(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Children's Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "The truth about Gerald Smith : America's no. 1 fascist"

'Ifie. 'I'mik About 

GERALD SMITH 



America s No. 1 Fascist 



By Jtal 3>/u*f2e>i 



5 GenU 



PuUidAed Ly the WoJikenA panty 



in 



Published by the 

WORKERS PARTY 

Los Angeles Section 

P. O. Box 1246 

San Pedro, Calif. 



SET UP, PRINTED AND BOUND BY UNION LABOR 



Permission is hereby granted to reprint 
any or all of the contents of this 
pamphlet, with the usual credit line. 
Trade unions and progressive organi- 
zations availing' themselves of this op- 
portunity are requested to mail us 
copies of such reprints. 



1 



■HI 



THE TRUTH ABOUT 
GERALD SMITH 

There is a sign of the times for all to see. 

The Nazi power has been defeated in Europe. Mussolini is 
a battered corpse in an Italian grave. But in the victor countries 
of both America and England, the forces of home-grown Fascism 
are lifting their heads with renewed vigor. 

In England, No. 1 Fascist Sir Oswald Mosley announces the 
reorganization of his frankly Fascist movement. In the Midwest, 
ex-Senator Reynolds of North Carolina launches his "Nation- 
alist Party" with the backing of Ohio industrialists. 

And in California, the leading Fascist demagogue in the 
United States pokes his head out of the hole he had crawled 
into. He proclaims his intentions of using Los Angeles as the 
base for rebuilding a national Fascist outfit. 

This is Gerald L. K. Smith. 

Fuehrer Smith has announced his invasion of Los Angeles. 
He has challenged every jdecent working man and progressive 
TnThe city to stop hij> plan's to spread religious and racial hatred 
and organize Fascist terrorists. 

Now is the time to stop him! The labor and progressive 
movement has done it before, .in one city alter another Irani 
_which he has been driven .J by aroused opinion and action. 

Let us make known to the people of Los Angeles WHO he 
is, WHAT he stands for, HOW he works, and WHY he is a 
sinister threat to everything we hold dear. 

As a contribution to this fight, the Los Angeles section of 
the Workers Party presents this expose of Gerald Smith. 

Who Is Gerald Smith? 

The Rev. Gerald Lyman Kenneth Smith is a graduate of the 
Hiiey Long machine in Louisiana. Flow he got into it is 
interesting. 

In the heyday of his power, you may remember, Long- 
got himself into a drunken brawl in New York and came back 
to Louisiana with a black eye, both physically and morally. 
He looked around for a whitewash, and found the pastor of a 
wealthy church in Shreveport to do the job. 

The Rev. Smith's energies were even then looking for a 
sideline. He was a solid success as the glad-handing, fund-rais- 
ing minister to the souls of the fashionable rich, but Huey offered 
him a bigger job. Smith left the pulpit. He became a leading 
hustler and stumper for the notorious "Share-the-Wealth" fakery. 

When Huey Long was shot and his empire cracked up, 



i la- Long machine made its peace with the Roosevelt administra- 
tion and went back to old-fashioned pork-barrel politics in 
Louisiana. But not the Rev. Smith. 

Huey Long had described Smith as a "better rabble-rouser 
than I am." Smith went into the business for himself. 

Smith had already been an early member of Pelley's "Silver 
Shirts." Unlike Smith today, William Dudley Pelley made no 
bones about his out-and-out Fascism, his rabid anti-Semitism and 
anti-Negro hatred, or his admiration for Hitler, Mussolini and 
their doings. Pelley is now serving 15 years in a federal jail. 
Smith learned to be more subtle. 

Gerald Smith became member No. 3223 and his wife was 
No. 3220. In 1933 he promoted the cause by lecturing on such 
topics as "Some Day 100 Million Americans Will Hide Behind 
the Silver Shirts for Protection." 

On August 15, 1933 Smith wrote to his boss Pelley: 
"By the time you receive this letter I shall be on the road to St. 
Louis and parts north together with a uniformed squad of young men 
composing what I believe will be the first Silver Shirt storm troop in 
America." (Carlson, Under Cover.) 

When the would-be Fuehrer from Shreveport made his 
first independent bid for influence in 1936, he already had behind 
him an apprenticeship under two of the most notorious Fascist 
gangsters this country has spawned. 

In 1936 Smith decided to "take over" the Townsend Old- 
Age Pension movement which was then booming. 

That year was a high-water mark of the American Fascists. 

It was after six years of unemployment and depression, 
starvation and bankruptcy in the richest country of the world. 
It was after four years of smiling promises by Roosevelt, and 
disillusionment with them. There were 17,000,000 unemployed 
and the capitalist profit system was grinding gears and sputtering 
like the worn-out machine it is. The industrialists of this 
country faced a rising sea of discontent. Millions said, "There 
must be a change." 

With mysterious but plentiful funds shelled out by the 
worried coupon-clippers and Fat Boys, Charles E. Coughlin was- 
operating a million-dollar Fascist propaganda mill from Michi- 
gan. "Democracy is doomed," he stated and "I take the road to 
Fascism," 

These well-heeled demagogues were working hard to earn 
their pay with the tried Fascist technique: promise pie in the sky, 
denounce the labor movement, slander the Jews, bait the Negroes, 
capitalize on blindness and prejudice, organize a storm-troop 
movement which woidd first bind the people hand and foot 
and then deliver them to their paymasters, the capitalist rulers 
of the Sixty Families. 

This is the job of Fascism for which the masters of profit 
pay in cold cash. 

_4_ 



Smith Moves Into Big Time 

Gerald Smith tried to move into big time via the Townsend 
movement. It had masses behind it. These masses did not see 
why the richest country in the world could not afford them an 
old-age pension. 

They were right. But they did not understand that in the 
way of economic security for the people stood capital's greed 
for the security of its profits. And that the capitalists had the 
power because they owned the wealth of the nation. On top 
the Townsend leaders played with the Fascists. 

Smith's talents as rabble-rouser at the 1936 Townsend con- 
vention got him recognition as a leader in short order. He 
dramatically proposed the organization of "Youth Battalions"— 
storm troops again. He negotiated with Coughlin and Townsend, 
and these Unholy Three got together in a pro-Fascist united front 
for the 1936 presidential election, with Lemke as their candidate. 

It didn't last long. A united front of rival Fuehrers is ap.t 
to be unstable. 

Both Townsend and Lemke soon repudiated Smith, and 
some dirt came to light in this thieves' falling out. Townsend's 
assistant publicly stated that Smith was in the pay of William 
Randolph Hearst. 

But Smith has maintained his admiration and support for 
Coughlin and proclaims it today. 

In the latter part of 1936 Smith moved on to Coughlin's 
stamping grounds in Michigan and later took over Coughlin's 
broadcasts. He had begun as an underling for Huey Long, 
worked through a partnership with Townsend and Coughlin, 
and now he hung out his own sign. It was called the "Committee 
of One Million"— because, he said, "a million" of his friends had 
asked him to organize it. 

Now Gerald L. K. Smith really had a job. It taxed even 
HIS rabble-rousing talents to the full. 

For the CIO was organizing all over Michigan and the 
Midwest. It was organizing the workers in auto, steel, rubber, 
machinery— most of them into unions for the first time. 

It was reaching into the robot factories where workers were 
whipped on to belt-line speed and then flung on the scrapheap 
of unemployment like empty pea-pods. The backbone of the 
American working class was striking for a living wage. They were 
"sitting down"— and winning! 

The bosses were yelling "Red" and "Communist" till the air 
stank of red herring. Even Ford was being cracked! Ford's per- 
sonnel manager, Harry Bennett, commanded a private army of 
goons, scabs, provocateurs and stool-pigeons, but was barely 
stemming the tide. 

-5- 



Mum—— ' 

Smith — Piece-Rote Strike-Breaker 

From 1937 to 1939 this was Gerald Smith's job. 

He worked as a barnstorming strike-breaker at piece-work 

rate*- , ,„ i 

He went from city to city especially where there was labor 

trouble" (as the sweatshoppers called it). 

"Industrialists found him dependable. If a community was plagued 
wih sit-down strikes. Smith could go in with his gospel of Americanism 
and the old-time religion and gel results that pleased those who lured 
him The CIO picketed the meetings, then hissed and booed and 

tried to break them up." (American Mercury, Aug. 1912, art. by 
VV. B. Hide.) 

He didn't tell then, a living wage was ungodly. No he was 
for social justice too-some day! But he pounded the pulpit and 
shouted and Bible-quoted and t.sed every demagogic appeal he 
had learned from two masters to convince them that strikes were 
un-American, trade union organizers were anti-Chnsts, their 
bosses were misunderstood angels and any way they had to go 
back to work. 

Patriotism and religion-flag waving and the Bible-these 
are the symbols which Smith warps to his devilish use. 

He has described himself in his own words as a "pulpit- 
pounding, Bible-reading grass-roots American." This is his 
formula for rabble-rousing and strike breaking. 

Do you know any good folks who have said that Gerald 
Smith is "merely a crackpot" and that "decent people should 
just ignore him"? Then remember .that this Fascist strike-breaker 
was considered by the Detroit corporations as one of their most 
effective anti-labor weapons. He got results. His poison acted 
where police clubs failed. 

"Many of the lesser industrialists around Detroit make no attempt 
lo deny their contributions to Smith. 'Sure, I've given Smith money,' 
one of them said. 'Most of us have given him money out here. When 
the Reds drove this town crazy, Gerald Smith was the one man who 
could get results fighting them . . . Smith knew something to do; he 
did it; and we paid him for it.' " (American Mercury.) 

In these prosperous days, Smith's "Committee of One 
Million" had a weekly "take" of $5000 from industrialists. Harry 
Bennett later even publicly admitted paying for some of Smith's 
radio broadcasts. Smith could afford a bodyguard at $100 a week. 
Bennett's strong-arm men (which the Ford Go. jokingly 
called its Service Department) were on guard at the anti-CIO 
rallies which Smith held for Ford workers all over Michigan. 
Arthur Hays Sulzberger, publisher of the powerful New York 
Times had him in lunch conference with the Times executives. 
Lowell Thomas presented him at the exclusive Advertising Club. 
James H. Rand (anti-labor specialist of the Remington-Rand 
team) took a fond and no-doubt financial interest in him. 

-6- 



"•WfWSi 



The former fashionable Shreveport preacher and Huey Long 
henchman was getting up in the world. 

The War Hits Smith 

With the outbreak of the war in 1939 Smith took to preach- 
ing a rabid isolationism of the most nationalistic variety. 

He boasted of his intimacy with the isolationist bloc 
in Congress, certainly with some truth. He told reporters that 
several Congressmen often consulted with him. Reynolds and 
Nye wrote letters of praise for his magazine The Cross and the 
Flag. 

But isolationism never paid off like strike-breaking. There 
just wasn't as much money in it. 

And after Pearl Harbor business was even worse. With the 
no-strike pledge on, Smith's special services were not as urgently 
needed any longer. The industrialists took care of things more 
easily, what with the War Labor Board, federal troops and 
union officials on hand. 

Smith did get leads to a number of isolationist organiza- 
tions which decided to disband after the entrance of America into 
the war. He contacted their members and tried to reorganize 
them behind himself. As he demonstrated from his files to 
Walter Davenport of Colliers, about 30 of the 65 groups were 
the kind with "Mother" in their title: Blue Star Mothers, the 
Mothers of Sons Forum, Mother's Knee Inc., True American 
Mothers With Outstretched Arms, and so on. 

In 1942 he started his magazine, The Cross and the Flag. 
His floor of offices in the Industrial Bank Building in Detroit 
was -handling a national correspondence. He was attempting 
to take over Coughlin's heritage in the area and 'partly suc- 
ceeded, no doubt. He tried to push the organization of his 
"cells" in other Midwestern states. After running a poor race 
for the Republican senatorial nomination in Michigan, he tried 
to make a splurge in the 1944 presidential election. He began 
by booming Lindbergh, Reynolds and Col. McCormack of the 
reactionary Chicago Tribune for the Republican nomination, 
but wound up running himself as the "America First Party" 
candidate. 

But with all this cost and energy he was getting nowhere, 
and least of all right in his home base, Detroit and Michigan. 
"He has .a small group of women who are ardent Smith fans, 
and he probably has some backing from the remnants of Father Coughlin's 
supporters. But with the end of his radio broadcasts and the demise of 
his Committee of One Million, his financial backing also has apparently 
dwindled. He still maintains offices in the Industrial Bank Building, 
but where his staff once numbered a score or more of persons, it now 
has shrunk to four or five young girls and an office manager . . . 
The political cards are stacked against any comeback he might attempt 
here." (N. Y. Times, Apr. 23, 1941.) 

-7- 



1 



MMMIMB — — — — — — 

Notice that word "here". That means in the Detroit area. 
The people of Los Angeles should be interested to know 
why Detroit got too hot for him. 

Detroit Labor Stopped Smith! 

It was accomplished in Detroit because Detroit is a strong- 
hold of trade unionism. Its labor movement u among the 
most militant in the country. Labor took the lead among 
all progressives in exposing his poison and smearing him as an 
apostle of race hatred. Their indignation overflowed. More than 
once, his sheets had to report as they did only last March: "The 
crowd assembled in face of stink bombs, stone throwing, 
window-breaking opposition and listened to a stirring address by 
Mr. Smith." Every decent American can understand how Detroit 
labor, which knew him best, was provoked. 

1 If the strike-breaking record of Gerald Smith was not fresh 

in their minds, the infamous Detroit race riots of June 1943 were. 
This was a deliberately organized pogrom upon the Negro 

, people, one of the most shameful of recent years. 

Bands of white youths roamed through the main streets and 

invaded the Negro neighborhoods of Detroit, looking for colored 

j victims-beating, clubbing, maiming and killing. Thirty-four 

! were slain, of whom twenty five were Negroes. Policemen stood 

around grinning or turned their backs. Hundreds were injured. 

} Negro housing projects like Sojourner Truth were attacked. The 

•' stench of race hatred hung over the city. Cries were heard from 

some of the fascist scum: "The Jews are next!" 

/ Everybody knew that this was a deliberately organized 

i bloodbath. Who were the Hitlerite fiends who were behind it? 

Fourteen labor, liberal and progressive national organiza- 
I dons publicly accused Gerald L. K. Smith of instigating the 

pogrom. 

Smith denied it— but he could not deny that the crimes 
were worst in the districts where the bulk of Goughlin's and 
Smith's strength lay. 

Smith denied it— but spilled some beans. He publicly de- 
fended himself against the accusation by stating that, though 
HE didn't do it, he knew who did, and would give the name to 
the authorities. HE NEVER DID. He also never explained where 
his inside information about the conspiracy came from. 

Detroit labor, white and colored, would not believe him if 
he placed his bloody hands on a stack of Bibles. They know 
Smith. That is why they sometimes became noisy at his Fascist 
rallies, as we have seen. 

All this is why Gerald L. K. Smith went west. 



msm. 



Smith Invades California 

His first stop was San Francisco and the United Nations 
Conference there. But San Francisco is the strongest union 
town on the Coast. He couldn't even get a hall to hold a 
meeting in. 

So on to Los Angeles. As this is written, Smith has already 
held a series of rallies and organizing meetings in this city. He 
has announced his immediate goal. 

It is: A FASCIST COALITION, tying together the native 
Hitlerite grouplets and anti-Semites and Negro-haters, all the 
reactionary elements of the pension-plan bugs, money cranks, 
fundamentalists, and labor-baiters, The LEADER is to be 
Gerald Smith. 

Who is behind him in California? 

Check— Willis and Lawrence Allen, the bosses of the "Ham 
'n' Egg" organization, which polled a large vote just before 
the war broke on the basis of its slogan of Thirty Dollars Every 
Thursday. The "Ham 'n' Egg Hall" is the site of Smith's secret 
organizing confabs. It is clear that the Allen brothers have made 
a deal with Smith and lined up with the Fascists. 

Check— The disreputable Jonathan Perkins who was the go- 
between for Smith and the Ham-'n'-Egg Aliens— and is the author 
of anti-Semitic pamphlets and articles of the usual pattern. 

Check— The "We the Mothers" organization, another one of 
the Fascist outfits for women. 

Check— A couple of local anti-Semitic pastors, J. A. Lovell 
and Robert Shuler, who have been working away at Jew-baiting 
for years. 

Check— Meade McLanahan, city councilman from the 13th 
District, who is acting as Smith's hall renting agent. 

This is a partial list of those who are out in the open. 
Labor must smoke out the rest. 

Gerald Smith has set himself an ambitious scheme which is 
filled with dynamite. If he gains his objectives, let the labor 
movement beware! 

The Fight Against Smith Starts 

Smith's first organizing meeting at the Embassy Auditorium 
was attended by about 1500. Liberal author Carey McWilliams, 
writing in the New York newspaper PM, noted that "there were 
no demonstrations and no picket lines" at this launching meeting. 
At his next rally at the Philharmonic Auditorium, attended this 
time by 3000, he did not get through so easily. 

When Smith announced this first big rally in the downtown 
area for June 25th, we Socialists of the Workers Party said 
that action against this spreader of Fascist poison was necessary. 

Trade unions and progressive organizations had sent in a 

-9- 




\ 




flood of resolutions and protests to the city government and to 
the Philharmon ic against the meeting. But while Smith has been 
refused meeting halls and frozen out of city after city (Minne- 
apolis, Buffalo, San Francisco, Milwaukee were a few), he had 
reckoned better in Los Angeles. 

It is significant that the Philharmonic management made 

-10- 




CARRYING PLACARDS declaring "Smith Stands for Poll Tax and Jim 
Crow," "America First is U.S. Fascism," "Our War is Against Fascism 
at Home," and calling upon labor to "Unite Against Fascism," a picket 
line estimated at close to 1000 paraded in front of the Philharmonic 
auditorium Monday night protesting a meeting held there by Gerald 
L. K. Smith, head of America First. Tension was high as men and women, 
colored and white people marched back and forth shouting their opposi- 
tion to Smith and fascism. Most of the marchers were workers. The 
demonstrators spilled over into Pershing Square across the street. Partisans 
of Smith refrained from provocative acts. Police dispersed the crowd after 
the meeting at the auditorium, which had been arranged by Meade 
McClanahan, councilman from the 13th district. Mr. McClanahan is 
learned to have signed the lease for Smith. Smith, in addition to being 
the leader of America First, is a former member of the Silvershirts, a 
follower of Father Coughlin of Detroit, and at one time is known to 
have worked closely with Huey Long. According to reliable informa- 
tion, he is attempting to establish a base of operations in Los Angeles, 
and reports indicate that he is seeking to make Los Angeles his national 
headquarters. The demonstration before the Philharmonic auditorium 
was sponsored by the Workers Party. 

PICTURES AND CAPTIONS by courtesy of 

LOS ANGELES SENTINEL, June 28, 1945 



him lay down several bonds in anticipation of possible damage to 
the building. But the meeting went on. 

The Workers Party took action. There was going to be a 
picket line at the Philharmonic! 

A call was distributed in mass at the industrial plants; 
the CIO and AFL unions were urged to throw their strength 
in; other Socialist groups were asked to work together on it. 

But the trade union officials had not yet reacted to the 

-11- 



dimmer. Pink Socialists were willing to talk against Fascism bui 
could not lie gotten oil the dime when it was a question ol 
taking action. The Communist Political Association was too 
busy with its current line of being "respectable" and super- 
patriotic and talking about increased production and "national 
unity" to do anything that smacked of militancy. 

On a smaller scale there was being repeated the story of 
how the labor movement of Germany sat back while Hitler 
gathered his forces, or passed resolutions while he drove to 
power, or counselled patience and reliance on the government 
while he became bolder. 

But at this first rally in Los Angeles, Smith's supporters DID 
have to scurry past the singing, shouting, militant picket line or- 
ganized by the Workers Party. While a hundred fifty picketed 
with anti-fascist banners and slogans, a demonstration of several 
hundred more workers booed the Fascists and applauded the 
picket line. Passing workers stopped, found out what was going 
on and joined the line. Their own trade unions should have been 
the ones to call them out! 

Across the street in Pershing Square' after the demonstration, 
speakers of the Workers Party urged them to go back to their 
unions and lodges and organizations and rally them for con- 
certed action against the Fascist fuehrer. 

When Smith held a smaller organization meeting that same 
week at the Ham 'n' Egg Hall, the picket line was there again. 
And though smaller, this was in some respects even more effec- 
tive. Several times Smith had difficulty controlling his audience 
from rushing to the windows or whispering excitedly about what 
was going on outside. It was even hard to hear HIS booming 
voice at times. 



Labor Must Answer The Challenge 

But these picket lines are only a token of the fight to which 
labor's organizations must be aroused! While it is natural that 
a fighting Socialist organization, such as the Workers Party is, 
should show the initiative when the trade unions do not respond, 
yet— 

Burn these words into your mind: 

Only the aroused action of the Los Angeles labor movement, 
CIO and AFL, can drive these Fascists out of the city! And we 
must do it NOW, before Fuehrer Smith secures a bridgehead, 
while his organization is in its first stages. It is up to you, and 
you, and YOU in the trade unions! 

As we go to press Smith is preparing for his biggest rally 
to date at the Shrine Auditorium (7,000 seating capacity). Answer- 
ing the challenge, the Los Angeles Council of the CIO has called 

-12- 



for a counter-rally at a larger auditorium, the Olympic, and is 
enlisting the support o£ other union, liberal, progressive and anti- 
fascist groups. This is a great stride forward in building a broad 
United Front of Action against Smith. Its aim must be to answer 
Smith's future rallies with mass education and mass action- 
militant picket lines and labor rallies! 

Gerald Smith's answer to the picket line was typical. With 
the brazen gall that amazes decent people, he told his audience 
that the Negro brothers on the picket line were there because 
they were paid ten dollars by Rabbi Edgar Magnin! 

Do you recognize this? Why does he pick on the Negro 
picketers to lie about? If he has to invent a face-saving slander, 
why does he ring in as villain a Jewish rabbi who had no more 
connection with the demonstration than George Washington? 

Smith Spreads Race Hate 

Gerald Smith says he is against race hatred— when he has to 
say something about it. But the mark of the beast is un- 
mistakable. He bellows that what we need is a "Christian Amer- 
ica," a "Christian government," "Christian patriotism," with a 
none-too-subtle version of the anti-Semitism and racism without 
which no Fascist demagogue has a complete line of wares. 

According to the magazine Current History for October, 
1936, Smith in that year sponsored a movement to boycott 
the Jewish merchants of New Orleans. It failed only because 
the reorganized Long machine did not go for it. 

He interlards every speech with anti-Semitic jibes. They 
used to be more veiled. Mark this: it is a fact that especially his 
closed meetings in Los Angeles have been more crudely and 
vilely few-baiting even than his wont. As this pamphlet goes to 
press, his very latest one at the Ham V Egg Hall was largely 
turned into an anti-Semitic tirade! Here is this self-styled 
"Christian" at work on July 16, speaking to his "faithful": 

"I have been accused of saying that 95% of OI'A violations are by 
Jews. I never said that. It is probably not more than 92!»%." 

"Obscenity is a natural characteristic of the Jews." 

"The Jews maintain a Gestapo to spy on me arid other Christian 
Americans." 

"When I see an evil-smelling, long-nosed, bearded, filthy Jew reek- 
ing of body odor and call him a 'kike', am I being anti-Semitic?" 

"They're still ,the Christ-killers . . . The Jews put pressure on the 
Roman government to crucify Christ." 

"The CIO council is a Jewish-Communist group." 

"The Jews are largely not descended from the Israelites of the Bible. 

-13- 



They arc sprung from a tribe of roving bandits." 

"One day," he has said, "someone will write a book about 
how to make an anti-Semite. It will be the story of my life." 

This is the man who denies that he is a Jew-baiter! He denied 
that he had incited the Detroit racial pogrom— but he begins to 
stir up the hornet's nest of anti-Negro prejudice at his very first 
big rally in Los Angeles. It can be predicted with scientific pre- 
cision that if he stays in this area long enough, we will be hearing 
from him about the Mexican people also. 

Race hatred is a favorite weapon of these Fascist rabble- 
rousers because it is a device to pit one section of labor against 
another. Divide and rule! Let the discontented take out their 
anger on racial minorities, and Big Business is safe. This is why 
Labor must build unite its forces regardless of race, color, and 
religious or political creed. 

But before! our indignation runs away with us at this 
.spectacle of warped hate and hideous lies, let us make a sober 
estimate of what Smith is. Me has been called a crackpot. 
He has been called a purveyor of "foreign isms." He has been 
called a Fascist. And he is. 

But we should be very clear about our understanding 
of these accusations. We must understand him in order to fight 
him effectively. 



Is Smith a "Crackpot"? 



In the first place, it is a grave mistake to put him down 
as "merely a crackpot" because of the kind of raving rant which 
is his specialty on the platform. That, is His technique. As a 
matter of fact, Smith has often referred to himself as a "rabble- 
rouser." It means a demagogue who tries to sweep an audience 
into hysterical emotion without thought. He is as proud of that 
special skill as a machinist is of his control of the lathe. To take 
one example only, he has told an interviewer: 

"I'm an isolationist. I'm the organizer ami leader of the America 
First Party. Oil, I'm a rabble-rouser. Put that down— a rabble-rouser. 
God made me a rabble-rouser. Goil made me a rabble-rouser of and for 

the Right. Better spell that word Right with a capital R. . ." (Colliers, 
Mar. 4, 19-14.) 

In speaking, he lashes his 220 pounds into a fury of shout- 
ing, hysterical denunciations, emotional appeals and vivid 
phrases, till he is bathed in sweat and his enormous expenditure 
of energy has prevented the hearer from remembering that he is 
saying nothing at all. 

It is a technique. He has found that it works. Remember that. 

A crackpot? A warped reactionary mind— yes. But that is why 
he Is dangerous. 

- 14- 



It was a crackpot like Smith, with the same technique, who 
seized power in Germany, launched his bloody terror and made 
good his threat that "heads will roll in the street." Hitler was 
called a "crackpot" by millions of good people— who understood 
nothing of what he was getting at. Mussolini was contemptuously 
called a posing buffoon. Their work was made easier because 
of the people who sneered and said "Pay no attention." 

In the second place, don't be fooled by your own words 
when you refer to Smith's ideas as a "foreign ism." It is perfectly 
true that Smith is an ape-like imitation of Adolf Hitler. It is 
perfectly true that we are used to thinking of Fascism as existing 
somewhere overseas but not here in this country. 

But don't try to base a real understanding of Smith on the 
belief that he is merely a stooge of foreign Fascism. The CIO 
Council has rightly called for an investigation of Smith, but. 
don't be too disappointed if he turns out to have had no 
direct foreign connections. As a matter of fact, Smith has already 
been investigated three times, and the F.B.I, is reported to have 
been unable to find any evidence of any substantial link with 
Nazism or foreign influence. 

For Smith really IS NOT essentially an agent for any foreign 
Fascism. He looks for support not from abroad but from the 
ruling Sixty Families of this country's plutocracy. He counts on 
them to put him into power. He is the "Made in U. S.", dyed-in- 
the-wool, blown-in-the-bottle, home-grown, native AMERICAN 
variety of Hitlerite! 

The field for Fascism is a fertile one in this country. The 
soil has been tilled: The same moneyed interests are here to 
further it in their own interests. The defeat of Hitler in Europe 
changes none of that. 

What Does Smith Count On? 

In the third place, don't expect Gerald Smith to come right 
out with it and label himself a Fascist. Especially now. The word 
is discredited for public consumption. 

It was his teacher Huey Long who said that when Fascism 

came to the United States, it would come in the guise of being 
opposed to Fascism. And he knew. That was what he was trying 
to do. 

Smith's name for it is "Christian Nationalism." Every decent 
member of the church will proclaim that it is no more "Christian" 
than Hitler "national socialism" was Socialist, 

But get behind the name. Look at the thing itself. Learn to 
recognize its innermost nature. 

See it mirrored in Gerald L. K. Smith. 
-15- 



Smith once told a reporter: "You know what my ambition is? 
I think chaos is inevitable. I want to get to as many people as 
1 can now, so that when chaos comes, I'll be leader." (Nation, 
July 25, 1936.) 

Leader of what? Leader of— chaos? 

Perish the thought-get wise to Smith. He made this state- 
ment in the 193()'s when even solid bankers' magazines and 
Wall Street organs were talking fearfully of the danger of 
"revolution" and the breakdown of the profit system. In their 
dictionary this is always called "chaos". 

Today once again, even before the war boom is over, 
the capitalist class is fearfully quaking before the prospect of the 
terrible crisis that shapes up for the profit system as soon as the 
shooting ends. 

The depression that ravaged the world for ten years from 
1929 to 1939 was temporarily lifted only by the outbreak of 
war. Capitalism went from mass starvation to mass slaughter. 
The profitable markets that could not be found for a surplus of 
goods and capital, though millions were in dire need— were found 
on the battlefields. Now they know that peace under capitalism 
will mean 20,000,000 unemployed. 

This is what Smith is waiting for. 

Capitalism will have to deal with a working class that was 
told to sacrifice its all, and that will lie rewarded with breadlines. 
They will strike out for a living wage and jobs. 

They will say, "We were told to 'work or fight.' Now if you 
don't let us work on your idle machines— WE WILL FIGHT— 
FOR OURSELVES THIS TIME!" 

In such a crisis, in peril of their profits, capitalism moves 
to put the labor movement in a straight-jacket. It tries to tie 
labor hand and foot, so that the parasites who live by owning 
can suck the last life-giving ounces of profit out of our labor 
without resistance. 

This straight-jacket is fascism. 

The Road to Fascism 

The trick is to get it on the body of labor. That is where the 
Fascist demagogue comes in. The Fords and Morgans and 
Duponts cannot do it themselves. They are a handful. 

They need the mass organization of blindly rebellious, 
hypnotized, hopped-up followers of a well-paid Fuehrer— fol- 
lowers especially recruited among despairing middle-class people, 
youth without a future, and unemployed willing to be regimented 
for a square meal. The capitalists provide the money. 

They are told to destroy this "democracy" which is starving 
them, destroy the trade union movement, destroy all independent 

-16- 



organization as all independent thought. And when it is done 
the same Sixty Families are sitting on top of the straight-jacketed 
nation, going through their pockets. 

This is what happened in Germany, to the letter. This is 
what Smith is organizing for here. 

It is only doing on a bigger scale exactly what he did for 
Ford and other tycoons from 1937 to 1939. 

That is what Fascism is— the capitalist answer to "chaos." 
It is the steel hoop which they put around the rotting barrel of 
the profit system. 

Gerald Smith stands four-square for that profit system. 
"Public ownership? Not in anything!" he has said. "I'd rath'.T 
that a municipality didn't even own the town pump. It would 
be better in private hands. Even the police department and the 
fire department. I' mean it, everything." (Current Biography, 
1943.) 

The Socialist Answer 

We Socialists stand for the OTHER way out of capitalist 
chaos— the way of Plenty for All. 

Our factories and plants can produce Plenty, for All. This 
is not a dream any more. It is a solid fact. 

But they will not be so used as long as they are owned by 
private profiteers, who allow us to work on THEIR machines 
only as long as they can make a profit out of our toil. 

The working class must own and control these factories 
and plants if the products of THEIR LABOR are to be THEIRS. 
Socialists fight for a Workers Government which will take the 
means of production back for the people. 

This is ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY-that is, SOCIALISM. 
Without it, political democracy is doomed. Without political 
AND economic democracy, working men are SLAVES. 

THAT IS WHY SOCIALISTS ARE THE FIRST AND 
FIERCEST ENEMIES OF THE FASCIST SCUM. 

The Workers Party is the Socialist organization of American 
labor WHICH MEANS BUSINESS. We mean to push the fight 
against the black threat of Fascism through every channel 
and every method. 

THAT CAN BE DONE ONLY THROUGH ABROAD 
UNITED FRONT OF ALL LABOR AND ALL PROGRES- 
SIVE ORGANIZATIONS WHICH W LL ^NCLNTRATE 
, OUR STRIKING STRENGTH ON THE FASCIS1 ENEMY. 
This means AFL and CIO and Railway Unions together, 
trade unionists and Socialists together-all labor putting aside 
other differences and disputes to smash the fascists back! 

_17_ 



1 



That's point No. 1: WORKERS' UNITY. 

Smith and his friends are openly talking again of storm 
troops, in Los Angeles. They are serious about it. They will start 
with uniformed bodyguards and "color guards" and other de- 
vices. Their aims are those of Hitler's— physical assault on the 
organizations of labor and terror against all progressives and 
racial minorities. 

The greatest mistake the labor movement can make, in 
which it would be following footprint for footprint in the steps 
of the German trade unions, would be merely to say: Let the 
cops and the courts take care of these rowdies; we will limit 
ourselves to protests and indignant speeches. 

Point No. 2 is: LABOR MUST DEPEND ON ITS OWN 
STRENGTH. 

Labor must build its own defense guards. 

Labor must answer' the fascist storm-troops in the only 
language they know. It must protect labor meetings. It must not 
wait till Smith has gone too far. It must act INSTANTLY 
on the first sign of Fascist violence. It must be READY. 

Labor must depend on its own strength. Its own industrial 
strength and its own political strength. 

The Workers Party tells you that the LESSON OF GER- 
MANY AND ITALY is: 

The profit system's government will not stop the Fascist 
assault on labor when things get hot. Pressure on the capitalist 
politicians will not WIN the fight against Fascism. 

Labor must BE the government. Labor must strive for ITS 
OWN government. To this end it must organize ITS OWN 
INDEPENDENT POLITICAL ACTION, not merely as a tail 
on the Democratic or Re2mblican kites, but in ITS OWN 
INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY! 

A UNITED FRONT OF ACTION-INDUSTRIAL AND 
POLITICAL-IS THE SECRET OF VICTORY AGAINST 
THE FASCIST MONSTER. 

It is also the secret of the emancipation of the working 
class from this whole round of insecurity, fascist threats and 
slaughterous wars, IT CAN GO FORWARD TO A WORKERS' 
WORLD OF PEACE AND PLENTY! 

This is .the Workers Party's program. If you are for it, 
DO YOUR PART! Fight with us for real democracy and free- 
dom, for this is the fight for the SOCIALIST WORLD OF 
ECONOMIC ABUNDANCE AND POLITICAL LIBERTY! 



-18- 



JOIN US IN THE FIGHT AGAINST 
FASCISM AND FOR SOCIALISM! 

I want to find out more about the Los Angeles Section 
of the Workers Party, which organized the picket lines 
against Smith's meetings. 

Send me more literature. 

Send me 'notices about your meetings. 

Tell me how I can join the Workers Party. 



Moil to: 
Workers Party 
Los Angeles Section 
P. C*. Box 1246 
San Pedro, Calif. 



Your Name 



Address 



City and Zone 



m 



READ THE SOCIALIST PRESS 
LABOR ACTION 

A weekly socialist newspaper with hard-hitting 
articles on the war and its profiteers, the trade 
unions, the Negro people, the imperialist intrigues 
of the Big Powers, and the fight for Socialism. 

NEW INTERNATIONAL 

A monthly magazine with analytical reviews of 
socialist theory and practice. 

PLENTY FOR ALL by Ernest Lund 

A basic booklet on socialism. Read it to find out 
why capitalism cannot give the workers Plenty 
for All but only wars, depressions, and fascism. 
Find out how a socialist society would create 
Plenty for All. 



The Workers Party 
114 West 14th Street 
New York 1 1 , New York 

I want you to send me the items checked below: 
LABOR ACTION: 

35c for 6 months' subscription. 

60c for 1 year's subscription. 
- NEW INTERNATIONAL: 

$1 .50 for 1 year's subscription. 
PLENTY FOR ALL: 

1 0c per copy. 

Further information about the Workers Party. 

Name .-. 

Street 

City and Zone 

Money Enclosed 






ftp 



Request Date: 15-FEB-2010 

Expiration Date: 18-FEB-2010 

ILL Number: 



j*'/ A,j 



IjU 









II 

ILL Number: 3711813 

Call Number: N/A 0^616 A(V 14 ' £ 
Format: Monograph ^~ ° 

Author: Draper, Hal. 

Title: The truth about Gerald Smith : America's 
no. 1 fascist / 

Pub. Place: San Pedro, Calif. : Workers Party, Los 
Angeles Section, [1945?] 

Requester: TEXAS STATE UNIV-SAN MARCOS - 
Interlibrary Loan 



TGQ or OCLC #: 

TGQ or OCLC #: 62635775 
ID: TXI 

ISBN/ISSN: 



Address: 64 SATvia 

TEXpress/AlkekLibrary/Interlibrary 
Loan/Texas State University-San 
Marcos/601 University Drive/San Marcos, 
TX 78666 



Service Type: Loan 
Max Cost: USD50 
Payment Type: IFM 



Patron Name: Wright, Jonathan 
Patron e-mail: 
Service Level: 
Delivery Method: Library Mail 

Request Note: FAX/ARIEL:512-245-3002/Ariel 

147.26.108.32 OCLC Req. Ex. Source: 
ILLiad 
Need by Date: 14-MAR-2010 
Verification Source: <TN:204051><ODYSSEY:147.26.110,59/ILIfiopyright Compliance 

OCLC 
Supplier Reference: 



Supplier Reference: ILLNUM:62635775 
Owned By: 



Requester Symbol: OCLC:TXI 

Return To: ILL SHIELDS LIBRARY / UNIVERSITY 
OF CALIFORNIA, DAVIS / 100 N.W. 
QUAD / DAVIS CA 956 16-5292 / U.S.A./ 
ARIEL: 169.237.75. 50 /FAX 
530-752-7815/ 
shieldsinterloan@ucdavis.edu