in reckoning; Tek 
is the Cross-sign and a figure of Ten; the reckoning is Digital, and 
the digit is the Tekar (Eg.) as means of reckoning. 

One hieroglyphic of No. lo is the pair of hands joined together and 
cut off — one meaning of Tek being to amputate or dock. The two 
fingers stand for two hands, and these, when crossed, make the sign 
of Tek or lo (x). In following this Kamite type-name we find that 

Tekar, is the Digitus, in Egyptian. Tuka-bera, is the Digitus, in Gbandi. 

Toko-jiuv, is the Digitus, in Mende. 

The Hand is 

Takobero, Baga of Kalum. 
Tukui, Gbandi. 
Dekunda, Songo. 
Tekha, Nowgong. 

Takha, Hatigor. 
Dak, Namsang. 
Degere, Gadsaga. 
Dek, Aino of Kamkatka. 

Tegi, Taraksi. 

Tag, Erroob. 

Iteke, No. 5, Eregba. 

Taklima, No. 5, Eskimo, &c. 

In the Maori language Toko is the prefix to numerals from one 
(Tahi) to nine (Iwa) and Tekau or Tokau is No. lo. In the Deoria 
Chutia language (one of the Naga tongues of India) the numerals 
are all named with this root as prefix to the word. 

Dugsha, One. 
Dukuni, Two. 
Dugda, Three. 
Duguchi, Four. 

Dugumua, Five. 
Duguchu, Six. 
Duguchi, Seven. 

Duguche, Eight. 
Duguchuba, Nine. 
Dugshe, Ten. 

The Numerals of the Nsietshawus or Killamuk language of the 
Atna group point to the same digital origin by name. 

Theike, One 
Tkhlasale, Two. 
Tshanat, Three. 
Tkhlawos, Four. 

Tzukkus, Five. 
Tsulukhatshi, Six. 
Tutshoos, Seven. 

Tukatshi, Eight. 
Tkshleio, Nine. 
Tkhlaukantshs, Ten. 

Teka (Eg.) to cross and clasp applies equally to the two hand and 
the ten fingers. Numbers 2 and 10 have the same root-name in the 
following languages. 

The Number 2 is 

Tagi in Jaoi. 
Tech in Kolush of Sitka. 
Tuklo in Chocktaw. 
Teghia in Oneida. 

The Number 10 is — 

Atuk, Mobba. 
Dekue in Alege. 
Dikui in Kisama. 
Doheme in Bagrmi. 
Dohemy in Begharmi. 
Degbo in NT^i. 
Disi in Hottentot. 
Tsue in Dsuku. 
Tacha in Gonga. 
Tegaun in Tarawan. 

Tichnee in Seneca. 
Tekinu in Onondago. 
Teksi in Cayuga. 
Tekkinih in Mohawk. 

Deg in Welsh. 
Dek in Cornish. 
Dec in Breton. 
Deich in Irish. 
Deig in Scotch. 
Jeik in Manks. 
Deka in Greek. 
Dziesiec in Slavonic. 
Decern in Latin. 
Dszimtis in Lithuanian. 

Dekanee in Nottaway. 
Duke in Bagwan. 
TTzhaus in Piskawa. 

Aduk in Sekumne. 

Atek in Unalaska. 

Tokke in Lap. 

Tekau in Maori. 

Takau in Tongan. 

Takakkh in Ugalents. 

Thatz in Cochetimi. 

Tugr, Set of Ten, in Gothic. 

Dicker, Ten Hides, in English. 

Tegotha, Tenth, in Frisian. 

Togaserama in Bishari. 

From this root, Taht as the Reckoner, derives his name of Tekh, 
and the Goddess of the Months hers of Tekai. Tekh (Eg.), the name 

Typology OF Numbers. 333 

of the Moon-God and the Calculator, also means the full; and in 
Inner Africa the Full Moon is Etako in Wun; Etago in Bidsogo. 

The two crossed hands or fingers depict the cross sign of Tek that 
became the Tau and the letter T which was not, as de Brosses thought, 
unconsciously used to designate fixity, for Teku (Eg.) signifies to make 
fixed. Another cross, the Tat, is a sign of fixity, and to establish for 
ever, whilst Teta is the Eternal. Tat is also the hand-type. The Tek 
Cross X is one figure of 10, founded on the Crossed Tat (or hand) 
which first signified Ten as the extreme limit, the Infinte or Im- 
passable. It is probable that the origin of the gesture made by 
clasping the hands in the postute of prayer or beseeching, may be 
traced to the act of digital reckoning. The Ten or both hands, that is 
the total, thus indicated the All. When the Zulus count a hundred 
the open fingers of both bands are crossed and clasped together at 
the completion of each 10, as the sign of totality. 

So in the clasp or hands in prayer or propitiation, the sign 
would be one of tenfold and total submission to the superior power, 
and therefore the symbol of utter beseeching. 

The Hebrew Rabbins speak of the "primitive existence contained in 
the letter Jad," which is "unspeakable, incomprehensible, unapproachable," 
because, in reality, it is related to the most primitive beginnings, the 
utter simplicity of which supplied the later ineffable mysteries of the mental 
twilight. The Jad is the hand, and it has the numeral value Of 10, or 
of two hands, and was therefore made a type of the biune one, applied 
to Deity. 

The two hands (Kepti) ctasped together and cut off at the wrists 
make the: hieroglyphic sign of No. 10, f 1; and the most archaic 
Phoenician or Etruscan form of the letter Jad 1 is evidently the 
hieroglyphic Ten; hence the Jad, called a hand, has the value of two 
hands, or No. 10. 

According to Menasseh Ben Israel the name of Jah is not only that 
of the dual divine essence itself but it also designated the Atziluthic 
World, or the World of Emanations which contained the Ten Siphi- 
roth. Jah is the Hebrew form of the Twin lU, AO, or lAU, and the 
Two- one and Ten are identical in the Kabalist scheme, just as they 
are in the two hands. Hence the power of the Mystical Jad-sign of 
the Two Hands. 

Ten was synonymous with the All, the Infinite or Impassable, as 
two had once been in Neb (Eg.) for the All. Hor-ApoUo makes an 
uninterpreted allusioni to the ten-sign of the clasped fingers. He 
says "Seven letters included within two fingers — ev ho-i daKTuXotq 
symbolize a song, or Infinite.'" It has been suggested by De Pauw that 
he meant haK-rukiotq, rings, or within a ring. But the reference is to 
the sign of the two curved hands which were determined by the two 

1 Book ii. 39. 

224 The Natural Genesis. 

n n n n 11 

Tebu or fingers n n n iiii • The fingers are seven in number and ten 
times seven in value. The seven of the song belong to the musical 
scale. The two fingers denote the lo of the two hands. Great mys- 
teries lurk in simple signs like these which are the figures of very 
natural facts. 

The sign of 70 is common on the funeral tablets, and is said to 
indicate the 70 Days of Mourning. Also, the Egyptians sang their 
lamentation. Seventy then was a sign of the Infinite, reckoned by 
the seven notes as the All in music, and by the ten of the Two Hands 
as the Total in reckoning. The Camacan Indians express many, or 
infinite, by holding out the ten fingers, and saying "Hi." This, as 
Dr. Tylor points out, agrees with the Came "11," and Cotoxo "hie- 
hie" "Euhiahia," for Many or Infinite, in the primitive sense. These 
also agree with the Egyptian Hihi, Heh or Hhu, for the Infinite, who 
was of a dual nature, as Hu, the Sphinx deity, or the lU and AO. 
Uwa, in Xosa Kaffir, signifies an animal uniting both sexes, a her- 
maphrodite. lU (Eg.) is twofold, and the 2 and 10 both meet in the 
two hands and ten digits. Hence the lu in Egyptian is number 10 
(or io) in common figures. Number 10 is Hyo by name in Nutka, and 
Hyyu in the Aht language. The Egyptian U was inherent in the 1, 
and thus we come back to the Hebrew 1, or Jad, as the figure of 
the Infinite. The Coptic letter-sign for number 70 is 0, the sign of 
the Infinite, or Hehu. Also the numeral value of the Hebrew Ayin 
is 70, and the oldest form of this letter is O, the figure of Infinity. 
The O was evolved from the unified lu, with the Infinite at the 
numeral value of Seventy instead of Ten, which was worshipped as 
the god "O" in the Greek Mysteries; whose name is still ex- 
pressed by the vocative O ! of religious aspiration; the God who 
in Israel was the Deity of the Ten Tribes and seventy divisions 
which preceded the twelve signs and the seventy-two duo-decans of 
the zodiac. 

Reckoning and making figures with (and of] the hands of course 
preceded letters, and the ten digits is the number of the earliest 
signs known to the British Barddas as the Ten Ystorrinau. It can be 
proved to the eye, even if the mind refuses to take in and utilise the 
fact that the Kamite hieroglyphics were extant in these islands, as 
Boece avers. 

The Bobeloth letter, Dabhoith, or D, signifying Wisdom, fs a Serpent; 
and one hieroglyphic T, or Tet, is a Snake, the type of Wisdom. 
The Welsh sign of Ng is ¥, and the Egyptian Ankh is 6 or ^T. 
The round loop of the Egyptian is squared in the Welsh. Also, the 
Welsh dd sign A is the squared form of c:^ , an Egyptian hieroglyphic 
T, D, or Tet, a female breast; the English Teat, or Titty. 

Among the British signs copied by Ledwick,i the R, named Rat, is 

1 Ledwick, Antiq. of Ireland, pi. p. 328. 

Typology OF Numbers. 335 

a squared reverse form of a hieroglyphic R called Ret. Also, the 
British O is called Or, and hieroglyphic ER is an oval <:z:> . 

The Barddas tell us that their Abcedilros, or Alphabet of Ten 
Letters was derived from the creative name of lau (later lO), called 
the Younger, or the Manifestor, who, as the lu (Eg.), Manx IE, was 
the Ever-coming One. This was the youthful manifestor of a Dual 
Being, who was also the Three-fold One, i.e., the Mother (Ked), Child 
(Prydhain or Aeddon), and Hu, the pubescent Male; the Dyad in sex, 
who were triadic in manifestation. Their symbol was the Cyrfiu sign 
/l\ called the "Sacred Symbol of the Unutterable name of God," 
corresponding to the Hebrew Yad, and the name of Jah. 

Now the Kabalist Ten Sephiroth, which are derived from the 
creative name of Jah are likewise, as the word shows, a form of the 
ten letters. Hence they are placed at the head of the thirty letters, 
which are arranged in rows of ten letters each. The Ten Sephiroth 
are also traced to a Triad dominating over all, corresponding to the 
letters Aleph, Beth, and Gimmel, which, by analogy, comprise the 
whole world, or, as we have seen, the trinity of characters and 
bi-unity of sexes, in one compound being called Jah, lu or lau, the 
tri-unity, which is tenfold in the Kabalistic scheme of the Ten 
Sephiroth, just as it is in the British Abcedilros of ten letters, that 
were all derived from the tri-une 1 A U.i This origin of Ten Letters 
in the divine name which constitutes the number 10, as 10, was the 
profound "Secret from the Age of Ages among the Barddas of the 
Isle of Britain for the preservation of memorials of country and nation;" 
and this Secret of the Barddas of the past, now penetrated 
by a bard of the present, is identical with the most hidden wisdom of 
the Kabalah, when traced back to its phenomenal origin. 

The origin is desribed as being in the "Two Rays," and the 
"Three Shouts." The Gwyddon, they tell us, looked straight before 
him along the line of the East. "Dwyrain," i.e., dwy rain, is the two 
rays — the ray of Eilir, and the ray of Elved — which represent the 
Two Truths of lu or lau, the Triadic form of the bi-une One. lau 
is also known as the Yoke. So the Maori Iho (Mangaian 10, the 
Deity) is the name of the Umbilical Cord, the Yoke fo the Mother 
and Child. Now the Ogham characters consist of the Stroke and 
Circle, or an 10, the Number 10 in figures. The Ten are digital; 
ten Branches to the Tree of Knowledge; and the Ogham is based on 
numerical reckoning of the strokes or digits. The Ten Letters were 
represented by ten cuttings of wood, and by ten cuttings in the wood 
of the Gwyddon. These ten cuttings remained a secret with the 
Barddas when Beli the Great converted or transliterated the ten into 
letters for all, and added six more, making the number sixteen. The 
ten originated in the three Shouts of Cyfriu sign, which became the 

1 Epistle of Abulafia in Jellinek's Duswahl kabbalistischer Mystik, p. 13, part i., 
Leipzig, 1853. 

226 The Natural Genesis. 

broad arrow of A i at Lloyd's. i Thus our A i, broad arrow, twin 
rays, or Cyfriu sign /l\ is identical at last with the Egyptian Au 
(a calf of either sex) the AO of the Mexicans and Greeks; the 10 of 
the Mangaians and Maori, and with the 1, the one being, two hands 
and ten digits, which were the first forms of the two and the ten in 
figures, or in letters. 

The Ogham marks are in sets of five — the single stroke, double stroke, 
three strokes, four strokes, and five strokes. The group of five is the 
aieme, Irish, or qv in Welsh. Both Kef and Aem in Egyptian denote 
the hand as a fist of five. The Ogham is based on hand-reckoning and 
on the straight and oblique strokes which turn to either hand; the one 
that becomes twain in the two rays or two hands. Thus the Ogham is 
the circle of hand-reckoning, the earliest form of that by which time is 
still reckoned on the face of the clock. It is from this concrete base 
that the more abstract Ghuaim, Guaim, or Wisdom, through which the 
Barddas were able to compose, was derived, not vice versa. Finally, as 
before said, the Cornish Dek, Breton Dec, and Welsh Deg, for Number 
10, repeat the hieroglyphic Tek, the sign of which is x, the figure 
of 10 or ten [Tekarij fingers represented by the double stroke. 

The Chinese "Three Lights" are likewise identical in origin and 
significance with the "Three Shouts" of the British. The radical 
"Ki" or "Shi" is the sign of the -^p- Three Lights, according to 
Chinese etymologists, and this iL figure includes the Triadic 
form of the biune one. It is also employed to indicate the 

supernatural or revelation, as was the Cyfrui sign of the 

Barddas. Moreover, in the Amoy dialect, lu signifies origin, the son 
and the masculine soul. 

This will show that the Kabalists and Athanasius Kircher, who 
claimed a most ancient origin for these figures and types of the 
Kabalah were right, and the modernisers of the Kabalah are in a 
great measure wrong. 

The worshippers of lau (or Hu) were the laus or Jews by name, 
whether in Cornwall, Palestine, China, Egypt, or Mangaia. They 
must have gone out of Africa when the Number lo was reckoned on 
two hands; the two named lU in Egyptian, which as two hands are 
the hieroglyphic lo, the digital sign of the Deity. 

The following summaries will show at a glance the relationship of 
the hand to numbers and naming, and how the i and 5, the 2 and 10, 
may have the same name, for reasons already explained. As 
numbers and their names originated in the phase of gesture- 
language it was by gesture-signs that the different values of the 
same word were determined. 

Achup in No. i in Panos. Kabti is two arms in Egyptian. Kip is the Hand in Egyptian. 

Acap is A (one) in Irish. Kabdo is a pair in Galla. Kepu in No. lo in Landoro. 

Kafto is No. 2 in Mordvin. Kif in No. 5 in Bulanda. 

1 The Barddas, pp. 40 — 53. 

Typology of Numbers. 


Nge is No. i in Kakheyen. 

Ankh is to duplicate, also a pair of ears, in Egyptian. 

Onka is Hand in Mandan. 
Onge-foula is No. 10 in Cocos Island. 

Tuta is No. i. in Joboka. 
Tit is No. I in Burmese. 
Tut is Hand in Egyptian. 

Tut or Tu is No. 

Tith or Tythe is a loth in 

Rem, Lem, and Lef are interchangeable, and 

Alevi is one finger in Hwida. Rem (Variant) is No. 5. in 

Lof is one hand in Cornish. Polynesia. 

Lafa is No. 10 in 

Tep is the first in Egyptian. 

Teb is a finger. 

Taf is No. I in Agawmidr. 

Tabi is No. i in Manyak. 
Tup is No. 2 in Taraki. 
Itabu is a hand in Yala. 

Table is a hand in Sunwar. 
Tabu is No. 5 in Kalka. 
Tovo is No. 10 in Japanese. 

Fito is No. I in Japanese. 
Fitak is No. 2 in Japanese. 

Irme is No. 1 in Yabu. 
Diem is No. 1 in Nyamban. 
Remn is the Arm in 

Bhit is hand in Bramhu. 

But is No. 5 in Bagw^an. 

Pati is Two Handfuls in Egyptian. 
Padi is No. 10 in Telugu. 

Lima is the Finger in Port 

Rima is the Hand in Polynesia. 

Rima is No. 5 in Polynesia. 
Lim£ is No. 5 in Malagas!. 
hum is No. 10 in Dsarawa. 

And these types are correlative under one name because of the 
digital origin in the limb. This base of beginning is well shown in 
the Celebes Ternati dialect where Rimoi is Number i; Romo-didi, 
Number 2; Roma-Toha, Number 5. 

The African languages prove the paucity and the persistence of 
primitive words. One radical does duty for several parts of the body. 

Keba is the hand in Kra. 

Gum.en is the hand in Banyun. 

Kaffun „ 



,, ,, Tumbuktu. 


Egyptian. T'koam 

,, ,, Korana. 

N'Kepa „ 


The Arm is 

Gobo in Oloma. 

Kova in Koro. 

Kobeda, in Padsade. 

Gibo in Bayon. 

Kafe in Gadsaga. 

Sabu, in Momenya. 

Gubu in Boritsu. 

Gubuda in Biafada. 

The Shoulder is- 


Rape in Padsade. 

Gaba in Mandara. 

N'Gamana in Munio. 

Kaban in Filham. 

Kafada in Kadin. 

N'Gamana in Kan em. 

Gaben in Fulup. 

Gibar in Boritsu. 

N'Gamana in N'gura. 

Goba in Mano. 

Gema in Gio. 

Kambo in Param. 

Gbo in Gura. 

Gema in Mu-u. 

Kambo in Bayon. 

Igabo in Sobo. 

Komba in Pika. 

Kamba in Momenya. 

Gapta in N'godsin. 

The Finger is 

Kobi-bui in Tumbuktu. 
Ozubo in Opanda. 

N'gibo in Ekamtulufu. 
Osba in Wadai. 

Suba in Adira 
Saba in Beran. 

That is because the limb or branch of the body was named first, not 
the particular limb, and one limb or part of it may bear the type- 
name in one group of languages, and a different limb in another. 
This principle of dispersion can be followed under the type name of 
the limb. 


The Natural Genesis. 

The number 5 is 

Lime in 



m Batta dialects. 


in Sandwich Islands 

Lima in 



in Savu. 


in Rotuma. 

Lim.a in 



in Tiomur. 


in Cocos Island. 

Lim.a in 



in Manatoto. 


in Fiji. 

Lima in 


Lam in Tonquin. 


in Maori. 

Lima inMangarei 


m Ceram. 


Limxin is the han 

i inMacassar. 

Lamh is the hand 

in Irish. 


M r 

, Kiesa. 

Lamh , 

5 M 




Lave , 



, Keh Doulan. 




, Buton. 
, Sclor. 

Alemade , 
Rima , 



, Satawal 

Rima , 



, Fakaofo 

Rima , 



, Malay. 

Rima , 



, Wokan. 

Rumeni , 



, Mandah 


Rimani , 



, Bugis. 

Rima , 


Mulembo in Kanyika. 
Mulembu in Kisama. 
Mulempu in Songo. 

Nlenibo in Mimboma. 
Nlembo in Nusentandu. 
Nlembo in Nyombe. 

This is an Inner African type-name for the limb, as finger. 

Lemi in N'tere. 
Olemi in Bumbete. 
Elansbue in Alege. 
Molem in Mutsaya. 

This radical of language had not only passed into the British Isles, 
but is also found as 

Ramo, the finger, Sunda. Lima, the finger, Port Praslin. Limak, the arm, New Ireland. 
Lima ,, Bati. Oulima, ,, New Ireland. 

The Carib name for 10, or the fingers of both hands, is Chounoucabo- 
raim; and for 20, or the fingers and toes, it is Chounougouci- raf m. 

The hand leads us to the limb, as arm or shoulder. The Egyptian 
Remen is an arm, the shoulder, to touch the shoulder, a measure, a 
span, an extent, as far as the limit, which shows the Reran or arm 
in relation to measure by the limb; an early mode of determining 
the limit. The Bohemian Rameno for the shoulder, arm, and branch 
retains the full form of Ermennu (Eg.) which signifies the shoulder as 
well as the arm. The Russian Ramo is the shoulder, the Latin 
Ramus the branch or arm. Armeus (Lat.) is the shoulder-joint, 
particularly of the animal, from which the arm is the branch. The 
English arm (earm) and limb represent the general type. 

The Rim, Lira, or Limb is various. In the Anfue (African) dialect 
the arm is the Alome; in Takpa the Lem is the foot. Remmu in the 
Galla languges is the type-name for number 2, answering to the two 
arms or Rems. Baram is number 2 in Wolof; Moa-lembo in Undaza. 
This name was also applied to the paddle or oar. The hands of 
Horus are designated his paddles, and the oar is the 

Remi, Latin. Ram,h, Gaelic. Leam,nh, Gaelic. 

Rem,, French Romance. Riem., Dutch. 

Following the paddle we have the helm from the same origin. 

Typology OF Numbers. 339 

The African Remen or Lemen deposits both Rem and Ren (or Len) 
hence the interchange, and the hand is 

Aranine in Mare. Lengye in Biajuk. Lango in Tibetan. 

Renga in Kupuas. Lingan in Menadu. Lango in Serpa. 

Rongo in Murung. Rankain Lithuanic. Lang, No. 5, in Cochin China. 

The Renn (Eg.) is the child, and the branch or shoot of the tree. 
Lan in Chinese Amoy, is the type-name for branches, as in Renpu 
(Eg.) for the brach. So in the African Gadsaga the Lemine is the 
boy, the branch. The child is the human branch of the mother 
(whose type was the tree) and in provincial English is often called a 
limb. With the Kamilaroi people the limbs of a tree include the arm, 
but the thick branch is a thigh, which points to the genitrix, as the 
Tree of Life. In Egypt she was Rennut by name, the mother of the 
Renn or child. 

In the North American sign-language the idea of offspring or 
human branches is pourtrayed by a peculiar gesture which is made 
by the two hands drawn downward from the loins or reins, at time 
with an added illustration of the mother bringing forth or branching 
in parturition. 

Lastly the Rima or five branches of the hand, together with the 
reckoning of five thereon will explain why Rim in Icelandic is a com- 
putation, a reckoning; the calendar; why Riman, in old English is 
to number; Riomh or Riamh, in Irish, is numeration, reckoning; and 
the Ream in English is a reckoning of twenty quires of paper. 

Here the prototype was the Tree and its limbs; and the Limb and 
its branches, one body with two limbs, whether these are reckoned 
as arms or legs, and five branches to each limb; the tree being a 
primal figure of the mother. And the Tree itself as the African 
Cotton-Tree, is 

Limi in Bagrmi. Limi in Bornu. Limi in Kandi. 

Limi in Housa. Limi in Munio. Eram in Papiah. 

Limi in Kadzina. Limi in N'guru. Aram, in Param. 

This naming of the one that becomes twin is at the very bifurcation 
of all beginning. When the ear is called Duas in Irish and Scotch, 
that is from its twinship. In Egyptian the ear is named Ankh (as it 
is in many other languages), and Ankh also means a pair. Kaf and 
Kab are the hand and arm, and Kab (Eg.) signifies double; Kabel, in 
Kaffir, to part in two. The knee-pan is a Kap in Egyptian and Cap 
English. That also is a dual type. The mouth as the Gab or Chaps 
is another, and the twin-type in each case determines the name. 

The chief hieroglyphic of the one who divided to produce the Two 
is the hinder (feminine) thigh, the Khepsh type of the genitrix Khep 
or Kheb; and in the Inner African languages the thigh as type of her 
who divides and doubles is named — 

Gba in Mano. Ghari in Gbandi. Rebel in Mutsaya. 

Gba in Mende. Kufa in Bode. Kebele in Ntere. 

Gbara in Toma. Kebei in Nao. Kebele in Mbamba. 
Ghara in Landoro. 

230 The Natural Genesis. 

The Gba or Khepsh thigh was the Divider in parturition. And 
here we quote a specimen of the beginnings which are so simple as 
to make the explanation appear incredible, and the too-knowing will 
be sure to denounce me as over simple. 

We read in the Ritual, "I come forth as his child from his sword, 
accompanied by the Eye of Horus," i.e., the feminine mirror. i Such 
language is extant in other sacred writings, and has never been 
inter-preted. But how can a child be born from a sword? 

In Egyptian the sabre or scimetar is a Khepsh, V=i^ a Sanskrit 
Kubja (Greek Xiphos), a crooked sword, a scimetar — and this has 
the same name as the hinder thigh, which is represented by the ^<ri 
hind leg of the hippopotamus, the genitrix of the Typhonians; the 
one Khepsh being copied from the other. The hinder thigh is also a 
type called "Ur Heka," the great magic power. This identifies the 
female sexual part as the great magic power of the primitive mind; 
the typical Power before a sword was manufactured to be called a 
''Khepsh,'" as a weaopon of power. The sword or Khepsh being 
named from the hinder thigh, these equate, have one name and are 
equivalent as types. Next, the sword is identical with the dove 
(the Yoneh), and both are blended in one image under one name, 
because of the origin in the great magic power or Yoni. In the 
Hebrew the allusions to the oppressing swords serve to recall the 
Assyrian emblem of the sword and dove, which were figured in one 
image. 3 Hence the: sword with the divided tail of a bird that was 
continued in the Greek ;^eA/^o')v, the sword ending in the bird's tail. 

The same symbolism is found in Japan. One of the ancient 
weapons of the Stone Age is called the stone knife of the green 
dragon, because the conventional green dragon has a sword at the 
end of its tails. Thus the hinder part is synonymous with the weapon 
as it is in the Egyptian Khepsh. In accordance with this interchange, 
the Arabic name of the star Alpha in the dove (Columba) is Fakhz, 
the thigh. 

But this is the important point. The Khepsh sabre as the weapon 
used for cutting and dividing was named from the Khepsh thigh 
because that was the primordial Divider in the body and in giving birth. 
Numbers and their names are based on a oneness or a one that 
divides and duplicates, with the human body and its two arms as 
chief illustrators in gesture-language. But the same tale is told by 
every other type-name of this beginning. 

The root Tan, tin, or ten is another of the type- words of numbers. 
The Egpytian Ten to cut off, divide, separate in two halves — ten 
being then half-moon — shows the reckoning by division. Ten also 
signifies the amount, each and every, that is cut off and reckoned as 
a total. Ten (Eg.) as lo Kat, is the equivalent of our ten for the 

1 Ch. 40. 2 jer. xlvi. 16, and 1. 16. 

3 Nimrod, vol. i. p. 13. 

Typology of Numbers. 


half score. The whole Moon was Tent cut in two (English tined) to 
make the fortnight. 

The Tennu (Eg.) are the Lunar Eclipses which measured time by 
cutting off the light. Ten, Chinese, is to cut in two; Tanumi, Maori, 
to double; English twain, to be double. Thus twain and ten are 
identifiable with the aid of the two hands or two legs. The Marque- 
sans reckon their fruit and fish by the Tauna, or two-one; they 
take one in each hand and count by the pair instead of the unit. 
Their one is twini as it was in the bifurcation of the beginning. Ten, 
in Egyptian, is a plural for "ye," and "your;" Tin is "they" or 
"them" in the Motor language. This is the most common name for 
the foot in the Australian dialects, which is — 

Tina, Lake Macquarie. Dinang, Wirsdurei. 

Tianna-mook, Witouro. „. _. ^ King George's 

„ . . Dien, or Tian, } 

Dana, Muruya. j 

Dina, Bathurst. Dana, LiverpooL 

Dina, Meidji. Idna, Parnkalla. 

Dtun, Aiawong. 

Tona, Jervis Bay. 
Tina, Peel River. 
Tenna, Port Phillip. 
Tinna, Adelaide. 
Tenna, Gulf St. Vincent 
Tinna, Karuala. 


Dinna, Kamilaroi. 

This is also found as- 

Tin, Laos. 

Ten, W. Shan. 

Adin, Guaham. 

Tin, Siames 


Tin, E. Shan. 

Tongotra, Malagasi. 

Tin, Ahom. 

Tin, Khamti. 

Eduon, Annatom 

It is the type-name 

also for knee and thig 

1 as — 

Toon, Knee, Diegunos. 

Dongo, Thigh, Fulah. 

Dengalau, Thigh, 


Tungru, Knees 

, Giindi. 

Dango ,, Kano. 



Tanga, Thigh, 

Zulu Kaffir. 

Itena ,, Ombay. 

Tangbo ,, Bulanda. 

Tungei ,, 

Musentandu. Dangala ,, Mandara. 

In the Batta dialects Tangan is the arm. 

Tono, the Hand, 


Tangan, the Hand, Ulu. 

Tangan, the Hand, Batta. 

Tango ,, 


Tangan ,, Ternati. 



Donga ,, 


Tangan ,, Javanese. Tangan 

,, Suntah. 

Danicra ,, 


Atheng ,, Borro. 


,, Sow. 



Otun „ Chutia. 


j Juru 
" ( Samang 

Tanaraga ,, 


Tangan ,, Malay. 

Tangan ,, 


Tanga, is No. 5 in Mru. 
Tonsa ,, ,, Tungus. 
Tonga ,, ,, Yakutsk. 

Hand or foot as an equivalent of number 5 and 

Thanu, is No. 5 in the African Makua. 
Tani ,, ,, Fan. 

Tano ,, ,, Swahili. 

Atton ,, ,, Krepee. 

Tan is the type-name for the number 5 in at least forty of the 
Inner African languages, and in several of these Tan is the full 
extent of the reckoning. Tan is number 10 in Vei, Kono, Mandenga, 
Toronka, Kankanka, Bambarra, Kabunga, and other of the Inner 
African dialects, in which the people could count thus far. Don and 
Ndon are 10 in Afudu. Tini in Fiji is number 10 and the end or 
finis. In Languedac Tanca means to stop. Tan in Zend and Tena 
(Eg.) denote the extent. This extent may be one hand — five; or it 
may be two hands — ten. 

1 Wilkes, U.S. Exploring Expedition; Hale, Ethnology and Philology, vol. vi. 

232 The Natural Genesis. 

Ten, however, has an earlier African form in Tsen or Dsen, that 
accounts for both Ten and Sen as variants of one word, under which 
name we have the Thigh as 

Dsinya, in Kandia. Dsinys, in Kano. Tsinia, in Kadrina. 

The female bosom, which divised in two breasts, is 

Sin, in Dsalunka. Sin, in Bambarra. Sinn, in Mandenga. 

Sin, in Kankanka. Sin, in Tene. Sundso, in Kabunga. 

The Teeth, that also divide in a double sense, are named 

Dsin, in Tumu. Dsina, in Ntere. Dison, in Baseke. 

Dsuna, in Niete. Dseni, in Mutsaya. Tsino, in Marawi. 

Disonga, in Murundo. Edsion, in Afudu. Tsunis, in Skwali (Atna). 
Dsino, in Babuma. 

This type-name, with its variants, is universal as Nouna and Verb 
for that which divides, cuts open, and duplicates. The dividing 
river may he the Ticino in Italy or the Teign in England. That 
which divides is fundamental, and the radical Tes (Eg.) for the Stone 
and Stone Knife, whence Tser or Sila, Tsen, Sen and Ten, may be 
followed throughout language in relation to the stone, the Weapon 
(Aitz, Basque), tooth, ivory, the cutter, and cutting; opener and 
opening, founder and founding. The same word was continued in 
the Old Algonkin, and other Indian languages of North America as 
their type-name for Stone. 

Assin, is Stone, Ojibwa. Assene, is Stone, Knistinaux. Ashenee, is Stone, Skoffi. 

Assin ,, Old Algonkin. Ashenes ,, Seshatapoosh. Asenneh,, Sauki. 

This radical Dsen Or Tsen (whene Sen and Ten), supplies a type- 
name that runs through all language for things fundamental and 
foundational. Sunn, Assyrian, signifies foundation, or fulcrum. 
Sunu (Eg.) is to found, with various types and modes of founding. 
One is a stone Statue, another an endless cord twisted into loops 
without any tie. The types of Foundation are many; the Prototype 
being one, with variants, .nd the Name one. In Chinese, another 
type of Sin is the heart; Latin, Sinu; French Sein. The heart 
offers an important ideographic type. In Egyptian the heart as Mat 
and Hat is identical with another habitation, the Womb. "My 
Heart is my Mother," says the Osirian in the Ritual. It was a figure 
of basis, foundation, beginning; abode of life. 

In the Imperial Dictionary of Kang-hi. out of 44,500 words, 1,097 
are founded on this radical Sin, one type of which is the Heart. 
Thus the Heart may be an ideograph worth 1097 words. This 
lands us in the domain of Thing, Types, and Ideographs as the 
earlier stratum of language. Other forms of foundation are seen in 
Sende, Kaffir, a testicle; Shin, Hebrew, a tooth; Sunu (Gael), a 
wall; Son, a beam or joist; Son, Mantshu Tartar, the rafters of the 
roof; Sen, French Romance, a road; Sanaa, Arabic, a water-dam; 
Tseen, Chinese, a bank raised against the water. The founder as 
the Bee is Soni in Pika (African); and in Chinese, the foundry, or 

Typology OF Numbers. 333 

furnace, is the Shin. That which is founded, as Iron, comes under 
this name in Inner Africa, where 

Isen, is Iron, in Eafen. Sengo, is Iron, in Nyombe. 

Zengua ,, Mimboma. Zengo ,, Basunde. 

Seng Chinese, is to come into being. Sono, Italian, signifies I am; 
Sunt, Rhretian, I am; and Sum in Latin. The latter is the abstract 
of Sunt (Eg.), to be founded. Syn, Welsh, is sense, understanding. 
Sin, Chinese, mind, understanding, and "understanding" shows the 
passage from the physical to the metaphysical. 

Finally we get back to, or primarily we can commence with, the 
foundation of all in the opening of the Beginning. As aforeshown, 
the word Sunn.t (Eg.), to be founded, denotes the making of a foun- 
dation by opening the ground. Sunn is to pass; whence Sunn.t, the 
passage, in English the Sea- Sound; also the Snout, the passage for 
the breath. Now the ancient British name for Nottingham was 
Tyogfawy,^ the house of the Cave-dwellers, or the Men who made 
Holes in the ground. The earlier name of Nottingham is Snoting- 
ham; and Snot or Sunt, in Egyptian, means to found or establish by 
opening the ground, which perfectly describes the beginnings of the 
Troglodytes. Also the Snood (Caul) for the hair of the Woman, was 
a sign of this foundation by opening, at the time of puberty. 

The first foundation depended on opening and dividing for the 
One to become twain, in the way and ways described. 

The one that first opened was the Mother, who divided in producing 
the Child, that opened her, and was then personified as the opener 
in Mytholoy; the Sut-Horus or Ptah in Egypt; Chrysoros t6v avoiyea 
in Phoenicia; Samas the Assyrian Heaven-opener, or the God Pundjel 
of the Australian Blacks, whose name denotes the Opener; and of whom 
they, the natives, say he has a knife and a Ber-rang, with which he 
can open anything in such a way that no one can tell how or where 
the opening was made. 2 

The body divides into arms, breasts, thighs, legs, and becomes 
twain; and as primitive man began with the body, limbs, members, 
and gestures, these were his primary means of putting or posing his 
sense of need, his feelings and thoughts, in visible and imitable 
attitudes; and it is natural that the most primitive types and type- 
names should commence with the human body, also that these should 
be universal. Gesture-signs preceded speech. These were continued 
in the representation of Numbers and Verb. The origin of digital 
reckoning shows us a Way to Words by means of things; the things 
in this case being mainly limited to the limbs of the human body. 
This enables us to establish a principle of naming, and prove how a 
very few words could name many thing. For, when language first 
began, there could have been but few sounds that were combined 

1 Asser. 2 Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. i. p. 424. 

234 The Natural Genesis. 

to form a few words which became the archetypes of human speech. 
The Evolutionist alone can comprehend the economy of nature in 
the commencement. These few Archetypes were of neccessity 
applied to various things, and the process evolved a larger number 
of homotypes, or variants in things which are found to be 
interchangeable equivalents under the same name. 

The Typology of the Two Truths has now been applied to Num- 
bers, and it has been demonstrated that Number was a prime factor 
in Naming, which constitutes a link between gesture-signs and the 
words of later language. 



(Pythagoras taught that "Number" was the wisest of all things, and next to that the "Namer."] 

Concerning the origin of language it may be briefly affirmed that 
very little is known, and nothing absolutely established. Also that 
the help to be derived fi'om mere theorisers on the subject is chiefly 
negative. Hitherto the "science of language" has been founded, and 
its ORIGINS have been discussed, without the ideographic symbols and 
the gesture-signs being ever taken into account. 

The Aryanists have laboured to set the great pyramid of language 
on its apex in Asia, instead of its base in Africa, where we have now 
to seek for the veriest beginnings. My appeal is made to anthropolo- 
gists, ethnologists, and evolutionists, not to mere philologists limited 
to the Aryan area, who, as non-evolutionists, have laid fast hold at 
the wrong end of things. 

The Inner African languages prove that words had earlier forms 
than those which have become the "roots" of the Aryanists. For 
example. Max Miiller has said that in the word Asu (Sansk.), which 
denotes the vital breath, the original meaning of the root "As" has 
been preserved. "As, in order to give rise to such a noun as Asu, 
must have meant to breathe; then to live; then to exist; and it 
must have passed through all these stages before it could have been 
used as the abstract auxiliary verb which we find not only in Sanskrit, 
but in all the Aryan languages. Unless this one derivative, Asu, life, 
had been preserved in Sanskrit, it would have been impossible to 
guess the original material meaning of the root As, to be."i Here 
the African languages show the Asu, to breathe, is not a primary of 
speech; no vowel is primary in the earliest formation of words. 

In Egyptian Ses is to breathe, and in Africa beyond — 

Zuzu, is to breathe, in Nupe 

Zuzu ,, ,, Esitako. 

Zuzxi ,, ,, Gugu. 

Zuezui ,, ,, Param. 

ZuzM, is to breathe, in Basa. 
Yisie ,, ,, Kupa 

Zo ,, ,, Ebe. 

1 Lectures, vol. ii. 

P- 349- 

236 The Natural Genesis. 

The duplicated sound was first, because, as uAll be maintained, language 
originated in the conscious duplication and repetition of sounds. Ses 
(Eg.) also denotes the brood or breathing mare, a type of the gestator 
and mother of life, as Ses-Mut. And in Inner Africa the mare is 
named — 

Sosa, in Gbese. Sosi, in Hwida. Soasi, in Mahi. 

Sosa, in Toma. Sousi, in Dahome. 

Seses, a gnostic form of Tesas (Neith or Isis) is also the Mother of 
Breath. This is further corroborated by Zis (or Zi) in Assyrian, for 
the inherent life or soul; and by Zuza in Zulu Kaffir, applied to the 
breathing life of the unborn child. The Latin Esse, to be, has pre- 
served both the s's found in Ses, to breathe. 

It has been asked. How did Da (Sanskrit) come to mean giving? 
Professor Noire holds that primitive man accentially said "Da." And 
there we have a "root" of language! But Da is only a worn-down 
form of wod found in Sanskrit. It is the Egyptian Td, to give and 
take; also a gift. The full hieroglyphic word is Tat, and it belongs 
to the stage of mere duplicated sounds and gesture-signs. It is 
written with the hand, which is the Tat ideograph; English Daddle 
for the fist; the Inner African — 

Ntata, the Hand, Meto. Ntata, the Hand, Matatan. Tata, the Hand, Igu. 

Long before the abstract idea of giving was conveyed by Da or Td, 
the Tat was presented in gesture-language with the offering, or in 
the act of offering. The hand, however, is not the only Tat, Tut, or T. 
Another hieroglyph, Ta (or Tu), is the female Mamma, ^, the 
English Teat and Titty; Welsh, Did and Teth; Basque, Titia; Greek, 
Titthe; Malayan, Dada, and Hebrew Dad, for the teat or breast. 
These forms of the name retain the ideographic sound of T T The 
mammas sign is the Egyptian feminine article The; also a name of 
food, and to drop. "Tat-taf is a sound that may have originated with 
the child in sucking. It is still made by the nurse when offering the 
mamma, the primordial giver of food, to the child. Moreover the 
Da personified in Sanskrit is the wife, corresponding to the Egyptian 
Td. Language certainly did not originate with the "roots" of the 
Aryanists, which are the worn-down forms of earlier words. It did 
not begin with "abstract root," nor with dictionary words at all, but 
with things, objects, gesture-signs, and involuntary sounds. 

Comparative philology, working with words in their latter phase, 
divorced from things, is responsible for the false inference (one amongst 
many) that until recent times, later than those of the Veda, the Avesta, 
the Hebrew, and Homeric writings — men were deficient in the per- 
ception of colour; that there was, in fact, a condition of Miopoeia 
answering to their insanity of Mythopoeia. Geiger has even asserted 
than the language-maker must have been blue-blind. 1 Max Miiller 

1 Geiger, Vertrdge zur Entwickelungsgeschichte der Menschheit, p. 43, 1871. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 337 

has affirmed that the blue heaven does not appear in the Veda, the 
Avesta, or the Old Testament. It is true that language did not 
commence by naming those mere appearances of things in which the 
comparative mythologists take such inordinate delight; true that 
colours are among those appearances and qualities, just as white is 
of wheat — when ground into flour. Many early languages have no 
word for blue as a colour, and yet blue as a thing may be found in 

The Ja-jow-er-ong dialect of Australia uses the sky itself, "woorer- 
woorer," for blue. That was the thing. 

In Maori and Mangaian there may be no name for blue as hue 
and tint; but this does not show that the people did not know the 
blue heaven from the white or red heaven when they saw it. 

The "ZuZu" name signifies heaven, as The Blue. Hence, deep 
water is called Zulu. Zulura, for the blue thing, literally means 

In Pazand the word Agma denotes both stone and heaven, and, as 
shown by the Minokhird, heaven was identical with precious stone. 

The Hebrew heaven is the paved work of sapphire stone beneath 
the feet of the eternal. 1 Samu (Ass.) is both sky and blue. 

The Egyptian name for blue is Khesbet; that is, lapis-lazuli. 

The Egyptian Heaven was either the Blue Stone, the blue temper- 
tinted steel, or the blue sea overhead. 

The water above is the blue heaven, and in the Ritual the blue 
called the "Upper Waters" is identified with the blue Woof of Heaven 
in the worship of Uat, Goddess of the Northern Heaven. 2 

If a language does not possess a word for blue as a colour, it may 
for a blue stone, and certainly will for water. 

A lesson in the primitive system of colour-naming may be learned 
from the Hottentot language in which the word for colour itself is 
isib, signifying form, shape, likeness, and appearance. Such a word 
includes various qualities and properties of things under one name. 
Yellow (Huni) means the ground-colour, the sandy soil; Brown 
(Gamab) is the vley-colour, i.e. the bottom of a dried-up pond; Red 
(Ava) is the blood-colour; Grey (Khan) is the colour of the Bos 
Elaphus; Spotted (Garu) means the Leopard; White is egg-coloured; 
Am for green, originally meant springing up and shooting forth like 
the verdure. 3 Hence when the rainbow is also called Am the sense is 
not limited to the green-colour, because it likewise springs forth spon- 
taneously. This serves to show how the primitive thinkers thought 
in things when distinguishing properties, qualities, or appearances; 
how things first suggested the ideas that were afterwards conveyed 
by words; and how the more abstract forms of phenomena took 
names in language by means of the concrete, — the unknown being 
expressed in typology by means of the known. 

1 Ex. xxiv. 10. 2 Ritual, Ch. no. ^ Hahn, Tsuni Goam, p. 26. 

238 The Natural Genesis. 

Power of perceiving qualities and distinguishing things did 
not depend on the possession of words to express shades of difference. 
Sweet could only be distinguished from bitter when the one was only ex- 
pressed by the mouth watering, and a smack of gustativeness; the 
other by spitting with the accompaniment of an interjection of re- 
pugnance. So far from "conscious perception being impossible" 
without a word for each colour, the one word Uat (Eg.) for water 
does duty for several colours, for blue and green water, various paints, 
plants, and stones. Perception of different colours did not depend on 
divers words; one served with several determinatives in things. The 
early men thought in things and images where we think in words, or 
think we think. Plutarch says, "They that have not learned the 
true sense of words will mistake also in the nature of things." 1 So 
we may say that those who have not learned the true nature of 
things will mistake the sense of words. 

Professor Sayce holds that there is "no reason in the nature of 
things why the word Book should represent the volume which might 
just as well be denoted by Biblion." But the "nature of things," 
tells us the Book was the tablet of beech-bark in Britain and the 
palm (Buka) of Taht in Egypt. The Biblion from Bib (Eg.) to roll 
or be round, had been the roll of papyrus before it was the book. 
Indeed the oldest words can only tell the most important part of 
their history when re-related to things. Mere philology can never 
reach the origins for lack of determinatives. 

The Egyptian "Kam" may be quoted to indicate the relationship 
of words to things. Kam signifies black; and Plutarch tells us the 
Egyptians applied the word to the dark of the eye, the Mirror. The 
dark was the Mother as reproducer of light. The pupil of the eye 
reproduces the image. To reproduce is to begin, hence "Kam," also 
meant to form, to create. Here the word branches out in the region 
of things and modes of action; there being various means of forming 
and creating. Egypt was literally created by the Nile, and named 
Kam, not merely as the Black land! The sculptor forms and creates 
the image by carving; and "Karrf also signifies to carve. That 
which is carved may become the "Kam-hu" (Eg.) a joint of meat, 
or in the "Cameo," a carven image, the root for which word has never 
been found. 2 The Word at first was but a wavering, wandering 
shadow of things which are the determinatives of its meanings that 
only become finally definite in the ideographical phase which the 
Aryanists have entirely ignored. 

There is no way of attaining the early standpoint and getting back 
to an origin for words excpt by learning once more to think in 
things, images, ideographs, hieroglyphics, and gesture-signs. The 

1 Oflsis and Osiris. 

2 Cf. Kamut (Eg.), to carve, or a carving. Lepsius, Denkmdler, &c. 48, A. Kam 
also interchanges with Kan, for carving in ivory. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 339 

primary modes of expression have now to be sought in their birth- 
place. In Africa only shall we find the most rudimentary articulation 
of human sounds, which accompanies gesture-signs and preceded verbal 
speech. The clicks, the formation of words by the duplication of 
sounds, the original types of expression, must be allowed to have been 
evolved in Africa until it can be shown how they came there otherwise. 
The African dialects, spread over vast spaces of country, point to an 
original unity in a language which may not be extant for the gram- 
marian, and certainly will not now be discovered intact by the traveller. 
The earliest forms can only be found in the primary stratum of lan- 
guage, that is, in gesture-signs, the primitive modes of articulation, 
and in aboriginal sounds, although further connecting links of 
construction may be established. There is of course a kind of 
grammatical sequence in the order of gesture-signs. 

From the present stand-point it would be idle to discuss whether the 
roots of language were at first verbal or nominal. Where should we 
begin? With which, or what language? In Maori, the same word at 
different times assumes the functions of several parts of speech. We 
also find that in languages like the old Egyptian and Chinese, the 
same word did duty as noun and verb or other parts of speech; and 
one word or sound had to serve at first for various uses, whether 
these are called the names of things and actions in one respect, or 
"parts of speech" in another. Gesture language shows that verbs as 
words were the least wanted, and therefore the last named. Verbs 
would be enacted before they were uttered in what we could 
recognise as speech. A Cross is the hieroglyphic sign of verbs in 
general, and the hands were crossed in reckoning; the sexes crossed; 
the sun, moon and stars were observed to cross before there was 
a verb signifying to Cross. A pair of feet Going is the sign of 
the transitive verb to God, and Goiing pourtrayed in several forms 
preceded any abstract word for to Go. 

So far as gesture-language was primary, the verbs may have been 
first, but their signification was chiefley conveyed by the action. A 
Na-wa-gi-jig's story, in Ojibwa, told orally and with gesture-signs 
shows that Gestures only were used to indicate the "old man," "many," 
"happening," "quickly," "hatchef (to cut), "going," "starting," "wind 
blowing," "ice moving off," "to a distance," "cutting the ice," "it is so 
thick," "number two," "tired," "by turns," "together," "twisted three 
cords," "tied three together," "threw it out," "no go," "repeatedly," 
"drifted out," "we two," "nearly sundown." 

The analysis shows that the speaker who had words for his Verbs 
and Numbers naturally preferred to indicate these by gesture-signs, 
which were like the actions of an orator only they took the place of 
the words and made the unnecessary, because they had existed prior 
to such an application of words. 1 Also the reduction of the noun to 

1 Mallery, Sign Language, pp. 519-520. 

240 The Natural Genesis. 

make the verb might be amply shown as in Tat for the Hand and Ta 
to give. So Pa/ or Bab (Eg.) denotes the Being as the Breath, and 
Bd is the abstract verb to be, to be a breathing soul. As breathing 
was observed and breath was named earlier than soul or abstract 
being, this also shows the Verb is a form of the Noun reduced. 

Possibly there is a mode of proving how things were named first, 
when we commence with the most primitive data in the birthplace of 
words. If we start from Africa, say, with the snake, this may tell 
us how the noun was extended in the verb stage, by means of the 
actions of the snake. In Egyptian, He/ represents an African type- 
name for the reptile or instect that crawls with the heaye-motion, as the 
viper, worm, and caterpillar. These were named in one aspect from 
their movement, whence hefu, or heft (Eg.), to crawl by heaving; efa, 
in Welsh, to cause motion or heaving. But, the snake also sloughed 
its skin; hence ebu, in Kaffir, to slough, and Havel, English, for the 
slough. Hence "Hef becomes a type-word for things that slough, 
or shed, as well as heave; hence Avel for the awn of barley. This 
process, which is merely hinted at, and which might be followed inimit- 
ably, will prove the priority of sounds and names for things, the 
actions of which were indicated by gesture-signs. 

Also certain types of Things equate on account of the unity of 
origin in the thing itself. Thus the dd (British) and TT or T (Eg.) are 
signs derived from the female mamma ^ . This became our letter 
D. D is also the Door, as Daleth in Hebrew, and the door is another 
feminine symbol. T or D is the feminine Article (Eg.); the Ru is 
likewise a female type, the door of life, the mouth of utterance; and 
Tr, Dl or Dr furnish the name of the daleth and door. Breast and 
Door, then, become one in letters because both are interchangeable 
images of the female sex, and because things preceded signs. 

It may be that the beginning of verbal languages with a few simple 
names for things, sensations and actions is indicated by the mystical 
value attached in later times to Names; their primitive preciousness 
being reflected in their religious sacredness. The word Nam (Eg.), to 
repeat, direct, and guide, gives a good account of the Name and its 
object. The passage of the Osiris through the underworld is effected 
by his preserving all the mystical Names in memory. Ra has 75 
names, Osiris, 153.1 

Time was when the "Name" was the "Word" and so it remained 
embalmed in the religious origines when the "Word" (Logos) was the 
"Name" personified. Names, or substantives, potentially contained 
all the other parts of speech. These have been continued from the 
earliest time to the present and remain more or less identifiable 
according to the principles of naming. 

Nor need we marvel that words should retain their identity and 
likeness in languages the most remote from each other in time and 

1 Rit. ch. 142. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 341 

space, when we find how few they were at first and how faithfully 
they were preserved. The earliest races preserved them of necessity. 
"Never change barbarous names," said the Chaldean oracle. 1 Also, 
the cry of the Greek writers was for the people to treasure up 
the "barbarous" or foreign words in their language, although they 
might not know from whence these had been derived, nor what was 
their exact import. When pleading before the tribunal of eternal 
justice the Osirified deceased declares that among other saving virtues 
he has never altered a story in the telling of it. And such was the 
spirit in which the primitive races preserved their knowledge, customs, 
traditions, and words. 

But we have to go beyond words to make a beginning at the 
stage where the act of Sucking might have produced its own self- 
naming sound in the "Tt-TT of the suckling. 

The earliest Verb would be indicated by the action; the first Substan- 
tive by the sound accompanying the gesture or action. The gestures 
must have been simple, self-defining, and the sounds accompanying 
them would have a natural accord. 

Some non-evolutionary writers on language, who, as the Egyptian 
priest said of the Greeks, wear the down of juvenility in their souls, 
appear to speak as if the origin of language itself depended on 
"Grimm's Law." Indeed, one shallow reviewer of the previous 
volumes of this work thought it sufficient to condemn them if he put 
forth the foolish falsehood that the author had expressed supreme 
contempt for "Grimm's Law." 

Grimm having pointed out a law of diversity which governs the 
interchange of certain phonetics his followers have further assumed 
the non-existence of a law of uniformity in an earlier stratum of 
language. But words did not have their beginning in any known 
form of the Aryan languages, and the proto-Aryan is unknown to 
them, excepting that which has been created by the Evolutionists of 
the inner consciousness. 

Whilst limiting their comparative diagnosis to this restricted area 
they confidently affirm that when two words are spelt alike in two 
different historic languages they cannot be the same; Grimm's Law 
forbids. Further research and a wider application of the comparative 
process might have taught them that it does nothing of the kind. 
Indeed, the true moral, the workable and profitable deduction, to be 
derived from Grimm's Law is that words do persist and retain the 
same signification in spite of, and not in consequence of, the racial 
or the dialect differences that may be tabulated under that Law. 

The followers of Grimm have led men to believe that beyond the 
little Aryan oasis there is a desert world, trackless, chartless, limitless; 
and that none but they could lead in the work of showing the way; 
towards which they have not yet advanced the second step. For 

1 Cory, Ancient Fragments. [2nd ed, 1832], p. 271. 

242 The Natural Genesis. 

Grimm's law has been to them the obliterator of landmarks through- 
out the range of the pre-historic past. According to the prevailing 
delusion and the preposterous pretensions of its advocates, it is not 
only unsound and non- scientific but positively pitiful for any one to 
compare the words and myths of two different languages which they 
have not previously proved to be grammatically allied; this being one 
of the "first principles" of "Comparative Philology." 

They hve come to the conclusion that hardly any relation 
exists in language between the sound and the sense of words, 
whereas in the earliest stages both were one; and now the fundamental 
sense can only be found in that phase of unity. On the same kind of 
authority it would be unscientific and absurd to compare the gesture- 
signs of the North American Indians with those which survive in the 
Egyptian hieroglyphics until we have first demonstrated the gram- 
matical affinity of the Algonkin and Egyptian languages. Thus 
stated the theory exposes its own exceeding futility. 

In Grimm's Law — to use a very homely metaphor — philologists 
have found a fork and laid hold of it at the prong- end. The prongs 
are known to them, but the unity beyond it is unknown and denied, 
because they have not reached the handle. 

One writer says the Aryan and Semitic languages may have been 
originally connected, but there is no Grimm's Law which will allow us 
to prove this. He therefore assumes that connection and relationship 
can only be demonstrated by unlikeness. For Semitic let us substi- 
tute Kamitic, and a comparative vocabulary in these volumes will 
then show that the word-stock of Egyptian and Sanskrit must have 
been essentially the same in the pro to- Aryan stage. 

Pre-historic and pre -Aryan words have remained the same indepen- 
dently of later grammar or phonetic systems. Words coined when 
we have but ten letters or yet fewer sounds, survive in their primitive 
forms even when we have twenty-six. Addition did not always in- 
volve transliteration or supercession, any more with words than with 
races; whereas continual re-beginnings in language and in myth- 
ology are assumed by the non-evolutionist interpreters of the past. 

But it is only by the aid of what is here designated as "Compara- 
tive Typology" that we could ever reach the stages of language in 
which the unity of origin can be recoverable. Gesture-signs and 
ideographic symbols alone preserve the early language is visible figures. 
We are unable to get to the roots of all that has been pictured, 
printed, or written, except by deciphering the signs made primally by 
the early man. The latest forms of these have to be traced back to 
the first before we can know anything of the Origines; these are the 
true radicals of languages, without which the philologist has no final or 
adequate determinatives, and hitherto these have been left outside the 
range of discussion by Grimm, Bopp, Pictet, Miiller, Kick, Schleicher, 
Whitney, and the rest of the Aryan school. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 343 

Fuerst is another example of the men of "Letters" as opposed to 
Ideographs. He asserts and reiterates at every letter that the Hebrew 
alphabet is not ideographic, and that each name is only employed or 
intended to represent the initial letter! This is an entire reversal of 
the fact; but the doctrine is prevalent in current philology, which has 
ignored the earliest sign-language altogether. 

Wherever the ideographic signs of the oldest civilised nations can 
be compared evidence of the original unity becomes apparent, just 
as we find it in gesture-language. In fact, the farther we go back the 
nearer is our approach towards some central unity. From circumfer- 
ence to centre diversity diminishes and dwindles. Finally the most 
primitive customs, rites and ceremonies are the most universal, and 
these could not have proceeded from the circumference towards a 
centre of unity. The unity was first even as the diversity is final. 

Grimm's law does not tell us why certain letters are interchange- 
able in different languages and dialects, so that Zeus in Greek repre- 
sents Deus in Latin, and Dyaus in Sanskrit. Neither can any of 
Grimm's followers. They only affirm that it is so, without knowing 
the hoTi. In Hebrew and Chaldee the T and S are interchange- 
able. M and N are constantly permutable in language. In English 
the f and gh interchange, and are equivalents; to such an extent is 
this carried that the gh is also sounded as f in laugh and cough. 

Here the Egyptian hieroglyphics constitute the connecting link 
between language in Inner Africa and the Aryan phase or status out 
of it. The origin of Grimm's Law is made manfiest in the earliest 
mode of speech, and the facts are patended, so to say, or stereotyped 
in the hieroglyphics. These show the Ideographic phase of language 
which preceded the Alphabetic. 

For example, the builders-up of language backwards, who are 
able to start from a vowel as a "root" (they do so with "i" to go), 
assume that the word Mand in Sanskrit is what they term a mere 
strengthening of a root Mad. The hieroglyphics show that Mand and 
Mad (Mat) are identical because an ideographic Men preceded and 
deposited the consonant M; and the sign is readable as a Men 
(ideographic and early) or a later phonetic M. Beyond Egypt, 
Man is Muntu in Wakamba, and in the neighbouring Wanika he is 
Muta; but the sign of the Ida, Action, or Person depicted by the 
"Men" ideograph is first, the syllabic Mu is later, the letter M is 
last. So in the languages of the Gabun the names for the head 
run through Muntue (in Kisama and Lubalo), Ntu (in Nyombe and 
Musentandu), Mutu (in Kanyika and others) and out (in Mbamba). 
In these the Ntu of the same group also implies the form in Muntu, 
which modified into all three. 

Grimm's Law is just as applicable to certain Inner African groups 
of languages as to the Aryan. In the Bantu class the dialect differ- 
ences and variations in phonology are manifested by the Mb of 

244 The Natural Genesis. 

Swahili modifying into P in Makua; the Ng (Swahili) into K 
(Makua). The T (Swahili) is represented by R (in Makua), and the f 
by K. Ch, hard, and S in Swahili, are represented by Sh in Makua; 
whilst the T of neighbouring tongues is th in Makua. i 

Names were first given with and to ideographic signs. Thus a Tat, 
Ter, or Tek deposits a phonetic T, and all meet to mingle at last in 
one letter T which may take the place of a dozen ideographs. 
Various signs of Men are reducible to one phonetic M . 

If we take the Tes sign (Tesh, tech or Tek being variants) this 
deposits both a T and S in the hieroglyphic =:^ and henceforth the T 
and S go their several ways in forming future words. 

An ideographic Hef will deposit both a phonetic H and F. In the 
hieroglyphics the snake is Hef in an ideographic phase. In the 
phonetic stage the snake supplies the sign of F. The Hef only 
will account for the Latin fiemina being pronounced hoemina, as, 
according to De Roquefort, it was by the ancient Romans, or for 
similar interchanges of H and F. 

The hieroglyphic Mes ||| will account for the Greek 2 being con- 
tinued as a kind of M = S. 

An "original Aryan D" may be represented by L in Greek or 
Latin simply because there was an ideographic Proto-Aryan Del (its 
name remains in Delta and Daleth, which describe an ideographic 
D) or Ter, as in Egyptian; our English door. The Hebrew letters 
Aleph, Beth, Gimel, Daleth continued that ideographic phase in 
their names as those of things which are yet identifiable. Here is an 

The hieroglyphic Ret IS^ a cord used for tethering cattle when 
grazing, passed into the Hieratic, Phoenician (or Hebraic) and Syriac 
letters as the Teth /^, «f» , .^ or '^. In Hebrew "Teth" signifies some- 
thing twisted or tied, which the Ret loop explains. In Egyptian 
this Ret deposited a phonetic R. The same sign appears as the R 
called Rat in an Irish alphabet. Thus the ideographic Ret becomes 
an R in Egyptian and Irish, and a letter T in Phoenician and in other 

In the inscription exhumed by Davis at Carthage, the Phoenician 
letters daleth and resh are two slightly varied shapes of the Ret; and 
these are signficantly like our own figure of four, 4 to show that it 
also is a form of the same original hieroglyphic. So the Coptic 
delta a. and lauda A, which is R is Bashmuric, are two other variants 
of the Ret; and delta has the numeral value of 4, in common with 
the Hebrew Daleth. Ret (Eg.) denotes the figure, and one sign of 
the word is the foot-stool with four steps; another figure of 4. An 
ideographic Ret will further account for the same figure or letter 
being Ro in Coptic or Greek and D in the Gothic p. Now the sign 

1 Chauncy Maples, and Dr. Bleek. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 345 

in the letter stage would determine nothing respecting the origins; 
we must trace it back to the ideographic Ret before we can discuss 
the origin or unity, and there the Phoenician letter is an Egyptian 
hieroglyphic which was continued in the ideographic phase as the 
Irish "Rat" or letter R. 

The primary form of the sign (as well as of the word) is ideographic. 
This shows that when certain symbols are found in the Vei and Lolo 
hieroglyphs,! which are alike to the eye and yet may be different in 
phonetic value, the bare fact will neither disprove nor determine their 
unity of origin. That must be sought in their ideographic values. 
In the process of reduction and distribution an ideographic Del 
deposits both D and L and phonetics; an ideographic Men deposits 
both M and N; an ideographic Tek, which is a Cross, both T and x 
as two different crosses in the phase of letters; an ideographic Kef 
both K and F; and so on through all the ideographic signs that 
passed into separate letters. Just as the ideographic Pesh or Peh, 
the rump of Pasht, the Lioness, i^ became the letter Shin in 
Syriac. We have a record of this process preserved in the traditions 
of the British Barddas, who tell us they began with ten original 
Ystorrinau, or ideographic signs, which Beli reduced to the vaule of 
letters, and then added six others, making sixteen in all. 

But the original unity of various letters in the ideographic phase is 
afterwards shown by their being equivalent and permutable in later 
languages, whether at the beginning or end of a word. Thus Tset, 
the Inner African type-name of the Hill, is continued as Tset in 
Egyptian, where it becomes both Set and Tet, as in our Tut Hill. 
Set and Tet are then interchangeable in the later languages. It is the 
same with the Tser (IS) Hill, which becomes the Ter (or Tel) and 
Ser. In the Arabic group the number 8 is both Temen and Seme in 
Beran; Damana in Wadai; and Asmanye in Adirar. 

One form of the ideographic Uts (Eg.) is a palanquin. The 
word Uts signfies to suspend, support, bear aloft. This is an Ideo- 
graphic original which will account for the Sanskrit Ut, up, upwards; 
and the Zend Us applied to upholding. It is the same with the 
equivalent terminals as in Bit, Sanksrit, and Bis (O. H. G.) to bite, 
and other instances in which the t or d of one language is represented 
by s or z in the other. If we take the variant Tech this will account 
for the equivalent terminals t and ch in the English Pit and Pick, 
or Bat and Bak, as variants of one word. An ideographic Kaf will 
account for the interchange of k and f in Swahili and Makua as well 
as in English. By this process of deriving the consonants singly 
from the ideographic phase in which they were dual or duplicated, 
we can prove the proto-Aryan origins to be hieroglyphical and 

Beyond Egypt the Inner African languages are yet in possession 

1 Copied and compared by Dr. Hyde Clarke, Athenaum, Sept. 1883. 

246 The Natural Genesis. 

of certain complex sounds that the European finds impossible or 
very difficult to reproduce. He can learn to make some of them 
singly, but cannot talk in clicks. Clicks have been detected out of 
Africa. Three clicks, heard in the Chinook, Texan, and other 
North American languages are described by Haldeman. Two are 
found in the language of Guetemala, according to Bleek. Klaproth 
affirms that clicks occur in Circassian. Whitmee distinguished clicks 
in some dialects spoken by the Negritos of Melanesia. But Africa 
is the true land of the Clickers, as the Bushmen, Khoi-Khoi, Kaffirs, 
Gallas, and others; and this is the only known country of the Clicking 
Cynocephalus who was the predecessor of Man. In addition to the 
clicks we find such sounds as Ng, Mb or Mf Gb, Kf Rl or Lr, Dlw, 
Mhl, Mni and Tsh with its variants Teh, Dzh, Th, etc. The nasal 
Ng bifurcates into N and G. In Fiji the letter Q is sounded Ng. 
Ng also modifies into Nh and N. Lr is represented by L in one 
language, and R in another. Captain Burton sometimes renders the 
same sound by the R that others render by the L. There is no 
distinction between R and L in the Hieroglyphic <;^> . Hence the 
necessity of going back to the birthplace of human sounds to reach 
the radicals of speech. Nothing short of Inner Africa is of primary 
importance in the origins of Language. 

Captain Burton has remarked that "The Eafen, or Dahoman, a 
dialect of the great Yoruba family has, like the Egba or Abeokutan 
language, a G and a gb, the latter at first inaudible to our ears, and 
difficult to articulate without long practice."^ This Gb with is variants, 
such as Kf is one of the radicals of all languages. It might have 
been the first word formed of two different consonants, unless we 
except the "Ng" and Tesh, it is so primitive and prevalent. Such an 
original is still implied, even in English, when the "gh" of "Laugh" 
is sounded by an "f." The Mb (or Mfu) is likewise extant when the 
ancient Welsh M is sounded V, and the M or V are confused in the 
cuneiform language. The "Ng" persists in the Australian, Maori, 
Kaffir, and other langages as an Initial Sound, and with us as a 
terminal. It is represented by the Hebrew Ayin jr> Egyptian NK, 
and the Hieroglyphic Ng of the British Coelbren staves. 

Now the names of the God and Cow can be traced back to the 
Inner African stage of pronunciation. The Goat is: 

Kopros, in Greek. Gafr, in Welsh. Khapu, in Peguna. 

Caper, in Latin. Govar, in Cornish. Tkhavi, in Georgian. 

Cobhar, in Irish. Gobhar, in Scotch. Abr (or Kabr), in Egyptian. 

The accent in abr denotes an abraded form. This we recover in 
the Inner African name of the Goat. 

Gbarie, Pika. Biri-i, Khoi-Khoi. Oboli, Udso. 

Eburi, Matatan. Epuri, Meto. Bora, Mose. 

Biri, Ai-Bushman. Obori, Okuloma. 

1 Captain Burton, A Mission to Gelele, King of Dahome, voL i. p. 36. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 347 

Gb and Km interchange, and in an earlier stage of articulation the 
Goat is 

Nkombo, in Basunde. Kombo, in Musentandu. Kombo, in Kasanda. 

Nkombo, in Kabenda. Kombo, in Mutsaya. Kombo, in Nyombe. 

The Cow is 

Gova, in Sanskrit. Govyado, a Herd of Cows, in Sclavonic. 

Gavi, in Gothic. Kaui, or Khepsh, in Egyptian. 

Khaboi-kumi, in Indo-Chinese. Geush, in Pahlavi. 

Chuo (plural Chuoun\ in High German. Goivs, or Govjado, in Lettish. 

Cow, in English. 

The Sanskrit Gaus is said to be from a root Gam. 
And the Cow is called 

Kom., in Karekare. Nomha, in Kanyika., in Marawi. 

Komo, in Kaffir., in Lubalo., in Nyamban. 

Ngom., in Mutsaya., in Runda. Enobe, in Matatan. 

Gbami, in Pika., in Muntu. Enope, in Meto. 

Kebma (Water-cow), in Egyptian., in Kiriman. 

The original African form that includes and accounts for the whole 
of these Variants is found as, in Songo., in N'gola., in Kassands., in Kisama., in Basunde., in Musentandu., in Kabenda., in Nyombe., in Mimboma. 

So it is with the name of the Knee. This is either 

Goab, or Goam., in Hottentot. Ngbe, in Gbese. Ngumbi, in Gbandi. 

Gbua, in Mano., in Soso. Ngobm.i, in Landoro. 

and other African dialects. But the natives are not trying to talk 

These things were named in the stage of primitive prounciation, 
when what we now know as consonants were sounded double as in 
"No" for the later N or G, and "Mb" for the later M or b, before 
they had been fully evolved, made out, and discreted into our 
single sounds. 

It is at this depth of rootage we have to seek for the reason why 
M and B, N and G, T and S (or K), K and F, 85c., became inter- 
changeable in later language, and we shall find it is because they are 
twin from the birth as aboriginal sounds, first uttered by one effort, 
which were afterwards evolved, divided, and distinguished as two distinct 
phonetics or letters in later language. 

The process here indicated is that of Nature herself elsewhere, one 
of dividing, discreting, and specializing on lines of variation from an 
original form of embroyonic unity. 

The "origin of language" itself is not a problem to be attacked 
and solved by philosophical speculations like that of Dr. Noire. 
However happy the guess or ingenious the generalisation, it can only 
be one of the many may-have-beens to which there is no end. To know 
anything with certitude we must go back the way we came, along a 
track that only the evolutionist is free to pursue and explore. 

248 The Natural Genesis. 

The formula — "No reason ivtthout speech; no speech ivithout reason;" 
or "without language no thought," is equal to saying "without clothes 
no man." We know now that the dumb think, 1 and that man had a 
gesture-language when he was otherwise dumb. 

Darwin's work on the Expression of the Emotions in Animals and 
Men, and Colonel Mallery's Contributions on the Sign-Languages of the 
North American Indians, are of more value here than all that has 
been written on the origin of language by philologists, philosophers, 
or metaphysicians. Speculations without the primary data can 
establish nothing; and these have never been collected and 
correlated by those who were evolutionists. 

We are now able to affirm on evidence that there have been con- 
tinuity and development from the first, in accordance with the laws 
of evolution, and that there was but one beginning for language, 
mythology, and symbolism, however numerous the missing 
intermediate forms of widely scattered the nearest links. 

Fortunately Nature is very careful of the type when it is once 
evolved. In truth she seems to stereotype. Nothing is entirely lost 
or altogether effaced. In various ways we are still the contemporaries 
of primitive man. The Red Indian and Black African still pound 
and eat the seeds of grasses for their bread, as did the savages 
before the cereals were cultivated for corn. 

The type of warfare that was founded when the monkeys first 
threw stones at each other has been continued ever since. It still 
dominates when the hundred-ton cannons hurl their ponderous 
shells. So it has been with other types, in gesture-language, in 
verbal speech and aboriginal sounds, in totemic customs, religious 
rites and primasval laws. There have been development and 
extension, but no one can point to entire re-beginnings. 

Unity of origin in language was only possible when the human 
intelligence was too limited to disagree and diverge; and the race 
was a mental herd making the same signs and sounds for ages on 
ages, without choice in the matter or desire to differ. The name of 
the Cock, for example, may be claimed to be self-conferred, and, 
according to the onomatopoeist, was so given and might be given at 
any time in any language or land. But this might be, this choice in 
the matter, if extendend, would let in a deluge of individual differ- 
ences which was not possible to a common origin. There could be 
no consensus of agreement if all mankind set up as conscious language- 
makers according to the principle of imitation or onomatopoeia. 
There was but one stage at which the principle could have wrought in 
the creation of language; that was at the commencement. 

The beginnings were not, as some writers on the subject would have 
us believe, like mere circles in the water or the air, which give their 

1 "Is Thought Possible without Language?" By Prof. Samuel Porter (of the 
National Deaf Mute College), Princeton Review, January, 1880. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 349 

impulsion and pass away. They are registered for us palpably as the 
rings in the oak, when we can once start from their centre. Many 
illustrations of this fact will be given, for it is the misfortune of my 
work that the thesis could not be substantiated or presented without 
a burdensome mass of verbal details. 

Considering that the human form was evolved out of or thrown off 
from antecedent forms, and that Man commenced as one link of the 
chain of being prolonged invisibly into the past; it may be assumed 
that for a vast period of time he was but slightly growing in advance 
of his immediate predecessors; and that the means and modes of 
expression previously extant, were shared by him and continued in 
his primary stock of sounds. We may be sure there was no such 
chasm in nature as is perceptible between them now. On looking 
back we see a great gap or gulf, and are apt to ask where is the bridge? 
or how did man suddenly leap the gulf? Whereas there was no 
sudden large leap any more than there was a vast chasm, at the 
time, to be leaped. Fresh points of departure were then so fine a 
to be imperceptible now. 

The cries of animals and birds constitute a limited language. 
The call of the partridge, the neighing of the horse, the low of 
the cow, the bleat of the lamb, the bark of the dog, are a current 
coinage of ascertained value, quotable for ever in their intercourse. 
These are understood and answered as the language of invitation and 
defiance, of want (or desire) and warning. That being so the cries 
are typical, and therefore on their way to becoming recognised as 
phonetic types. In fact they are recognised by the animals as 
phonetic types by which passions are expressed in sounds that evoke 
a kindred or responsive feeling, and this through a considerable range 
of manifestation. The cry of warning is well known in the rook's caw, the 
dog's bark, the monkey's chatter, when he utters the signal of danger 
to his fellows. The Cebus Azara of Paraguay is credited with utter- 
ing six different sounds, which are said to be capable of exciting 
corresponding emotions in its fellows of the same species. 1 

At least Man's predecessors uttered a languae of warning and want, 
as the expression of protecting power and the need of protection — the 
voices of Nurse and Child — in sounds of physical sense that could be 
transmitted or imitated. 

Man's earliest expression of gesture and sound was equally 
involuntary, or as we say, instinctive, and the first step toward the 
formulation of language was made when the natural interjections were 
consciously repeated on purpose to arrest attention. Conscious repetition 
of the same sound is the first visible phase in the morphology of Words. 
We can explain certain evolutionary processes without being able to 
tell how or why consciousness unfolded, or even what is consciousness. 

1 Faldherbe, Revue de Linguistique, 1875. 

250 The Natural Genesis. 

This, however, applies to the pre-human consciousness as well as to 
that of Man. 

Personally the present writer holds that the main difference 
betwixt Man and Monkey consists in the growing rapport of a more 
inner relationship of life with the conscious cause and source of life, of 
which Man himself becomes conscious, more or less, in the upward 
or inward course of his growth, as the child does of its mother; 
and that each form of animal life has its own particular relationship 
to life itelf, and carries its own abysmal light in the depths of its 
darkness, like the miner in the caverns of earth, or the Pyrosoma in 
unfathomed seas. 

That, however, is not the side of phenomena of experience with 
which we are here concerned. Nor would it avail those who do not 
postulate such a consciousness before or beyond (or becoming) the 
human. But, we have only to start from the mimesis and clicks of the 
Cynocephalus, and assume a slight increase of imitative power as a 
result of growth in man, to see how in presence of his deadly enemy the 
Snake, for example, he might utter his Sign of Warning in an imitative 
manner. As already said, the Cerastes Snake or Puff- Adder became 
the letter F; which was a Syllabic Fu and an Ideographic Fuf, our 
Puff. Fu (Eg.) denotes puffing, swelling, dilating, and becoming large, 
vast, and extended with breath. The Snake distended and "fu-fu'd," 
and thus made the sound that constituted its name. This sound would 
be repeated as the human note of warning, together with an imitative 
gesture enacting the Verb, or pourtraying the likeness of the thing 
signified by the sound, and such a representation made to eye and 
ear would belong to the very genesis of gesture-language. It would 
commence when the Ape thrust out its mouth, as it does, and fu-fu-ed 
or blew at the Snake; and when Man imitated this action with intent, 
the language consisted in the Man's becoming the living Ideograph of 
the Snake, — for this is the fundamental principle of gesture-language; 
and here we may take a furtive glance and catch a glimpse of Man's 
likeness to the monkey, jut as Harold Transome recognised the like- 
ness of his own face to that of his unknown father reflected sidewise 
in the mirror, i Naturally also when in conflict with each other or 
with their foes, the nascent race having command of sounds would 
try to imitate the puffing and hissing of Snakes, the yell of the 
Gorilla, the roar of the Lion, or the voice of Thunder, and thus turn 
their own terrors inside out to impose them on the enemy by means 
of representative noises, which have been more or less continued by 
the savage races and are still employed by them in battle. 

Dogs, horses, and other animals are known to be so affected by fear 
and terror, also by cold, that their hair will stand erect. Of course 
terror will turn to cold. This action was involuntary at first, but 
with the resulting growth of the arrectores pili or involuntary muscles, 

1 Felix Holt, by George Eliot. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 351 

came the means of erecting the hair, bristles or spines at will, with the 
intention of striking terror. 

The earliest natural manifestations that were produced independently 
of the will were afterwards turned to account and reproduced at will, 
when anger and heat took the place of fear and cold. So would it be 
with the voluntary production and development of the sounds that 
were at first involuntary. The earliest vocal igns ever made inten- 
tionally mut have had a likeness in sound to the thing visibly imaged, 
in order that the mental link of connection between Eye and Ear 
might be established; and the onomatopoeic duplication of sounds 
would correspond audibly to the objective representation of ideas with 
gesture-signs. Conscious repetition of the same sound by imitation 
would constitute the earliest application of mind (or even the sense 
of want) to the primary matter of language. At this stage the sound 
of "Tl-tf produced involuntarily by the nursling child, as a need of 
nature might have served the child of larger growth for thousands of 
years, as his sign in sound for food, eating, hunger, or as the 
invitation to eat, which is yet made by the nurse to her nursling in 
its own language, with the reduplicated lingual- dental click. 

Voluntary reproduction of the sound first made instinctively and 
involuntarily would constitute the earliest phase of language. Inten- 
tional reduplication which turned the "tut" of the child's smack into 
"tut-tut-tut" as a sign of the want that created the intent; or the 
puff-adder's "fuf into "fuf-fuf-fuf as a sound of warning would be 
the first creative act in the morphology of words. But such simple 
sounds as "tt-tt" "fuf-fuf "rur-rur" "mam-mam" may have 
existed and sufficed as means of audible expression for other 
thousands of years before two different consonantal sounds were con- 
sciously combined to form one word. 

When the sound of ka-ka was added to fu-fu and the resulting 
word kkf or kdf was evolved, then language in the modern sense was 
founded. We get the necessary glimpse of this earliest phase in the 
prevalence of the principle of duplication still manifest in the 
simplest and oldest of known languages and words. 

But one fundamental mistake made in applying the onomato- 
pcetic theory to language, is in supposing the primitive radicals 
of language to be words. Onomatopoetists like Canon Farrar and 
Hensleigh Wedgewood include words containing three different 
consonants, among those held to be copied on this principle. This 
shows no gauge of the problem, and leaves no room for the human 
evolution of sounds, without which their value could not have been 
sufficiently identified. When the magie, raven, or parrot has had its 
tongue cut, and been taught to utter two different consonants in one 
sound, it can speak. But the natural and involuntary sounds are 
single, or they are not consciously combined; and these were the 
only sounds that preceded human speech. 


The Natural Genesis. 

/Eons of terrible toil must have been spent in the evolution of the 
earliest human sounds into a vocal coinage, during which man was 
getting his lungs inflated and his "tongue cut" for talking; and when 
these were at length evolved, they had to be consciously combined 
and re-combined to form words before language could exist according 
to the present acceptation of the term. Sounds like fu-fu, ka-ka, and 
ru-ru were common to man and animal. But no earlier animal than 
man ever consciously combined two different consonants; and language 
points back to the time when man himself could only produce and 
duplicate the same sound to form his few words. 

We say the clock ticks each time the pendulum crosses; and it has 
been assumed that the word tick might be directly derived from the 
sound. But this tick is a word containing two different consonants, 
and not an onomatopoetic sound; that would be simple, like the 
nursery gick-gack, for the tick tick. Tek in Egyptian is a measure of 
time, and means to cross as does the pendulum in the tick of time. 
Tick is one with touch. The touch may make a sound or it may not; 
the tick or touch of the pulse does not. Thus the word tick is not the 
mere expression of the sound. 

The Shah of Persia laughed at the Tatar arrows that went "fer-fer." 
Here the seem to make the sound of ter or through as they tear 
through the air. But if the T and R had not already been combined 
in a word, the arrow would not have said "ter." The arrow is a ter 
by name. The hieroglyphic ter is a shoot or tree, and the shooting 
"ter" that pierced through of itself was earlier than shooting with 
the arrows that were named from the shoot, and had been so named 
in Inner Africa, where the arrow is called — 

Mere, in Matalan. Aturo, in Anfue. Adere, in Ashanti. 

other cutters through being — 

Dira, the Axe, Biafada. Daruma, the Sword, Landoma. Terang, the Knife, Mandenga. 

Doro ,, Kasm. Deremana ,, Solima. Oeslo, the Spear, Pepui. 

Doro ,, Yula. Deramai ,, Kisekise. Tiele, the Axe, Vei. 

Darba, the Sword, N'godsin. Direndi, the Knife, Murundo. 

In the hieroglyphic the Ram and the Goat are both named "Sa," 
and the onomatopoeist would derive the sound of Ba, directly from the 
animal Ba; and if a non-evolutionist he would not question the capacity 
of the human being to utter the sound "ba!" at any stage or time. 
But this could not be until man had evolved his labials or was able 
to bring his lips together. When it was first attempted to teach the 
Mohawks to pronounce works with P and B in them, they protested 
that it was too ridiculous to expect people to shut their mouths 
to speak. F is the Inner African prototype of P and B. B and 
P, says Koelle, are sounded like F, and are only employed in a few 
languages which possess no real f.i Fuf-fixt and fix-fix would thus 

1 Polyglotta Africana, Preface, p. vi. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 353 

precede the p and b of later languages. The hieroglyphics show us 
the Fa passing visibly into the Ba. Nef or Neb is represented by 
the snake (Fa), and the Ram (Ba); one sign combines both in a 
snake with a Ram's head! Read by the Cerastes, this would be Nef; 
by the Ram it would be Neb. 1 

In the Mohawk stage of development homo could not have imitated 
the "Ba." Nor is Ba the earliest form of the name. Ba is common 
as a worn down Inner African word. But the Ram is called — 

Mba-hina, in Mende. Pabea, in Kasm. Fob, in Balu. 

Pieba, in Koama. Pebea, in Yula. 

The Goat is named — 

Febi, in Banyun Mbea, in Kano. Membi, in Bagba. 

Bafui, in Limba. Mbe, in Eafen. Mampi and Mpi, in Pati. 

Mefi, in Nalu. Mbi, in Bayon. Momfu, in N'goala. 
Mbea, in Goburu. 

It seems evident that the Ba or "fa" was only uttered at first by 
aid of a purchase or leverage on the nasal M or Um, hence the well 
known "M/a" and "Mba," ba being a final deposit. The Ba (Eg.), is 
a type of the Breath which is Paba or Pefu, and these are inter- 
changeable with Mba and Mfu. It is commonly asserted that the 
dog says "Bow-wow," but that is a fallacy; no dog ever yet 
uttered the labial "B." It has also been said the the Egyptians 
and Chinese called the Cat Miau, a name that obviously would never 
have been applied to the Dog; the Miau being so evidently onoma- 
topoeic. Yet Miau is not limited to the Cat nor is that the earliest 
form of the word. Mmdu (Eg.), is a type name for the Beast; and 
this may be the Cat, Lion, or Lynx; the original Mau is Maf or 
Mmafu (Eg.), (whence Maft) and in Inner Africa the name of the 
Dog is — 

Mfu, in Pati. Mfa, in Babuma. Mvi, in Tumu. 

Mfut, in Kum. Mpfa, in Ntere. Mpua, in Melon. 

Mfo, in Balu. Mfo, in Murundo. Mboa, in Bumbete. 

Mvuo, in Bamom. Mfo, in Dsarawa. Mbo, in Isuwu. 
Mvo in Param. 

and numbers more. 

The word relates primarily to opening the mouth, which is named 
Mifiou Eregba; Mombo, in Murundo, a variant of Mfa; in the 
same language, for the dog. The mouth opens and divides in the two 
jaws when uttering the voice, and this same word is an Inner 
African type-name for Two, or Twain, as the Divided One. The 
wide-open mouth of the beast is the ideograph of the sound; as it is 
in Rur (Eg.), the name of the hippopotamus, which also means to 
round out, as did the open mouth of the monster. On the Gold 
Coast the King's Mouth, or Spokesman, is called his "Mouf"^ and 
in English the "Muff is originally the bad speaker. This will 

1 Champollion, Dictionnaire, 172. 

2 Captain Burton. 

254 The Natural Genesis. 

explain why Mbo in Bute, and Mupio, in Afudu signify the greedy, 
open-mouthed, and devouring one. 

Mve, bloody, Koro. Mbivayi, fierce, ferocious, Swahili. 

Mfa ,, Babuma. Miwiw, a thief, lb. 

Mbe, bad, evil, N'kele. Mayub, vicious, Hindi. 

Mbe, ,, ,, Bambara. Mapoya, a devil, Carib. 

Mfu, death, Swahili. Miffy, the devil, English. 

Mbi, evil, Zulu. Mauves, bad, evil, French Romance. 

Mofa, mocking grimace, Portuguese. Maufez, demons, French Romance. 

The Amakosas applied the same type-name to the gun, which 
they call "Umpu.'" This Um is designated a prefix, and it is applied to 
any new word that may be introduced into the Kafi"ir dialects, but it 
belongs primarily to a primitive mode of articulating sounds; and 
these sounds were the prefixes in the sense or precursors to all later 

The earliest utterance here belongs to the primitive mode of arti- 
culating; the type-word includes the Mau and Ba in one, and they 
were deposited as two separate names for the Cat and Ram in a later 
and more distinct stage of utterance. We have to derive the earliest 
words from the primitive mode of producing sounds, which is more 
or less extant, for this aboriginal Mfu or Mpu still survives in our 
interjectional "Umph" as well as in the name of the Dog itself, which 
is Amp in Ostiac and Emp in Vogul. 

The puff-adder could "fu-fu," the birds and frogs could "ka-ka," 
the thunder could Crack- Crack (or "kak-kak," as it must have been 
before the combination of if with Ru, and is so in the Maori Ngaeke), 
but man alone could combine his nasal and guttural in one sound, 
as "Ng," or turn his "f/m" and "Fuff into Mfix; two of the most 
important sonds, we may now say words, of the Inner African 
languages. It is unnecessary then to think of the pre-man as listen- 
ing round like a modern onomatopoeist, or a schoolboy, imitating 
all he could. Imitation of each other's voices or sounds is very rare 
in the animal world, the mocking-bird being almost alone. 

It is quite probable that no philologist nowadays would be able 
to make anything verbal out of the earliest articulated sounds that 
accompanied the gesture-signs of primitive man, such as the Clicks, 
for example; and yet, as the acorn potentially incloses the future 
forest, these aboriginal sounds contained the germs of all the voca- 
bularies extant. No natural sOund, however, has really been lost in 
the process of artificial development. 

Translators in trying to catch the exact expression of the "Ojf 
(Ashanti) name, have rendered it by nineteen different variants. 
The original African articulation here involved may be shown to 
indude the Ts, Teh, Tsh, Ts, Tk, Th, Ds, Dsh, Dz, Dk, Dj, and other 
sounds of some remote original that has descended and been modified 
on lines of variation. Koelle gives the sound of this Ds as that of 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


Ch in Church, but there are many racial nuances in the expression 
of it. The same variants are to a considerable extent found in Chinese. 
For instance, the old sounds of Cha are Tsa and Dak, and the variants 
of Cha and T'ak are Dso at Shanghai, Tsa, Chifu, and Tso, Canton. 
A variant of Chi is Tszi or Dszi; and Djak is a variant of Choh, just as 
it is in the Inner African dialects. In Egyptian it is represented by 
Tek, Tesh, or Tes. Many of the nineteen variants are extant in 
European phonetics, such as T, K, S, Sh, Ch, G, J, etc., which answer 
to the racial or other variations of the African phonology. Now the 
sound of a sneeze, when consciously copied, takes shape in some such 
utterance as Techu (ch, as in change), or Teshu. A child known to 
Hensleigh Wedgewood called his sister by the name of "Atchoo," on 
account of her sneezing. 1 

The American Indians represent the Sneeze by their "Haitsku," 
Atckiau, "Atchiui," etc.; and in the Inner African languages, the 
Sneeze, or to sneeze, is denoted by 

Tise, in Bute. 
Tiso, in Mandenga. 
Tiso, in Toronoka. 
Tiso, in Dsalukna. 
Tiso, in Kankanka. 
Tisoa, in Vei. 
Tiso, in Kisekise. 
Tiso, in Mende. 
Tise, in Mano. 
Tisewo, in Gio. 
Tiselu, in Wolof. 
Tiseou, in Gbese. 
Tisou, in Soso. 

Tisou, in Tumbuktu. 
Tiso, in Bagrmi. 
Tisam, in Dsarawa. 
Atusaa, in Kadzina. 
Ntiso, in Landoma. 
Tsatsiso, in Yala. 
Tsesm, in Timne. 
Dsizin, in Bulom, 
Dsisu, in Bambara. 
Dsia, in N'ki. 
Disa, in Kambali. 
Dsedsie, in Goali. 
Dsedsi, in Ebe. 

Dsidsi, in Nupe. 
Dzisle, in Pepel. 
Dsesse, in Ntere. 
Dsoase, in Babuma. 
Sase, in N'gola. 
Zezi, in Dsekiri. 
Sisa, in Igala. 
Esisiana, in Aro. 
Dsuna, in Momenya. 
Siani in Krebo. 
Sani, in Gbe. 
Suana, in Balu. 

Further, the Nose, the organ of sneezing, is named. 

Dsi, in Bayon. 
Dsui, in Nao. 
Atri, Param. 
Adsi, in Pati. 
Atse, in Bagba. 
Edsu, in Tumu. 
Etsoci, in Mbe. 
Aesi, in Opanda. 
Aseie, in Malali. 
Isuo, in Egbale. 

Iso, in Oloma. 
Asot, in Timne. 
Zakui, in Saldanha Bay. 
Tasot, in Baga. 
Tasut, in Landoma. 
Dsoti, in Momenya. 
Diodsu, in N'kele. 
Dsolu, in Undaza. 
Disolu, in Kasanda. 
Dizulu, in Nyombe. 

Disolu, in N'gola. 
Dizolu, in Kisama. 
Dshou, in Akurakura. 
Disunu, in Songo. 
Dsenegu, in Buduma. 
Idsiou, in Afudu. 
Esun, in Okam. 
Ndson, in N'ki. 
Nidsui, in Alege. 

The radical Tes (or Tsh) is employed in the Xosa Kaffir language 
to express the sound of whispering; tsu is to whisper softly. This 
continues the relationship of sound to breath exposed by the Sneeze. 

The same radical that is Inner African for the Nose, the Sneeze 
and for whispering may be detected in the name of the nose in the 
North American and other languages, as: — 

Tisk, in Hucco. 
Idst, in Attakapa. 
Tsee, in Apatsh. 
Tchaje, in Ottawa. 
Wutch, in Massachusetts. 

Ohtch-yuhsay, in Tuscarora. 
Wuschginqual, in Minsi. 
Ochali, in Shawni. 
Cuzhush, in Tekeenika. 
Intshin-ongeu, in Chimanos. 

Disan, in Mayoruna. 
Tsomo, in Upper Sacramento. 
Tusina, in Jakon. 
Uchichun, in Micmac. 
Fash, in Old Algonkin. 

Ottschasse, in Potowatami. Intchu, in Guinau. 

Dictionary of Etymology, Introd. p. 34. 

256 The Natural Genesis. 

If the principle of Onomatopceia be admitted at all in the formation 
of language we may claim that it applies to the natural genesis now 
suggested for this radical of sound by which the Sneeze named the 
Nose, or, as it were, supplied the Substantive to the involuntary Verb. 

This prolific primate was continued in the Egyptian Ses and Ssen 
i.e. Tses and Tssen, for breathing. Tes is the very self. Ses is 
breath; Sen, to breathe. Ziz (Assyrian) is inherent motion; Zis (Heb.), 
to flutter; Zis, the Rabbinical Bird of Breath or Soul; Zis (Unakwa), 
the Nose; Sisa, the Soul, Ashanti; Sus (Arabic), origin. These are 
all related, like the Sneeze, to the Soul of Breath. 

If we bear in mind the facts that the Breath, Sen (Eg.), is 
one of the Two Truths of Existence; that Senesh (Eg.) means to 
open, discover, to open of itself; that which is self- manifesting, self- 
revealing, and Senesh is the Sneeze in English; that the Sneeze is an 
involuntary emission of Breath in the form of Sound, and the Breath 
takes voice of itself in the Sneeze, there is nothing incredible in 
the suggestion that the Sneeze was one of the primasval factors of 

Sound or Voice was self-revealed in sneezing; whilst the rites and 
customs of sternutation prove that the Sneeze had a peculiar signifi- 
cance for the primitive Man, and that the character of a discoverer or 
revealer was assigned to it, or was self-conferred and continued by 
the self-articulating sound. Thus the Sneeze was one of the openers. 
It opened its passage by means of the Breath (Sen). The Spirit (or 
Breath) spoke in the Voice of a Sneeze. The Sneeze is expressed by 
the radical Teh or Dsh, as natural interjection to which the nasal 
terminal was added for determinative in forming the word Tchen or 
Dshen, as the name of that which opens of itself, discloses and makes 
apparent in Sound. Moreover in Chinese Tsai is a particle of excla- 
mation, which, as a word, signifies beginning, and Tsee or Tse is the 
Self and the likeness of the Self. 

The Sneeze translated by a compound Tenuis-spiritus-lenis of 
sound (although the description may be far too fine) would deposit 
this Ds, Tz, Tzh, Teh, Tsh, or Ch according to the variants of Sneezing 
and Prounouncing, on the way to becoming both T and S as does the 
Tes sign in the hieroglyphics. The Hebrew Daleth was sounded 
"Ds" or "Dz." The Hebrew letter S is likewise a Ts pronounced 
"Tza." The same sound survives in the Welsh Dzh for J. The 
Welsh Tisio or Tisho, to sneeze, is identical with the Inner African. 
But the word being already extant in the language of the Kymry, 
when they came, it would not have to be evolved onomatopoetically 
in Welsh. 

Professor Sayce has suggested that language began from the Sentence 
rather than the Word; and there is a sense in which this is true; but 
it was a sentence full of meaning not of syllables, such as can be 
conveyed by a gesture, a look, or a single sound. The sound of 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 357 

the Sneeze is rendered by the word Tes (Eg. Coptic Djas) and this 
word denotes a whole sentence, or so many words tied up, a case of 
words; and the self-revealing, self-defining, self-naming Sneeze, or 
the Click, the "Tut-tut," the puffing or hissing contained a sentence 
of words in one act, and one self-naming sound. 

In attempting to trace (or suggest) the development of pre-human 
sounds into verbal language it appears to me that one line of variation 
may be found in the growth of a conscious manipulation of the Breath. 
Conscious manipulation of the Breath lies at the origin of the Hot- 
tentot Clicks. Whereas the ordinary sounds of language are now 
made by the expulsion of the breath, the Clicks are produced on the 
opposite principle. 

The Clickers, qua Clickers, do not simply exhale their meaning in 
sound; they express it by the aid of inhalation; they first lay hold of 
the air and suck it in to turn it into articulated sound. The Breath is 
prepensely drawn for the Click to be articulated. They are Inspirates 
instead of Aspirates. For instance, we have three Aspirates, a 
guttural "c/i" as in the Scotch Loch; the "H" aspirate of the English 
and the aspirated "F' (peh) of the Gael. These three may be 
paralleled by three of the Hottentot clicks out of the four employed 
by the Namaquas, which are produced by a reversal of the process. 

While the anterior part of the tongue is engaged in articulating the Click the 
throat opens itself to pronounce any letter that may be sounded in combination 
with the click. In pronouncing the click simply by itself without any supple- 
mentary vowel or conconsant sound, the breath instead of being thrown out as is 
usual with other articulations of the voice, is checked or drawn inwaard, but as 
soon as it is combined with any other sound it is strongly emitted. It is difficult 
to speak the Namaqua fluently or intelligibly until the art has been acquired of 
clicking and aspirating without any perceptibel interception of the breath. 

We describe the four clicks which are heard in the Namaqua Hottentot by the 
characters c, v, q, x. 

C is a dental click; it is sounded by pressing the tip of the tongue against the 
front teeth of the upper jaw and then suddenly and forcibly withdrawing it. 

Visa palatal click, and is sounded by pressing the tip of the tongne, with as flat 
a surface as is possible, against the termination of the palate at the gums and 
removing it in the same manner as for C. 

Q is a cerebral click according to the alphabetical system of Lepsius. It is 
sounded by curling up the tip of the tongue against the roof of the palate, and 
withdrawing it in the same manner as during the articulation of the other clicks. 

X is either a lateral or a cerebral click; that is, it may be sounded either by 
placing the tongue against the side teeth or by covering it with the whole of the 
palate and producing the sound as far back in the palate as possible, either at what 
Lepsius calls the faucal or the guttural point of the palate. European learners 
almost invariably sound it as a lateral, and hence their articulation is harsh and 
foreign to the native ear. A Namaqua almost invarialby aritculates this click 
as a cerebral. 

The Consonants which can be combined with these clicks are h, k, g, kh, nA 

The Amaxosa Kaffirs employ three clicks which are "represented in writing by 
our letters C, Q, and X; the C being sounded by withdrawing the tongue sharply 
from the front teeth; the Q by doing the same from the roof of the mouth; and 
the X by drawing the breath in a peculiar way between the tongue and the side 
teeth. "4 

1 Tyndal, Namaqua Grammar. 2 Theal, Kaffir Folk-Lore. 

258 The Natural Genesis. 

This mode of making the Clicks implies a more consicous manipula- 
tion of the Breath for the express purpose of utterance, and shows us 
the Inhalers of Air and Expellers of Sound as intentionally at work 
in shaping the result as is the man who in whistling formulates a tune 
out of Breath, or the player who produces the Vowel-sounds from the 
Jew's harp. 

The first thing that the future speaker had to do was to get his 
lungs properly developed, by constant inflation, for the utterance of 
sounds. He was in a condition akin to but probably worse than that 
of the congenital Deaf-Mute. We see the experiment of the Dumb 
acquiring the faculty of Speech going on in our own day, and are 
shown the processes by which they are taught to articulate. The first 
lesson is that of blowing or expiration in order that the lungs may be 
fully expanded, and the child instructed to breathe properly. 

Padre Marchio says: "The breathing of deaf mutes is as a rule short 
and panting. The lungs have the double office of supplying oxygen to the 
blood and of furnishing breath — the material of the Voice. The lungs 
of the Deaf-Mute being used for only one of these purposes, are im- 
perfectly developed, and their functions performed in an abnormal 
manner. Hence their disposition to pulmonary disease." 

In the formation of syllables the pupils practise by repeating the 
same sounds, such as Pappa, poppo; etc. The word is formed, if 
possible, in view of the object, which the Padre calls "Language in 
presence of the Real."i 

The Hottentot's inhalation of air to produce the clicks may be 
compared with the habit of the toad, the puff-adder, and others, of 
specially inhaling air when angry to inflate and dilate the body and 
express their feeling in a rushing volume of sound; the eariy in- 
voluntary action being continued and repeated intentionally. But as 
nothing else in nature is known to produce one consonantal sound by 
inhalation and another by expulsion of the breath, and as such sounds 
as "Mfu" and "Nga" are produced by this double process, which 
combines a nasal and aspirate in the one case, and a nasal and 
guttural in the other, these words may possibly show us Homo in the 
position of making a nasal sound whilst drawing in his breath and 
combining it with a guttural aspirate in the expulsion of his breath, as 
a continuation of the mode by which he produced his clicks; this would 
yield compound sounds like Nga and Mfu. Now, suppooing this Mfu 
(or Mfa) to have been consciously continued as a sound produced by 
a double action of inhalation and expulsion of the breath, to be after- 
wards distinguished by the separate sounds of M and B, these would 
be numerically equal to the singular M and plural B of the numbers 
in language. Also the nasal is equivalent to in and the aspirate to out 
the Two Truths of the beginning. Moreover, M and N are universally 
interchangeable. In Maori, as in some of the African dialects, the M, 

1 "Ephphatha," Macmillan's Magazine, No. 276, p. 447. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 359 

N, and Ng interchange; and if we take the nasal N and guttural Ga 
in Nga or Ankh, to be the conscious result of the double action, we 
find the numerical value was continued in Ankh for the Duplicator, the 
duplicated, and to duplicate, and in Ankh the pair of Ears, or in Nakh 
the Testis. In certain Inner African languages the Bull is named 
from and second to the Cow, as 

Nan, Cow; Naba, Bull, in Koama. Ndko, Cow; Nako-ba, Bull, in Nupe. 

Anoko, Cow; Anoko-ba, Bull, in Basa. 

Ank, Nan, and N are interchangeable, and they especially denote 
the feminine first, the one that duplicates. The Ba is male and 
secondary. In Egypdan Nuba signifies the "All," which was com- 
bined in Sut-Nub. 

In the chapter on the Two Truths it was shown that Water was the 
first. Breath the second. Breath, pef (Eg.) or pujf, corresponds by 
name to No. 2 as Befe (Nki). In puffing we have another of the self- 
naming sounds like the Sneeze. This also is one or the prototypes 
in primordial onomatopoeia. What we term light and lightness being 
primarily called pujf or pef from the Breath, this becomes an archetypal 
word with several variants in the spelling and many applications of 
the name. Pe/will serve as a type-name for all breath-like and light 
things, elements, characters, qualities, actions, and modes of manifesta- 
tion in language generally. 

Countless light things may be found under this name. Papapa 
in Maori is the calabash, chaff, bran, moss, the shell of an egg. The 
Bubu, Zulu, is a puff or mushroom, also the down-feathers of birds. 
The Abebe Yoruba is a fan. Febe, Zulu, the light person, a harlot. 
Bebesa in Xosa is fibbing, or, as the Zulus say, "talking Wind"; it may 
also be called fabling. Babble is light speech. The Welsh Pabyr is 
the light thing, both as the rush and the rush candle. The Puff is a 
light tart; the Bap a light cake, and Pap is light food. Papa in 
Russian is bread. Bofa, Brescian, to puff and breathe. In Sanskrit 
Phuppu denotes panting, gasping, puffing; Pupphula, wind or flatu- 
lency; and Pupphusa is a name for the lungs. Edofofo in Yoruba 
denotes effervescence or irritability to such an extent that it means 
literally a Liver of Foam. Boffy (Eng.) to swell and puff; Bof is a 
name of quicklime. Paf (Eg.) for wind and breath, to fly, be light 
and puffy, will account for the naming of the thin fluttering tremulous 
flower, the Poppy; French Papou or pabeau, and for the Poplar-tree, 
Latin Populus and German Pappel, the tree of light, fluttering, 
palpitating leaves. This root enters into the names of fluttering 
wing-like motion as in the Bavarian Poppeln, to move to and fro, and 
Pfopfem to palpitate; pq^(Eng.) to run fast, popple to bubble. Yeast 
dumplings, which are very light, are, in this sense, termed "Pop- 


The Natural Genesis. 

In Kanuri (Inner African) bellows are the Bubute, and in Ife 
smoke is named Efifi. Smoking the pipe is accompanied by puffing. 
The fife, pipe, pibroch, and the Algonkin Pib are blown with the 
breath. The Pub is a blow-tube used by the Indian bird-hunters of 
Yucatan; the Bobo, Xosa, a blow- tube. A light leaf called a Pepe 
in Maori is blown to attract birds by imitating their sounds. The 
act of piping is also called pepe. The blown bladder was a kind of 
Bauble. The pap, bubby and the bubbly-jock (turkey-cock) are so 
named from their swelling- up. Fuf (fa, Eg.), Bubi, in Vei, is to puff 
or swell in pregnancy; or to puff and swell the sail. Beb (Eg,) is to 
exhale, as in the bubble. In Zulu Pupama is to boil and bubble; 
Pupu, Tupi, to boil up; Pupu, Maori, to boil up and bubble. In 
English Fob is froth, fuf is to blow; Bub, in Scotch, is a gust of 
wind. The Buffie is a vent-hole in a cask. To bauffe is to belch; 
pupa, Maori, to eructate; Piphi is wind in Bantik; Afufa, Galla, to 
blow; Fufai, Magyar, to blow; puput, Malay, and puba. Quiche, to 
blow. Vivi, in Vei, is the tornado or hurricaine of wind. Also Vovo 
denotes the lungs or lights as one of the blowers. The Toad is the 
Bufo in Latin and Bufa in Magyar, as puffer and blower. 

Pape or Ppat (Eg.) means to fly. The Ppat or Pat are the 
flyers as fowls. Pep or Pe/ being the breath, wind, a gust of air; this 
was the first flyer, the means of flight, and the winged things were 
named after it. Pepe in Maori is the Moth; Bebe in Fiji; the Papilio 
in Latin is the butterfly. Ni-pupa, Makua, is the wing; Bubi, 
Malay, the feathers; pubes denotes the human feather or hair. Baba, 
in Xosa Kaffir, is to flutter as a bird, whence Babama, to swell and 
flutter in feeling. 

The Butterfly was an early type of the Soul of Breath. The Karens 
of Burmah call a man's soul his "Leip-pya" (Leip-p^a) or his butterfly, 
which is supposed to wander away when he is sick, and to need catch- 
ing or hunting back into his body again. In Xosa Kaffir, Pupu is 
the name of the hairy caterpillar, and Pupa is a dream and to dream, 
which is significant in relation to the soul. Pabo (Eg.) is a soul; Pepo, 
Swahili, a spirit or sprite; Phepo (Inner African), a ghost; Popo, 
Esthonian, Bubus, Magyar; Bobaw, Limousin; Bubach, Welsh, is a 
spirit or ghost; Pefumto, Kaffir, the soul; Beba, Zulu, to inspire the 
soul; as in Pepe (Eg.) to engender; soul and breath being synonymous. 
Bube is breath or wind in Galla; Pefu (Xosa) to take breath. 

Mifofi, is I breathe, inTimbo. 
Mifofi „ „ Salum. 

Emifofta ,, ,, Kano. 

Mefotah „ 

Me fCdsafuike, is I breathe, in Bute. 
Me pfulu ,, ,, Mutsaya. 

Mufutu ,, ,, Bode. 

This brings us to the human puffer or inspirer of the breath of life, 
the Paba (Eg.); Pabo, Welsh, as the parent, the Papa and Baba of 
various languages already quoted. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


The Mouth as an organ of breathing is the — 

Bebe, in Okuloma. Bebe, in Udso. Fati, in Limba. 

Pfova, is to speak, in Nyombe. Pobia, is to speak, in Pangela. 

Out of Africa the Mouth is — 

Fafa, in Marquesas. 
Fafahi, in Wokan. 

Opebe, in Carib. 
Aph, in Hebrew. 

Baba, in Malo. Baba in Bissayau. 

Buddah, in Sow. Bibig, in Tagala. 

Bubbah, in Suntah. Vava in Malagasi. 

The Nose, another organ of Breath, is the- 

Biba, in Ebe. Pfuna, in Bulanda. 

Epfoa, in Gugu. Bubuna, in Dalla. 

Epiila, in Matatan. 

The Belly, or Navel-type of Breath, in Inner Africa is — 

Pop, Ham. Efu, Igala. Apfok, Param. 

Pobob, Pepel. Em^, Sobo. Pfumu, Musentandu. 

Pipai, Kanyop. Pfam, Balu. Pfumu, Nyombe. 

Pfuru, Mano. Apfom, Papiah. Fubum, Mbe. 
Ofofoni, Anfue. 

Fuba, the bosom in Zulu, and Vovo, in Vei, for the Lights or Lungs, 
identify other of the puffers or breathers by name. 

The "Bubby" or female Breast is a type of swelling and dilating 
with life: this is named the — 

Bobei, in N'ki. 
Bebe, in Gugu. 
Bebe, in Puka. 
Beive, in Musu. 

Ebe, in Esitako. 
Pebr, in Padsade. 
Ube, in Yasgua. 

Fafa, in Tumbuktu. 
Efle and Evie, in Sobo. 
Fufou, in Dosi. 

With several other Inner African variants. 
The Breather or Puffer as the Frog is the — 

Fabu, in Kano. Oafob, in Yasgua. Efol, in Filham. 

Faburu, in Salum. Mpfuie, in Bute. Obopal, in Bola. 

Faburu, in Goburu. Afodo, Legba. 

A prominent type of the light aerial thing is the Butterfly, the Bebe in 
Fiji, and Pepe in Maori, Papillon in French. This in Inner Africa 
is the — 

Pepeli, in Undaza. 
Ipepe, in Yala. 
Bifefeg, in Anan. 
Efafareg, in Penin. 
Avievie, in Egbele. 
Uba, in Dsuku. 

The Spider is an 

Papatane, in Nyamban. 
Napapa in Kupa. 
Dopopehe, in Puka. 
Numpapa, in Basa. 
Kumpapa, in Ebe. 
Fle-biba, in Ibu. 

Inner African type on 

Sibebe, in Opanda. 
Mafefirin, in Nalu. 
Ghabaliho, in Anfue. 
Alan-bebe, in Yagba. 
Efuranfu, in Mbofon. 
Epfurungangu, in Grungu. 

account of its light 

suspended filmy web; this is the — 

Bubi, in Basunde. 
Bube, in Mimboma. 
Ibubu, in Kabenda. 

Applied to Light itself, or Pef (Eg.) as the rising dilating day, the 
Inner African languages show — 

Efifi, for Day, in Akurukuru. 
Efifie ,, Abuadsa. 


Ufo and Uvo 



Ofafa, New Moon, in Yasgua. 
Ofe-ofefa , , Akurakura. 





The Natural Genesis. 

Puf, the light, is a chief type-name for White, as the light, in 
Inner Africa. 

Fefe, White, Dsekiri. 

Ofufu, White, Ife 

Apowa, White 






Mpupa "1 
Apup 1 " 



, Ashanti. 

m \ 

Ifob i 



, Egba. 

Ka-pup ,, 



, Yagba. 






, Eki. 


, Param. 






, Murundo. 

Efifie, Day, 



, Idsesa. 


, Undaza. 



Ofufu ^ 
Ofu j 

, Popo 






, Baseke. 

Ufo 1 
Uvo J 



, Yoruba. 




, Oworo. 

(Bup-al, is 

Pipe-clay in the Ja-jow-er-ong 

dialect, Australia.) 

Tubabo, in Kabunga. 
Tibabu, in Toronka. 
Tibabu, in Dsalunka. 
TibauJU, in Bambara. 

It is applied to the White Man as 

Babo and Obabo, in Banyun. Nambabu, in Bola. 

La-Bubulie, in Goali (Bubuli Nimbabu, in Pepel. 

being white). [/rufaafcu, in Padsade. 

Nababo, in Kanyop. Tibabu, in Mandengu. 

In a large number of other African languages Babu is reduced to 
Obu, or some modified form. This is one of several type-words 
that will show us why we should go to Inner Africa for the birthplace 
of Roots, Names, Words, Sounds, and therefore of Speech. The true 
roots show that the duplication of the consonants was primary, and the 
single consonant, with the accented vowel as in pd, is a reduced form. 
In Egyptian Pepe, whence Ppat, to fly, wears down to dp and pd, to 
fly, also for the fly and beetle. But pepe or faf is primary. With 
the B sound instead of P we have the full form of Pap, to fly, in 
the Leicestershire "Biblin," for a young bird nearly fledged. 

The archetype here is the Breath, Wind, Air, or Soul, which 
correlates with the other types of light and lightness that come under 
the prototypal name, and shows at the same time why the Butterfly 
and Moth are called Souls, and why a man's Soul should be called his 
Butterfly, on account of the system of homtypes and the naming 
of many things in accordance with the archetypal idea. The Mantis, 
Ntane, in Zulu, is literally the Child of Heaven, i.e. as one of the 
winged things of the air. Ntanta in Xosa means to float or swim. 

In Inner Africa the Calabash is equivalent to our Puff by name. It 
is the 

Pepe, in Mampu. Apepe, in Timne. Epfue, in Gugu. 

Pepe, in Bulom. 
Apepe, in Baga. 

as the round, dilating, light kind of thing. This too, was a type of 
the Soul, as well as Bird and Butterfly, and when the African Mother 
begins to dilate with the forthcoming life she carries a Calabash in 
her arms as a token of the Pupa (chrysalis) ; or nurses one after her 

1 To this rootage the writer could trace the Egyptian word db, white, which is 
an earlier fab. Also the Bethuck, Wobee; Cree, Wabisca; Ojibwa, Wawbishkaw; 
Old Algonkin, Wabi; Micmac, Wabeck; Sheshatapoosh, Wakpou; Passama- 
guoddy, Wapio, the type-name for white. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 363 

child's death, as her puppet, the type of her lost little one; and this 
Pepe, Bebe, or Babe, was continued by name in the round Bubu-heads, 
nine of which were worn in the collar of Isis during gestation. The 
Babe, Pupa, and Puppet, are three of the homotypes by name.i 

In Italian the Pupa or Puppa is the child's baby or puppet, the 
Pup or Puppy, as little one; English Poppet, a puppet; idol, darling. 
The Dutch Pop is the cocoon or case of the caterpillar, and also 
denotes the puppet, doll, and baby. 

The African languages show us the stage at which the whole of the 
Light things and things of Light could be indicated by one word 
or the sound of the breath expelled in a puff to accompany the 
ideographic gesture-signs which delineated the things or thoughts 
intended. The words are all correlative according to one type, and a 
principle previously identified with the second of Two Truths. Nor 
can there be any difficulty in connecting an archetypal idea of 
Pef fiif with its expression in sound. The human being at any 
stage eructated, panted, and broke wind. The wind itself as puf 
made the sound of puf as it puffed. But the serpent-type impinges 
more definitely than these, and its fu-fu-ing was perhaps more likely 
to evoke the consciousness of a connection between the thing and sound 
of puff . The serpent or snake in Toda is the Pab, pavu in old Cana- 
rese. We also have the name in the Pu^-adder. In Wadai it is 
Debib; in Biafada Wab; in N'ki, efi; in Koro, BHa. But in Inner 
Africa the name was generally worn down to Ewa, Iwa, Ewo or 
Uwa, from Fufa. The Egyptians continued it under two names. Thus 
the serpent Bata, the soul of the earth, is from a reduced form, like 
the Zulu Futa, to puff, blow, breath venom, as the snake. 
But the hieroglyphic pu^adder is the Cerastes snake. This was an 

1 It was suggested at an earlier stage that the name of the butterfly might be 
derived from Put (Eg.), the type, and ter, entire or perfect; but the writer is now 
convinced that the butterfly is a corrupt form of Boder-fly, or the French Bouter, to 
bud or put forth, as the tree does in spring. Bud or bode is our representative 
of put (Eg.). Bode is a name of the Beetle, as the Sharn-bode for the Dung- 
beetle, and the Wool- bode for the hairy caterpillar. This Bode is the probably 
original for the Boder-ily, whence the Butter-fly. BoDE means living, a Message, 
an Omen; Boded is fated; the Boder, a Messenger, equivalent to Putar (Eg.) to 
show, discover, explain, reveal. The Butterfly, as a messenger of time, was a type 
of transformation, an image fo the Soul, a Boder or foreboder of the future life. 
The Boder is equivalent to Beetle. In Devon the Black Beetle is called a Bete. 
In Egypt the Beetle was a type of Putdk, the opener; puth meaning to open. We 
have the Pote, as an instrument for opening, still made use of by thatchers. Also 
the Chicken is called a Beedy. The Tadpole, another type of transformation, is a 
Pode, whence the Puddock or Frog. The Bete, Pode, Bode, and Boder-fly, were 
Messengers to man of a life beyond the preent tadpole or chrysalis condition, 
hence the Moths and Butterflies were called Souls, and the Lady-bird (i.e.. Bode] 
is a form of the living, foretelling, and pre-figuring bode or Put (Eg.) 

A lowly form of the Bode survives in the Louse called Biddy, and if one is found 
on clean linen it is a sure messenger of sickness or death in the family. Thus, by 
means of the Types, we hope to get back to the mental region of the Thinkers in 
Things, and attain a foothold beyond that of the Philosophizers in Words. The 
Irish divinity called the Crom Cruach, said to signify the "Bloody Maggot," was 
probably connected with this type. Crom, i.e. Crobh, is a form of the Grub that 
transforms into the Boderfly. 


The Natural Genesis. 

ideographic fuf; a syllable Fu and their sole phonetic F which became 
the Phoenician, Greek, and English letter F. 

The snake was a type of speech, and "1 speak" is "1 puff," in the 
Inner African. 

I Fof, in Timne. Nda Pobia, in Pangela. Pfova, in Nyombe. 

A F6, in Bulom. 

In the present instance the links are all complete from the first 
archetypal idea, through the various Homotypes and correlates, to 
the finad phonetic in the snake as the palpable image of the sound 
and visible sign of "fufu" or puffing; and as an expression begin- 
ning with a mere utterance of the wind and of breath Pef (Eg.), 
puff, fiiff, or fufu, we have in this one word or sound the interjection, 
the verb and adverb, substantive and adjective of later language, these 
parts of speech being really contained in true nature of phenomena and 
modes of manifestation. Breath or breathing anger was also repre- 
sented by the Great Ape as one of the Seven Elementary Types in 

We have now to make what will look like a wide digression. The 
Mother and Water have been compared under one name (Momo); but 
the old Mother, the Great or Grandmother, has also the same Inner 
African type-name as Darkness. She is 

Koko, Grandmother, Ebe. 

Koku, Grandmother, Pangela. 

Kaga , 

, Kanuri. 


, Songo. 


, Karekare. 


, Nyamban. 


, N'godsin. 


, Kandin. 


, Doai. 


, Tumbuktu. 


, Basa. 


, Housa. 


, Kabenda. 


, Kadzina. 


, Mbamba. 




, Kanyika. 


, Kambali. 


, Mutsaya. 


, Undaze. 

Kaga , 

, Babumba. 


, Ekamtulufu 

Kugu , 

, Kasanda. 


, Mimboma. 

The last but one contains a type-name [Nana) which permutes in 
these languages with the Mama. The last is equivalent to the Mama 
Cocha of the Peruvians, who was worshipped as the Mother- Sea or 
genitrix of the water, like Tiamat and Typhon. Very probably how- 
ever the type-names of the Mother as Kaka and Nana were both 
deposits from the Inner African primitive "Nga-Nag." But Kaka as 
the old first one, furnishes a type name for No. i, which is 

Q'kui, or Q'qui, in Hottentot. Quigne, in Arucanan. 

Akakilenyi, in Bambarra. 
Kokko, in Adampi. 
Chig, in Tibetan. 
Chik, in Hor. 
Koak, in Chemmesyau. 
Gikk, in Gipsy of Norway. 
Caca, in Tagal. 
Meea-chchee, in Omaha. 
Jung-Kikkh, in Win eb ago. 
Pey-Gik, in Old Algonkin. 
Quen-Chique, in Bayano. 

Kuc, or Hue, in Quicha. 

Chassah, in Arapaho. 

Chas, in Lifu. 

Cheos, in Hueco. 

Tchika, Fenua and Gelaio, New 

Dysyk, in Kamkatkan. 
Dschyk, in Tanguhti. 
Tzikai, in MallicoUo. 
Atuu-chik, in Kuskutshewak. 
Atten-ack, in Labrador. 

Atta-skeh, in Tshuktshi Nos. 

Atta-shhk, in Eskimo. 

Yoho, in Isuwu. 

Yik, in Canton. 

Jok, in Tater. 

Yak, in Deer. 

Yak, in Persian. 

Yak, in Biluch. 

Yok, in Pakhya. 

Yks, in Fan. 

Yks, in Esthonian. 

Juksy, in Karelian. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


Juksi, in Olonets. 
Yaguit, in Vilela. 
Wakol, in Wiradurei. 
Wakol, in Lake Macquarie. 
Wikte, in Sekumne. 
Ikht, in Watlala. 
Ektoi, in Kirata. 
Akt, in Lap. 
Akhad, in Arabic. 
Koddy, in Begharmi, 
Akhet, in Khari. 
Kadu, in Pwo. 
Kifa, in Buduma. 
Gudio, in Doai. 
Kede, in Bagrimi. 
Kado, in Afudu. 
Kudem, in Legba. 
Kudum, in Kaure. 
Kudom, in Kiamba. 
Ogba, in Egbele. 

Ogu, in Oloma. 

Guih, in Teruque. 

Chhi, in Newar. 

Kaki, in Sandwich Islands. 

Ka, in Sunwar. 

Cha, in Tablung. 

Ogy, in Ostiak. 

Egy, in Magyar. 

3cko, in Gonga. 

i/cfca, in Kaffir. 

Eko, in Ashanti. 

Gd, in Timbo. 

Goo, in Goburo. 

Gdo, in Kano. 

Eoko, in Murundo. 

A/co, in Abor. 

Eking, in Tayung. 

E/c, in Kurbat. 

E/c, in Duman. 

E/c, in Hindi. 

E/c, in Darahi. 

E/c, in Kuswar. 

E/c, in Kooch. 

Ak, in Gadi. 

E/co, in Uriya. 

Ak, in Kashmir. 

E/c, in Singhalese. 

E/c, in Shina. 

Ik, in Tirhai. 

E/ca, in Sanskrit. 

Yo, in Western Pushtu. 

Aoh, in Keltic. 

Owe, in Caribisi. 

Ai (First), in Siamese. 

/, in Arniya. 

/, in Kashkari. 

/, in Lughman. 

/, in Pashai. 

The I one; the A i the Ego and Ich, are deposits from an original 
Kak, Ka-ka, or Nga-Nga, no initial vowel being a primary in very 
ancient language. 

Also as the Numbers one and five both meet in the hand, it follows 
that the Number 5 will be found to range under a type-name of 
Number i. Thus Number 5 is. 

Kakoa, in Mandan Indian. 
Chickhocat, in Crow. 
Huck, in Yangaro. 
Chak, in Joboka. 
Chahgkie, in Creek. 

Gag-em, in Inbark. 
Geigyam, in Assan. 
Hkagai, in Kamacintzi. 
Kega, in Kot. 
Cuig, in Irish. 

Cuig, in Scotch. 
Queig, in Manks. 
Wuku, in Gyami. 
Huba, in Gonga. 
Huka, in Kaffa. 

In English to be left-handed is to be if ec/c- handed, Gau/c-handed, 
or Gau^/c-handed. This is the French Gauche, for the left. And in 
the Inner African languages the left, inner, or female hand is 

Koko, in Bidsogo. 
An-koko, in Wun. 
Ekaka, in Undaza. 

Kekai, in Mutsaya. 
Ebe, in Babuma. 
Yekui, in Soso. 

Ngeya, in Landoro. 
Lekaka, in Orungu. 
Yonbo kake, in Limba. 

Now that which was first in phenomena became the negative to 
that which was second, or following, in the naming. Darkness was the 
first, and it is the negation of Light. Water was first, and it is 
negative in relation to Breath. The left hand was first reckoned on, 
and it is the negative hand. The Mother was first, and she becomes 
secondary to the Male. The hinder part was first, as place of birth 
applied to the Female and to the North, which is negative to the 
South, as front. 

The earliest races like the Kamilaroi tribes of Australia, are the 
"Noes," because they date from the female first. Coca means "No" 
in the language of the Tapuya tribe of Brazil, and their name of the 
Coca-Tapuya signifies the No-people, or those who date from the 
Mother, the Water, the Negation, the Darkness which they came out 
of, just as Enti (Eg.) for primal existence means "out of." 


The Natural Genesis. 

Thus the Mama, Mumu, or Momo name was applied to negative or 
inarticulate speech; to Mumming, to Silence, and the Dead; Mum, 
English, to be silent or to make indistinct sounds instead of speaking; 
Malen, to mutter; Momata, Zulu, to just move the mouth or lips; 
Omumo, Tahitian, to murmur; Mued, Greek, to initiate into the 
mysteries; Mom.o, Tahitian, to be silent; Mem, Quichua; to be mute; 
Mumu, Vei, to be deaf and dumb; Imamu, Mpongwe, to be dumb. 
The Mum in Egyptian is the dead, the Mummy, the negative image 
of life, and the Mam, or Mamsie (a Scotch tumulus), was the burial- 
place of the Mum, the silent dead.i 

This shows how that which was primary in time became subsidiary, 
secondary, or negative in status. Further it has to be seen how 
Darkness was the first devourer, adversary, opponent, recognised, 
typified as the Akhakh, or Nakak monster. Kak (Eg.), Gig (Akka- 
dian) is Darkness, the Shadow of the Night, a name of the Black 
One, and Inner Africa is the primasval home of the Kakadasmon 
who, as Kakios, was the stealer of the cows which he had dragged 
into his cave, when Hercules forced his way into the monster's den 
and, in spite of the flame and smoke which Kakios vomited, over- 
came him and rescued the cattle and recovered the rest of the stolen 

The Akhakh monster is the Devil of Darkness typified, and 

Gigilen, is the Devil, in Dsarawa. 
Kogiivu ,, ,, Gurma. 

Kokuru „ „ Guresa. 

Kokia, is the Devil, in Kasm. 
Igue ,, ,, Isoama. 

Gungunou ,, ,, Dosi. 

Another form of the Devourer is the Alligator (or Crcodile). 
is the 


Egugu, in Ondo. 
Agogu, in Egbira-Hima. 

Agiyi, in Isiele. 
Aksli, in Mbofia. 

and other dialects. 

The Scorpion, another type, is the 

Ngko, in Baseke. 
Nakale, in Ebe. 

Kak, in Mfut. 
Akeke, in Yoruba. 
Gigaya, in Krebo, &c. 


Khei-khai, is to darken, in Namaqua. Gije, is Night, in Osmanli. 

Nyakok, in Kiriman. 

Akao, Hippopatamus in Aku- 

NkiXe, in Bagba. 
Ngekoa, in Landoro. 

Okuku, is Night, 

in Aku. 


, Kemay. 



Kwaiekh , 

, Kowelitsk. 



Kache , 

, Jakon. 

Uchochilo ,, 


Coucoui , 


Kak 1 
Ukhakh j " 



, Crow Indian. 

Weechawa , 

, Catawba. 




, Basque. 



1 "Mum." There is a drink called Mum, or Mum-beer, in England; a non- 
spiritous liquor. This sense of spritless is also found in the German Merrdne, 
for a coward. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 367 

Night and Black are likewise synonymous, and 

Kugbeto, is Black in Legba Kabola, is Black Poison {Coculus indicus), 

Kegbado ,, Kiamba. Sanskrit. Also one of the hells. 

Kugbadyo ,, Kaure. Cods, is Black Current, in French. 

Gwigive ,, Ihewe. Caoch, is Blind, Void, Empty, in Gaelic. 

Koko, Black Money, in Kisama. Uchukula, is to fear, in Makua. 

, r Black Hole of \. Chouk ,, Walach. 

\ the under-world, j ' Houge, is to feel horror and shrink from the 

Cockmun, is Black Fish, in Victoria (Aust.). Darkness, in English. 

Chuch, is Black Ant, in Harari. Cocgio, is to delude and trick, Kymric. 

Akakha, is Black, in Maya. Kake, is to steal, in Vei. 

Nikuku, is the Crow, Makua. Kike, is to sleep, in Veil. 

Kak ,, Toda. Ukhakh, is to watch, in Egyptian. 

Kaka ,, Sanskrit. Gacha, is a watch, or Sentinel, in Languedoc. 
Waugh, is the Raven or Crow, Yarra (Aust.). A-kucha, is Morning, in Ude. 

These are all related to the Night and Darness. 

This name far Darkness, the Shadow and Blackness, is also applied 
to Coal as the Inner African type-name for the Black thing. 

Geki, is Coal, in Papiah. Kakue, is Coal, in Wun. Igoigo, is Smoke, in Bini. 

Kikemu ,, Bayon. Kokatera ,, Koro. Egoigo ,, Ihewe. 

The same radical supplies the name for the Gigim (Akkad) the 
night fiends, and for the giant as the Gigas. Another form of the 
Typhonian monster in Africa, is the moving desert sand. This comes 
under the same type-name, it is — 

Gagei and Gaghvag, in N'Godsin. Kigen, in Bode. Nyieke, in Mahi. 

Kikulu, in Kono. Nyeke, in Hwida. Cooach, in Victoria, Aust. 

Chicana, or Dsikana, in Nupe. Nyeke, in Dahome. 

Various other co-types of the inimical and opposing condition or 
thing might be adduced under the one word, as — 

Cac, Evil, Irish. Kabaki, To carry off by stealth, Maori. 

Kakos, Vile, Bad, Greek. Gaga, Poisonous, Fijian. 

Kaki, a Wicked Man, Mantshu Tarter. Keke, Disease, Fijian. 

Gygu, Grim-looking, Welsh. Kocchu, Itch, Scab, Sanskrit. 

Chukia, to abhor, Swahili. Chakaivi, Ringworm, Hindi. 

Chakha-chakhi, Discord, Hindi. Ququ, Stench, Fetor, Zulu. 

Chukki, Fraud, Deceit, Hindi. Cod, to starve, Quichua. 

Cog, and Gag, to lie, English. Ghyuch, Death, Turkish. 

_ , fa Bad, False, Dis- 1 ., , 

Cacaphone { , . », . t French. 

[ cordant Note. J 

All that is inimical, bad, dark, opposite or appalling in phenomena 
may be found under this name. Hence that which is bitter is — 

Gaga, Fijian. Khako, Tibetan. Gakha, Bodo. 

Khika, East Nepaul. Khakha, Dhimal. Haikio, Finnic. 

Khaco, Magar. 

Now the first teacher of the Adult was Terror, and the earliest 
pupil was Fear. This teacher became Kak (Eg.) the God of Darkness, 
born of the Dark and named from it; the Black Fetish, known to 
various languages by this name. Kuku or Ocucu is the Black 
Spirit of many African tribes. This was Ukko, the Finnic god of 
fire and darkness, whose voice is the thunder. Fire or lightning is 
Kako in Kaffa; Caigha, Namaqua Hottentot; Koko, Legba; Chek, 
Uraon; Chaki, Paioconeca; Kakk, Maya and many more. Chaka, 
the "fire-brand" was the name of Cetchwayo's uncle. Uchacha, 

268 The Natural Genesis. 

in Makua, is savage, fierce, furious. The Finns call a thunderstorm 
an Ukko or Ukkonen, just as the Inner Africans called it a Kaka 
or Kak-Kak by imitating the sound with a very guttural voice. 
The noise of cracking is represented in the Galla language by 
Cakak, the C standing for a click of the tongue, and Cakak Djeda 
to say Kak is to crack; Kek (Eg,), Khakha, Ude, to break. 

Heigh-heigh is a sound of astonishment made with protruded lips 
by the Negroes on the West Coast of Africa, when it thunders. 
Kakulo, Zulu, signifies greatly, hugely monstrous. 

In the Maori Ngaeke denotes the sound of cracking, splitting, and 
rending, which applies to thunder. And in Quichua the lightning 
spark is Ccachachacha; whilst CCaniy is thunder, and a CCaccaccahay 
is a thunderstorm. The Thunderer was personified by the Sioux 
as the giant, Haokah. Hoa-Haka-nana-Ia, was a Polynesian 
form of the giant or thunderer. And as Kak, or Ukko, the 
black god of darkness, the Thunderer, the vast voice in Heaven 
(which was also represented by the Chachal or Jackal) is one of the 
Seven Elementary Powers that were typified and brought on as gods, 
there would be nothing improbable in suggesting that the earliest 
formulation of the Onomatopoetic Kak Kak or Kaka may have been 
in imitation of the voice of darkness (Kak) and lightning, the Thun- 
der. There are various Kak-ers and acts, or modes of Kaking or 
Ka-ing, but thunder was loudest and most impressive, and this was 
one of the Seven types that were divinised as children of the most 
ancient genitrix. 

The Dark was the great first obstruction and visible form of 
Negation. The Serpent of Darkness coiled and contracted round, 
restrained, hindered, imprisoned, constricted and throttled, and — 

Chuch, is a contraction, in Welsh. Cagg, or Gag, is to bind, in English. 

Chhuko, to grasp, in Vayu. Gaga, prisoner, in Fiji. 

Cuig, a circle, round, in Irish. Gak, is a prison, in Amoy. 

Chug, a ring, in Arabic. Kakoi, to enclose, shut in, bind round, in 

Khakh, a collar, in Egyptian. Japanese. 

Coko, is to tie, fasten round, in Fiji. Kuku, is to hold, constrain, in Fiji. 

Cacht, is a straight, narrow, confined place, in Kek, is negation, no, not, in English Gipsy. 

Irish. Kek, is boundary, in Eskimo. 

Chhek, is to constrict, tie a slip-knot, in Amoy. Kakhya, an enclosure, Sanskrit. 

Kak as the Darkness and the Devourer is that which obstructs and 
stops or chokes, and — 

Cegio, is to choke, in Welsh. Ciko, is a woman's word for a stopper. 

Choke, is to put a stop to in English. in Zulu. 

Xaxa, is to obstruct, in Xosa. Kakoi, to enclose, shut in, bind round, in 

Xaxe, is an obstruction, that which checks Japanese. 

and imedes, in Xosa. Coccare, to move with a click of concus- 

sion, in Italian. 

This sound of concussion is represented by Khekh (Eg.) to repulse, 
return (as in sound) , Welsh Cicio, to kick. Gike and Chick in English 
are to click, crack, or creak. It is the noise of striking, as was the 
voice of thunder. That which is struck Khekh's back again. Choc in 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


French, Chack in Scotch, and Kakka, Norse, for striking together, 
denote the check, shock, or Khekh of concussion, the voice of the blow. 
Whaka-ifi/d (Maori) to make Kiki, is to incite, instigate, urge on as is 
done with the click and whip, the Egyptian Khi-Khi, in which the 
sound names its producer as the Whip. 

The acts of chuckling, giggling, kicking (or other mode of contact) 
are self- named by this word or sound. The monkey and the rabbit 
strike the earth with the foot and produce a ific/c-sound. With the 
rabbit this is a signal that is understood, and constitutes a call to 
come out. It is used both in courting and as a challenge to fight. 
Sheep also stamp on the ground furiously when a fight is going on, 
and the kick and Khekh-sound are synonymous. Here the Khekh 
reaches back to the gesture-language of animals. 

The West Indian negroes make a rattle with seeds placed in a dried 
bladder. This is called a Chack-Chack. So the Inner African natural 
rattle, the Calabash, is named the — 

Koko, in Akua. Gukonje, in Banyun. Uko, in Bini. 

Kika, in Marawi. Kagudu, in Bidsogo. Kiki, is a gourd, in Egyptian. 

Kekanda, in Bola. Yika, in Kiamba. 

This is the Koku, in Bribri, Costa Rica. 

There are various self-named Kak-ers. 

Captain Burton, speaking of the African dialects, has remarked 
that "The childish form of human languages delights in imitative 
words, as Koklo, a Cackler, or fowl." ^ Because they have retained 
the primitive childishness. 

The Cock, or Cackler, undoubtedly named itself in Africa 
is the 


Okoko, in Abadsa. 
Okokoko, in Mbofia. 
Okokulo, in Opanda. 
Okokuro, in Igu. 
Koko, in Kra. 
Kokulosu, in Adampe. 
Kokulotsu, in Anfue. 
Kokulosu, in Hwida. 
Kokulosu, in Dahome. 
Kokulo-su, in Mahi. 
Kokoro, in Egbira-Hima. 

This is also the name of the Hen, as 

Kugoi, in Buduma. 
Akiko, in Idsesa. 
Akuko, in Yoruba. 
Akiko, in Yagba. 
Akiko, in Eki. 
Akiko, in Dsumu. 
Akiko, in Oworo. 
Akiko, in Dsebu. 
Akiko, in Ife. 
Akiko, in Ondo. 
Akoko, in Dsekiri. 

Akukoro, in Basa. 
Akika, in Anan. 
Ekuok, in Yangua. 
Kogurot, in Bulanda. 
Kokunini, in Ashanti. 
Kocorok, in Penin. 
Nkek, in Pati. 
Kikouja, in N'goala. 
Nuan-kog, in Mbofon. 
Ndun-kog, in Eafan. 

Ogok, in Bola. 
Ugok, in Sarar. 
Ogoka, in Pepei. 
Ugog, in Kanyop. 
Kokulo, in Adampe. 
Kokulo, in Anfue. 
Kokulo, in Hwida. 
Kokuro, in Dahome. 
Kokulo, in Mahi. 

Kokuro, in Gurma. 
Okoko, in Ishama. 
Okoko, in Isiele. 
Okoko, in Abadsa. 
Okoko, in Aro. 
Okoko, in Mbofa. 
Okoko, in Bini. 
Okoko, in Ihewe. 
Kaguiou, in Buduma. 

Koki, in Maori, is to "Sing early in the morning," as did the Cackler. 
This applies to both Cock and Hen, but the likelihood is that the 

1 Dahome, vol. ii. p. 76. 

Kugui, in Kanuri. 
N'kok, in Ekamtulufu. 
N'kog, in Udom. 
N'kog, in Mbofon. 
N'kog, in Eafen. 
Kuku, in Xosa. 
N'kuku, in Marawi. 
Koku, in Nyamban. 
Kugala, in Mandara. 

270 The Natural Genesis. 

Hen was named first, or rather imitated first, because her clucking 
announced that she had laid the Egg. Hence the Egg has the same 
name; this is 

Koko, in Basque. Kuko, in Magyar. Goggy, in Craven, Yorks. 

Coco, in Old French. Kok, in Tablung Naga. Gagkelein, in Bavarian. 

Cucco, in Italian. 

The Egg has the same name as the Fowl in Inner Africa, but chiefly 
in words more reduced. 

N'heke, in Bidsogo. Eke, in Ibewe. Agoci, in N'godsin. 

N'kege, in Wun. Akua, in Isama. Goai, in Dosi. 

Kogba, in Koro. Akua, in Abadsa. Eko, in Orungu. 

Ege, in Afudu. Akua, in Aro. Ekie, in N'goten. 

Ege, in Igala. Ikoko, in Sobo. Eki, in Melon. 

Ekua, in Isiele. Agie, in Igu. Aki, in NTialmoe — 
Ekua, in Mbofia. 

and various other abraded forms. Here it is obvious the cry was 
repeated as the name for the Egg, or Goggy, because the idea of food 
would be a primary. Kaka (Eg.) means to eat and masticate. The 
Gege, in Zulu, is a Devourer, a greedy-guts. 

The "Xoxo," or Koko, in Xosa Kaffir is a large Frog or toad. 
The name expresses the croaking of the frog or frogs. "1 Xoxcf is 
a confused, general, or frog-like conversation. 

Quack is the language of the Duck. 

Kao-/cao, of the goose, Chinese. Akoka ,, Ibo. 

Xa/c, the goose of Seb, Egyptian. Kuku ,, Zulu, 

Kaka, to cackle, Egyptian. Ku-kuk ,, Malay. 

Keke, to quack, Maori. Kokoratz, to cluck as a hen, Basque. 

Gagkeneu, to cough, also cluck like a hen, Kokot, clucking of a hen, Servian. 

Bavarian. Kakulla, to cackle, Turkish. 

Ku/c-/co, to crow. Fin KaKKaeiv, ,, Greek. 

Kukuta ,, Sanskrit. Kakaloti, to chatter, Lithuanic. 

Koklo, to crow, Yoruba. Kukhu-Vach, a deer, Sanskrit. 

A radical like this Kaka keeps its primitive status in later 
language, and tells of its lowly origin in various ways. 

Cach is a primitive form of utterance in provincial EngHsh, as is 
Kakaista, to vomit or evacuate, in Finnic; Kika, Zulu, a discharge; 
utterance being manifold. 

The Maori have a chorus in which they imitate the "Akh-Akh" 
or "Kak-kakT of the carpenter at work. The Egyptian, Kak-akk; 
Coptic, Kep-KE?; Xosa, Ceketa, mean to work as a carpenter. 

Akah (Eg.) is the Axe or Adze — the first form of which is the 
Thunder- Axe. 

Ako-Ako, Maori, is the voice of splitting open. 

Chacha in the Aino dialect is to saw; Chhak, Chinese, to work with 
a chisel. 

The Australian Aborigines have a sort of old women's chorus or 
friendly salutation consisting of a "Kaw-kaw-kah-kah-kauf This is 
consecrated to those who are the "Kakas," or old women, as grand- 
mothers, in the Inner African languages. 

Kiuka, Australian, is to laugh. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


Kaka-kaka is to keep on laughing loud, Dayak. 

Gigiteka, to giggle, Galla. 

Gigiteka, to shake with laughter, Xosa. 

Gig, giggle, and giglet are forms of the same onomatopoetic original. 

Akhekh, in Egyptian, signifies to articulate, and the earliest articu- 
lation was expressed by this name. 

Chacambi, in Mantshu, is to talk in such an obscure way as not to 
be understood. 

Gigken, in Bavarian, and Ktij, in Sanskrit, mean to make inarticulate 

Gag, in English and other languages, denotes inarticulate noises 
made in trying to speak. To utter or gabble is 

Ekuka, to speak, Aro. 

Ekuoku ,, Abadsa. 

Ekuoku ,, Mbofia. 

Chich, voice of grief, lamentation, Irish. 

Gagei, in Breton. 

Gigagen, to bray as an ass, Swedish. 

Gagack, stuttering, Gaelic. 

Gaggen, incoherent speech, indistinct articu- 
lation, Swiss. 

Gaggyn, to strain by the throat in guttural 
utterance. Prom. Parvulorum. 

Kakkaset, utter and stammer. Lap. 

Koggalema, stutter, Esthonian. 

Kikna gasp or choke, Swedish. 

Chichila, voice of boiling water according to 
certain Buddhist mysteries. 

Keku, speech, Maori. 

Kaka, to say, Akkadian. 

Kiko, oratory and eloquence, Xosa. 

Kuoku, to speak, Isiele. 

Kagh, voice of mourning, Persian. 

Kokuo, wail and cry, Greek. 

Keke, be beside oneself with grief, Maori. 

Kuk, loud lamentation, Hindustani. 

Kukli, howl and cry, Lithuanic. 

Gagga, to mock, Icelandic. 

Goic, scoff and taunt, Irish. 

Geek, derision, English. 

Kekas, abuse, Greek. 

K'ok, to cough, Chinese. 

Keiche , , German 

Khakh, to clear the throat, Amoy. 

Now, if the Ape-Man could not chuckle or giggle he was compelled 
to Cough, i.e., Khekh, and so produce this prototypal sound in the 
involuntary stage. Moreover, we find the Cough was included with 
the Sneeze as a. sign of spirit-presence. This may be seen in 
Sir Thomas Brown's version of the story about the King of Mono- 
motapa, in Vulgar Errors. The Cough is still employed like the 
"Hem" to call attention without using words. "1 coughed to call 
his attention," said a Coast-guard in a recent law case. The name of 
the Cough is identical with that of the Gullet, which is 

Khekh, Egyptian. 
Kobi, throat, Maori. 

Cog, throat, Welsh. Goggle, to swallow, English. 

Geagl (whence gullet), English. 

This is Inner African, where 

N'kog is the Gullet 


Okokuturi, the Gullet, Egbele. Khekh, the Gullet, Egyptian 

Gurgut ,, 


Ekogwe ,, Igu. Ugo ,, Dsebu. 

Goglwe ,, 


N'gogula ,, Kanuri. i<'ogfce, the Throat, Koro. 



N'gaguido ,, Kanem. Kokore ,, Mose. 

Ugogo ,, 


Okoruo ,, Okam. Okuku, the Mouth, Aku. 

Kokorawo ,, 


The Cough 

itself is 

Inner African under this name, as the 

Kuoka, in Yala. 

Kokuara, in Aro. Kuokusi, in Parani. 

Kuko, in Igala 

Akukuara, in Mbofia. Kokule, in Kra — 

Kokuara, in Isiele. 

with the worn-down forms, Wuko, (Aku dialects), Uko, Kut, and 


The Natural Genesis. 

The Cough issued from the Throat, and has the same name. It 
was the spontaneous utterance of obstruction, constriction, and choking. 
Here we find a natural genesis for the sound that was produced 
involuntarily, but which is continued in language as the type-word 
for all forms of obstruction or repulsion and their involuntary voice. 

In accordance with Kaka being the type-name for that which was 
first as Darkness, or the Old Mother [Koka, in Maori; Caca, 
Japanese) , and for the Number i we may look on this as a primordial 

The language of "Kak," so to speak — for the time was when a very 
few sounds constituted the sum- total of human utterance — is 
yet extant in the guttural Ka-ka-ing of the Australians at the 
southern side of the world, and at the other in the "Ugh," or 
"Ugga" of the north; the Caca of the English nursery; Finnic, 
aakka; French, Caca; Mantshu, Kaka; English, Gag. "Kaka" 
might be still further followed. 

Kaka (Eg.) is to eat, masticate, swallow, or devour (English, Chew- 
chew); and Kak denotes the Devourer in various forms and lan- 
guages. Ugede describes a Greenland woman as expressing her 
sense of supreme pleasure by drawing in a very long breath or air 
and ending at the bottom of her throat with a great guttural smack 
of satisfaction [cf. the Egyptian Smakhakh, to rejoice), as the primitive 
Click, or "Kak" of gustative delight. This action and sound cor- 
respond to the Quichua Ccochuy for pleasure, and the interjection of 
pleasure called "Ha-chach-allay;" the Maori Koa-Koa, to be joyful, 
and the Gippsland Koki, a sound (smack) of pleasure. 

The language of "Kaka" includes the kiss; Sanskrit Kuch; 
Gothic, Kukian; German Kussen; English, Kiss. The kiss utters 
the sound of contact; the Click or Cluck of the Copula. 

Cache, to go, English. 
Kuug, to go together, Chinese. 
Kokku, copulatio, Tamul. 
Kika ,, Zulu. 

Jeka, to strike home, Zulu. 

Kuc, to connect, mix, go, sound, Sanskrit. 

Cic, movement in concert, Welsh. 

Kiss, concussion with sound, English. 

It is noticeable that Pkhkha (Eg.), to stretch and divide, has the 
sign k 51 for determinative, which supplies the Khetan, Etruscan, 
Umbrian, and other forms of the k or letter K. The hieroglyphic 
shows the sign of breaking in two, which the K or KK conveys in 
sound to the ear. Thus the visible action becomes audible, and the 
word pkhkh or fekh (Eg.), to break open, — ^which may apply to various 
modes — is the vach or voice of the self-naming action. With this we 
might compare the stories told of Kak or Ukko, the Thunderer, 
and his mode of Khak-ing. i 

Nga is the earlier form of Ka, and Nga-Nga of Ka-Ka. Thus the 

1 Thunder in Finnic is also called Jymj; Jym, Zyranian; Jom, Mordvin; Juma, 
Tsherimis. This is Jum in English for knocking; and Jumme is Futuere. The Voice 
of Thunder was a supreme expression of power. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 373 

Click and Crack is Ngueke in Maori, and the "Ka-ka," of the Austra- 
lian natives is also "Nga-Nga." With both, "Nga" denotes fetching 
breath. In Gipps Land "Nga-anga" is breath, and to breathe. 
Nga-a-a-a-a-h, with the H strongly aspirated, is a cry of the Aus- 
tralian Aborigines, used to arrest attention. "Ng-ng-ng-ng" is a 
sort of prolonged grunting, expressive of satisfaction and pleasure. 
Possibly the Goddess Vach would have to be consulted in her 
mystical Oraculum for the most primitive human phase of the kk, 
uk, or /c-sound, which became lingual in nga-nga and kaka. 

In the Kk, or Click, whether sounded with a nasal utterance or not, 
we find another radical by which some human action first named 
itself in making the involuntaty sound, whether in eating, coughing, 
or the click of copula or contact; another utterance of an act of 
nature, like the "Tut-tut" of sucking; or the "Fuf-fuf of blowing 
with the breath, and the "Tishu-tishu" of sneezing. 

R was called the Dog's Letter [litera canina) by the Romans, and 
is referred to as such by the Elizabethan dramatists. The dog makes 
the sound or R-r-r-r when snarling and showing its teeth or open 
mouth. Ari, Fin, Hirrio, Latin, is to snarl like a dog. Herr, Hyrr, 
Welsh, is to Incite a dog in its own language. In the hieroglyphics 
the mouth <:^ is the Ru or Lu sign, and in the Inner African 
languages the Mouth, Tongue, and Throat are named from this 
radical in the duplicative stage. For example, 

Luru, the Throat, Legba. Olulo, the Gullet, Isoama. Torolo, the Gullet, Babuma. 

Leor ,, Dselana. Lilon ,, Bayon. Ularua ) ,, , 

rr, , T-. T , 1., ,^ > ;> Mandara. 

Ulolo ,, Basa. Lelon ,, Momenya Yle j 

The Ululant type of words found in Irish, Latin, and Greek, the 
Polynesian Lololoa, Zulu, Halala; Dacotah, Hi-le-li-lah; Allelu, 
Lullaby, and many others may here be recognized. 

The Tongue is also named 

LiliuA, in Ekamtulufu. Lilim, in Mutsaya. Orlala, in Ukuafi. 

Leliwi, in Udom. Lilime, in Muntu. Rale, or Ale, in Igu & Opandi. 

LU, or Ro, in Isoama, Isiele, Lirume, in Marawi. Halla, in Fazogla. 

Abadsa, Aro, Mbofia. Lelimi, in Undaza. Lillo, in Accrah. 

Lelim, in Babuma. Irale, in Egbira-Himi. Lilla, in Adampe. 

In Sanskrit Lai means playing with the tongue, to loll it, move it 
hither and thither, to dart it forth amorously, fiercely or savagely. 

Llaana is the Tongue; Lalantika a Lizard or Chameleon; Lela- 
yamana, one of the Seven Tongues of Fire; Lalat is the Dog. Lill, 
in English, is to loll out the tongue, which is called a Lolliker. Rara, 
in Maori, is to make a continual sound, to roar; Riro is the Intensive 
form. Riri denotes anger, to be angry, hence to roar. Rorea is the 
rearing roaring Bore, or high tide. Ruru is to shake and quake. 
Ru is the earthquake. 

Lila, to lament and moura, Xosa. Lola, to lull asleep, Udo. 

Lloliaiv, prattle to a child, Kymric. Lollen, to tattle, Dutch. 

Lalle, babble to a child, Danish. Lalein, to speak, German. 

274 The Natural Genesis. 

Rire, in French is the Laugh, of to laugh, and this is Inner 
African, as 

Rere, Laugh, Gbese. Reri, Laugh, Yagba. Lela, Laugh, N'gola. 

Reri ,, Aku. Lori ,, Eki. Elela ,, Lubalo. 

Reri ,, Egba. Ran ,, Dsumu. Loa ,, Songo. 

Reli ,, Yoruba. Reri ,, Ife. 

Many kinds of utterance are called by variants of one name, which, 
in this case, is extended even to writing in the Assyrian Rilu. 
Earlier than the verb forms were the names of the organ as Tongue 
and Gullet in Africa. Also to "Tongue" in gesture-language was 
prior to verbal speech. 

Protruding and lolling out the tongue is employed as a universal 
sign of repulsion, contempt, or hatred. Dr. Tylor says he is not clear 
why this should be so.i But it is simply a case of reversion to an 
earlier type of expression. Signs were made with the tongue in 
gesture-language before the time of verbal speech. The tongue was 
used according to the feeling which sought expression by that member. 
The Australian expresses "No" by throwing back the head, and 
thrusting out the tongue. Negation is one form of repelling, and the 
earliest mode of repulsing is reverted to as most repellent and 
effective. That which served to typify when there were no other 
means of expression still serves as symbol for that which transcends 
all verbal expression, and when the choke of feeling is too strong for 
words, the tendency is to take to gesture-language and enact it 
whether by thrusting out the tongue, the foot, or the fist. 

The loud-crier, the Roarer, the rapacious beast, is a "Runf in 
Sanskrit. The dog also is a Ruru; and this is a name of one of 
the Seven Rishis, who correspond to the Seven Taas (Eg.). Seven 
tongues of speech. Seven notes in music. Seven vowels, and there- 
fore Seven primitive sounds, out of which the vowels were finally 
evolved. The Sanskrit Ril is to roar, howl, bellow, yelp, bray, 
shriek, shout, wail. Roruya, to howl or roar very much, and Roroti, 
to yell and roar and bellow loudly, are intensive forms of what is 
considered the root. But the intensive was primary at an earlier 
stage; the earliest words being made by duplication of the same 
sound. This is shown by Ru, as in the Latin i?u-mour which indi- 
cates the full value to be Rru (Rr), as it is in the hieroglyphics. 

The dog is one of the animals that utter the "Rer-rer," which 
deposited the letter r in language. But a far more potent claimant 
for the r or "Rur" sound is the hippopotamus. This is named 
"Rur," or, with the feminine terminal, Rurit. Rur is written "=?, or 
double-mouth. The horizon is likewise the Ruru, or dual mouth. 
The female was a Ruru, or double mouth, as the Lioness- Goddess 
Pehti, one of the Roarers. If we apply this to the roar of the hip- 
popotamus, she is the double-mouth of sound. Raro, in Maori, is the 
north, the mouth of the abyss, and Rurit typified that mouth (or 

1 Tylor, Early History. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


uterus) as Goddess of the North, the Roarer who came up from the 
waters. She is usually pourtrayed with the tongue lolling out of her 
mouth. Her name of Tep is also that of the tongue, and she is 
designated the "Living Word," because she was the first Utterer-forth 
in heaven above and the abyss beneath. And the roar she made 
with her vast mouth reverberated for ever through all the realms of 
human speech. The dog (or jackal) was her son, and he too rursout 
her special letter, the phonetic R, the mystical Sanskrit Lri, which, 
according to Monier Willians, is one of those things that "have 
apparently no signification.'" But, if they had not, we may be sure 
they would not have been so faithfully preserved. 

Tge Maoris attribute the gift of language to the Old Mother, Wha- 
Ruri or Whu-Ruruhi, whose name denotes the old woman that revealed 
or disclosed; and her name also corresponds to that of 
Ruri{t), or Urt, in Egypt; Lri, in India, and Ri (Ishtar) in Akkad, 
the Old First Mother of all things, including language. 

The sounds of "Kak-kak," "Fuf-fuf," "Tut-tut," "Rur-rur," "Tshu- 
Tshu," "Nen-nen," were rudimentary gutturals, aspirates. Unguals, 
dentals, palatals, and nasals, from the first, produced by the gullet, 
lips, tongue, teeth, and nose; and these "parts of speech" would be 
first distinguished by the organ of utterance. This is shown by 
gesture-language, when the tongue is touched as a sign of taste or 
distaste, and the nose as the sign of smell. The organs can be more 
or less identified with their especial sounds. There are Seven, as the 
gullet (gutturals), tongue (Unguals), palate (palatals), teeth (dentals), 
lips (labials), nose (nasals), and breath (aspirates), the names of which 
were self-conferred by the nature of their action. Thus the Throat 
was the Kak-er; the Nose, Smeller; the Mouth, Puffer; the Tongue, 
Taster, from the first, and the gesture is the visible link between the 
organ and the name of the particular sound which it produced. The 
Tooth has the same name in English that language, utterance, tongue, 
the Utterer, have in the Egyptian Tut. 

The various members of the human body extant as hieroglyphic 
signs are so many illustrations of gesture-language which show us 
how the primitive man drew on and from himself. The human body 
supplied the following syllables and phonetics to the Egyptian signs: 

Api or A, the head. 

At and Ankh, the ear. 

Ar and An, the eye. 

Bak, the phallus. 

Ba, the soul of breath. 

Bu, the leg. 

Her or H, the human face. 

Hem or H, the mons veneris. 

Hu, the tooth-sign of the adult. 

Hat, the heart, abode of life. 

Kha, vagina sign. 

Ku, two arms uplifted. 

Ka, a knee-cap. 

Kaf, Fa, or A, the single arm. 

Mut or M, phallus. 

Ma, an eye. 

Nen or N, a pair of arms held down. 

Ru, the mouth. 

Tobu, a finger. 

Tet or T, female breast. 

Tat, phallus. 

276 The Natural Genesis. 

In the hieroglyphics the Nostrils are named Sherui. Sher is to 
breathe, and to breathe is synonymous with joy and to rejoice (Sheri). 
Sher-Sher, or breathe-breathe, is the plural for joys. Fu (fut) signifies 
dilation and dilatation; Fu being ardour; Fua, life. These are like- 
wise related to the breath. Fu is especially indicative of a bad smell, 
of ordure and impurity (futi) , which therefore may be held to account 
for one type-name of the Nose. This, in Africa, is — 

Efu, in Yasgua. Epofa, in Gugu. Pfuna, in Bulanda. 

Pua, in Swahili. Ebua, in Puka. Puno, in Kiriman. 

Aifoa, in Esitako. Ipula, in Meto. Puno, in Marawi. 

Eboa, in Musu. Bibo, in Ebe. 

Out of Africa the Nose is named — 

Pahoo, Mandan. Fuiya, in Chanta. Evi, in Sapibocomi. 

Pau, in Osage. Puiya, in Kaikha. Pi, in Mandarin. 

Pah-hah, in Winebago. Phiya, in Kamas. PH., in Canton. 

Pah, in Omaha. Puiyas, in Tawgi. Pi-chi, in Cape York. 

Apah, in Minetari. Puiyea, in Yurak. Pe-chi, in Massied. 
Peh, in Tsherkess. 

The Tongue is the hieroglyphic symbol of Taste. But it is equally 
the organ of distaste, and in Sanskrit, "Thut," which corresponds to 
Tut (Eg.) for the Tongue, means to spit; and the word represents the 
osund made in spitting. Tutua, in Tahitian, also signifies to spit. 
Spitting or "Thut"-ing is an involuntary mode of expression that 
was continued from the pre-human stage, as an intended utterance. 
Spitting is a universal mode of expressing disgust, repulsion, and 
repugnance. Leichardt describes the native Australians as inter- 
rupting their speeches by spitting and uttering a pooh-poohing sort of 
noise, apparently denoting disgust. With the Malays of Malacca the 
expression of disgust "answers to spitting from the mouth.'" ^ Spitting 
was a Greek sign of aversion and contempt, and to spit was to 
condemn. 2 In Lincolnshire the people believe in a ghost or sprite 
known as the "Spittal Hill Tut.'" The Muzunga exclaims "Tuh- 
Tuh," and spits with disgust on the ground. 3 Tuh, like Tut, in 
Egyptian, signifies to tell; it also denotes an evil or bad kind of 
speech, and spitting was a mode of telling their disgust. Tutu and 
Tuh-tuh are in the duplicative stage. In Tuf (Eg.) to spit, the 
Galla Tufa, English Tuff, Chilian Tuventun, to make Tuv, or to 
spit, the Tut is worn down and recombined with another consonant. 
The English exclamation of disgust used for repudiating or rebuking, 
as "Tut-tut," answers to the spitting of the less civilized, and it re- 
translates the act into that verbal sound which was first derived from 
the act. 

Tut, or Thut, to spit, then, is a most primitive mode of utterance; 
the lowly status of which is reflected in later language under the 
same type-word as Tad, English, excrement; Tutae, Maori, dung. 
In vulgar English a more excrementious exclamation takes the 

1 Darwin, Emotions, ch. ii. 2 Scholiast, Sophocles, Antigone, v. 666. 

3 Burton, Lake Regions, vol. ii. p. 246. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 377 

place of "tut." The lowly status of Tut (Eg.) for speech or utterance 
is continued in — 

Titi, to stammer, Egyptian. Totte, to whisper, English. 

Teet, and Tatel, to stammer, English. Toot, to whine and cry, lb. 

Totario, to stammer, Portuguese. Teet, the least little word or sound, lb. 

Tottem, to stammer, German. Titter, suppressed laughter, lb. 

Tot, to mutter, murmer, or whisper, Norse. 

Tetea, in Maori, is to strike the teeth. Tatu, to strike home, reach 
bottom. Dudu, Asyrian, and Tata, Egyptian, are to go rapidly, as 
the tongue may be moved in making the round of "Tut-tut-tut." 
Tata in Zulu expresses the impatiance of desire. 

Impatience is also expressed in nursery language by the "tut-tuf 
of the tongue producing a click. 1 

The element of negation finally expressed in one form by the letter 
N, may have originated in repelling a nasty smelt by inhalation with 
the nasal sound and expulsion with the guttural which formed the 
primate Nka, that deposited an N or K. The N is a Nun in the hiero- 
glyphics and Nin in Hebrew. These represent an African type-name 
for the Nose itself, which is 

Nini, in Okuloma. Nnui, in Eafen. Nukutu, in Bushman. 

Nine, in Udso. 

This is the name of the Nose in the Lap and Finnic languages, as 

Njuone, in Lap. Ninna, in Esthonian. Nena, in Karelian. 

Nyena, in Fin. Nena, in Vod. Nena, in Olonetz — 

and also occurs as 

Unan, in Willamet. 

Water, however, is a type of Negation, and the first of the "Two 
Truths" corresponding to the Mother and Night; Nun (Eg.) is the 
primordial water, also the Inundation; and in Chinese Non means the 
sound of water among stones, signifying Anger. Here the Nun, or Nnu, 
our No, is the voice of water; and running water is the ideograph of 
negation, of No and Not. An Esthonian legend tells how language 
was derived from the sounds uttered by the boiling and bubbling of 

These primitive radicals or aboriginal sounds are in the ideographic 
stage which preceded the syllabic and phonetic phases, and which 
alone reaches the point where the bridge has to be built that will con- 
nect the earliest imitation and utterance of sounds with formulated 

If some Seven such can be identified and are found to be universal 
they will give an intelligible account of the origin of language in the 

1 One of the most curious relations to language as Tut (Eg.) is illustrated by 
the Daemon Tutiuillus who is supposed to collect all the Words that are indistinctly 
uttered by the priests in the performance of religious services. These abortions 
of speech he carries of to Hell, which is also the Tut by name in Egyptian. — 
Townley Mysteries, pp. 310-319; Piers Ploughman, p. 547. 

278 The Natural Genesis. 

primordial Onomatopceia. The "Kak-kah^ is still continued in the 
click stage of sounds as well as in the cough by the vulgar with occult 
significance; the Jiifu-ing or faffing with the breath, in snake-like 
inflation and figure of repulsion, survives in the various modes of 
Pu-pu-ing or Pooh-pooh-ing, including the action whereby the feeling 
is uttered or evacuated in spitting out the sound. When a child is 
called the "spit of his father," it is in the language of evacuation. 
Spit is a name for spawn. 

The rer-ring, arre-arre-ing, huUilooing still exists in the frequen- 
tative "Ara-araf of the Maori, or the "Arree-arree" of the Pelew 
Islanders; /Ethiopic "Hur-hur;" the Norse, "Hurrar;" Hebrew 
"Allelujah;" Red Indian, "Ha-le-lu;" Tibetan "Alala;" Inner African, 
"Lulttloo;" Coptic "Heloli;" Irish, "Hooro;" English, "Hey-loly," 
and "Hurrah.'" 

The "Mum-Mum," although not among the earliest sounds as a 
labial may have been as a nasal; this was continued as a Mystery 
in Mum-ming. The nasal of Negation has become the universal 
No, Na, Nen, or None; and the name of the Ninny. 

Like the primitive customs and weapons, the Totemic and mythical 
types, words and sounds show the same survival of the past in the 
present, and add their evidence for unity of origin and the truth of 
the doctrine of Development. 

Articulate utterance in Man was preceded by the semi-articulate, and 
non-articulate; by clicks and puffs; guttural and nasal sounds; by mere 
audible and visible signs, all of which were pre-verbal. Yet such 
sounds must have been definite enough to express definite ideas before 
words existed, because they continue to do so after language is per- 
fected. And when later language fails to utter the passion we still 
revert to our primitives of expression. The full heart that silently 
overflows in tears; the sigh of love; the moan of misery; the snarl 
that lifts the lip all a-quiver to show the Canine tooth; the laugh of 
delight, the click of the wanton, 1 are more eloquent and make a pro- 
founder appeal even than verbal utterance. These are as intensely 
concentrative in act as language is widely expansive in words. The 
impatient one has recourse to his "Tut-tut," for "don't tell me," and 
the nurse to her "tut-tut," for "so nice," by which she makes the 
child's mouth water. One "pahs," and another "pooh-poohs," with 
disgust; the vulgar thrust out the tongue or tell you something or 
other is not to be sneezes at; the he at the street corner hems, or 
makes his guttural click to the she who passes by; or the savage 
within breaks out still more ignobly and nature is hurled back on a 
return tide of reversion to the manners of the remotest past. 2 These 

1 Cg. Khygge, or Caige, Scotch, to wax wanton. 

2 Sign-language still survives amongst us in gestures that correspond to the nature 
of primitive sounds, as in "Geasoning," which has persisted from the time when 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 379 

show the predecessor and the creator of verbal language in the 
position of being still independent of words, as he was before 
they were fashioned. 

We find that there is a stage even in verbal language, in which doing 
and saying are one, and both are expressed by the same sound or 
word. Following this clue to the end or rather to the beginning, we see 
that certain natural actions include both the act and sound, the later verb 
and noun in one; the involuntary sound being spontaneously produced 
in and uMh or by the action, and this sound it is suggested was repeated 
voluntarily and duplicated to form the earliest vocal sign preceding 
words — repetition being the primary mode of consciously employing 
sounds which had been involuntarily evolved in the natural act, to 
become the recognized voice of each special sensation and finally of 

Man had no need to derive the sounds of sneezing (Tsh) , coughing, 
or clicking in eating and swallowing (gustative Kak-Kak — Ka-Ka 
(Eg.) to chew and masticate) or the click of personal contact; of 
panting or puffing with the breath (fufu) , of sucking or spitting (Tut) 
from external nature by consciously imitating the animals, as these 
sounds were uttered in the acts in however rudimenatary a manner, to 
be evolved into voice, and perfected by intentional and continual 
repetition. Such sounds would be consciously repeated for use as an 
accompaniment to the gesture-signs, until the primary elements of 
language, the mere voice of evacuation, could be applied to the things 
of external nature, which uttered similar sounds, as their names, such 
as "Kak-Kak," for the thunder; "fuff-fuff for the wind, breath, 
soul, or snake; "rur-rur," the roarer; only Seven of which are required 
for language in general. 

Primivite onomatopoeia would consist in the conscious reproduction 
of sounds native to man, rather than in imitation of sounds external to 

pubescence was synonymous with being open and unprohibited. In one form to 
Geason is to jut open the lips and show the teeth. This may be with the feeling 
of anger, scorn, derision, provocation, bantering or attracting. It is a mode of 
inciting, from whatever motives. The Gaelic Geason also signifies to charm, allure, 
and enchant. This shows the aim (guess) of the gesture (or gest) that disclosed 
the mouthful of teeth in which the African woman file their opening; the "Gat- 
teeth" in England. Geasoning, or gestening, once indicated lodging and enter- 
tainment for the guest who was thus invited. Geasoning was continued in the 
dance, — the Cheza in Ksawahili, Khen, Persian, a sort of Can-Can, and a primitive 
form of feminine Geasoning. In Egyptian Kes-Kes is to dance, incline towards, 
entreat in an abject or degrading manner — as it came to be considered. The 
Geasoning dance also survived to a late period in England, as is shown by the old 
tune "Dargison."^ This, according to the name, was intended to provoke desire. 
Geasoning is yet continued by our "noble barbarians" in the "full dress" of the 
female that advertises the prominent or padded mammag, which are not always 
intended for the natural use as they were with the ignoble barbarians. The female 
still "comes out" to show that she is "open" and free to Geason. Indeed, it looks 
as though the fashion in feminine dress was one never-ceasing wriggle to get back 
without going back to the most primitive phases of natural Geasoning. 

1 Book of Beginnings, vol. i. p. i6i. 

28o The Natural Genesis. 

himself; and these involuntary and interjectional sounds are universal; 
they still preserve their primitive nature or status. Also the dupli- 
cated sounds remain to the end as from the first. We can no more 
wrench language out of the mould of the beginnings than we can 
jump off our own shadow whilst standing in the sun. 

Words founded on the mere repetition and duplication of a sound 
constitute a common universal property in mimetic expression. But 
these are by no means an inorganic substratum of language. The 
moment that a sound was consciously repeated to produce the word 
"fufu" or "Kaka," etc., it partook of an organic nature and was 
separated from chaos for ever. 

The nursery words of our race to-day are survivals from the infancy 
of speech. In them the onomatopoeia of the commencement persists, 
however limited or overlaid by the growths and accretions of later 
language. They took too long a time, and cost too prolonged an 
effort to get evolved, for them ever to be let go again or altogether 
lost. They have not suffered change by reduction into roots for re- 
genesis in later words. They are like the oldest order of fish, which 
did not become reptilia themselves, and yet were the progenitors of 
reptiles that finally attained wings. 

None but the evolutionist can have any approximate idea of the 
slow processes by which the amazing phenomenon, language, must 
have wormed its way to the surface from the ungaugeable depth of the 
past; or of the long procession of series and sequence up to the 
present time. 

It seems to me that we only reach the beginnings where we see 
that it could not have been otherwise, and where the initial phase 
would be as practicable, on the same visible grounds, if we could 
begin again to-day, as it was in the remotest bygone age. 

The solution of the problem demands that it should be explained 
by conditions which are still present, and universal as the human race. 
The origins now presented conform to those conditions; and the inter- 
jectional sounds yet extant as the involuntary voice of natural acts 
can be cited as living witnesses. 

The theory here propounded is that the primary elements of 
language originated in the involuntary utterance of natural sounds; 
when the utterance was the mere voice (Vach) of evacuation and 
sensation. That these sounds were continued by the dawning con- 
sciousness now known as human and repeated as signs of want and 
warning, desire and satisfaction, fear and anger, pain and pleasure, 
their current value being recognised by force of repetition, accom- 
panied, as they were, by determinative gesture signs; that the first 
words were coined by repetition of a sound; that the sound- stuff 
of all speech existed in the embryonic Teh [Dsh or other variants) 
of the sneeze; the fufu of puffing out the breath; the hiss; the 
nasal negative; the tut-tut of sucking; the click of contact; the 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


kak-kak of eating, and rur-rur of the roarers; that we do not reach 
back to an original "root" of language short of a word the earliest 
form of which could be sounded by a click, a puff of breath, a sneeze, 
etc.; which word could be coined to-day (as ever) by reduplication 
of the first natural sound or its modem equivalent. 

Thus primitive language is considered to have been evolved by a 
series of self-naming acts and involuntary sounds; and may be 
described as the earliest mode of consciously Puffing, Kakking, No- 
No-ing, Rur-rur-ing, Tut-tut-ing, Tshu-Tshu-ing, Mam-mam-ing by 
means of aboriginal sounds belonging to the primordial onomatopoeia. 

The second phase of sounds and of conscious duplication to produce 
the earliest words is yet traceable by means of the Negro, Maori, and 
other prehistoric languages. In Chinese the oldest Sounds of Ang 
and Ong were Ngang and Ngong, as they are in the Australian and 
African dialects. 

In Egyptian Md-Md, to bear, as the Mother, implies the form of 
Mam-mam, and pd-pd, to produce (as the Mother), implies a prior 
PafPaf, which becomes pd-pd, which becomes Pepe, to engender, as 
the Male, and passes into Pd and Bdt for the Father. The process of 
development is made visible in the hieroglyphics. For example, from 
Puf to blow, the Blowers were named, first by direct representation of 
the sound, and afterwards by the reduction and combination of the 
sound. Puff being reduced to the syllable Pu, the article Tu (Eg.) 
for The is prefixed and the word Tupu is formed. Tupu (Eg.) means to 
breathe and blow, and it is the name of the buffalo and others of the 
blowers. But the original puffer remains in the name of the Buffalo, 
and the Bufo. The letter V that turns into U, illustrates the process 
by which Pf was modified into Pu. When the reduced Puf is com- 
bined with the sign or letter T, as a suffix, the result is the word 
(with variants) Put, Put, or But, the type-name in Egyptian, Chinese, 
Akkadian, English, Sanskrit, and many other languages, for that 
which opens, duplicates and becomes "Both." Thus Puth (Eg.) is to open 
the mouth; the Hebrew Puth or opening also applied to the female 
genitals. The Mouth is opened by the Breath, Pef in Egyptian; 
Puff in English. The opening of the Mouth divides into duality. 

The Male likewise is opened, to enter his second phase at the time 
of Puberty; and papoi in Coptic denotes duplication. He becomes 
the Papa (Pepe, Eg., to engender) the Pubescent male. "Papa" 
reduced and reconstructed with the T terminal passes into the word 
Pat; Sanskrit, Pati, the Husband; i Greek, Phator, the Engenderer; 
Australian, Pyte and Bait, the Father; Malay, Butu, the Virile one; 
Irish, Bud, the Virile member; English, Fude, the Man; Egyptian 
Bat, the Father. 

1 Pati. The Sanskritists would render Pati as the Strong. But that is in the 
abstract and vague stage of the word. The original meaning is male potency, or 
pudency. The root Pd, an earlier Ppa in Egyptian, denotes the masculine species. 

282 The Natural Genesis. 

The second and dual stage is denoted by the T being a plural sign 
which in the Hieroglyphics is the hand or a female breast, one of two 
in either case; and therefore a duplicative type that figures duality to 
the Eye instead of representing it to the Ear, as was done in the 
stage of Papa and Mama. It appears to me that this process might 
be applied until the later words in general were traced back to the 
primary duplicated sounds. 

The results of this reduction and recombination may be formulated 
or illustrated thus: — Fuff-fuff- — Fufu — Fu — F — Fut; Kak-kak — 
Kaka — Ka — K — Kat; Mum-mum — Muma — Mu — M — Mut; Na-na 
or Neh-neh — Na — N — Nat; Rur-rur — Rum — Ru — R — Rut. The 

vowel sounds together with the prefixes and suffixes of course may 
vary indefinitely. The Syllables Fu, Ka, Mu, Nu, Ru, and lastly the 
Phonetics F, K, M, N, R, become the bases for many future combinations 
of letter sounds in the morphology of later words. 

The hieroglyphics show the visbile sign of duplication in the act or 
superseding that of audible repetition in such words as — 

Mama, or Mat, Mother. Seb-Seb, or Sebti, encase or enclose. 

Papa, or Bat, Father. Khi-Khi, or Khet, to go. 

Peh-Peh, or Pehti, the double force. Mum, or Mut, the dead. 
Pepe, or Pat, to fly. 

Here, then, to recur to our image of evolution, the primitive fish 
that wriggled blindly as a simple Sand worm, took to its legs as a 
Reptile and walked off along the ways of manifold transformation, 
until it became a winged word; winged, bird-like, for unfollowable 
flight — that is, unfollowable here — although it seems to me that all 
words might be followed from their natural genesis. For just as the 
interjections survives, so do the original words formed by duplication of 
the same sound still exist after the reduction and re-application in later 
forms. Thus Shash, No. 6, becomes Shat in Sanskrit; pap, or fap, in 
Old Chinese becomes fat in Cantonese. So Kak precedes Kat (from 
Kakt)i just as Pat (Eg.) comes from Ppat and both from Papa in 
Egyptian; so that Papa and Father, Bat (Eg.), are identical at root. 

The number Four is Fut in Egyptian; Fudu in Bode, Hausa, and 
other African languages; but it is 

Piffat, in Guebe (Port Dory). Effat, in Malagasi. Mpat, in Sasak. 

Pobitz, in Yengun. 

FUdu was originaly ffdu, from Fuf; and the double consonant 
explains why Pip-ing is number Four in Cayus; Pev-ar in Breton; and 

article or member. The Pat, or Bat, is simply the progenitor, as the inspirer 
of the Ba (Breath or Soul), with the Bahu. So the Male as "Sesmu" (Eg.) is 
the breather of the Mother. Also Paini, for the Mistress, is the property and 
possesion, the one "belonging to," as the Egyptian "Patni." 
1 Williams, Syllabic Dictionary, intro. p. 39; also Edkins. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


why^ob-ble in the English means quadruple. In these the duplicative 
phase of sound has survived. So 

Meme, is the Mouth, inMandara. 
Mombo ,, ,, Murundo. 

Mamadthun ,, Bethuck. 

Mme, is the Tongue, in Grebo. 


Mut, is the Mouth, in Egyptian. 
Mot, is the Tongue, in Tshetsh. 
Motte ,, ,, Ingush. 

Mme ,, ,, Dido. 

Moats ,, ,, Tshari. 

Memiae, is the Tongue, in New Hebrides. 
Mamolo, ,, ,, Papuan. 

Mamana ,, ,, Tasmanian. 

Mitts, is the Tongue, in Andi. 
Mot, is the Word, in French. 
Mut (Eg.), is fromed from Mumu, as Mu 
with the feminine terminal. 

The Inner African MJu for the Dog or typical Beast is represented 
by Maft, the Lynx or other Beast, also, the skin in Egyptian. Mfu 
becomes Mdu and the terminal T is added. Thus in Inner Africa the 
Cat is named 

Muti, in Gurma. Medsa-ku, in Dsuka. Omati, in Yasgua. 

In this form it passed into Europe as Muti, Fin, a cover of reindeer 
skin, a hairy shoe or glove; Mudda, Lap, (Norse, Muda), a cloak of 
reindeer skin; Mutau, Gaelic, a muff, a thick glove of skin; Miton, 
French, the cat, as well as the fur-skin; Mudel, Bavarian, the cat, cat- 
skin or fur. But the word Muff or Muffet survives in the stage of Mfu 
and Maft (Eg.), a kind of anklet worn by the Egyptians. Also the 
Inner African Mfu or Mpu remained the dog's name in the Vogul 
Emp and Ostiac Amp. 

Such words then as Mama, Fu-Fu, Papa, Kaka, Ruru, Tutu, and the 
rest of these primordial duplicates did not pass away because the 
reduced Ma, Pa, Kd, Rd, and Til were re-combined as roots in the 
Aryan stage, and it is a blabbing folly to talk of the sterility of these 
radicals, which were formed in the duplicative phase of sounds, after all 
language has been developed from them. 

Also the original duplicate is continued in the Pp, the TY; the Rr, 
the Khkh, the Nn, of the Hieroglyphics; the double Ff, double LI, 
and double Dd of the Welshl and the Lri of the Sanskrit signs. 
Furthermore the duality once signified by repetition of the sound, was 
also continued to the eye in the figures of certainletters which represent 
the duplicated sounds. The letter B is a double P, it is a figure of 
Two in Coptic, Hebrew, Pahlavi, and other languages, and this con- 
tinues the duplicate Ff or Pp. The T is double in the Hieroglyphic 
s^= in the hand and the female breast. This duality is figured in the 
Cross Tau, or T which is equivalent to Tta, i.e. Theta in Greek, 
and by the T being a plural terminal. It is the same with the x or K. 
This was the principle of our Letter formation, visible in the V and Y, 

and continued even in the double-looped P , and the Twy-formed cJx , 
S, or Z. The principle is carried out to the dotting of the i, which is 

284 The Natural Genesis. 

dual in the Hieroglyphics as tj [J ; where the u is inherent in the 1, 
and lu signifies the dual or Twin One; also to come and go. 

The written a is an 10 united in one letter, and with the itself 
duality attains unity at last in the primordial figure originally imaged 
by the Ru <==> of the beginning, the nought in one sense but the true 
Alpha and Omega, the sign of the genitrix, who was the mouth that 
emaned the Word at first. 

Thus the letter still remains an ideograph of that duality which was 
previously expressed by the duplication of the sound. This is the 
final answer to the Aryanists who start with "Pa," "Ma," and "Ta" 
as the roots of language and consider duplication the later stage. 
For us, duplication was first in language, and final in the dual forms 
of letters, howsoever it may be at the starting point in Sanskrit. 

The clicking Kaf or cynocephalus of Inner Africa preceded the 
clicking Kaffir, 1 Hottentot, aod Bushman. On the monuments this 
animal images speech, the word, the voice, as a tyrpe of Taht-Aan 
in the Lunar Mythos, and Shu the God of Breath in the stellar 
phase; also Hapi, who represents the breathing quarter in the East, 
as one of Four of the Seven Elementaries. 

"To symbolise speech, says Hor-ApoUo^ "the Egyptians depict a 

1 "Kaffir." Captain Burton has questioned my derivation of the "Kaffir" name 
from "Kaf," and called my attention to the Arabic Kafir. Mr. Theal also says the 
Kaffirs cannot even pronounce the name because the sound of R is wanting in their 
language. But this is not merely a question of R or L. I had previously tested 
my conclusion and rejected the Arabic Kafir; words do not begin where we first 
meet wjth then, and the Arabic Kafir for the Infidel is not a primary meaning of 
the word. Not even in Arabic. The early Arabian etymologists knew the word had 
only aquired that meaning through Islamism, and that it had the prior signifi- 
cation of the Coverer, or darkness. Old poets call night the Kafir, because it 
covers with darkness, and is the Black. The physical complexion was first, and 
this is applied from that of the black man. So in the Resurrection, according to the 
Koran, the Kafirs are to come out of the earth all black in the face. The accented 
a indicates an earlier consonant, and points to the root Kak, which means black 
in Egyptian and other languages. So much for the Arabic. On turning to the 
African languages we find that Kaf is the black ape (Egyptian); Akafi, the black 
man (cf Cuffey, the. Nigger), Bambara; Ckhip, the black rhinoceros, Namaqua; 
Kabilo, the black man, Bidsogo; Ogabu, the black man, Kamuka; Gbei, black, 
Dewoi; Gberi, black, Gbe; Gbalwi, black, Salum, Kupirira, black, Muntu; 
Guafili, night. Boko. There is no chance whatever of these having derived their 
type-name for the Black from the Arabic Kafir. Dr. Koelle says the Phula people 
call the Hams Kaffiri; and language shows that "Ham" and "Kaf are identical 
at root. If man and speech began with the black race, language will be sure to 
show it, without man having first or directly dubbed himself the black. In Bam- 
barra Akafi is the Negro, and the word for Beginning is Kafulo. Black is 
synonymous with first as Kak, when Ka and Kaf later af, ap, and au. Further, 
in the Natal Zulu, the name for sorcery, charms, or enchantment, is Kafula. So, 
in the Xosa Kaffir, Isi Kafulo denotes a charm or sorcery, black magic. This 
is the far likelier original of the Muhammedan Kafir applied to the sorcerers with 
the r instead of the 1 terminal. The Inner African Kaf for the black remains, and 
from this I derived the name of the Kaffirs and of the Au-ruti (Af-ruti or Kaf-ruti) 
who went down into the valley of the Nile. — Book of Beginnings, vol. i. pp. 28, 39. 

2 Book I. 37. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 


tongue and a hand beneath." These in the later stage were made 
human. The first hand and tongue was the Kaf-Monkey, whose 
name is yet foUowable through universal language as the type-name 
for both tongue and hand. This has been shown by the names of the 
hand. Tongue and Mouth are synonymous, and these take their 
names from the Kaf-type, or have the same name, as — 

Gab, the Mouth, English. 

Egbe, the Mouth 



the Tongue, N'ki. 

Gob, a Beak 


Oyaf „ 



, Sanskrit. 

Goba, the Mouth, Sclavonic. 





Kiffe, the Jaw, PL Dutch. 




, Kooch. 

Kapiour, the Mouth, Guebe. 




, Siraiki. 

Chabui , 

, Tshampa. 




, Uriya. 


, Pushtu . 




, Gujerati. 

Zuvar , 


Affan „ 



, Hindustan 

Yubotarri , 

, Accaway. 

Gbe, the Throat, 





, Pianoghottc 
, Korean. 

. r the Throat 
■^^ [ and Gullet 

I Oloma 

Cubha, a word, 
Chava, to say, 



, Talarui. 

Ggbe „ 






, Basque. 

Ogbe ,, 

1 Hima. 





, Gugu. 

The Kaf was continued in Britain as a type of this primitive talker, 
chatterer, or clicker among animals in such words as Chaff, to chirp 
and chatter; Caffe, to cavil, Chafty, talkative; Chavish, confused 
chattering of birds; Chaffinch, the cheeper or chatterer, opposed to 
the singer; Gaffle, Gabble, Gobble, Gabber, Gibber, Gibe, or Kibe. 
Chaf modifies into Jaw and Caw — the Jack-daw being a Caw-daw. 
To Caw is to cry or call as Daws, Rooks, and Jays. Gaowe is to jaw 
or chide. 

From Kaf, later Gab, the mouth, the utterer, came the names of 
Jaw and Jole or Chowl, earlier Chavel. In Low Dutch Kiffe is the 
jaw, and Keffen means to yelp. In the Walloon Chawer is to cheep 
and Chaweter, is to chatter. Thus the status of the earliest type 
of language is still preserved, and the Kaf name continued in the 
Cheep-cheep of the finch, the Caw-caw of the chuff, the Gibbering of 
the monkey, the Gobble-gobble of the turkey, the wide-mouthed bay 
of old Chowler, the Gabble of the foolish, the Gibe of the face-maker, 
who still imitates the ape and makes his jape [cf Swed. Gipa, to wry 
the mouth and make a grimace) ; which still testify in their status to 
the lowly beginning with the Kaf (Ape) as a primordial speaker. 
Also, the ape in the monuments is not only a personification of 
"hand conversation," and of speech, he is also the Bard, the Singer 
of the gods. Evidently the singing ape had not escaped the attention 
of the Karaites. Moreover, the Kaf as singer is earlier than the 
speaker as Taht-Aan, the tongue, mouth or speech of the gods. 
Kd is to sing, as well as to say, and the singer as the first proclaimer is 
in keeping with the order of the facts suggested by Darwin. The ape 
was brought on as the singer, poet, hailer or howler of the gods whom 
it salutes with up-raised hands because it hailed the New Moon and 
howled in the darkness at the absence of light. Darwin inferred 

286 The Natural Genesis. 

that the nearer progenitors of man probably uttered musical tones 
before they had acquired the power of articulate speech, i It is 
historically certain that tones were most important if not absolutely 
primary in language. This is shown by the mere vowel-change which 
is sufficient to distinguish the two sexes. 

The Hottentot has three tones that give three meanings to one 
word, according to the intonation. Captain Burton points out that 
the Yoruban languages, like the Chinese, depend on accents and tone- 
variations to differentiate the meanings of the same words. These 
"delicacies of intonation are inherent in monosyllabic tongues."^ They 
are inherent in the most primitive pronunciation, and the Chinese 
show one form of an elaborate system. The Gibbon's scale contains 
the system that was established in music. It produced, and may there- 
fore be claimed as the originator of that which was perfected by man. 
Lower than the ape as the evolver of the octave and admirer of the 
moon, the follower of the ape could not have begun in music. And 
here is the connecting link in tone-language, which language was 
afterwards used as a vehicle of words whether in the Inner African 
tones, or in the Chinese tonic system, or in modern music. The 
number of tones in the musical scale is Seven, the eighth being a 
repetition of the first. These had been rudely rendered by the ape. 
Seven may be accepted as the total number of primary sounds in the 
alphabet. All the remainder were evolved from these. The number 
offerees, powers, gods, produced by the Mother nature, is Seven. The 
Egyptians have the Seven Taas called Gods of the Word or Speech; 
Seven personified forces of utterance. 

Brugsch has attributed the meaning of Sage to the word Taas 
(or Djas), which is analogous to the Coptic jas or gis, and the Chinese 
Tze for the Teacher. The Taas are thus the Seven Sages. In the 
Memoria Technica of the Hindu sages, the Sage, or Vowel, stands for 
number 7, there being Seven Sages and Seven Vowels. 

The Seven Sages also appear in Greece. These, then, are related 
to the vowel that takes Seven forms of utterance. The utterance of 
the Seven Vowels was one of the mysteries in Egypt as in India. 
Savery, in his Letters,^ says that in the Temple of Abydos the priest 
repeated the Seven Vowels in the form of hymns, and that musicians 
were not allowed to enter the building during the performance. Like 
the Gibbon they were practising their scales, but not in tones only. 
The tones conveyed the Seven forms of breathen utterance, the latest 
product of language, known to us as the Seven Vowels. The Seven 
Vowels were known and are acknowledged to be a sevenfold form of 
a dual one with was the lu (Eg.) or Ao of the beginning, and the O, 
or Omega, in the end; the Au (Eg.) that signified Was, Is and 
To Be. 

1 Expression of the Emotions, ch. 4. 

2 Burton, Dahome, vol. ii. p. 76, note. ^ p_ ^gg. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 387 

When personfied this Biune One with the Triune character became 
the God of the Seven Spirits, which were Seven Breaths, and these 
made up the ten-total as in the Ten Sephiroth of the Kabalah and 
the ten letters of the British lAU. lao-Sabaoth was a form of this 
combination of the Threefold One with the Sevenfold manifestation. 

Sevekh (Eg.), whose name reads number 7, was another divinity of 
the same time. 

Sut-Nub-ti was likewise a form of this compound nature. Nub 
signifies the All, that is the plural expressed by Three; and Sut 
(Seb-ti) is number 7. 

Sut-Nub was continued by the Gnostics, and his name of lu or 
lao, was kabalistically expressed, and probably sung to scale by the 
Seven forms of the same vowel, as AEHIOYO, which are found on 
the rays of the lion's crown of an Agathodasmon or Chnuphis serpent. 1 

Nef (or Nub) signifies the breath or spirit, and this was the Good 
Spirit with Seven rays or emanations, which represented the Seven 
Spirits whose physical origin has yet to be traced. These Seven 
agree with other forms of the type brought on from the beginnings of 
the Kamite typology. Spirits were breaths at first, and the vowels 
are breaths. Thus the Seven forms of breathen utterance, the Seven 
Vowels, represent the Seven Spirits of the Triune Nature. 

The Chant of the Seven Vowels was apparently practices by the 
natives of the Friendly Isles, who intone a solemn dirge at the funeral 
of their chiefs. So ancient is it as to be no longer intelligible, but 
its refrain consists of a wail expressed by a series of vowels rendered 
by Lang as O 1 A O O E.2 

The North American Indians heard by Adair were probably calling 
on the name of the Triune lao, which was more fully expressed by 
the Seven Vowels. 

Among their funeral rites and ceremonies the Todas per- 
form a circular dance, in which the men by three and three peram- 
bulate round and round like spokes in a wheel, all exclaiming "A Ur 
"AU.T in time with their steps. This likewise presents a form of 
the divine triad. 

Hymns were addressed to a god, "Who," by the Hindus, and 
called the "Whoish" hymns. This mystical name is resolved by 
Max Miiller into a mere interrogative pronoun. But there is nothing 
more certain or more pathetic than that God was sought for under 
this name of " Who," the Unknown. 

The Abipones expressed the name of some deity by their interro- 
gation "Who?" 

The Hebrew name of the Very One God Alhu, rha, is a form of the 
Who, the interrogative pronoun; the Who [rhu, as unknown subject) 
of the Kabalah. This is the Egyptian deity, Hhu, or Huh, whose 

1 King's Gnostic Gems p. 74. 

2 Land, Origin and Migration of the Polynesians. 

288 The Natural Genesis. 

name signifies to seek and search after, or, as we have it, to woo. 
One mode of seeking and inquiriy was by singing the name with 
Seven Vowel-sounds. These the translators of the Hebrew Scriptures 
have contrived to make permanent in the name of I E H O V A H. 

This compound deity, as lao-Sabaoth, was finally the God of the 
Seven Planets. Each of these was represented by a Vowel and each 
Vowel dedicated to one particular day of the week. So, in the 
Seven notes of the scale, and the orbit lines of the planets — 

Si was assigned to the Moon. 

Re „ 

,, Venus. 



Fa „ 

,, Mars. 

Sol „ 

,, Jupiter 

La „ 

,, Saturn- 

in making the music of the spheres, i 

The seven vowels, to take them as they are printed by Bunsens 
A E E 1 O O U, though not a perfect form, were all contained 
potentially in the A 1 U, which in Egyptian and Coptic resolve 
into lu, Ei, or an 1 with the U inherent, lu signfies to come and 
go, but it also denotes duality, to be twin or two. The Arabic and 
Syriac Alif is likewise figured double. The hieroglyphic Calf, which 
became the Phoenician and Hebrew Aleph, the Steer, was a dual 
image, because a calf is of either sex. The Hebrew Jad, % or 1, is 
a hand that has the numeral value of lo. The one vowel, therefore, 
whether represented by A, 1, or U, was a diphthong that bifurcated 
and became sevenfold by the vowel sounds. 

Now the hand as Kaf or Kab signifies to be double and to duplicate, 
as does the calf in its two sexes. The Ka visibly modifies into da, 
and the fu (or bu) into U, and that if a/" became Kau and Au for Cow 
and Calf; and Au or lu are the dual source of the seven vowels. 
Moreover, the Nose of the Calf is the ideograph of Breath, and the 
Egpytian deity is pourtrayed as the Calf- headed Au, or the lau, from 
whose name we derive the seven vowels, and from which the Hebrew 
Kabalists derived their ten sephiroth and ten vowels, and the British 
their ten primordial letters. Finally, then, the A, as representative 
of the sounds that were the last evolved in language, is now for ever 
first as the letter-sign of the one that duplicated (who was the Mother) , 
whilst the letter B (with the leg-sign) remains the sign of the duplicated 
one, the child of either sex, which, as male, triplicated at puberty. 

The a is a kind of lo in our written letter, but in the A it is 
triadic, as is the Hebrew Aleph, 5<; and the triad of I A U, was 
symbolized by this one letter. A story told in the Arabic Gospel of 
the Infancy, connects the Child-Christ, when he was about twelve 
years of age, with the letter Aleph. There was a teacher of boys 

1 Dupuis, Tom. i. p. 75, who cites authorities. 

2 Egypt's Place, vol. v. p. 747. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 389 

at Jerusalem named Zacchasus, to whom the Child was sent for the 
purpose of learning his letters. The master wrote out the alphabet, 
and bade the Boy say "Aleph," and when he had done so, the master 
ordered him to say "Beth." Whereupon the Child demanded to know 
the nature and meaning of the Aleph first. The master could not 
tell him, therefore the Child made known to him the gnosis of the 
letter Alpha, and the rest of the alphabet. In the Gospel of Thomas 
the Child says, "Hear me, doctor; understand the first letter." And 
He points out that the one letter is "three-fold and doubly mingling," 
and thus is a figure of the Trinity in bi-unity, as expounded by the 
Kabalah.i The Child, no doubt, expounded His own nature as the 
mythical lU who, as the Child, was the lusu (or Jesus), lu-em-hept 
in Egypt, the Son of lu-su-as, and the god Tum. 

The Jew's harp remains a symbol of the divinity whose name it 
bears. It is one as a total figure; dual as the lo of the male and 
female, or of the number 10; and triadic in its shape, which answers 
to the trinity of lao. The correct way of playing this instrument is 
by producing various vowel sounds, and it is a fact that its tongue 
can be made to utter the seven variations of the vowel, according 
as the player consciously shapes his mouth, without the aid of the 
human voice. Thus breath is turned into seven sounds by the tongue 
of the lao, as it was in playing the flute, which has the name of 
Sebti (7) or Sut; and also in blowing the Seven-fold pipe of Pan. 
It is no marvel, then, that the Jew's harp should retain the name of 
the lu, lo, lao, or Jah, the God of the Jews. 

The Typical Prayer uttered in the Seven Vowel Sounds may have 
been the model of the Prayer on the Mount, in which the sum of all 
seeking and request is supposed to be divinely expressd by an 
invocation comprising seven petitions in one prayer. 

The Egyptian chant of the Seven Vowels of the ineffable name, which 
might be breathen or intoned, although it must not be spoken as a word, was 
the probable origin of the Seven-fold Litany, or Litania Septemplex 
associated with the name of Pope Gregory the Great. In the year 
590, when Rome was afflicted with pestilence, Gregory ordered a 
public supplication to God, and the people were commanded to 
assemble at day-break in Seven different companies, arranged accord- 
ing to their ages, sexes, and stations, and walk in Seven different 
processions reciting the Seven-fold Litany and other forms of prayer 
intoned. They carried with them, by express command of Gregory, 
an image of the Virgin, the latest form of the Lady enthroned on the 
Seven Hills, who had been the Mother of the Seven when these were 
but Seven Elementaries in Chaos. 2 

The typical Seven were further continued by the mediasval Church 
in its Matins, Prime, Tierce, Text, Nones, Vespers, and Complines, as 

1 Arabic Gospel, ch. xlviii. [Infancy] Gospel of Thomas, ch. vi. 

2 Baronius, Annates, 590, torn. 8, p. 6. 

290 The Natural Genesis. 

the Seven times for daily praise. These seven canonical hours, how- 
ever, had been devoted by decree of Pope Urban 11. to singing the 
praise of the Virgin Mother, who was the original author and inspirer 
of breath. 

The Gnostic Marcus held that Seven Elements composed, and 
Seven Powers expressed, the "Word," which could be uttered in 
an "0!"i 

Lastly, the Coptic w or O summed up the power of the seven 
vowels, and represented the value of No. 8 in hundred. Here the 
Ogdoad was complete in the O as a final vowel sound, and a sign of 
the God who was worshipped as the O in the Mysteries; the O or 
A O of the Greek Iconography. 

Thus we have the Ape in the beginning evolving his scale of Seven 
Tones. The Ape, or Kaf, is the hieroglyphic type of speech, singing, 
worship, and breath; Shu, the Kaf-headed, being a god of breath. 
This god of breath, as Nef, is the Agathodasmon or Chnuphis, the 
lAO who has the Seven-Vowelled name which was intoned by the 
priests of Abydos when they employed the Seven breathen Sounds 
or Vowels in their worship of the god of breath. And in the end 
the Seven-fold Litany was treasured up amongst the relics of the 
past in the religious Ritual of Rome. 

The black Kaf Ape, preceded the black Kaffir (or Akafi) as clicker 
and master of a scale of sounds. The living clickers prove that the 
breath was inhaled to articulate the sound. This shows the one act 
of a dual nature, which was represented by a dual sound; the air 
being indrawn with a nasal noise and expelled in a guttural click. 
The double action and dual sound contain the negative and affirma- 
tive, the No and Yes, the Two Trutyhs or one and two of all beginning. 
Represented by the sound "Nkakh," or "Nga," the duality becomes 
audible in a word that signifies duplication as the name for the twin- 
member, the ear, hand, testis, eye, nose, or mouth, in the oldest 
languages. These languages also show the priority of words that 
were formed of merely duplicated sounds as the basis of speech. 
The Egyptian hieroglyphics exhibit the process by which the 
mimetic duplicates of sound were reduced for re-combination with 
others to form words from two different consonants, and thus ex- 
tend their range indefinitely. The hieroglyphics likewise show the 
process whereby the ideographic signs and gestures that accom- 
panied sounds in the ideographic phase were divided and reduced to 
the letter- values, and thus account for that equivalence and inter- 
change which are found in all later language. 

The clickers inhaled the air to articulate their sounds, and the 
utterers of the Sevne-Vowelled chant exhaled their soul or breath 
toward heaven, the height being scaled and the summit of religious 
aspiration very literally attained by the ascent of the Seven Vowels, 

1 Irenasus, B. i. ch. xiv. 8. 

Typology of Primordial Onomaotpceia. 391 

and the breathen utterance of the letters composing the ineffable 
Name that was noted on the Planetary orbit-lines of the celestial 

Thus the Seven Vowels were consciously evolved, discreted, and deposited 
from Seven Consonants, in which the Vowels had been inherent in the syllabic 
fiyrm; the syllabic being a previous deposit from words formed by repeti- 
tion of the same sound in the ideographic stage of expression; these 
words having been created by the conscious utterance and duplication of 
natural and involuntary sounds. 

The Alphabet is still reducible to some Seven original types, and 
this Seven corresponds to all the other typical Sevens; the Seven 
Tongues of Fire; Seven Taas, or Gods of the Word; Seven Rishis; 
Seven Notes in Music; Seven Elements; Seven Senses; Seven 
Sciences; Seven Elementary Powers or Spirits; the Seven Stars of 
the Greater and Lesser Bears; the Seven Planets, and Seven Days of 
the Week. 

As the result of the foregoing research, my conclusion on the 
whole matter is, that the origin of language resolves itself into the 
produc-tion of some Seven primary sounds in an early phase of 
articulation, and that the fundamental facts are registered in 
language and typology where they have been stereotyped by man 
with no more choice in the matter than the mirror has in its faithful 
reflection of forms, except in the conscious care with which he 
repeated and tried to preserve the primasval tradition in ever- living 



"The object of oiir inquiiy is no trivial thing; it is a diversified and complicated one. This is a various and 
most questionable animal, one not to be caught, as it were, with the left hand." — Plato. 

The Serpent is one of those few great primitive types that consti- 
tute the earliest objective castings of human thought when it groped in 
the underground condition of its far-off past, which may be compared 
with that of the earth-worms throwing up the first castings of vege- 
table mould for the use of the farthest future. It was primordial, and 
it is universal. The dominion of the Serpent has been wide-spread 
as that of night, from the most known to the remotest parts of 
the earth. The symbol has literally realized that Serpent in the 
mythologies which is depicted as circling about the world and 
clasping the whole wide round in one embrace. 

The Serpent-type has been venerated in lands where the Serpent 
itself does not exist. It was the representative of renewed life or 
immortality in the Rites of Sabazios and on the doors of the Chambers 
of the Dead in the Egyptian and Chaldean tombs, and it is yet a 
symbol of eternity in the bracelet on an Englishwoman's arm. It is 
represented in the finger-ring, and coils about the walking-stick as it 
did around the tree of mythology. It is the great Dragon of the 
Celestial Empire, the Long Serpent of the old Norse Sea-Kings, the 
Lambton Worm, the Dragon of St. George on our own public-house 
signboards, and the old English penny-pieces. There are still no less 
than 700 Serpent Temples in Cashmere alone. It is only a few years 
since that buildings dedicated and devoted to its rites were found in 
Cambodia, surpassing in size the cathedrals of York or Amiens, and 
in grandeur the temples of Greece and Rome.i It is not my province 
however to expiate on the "Worship" of the Serpent, but to explain 
the origin and development of this universal type, as an ideograph 
that guides us round the world. 

1 Mohout. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 393 

The ""Way of a Serpent," and the workmansip, are among the most 
amazing in all nature. It has no hands, and yet can climb trees to 
catch the agile monkey. It has no fins, but can outswim the fish; no 
legs, yet the human foot cannot match it in fleetness. Death is in its 
coil even for the bird on the wing, which the springing reptile 
snatches out of its own element. The Serpent slays with a dexterity 
that human destroyers might look upon as divine. 

One of the most arresting sights is to see this limbless creature 
turn its coils into a hand to grasp its prey, and lift it to the deadly 
mouth. The serpent in the pangs of sloughing is a phenomenon 
once witnessed never to be forgotten. There is a startling fascination 
in the sight of that image of self-emanation proceeding from itself, 
the young, repristinated, larger life issuing of itself from the mask of 
its old dead self like a spiritual body coming forth from the natural 
body, the unparalleled type of self-emanation, of transformation, of a 
resurrection to new life, of "Time, or Renewal coming of Itself.'"^ 

The Serpent has the same name at root in several groups of 

Ndga, in Sanskrit. Nachash, in Hebrew. Snake, in English. 

Neke, and Nakihi, in Maori. Naya, in Arabic. 

This name is pre-eminently Inner African. 
The Serpent is the 

Nyok, in Kanyika. Nyoka, in Nyombe. Nyoka, in Kisama. 

Nyoka, in Kabenda. Nioka, in Basunde. Nyoka, in Nyamban. 

Nyoka, in Mimboma. Nyoka, in N'gola. Noga, in Basuto. 

Nyoka, in Musentandu. Nyoka, in Lubalo. Nyoke, in Swahili. 

Nyoga, in Kassands. Nyoka, in Songo. 

With modifications such as 

Nyush, in Guresa. Nyos, in Legba. Nyoive, in Baseke, &c. 

The Y in these names is not primary, but represents an earlier 
sound. Thus Nyoke is Ngoke, the Kamite N being Ng, and this 
form has been preserved in the hieroglyphics where Nkaka inter- 
changes with Kaka, and obviously continues the African Nk or Ng 
sound. Nkaka then abrades into Naka (Eg.), Ndga, Sanskrit, on the 
one hand, and into Kak, Hak, and Hag on the other, and both are 
found united in the African original. In the Hymn to Amen-Ra 
the Sun- God is said to send his arrows against the Evil Serpent 
Naka, to consume him. 2 Here the typical Serpent or devouring 
Monster is the Naka or Ndga by name. Nakak (Eg.) also 
denotes the Curse, or Accursed, with the Typhonian Devourer, the 
Crocodile-Dragon, for determinative. Naka, to delude, be false, has 
the Dragon or Apap Monster, the piercing Serpent of Evil, for its 
Determinative. Now the primal monster was the Shadow of Darkness. 
The first type of this is the Naka, Nakak, or Akhekh. In Egyptian 

1 Ritual. 2 Records, voL ii. p. 131. 

294 The Natural Genesis. 

the Shadow of Night, the Darkness, is called Kak, Akhekh, and 
Ukhd; and the Mythical Monster has the same name in the Akhekh 
Serpent, or Gryphon, the type of evil being primarily identical with 
Darkness. This old Serpent is depicted as the Crooked Akhekh, and 
in some of the non-Aryan languages of India the word supplied a 
type-name for the Crooked things as 

Gokhe, in Badaga. Kokhi, in Irular. Kochamocha, in Kol. 

Gogu, in Newar. Kakroi, in Garo. Kok, in Burman. 

Kyoke, in Dhimal. Kok-lok, in Serpa. 

This name of the Crooked One is African, as O kako in Idsesa; 
O kako, Yagba; Wogu, Kiamba, 85c. 

Darkness was the Shadow that stole his Substance, destroyed the 
foothold, and deluded the eyesight of the primitive Man. Hence the 
Monster in mythology. Hence also the Night and the Naga or 
Nakak, the devourer, are synonymous. The name of Night, is 
likewise Inner African, under the iVagfa-name. 

Nak, or Nakta, is the Night in Sanskrit. Nokti-s, in Lithunic. Nacht, in German. 
Nochd, in Irish. Nocyi, in Russian. Noshti, in Sclavonic. 

Nox, in Latin. 


Nko is Night, in N'goten. Enokou, is Night, in Ekamtulufu. 

Nko ,, Melon. Yungo ,, Mose. 

Enukon ,, Mbofon. Nyaka, is Black, or Night, in Mbofon. 

Nakak, Akhekh, and Kak, are names then of the mythical Monster 
the Dark, the Blackness, the devouring Dragon. Kok is the name of 
the Dragon in Amoy. The Dragon-Constellation is called Kok- 
Sing. The Cockatrice is a mythical Serpent. Also, the English 
Dragon-fly, called a Coac/i-horse, is a form of the Akhekh (Eg.), or 
Winged Dragon, by name, and our Cock-roach is the night-walking 
Beetle. The Assyrian Vampire is called the Akhkh-aru, in the shape 
of which the Dead are supposed to rise up and attack the living. 
The Yaksha, or Jaksha (Sans.) is the Devourer. A Gege in Zulu is 
a Devourer. The Ogre is a mythical monster, the Devourer. The 
Fijian Kaka is the Mouth of Hades, the Swallowing Throat of the 
Underworld. The Kamkadai Evil Spirit is a Water-Dragon called 
Mit-gra/c. Kikymora is the Sclavonic God of Night; Eyak is the 
Koniaga Evil Spirit; Aka, a Japanese Evil Spirit. The Yaga Baba 
of the Russian folk tales is identical with the Typhon of Darkness. 
Jugah Penu is the Khond Goddess of Small-Pox. Jaca is the Devil 
in Singhalese mythology; Akea, the first ruler of Hawaii (Savaiki) 
now rules over the land of Darkness and the Dead. Agoyeis the 
Black God of Hwida. Many more deities or Devils of Darkness may 
be traced under the variants of this type-name for Blackness, Crooked- 
ness, and other forms of the adversary. The Akhekh Serpent is 
Inner African by name. In the Makua dialect Ikuka is the great 
Python. Dr McLeod says that in Dahome the Python has been 
found from thirty to thirty-six feet long, and of proportionate girth. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 395 

Here then is the natural type of the Akhekh (or Nakak) of Darkness 
in the shape of an enormous serpent. In the solar stage of the 
mythos, when the sun passes down through the underworld, the 
Akhekh of Darkness lies in wait to swallow or pierce the god as he 
goes along, or it rises up and tries to overturn the solar boat. "I pass 
from earth to heaven, I grow like Akheku,"^ says the Osirified, using 
an image drawn from the sudden and huge up-rising of the Gloom as 
the Devourer. The assistants and co-conspirators of this deluding 
Monster of the Dark are called the Sami. Smi says Plutarch is 
Typhon. Here again Sami in Egyptian is the name of total Darkness. 
In the Fijian mythology we find the same opponent of the soul and 
the light who was at first the actual darkness. In passing through the 
underworld, the ghost of each dead warrior must fight with Samu 
and his company. If he is brave enough to conquer he will cross into 
Paradise, but if beaten he will be devoured by the terrible Samu and 
his brethren, just as it is in the Ritual. In Sanskrit Samara-Shada is 
a Demon of the Dark; Summani, in Latin, is a name of Pluto, as King 
of Hell. The Saman, in Fanti (African), is a Ghost, Demon, or 
Devil. The Sami are also extant as the "Cemis" of the West 
Indians, Caribs, and other tribes, who regard them as the evil authors 
of every calamity that afflicts the human race. 2 The Monster Yaga- 
Baba of the Russian folk-tales, who bears the name of Typhon, or 
"Baba the Beast," has, for one of her types, the snake Zmei,^ which is 
identical with th eEgyptian Smi, or Sami, the Conspirator, the Dark 
Deluder. Sami, total darkness, has an earlier form (or variant) in Kami, 
the Black; and the Basuto Sami is Kamm-appa, the wide-mouthed, 
throttling, and devouring Monster, who was conquered by Litaolane, 
the local "St. George. "^ The Apap (Greek Apophis) is another form 
of the Serpent of Darkness, the deluding and devouring Monster. 
The Apap reappears in the Assyrian dbu, the Hebrew pythonic srs, 
a name of the Monster who is the "Enemy of the Gods." The Apap 
is apparently the Inner African Rock-Snake, not a native of Egypt 
itself, so large as to be like the Boa. Its name signifies that which 
rises up tall, vast, gigantic, as did the Darkness in its most appalling 

The Platonist Damascius reports that the Egyptians began with 
Darkness as the first principle of all things, the unknown, incompre- 
hensible, inconceivable Darkness, from which the Light was emaned. 
But the primasval Darkness was not that of Orpheus and the Platonists 
which was dark with excess of light. They came in the course of 
time to say there were two kinds of darkness, the one being below and 
the other beyond the light. That was afterthought. The Esoteric is 
the latest and not the primary interpretation of phenomena; and a 
great deal of the error extant is the result of thus surreptitiously 

1 Ritual, ch. 98. 2 Robertson's America, b. iv. p. 124. 

3 Ralston. '^ Book of the Beginnings, voL ii. p. 649. 

296 The Natural Genesis. 

imposing the later thought upon the aboriginal imagery. Darkness was 
the first Revealer of Light in the stars, and therefore a form of the 
genitrix, the Mother (Mut) who is called Mistress of Darkness and 
the Bringer-forth of Light. In the last of the Izdubar Legends the 
Mother of all as Ishtar is "She who is Darkness; She who is Darkness, 
the Mother, the emaner of the Dawn; She is Darkness." The Mexican 
genitrix, Cihuacohuatl is the female Serpent who gave birth to Light, 
and is the mother of the Twins, Light and Darkness. The "Wisdonf 
of Solomon 1 is a personified phase of primordial Darkness. "She is 
more beautiful than the sun, and above all the order of the stars. Being 
compared with Light she is found before if — the anology of Plutarch's 
saying, "Darkness is older than Light." We read in the RituaP "the 
/Eon or age (Heh) is the day. Eternity is the Night." In the beginning 
of time say the New Zealanders was Te-po.^ Te is the, and po is 
Darkness, Night, or Hade. The same po as the point of beginning 
with Darkness is the Mangaian night; Po being the equivalent of 
Avakai or Savakai, the birthplace. After Te-po, the Darkness, came 
Te-ao. Ao (Maori) is to become Light. 

The first conditions of existence observed by the primitive men 
were precisely those that were first observable. These were the Dark 
and the Day, which followed each other in ceaseless alteration. In 
the beginning was the impenetrable obscurity of primasval Darkness. 
The universal exclamation of mythology as its first word is "There was 
Darkness." All was Darkness at first and the All was the Darkness. 
Primitive man came out of the night with his mind as deeply im- 
pressed and indelibly dyed as was his body with its natural blackness, 
because the influence of night was the first to be consciously reflected, 
the first that arrested attention and lifted the look upward when he 
was going mentally on all-fours. 

A Maori tradition describes the first children of Earth as "ever 
thinking what might be the difference between Light and Darkness."'* 
That contains a true record of what must have been a primal 
subject of thought. Also it does not represent them as dreading the 
dark or cowering from it in caves, but as marvelling over the alterna- 
tion of phenomena. It would be a mistake to picture the primitive 
man as the prone coward of subjectivity. The ancient races that 
survive to-day and are mortally afraid of the gloom are not likely to 
represent the earliest man who had not yet peopled the darkness 
with his Terrors. These take a spiritual shake, and the very animals 
that the savage most fears are dreaded most in a ghostly form. Ideas 
make all the difference. Fear of the dark with children is frequently 
cultivated, where it is not inherited. We see what plucky little 
pigmies they were in the valley of the Thames at the time of the 
Palaeolithic Age, who with their rude weapons attacked and triumphed 

1 Ch. vii. 29. 2 ch. xvii. 

3 Shortland, Traditions, p. 55. '^ Grey, Polynesian Mythology. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 397 

over the mightiest monsters of the animal kingdom, like the tiny 
cock-boats of English ships swarming round and conquering the 
large galleons of the Spanish Armada. 

Darkness, however, was the first Devil, Satan, or Adversary dis- 
covered, because it presented the primordial form of obstruction, 
whether to the light or the human being. Darkness was the earliest 
monster personified in the image of ugliness, because the light was 
pleasant. Moreover, Darkness, not Light, made the first appeal to con- 
sciousness in feeling, and perception in thought. This, too, is on record. 
The primitive myths all date from the Darkness. The starting-point 
is on the night side of phenomena. Hence the earliest reckoning of 
time was by nights not by days. So many Darks were counted rather 
than so many Dawns. The Dark presented the barrier that was 
tangible to the nascent consciousness. The Going of the light pre- 
ceded the sense of its Coming, and the Coming of Darkness was the 
shape in which the going of light was earliest apprehended. The 
coming of darkness is felt by certain gregarious animals, including 
sheep, which in hill-countries show an instinct for taking to the higher 
grounds after sunset, as if conscious that the deluge of the dark is 
rising round them. In the Akkadian legend the Seven Devils, or bad 
spirits, who bring blackness from the abyss are said to be born in 
the Mountains of Sunset. In Africa the advance of night is sudden. 
There, if an3rwhere, "at one stride comes the dark." You watch the 
sun drop down, and darkness is behind you. The "Jaws of Dark- 
ness" have supplied a figure of speech for us, but there they are in 
reality. They close upon you as if to devour their prey, subtly, 
swiftly, silently. What but the serpent with its gliding stealth and 
instantaneous spring could be adopted as a first fit type of the Dark- 
ness of night? Hor-ApoUo says the Egyptians represent the Mouth 
by a serpent, "because the Serpent is powerful in no other of its members 
except the mouth alone." The serpent is all mouth, and both as the 
"Ru" and the "Tef it has the name of Mouth in Egyptian. In the 
Inner African languages the Mouth and the Serpent are frequently 
synonymous. The Jaws of Darkness are thus an equivalent for the 
Serpent or Dragon. The Serpent, it may be inferred, was one of 
the first external figures taken by death. It brought death into the 
world. If the dark cloud lightened with death it was the Serpent. If 
the water drowned it was the Serpent or Dragon that lay lurking there 
to put out the light of life as the Apophis, Akhekh, Nakak, Naga, 
Nocka, Nickur or Nekiru (a devil in the African Yula language), and 
Nick, the "Old Nick," the evil being, or the "Raw-head-and-bloody- 
bones," our English Red Typhon. One form of the Serpent running, 
or rather zig-zagging, through the mythological maze is the zig-zag of 
the lightning. The Algonkins were asked by Father Buteux who was 
among them in 1637 as a Missionary what they thought of the nature 
of lightning. They replied that it was an immense serpent that the 

298 The Natural Genesis. 

Manitu, their great spirit, was vomiting forth. "You can see the twists 
and folds that he leaves on the trees where he strikes, and underneath 
such we have often found snakes." When lightning enters sand it will 
fuse and convert it into a solid tube of serpentine shape, which is 
sometimes called a thunderbolt. 

The Chinese believe in an elemental Dragon of enormous strength 
and sovereign power which is in Heaven, in the air, in the waters, 
and on the mountains. The Caribs speak of the god of the Thunder 
storm as a great Serpent or Dragon dwelling in the fruit-forests. 
The Shawnees called the Thunder the hissing of the great Snake. 
And Totlec, the Aztec God of Thunder, was represented with a 
Golden Serpent in his Hand. Here the lightnings are identified 
with serpents because the serpent in the earliest coinage of human 
expression was a type of the Lightning. The serpent having 
made its mark on the mind of man by the exercise of its fatal 
force became an ideograph of Death. The Serpent utters a hiss, 
so do the Lightnings. The serpent's hiss supplied a definite 
sound that was for ever connected with a distinct idea. This idea, 
this sound would serve to express Lightning and its fatal flash, and 
thus both Lightning and Serpent came under one type and could 
be expressed by the same noise. The Thunder is said in an Ameri- 
can myth to be the hissing of a fiery flying serpent, in accordance 
with the mode of interpreting the unknown by means of the known; 
and the lightning- flash is depicted as the Spit-fire with the head 
of a serpent in some figures found on the walls of an Estufa in 
Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. 1 The Lightning-dark of the darkness 
is the forked tongue and sting of the Serpent. The first of the 
Seven Akkadian evil powers is the Scorpion, or the sting-bearer 
of heaven, and therefore representative of an elemental force, 
apparently that of sunstroke. 

The Hiss of the Serpent or the Puff of the Adder is but magnified 
in such a title as the "Wind of nine Snakes"; a Miztec mythical 
name. In a Kaffir folk- tale when the Chief comes home the sound 
of a great wind is heard. "That wind was his coming, and he was a 
big Snake with five heads. "^ In these we see the Serpent type 
applied to the wind. Thus we watch the unknown taking shape in 
images of the known. The Lightning as unknown subject could be 
represented by the Serpent as object; the voice and sting of the 
unknown by the hiss and sting of the known. We have this postulate 
more directly illustrated by the Lightning as unknown object with 
the Thunder-stone of Aerolith as a Fetish image of the power that 
flashed and fled; for what the flash revealed besides itself was the 
thunder-stone . 

In man's state of mental darkness the serpent-image of the destroyer 
and of the darkness of death had made its mark on the human being 

1 Mallery, Sign Language, fig. 188. 2 fheal, Kaffir Folk-lore, p. 51. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 399 

and its deadly folds had imprinted on the race the figure of the dark- 
ness coiling round by night with death lurking in its embrace. The 
serpent drew its own symbol in the mind like its own circle on the body 
of man, and this is what man tells us when he in turn had learnt to 
draw the serpent- symbol. As man was a dweller in caves and trees 
his most mortal foe was the serpent, the forked tongue of the Darkness 
that darted death; and what form so fit as to image this appalling 
power whose habitation was Blackness and whose voice was Thunder, 
and who, when angry, would look out with eyes of lightning and 
shoot forth the forked blue flashes that could lick up forests with their 
tongues of fire and the lives of men like leaves? The fearful fasci- 
nation and appalling magnetic power of certain snakes over man, 
bird and beast has often been described. The Serpent is the Mes- 
merist and Magician of the animal world, who evoked the earliest 
idea of magic power. A deluding snake in the Ritual is called the 
Ru-hak, the reptile which makes use of this magic power (hak) to 
draw the victim towards his mouth. "Go back Ruhak! fascinating or 
stiking cold with the eyes,"i exclaims the contending spirit. Ra 
the sun-god, in his old age or decaying force, speaks of the evil 
serpents as the subtle enchanters who have enchanted him beyond 
the power of his own self-preservation, so that he needs to be sus- 
tained against them. In the "Avesta" the "lookT of the mythical 
serpent is synonymous with dealiest opposition. The good god 
Ahura-Mazda says, "when 1 created this beautiful, brilliant, admirable 
abode, (the Earthly Paradise) then the Serpent (Anra-Mainyus) looked 
at (that is opposed) me. "2 "Charming" was the great mode of 
exhibiting power. "These are the gods who charm for Har-Khuti 
in Amenti. They, the Masters of their Nets, charm those who are 
in the Nets. "3 Those who are in this scene walk before Ra, they 
Charm Apap for him. They say, "Oh! Impious Apap! Thou art 
charmed by us through the means of what is in our handsF The first 
star in Ophiuchus is known in Arabic as Ras-al-Hawwa the head of 
the "Serpent- Charmer" not merely the Serpent-Holder. 

The influence of the Serpent over the mind of primitive man can 
never be understood apart from the abnormal conditions of what are 
termed Mesmerism and Mediumship. The present writer has had a 
personal and profound experience of the abnormal in nature, as 
manifested by one of the most marvellous Sensitives ever known. 
This face to face familiarity with the mysteries of its phenomena 
enabled him to apprehend the part played by the Serpent as the 
Mesmerizer (Charmer) in the mysteries of the past. The disk of the 
Mesmerist and the look of the human eyes have no such power in 
inducing the comatose and trance conditions as the gaze of the 
Serpent! The Africans tell of women being "possessed," seized 

1 Ritual, ch. cL 2 Vedidad, Fargard 2, lines 3, 4, 5, and 34. 

3 Book of the Hades, 9th division. 

300 The Natural Genesis. 

with hysteria, and made insane by contact with the Serpent. That is, 
the Serpent by the fear of its touch and fascination of its look, pro- 
duced the abnormal phase, in which the Medium raved, and talked 
eloquently, or was divinely inspired by the Serpent, as the phenomena 
were interpreted. In this way the Sensitives were put to the test, and 
the Serpent chose its own human oracle. Those who were found to 
be greatly affected by the Serpent were selected to become Fetish 
Women, Pythonesses, or Priestesses. They were secluded in training 
hospitals, and prepared to become the oracles of the Serpent- wisdom, 
and mouth-pieces of Supernatural utterance. i This was in Africa, 
the dark birth-place of that Obeah Cult which survives wherever the 
black race migrated. The stupor caused by the Serpent's sorcery 
inspired a primary form of religious awe; and the abnormal effects 
produced upon the Sensitives were attributed to supernatural power 
possessed by the Serpent. We see that Serpents were employed in 
the cave of Trophonius for that purpose. It is said that no one ever 
came out of the cave smiling, because of the stupor occasioned by the 
Serpents. 2 

In many parts of Africa, as on the Guinea coast, and elsewhere, 
the Serpent oracle was a common institution. The reptile was kept 
in a small hut by an old woman who fed it, and who gave forth the 
answers when her oracle was consulted. She was the Pythoness, 
the Medium of Spirit communication. The feminine origin of the 
Priesthood is also indicated by the Danhgbwe-No or Fetish Priests of 
Hwida, whose names signify the Mothers of the Serpent.^ The tongue 
of the serpent is known to be a very peculiar organ of touch. This 
was employed in the Mesmeric Mysteries like those of Samothrace in 
which Olympia was such an inspired Ophite; one that loved 

"To dally with the crested worm , 
To stroke his azure neck, and to receive 
The lambent homage of his arrowy tongue." 

which was at times made use of to produce ecstasy and trance. A 
snake called Ganin-Gub by the Hottentots is also said to have 
genitals and to seek to have connection with women while they are 
sleeping."^ The statement, however, may be typical of the Coma that 
COULD BE induced by the Serpent's look, and likewise by the dart of 
its tongue. 

The earliest Medicine was a Mental influence. This was exerted 
by the Serpent over Man and imitated by him according to the laws 
of Animal Magnetism. In a trial of power between two rival Medicine 
Men belonging to two tribes of Red Indians, the contest was con- 

1 Des Marchais, Voyages (1725), vol. ii. p. 135. 

2 Bulenger, de Orac, apud Gronovius, 17, 44. Salverte, Des Sciences Occultes, 
p. 282. 

3 Burton, Dahome. 

'* Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 81. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 301 

ducted on "principles of Animal Magnetism.'" It lasted a long while, 
until one of them concentrated his force, or "gathered his Medicine," 
and commanded his opponent to die. Whereupon he died on the 

Belief in such a power furnished one important element of the 
"Medicine," just as does a belief in the sanative virtue of vaccine, 
"tar-water and the Trinity," or any other nostrum. The root of the 
Abus shrub is used by the Hottentots as a deadly charm. It is 
pounded and put into milk, when it is supposed to cause the death of 
the person who drinks it; and yet the root is not poisonous at all. But 
it has become a type. 2 Belief is a medicine that does work wonders 
whether for good or evil. 

To Charm became a supreme manipulation of mental or spiritual 
power when this was exercised over the Serpent and all that it repre- 
sented, because it had been exercised over Man by the Serpent. Thus 
when death is imaged as the Serpent with the magical influence, this 
may explain that persistent notion of the primitive races that death is 
not the result of various "natural causes," but is the effect of magic, 
sorcery, and witchcraft. The idea of death has not yet passed out of 
the first stage, where it was identified with the occult potency of the 
Serpent's sorcery. The Enchanter as the Serpent-type of death is 
now represented by an Enchanter who is assumed to have bewitched 
the victims to their death. The only question being who is this son 
or daughter of the Snake, this devil working darkly? Both Wallace 
and Stevenson testify that in South America one or more diviners are 
consulted on the death of an individual, and these generally name the 
Enchanter who is as generally sacrificed. 

The Africans and Australians share the same belief, and grope 
mentally in the same shadow of the ancient darkness. Also, according 
to Hue, certain Buddhists attribute all diseases to evil spirits. This is 
the doctrine of the Avesta which begins with the Elemental Darkness, as 
twin with the Light, and develops it into the Dark Mind who produces 
the Serpent and all kinds of disease prepensely. The Lizard takes the 
place of the Serpent-type in New Zealand, where the natives assert that 
sickness is "brought on by the Atua who, when angry, comes in the form 
of a Lizard, enters their inside, and preys upon their vitals till they 
die."^ Hence the need of appeasing the Atua and giving it what 
it likes; all curative medicine being resolved into that! Hence, also 
the necessity of opposing sorcery with sorcery, magic, incantations, 
and potent charms, and meeting abnormal effects with the abnormal 
powers of the primitive Medicine-men, and Serpent- charmers. 4 

1 John Mason Browne, Atlantic Monthly, July, 1866. 

2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 83. 

3 Yate, New Zealand, p. 141. 

"* An eminent naturalist has confessed to the present writer that he takes no interest 
in mythology. And no wonder, from the non-naturalistic treatment that it has 
received. Yet mythology is a most ancient record of natural facts; this type of a 

302 The Natural Genesis. 

Mr. E. S. Parker's pamphlet, on the Aborigines of Australia, 
contains a curious statement respecting the "Myndie." He says, — 

"In the latter end of the year 1840 the Aborigines of all the neighboruing districts 
were in a fearful state of excitement owing to the capture and imprisonment of some 
hundreds of their number. Two died on the spot and several sickly people, even- 
tually, from fright. Some of the natives told me confidentially that destruction was 
coming upon the white population, even those who were friendly; as it was known 
that secret incantations were being practised with this object. The effects were 
graphically described as producing dreadful sores, dysentery, blindness, and death. 
The Myndie was to come! At the time I did not much regard the prediction, but 
afterwards ascertaining that the scars of the small-pox were termed lillipook 
Myndie' (the scales of the Myndie), and the plague itself, which was to come in the 
dust, as Monola Myndie, the dust of the Myndie, I was able to identify the threatened 
agent as small-pox, about the ravages of which there are traditions among the 
natives of the interior. It is thought to be in the power of the large serpent 
Myndie to send forth this plague in answer to the appeal of those who seek the 
destruction of a foe (that is the sorcerers and charmers). The natives of 
Melbourne say the Myndie is a great snake, very long, thick and powerful, under 
the dominion of Pund-jel; and when commanded by him, Myndie will destroy black 
people old or young. He can do nothing of himself, and must first receive orders 
from Pund-jel. He knows all tribes and they all know him, and when a tribe is 
very wicked, or when a tribe fails to overtake and kill wild black fellows, then 
Pund-jel makes Myndie give them diseases or kill them. Myndie isn't quite snake- 
like, having a large head, and when he hisses or ejects poison his tongue appears, 
which has three points. He lives in a country called Lill-go-ner, to the N.W. of 
Melbourne, near a mountain names Bu-ker-bun-nel, and he drinks from only one 
creek named Neel-cun-nun. The ground round about this spot is very hard — no 
rain can penetrate it; and it is covered with hard substances, small and white like 
hail. Death and disease are given to any blacks who venture near this ground. 
Myndie can extend or contract his dimensions when ordered by Pund-jel; he can 
hold on to a branch like a ring-tailed opossum, and stretch his body across a great 
forest so as to reach any tribe. Myndie has several little creatures of his own kind, 
which he sends out to carry diseases and affliction among those tribes who have not 
acted well in war or peace; these creatures are troublesome, but not so dreaded as 
a visit from Myndie himself — from whom no one can escape. All plauges are 
caused by Myndie or his little ones; and when he is known to be in any place the 
blacks run for their lives — they don't stop to take their weapons, or bags, or rugs — 
not even to bury their dead, but set the bush on fire and run as fast as they can. 
Some, as they run, are afflicted by Myndie; and becoming sick lie down and die; 
some try to rise but fall down again, but those who can run swiftly and escape are 
always quite well and never suffer from sickness. 1 

In the Inner African languages. Blackness is Mindi in Kiniam- 
wezi; Maundi in Gindo; Muindo in Diwala; Moindo in Isuwu; and 
in Egyptian Menat is death. The Hurons likewise held that disease 
and death were caused by a monstrous serpent that lived under the 
earth. 2 The Chinese have a sort of serpent known as the Min. 

According to the present derivation from the Kamite origines 
the Myndie serpent of the Australian Blacks is identical with the 
Mehnti serpent of the Egyptian Ritual, the name of which signifies 
"the Snake form what is in the Abyss," the Meh of the North. 
Death, Darkness, Disease, were in the Abyss which lay between the 

lizard that is poisonous and deadly, like the serpent, being one. The existence 
of such a lizard was denied, because unknown to science. But it had been 
preserved as one of the mythical types, and the other day the venemous creature 
was re-discovered. 

1 Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, vol. i. p. 444. 

2 Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, p. 75. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 303 

West and East, and we learn that all evils that have ever affliected 
the blacks of the southern and south-eastern tribes of Australia 
have come, they believe, from the north north-west. The Myndie was 
dominated by the power of the God Pund-jel, and in the Ritual the 
Mehnti draws the Boat of the Sun, to which its tail is securely 

Disease being typified by the Serpent of Evil, any power over 
disease was described as influence over the Serpent. The Healer, 
Doctor, Medicine-man, Magician or Manitu was a charmer of the 
Serpent. "Who is the Manitu?" is asked in an Algonkin Chant, and 
the reply is, "He that goes with the Serpent;" that was the conqueror 
who could charm the Serpent into subjection; magic being the earliest 
Medicine and the first healing, a mental operation supplemented by 
fetish images, and lastly by drugs. The Medicine-man, as the Manitu, 
is the Charmer of the Serpent of evil or disease. The root of this 
name is widespread. Mana, Maori, is magic influence and power. 
In Irish, Manadh is magic, incantation; Mantra, Vedic for magic 
incantation; Moniti, Lithuanian, incantation; Mantra, Pahlavi, 
magic incantation against disease. It denotes the primary form of 
Mind. The Blacks of Australia have their Manitu in Min-nie Brum- 
brum, who is able to arrest and pull back the Myndie with a wave of 
his hand or a movement of his finger; but none know his secret, no 
one can arrest Myndie but Min-nie Brum-brum. A family named 
Min-nie Brum-brum was the only one that ever set foot on Myndie 's 
territory. Mr Thomas says, "A sorcerer, celebrated as a man 
possessing great power, a very old black, and a member of the same 
tribe as Min-nie Brum-brum, was a prisoner in the Melbourne gaol 
many years ago for having committed some depredations on the 
flocks of the settlers. The news of his arrest was carried to tribes far 
and near even to 200 miles off. Telegraph fires were lighted. 
Messengers from seven tribes were sent to my blacks, who importuned 
me to set free the black stranger. Finding 1 would not they urged 
me and all the settlers to leave the districts and go to Van Dieman's 
Land or Syndey. Some hundreds of blacks were in Melbourne when 
the old man was imprisoned, and they all fled in terror fearing he 
would move Pund-jel to let Myndie loose, who they believed would 
spare no one — and what is more, they did not return until the prisoner 
was set free, some months after. "1 

In Egypt, Taht was the divine doctor, the God of Physicians, and 
his medicine is magic. The Stele of Metternich informs us that Taht 
has magical words to bewitch poison and prevent it from doing serious 
injury, and by his words he betwitched the Apap Serpent and all the evil 
enemies that for ever fight against Ra. The same power is assigned to 
Horus the healer or saviour of souls, when he is depicted in the act of 

1 Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, from MS. of the late William Thomas. 

304 The Natural Genesis. 

holding the Serpent, Scorpion, and other Typhonian types of evil, 
helpless and harmless through the power of his charming, i 

Here we can further see how Age itself became identified with 
sorcery, because the Aged and the Wise were synonymous. In 
Egyptian, Aak the Aged Man, and Aak the Mage or Magician are 
identical. The Aged were the wiseacres, wizards, and witches. Hence 
the Hottentot tribes used to leave their old people behind to die the 
"devil's death" and be devoured by vultures, because being aged 
they were all the greater sorcerers, and the awe-stricken tribe were 
so fearful of witchcraft, that friends dared not keep their own 
relations alive. 2 So, in Europe, old women were naturally considered 
to be witches, and were persecuted accordingly. The Amazulus 
generally regard the grandfathers as the dead;^ and in Egyptian the 
Akh is the Dead, the Manes as well as the Ages one, or the Mage. 
These three are one by name. Moreover the Akhekh becomes our 
Hag for the snake and the old witch, Russian Hexe, Polish Yega, the 
sorceress or fiend. The Egyptian form of the word as Hekau means 
magic and to charm. The same word signifies a net, snares, and the 
serpent is the ensnarer as the magnetiser and lier-in-wait. It is like- 
wise the name for intoxicating drinks in which the enchanter lurked. 
Hekau is Beer, containing the alcoholic Spirits, and in Chinese, Hak is 
a name for distilling spirits. This also was a mode of magic. Hekau 
for Magic is a name of Thought. So Hugi, according to the Prose 
Edda is Thought in person. The "Serpent-charmer" who was 
primally the Serpent itself, made so early an appeal to thought by 
means of its magic power, that Thought, Mind, and Magic were 
named after it, and this will help to explain why the Serpent became 
a type of Wisdom, Knowledge, occult influence, the Wise Hag, Yaga, 
or Khekh, synonymous with the Wise Woman or Wise Man. Though 
not particularly profound, yet it was the first Thinker or Magician to 
the primitive sense, on account of its deluding and eluding subtlety. 
The Hottentots still believe that a particular Snake, the Dassies- 
Adder, can detect the criminal among hundreds of people and kill 
him unerringly, without turning its avenging ire on the innocent. "^ 
Amongst the types of the "Elementaries" perceived as active forces 
of the material universe, the Serpent naturally rose to supremacy as 
very crest of crests on account of its subtle craft and glozing guile. 
The Hippopotamus and Crocodile were wider-mouthed, but manifested 
no such commanding cunning as the Serpent with its secret sorcery. 
Hence, in Egypt, it became the one universal symbol of the Gods. 
This beginning with the Darkness, symbolised as the deluding and 

1 "And he said unto them, I beheld Satan as lightning fall from heaven. Behold, 
1 give unto you power to tread on Serpents and Scorpions, and over all the power 
of the enemy." — Luke x. 18, 19. 

2 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 74. ^ [jjid. p. 86. 
'^ Ibid. p. 108. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 


devouring reptile, will likewise account for the common notion of 
primitive races, that Spirits or Divinities are Demons in the bad 
Sense, and naturally evil, like the bad spirit of the Eclipse, who mis- 
chievously intercepts the light intended to be shed on the earth and 
its inhabitants.! This is particularly shown by the North Australian 
Aborigines, who will not go near to human graves by night, but when 
compelled to pass them they always carry a fire-stick to keep off the 
Spirit of Darkness.^ The Beginning was not with the Spirits of the 
Dead, but with the inimical in external nature, and this mould continued 
to shape their later thought. The first Monster was the Darkness 
solidified (so to say) as that which checked, Egyptian Khekht; 
Amoy Kek; repelled, repulsed, and turned back. The type of this was 
that which did the same, whether as the Serpent, Crocodile, Alligator, 
Scorpion, or other Turner-back. The Darkness as the enemy of Light 
was naturally represented by the greatest enemy of man. In the 
recurring phenomena of the Lunar Eclipse, the Dragon of the dark 
took form in space as a visible opponent of the Lunar Light. In 
Egyptian, Lunar Eclipses are named Tennu or Tannu. Tan signfies 
to rise up in revolt and to cut off. The Tan of the Eclipse rose up in 
revolt and cut off the light. The Tan is a well-known typical Monster 
in the Hebrew writings. One form of it is the Dragon of the deep. 
Tan is an Egyptian name for the Water-Worm (Tannu) the 
Destroyer in the Waters, and in Hebrew the Tannin may be the 
Crocodile, a Sea-snake, the Monster of the Mythos or the Dragon of 
Eclipse. The Hebrew Levia-than is the Mythical Monster of the 
Waters, the DEN-dayan of the Book of Enoch. This name, like that 
of the Khekh, is world-wide, as is the type. In Arabic the Tannin 
is the Serpent. The Taniwha of the Maori are huge Mythical 
Monsters, of reptile or dragon-shape, who seize and swallow people 
in deep waters. They lurk in the bend of the river, like the Egyp- 
tian Dragon in the bend of the great Void. That was where the 
starry procession dipped down below the horizon. The Tan is 
Inner African also as the Danh Serpent of Dahome the Great 
Divinity of the Pantehon. This Serpent or Snake takes two forms, 
as the Serpent of Earth, the Danh-Ghwe, and the Serpent of 
Heaven, in strict keeping with the dual Serpent and the Twin 
Truths of Egypt. The Serpent of Earth is first. The Serpent 
of Heaven is simply called the Danh. This is the Rainbow. Danh 
makes the Popo Beads, and showers wealth on men. He is represented 
as a Horned Snake made of clay and coiled up in a Calabash. 3 

Duno, is the Serpent, in Kasm. 

Dunu ,, ,, Yula. 

Danawe ,, ,, Udso. 

Dem „ ,, Koama. 

Dom, is the Serpent, in Kiamba. 
Turn ,, ,, Legba. 

Dom ,, ,, Kaure. 

1 Archaeol. Americana, voL i. p. 351. 

2 Keppel, Visit to the Indian Archipelago, voL ii. p. 183. 

3 Burton, Dahome, voL ii. p. 148. 

3o6 The Natural Genesis. 

We shall find the Serpent and Rainbow are equivalents else- 

The Scorpion is named Yatan in Mampa. 

Ndengei is a Fijian Serpent-deity, who is pourtrayed with a 
serpent's head and body, and who dwells in darkness where he does 
nothing but crouch in his cave and devour his food. Our our 
Thunder when personified is a form of the Tan. The German Satan 
was at one time represented by the red-bearded Thunder. Sut Typhon 
was of a red complexion, and this one of the two proper hues was 
retained in the beard of Thunder and of the Giants, who were images 
of the Akhekh, the gigantic, the monster. Indeed, Thunder was one 
of the giants slain by Jack the Giant-Killer, who cut the ropes that sus- 
pended the drawbridge, and when the giant tried to cross he fell. In a 
later phase the Thunder was represented by the Thunderer as Don-ner. 
In English heraldry Tenny denotes the dragon's head; the swallower 
during an eclipse. One primitive and universal idea was that in its 
period of eclipse the orb of the moon or sun was being seized, gripped, 
pinched, choked or swallowed by the monster of darkness. The 
Tahitians say of the Moon under an eclipse she it Natua (Maori Nati, 
to pinch, constrict, throttle), that is, pinched and strangled, showing 
the idea of the serpent or dragon, the Ahi or throttling serpent. The 
Caribs held that the demon Mabaya, the enemy of Light was devour- 
ing the Moon or the Sun. The Chinese of Kiatka said that eclipses 
were caused by the Evil Spirit placing its dark hand on the face of 
the Moon. Knowing the Monster's mealtime was the Siamese equiva- 
lent for knowing how large an eclipse was about to occur. Sometimes 
the Swallower was the Jaguar; at others, the Dog; at others, the 
Wolf of Darkness. When the Sun was eclipsed the Tupis said the 
"Jaguar has eaten the Sun." "God guard the Moon from the 
Wolves," became a French proverb. "My God! how she suffers.'" 
exclaimed a crowd of French country-folk during an eclipse of the 
Moon, believing that she was falling a prey to the monster who 
sought to devour her. To all appearances it was a lunar eclipse that 
so terrified the Lybians in the time of Neb-Ka the first king of the 
Third Dynasty, that they once more submitted to the rule of Egpyt, 
against which they had risen in revolt. When an eclipse of the Moon 
occurs, the Hottentots who are out on an expedition of war or hunt- 
ing will return home saying, "We are overpowered by Gauna"^ the 
dark and evil opponent. The Finns and Laps say the Moon is being 
eaten, and the primitive conception was preserved by the Mexicans 
when they spoke of the Sun or Moon being eaten or swallowed, 
although they had attained exact knowledge of the cause of eclipses. 
In an allegorical dance the Mexican priests represented the Sun as 
being devoured by the Moon. 2 The Moon in the dragon's mouth 
was likewise an emblem of eclipse in the old British calenders. 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 89. 2 Humboldt, Vues, pi. 56. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 307 

This, with so many other mythical types, survived in the Christian 
Iconography. In the Church of Our Lady of Halle, the Devil or 
Dragon is depicted as endeavouring to swallow the Bible, which is 
upbourne on the back of an Eagle, the soaring Bird of Light. The 
Greek Gorgd, the Swallower or Devourer, imaged with the Mouth wide 
open was a continuation of the Akhekh dragon, and the Nakak 
crocodile, both of which were pourtrayed with the wide-open Mouth, 
the throttler with its throat. Gorgeo Negro or Black Throat was an 
epithet of the Monster hurled at the Huguenot by the French 
Catholic. The Gorgeo or Gorge was personified in the Gorgo. And — 

N'gorgu, is the Gullet, in Mbarike. Gorokud, is the Gullet, in Buduma. 

N'guigulsio ,, ,, N'godsin. Gargant ,, ,, Banyun. 

N'koriyon ,, ,, Param. 

The Gorgon as Swallower is the — 

Korku, an Alligator, in Barba. Kurguli, the Lion, in Kanuri. 

Koleko, the Lion, in Dsebu Kurgoali ,, ,, Kanem. 

Korimo ,, ,, Idessa. Goire ,, ,, Wolof. 

Kurguli ,, ,, Buduma. 

The Gorgon's head was a common type of the grave, or the devour- 
ing dark of death, on Etruscan temple-tombs. The first Gorgon 
would be the Darkness when the livid gleams with petrifying stare 
made visible a face of ghastly gloom, that looked and lightened, and 
some victim fell stone-dead, or was turned to stone. The face of 
Darkness in the orb of the Moon was a projected shadow of the 
monster of eclipse, the Gorgon. Epigenes of Sikyon, the most 
ancient writer of tragedy, in his lost work on the poetry of Orpheus, 
said the Theologer called the Moon Gorgonian because of the face in 
itA Plutarch quotes Homer as saying that in eclipses the faces of 
men were seized upon by Darkness. He also intimates that evil spirits 
were daunted and driven away from the lunar paradise by the awful 
face seen within the orb. 2 When the shadow of the black Aharman 
was cast over the world, and was beaten back again by the good 
Spirit of Light, it is said, "Many dark forms with the face and curls of 
Azi Dahaka (the Serpent of Evil) suffered punishment.'"^ The Dragon 
or Devil of Darkness did not originate in the mere form and look of a 
"Cloud that is Dragonish," nor in a cloud that is supposed to imprison 
the rain. The blacker the cloud the more certain it is not to withhold 
the rain. These types did not originate in any such child's play with 
phenomena as the Aryanists have assumed. The struggle of Indra 
and Vritra, the Devil of darkness, the constant theme of the Vedic 
poets, is identical with that of the Sun and Apophis, or in the later 
rendering of Horus and Typhon, in the Ritual. The Vedic Vritra is 
the old Dragon-type of physical phenomena, the Coiler round the 
Light, no matter whether the light be Stellar, Lunar, or Solar. Indra 

1 Suidas, in voc. Thespis, Clem. Alex. Strom. 5 — 8. 

2 Plutarch's Moralia, "The face appearing in the orb of the Moon." 

3 Zad-Sparam, ch. ii. 10. 

3o8 The Natural Genesis. 

is a form of the Solar God, whose birthplace is the spot where Vritra 
lies dead. Vritra is the Coiler round who envelopes and hides the 
light. Vri, to unfold, represents Pri (Eg.) to come out, to wrap 
round; Prt answers to Vrit (Sans.) and Varto (Lat.) to turn in a 
reverse way; but Vritra is also a form of the "Crooked" Serpent of 
Lightning that never goes straight, like the Hottentot Gama-Gorib, 
the zig-zagger. In a Karen myth Ta Ywa was born as a very little 
child who went to the Sun to be made to grow. The Sun blew him 
up until his head reached the sky. He went forth and travelled over 
all the earth. Then he was swallowed up by a great snake. This was 
cut open, whereupon Ta Ywa issued forth to new life.i The Myth 
evidently relates to the Light of day being swallowed up by the dark 
typified as the Akhekh serpent. In this the Day-light is treated as 
a child of the Sun. 2 When an eclipse of the Moon occurs the 
Akkadian Legends describe the Dragon with the Seven heads, or the 
Seven Evil Spirits, as rushing on the Lunar orb with intent to 
destroy its light. With terror the gods behold their lamp going out in 
Heaven. Bel saw the eclipse of the Moon-God and sent Nebo 
(Nusku) his messenger to Hea for advice. Hea called his son 
Merodach, and said, ""Lo, my Son, the light of the Sky, even the Moon- 
God is griveously darkened in heaven, and, in eclipse, from heaven is 
vanishing. Those Seven wicked gods, the Serpents of Death, who fear 
not," were waging war on the Moon. 3 Merodach overthrows the 
Seven Powers of Darkness. The Gods do all they can to help 
the Moon in eclipse, as did their human imitators in all lands, 
who howled and threatened, and clenched their fists, threw stones 
or shot their poisoned arrows at the gruesome shadow of danger 
that turned the Moon to blood, laid the dark hand upon her face 
or covered earth with the drear dun hues of the solar eclipse. 
In this representation the Dragon-Slayer is the Solar Hero; but 
the Solar God, as conquerer of the Evil power, typified by 
the Serpent, implies the latest form of the Myth. The Moon 
that shone by night was an earlier opponent of the Darkness 
than the Sun, and the earlier Dragon Slayer was Lunar. In the 
Moon-Myth we find Khunsu the youthful god of the Moon, is 
especially personified as the Giant-killer, and therefore the con- 
tender with the Apap by night as the Visible Luni-Solar Hercules. 
But the Lunar Mythos was extant long before the Moon was 
known to derive its light from the Sun, or the Sun was pourtrayed 
as descending into the underworld, to fight the Devouring Dragon of 
Darkness. Thus, when Typhon tore the body of Osiris into 14 parts, 

1 Ta Ywa places the god Shieoo under the earth to support it, and whenever he 
moves there is an earthquake. Shieoo corresponds to the Egyptian Shu, who is the 
supporter of the nocturnal heaven. 

2 Mason, Journal of the As. Society, Bengal, 1865. 

3 Sayce, Bab. Lit. 35. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 309 

the conflict was between the dark power and the lunar light, during 
the waning half of the Moon. One character of Osiris is that of the 
Lord of Light in the Moon, the reflector of the Solar light. The 
fourteen parts are the fourteen days or nights from Full to New 
Moon, the "obscure half," during which the Dragon of Darkness was 
dominant. Hence the type of a feminine Dragon-slayer. In various 
versions it is the Woman, and not her Son, that crushes the 
Serpent's head. 

The Australian blacks tell of a mysterious creature, the Nar-gun, 
a cave-dweller that inhabits certain places in the bush, especially the 
Valley of the Mitchell in Gippsland. He has many caves, and if any 
one should incautiously approach too near one of these, he is dragged 
in by Nar-gun and seen no more. If a spear is thrown at Nar-gun, 
the spear returns to the thrower and wounds him. Nar-gun cannot 
be killed. He dwells in a cave at Lake Tyers. A native woman once 
fought Nar-gun at this cave, but nobody knows how the battle 
ended. 1 

In the Chippewa tale of the "Little Monedo" it is related that 
there was a tiny boy, who grew no bigger with years, but who was 
mighty powerful and performed marvellous feats. One day he waded 
into the lake and shouted, "You of the red fins come and swallow 
me." Here is may be remarked that red fins, or the red, i.e. Typhonian 
fish, appears in the Egyptian Magic Papyrus. 2 The fish came and 
swallowed him. But seeing his sister standing in despair on the 
shore, he called to her, and she tied an old moccasin to one end of a 
string, the other to a tree and threw the shoe into the water. "What 
is that floating on the water?" asked the monster. The boy said to 
the fish, "Go take hold of it, and swallow it as fast as you can." 
The fish darted towards the old shoe, and swallowed it; the boy-man 
laughed to himself, but said nothing till the fish was fairly caught, 
and then he took hold of the line and hauled himself to shore. When 
the sister began to cut the fish open she heard her brother's voice 
from inside the fish, calling to her to let him out, so she made a hole, 
and he crept through, and told her to cut up the fish and dry it, for 
it would last them a long while for food. 3 

On the monuments it is the genitrix herself in the character of 
Isis-Serk, who is placed in command over the Apap Dragon by night, 
and when he is seen fettered and fast bound, the end of the cord or 

1 Smyth, Aborigines of Victoria, voL i. p. 456. 

2 Records of the Past, voL x. p. 145. 

3 Tylor, Early History of Mankind, p. 343. This is a form of the Mythical 
Jonah, whose phenomenal origin was the Sun, or Fire, that was carried across the 
Waters by the Fish, probably Piscis Australis, which marked the passage of the 
sunken Sun. A writer in the Dictionary of the Bible (Article, Jonah) remarks 
with much simplicity — "We feel ourselves precluded from any doubt of the reality 
of the transactions recorded in this book (Jonah) by the simplicity of the language 
itself, and by the thought that one might as well doubt all other miracles in Scripture 
as doubt these." Oh! Sancta Simplicitas! 

310 The Natural Genesis. 

chain is held in her hands. The genitrix also triumphed over the 
Darkness, as the " Woman" of the Moon who "guards the forepart of 
the orb at the paths of total darkness." She boasts that the Twin 
Lion-gods are in her belly, and says she has deprived the darkness 
of its power. "I am the Woman, an orb of light in the darkness. I have 
brought my orb to the darkness, it is changed into light. I overthrow 
the extinguishers of flame! I have stood! The Fiends have hidden 
their faces. I have prepared Taht (the young Moon-god) at the gate of 
the Moon."^ In a Chinese Myth the Dragon devours Nine Maidens 
consecutively. Then Ki, the daughter of Li Tau, volunteered to go 
to the monster's cave. She took a sword and a dog that would bite 
snakes; and placed rice and honey at the mouth of the monster's 
den. At nightfall out came the Dragon with its head as big as a 
rice-rick, and its eyes like mirrors, two feet acrss. The mess 
attracted it; the dog attacked it in front and Ki hacked at it behind 
until it was mortally wounded. Ki then entered the cave and 
recovered the skeletons of the Nine Maidens whose fate she bewailed, 
and then she leisurely returned home. 2 The Prince of Yueh on 
hearing of her exploit, raised her to become his queen. This is a 
Lunar form of the Mythos in which the Woman spears the Serpent's 
head, instead of Horus, her son and seed. Ki and her dog answer to 
Isis and her dog in the under- wo rid; and in relation to the Dragon 
of Eclipse, the Nine Maidens may possibly represent the Nine 
previous Moons; the Tenth the genitrix, as the bringer-forth of the 
young Sun-god at the time of the Spring Equinox (Nine Months from 
the Summer Solstice), when the Moon in her travail wrestled with 
the Dragon of Eclipse, and this time conquered for the year; or the 
Nine Months reckoned from the Harvest Moon of the Autmn 
Equinox to Mesore (Egyptian), the Month of re-birth at the Summer 
Solstice. It is noticeable that the Marquesans had a Year which was 
reckoned as Ten Moons, and that in Egypt the Year consisted of Ten 
Moons, or Nine Solar Months, with an Inundation (which was the 
Child of Isis), that flowed during Three Months. 

There was a stone in the north end of the Parish of Strathmartin, 
Forfar, called Martin's stone. Tradition affirmed that this was erected 
on the spot where a Dragon had devoured Nine Maidens, who had 
gone out on a Sunday evening one after the other to fetch water from 
the well or spring. The Dragon was said to have been killed by 
Martin. 3 At Lambton Hall the Womt^ was reputed to drink the Milk 
of Nine Cows, which correspon to the Nine Maidens or Moons. 

1 Rit. ch. Ixxx. Birch. 

2 A Chinese Story. Notes and Queries, vol. i. p. 148. 

3 Brand, Midsummer Eve. 

'^ The "Worm" was the Dragon in Britain. The Worm is the Krimi in Sanskrit; 
Kirm, Hindustanti; Kirmele, Lithuania; Cruimh, Irish; and in Inner Africa the 
Alligator is the Karam in Kanuri; Karam in Munio; Karam in N'guru; Karam in 
Kanem; the animal being a real Dragon of the waters. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 311 

In one Myth the Light is rescued by the Sun-god, and in the other it 
is re-born of the genitrix. The "Woman" in the Ritual boasts that she 
has "made the Eye of Horus, when it was not coming at the fifteenth 
of the Month." The Eye was the Mirror or Reflector, and the Full 
Moon was an Eye of Sight that reftected the Sun. This was in 
connection with the origin of the so-called "Eye-goddesses" in Egpyt, 
such as Tef-nut who is named from Tef, the pupil of the eye. 

The imagery pourtrayed in the planisphere shows the Woman as 
the bruiser of the Serpent. On Christmas Day when the Christ, the 
Buddha, or Mithras was born, the birth-day of the Sun in the Winter 
Solstice, the constellation of the Virgin arose upon the horizon; she 
was represented as holding the new-born child in her arms, and being 
pursued by the Serpent which opened its mouth just beneath her 
in the position of being trodden under-foot. The symbolism was 
applied to Isis and Horus in Egypt; to Maya and Buddha in India 
and China; to the Woman and Child in Revelation, to Mary and 
Jesus in Rome; and is still to be read in the signs of heaven, where 
it is old enough to prove a unity of origin for the several myths. 

Alexander Henry in his travels among the North American Indians, 
relates that when the Mother was travailing sorely in the pangs of 
labour, like the Woman in Revelation, or the Mother-Moon in Eclipse, 
and the Mid wives grew fearful lest the Child should be born dead, 
they hastened to catch and kill a Serpent and gave the Woman its 
blood to drink. 1 Here the origin of the Serpent-type alone will 
enable us to interpret the custom. The Dragon of Darkness had to 
be cut in two at the crossing for the orb to pass through or the light 
to be re-born. In Kanuri, "Dinia fatsar kamtsi," for the Day dawns, 
signifies the Day has cut through. The Solar conquerer, as Horus 
the cutter-through, is pourtrayed as the wearer of the Serpent's skin 
for the trophy of his triumph. So in the Algonkin Myth, Michabo, 
the Solar god, is represented in conflict with the Prince of Serpents 
who dwells in a deep lake; he destroys the reptile with his dazzling 
dart, and clothes himself in the skin of his fallen foe. 2 It was at one 
time common in England for people to believe that the skin of a 
snake bound round a woman in travail would ease her labour pains. 3 
The Serpent that was slain was the Dragon of darkness, which be- 
came the Serpent of Life and Healing as a type of sacrifice when 

1 Travels, p. 117. 

2 Brinton, M. N. A. p. 116. 

3 The Egyptian Magical Texts show that hair, feathers, the serpent's skin, and 
the "blood of the mystic eye" were used as charms of protecting or destroying 
power. "Shu takes the shape of an Eagle's wing." "A lock of hair is made to strangle 
the sour of an enemy. Shu prevails by carrying the "hair of a cow," 
the hood of a serpent, and the "blood of the mystic eye." The latter denotes what 
is known amongst certain of our peasantry as "Dragon's Blood," (not the chemical 
compound used as a kind of size) which is employed as a potent love-charm or 
philtre according to instructions still or lately given by the Wise Woman. — 
Records of the Past, vol. vi. pp. 119-120. 

312 The Natural Genesis. 

the Serpent that was severed at the Crossing was "offered up" on 
the Cross. 

Mr. Ruskin speaks of the "True Worship," which "may have taken 
a dark form when associated with the Draconian one." He assumes 
some "primaeval revelation" vouchsafed to a chosen people from the 
truth of which men lapsed into error; but the Dragon is part and 
parcel of all the primasval revelation there ever was; the Draconian 
was the first as the Dragon at the Polar centre still bears witness, and 
it was the fetishism of the dark because it was primasval. There has 
been a mental evolution corresponding to the physical, and Mythology 
retains the means of tracing the progress from the vague darkness 
through the Stellar, Lunar, and Solar phases of thought into the 
later light of Day. 

When Sanchoniathon says the First Men "consecrated the Plants of 
the Earth, and judged them gods, and worshipped the things upon which 
they themselves lived, and to which they made libations and sacrifices,"! 
his statement is made according to the later thought and mode of 
expression. "Consecration," "Gods," "Worship," must have been 
very remote from the minds of the First Men. 

Augustine has remarked of Hermes Trismegistus, that he affirms 
the visible and tangible images to be as it were the "bodies of gods," 
because there are within them various invited spirits. By a "certain 
arf these invisible spirits are made visible in a vesture of corporeal 
matter. "This is what he calls making gods."^ Hermes was the great 
Hieroglyphist of Tradition, the supposed Inventor of Types, and of 
Typology; the earliest mode of representing things, or making gods. 
We are now in a position to prove that the earliest "gods" were "ele- 
mentary powers" which were directly apprehended at first; and 
to show how they were represented by natural types, in short, how 
the first gods grew. The Egyptian divinities, as the Nenu, or which 
there is a figure of 8,3 are only the types, or representatives, the 
fetish-images of powers considered to be superior to man. 

It has been assumed that the early Man projected his own spirit 
upon external nature as the mirror which returned the shadow of 
himself. But if so, the earliest personifications of natural forces 
ought to have been in his own likeness, whereas the Devil or 
Divinity in the human form does not belong to the primary Mythi- 
cal formation. Powers beyond human were recognized in external 
nature, — furies of force in whose presence man was by an image 
of helplessness altogether inadequate to express them. The powers 
were super-human; their likenesses are pre-human, and with the human 
advance the types were humanized. We see the Beast transfiguring 
into the Beauty, when the Mother Nature, who was once a Dragon, 
a Lioness, a Hippopotamus, a Milch-Cow, a Serpent, changes into 

1 Eusebius, Prsep. Evang. i. lo. ^ Augustinus, De Civ. Dei, 8 — 23. 

3 Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 140. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 313 

Uati, Hathor, Neith, or Rennut, as the Goddess who wears the shape 
of Woman. It is another mistake to imagine that primitive Man 
began personifying, and, so to say, entifying the elements by con- 
ceiving the eidolon of Fire, Wind, or Water. Typology proves that 
he did not personify, as his mode of representation. His process was 
mainly that of objective comparison. He represented one thing by 
another; the invisible force by a corresponding type of power. 

The process of representation was that which the logician terms 
in another application of the words, the "substitution of similars." 
For instance, having no name for th emoon, he saw it as the eye of 
the dark, and called it the Cat, earlier Lynx or Lioness, whose golden 
eyes were luminous by night. This was in the natural phase; but 
the image still served for typifying, when it was known that the Moon 
was only a reflector of the solar light, because the eye is a mirror. 
Hence, the Lunar Cat-headed, or Lioness-headed Goddess, became 
the Eye of the Sun.i The primitive man did not animate the dark- 
ness or the water with any abstract spirit of destruction. But he 
realized the less definite Swallower in the most definite form of the 
Dragon, because he was compelled to think in things. He did not 
know how the Earth gulped down the tars, or the Water devoured 
the life, but he adopted the Crocodile and Hippopotamus as forms 
most palpable. Earth was the visible cause of darkness, and there- 
fore it was represented by the Crocodile that swallowed the lights as 
they went down into the darkness. The Serpent was that which darted 
death, so was the Lightning. The Hippopotamus was the power of 
the Deluge broken out of bounds; the howling wind was the Great 
Ape in its wrath; the fire was the flaming Yellow Lion or the Golden 
Bird that soared aloft fearlessly in the flames of the Sun. 

This mode of expressing phenomena was the origin of the primor- 
dial types which were continued as mythical, Totemic, divine, and 
thus we are enabled to see that typology and mythology are twin from 
the birth and one in their fundamental rootage. Primitve men were 
forced to typify in order that they might know by name these Ele- 
mental Energies and non-intellectual Powers, even as they represented 
their own Totems, and named themselves by means of the animals. 

According to the laws of evolution, cognition of the unapparent 
power as cause of phenomena must have belonged to the latest per- 
ception, not the primary; and it is an axiom of the present work that 
religious feeling originated in awe and admiration of powers superior 
to those possessed by the human being, but that the nearest and most 
apparent were the earliest. The first so-called deities of primitive 
man may be named Weather-gods. The god and the weather, the 

1 The Cat — as Peht or Buto in Egyptian; Pdtu, Mandura; Patu, N'godsin; Budi 
in Mimboma; Poti, Maori; Bede, Australian; Footie, Shetland — also brought on 
the name of the Lioness, which was Pekht in Egyptian, the earlier form of the 

314 The Natural Genesis. 

wind and the rain, are often synonymous among the African races. 
The "Yongmaa" of the Akra people is either the Rain or the God. 
The Divinity, the Heaven, and the Cloud, are synonymous among 
the Makuas. Rain-Giver is a common African name for the Power 
above. The savage may have advanced somewhat beyond the 
elemental stage, but the elements made the primary appeal. Air 
was the god Hurakan, pourtrayed under that name by the Quiches. 
Certain forces of nature were represented, but not personated, and 
their representatives became the earliest types of the particular 
powers. They were not personified in the human likeness; neither 
were they of any sex. The Elements are of no sex; neither were 
the elementary types, or primordial gods. The seven "Elementaries" 
in Akkad are so far impersonal powers that they are sexless; "female 
they are not, male they are not (Akkadian); or "male they are not, 
female they are not (Assyrian). The producer as female is the only 
one whose sex is determined, and she is the Dragon-horse. The Sun 
or Moon considered as the masculine in one language and feminine 
in another, is a result of this indefinite and impersonal beginning with 
the neuter type which could and did become both male and female in 
mythology and language, because it was neither in itself at first. The 
most perplexing elements of mythology and language originate in 
this the primary stage of typology, the elementary and elemental. 
When among th eblacks of Australia men are named Wind, Thunder, 
Hail, Fire, the custom reaches back to this beginning. 

The primary gods of Egypt are eight in number. They were gods 
in space who ruled over Chaos, or failed to rule it, before the cycles 
of Time commenced. According to Herodotus the Eight gods were 
extant for 17,000 years before the reign of Amasis.i These were 
the eight, however, who existed when Taht had superseded Sut; not 
the original Eight Elementaries. As before said, the Eight gods of 
the beginning, who consist of the Great Mother and her Seven 
Children, afford one of the test-types for the unity of origin in 
mythology. They are found in the British Arthur and his Seven 
Companions in the Ark. They are found also as the Eight Great 
Gods of Gaul, and the eight who were represented by the Eight 
Great Pillars in the Temple on the Island of Fortuna.2 The Japanese 
Great Mother, Quanwon, and the seven Shinto Gods also form an 
Ogdoad; they are sometimes represented by an eight-headed figure. 
The Maori mythology likewise commences with Eight Elementary 
Powers, personified as — 

Papa (Earth, the Mother who is the founda- Haumia-Tikitiki, Father of wild-growing 

tion of all. food. 

Rangi (Heaven), called the Father. Rongo-ma-tane, Father of cultivated food. 

Tane-Makuto, Father of Forests. Tu-Matauenga, Father of fierce men. 

Tangaroa, Father offish and reptiles. Taivhiri-ma-tea, Father of winds and storms. 

1 Book ii. 43. 2 Book of the Beginnings, vol. ii. p. 560. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 315 

These are the Genitrix and the Seven Pitris, or Fathers, who were 
born as her Seven Sons. 

In the account of creation inscribed on the Bark Record of the 
Lenape Indians, the primal power (or powers) rises from the waters 
eight-rayed. This precedes and does not represent the SunA The 
number likewise agrees with the Quiche creative powers, who are 
described as eight in number. These, however, are called half male 
and half female. The Quiche legends, which tell of the struggles 
between the rulers of the upper and nether realms, also relate that in 
Xibalba, the realm of disappearing, the rulers or lords are "One Death 
and the Seven Deaths." The One and the Seven, just as we find them 
in the Dragon and her Seven-fold progeny, in Sut Typhon (or the 
Eight Gods), and in the Divinity of the Templars, Mete, whose "root is 
One and Seven." Ximenes says of these eight reduced deities who had 
been superseded, as in Akkad and Egypt, "In the old times they did 
not have much power, they were the annoy ers and opposers of men, and 
in truth they were not regarded as gods. But when they appeared it was 
terrible. They were of evil, they were owls, things of darkness, fomenting 
trouble and discord."^ It was in the old times, however, that the Eight 
had all power, and only in later times were they relegated to their 
native hell as the Devils of Theology. 

In the Latita-Vistara3 eight heavenly beings are enumerated as 
the Gods or Devas. These are the Nagas, Yakshas, Gandharvas, 
Asuras, Garudas, Kinnaras, and Mahorgas, which are submerged like 
the ruins of Yucatan beneath whole forests of aftergrowth; but they 
correspond fundamentally to the Eight Elementaries of Egypt, and 
can be recovered by the comparative process, because in them the 
earliest types are retained. 

The Vedic Aditi is a form of the primordial genitrix, called in the 
vague stage of thought the boundless, the Infinite. She also pre- 
ceded Time and the established order of things that followed Chaos. 
The infinite Aditi is really the non-established, the unopened, or 
undivided. She has seven sons called the Seven Adityas. The Eight 
— the genitrix and her seven-fold progreny — when compared with the 
Egyptian Eight, will be found like them to be the gods of chaos, who 
existed as Elementaries before the creation of Time. The Elemen- 
taries of Egypt are likewise represented by the Asuras in India. The 
Mahabharata^ says that in the battle which they fought with each 
other, the Asuras were the elder brothers and the gods the younger. 
The gods were of the same parentage as the Asuras, but from a 
footing of equality they became superior to them.^ The Asuras 
were primarily the product of an earlier phase of thought, and were 
afterwards considered non-spiritual on account of their physical and 

1 W. W. Beach, Indian Miscellany, p. 21. 

2 Ximenes, Or. de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 76; cited by Brinton, p. 64. 

3 Foucaux, p. 250, et passim. '^ S'Antip, 1184. ^ Muir, Sans. Texts, v. 15. 

3i6 The Natural Genesis. 

material origin. It is the same with the inferior and superior Heb- 
domads of the Gnostics. 

The Seven who are the Evil Progeny of Tiamat in Akkad, the 
Seven-headed Thunderbolt, and the Seven-headed Serpent, are also 
the Seven-fold Storm-wind as one of the Tempest-types of fatal 
force. They are said to rush from the four cardinal points; they 
swoop down like a violent tempest in heaven and earth; they are 
the destroying Tempests, the fiends of stom on their way to becoming 
the Maruts of the Indian mythology, who are Seven at first, corre- 
sponding to the Seven in Akkad. They are described as the "Seven 
with spears." The embroyo of the genitrix Aditi was divided into 
seven parts, and from these sprang the Maruts of the Vedas. As the 
story is told by Sayana, the Embroyotic Seven were born of Diti, the 
Divider. 1 In India the Seven were developed into the Seven Troops of 
the Maruts, but they have the same sole origin in nature, and in the 
typology. It was they who "stretched out all the terrestrial regions and 
the luminaries of the sky"; they who "divided and held the Two 
Worlds apart." The Maruts have the same development form the 
status of evil destroyers who became supporters of the good god. 
They fight on the side of Indra just as the Seven Spirit of the Great 
Bear become the supporters of Osiris. They are likewise particularly 
associated with the Seven Rishis of the Great Bear. Seven Elements 
were identified with these Seven Elementaries or later spirits; also 
Seven Properties in Nature, such as Matter, Cohesion, Fluxion, 
Coagulation, Accumulation, Station, and Division. 

And although the present writer is unable to fathom or follow the 
subject in India, he is satisfied that a mass of mysticism in Budd- 
hism is the result of this beginning with the Elementaries. For 
example, A-Kdsa is called the Fifth Element, the subtle ethereal fluid, 
which is the vehicle of sound, and the peculiar vehicle of life. Then it be- 
comes the Creator (Brahma or other god) identical with Ether. As Kdsa 
(Sans.) is the becoming visible or apparent, A-Kdsa is the invisible 
or unapparent. But in this Elemental stage the unapparent is not 
God; it is only atmospherical. Ether is represented by the Cone as the 
fifth sign in the diagram, in which the square signifies earth; the circle. 
Water (heaven as the water above); the pyramid or triangle. 
Fire; the crescent. Air, and the, cone. Ether, which as fifth was 
once the qmntessence of the elements. The full number of 
these is Seven in India, Egypt, Britain, and other countries. 
The Seven Elements from which came the Seven Spirits of 
mythology, are identified by the British Barddas, as Earth, 
Water, Fire, Air, Ether (or Vapour), Blossom (the Seminal 
principle) and the Wind of Purposes (or the Ghost) . A sixth element 
was identified by the Hindus with Bala-rama the representative of 

1 Sanaya on Rig Veda, %, 28, 5. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. iv. p. 258; 

vol. V. 147. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 317 

masculine virility. Bala denotes force considered as a sixth form or 
mode of manifestation. It is the innate strength of the male, the 
semen virile. This is the sixth element, the fructifying principle 
of the Druids named blossom. The seventh was the soul and 
summit of the rest. Elementary types (or gods) were founded on the 
Elements, and they are symbols of the elements which were typified. 
It was argued in a preceding volume that the Jehovah-Elohim 
of Genesis comprised the same pleroma of Eight gods. This is 
corroborated by the Gnostic Pleroma of the Eight, consisting of 
Sophia the genitrix and her Seven sons, who are named — 

1. laldabaoth. Lord God of the Fathers (Pitris). 

2. lao, Javeh. 

3. Sabaoth, Hosts. 

4. Adoneus, Lord. 

5. Elaeus, God. 

6. Oreus, Light. 

7. Astanpheus, Crown. 

And this Pleroma of Eight is acknowledged by the Kabalists as con- 
stituting the totality of riTlK,! the Existent, 2 also termed Chiveth (nvn), 
which may be rendered by Circle or Pleroma. The Eight are like- 
wise Phoenician, as Sydik and the Seven Kabiri, although the father 
(Sydik) has been elevated to the place of the genitrix, in accordance 
with the later thought; as it was with Ptah and his Seven Assistant 
Gods, or the Phoenician lllus and his auxiliaries, the Elohim. 

There are Seven Spirits called Archangels in the Parsee 
Scriptures, who have severally the charge over man, animals, fire, 
metal, earth, water and plants. 3 But the Amshaspands are the 
primary form of the Persian Seven. 

The primasval progeny of the genitrix also survived as the Seven 
Governors in the Divine Pymander where they are said^ to be both 
male and female in one, whereas the Akkadian Seven are neither 
male nor female, because the types had not then bifurcated into 
sexes. The illuminatist, Jacob Bohme, will show us how the ancient 
genitrix and her seven elementaries were continued in the teachings 
of the mysteries with a more abstract rendering of the Gnosis or 
Kabalah. He says, of the Seven primary or "Fountain Spirits," 
and the feminine producer, "We find seven especial properties in 
nature whereby this only Mother works all things" (to wit, desire 
which is astringent, bitterness, cause of all motion, angusih, cause of 
all sensibility, 7?'"e, light, sound, and substantiality); "whatever the six 
forms are spiritually that the seventh is essentially" . . . "These are 
the seven forms of the Mother of all Beings, from whence all that is in 
this world is generated. "^ Which proves the survival and continuation 

1 Ex. iii. 4. 2 Ginsburg, The Kabalah p. ii. 

3 Shayast La-Shayast, ch. xiii. 14; ch. xv. 5. '^ Hermes Trismegistus, b. ii. [=CHi.] 

s Signatura Rerum, ch. xiv. pars. 10, 14, 15. 

3i8 The Natural Genesis. 

of the primitive thought and typology in the theosophy of European 
mystics. When the male creator takes the place of the Mother in 
Egypt the Seven are described as the Seven souls of the God Ra or 
Osiris. So in Bohme's theosophy, "The Creator hath, in the body 
of this world, generated himself as it were creaturely in his qualifying 
or Fountain Spirits, and all the stars are nothing else but God's powers, 
and the whole body of this world consisteth in the seven qualifying 
or fountain spjrits."i Man was created by, or in accordance with, 
these Seven, "therefore man's life hath such a beginning and rising up as 
was that of the planets and stars. "2 "But that there are so many stars, 
of so manifold different effects and operations, is from the infiniteness 
that is in the efficiency of the Seven Spirits of God in one another, 
which generate themselves infinitely, "3 and "man's property lieth in 
sundry degrees, according to the inward and outward heavens, viz., 
according to the Divine manifestation, through the seven properties of 
Nature. "4 

The student of Bohme's books finds much in them concerning these 
Seven "Fountain Spirits," and primary powers, treated as seven pro- 
perties of Nature in the alchemistic and astrological phase of the 
mediasval mysteries. These Seven revolve wheel-like in their workings 
with fire (that is the Har-Sun or Solar Soul) in the centre of all,5 and 
their wrestle for supremacy is the working of generation or creation. 
The followers of Bohme look on such matter as the divine revelation 
of his inspired Seership. They know nothing of the natural genesis, 
the history and persistence of the "Wisdom" of the past (or of the 
broken links), and are unable to recognise the physical features of 
the ancient "Seven Spirits," beneath their modem metaphysical or 
alchemist mask. A second connecting link between the theosophy of 
Bohme and the physical origines of Egyptian thought, is extant in the 
fragments of Hermes Trismegistus. No matter whether these teach- 
ings are called lUuminatist, Buddhist, Kabalist, Gnostic, Masonic, or 
Christian, the elemental types can only be truly known in their 
beginnings. When the prophets or visionary showmen of cloudland 
come to us claiming original inspiration and utter something new, we 
judge of its value by what it is in itself. But if we find they bring us 
the ancient matter which they cannot account for, and we can, it is 
natural that we should judge it by the primary significations rather 
than the latest pretensions. It is useless for us to read our later 
thought into the earliest types of expression and then say the ancients 
meant that! Subtilized interpretations which have become doctrines 
and dogmas in theosophy have now to be tested by their genesis 
in physical phenomena, in order that we may explode their false 
pretensions to supernatural origin or superhuman knowledge. As 

1 Aurora, ch. xxiv. p. 27. 2 ibid., ch. xxiv. par. 39. 

3 Ibid., ch. xxiv. par. 28. '^ Mysterium Magnum, ch. xvi. par. 15. 

s Aurora, ch. xxvi. 48, 49. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 319 

Elementals the Seven (with the Mother, Eight) were not Intelligencers 
to men; they were seven overpowering, overwhelming forces recog- 
nized in the dragon, the scorpion, the leopard or lion, the lightning, 
the hurricane and their kindred agents of violence, destruction, 
deluges, diseases, and death, who were the born children of the dark- 
ness, external and internal. The types themselves suffice to demon- 
strate the fact that they do not represent any personal beings conceived 
behind phenomena., and causing the on-goings amid which man found 
himself to be going on. The Serpent emaning itself from its own 
mouth images no personality but a condition of being, perceived by 
man, an existence for ever self-emaning and self-renewing which the 
Egyptians termed "Renewal, coming of itself." 

Primitive Man did not begin with concepts of cause beyond the 
visible phenomena. He did not postulate a Devil that made the 
darkness. Darkness from the depth was the Devil. And the darkness 
brought forth its brood of baleful beings, inimical to him. As the 
female was the obvious bringer to birth it followed that nature or space 
or the abyss of night should be first represented as the genitrix. In 
Egypt this abyss, the source of all things, also called the hole of the 
snake, serpent or dragon, is the Tepht; Tepht modifies into Tet (Eg.), 
the English Depth; Welsh Dyved; Cornish Defyth, for a desert, 
wilderness, and the Toyt, as the Shetlanders call their mystical sea, 
with the same meaning. These are Inner African names for the 
abyss of darkness, the night. 

De/i'd, Night, N'godsin. Tetan, Night, Bagbalan. Ditdu, Black, Eki. 

Dafid, ,, Doai. Otitan, ,, Mbarike. Dudu ,, Dsumu. 

Itoafiu ,, Mbe. DiXdu, Black, Egba. Dudu ,, Ife. 

Teto ,, Kum. Dudu ,, Yagba. Didu ,, Dsekiri. 

Tetan ,, Koama. Dudu ,, Yoruba. Didi ,, Ebe, &c. 

The Egyptian Tepht is one with the Tavthe of the Babylonian cos- 
mogony. Tiamat and Tavthe are the same name by interchange of 
m and v, and the Tavthe, as place is the abyss or source, the hole of the 
dragon. Tavthe personified is the Mother of the Gods. Tiamat per- 
sonified is the dragon. Mother of seven wicked spirits. This was the 
Egyptian Tep, Teb, or Typhon, one of whose types was the crocodile, 
Sevekh, the dragon of the deep. It was a dragon from the deep that 
first taught Fo-hi the distinction of sexes, as it is stated in the Chinese 
sacred books. The Hottentot snake called the Gabeb, or the one 
which lives in a hole, is likewise the typical snake of the abyss. It is 
the snake supposed to dwell in every fountain of the land, and if it 
be killed the fountain will dry up.i This flow-er forth identified with 

1 Hahn, p. 77. Dr. Hahn, explains that in Khoi-Khoi, Au, is a root, meaning 
to flow, or bleed, from which he derives Aub, the Snake, and Aus, a Fountain. 
Then the Khoi-Khoi forgot this original signification and "Mythology got hold of Aub 
and Aus, and made sure that in every fountain lived a snake," p. 79. This 
is the Miillerite interpretation of Mythology as a disease of language, and a 
misapprehension of the meaning of their own words made by all the people of the 
past. The motion of the Serpent made it a type of that which flows — water flows. 

320 The Natural Genesis. 

the issuing water of source is one with the dragon Tiamat, or 
Typhon, but it has not yet passed out of the serpent phase into that 
of the genetrix of the abyss. In Egyptian, however, the beb is the 
hole of the abyss and Kobeb signifies the source, i 

At the spot in Syria where Typhon went underground the river 
Orontes had its origin. In German folk-tales, when Winkleried kills 
the dragon, a rivulet issues out of its hole. When the swollen torrents 
rush down from the Swiss mountains after a thunderstorm, the people 
say the dragon has come out. This identification of the dragon with 
the water shows the beginning with the water-flood as the destroyer! 
The water comes out of the abyss, the Tepht (Eg.) which is the "Hole 
of the Snake." Thus the beginning with the dragon or serpent of 
source in the abyss is common to Akkad, China, Shetland, Egypt and 
Inner Africa. The serpent and dragon became interchangeable as 
type, but they can be distinguished from each other. 

Professor Fraas of Stuttgart has reconstructed the Swabian Lind- 
wurm for the Natural History Museum of that capital. This dragon 
combined the bird, lizard, kangaroo, and pachyderm; and could fly, 
crawl, leap, and swim. It is very curious for these Four are a form of 
the Hawk (bird). Crocodile (lizard). Ape (kangaroo), and Hippopotamus 
(pachyderm), which represented the Four elements and Four quarters, 
and the four (with variants) were compounded in Typhon the mythical 
dragon. The Monster of the abyss in the beginning, the crocodile or 
dragon of the west, that swallowed the setting stars, was preserved in 
the eschatological phase as the devourer of the souls of the damned. 

The Egyptians had their museum of monsters in the underworld 
of the dead. Here the primitive types of destroying power served as 
imagery in the eschatological stage, where they were intended to 
strike terror as they had done on earth. This may be gathered from 
the following text, "Greatest of spirits, red-haired Monster, coming 
from the night, correcting the wicked by creation of reptiles. "2 Amt, 
the devourer in the Hades is depicted with the head of the crocodile, 
the fore part of the lioness, the hind quarters of the hippopotamus. 
The ancient genitrix of the abyss was thus turned into the evil 
Typhon of the Egyptian hell. Another compounded monster, the 
Sesh-Sesh dragon, is a crocodile in front and a serpent behind. The 
crocodile is the dragon of the waters. In Revelation, when the young 
solar god is born, the dragon is described as emaning a flood from 
its mouth; that is equivalent to the end of a period called the 
deluge. Hydra, the sign of the inundation in Egypt, will also 

blood flows — here we shall find the floudng Serpent in a mystical sense — and the 
Serpent flows along the ground. When the fount dries up the typical Serpent ceases 
to flow, and is said to be found in the fountain dead. This is according to a mode 
of typology, not a disease of language. Cf. the a'BT HIpB or fountain of blood for 
the feminine pudenda. Lev. xii. 7, which is likewise the Tepht of the snake. 
1 Pierret, Vocab. 2 j^jj_ ch. cxlvi. (14th Pylon) 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 331 

explain why the serpent or dragon is the symbol of the flood. Also 
the red dragon of fire or lightning will account for the alternative 
type of ending in a conflagration. 

In times of drought the Chinese beseech the dragon of rain for wet 
weather. They affix to the houses pieces of paper containing prayers 
and also the likeness of the dragon of rain. Images of the dragon are 
carried in procession, and if no rain follows the dragon is smashed 1 
into small pieces. The symbolical dragon is somewhat of a croco- 
dile with wings, and the crocodile was a type of Typhon, the genitrix 
of the Seven Stars. Sevekh, the crocodile, is the capturer. This 
image of the genitrix was continued in Sevekh, her son. The 
crocodile was a type of darkness, even to the tip of its tail, which is a 
sign for black. Therefore it is feasible that the mythical dragon of 
the abyss, the waters of source, was founded on the crocodile, if not 
on the geological dragon. There was a great fish which the Greeks 
called a "Dracon," and the crocodile is the fish and dragon under one 

We find another reason why the crocodile should have been the 
natural prototype of the mythical dragon with the lidless eyes. 
Plutarch tells us one of the Egyptian reports was that the crocodile 
"is the sole animal living in water that hath his eyesight covered over 
with a thin transparent film which descends from his forehad, so that 
he sees without himself being seen by others, in which he agrees with the 
First God."^ The crocodile was a type of the first goddess, Typhon. 
And if there be a first god in Egyptian mythology it is Sevekh, her 
son, who bore her image as the Crocodile. That is Sevekh (or 
Khebek, whence Kek) was the one of the Seven (the Eight with the 
Mother indudcd) who was elevated to the primacy in the oldest, the 
Typhonian, Cult, as Sevekh Kronus the earlier form of Seb Kronus. 

Assuredly no apter image of the jaws of darkness, as the earth or 
grave, silent, wide open, and waiting to devour, could have been 
adopted than this figure of the tongueless Crocodile to form a basis 
for the mythical Dragon. Darkness being the first producer per- 
sonified as the Dragon or the Genitrix, and the earliest modes of 
phenomena that most impinged on primitive man being inimical and 
opposed to him and therefore Evil, the first Adversary as the Dragon 
of Darkness was accredited with a progeny of adversaries. These 
were reckoned as Seven in number; the Genitrix herself being either 
the First or the Eighth. From these we shall derive the Dragon with 
Seven Heads. 

The Egyptian mythology begins with the Eight Gods that ruled 
in Am-Smen, the place of Preparation or of Chaos. Their domain 
was the timeless Night which preceded the reign of Order and the 
dawn of day. Egyptologists term them "Elementaries,'" faute de rrdeux. 
They are looked upon as elementary forces of nature personified as 

1 Hue and Gabet. 2 oflsis and Osiris. 

322 The Natural Genesis. 

Gods; or, rather, some French Egyptologists, i who are not Evolu- 
tionists, look on these primordial figures as mere types that were 
adapted by the Egyptians to express the various attributes of the one 

The allusions to these "Gods" of the Beginning are obscure and 
obscured; but they were the birth of Chaos, they were primary, and 
they were Typhonian. They are denounced as the Betsh, the Children 
of Revelt and of Inertness, corresponding in the latter phase to 
what Taliesin terms the "Sluggish Animals of Satan." The same 
place of birth and rebirth in the Ritual is called Smen, the place of 
the Eight, in the Stellar phase; Hermopolis or Sesennu in the Lunar, 
and Annu (Heliopolis) in the Solar Myth, in accordance with the 
order of development from the Elementary stage. The Eight then 
are composed of the genitrix Typhon and her brood of Seven. 
These re-appear in Akkad and Assyria as the Dragon Tiamat and 
the Seven Children of Revolt, the Seven Wicked Spirits that con- 
stitute the Seven Heads of the Dragon of Eclipse, or the Devouring 
Dark. The first is a Scorpion, or the Sting-bearer of Heaven, the 
second is the Thunderbolt, the third a Leopard or Hyena, the fourth 
a Serpent, the fifth a raging Lion, the sixth a rebellious Giant who 
submits neither to god nor king, the seventh the Messenger of the 
fatal Wind. The scorpion, serpent, leopard, thunderbolt and typhoon 
are sufficient to prove the representation of those powers that were 
adverse to man. That the Serpent was his mortal enemy — whence 
he became a supreme type of his immortal enemy — that the Scorpion 
stung, whether called the scorpion of the dark or of fire, or the Sting- 
ray of the sun, that the Thunderbolt carried death in its stroke, and 
the burning breath of the Typhoon or Simoom was fatal, were among 
the simplest, most fundamental facts in nature. And of such were 
the seven-fold progeny of the Dragon of Darkness. The Seven ap- 
pear in the Egyptian Ritual, where two lists of their different names 
are given. In one they are called, Het-Het; Ket-Ket; The Bull, who 
never made smoke to dwell in his flames; Going eating his hour; Red 
Eyes; Follower of the House of Ans; Hissing to come forth and turn 
back, seeing at night and bringing by day.^ These may be paralleled 
with the Akkadian Seven, thus: 

Akkadian Seven. Egyptian Seven. 

1. The Scorpion or sting-bearer of heaven. 1. Het-Het. 

2. The Thunder-bolt. 2. Ket-Ket. 

3. A Leopard or Hyena. mi n / 

3. The Bull (or Beast) who never made smoke 

. . o i to dwell in his flame. 

- , . , . 4. Going eating his hour. 

5. A ragmg Lion 5 R d 

5. A rebellious Giant. „ ^ 1 

6. Follower of the House of Ans. 

7. The Messenger of the fatal Wind. 

7. Hissing to come forth and turn back; 
seeing by night and bringing by day. 

1 ChampoUion-Figeac, Chabas, Pierret, Lenormant, and others. 

2 Ritual, ch. xvii. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 333 

The first is Het-het and Hetet is the Scorpion. Het means to afflict 
and injure. Kheti is the Serpent of fire. In the Inner African 
languages the Scorpion is 

Hudu, in Biafada. Kutu, in Musentandu. Nkutu, in Mimboma. 

Kutu, in Nyombe. Kutu, in Basunde. 

Ket (Eg.) signifies to shake or quake, and the duplicate Ket-Ket 
would be to shake very much, as does the Thunder. "Going eating 
his houf^ is the Serpent which became the type of Time eating its 
own body. "Red-Eyes" renders the rage of the Lion. The re- 
bellious Giant is likewise a perfect parallel to Hapi, the Giant Ape, 
one with Kapi, or Shu, the Egyptian Nimrod. 

Now, if we take the so-called "Four Elancnts" of Fire, Water, 
Earth and Air, which are inseparable from four of these Seven Ele- 
mentary Types that became the Gods of the four quarters, and try 
to realise the earliest percption and configuration of these as govern- 
ing powers, we must not think of the Har Sun typified by the Solar 
Hawk, the glorious God of later times — but the Har Fire, the hell 
of fire, the consuming element, the devouring fire, and we have the 
Solar Serpent or Stinger in its elemental phase. The sun in inner 
Africa was looked upon as a source of torment. Sir Samuel Baker 
affirms that the rising of the sun is always dreaded in Central Africa 
and the "Sun is regarded as the common enemy. "^ This corroborates 
the statement of Herodotus respecting the Atlantes of interior Africa, 
who regularly "Cursed the Sun at his rising, and abused him with 
shameful epiphets for afflicting them and their land with his blazing 
heat." Even by night the air is often like a heated oven. 

When a Christian missionary was expatiating on the attributes 
and the goodness of his God to the Liryas, a central African 
tribe, they refused to allow the goodness. On the contrary, they 
said He must be very angry and wicked for He sends death and 
the sun that scorches up our crops. "Scarcely is one sun dead 
in the west in the evening than there grows up out of the earth next 
morning another which is no better."^ 

All who attempt to interpret the ancient thought without the doctrine 
of development have now to reckon with evolution and go back to 
begin again. This beginning in physical phenomena was continued 
in the eschatological phase by the Egyptians who held that all evil 
proceeded from the place of sunrise, and all good, healing and life 
came from the land of the setting sun. The Lion, another symbol 
of fire and one of the Elementaries, was a type of terror. To signify 
the Terrible, says Hor- Apollo, the Egyptians make use of the lion 
because this animal, being most powerful, terrifies all who behold it.^ 

1 Hor-ApoUo, b. iv. 3. See also the Book of Hades. [Records, x. 79 sqq, xii. i sqq.] 

2 Albert Nyanza, vol. i., p. 144; Herod, b. 3, p. 216; b. iv., 184. 

3 Sepp, Jerusalem und des Heilige Land, ii. p. 687. ^ B. i. 20. 

324 The Natural Genesis. 

The serpent-goddess Heh especially represents the Element of Fire 
that was first signified by the lightning of the serpent's sting. 
But the serpent itself was recognised before a goddess of fire or heat 
was personified. She is called the Maker of Invisible Existence 
Apparent. But it was the Serpent itself that first revealed and made 
manifest in pain and death the fiery power that existed invisibly. 
They did not begin with a goddess behind phenomena who made 
use of a Serpent to bite, and thus revealed her invisible presence. 
That may be the non-evolutionist view, but is an utter reversal of the 
actual process. Primitive men commenced with phenomena them- 
selves, and not with the postulate of powers beyond their powers. 
This is provable. Physical and mental evolution corroborate each 
other according to the doctrine of development. Trees, stocks, and 
stones preceded the human-shaped images of the divinities. Primi- 
tive men were not carvers and scultpors, and the early temples were 
without statues. And just as the shapeless stone preceded the 
statue, so did these elementary powers evoke recognition and fear, 
the earliest form of a religious feeling before man had any idea of A 
God. Heat or fire was expressed by means of types. The fury of 
the Solar fire suggested the Fang and the Sting. The name of the 
Sirocco, the very breath of fire, identifies itself with Serk (Eg.), the 
name of the Scorpion, which further shows the hard form of Serf 
(Eg.), the blast, a burrning breath. 

If the early men had commenced with a Concept of Cause behind 
phenomena, they would never have personified it as female at all. 
This Mould of Creation, or rather of Evolution, was only posible 
because they began with the simplest observation of natural pheno- 
mena. If they had conceived a God it would assuredly have been in their 
own image, not that of womankind, whether typified by the dragon, 
serpent, water-horse, or cow. That African furnace of fiery heat 
did not offer much incentive to the so-called "Solar WorshipT On 
the contrary, in thirty-six African languages the name for Hell is the 
same as for fire, and fire is frequently synonymous with the Sun, as 
in the type names, Mu, and Har, oro or Ala. The Sun is 

Horn, in Idsesa. Oru, in Yoruba. Oru, in Yagba. 

Hor, in Wadai. 

This being a synonym for fire and Hell, will show us how and where 
the Solar Horus began as one of the Elementals who were considered 
to be the foremost enemies of man. The Sun was the physical 
fount of theological Hell-fire. The name of Hell, in Yagba, 
signifies the "Heaven of Ashes," and Heaven was often looked on 
as a Hell of fire. Thus Har (Horus) the later Solar God, was one of the 
Seven Elementaries as the terror of fire, and the word Har (Eg.) 
signifies terror, to terrify, as did the zig-zag lightning and the deadly 
sting-ray of the Sun. Har then was a primary power born of the 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 335 

Hell of Inner African Heat, who became the Sun-God Har, or Horus, 
in the Egyptian Mythology. 

What was the Earth to the primitive perception? Another form of 
the Devourer and Swallower of the light and the lights as they went 
down from heaven. The Egyptians denote eating, says Hor-Apollo, 
by pourtraying a crocodile with his mouth open.i The Stars are 
represented as being swallowed by the Crocodile of the West. This 
was the Crocodile of Earth, the Swallower, when it was not known 
that the earth was a rotating globe. The crocodile is Sevekh, the 
Capturer. Sevekh signifies to noose, catch, the place of execution. 
Sevekh was the Terror of Earth, and another of our Elementaries. 
The Element of Air was potential death before it could be 
recognised as the breath of life. The burning blast, the simoom 
or typhoon, first made itself felt and acknowledged, in such forms 
as the African hurricane, known as the terrific Kamsin, which 
stirs the desert to its depths, sets its surface moving in a vast 
suffocating, overwhelming storm of sand, and mixes up the elements 
of wind and water, fire and dust, in a chaos of confusion that blots 
out heaven for the time being and seems to blind the sun. This 
was the air in motion, personated by Hurakan, the Quiche deity. 
The rudest awakeners appealed to the dawning consciousness of man, 
not the gentle breeze and genial warmth, not the fertile fruitful earth 
and fostering dews of heaven; not the light but the lightnings; not 
the voice of birds and murmuring of rippling waters, but thunders, 
the voice of tempests, and the roar of devouring beasts. 

One of the Elementaries is the Monkey-God, the Kaf, or Kant. As 
Hapi he is one of the Four Genii, and Hapi is the earlier Kafi, the 
Giant- Ape, a type of Shu. Shu, as a god, is a representative of 
Wind (later Breath and Soul), and Wind, in its fury, is the Typhonian 
tempest. This type of the Kaf-Monkey is the personification of 
anger or fury in the hieroglyphics, and the Kafau are the Typhonian 
Desolators by name. Water was not first appreciated as one of the 
two Elements of life. On the contrary, it was that which devoured in 
drowning, and swallowed up life like the hippopotamus. Hence the 
hippopotamus that could crush a canoe in its ponderous jaws was the 
typical terror of the Waters, and yet a form of the Bringer- forth from 
the Waters, the Dragon of the Abyss, the Mother of the Seven. 
Water was that which broke forth wide-mouthed as the Dragon of the 
Deluge. The indefinite beginnings of Mythology are defined enough 
in physical phenomena like those in which the working types originated 
as representations of the seven primary forces of the Mother Nature. 
We can also perceive how some of these Elementaries found a repre- 
sentative Voice for their power. The great Ape is such a howler that 
it was continued as a Voice of the Unknown, a speaker for the gods of 
later times. So that the Image of Anger, which chattered or howled 

1 B. ii. 80. 

326 The Natural Genesis. 

furiously, represented in visible form the passion, dwelling in the 
throat of destroying Power and the howling of the Hurricane. The 
Kaf-Ape was the animal type of the Breathing Power when it was a 
fiend of the storm, the Element that was the origin of the God of 
Breath or Soul, as Kafi-Shu. 

The fire of the sun in Inner Africa found fitting voice in the Lion, 
with its yell of rage, awful as if the sky had gaped audibly, and the 
solar furnace was heard to roar. Wind and heat were ungraspable, 
ungaugeable, inexpressible, thence the need of the Ape and Lion as 
sensible equivalents; hence, too, the origin of that typology which 
preceded verbal speech. The Lion is another of the Four chief 
elementary types. One of the first voices of Darkness, or the Un- 
known, that arrested attention and awakened terror would be Thunder. 
It has been said that Thunder was the primordial divinity. Un- 
doubtedly it was the voice of one of the earliest Elementaries or 
powers recognized in external nature. Hor-ApoUo says, "When the 
Egyptians would symbolize a voice from a distance, whick is called by 
them Ouaie, they pourtray the voice, i.e.. Thunder, than which nothing 
utters a greater or more powerful voice."^ In the Magic Papyrus the 
"Bad Docf is addressed thus: "Up, bad dog! be thy face the gaping 
sky! Usaf-Hu thy howling.'" That is, be thy howling Thundrous.2 
The Thunder would be the Dog, Jackal, or Wolf of howling Dark- 
ness, the voice afar off. Captain Beechy describes the "sudden burst 
of the answering long-protracted screanf of a pack of jackals "succeed- 
ing immediately the opening note" and being "scarcely less impressing 
than the roll of the Thunder-clap immediately after the ftash of 
lightning." So thought the early men who made the Jackal a typical 
announcer, a voice of darkness, of prophecy in heaven, that foretold 
the coming night and the inundation in the distance. The Jackal, 
or Dog, is also one of the seven types, which were continued when the 
Elementaries had passed in to the Star-Gods of Time. 

A divinity like Baal-zebub was a devil from the first; a devil in 
physical phenomena before he became the Satan in a later sense. He 
is called "God of Flies." But the Zebub Fly makes the name more 
special, and shows the Inner African origin. The Zebub is described 
by the Rabbins as a fly that stings to madness. It is one of the chief 
plagues of the stinging things produced by nature when in heat at the 
time of her midsummer madness, that settle on man and beast like 
showers of fire, or darts of death, or serpents of the air. Bruce gives 
us a striking account of the /Ethiopian and Abyssinian Fly, called the 
Zimb, which is a frightful scourge. As soon as the Zimb appear, and 
their buzzing is heard, he says, the eattle forsake their food and fly, 
until they drop at last and die of fright and fatigue. The natives are 

1 B. i. 29. 

2 Rendered "tremendous" by M. Chabas [Records of the Past, vol. x. p. 156), who 
did not compare Hor-ApoUo's explanation. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 337 

compelled to quit the "black earth" and take refuge on the sands of 
Atbara, and there remain until the plague has past. The elephant, 
rhinoceros, and hippopotamus are forced to roll themselves in mud to 
coat their hides with an armour that will resist the stings. 1 The 
Zimb is identical with the Hebrew Zebub, the m in one word inter- 
changing with b in the other. In their translations the Arabs ren- 
dered Zebub by the Zimb. So in Assyrian the word Zumbi appears 
as a variant of Zebeb. In the Deluge Tablet, when the sacrifice is 
offered, it is said, the gods swarmed over the sacrifices like Zumbi, to 
devour the offerings. In which the Zimb, or Zebub, is thus cited as 
the typical Devourer. This is the Fly mentioned by Isaiah, "And it 
shall come to pass in that day that the Lord shall hiss for the Zebub that 
is in the uttermost part of the rivers of Egypt."^ It is the Zebub of 
Death. 3 In the Inner African languages the Zimb is synonymous 
with the Devil and Hell. Nsumbi is the Devil In Kasands; Ndsumbi 
is the Devil in Undaza; Ndsombau is Hell in Bumbete; Zume is Hell 
in Dahome; Ozokim is Hell in Igu; Simo is Hell in Nalu. The Sami 
(Eg.) are the typhonian Devourers, the Devils that swarm and buzz 
and torture, like the Zimb (flies) in the Egyptian Hells. The Hebrew 
Tsamim are the Devourers, ^ and the Zamsummim are the mythical 
giants. The Zimwi in Swahili is an ogre, ghoul, or other evil being 
said to devour men. The Zimu in Zulu-Kaffir are cannibals believed 
to live in the far North, as a race of long-haired people. The Sami 
buzz and sting as spiritual beings in the Hells of the Damned because 
the Zimb first made hell upon earth in Africa; and in Baal-zebub (or 
Bar-Typhon) we find the devil-type on its way to divinity. 

Monumental Egypt can tell comparatively little of the vague 
period. The Shadow of Darkness and the terror of the physical 
Typhon had passed away when her monumental record comes into 
view. The prior phases of feeling and thought are only reflected for 
us in the types with which she speaks to us of the remoter past. Her 
Eight Elementaries born of chaos, as the genitrix and her Seven- fold 
brood of nature-powers were superseded as the Children of Inert- 
ness, the Demons of Revolt, or, rather, their types were transformed 
into the Vahans of later ideas. But outside of Egypt, all round the 
world, we find races still under the shadow of the early darkness, who 
yet utter the fears of the human childhood, for whom the Akhekh is a 
real terror, and not a type to interpret. We see by the old Ukko of 
the Fins how the Akhekh or Dragon of Darkness would pass into a 
God of Thunder and Lightning. So closely is Ukko, the old one asso- 
ciated with thunder and lightning, that the Fins call a thunderstorm 
"an Ukko," and when it lightens they exclaim "That is Ukko, there 
he is striking fire."6 This god in Egypt was Kak, or Khebekh whence 

1 Bruce, Travels, voL i. 5; voL v, 191. 2 ch. vii. 18. ^ EccL x. i. 

"* Job. xviii. 9. s Deut. ii. 20. ^ Castren, Finn Myth., p. 39. 

328 The Natural Genesis. 

Sevekh, the Crocodile of Darkness, and under the name of Sevekh, 
he can be recognized in the Carib deity Savacou, a god of the dark, 
the Lord of Thunder and Lightning and Hurricanes; the very 
Typhon in a masculine form. He blows fire through his tube, and 
that is lightning; he sends the great rain, and is thus identified with 
the Dragon of the Waters. Savacou was said to have been one of 
those men who are now stars A Darkness and its divinity were forms 
of the typical "Old One," as in Ukko, and in the Inner African 
languages the "Old One" is 

Kokohe, in Puka. Ekui, in Eafen. (Wa) Kuka, in Lubalo. 

Okok, in Konguan. N'kokun, in Mbofon. (Wa) Kuka, in Songo. 

(U) Kug, in Yasgua. (O) Gugu, in Igu. (Dsa) Koka, in Kisama. 

Akuku, in Kupa. (Wa) Guga, in Kasanda. (Wa) Kuku, in Nupe. 

(U) Akuku, in Basa. Keokolo, in N'goala. (Wa) Kuku, in Esitako. 

The Yorubans have a God of Thunder named Shango, whom they 
call the Stone-thrower (Dzakuta), who casts the thunder-hatchets 
down from heaven. 2 Now, as Darkness was the primal producer or 
parent, the first voice with which she spoke to man was thunder. Out 
of that darkness leaped the lightning, and the lightning was thought to 
deposit the thunder-axe, bolt, or stone from heaven, the cloud-cleaver 
and Celestial Celt, which preceded and possibly suggested the manu- 
factured weapon. For the Celt adze (named Anup) is the Nuter-sign 
of divinity, and this came from heaven as lightning born of darkness. 
Such was the kind of revelation made by external nature to primitive 
man. The stone-. xe gave him supremacy on earth, and that weapon 
was first hurled at him hot and hissing from the thunder-clouds of 
heaven. An instance of a thunder-stone having been found on the 
spot where the lightning had struck has been given in the "Reliquary."^ 
The peculiar smell of it when broken showed that it was lightning- 
born. This was a form of the Axe which the Great Mother gives birth 
to in various American Myths as her First Child. In Egypt it is iden- 
tified with Sut-Anup. Sut also signifies the fire-stone. Anup is a name 
of the Celt-axe. Anup was the Jackal or Fox, and the Japanese still 
consider the CeZf-stones, which they find, to be weapons of an evil spirit, 
whose type is the Fox; this, therefore, was Sut-Anup, one of the 
Elementaries, the Jackal (Fox or Wolf) of Darkness. "Stone-Head" 
is the name of the Serpent that guards the sixth of the Seven Halls 
of Osiris. 4 The huge Akkadian Serpent with Seven heads is the 
Thunderoolt of Seven Heads in the Hymns. ^ When the Serpent- 
Lightning darted out of the cloud it buried itself in the earth, 
leaving its stone head in the aerolith or smelted sand, the Thunder- 
hatchet, the ideographic Nuter that was continued as a type of the 
primoridal Power which dwelt in darkness and manifested itself by 

1 De la Borde, Caraibes, p. 530. 

2 Bowen, Yoruba Lang, p. 16; Burton, Dahome, vol. ii. p. 142; Smithsonian 
Contr. vol. i. 

3 F. C. Lukis. vol. viii. p. 208. '^ Ritual, ch. cxliv. ^ Records, iii. 128. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 339 

death and destruction as one of the Elementaries. In the Inner 
African languages the Stone and Iron are named Tan like the Dragon, 
the Serpent, the Cutter or Destroyer. It is difficult, says Dr. Arthur 
Mitchel, to seee why to nearly all the cultured nations of Western 
Europe a stone-celt becomes a Thunderbolt, and a flint arrow-head an 
Elf Dart; and why these relics of a complete or comparative barbarism 
should be venerated in the midst of civilized and cultivated people. 1 
The reason is because they are the typical Thunderbolt continued; 
the Divine Thunder-axe repeated by human workmanship. "Cut (or 
engraved) stones" is the Nicaraguan name for the images of MixcoatI, 
the Cloud-Serpent; an evident allusion to the products of thunder. 
The cut or engraved stone becomes the Egyptiaa Kart and British 
Celt of the Neolithic age. The Guaranis of Brazil name the Celt or 
stone-axe Korisko, which means lightning. The Pueblo Indians go 
out to look for the Celts after a thunder-storm. The shooting star is 
likewise identified with the aerolith by the modern Greeks, who call 
the Celt-stones and star-hatchets, acrrponeXeKia.^ Pelekys was a title 
of Dionysus as Lord of the Thunder-stone-axe. Pliny reports that 
stones which had fallen from heaven were invoked by the Romans 
for success in war. 3 The Africans about Axim, on the Gold Coast, 
still call the Lightning-stone, or that which passes for it, by the name 
of Lebonua, the Axe.^ 

Of course one original type of the Lightning-stone is represented 
by various kinds of stones that may be adopted as charms, fetishes, 
or medicine. The thunder-bolt, which was first of all a stone 
remained a well-known type of primordial divinity, that is of destroy- 
ing power. When the Japanese preserve the Celt-stone or Fox-hatchet 
in their temples as relics of their divine ancestors, the Kami, the act 
identifies these with the elementary gods, the chief of whom was the 
power that lightened and thundered and hurled the bolt from out 
the black cloud. 

The Thunder-axe being the form in which the lightning quenched 
itself in the earth; this may possibly account for the superstition 
against cutting wood with an axe near the fire for fear of cutting 
off the head of the fire. This is held by the Sioux Indians, the 
Tatar and other races. The first stone-axe was the head of fire, 
which may have suggested the Arrow-head, and the superstition 
appears to recognize this origin of the Fire-axe. 

The Akhekh Gryphon is a Dragon with wings. Wings and feathers 
furnish a type of fire in the later Solar Bird. But the Winged Lightning 
was first, and this suggested the well-known winged Dragon, or Bird 
of Thunder. The Bird-Dragon was a common Chimera of the middle 
ages. A French Swan-Dragon unites the Bird's head and Serpent's 

1 Past in the Present, p. 22. 

2 Hyde Clarke, Prehistoric Names of Weapons, p. 148. 

3 Pliny, Hist. Nat., 37. '^ Captain Burton. 

330 The Natural Genesis. 

tail. The typical Monster on the Scottish stones is sometimes Bird- 
headed. According to Philo-Bybliusi Epeis had translated an Egyptian 
work into Greek in which it was asserted that the first Divine nature 
was the Serpent metamorphosed into a Hawk. This created Light 
by opening its eyes and Darkness by shutting them. It took feathers 
or flame to fly with, and the Dragon, Darkness, took wings of flame 
when it lightened; these were added to form the feathered Serpent and 
fiery dragon to express motion in the air. The Tupan of the Tupi 
Tribes of Brazil is the Typhon of Egypt by name, and Typhon is the 
Akhekh dragon. Tupan is the Thunderer and Lightener which rears 
its dragon-shape of Darkness, flaps its wings, thunders, and flashes 
with infernal light. The Zulus of Natal have been known to buy 
peacocks' feathers at a very high price because they identified them as 
belonging to the Bird of Thunder. That is the hieroglyphic peacock- 
headed Akhekh or Gryphon of Darkness. 2 

The Hebrew Thunder-god, the male divinity, is the same Kak or 
lach, who was continued from the Dark into the Stellar phase, thence 
into the Solar as the Sun of the Night. He also rode upon a Bird of 
Thunder. He "thundered in the Heavens" and "rode upon a Cherub 
and did fly." He "made darkness in his secret place; smoke issued from 
his nostrils and devouring fire out of his mouth. Darkness was under 
his feet and he hurtled stones and coals offire."^ He is called "Light- 
ning sender." It is the same God of Thunder, the stone-caster, 
flying all abroad on his bird, as that of the Yorubans and Central 
American Indians, the same as Hurakan with his bird Voc. The 
Mandans attribute the thunder and lightning to a vast and awful 
Bird of Heaven, which is either the Manitu himself or his messenger. 
The Dacotahs are said to explain thunder as the sound of the cloud- 
bird flapping its wings. 

By degrees, however, the aspect of the Elementaries was modified 
as the face of Nature became less terrible. This can be traced. 
Hurakan (our Hurricane) is the name of the Quiche primordial 

1 Philo-Byblius, apud Euseb. Prsep. Evangel, i. c. x. p. 44. 

2 One form of the Egyptian Akhekh is a grypon with the winged body of a beast, 
the tail of a serpent and head of a peacock. This is the Winged Dragon, which 
became the mythical Cockatrice, a compound monster having the head of a cock, 
the wings of a fowl, and the tail of a serpent or dragon. It was said to be so named 
because of its origin from the egg of a cock hatched by a serpent. From this comes 
the cock's egg of our Mythology. It was the egg of the Akhekh, serpent, or dragon, 
and allowing for the Peacock instead of the Cock, the Akhekh sign survives as the 
Cockatrice. The bird-headed, serpent-tails Akhekh appears in India as the figure 
of Virutarupa, the universal-monarch-form, with a human hand for one fore-foot, 
the elephant's foot for another, the two hind feet being those of the tiger and horse. 1 
This bird-headed and serpent-tailed Akhekh was continued into the Christian 
iconography. A picture of the Tempation of Christ, from a French minature of 
the twelfth century, shows Satan as a survival of the Akhekh Gryphon, with the 
head of a Cockatoo insteaad of the Peacock, and a serpent for his tail. The Peacock 
as a bird of ill-omen in England still suffers for its symbolical character. 

3 Ps. xviii. 

1 Moor, Hindu Pantheon, p. 23. 2 Didron, fig. 70. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 331 

power. Hurakan in Quiche means a stream of water that pours 
straight down. In the hieroglyphics (Eg.). Hura is Heaven, over, 
above. Khan is the Typhonian Tempest with the deter- ^ ^ 
minative of water pouring straight down from Heaven, | | I 
and Khan is water. Typhon and Typhoon are identical. ^ ^ ^ 
Hushtoli, the Storm-wind, was the original Choctaw word for Deity. 
"Mixcohuatl" the "Cloud Serpent," a chief or the chief of the Mexican 
gods, bears the name of the tropical whirlwind. Such representation 
was primal and the later God of Air and Breath was a modification 
of the demon in his first fierce phase of the terrible tornado. Light- 
ning, with its crooked fires, world- shaking voice, and dart of death, 
made its first appeal to fear. In a Hottentot Hymn of Thunder we 

" Son of the Thundercloud ! 
Thou brave loud-speaking Guru ! 
Talk softly, please, 
For 1 have no guilt ! 
Leave me alone ! 

1 have become quite weak with terror, 
Thou, O Guru ! 
Son of the Thundercloud !"i 

By degrees it was answered with defiance. The Namaquas 
still shoot their poisoned arrows at the Lightning and bid it be- 
gone. The Khoi-Khoi and the Damaras are reported to curse the 
Thunder, and to shoot their arrows at the Lightning, dart for dart. 
So the black Tatar tribe of the Urjangkut were in the habit of 
threatening the Thunder and trying to scare off the Lightning. 2 
Lastly, it was observed that Thunder was the especial announcer of 
Rain, and the beneficence of this deadly power was recognised. The 
Hottentots think that its downpour of deluging water has a fertilizing 
effect on the female. In accordance with which idea it is the custom 
for the girls, after the festival and rites of their coming of age have 
been celebrated, to run about quite naked in the first thunder-storm 
that follows. This wash of rain over the whole body is held to make 
them fruitful and to ensure lusty children. The Hottentot custom 
shows the baptism of Fire and Water as a rite of generation and 
fertilization. The Lightning represents the fire that vivifies and the 
Thunder-Rain — which some Africans call a "He-Rain" — the Water 
of Life. English boys have a game called "Running through Fire 
and Water" in which the runner is beaten and buffeted as he hurries 
down their ranks. Here, then we can trace another of the "Elemen- 
taries" (if not two — fire and water) passing from the first stage of 
destroying power into that of the fertilizing and beneficent influences 
or Gods. The Crocodile, Sevekh the Capturer, becomes a type of 
tractability in Egypt, and is considered the purifier of the sacred 

1 Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, p. 59. Guru is Thunder, cf. Kheru (Eg.), a voice, to utter. 

2 A. Bastian, Zeit. fur Bthnologie, p. 380. 1872. 

332 The Natural Genesis. 

Nile. The howling Jackal (Sut-Anup) typifies the messenger Mer- 
cury, the prophet of the Dog-star and Inundation; of Sunset and 
Sunrise. The Ape-image of Ire and Choler serves as a type of 
Shu, the God of Breath. 

A great mass of the primitive Mythology remained in the vague 
and elementary condition in which the principal figures are powers 
of the Earth and Heaven, Wind, Water, Fire, and Thunder, Scorpion, 
Lion and Serpent. But, in Africa these became definite in their 
Egyptian Type, by means of which we can follow their development 
from the elementaries of Chaos and Space into Celestial Intelligencers; 
the tellers and fore-tellers of time and season to men; the Divinities of 
the later Pantheon. The primary Seven (or Eight) were continued 
as Types of Power and adapted to convey other ideas until at 
length they attained the status of Gods in relation to the celestial 
phenomena in the sphere of Time, where "The Gods were seen in their 
ideas of the stars, ivith all their signs, and the Stars were numbered with 
all the gods in them."^ Seb, the Star, is the sign of god as well as 
the Soul or Spirit. So the idea of god expressed by the Assyrian 
word Eu was originally represented by the sign of a star. The star 
is also the symbol of Seba for worship and adoration. In this 
phase the gods (or types) became Kronia; the Hi, Ali, or Elohim, 
who were the auxiliaries of Kronus. 

Damascius in his "Primitve Principles" says, "The Magi and 
the whole Aryan nation (or the Medes) consider, as Eudemos writes, 
some SPACE and others TIME as the universal cause out of which 
the Good God as well as the evil spirit were separated; or as others 
assert. Light and Darkness, before these two spirits arose."^ These 
"two spirits" being the Ahura-Mazda and Angro-Mainyus of the 

Plutarch fears that if he unfolded the secrets of certain constella- 
tions it would be declaring war against length of time. ^ The Serpent 
called "Going eating his houf (one of the Elementaries) was a sort 
of time-symbol, but the first perception of time was that of mere 
lapse and "renewal, coming of itself," when there were no means of 
measuring its periodic return. "They (the human race) had no 
certain sign for Winter, for the flowerly Spring, or fruitful Summer, 
but did everything hap-hazard, or without judgement, until I showed 
them the risings of the stars and their settings."'^ The Divinities 
proper, then, were bom in the second stage as keepers or tellers 
of Time and Season. The Elementaries, or brute forces of Nature, 
may be said to have obtained their Souls in the Stars. Hence, as 
Plutarch says, the Dog-star is the Soul of Isis; Orion is the Soul 
of Horus; and the Bear is the Soul of Typhon, — Soul and Star 
being synonymous in theEgyptian word Seb. In this way the seven 

1 Hermes Trismegistus, b. iii. 6. [= CH III. 2.] 2 Haug, Essays, p. 13. West. 
3 Of Isis and Osiris. "* /Eschylus, Prometheus Bound, 454 — 7. 

Typology of the Mythical Serpent. 333 

non-intelligent powers, monsters, giants, blind adversaries, became 
intelligent Spirits, or Starry Souls, as tellers of time. Much of the 
mythology of the savage races has survived from the first vague 
stage. But even with these, as in Inner Africa and Australia, the 
star-gods are the messengers of periodic time, and intelligencers to 
men, according to their risings and settings. The genesis of the 
first gods that were endowed with intelligence as the tellers of time, 
because they represented its various cycles, is illustrated by a 
magical text in which they are threatened with dissolution if they 
do not perform what the invoker wishes. "You shall be undone, 
you cycle of gods! There shall no longer be any earth; there shall 
no longer be the five supplementary days of the year." Thus, if time 
is no longer kept there will be an end to the gods born of cycles. 1 
The Elementaries had warred and contended in space as representa- 
tives of the evils found in phenomena before Time existed, and it was 
the bringing of certain symbols out of Space into Time that caused them 
to be transformed from types of Evil into images of Good, or separated 
and distinguished as good and bad. The first Serpent or Dragon was 
altogether Evil, but by degrees it became an emblem of Good. This 
may have partly arisen from the discovery that some snakes are 
harmless. According to Clot Bey the supreme type the Good 
Serpent in Egypt, the Royal Urasus, is not poisonous. The Zulus 
have two familiar spirits each, a good and a bad one, which are repre- 
sented by two different snakes, one being harmless. The Serpent in 
Egypt, Chaldea, India, America, and Europe, is the Good Spirit 
generally; the Agathodasmon. Therefore the type appears to have 
passed out of the phase of the terrible at the time of the various 
migrations. Hence we meet with both but chielfy with the good 
dasmon. The serpent became pre-eminent as a type of time in many 
phases. Time was the foundation of an established order of things, and 
Time, as Seb, is identical by name with the Serpent. The Australian 
Aborigines have traditions of a gigantic Serpent that created the world 
by a blow with its tail. 2 That is a fading reflection of the serpent 
with the tail in its mouth. By bringing the head and tail together the 
circle-symbol was shaped which denoted endless continuity. The 
Australians make the meeting-point a blow. Seb, the name of time, 
means a turn, a revolution, and the turn of the serpent round the 
pole and the return of Hydra, denoted a year, the same as if it were 
reckoned by the Great Bear and the heliacal rising of Sothis. This 
revolution was represented by the Serpent's Egg. The Serpent lays 
eggs and coils itself round them for incubation, therefore the 
Serpent was made a type of the gestator, as it coiled about the Egg. 
But this is not the most recondite form of the Serpent's Egg. The 
god Ptah as the figurer of a cycle of time is said to make the Egg of 

1 Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, p. 212. 

2 Ferguson, Tree and Serpent Worship, Introd. p. 54. 

334 The Natural Genesis. 

the Sun and Moon. That is by representing the Soli-lunar revolution. 
The Egg was then the solid figure of a circle of time. Thus when 
the Serpent (Draconis) turned once round the Pole-star or revolved on 
its Eye, it was fabled to have laid an Egg, the Egg of the primary year 
in Heaven. This was the egg emaned from the mouth of the serpent, 
as Ptah was said to have been from the mouth of Khnef, one of 
whose types is the serpent; the mystical egg of the Druids which 
the serpent is said to evolve at a particular moment on one night of the 
year. The Egg of the Serpent was a year; an Egg and an Age are 
thus synonymous, and this type of a year is extant in the Egg of 
Easter. A serpent emaning an egg from its mouth was figured by 
the Mound-Builders as one of their vast Relievos in Adams County, 
Ohio. It is over 1,000 feet in length with an oval, egg-like 
figure within the open mouth, i Mr. Phryne claims to have traced a 
similar design in an earthwork found in Argyllshire. 

Popular belief preserves many of the precious relics of the past, but 
they are of a strange fashion now and need re-setting. One of these 
may be found in an Egyptian Calendar for the year 1295 a.h., or 
1878 A.D., published in Alexandria. In this the reader is told that 
on December 19th, "Serpents become blind," and on March 24th, they 
"open their eyes.'" For serpents we have to read the Serpent of the 
Year, the dual symbol of the Two Truths of Periodicity which were 
represented by the nine months of gestation, and the three months of 
the inundation; or by the serpent seeing during nine months and 
being blind the other three. The month Mesore (the re-birth of the 
River) is found typified by Horus the Elder with a snake in his hand. 
The inundation was also called the Burial of the Serpent. The blind 
serpent is the sloughing serpent. During the change of its skin, the 
serpent may be said to go blind. English readers will remember the 
story of the great boa "Bess," of the London Zoological Society's 
Gardens who was so nearly blind in her period of sloughing that she 
swallowed a blanket, which caused her death. 

The sloughing and blindness of the serpent is here represented by 
the Sun in the Three Water Signs. The length of time assigned to 
this phase is exactly three months plus the five black or negative 
days of the