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by the Kditors of 
Executive Intelligence Review 

Since the 
First Printing: 
ADL in Middle of 
A Spy Scandal 
Too Big to Bury 

On January 15, eight days after the publica- 
tion of the first edition of this book, The San Francisco 
Chronicle shocked the public with the revelation that 
the office of the ADL in San Francisco was at the center 
of a scandal involving a San Francisco police officer and 
a Bay Area art dealer/self-described private eye who were 
suspected of selling illegally obtained information to 
agents of the South African government. 

The two men, Sgt. Tom Gerard of the San Francisco 
Police Department, and Roy Bullock, a longtime paid 
undercover operative for the local office of the Anti- 
Defamation League of B'nai B'rith (ADL), had been undo: 
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) scrutiny since 



1990, when federal agents discovered that secret Bureau 
records on American black Muslims had been obtained 
by South African spies. 

The trail pointed to Bullock, who, in addition to his 
fulltime paid work for the ADL, had been "moonlighting" 
as an undercover snitch for the Bureau. On at least one 
occasion, Bullock received a 1500 cash payment from 
the FBI for infiltrating meetings of two Bay Area groups. 

Bullock had access to confidential Bureau files, and 
became a suspect when FBI files stowed up in the hands 
of the South African government at the same time he 
was regularly meeting with two South African spies and 
passing confidential data to them. Bullock received cash 
payments that eventually totaled over $16,000. 

The early meetings between Bullock and the two 
South African agents, identified as Humphries" and 
"Louie,' included policeman Gerard. Later, Bullock 
would meet with the South Africans alone. According to 
one version of the Bullock-South Africa story, it was ADL 
officials who put him in touch with the foreign agents. 

Nearly three years later, that FBI probe of South 
African spying has mushroomed into one of the biggest 
espionage scandals in years. And the center of the scandal 
has shifted from cops and art dealers to an alleged com- 
mand center. The central target is how the ADL 

On April 1, 1993, San Francisco Assistant District- 
Attorney John Dwyer told reporters: "The ADL is the 
target. Their involvement is just so great. People have 
called this the Gerard case. Now, it's the ADL case. Ge- 
rard is fust their guy in San Francisco. The ADL is doing 
the same thing all over the country. There is evidence 
that the ADL had police agents in other cities. The case 
just gets bigger every day. The more we look, the more 


we find people involved." 

The San Francisco probe soon proved that the pro- 
file of the ADL contained in this book is right on the 

Far from living up to its thoroughly undeserved and 
self-promoted reputation, the Anti-Defamation League 
has been caught by San Francisco police investigators: 

• illegally spying on at least 950 political organiza- 
tions, including the National Association for the Ad- 
vancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Rainbow 
Coalition, Greenpeace, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, the 
United Auto Workers, the Christie Institute, New Jewish 
Agenda, Operation Rescue, the Liberty Lobby, the Nation 
of Islam, the United Farm Workers, Act-Up, the American 
Civil liberties Union, the National Lawyers Guild, the Bo 
Gritz Presidential Campaign and the political movement 
led by Lyndon LaRouche; 

• infiltrating countless police and sheriff depart- 
ments across the country, bribing police officers and 
illegally obtaining classified government data on at least 
20,000 American citizens; 

• selling information on anti-apartheid groups to 
agents of the South African government; 

• passing surveillance and classified police data on 
Arab-Americans to Israeli authorities who then used the 
ADL data to illegally detain American citizens visiting 

• passing off Israeli intelligence propaganda as ADL- 
generated research in an effort to sway American public 
opinion and government policy, while never being 
forced to register as foreign agents and while even en- 
joying tax exempt status with the Internal Revenue Ser- 
vice (IRS). 


A Nationwide Operation 

The San Francisco district attorney and police investiga- 
tors have concluded that the pattern of illegal spying 
that they unearthed in California is a small part of a 
nationwide spy operation run centrally out of the ADL's 
national headquarters in New York City under the direct 
tion of its "fact finding" director Irwin Suall. 

In the San Francisco probe alone, police uncovered 
evidence that the ADL had illegally penetrated 20 differ- 
ent police agencies in California alone, and had also gained 
access to classified police files in Chicago, St. Louis, At- 
lanta, and a half dozen other cities across the country. 

On April 8, 1993, San Francisco police released 
nearly 800 pages of documents, providing previously 
classified details of the ADL's nationwide criminal opera- 
tions. Those documents were released as attachments to 
a search warrant affidavit which police executed the 
same day. In raids on the San Francisco and Los Angeles 
offices of the ADL, police obtained "a mountain" of new 
evidence of the spying and agent-provocateur operations 
of the League. 

The April 8 search warrant actions, which garnered 
financial records and internal ADL correspondence be- 
tween Suall and West Coast regional ADL officials, were 
the second raids on ADL offices in four months. On Dec. 
10, 1992, San Francisco police raided the San Francisco 
and Los Angeles ADL offices, as well as the residences of 
Bullock and Gerard. 

Damage Control Fails 

Shortly after the April raids and document disclosures, 
the ADL launched what local San Francisco newspapers 
labeled a massive "damage control" effort They sent out 
several delegations of national officials from New York 


and Washington, D.C. to try to derail the probe. Leading 
the delegations were: ADL National Chairman Melvin 
Salberg, ADL Executive Director Abraham Foxman and 
ADL General Counsel Barbara Wahl of the Washington, 
D.C. law firm of Arent Fox. 

In San Francisco, Richard Goldman, the city's chief 
of protocol and a longtime ADL ally, was caught armtwist- 
ing Chief of Police Tony Ribera into bringing the investi- 
gation to a halt. Although the city's Police Commission 
did bend to the ADL pressure and dropped its own probe 
of the League's interference in local police operations, 
district attorney Arlo Smith vowed to continue his crimi- 
nal investigation despite the pressure, and subsequently 
identified the ADL's national fact-finding director Suall as 
a prime target. 

In behind-closed-doors meetings with publishers, 
editors, and reporters from The Los Angeles Times, the 
ADL tried to silence the press through cajoling, armtwist- 
ing and not-so-subtle allegations of anti-Semitism. 

But the ADL-ruh Jewish weekly, Heritage Southwest 
Jewish Press,more openly expressed the ADL's true feel- 
ings about the probe. Publisher Herb Brin, just returned 
from a trip to Belgrade, Serbia where he gave his un- 
abashed editorial endorsement to the Serbian slaughter 
of Bosnian Moslems and Croats, wrote on April 16: 

"Lyndon LaRouche, from his federal prison cell, 
must be gloating ... Calypso Gene Farrakhan is singing 
away at the chagrin of ADL. These — among a host of 
skinheads, pinkos and nuts — are dancing because San 
Francisco cops are on ai vicious hunt to embarrass the 
Anti-Defamation League for doing what ADL has always 
done and must do to serve mankind — after Hitler. 

"And the bastard decision by some idiotic editors 
of The Los Angeles Times to play into the game — and 


Heritage will find out what prompted the malicious hunt 
into the fact-finding efforts of ADL (better believe it!) - 
speaks for itself as The Times played the trumped-up 
'ADL investigated' story on Page One on 'Good Friday': 
... Hardly a week passes that I don't supply Jewish de- 
fense material to David Lehrer, head of ADL in this region 
... A people must have the will and moxy to defend 
themselves — and that, to me, is what ADL is all about 
... The San Francisco police charge that ADL maintains 
political intelligence operations in some seven U.S. cities. 
In which case I say: Hooray for ADL!" 

Brin, a promoter of the terrorist Jewish Defense 
League, and gutter-level ADL snitch for 40 years, was 
openly threatening revenge. Soon after Brin's diatribe, 
some local news outlets experienced nastier treatment 
than the name-calling directed against The Los Angeles 
Times KPOO-FM, a local black community radio station 
in the Bay Area, began receiving threatening calls after 
they aired a series of interviews with victims of ADL 
spying, "Jew-hating nigger," "nigger Nazi," and other simi- 
lar epithets bombarded the station's phone lines. 

In the past, these kinds of ADL hooligan tactics never 
failed to work. This time, however, the sheer weight of 
evidence has made this one scandal too big to bury. 

By. late April, after police publicly released the in- 
ventory of documents seized from the ADL, the League's 
fact-finding director Irwin Suall hired a top criminal de- 
fense lawyer in San Francisco, the clearest signal yet that 
the ADL is shaking over the idea that at long last, they 
have been caught in the act of being themselves. 

Spying on Jews 

David Gurvitz was unhappy about his pay from the ADL 
As the League's chief fact-finder in their Los Angeles 


office, the 35-year-old Gurvitz was married, with one 
child and a second one on the way. His fulltime job at 
the ADL paid him slightly more than $20,000 a year, 
hardly enough to live on in a high-cost town like LA. So, 
in June 1992, Gurvitz went to the Los Angeles Simon 
Wiesenthal Center, another Jewish group involved in 
monitoring the activities of so-called hate groups, to ask 
them for a better-paying job. 

But unfortunately the Wiesenthal Center already 
had a fulltime staff researcher, Rick Eaton, and Gurvitz 
was given the brushoff by Wiesenthal Center director 
Rabbi Cooper. 

Gurvitz's response to the job rejection was typical 
ADL He staked out the Wiesenthal Center to get Eaton's 
car license plate number and passed the plate number 
to his ADL counterpart in San Francisco, Roy Bullock. 
Gurvitz would later tell San Francisco police and FBI 
investigators that Bullock was his "mentor." 

Bullock contacted Sgt. Tom Gerard and had Gerafd 
get Eaton's California Department of Motor Vehicles re- 

The State of California has very strict laws prohib- 
iting private citizens from possessing DMV records. 
Those records contain photographs, addresses, Social 
Security numbers, fingerprints, and other sensitive per- 
sonal data. Unauthorized possession of even one DMV 
record is a felony punishable by a stiff fine and a five- 
year term in a California state prison. When Gurvitz got 
Bullock and Gerard to obtain Eaton's DMV record, all 
three were committing a serious state crime. 

But when police raided the home/office of Roy Bul- 
lock on Dec. 10 last year, they found far more than the 
Eaton records. They found DMV records on more than 
1,300 Californians in a computer spy base which in- 


eluded data on 12,000 individuals and 950 political 

Among the files in the Bullock computer were the 
DMV records of nearly one-third of the membership of 
the Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee 
(AADC), a nationwide Arab-American organization in- 
volved in legitimate political activities. For years, leaders 
and offices of the AADC had been the targets of threats 
of violence. 

In 1985, Jewish Defense League (JDL) terrorists 
carried out bomb attacks against AADC offices in Santa 
Ana, California, Washington, D.C., and Boston, Massachu- 
setts. In the Santa Ana attack, regional director Alex Odeh 
was killed. ADL agent Bullock has admitted to police 
interviewers that he had infiltrated the AADC and person- 
ally had a key to its Santa Ana office at the time of the 
Odeh murder. 

ADL-BATF Collusion 

The Gurvitz-Bullock efforts against Eaton did not stop 
with the illegal spying. Next, to intimidate Eaton, Gurvitz 
asked Bollock to contact a leading member of the White 
Aryan Resistance (WAR), a West Coast-based white su- 
premacist organization. The WAR leader, whose ADL 
codename was "Scumbag," is a convicted felon, and an 
undercover agent provocateur on the payroll of the ADL 
and the Treasury Department's Bureau of Alcohol, To- 
bacco and Firearms (BATF). "Scumbag" had been regu- 
larly meeting with Bullock and San Francisco BATF 
agents, providing inside information about WAR. 
Through this channel, Bullock and the ADL apparently 
maintained wiretaps on the WAR phone, codenaming 
the effort "Operation Eavesdrop." 
(The case of "Scumbag" opens the question of an- 


other level of criminal activity — receipt of federal confi- 
dential records. BATF had offered to "share" the infiltra- 
tor "Scumbag" if the ADL would pay informant fees- 
some several hundred dollars a week. The money-for 
"Scumbag" was approved by the ADL's chief fact-finder, 
Irwin Suall, from the League's national headquarters in 
New York City.) 

So, when in the fall of 1992, Bullock contacted 
"Scumbag" and gave him details about Rick Eaton's ef- 
forts to infiltrate and spy on WAR, it was a textbook dirty 
trick. Bullock hoped to enhance "Scumbag's" position 
within the WAR group by having him expose the infiltra- 
tor, Eaton. The ADL would gain greater hands-on control 
over the group, through its own informant Bullock also 
hoped that WAR might take some kind of action against 
Eaton that would scare him into leaving his job with- the 
Wiesenthal Center — opening the position for Gurvitz. 

There was only one problem. Apparently unbe- 
knownst to Bullock, the FBI was tapping his phone as 
part of the South Africa espionage probe. His conversa- 
tions with Gerard, Gurvitz, and "Scumbag" were all re- 

The FBI had no choice but to warn Eaton at the 
Wiesenthal Center about a possible physical attack 
against him by WAR According to documents released 
by the San Francisco police, the FBI could not rule out 
an actual assassination attempt against Eaton. 

FBI agents also went to the Los Angeles ADL office 
in October 1992 to alert them to the Gurvitz-Bullock 
dirty trick. The ADL response was striking. Gurvitz was 
fired on the spot, despite his family financial problems 
and pregnant wife. Only employed by the ADL for four 
years, Gurvitz was expendable. 
Bullock, however, a 40-year employee of the ADL, 


was too valuable to fire. At that very moment, Bullock 
(just caught running a possible assassination through 
White Aryan Resistance) was in Germany as part of a 
high-level ADL delegation meeting with government of- 
ficials and top German law enforcement to peddle their 
credentials as "experts" on extremist groups. Bullock 
personally met with the head of the German Constitu- 
tional Protection Office (BfY), Germany's equivalent of 
the FBI, to receive and pass on information about U.S. 
skinhead and neo-Nazi activities. Needless to say, Bullock 
did not report on his own role in running agents provoca- 
teurs inside those circles. 

When Bullock did return to San Francisco and the 
prospect of being dumped for his antics with WAR, he 
did not lose his job. Irwin Suall, the chief dirty-trickster 
for the ADL; his Washington, D.C. aide, Mira Lansky Bo- 
land; David Lehrer, the head of the ADL's Los Angeles 
office; and Rick Hirschhaut, the leagues San Francisco 
director, all threatened to quit on the spot if any action 
were taken against Bullock. Suall even wrote a memo 
which police uncovered in their searches of the San 
Francisco ADL office, lauding Bullock as the ADL's "num- 
ber one investigator." 

The impromptu rally in support of Bullock by top 
ADL officials speaks volumes about the real nature of the 
ADL Bullock's dirty tricks with WAR were not restricted 
to the targeting of Eaton. Bullock regularly tried to re- 
cruit white supremacists, KKKers, and otters from the 
radical racist right to join AADC and other Arab-Ameri- 
can groups, in order to later "expose" those groups for 
their alleged anti-Semitic ties. 

Eaton wasn't the only Jewish activist targetted by 
the ADL. Stewart Alpert, a national leader of the New 
Jewish Agenda, and other members of the group were 


ADL targets. Vera Katz, the mayor of Portland, Oregon, 
who lived for years on a kibbutz in Israel, discovered 
that her sister city program was spied upon by the ADL 

A Dilemma for the FBI 

Shortly after the Eaton affair, the FBI asked the San Fran- 
cisco Police to take charge of the probe 6f Bullock and 
Gerard. Once the investigation had turned into a probe 
of the ADL, the Bureau ran up against a very embarrassing 

Most serious was the record of FBI collusion with 
the ADL On Feb. 4, 1985, then FBI Director William 
Webster wrote a priority cable to the special agents in 
charge of the FBI's 25 largest field offices, ordering them, 
to establish permanent local liaison to the ADL The 
Webster order coincided with a major effort by the ADL 
to solicit a federal prosecution of Lyndon LaRouche, a 
longstanding target of ADL spying and dirty tricks. 

Ironically, this FBI order came precisely when the 
"Jewish underground," which FBI Director Webster later 
identified as the number-one terrorist threat in the 
United States, was on a terrorist spree that covered New 
York, New Jersey, and California. Terrorist activities had 
left two people dead, including Alex Odeh, the Arab- 
American leader. 

By Dec. 10, 1986, documents obtained under the 
Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) show ADL National 
Director Nathan Perlmutter, writing to Webster, to work 
details for the ADL to give annual training lectures at the 
FBI Academy in Quantico, Va. on "hate crimes." 

On Nov. 21, 1989, Thomas F. Jones, deputy assistant 
director of the FBI in charge of the criminal investiga- 
tions division wrote to Irwin Suall to invite Suall and his 


ADL associates, Allan Schwartz and Michael Lieberman, 
to lecture the top 50 FBI agents on "civil rights law." 

The marriage between the FBI and the ADL since 
February 1985 raises serious questions of legality. Was 
the ADL handed authority to run a revised "parallel 
COINTELPRO program" after the US. Congress had es- 
sentially outlawed the FBI's spying on non-criminal polit- 
ical groups in 1975? The ADL's intimate ties to the Trea- 
sury Department's BATF ring similar alarm bells. When 
the San Francisco ADL office was caught in possession 
of dozens of police intelligence reports on "skinheads" 
prepared by the Portland police, ADL Northwest Re- 
gional Director Marvin Stern told reporter Phil Stanford 
that perhaps the files show ADL's "work for the gov- 

Under the Reagan administration's Executive Order 
12333, which spelled out guidelines for domestic and 
foreign spying, the FBI was given broad latitude to use 
non-government personnel as "assets." 

No wonder the FBI dropped the probe of Bullock- 
Gerard on the grounds that it might jeopardize FBI Se- 
crets, methods, and procedures! 

Local Probe, National Target 

With the Bullock-Gerard case in its hands, the San Fran- 
cisco police launched an ambitious investigation late last 
year under the supervision of Captain John Wiilett, head 
of the Special Investigations Division. 

In November 1992, shorty after being interviewed 
by the FBI, Tom Gerard fled to th Philippines, which 
has no extradition treaty with the United States. From 
his retreat on a remote Filipino island, Gerard formally 
submitted his resignation from the SFPD. Ironically, Ge- 
rard's last assignment was in the SID offices. 


On Jan. 22, 1993, Gerard told The San Francisco 
Examiner (from the Phillipines) that he had first met 
Bullock at the San Francisco ADL office in 1985: "We sat 
there one morning with everyone in the (ADL) office, 
shook hands and made friends." Gerard freely admitted 
he funnelled classified police data to Bullock with the 
full understanding that it was for the ADL The guy 
(Bullock) had no criminal record. It's like we're talking 
to someone in the neighborhood community watch or- 

Gerarad just returned to the San Francisco Police 
Department after a two-year leave of absence in which 
he worked for the CIA, ostensibly as a bomb expert. 
According to documents and interviews, Gerard's CIA 
assignments included El Salvador, Afghanistan and a co- 
vert operation targeted at the African nation of Ghana. 
On his return to the police department, Gerard fre- 
quently boasted to his colleagues that he was also work- 
ing closely with the Israeli Mossad In retrospect, the 
references to Mossad may have been based on his bud- 
ding relationship with the ADL 
Gerard's work for. the ADL did not go unrewarded. 

In May 1991, Gerard was one of eleven police offi- 
cers from across the country who traveled to Israel on 
an all-expenses-paid ADL junket The group's escort was 
Mira Lansky Boland, the ADL's Washington, D.C. fact- 
finder who personally put the delegation together. Sgt. 
Tim Carroll, a detective with the San Diego County Sher- 
iffs Department, described the journey as a payment for 
services already rendered to the ADL "A lot of it was for 
past work or relationship with the ADL and kind of an 
emotional thing that we spread the word when we get 
back... " 
Police officers from Boston, Washington, Mobile, 


Dallas, Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia also went along 
on the junket, which featured meetings with senior Is- 
raeli police, military, and intelligence officials. 

One junket participants Donald Moore, was subse- 
quently indicted on kidnapping conspiracy charges, 
when, on behalf of the Cult Awareness Network (CAN), 
he joined in a plot to kidnap a du Pont family heir, Lewis 
du Pont Smith, a close associate of Lyndon LaRouche. 
When Moore was arraigned in late September 1992, his 
attorney, Mark Rasch, was from the ADL's law firm. Mira 
Lansky, Boland was in court throughout most of the 

In taped conversations with;the FBI's undercover 
informant inside the kidnap conspiracy, Moore boasted 
that he had worked closely with the ADL against 
LaRouche and that as a deputy sheriff in Loudoun County, 
Va. he had conducted illegal wiretaps, breaking and other 
crimes against the LaRouche group. Though Moore was 
acquitted, his codefendant, Galen Kelly, was convicted 
of federal kidnapping charges in May 1993. 

FBI Files on Nation of Islam 

The hostess of the May 1991 Israel trip, Mira Lansky 
Boland, may face criminal charges for illegal possession 
of a classified FBI intelligence report on the Nation of 
Islam (NOI), a legitimate political group. The ADL's Gur- 
vitz told FBI and SFPD investigators that he personally 
sent copies of the FBI document to Boland after he re- 
trieved it from the ADL's Los Angeles office files. 

Lansky Boland had put out a request to all ADL 
offices for information on the Nation of Islam, as part of 
an ADL propaganda drive against the group. The FBI 
internal criminal investigation report, a 35 -page docu- 
ment prepared some time in the late 1980s, was leaked 


to the ADL after the FBI apparently closed the probe 
without indicting anyone in the NOL But the ADL used 
the classified report to block the NOI's activities, espe- 
cially the Dopebusters program, which had successfully 
bid for contracts to provide security for public housing 
authorities across the country. 

Bullock may have passed the NOI file on to his South 
African spy friends. 

Lansky Boland could also emerge as a pivotal figure 
in a renewed probe of the Jonathan Jay Pollard spy scandal. 
A graduate school classmate of Pollard's at a special na- 
tional security studies program at the Fletcher School of 
Diplomacy, Lansky Boland was placed in a job with the 
CIA at the same time Pollard went to work for a Naval 
Intelligence unit Both Pollard and Lansky Boland were 
proteges of the Fletcher program director, Dr. Uri Ra'anan. 
Ra'anan was aformer Israeli intelligence officer who in the 
1960s set up an Israeli spy unit at the national headquar- 
ters of B'nai B'rith, the parent organization of the ADL 

Pollard, according to a story published in the May 
11, 1993 Village Voice, has written to friends that a top 
official of the ADL playqd a central role in his espionage 
activities for Israel (and the Soviet Union). 

Inside the ADL Files 

In April 1992, following the second search of ADL offices, 
the San Francisco police released some of the spy docu- 
ments to the public. 

The inventory included a computerized list of 
groups, with the data base broken down into five catego- 
ries: "pinko," "right," "ANC" (for African National Con- 
gress, a South African group that Bullock was spying on 
for the South African government and the ADL), "Arab" 
and "skinhead" 


Since the ADL had long paraded itself as the antidote 
to right-wing extremist and "hate groups," it was a shock- 
ing revelation for many long-duped collaborators of ADL 
that the majority of the 950 groups under ADL surveil- 
lance were left-wing, liberal, ethnic, human rights, gay, 
and labor groups. Leading members of the U.S. Congress 
including Ron Dellums, Paul McCloskey, and Nancy Pel- 
ozi, as well as Sen. Allan Cranston, had been spied on by 
the ADL, according to files seized by the police. 

African National Congress leader Chris Hani, who 
was assassinated in April 1993, was a target of ADL sur- 
veillance during several trips to California. 

The Christie Institute, which filed a spring 1986 
lawsuit against Oliver North, Richard Secord, and others 
involved in the then-unknown Iran-Contra operations, 
was surveiiled and infiltrated by the ADL Roy Bullock 
stole trash from Christie's San Francisco offices and filed 
detailed reports with the San Francisco ADL, listing bank 
accounts, personnel data and other sensitive infor- 

Chip Berlet and Russ Belant, two left-wing "re- 
searchers" who worked closely with the ADL for years in 
efforts to foist Justice Department frameups of LaRouche 
and his associates, were reportedly shocked when, in a 
1986 meeting at ADL headquarters with Irwin Suall, they 
were told the ADL had detailed files on them. However, 
from 1986 till as late as 1991, Berlet continued to closely 
collaborate with the ADL 

Henry Schwartzchild, a former ADL employee, con- 
firmed to San Francisco Weekly that the ADL had spied 
on Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. "They thought King was 
sort of a loose cannon. He was a Baptist preacher and 
nobody could be quite sure what he would do next. The 
ADL was very anxious about having an unguided missile 


out there." The NAACP was another prime target of ADL 
espionage and disruption. 

Wilbert Tatum, publisher of New York City's Am- 
sterdam News, captured the sense of betrayal in the black 
community in the first of a series of front-page editorials 
on the San Francisco spy case on April 24: "There can be 
no question that the shocking allegation that the Anti- 
Defamation League has been spying for years on organiza- 
tions such as the NAACP, New Alliance Party, Ku Klux 
Klan, Greenpeace, the Arab-American Anti-Discrimina- 
tion Committee, the Black United Fund, Operation Res- 
cue, the board of directors of public television station 
KQUE, the San Francisco Bay Guardian newspaper, at 
least 12,000 individuals nationwide, and still counting, 
as well as organizations and individuals yet to be named 
in New York and the East Coast, leaves us numbed and 

"For while it was serving as a model, by all accounts 
available to us, it was spying on organizations that it was 
ostensibly helping. Organizations such as the NAACP 
welcomed this help... They were welcomed into our 
organizations and into our lives: It is unthinkable to 
suggest that these 'friends' have betrayed us, as well 
as so many more. Yet, the investigations by competent 
authorities in Los Angeles and San Francisco suggest that 
they have done precisely that, up to and including selling 
illegally gathered information on organizations and indi- 
viduals to the apartheid government of South Africa." 

San Francisco Assistant District Attorney John Dwyer 
also revealed that Arab-Americans were not only being 
spied upon by the ADL At a court hearing in February, he 
revealed that one Arab-American whose name appeared 
in Bullock's computer dossiers had been arrested by Is- 
raeli police. The man, Mohammed Jarad, a Chicago grocer, 


was detained when he arrived in Israel to visit relatives on 
Jan. 25, 1993. He was held for days before the American 
embassy was even informed of his arrest. 

The DA's office later acknowledged that authorities 
found foreign government (believed to be from Israel) 
files on Americans. One Bay Area Middle East peace 
activist, Jeffery Blankfort, was tracked in the foreign gov- 
ernment files throughout an entire tour of the Middle 
East and North Africa. 

A New York City ADL agent, Yehudit Barsky, who 
worked directly under Suall, regularly received Israeli 
police dossiers on Arab activists from the Israeli embassy, 
according to former American Israel Public Affairs Com- 
mittee (AIPAC) researcher Gregory Slabodkin. 

In February, when Israeli Prime Minister Yitzak 
Rabin came to Washington for the first official meeting 
with President Clinton, Israeli Defense Force officials 
admitted that they planted intelligence data in the ADL, 
which the ADL would then release as its "research." 

In Chicago, the ADL's regular spy routine against 
Arab-Americans, according to writer Robert Friedman, 
was to conduct video-surveilance of funerals of Chicago- 
area Arabs, and then give the videos to the Israeli govern- 
ment. Arab-Americans visiting relatives in Israel and the 
Israeli occupied territories would be taken into Israeli 
custody and shown the videos as an intimidation tactic. 

The Money Trail 

In interviews with both the FBI and the San Francisco 
police, Roy Bullock freely admitted that he was a full- 
time employee for the ADL He received $550 a week 
plus expenses, he had a desk at the ADL's San Francisco 
office, and was one of only three people with access to 
the secret files maintained at the ADL's office. 


Yet, when police reviewed ADL financial records 
seized in the Dec. 10 raids, there was no mention of 
Bullock as an ADL employee. California tax filings also 
showed no mention of Bullock. 

Police eventually uncovered a paper trail involving 
a prominent Los Angeles tax lawyer, political fixer, and 
ADL official who systematically concealed Bullock's ties 
to the ADL. 

The attorney, Bruce Hochman, was for years the 
regional president, and is still today national vice presi- 
dent of the ADL Hochman admitted to San Francisco 
police investigators that, beginning in 1960, he would 
receive checks from the ADL, deposit them in an account 
and issue cashiers checks to Bullock. The scheme en- 
abled the ADL to avoid payroll taxes, workmen's com- 
pensation and other pay-outs. This scheme's illegality 
should have been obvious to Hochman, who is one of 
the West Coast's leading tax attorneys. Hochman is also 
one of an elite among California lawyers which hand- 
picks nominees for federal judgeships. 

One of Hochman's proteges, federal immigration 
Judge Bruce J. Einhorn, who chairs the Los Angeles ADL 
civil rights committee, is currently at the center of a con- 
troversy stemming from his refusal to recuse himself from 
the "Los Angeles 8" case, involving seven Palestinians and 
a Kenyan who are being charged with membership in an 
Arab terrorist group and are targeted for deportation. 
Back in 1987, when the eight were first arrested, ADL Re- 
gional Director David Lehrer publicly boasted that the 
case was based on data provided to the FBI by the ADL. 
Today, however, ADL computer spy files naming these 8 
defendants open a new scandal about Einhorn's bias. 

Although San Francisco investigators say that Hoch- 
man is not a target of their probe, evidence was released 


showing over $160,000 in payments by Hochman to 
Bullock in recent years. San Francisco D.A. Arlo Smith 
told reporters that the ADL could be prosecuted on 48 
separate felony counts simply for their illegal financial 
transactions with Bullock. 

Money for the ADL's covert "fact-finding" on the 
West Coast was handled through a covert bank account 
maintained in the name "L. Patterson" at several Los 
Angeles banks. Those accounts were maintained by re- 
gional director David Lehrer. All of the money was ini- 
tially provided by the ADL national headquarters in New 
York, according to San Francisco investigators. The 
money trail established through documents seized in the 
December and April raids has prompted investigators to 
conclude that the league's dirty tricks operations nation- 
wide are micro-managed from ADL headquarters by Suall 
and his chief deputies, including Lansky Boland. 

Civil Suits Pending 

San Francisco prosecutors have already handed down 
one indictment in the ongoing ADL spy probe. On May 
6, Tom Gerard returned to San Francisco from his Philip- 
pines hide-out and was immediately arrested and 
charged with five California state felonies. Now released 
on 120,000 bond, Gerard has been told by prosecutors 
that he can avoid a jail sentence if he agrees to cooperate. 
Prosecutors described Gerard and even Bullock as mere 
"cogs" in the ADL spy machinery. "Look at the top, at the 
organizational setup, at the fact finders," a source inside 
the investigation told The San Francisco Examiner on 
May 11. 

District Attorney Smith has said the remaining in- 
dictments will be handed down by June 15. 


In the meantime, the ADL has also been served with 
a class action lawsuit in California state court by a group 
of Californians, including Yigal Arens, the son of the 
former Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Arens, and Helen 
Hooper McCloskey, the wife of die former Congressman. 
The suit charges the ADL with illegal spying and viola- 
tions of the civil rights of a class of California citizens 
targeted because of their political beliefs. Three employ- 
ees of Executive Intelligence Review magazine from Cali- 
fornia have also joined the suit, which is expected to 
result in extensive additional disclosures of the ADL's 
illegal spy activities. 

With evidence mounting and criminal charges 
pending against the ADL for foreign espionage, domestic 
spying and financial fraud, many are asking: How long 
will the ADL manage to retain its tax-exempt status with 
the IRS? To maintain tax-exempt status a group cannot 
engage in any kind of direct political campaign activity 
and cannot serve as an agent of a foreign government. 
The ADL has been caught doing both. 

In police interviews, David Gurvitz revealed that 
the ADL ran an army of undercover agents across the 
country. In Chicago, the ADL had undercover informants 
code-named "Chi 1-2-3," at least one of whom was a local 
police officer; in St. Louis, ADL ran "Ironsides;" in Atlanta, 
an Arab-speaking ADL spy was code-named "Flipper." 
Elsewhere in California, ADL ran "Scout" 

While at first, only the Portland, Oregon district 
attorney and the Chicago Police Review Board formally 
announced that they will investigate the ADL spying, as 
this book goes to print other official government bodies 
are following the leads. 

The ADL Command Structure 

National Commission 

Honorary Chairmen and Vice Chairmen 

Kenneth Siafkin Edgar Bronfman 

Sen. Howard Former Sen. 

Metzenbaum Rudy Boschwitz 

Max Kampelman 
Rep. Sidney R. Yates 


Meyer Eisenberg (Ex. Asst. GC SEC) 

Murray Janus (Richmond, Va.J 

Irving Shapiro 

Burton Joseph (Minneapolis grain cartel) 

Arnold Forster 

Justin Finger 

Theodore Silbert (Sterling National Bank) 

Philip Klutznick 


ADL Foundation 

ADL staff 

Mira Lansky Boland 
3 1 regional offices 
4 overseas offices 

Irwin Suall 

Major Donors 

Robert Anderson (Atlantic Richfield) 

Dwayne Andreas 

J Oavid Barnes (Mellon Bank) 

Roger E Birk (Merrill Lynch) 

Edgar Bronfman (Seagrams) 

Charles L Brown (AT&T) 

Willard Butcher (Chase Manhattan) 

Alvah Chapman (Miami Herald Publishing Co ) 

Peter A Cohen (Shearson American Express) 

Lester Crown (Material Services Corp.) 

Justin Oart (Dart Industries) 

Marvin Davis (20th Century Fo%) 

Robert Ferguson 
(First National 
State Bank of 

Randolph Hearst (Hearst) 

Samuel Higgmbottom (Rolls Royce) 

Amory Houghton. Jr. (Corning Glass) 

Stephen Kay (Goldman Sachs) 
Donald Keough (Coca Cola) 

Lane Kirkland 

John Kluge (MetroMedia) 

Ralph Lazarus (Federated) 

John Loeb (Shearson Loeb Rhoades) 

J Willard Marriott (Marriott Corp ) 

Paul Miller (First Boston Corp.) 

Franklin Murphy (Times Mirror) 

Andrall Pearson (Pepsico) 

Lester Pollack (United Brands) 

Victor Posner (Sharon Steel) 

Abram Pntzker (Hyatt) 

James D. Robinson (Amex) 

Steven Ross (Warner Communications) 

William Schreyer (Merrill Lynch) 

Arthur Ochs Sulzberger (New York Times) 

Alfred Taubman (Taubman Corp.) 

S P. Thomas (Sears Roebuck) 

Robert Van Fossan (Mutual Benefit) 

Gordon Wallis (Irving Trust) 

John Welch (GE) 

Walter Wriston (Citibank) 


Canon Edward N. West of the Episcopal Cathedral of St. John 
the Divine in New York City. 

The Canon Spills 
the Beans 

It was December 9, 1978. The cold New 
York City winter was made worse by the damp and 
spooky setting in which the two undercover investiga- 
tors found themselves. They were sitting in the cavern- 
ous basement study of the Cathedral of St. John the 
Divine, interviewing Canon Edward West, a senior offi- 
cial of the secretive Sovereign Military and Hospitaller 
Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Knights of Malta. They 
had come to ask the Canon about Lyndon LaRouche, the 
by-then well-known economist and political figure, who 
had been the recent target of an assassination threat by 
the Order and some of its agents, including Manhattan 
District Attorney Robert Morgenthau. 

Details of the threat had been published in a thirty- 
page report issued by LaRouche' s associates earlier in the 


year, and LaRouche's U.S. Labor Party had more recently 
issued a book-length expose of the international drug 
trade, highlighting Britain's role in a new opium war 
directed against the United States. As a top official of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church in America, and as a leading 
Knight of Malta, Canon West was well aware of the 
LaRouche-commissioned exposes. 

After a half-hour of chatter about other, subjects, 
interrupted by a brief photo session memorializing the 
interview, the investigators brought the discussion 
around to LaRouche and the potential problems he and 
his organization posed to the Anglo-American establish- 
ment and their secret societies. 

The Canon's response to the inquisitive visitors star- 
tled them. 

In a cold, ruthless tone, the Canon stated confi- 
dently: "We will not get directly involved. We will have 
our Jewish friends at the Anti-Defamation League deal 
with Mr. LaRouche and his organisation." 

Canon West's threat proved prophetic. Already, dur- 
ing the summer of 1978, the ADL, in league with the 
British Fabian Society-sponsored Heritage Foundation, 
had published a broadside attack against Lyndon 
LaRouche as an "anti-Semite." The ADL was well aware 
of LaRouche's efforts beginning in 1975 to bring about 
a peaceful solution to the Middle East crisis by designing 
and lobbying internationally for a regional economic 
development program that would improve the lives of 
Jews and Arabs alike. LaRouche had traveled to Baghdad, 
Iraq and had also conferred with senior Israeli govern- 
ment officials about his peace plan. The ADL knew that 
the characterization of LaRouche as an "anti-Semite" was 
absurdly libelous. 


Nevertheless, the ADL's campaign to smear and 
eventually destroy LaRouche and his movement esca- 
lated dramatically over the winter of 1978-79, and has 
continued ever since at a cost of tens of millions of 

The bizarre reference to the nominally Jewish civil 
rights group by Episcopal Canon West, with his pivotal 
role in the secret British Freemasonic movement in 
America, naturally prompted a more serious inquiry by 
LaRouche's associates into the ADL, especially following 
the sudden burst of ADL venom during the summer of 

What that investigation revealed was as shocking as 
the initial comments by Canon West about "our Jewish 
friends." Not only is the ADL emphatically not a Jewish 
civil rights lobby; the ADL, and its parent agency, B'nai 
B'rith, have been, from their inception, arms of the Brit- 
ish secret intelligence agencies and secret societies that 
are sworn enemies of the United States. The B'nai B'rith 
and the ADL have used their nominal Jewishness to con- 
ceal their actual allegiance and agenda. 

The early history of B'nai B'rith is part of one of the 
ugliest chapters in the British-led Confederate secession- 
ist insurrection against the Union in the 19th century. 
The ADL is more closely aligned with the racist Ku Klux 
Klan than with Judaism; more closely aligned with the 
murderous Medellin Cocaine Cartel than with any civic 
group. As the financial and political institutions of the 
United States have fallen deeper and deeper into the grip 
of illegal drug money, the visibility and power of the ADL 
has grown. Today, they are at the very center of the 
corruption of our most cherished institutions: our 
schools, our courts, and our elected officials. 


This little book is by no means a comprehensive 
profile of the B'nai B'rith and the ADL. Such a serious 
history would require volumes. It is written in order to 
give you, the reader, a brief glimpse of the ugly truth 
about the "ADL: They are a bunch of racist thugs who 
push drugs. 

Scottish Rite Freemason and Ku Klux Klan founder Confederate 
Gen. Albert Pike's statue in Washington, D.C.'s Judiciary Square. 


150 Years of Perfidy 

April 14,1865, the day President Abraham 
Lincoln was shot, will live forever as a day of infamy for 
American patriots and lovers of freedom all over file 
world But for the leadership of the Order of B'nai B'rith 
and its 20th-century secret police arm, the Anti-Defama- 
tion League, April 14, 1865 is a day that will be long 
remembered for a very different reason. The B'nai B'rith, 
a pivotal player in the British Freemasonic plot to destroy 
the Union, was implicated in Lincoln's assassination! That 
fact does not square very well with its long-cultivated, 
but totally unwarranted reputation as a Jewish social 
service organization and a champion of civil rights. For 
that reason, B'nai B'rith and the ADL have gone to great 
lengths to bury that history. 
Simon Wolf (1835-1923) was the Washington, DC. 



lawyer for the Order of B'nai B'rith during the entire 
period of the U.S. Civil War. He would later head the 
International Order of B'nai B'rith for many years, in 
1862, Wolf was arrested by LaFayette C. Baker, the chief 
of detectives for the city of Washington, D.C., and later 
Lincoln's chief of the U.S. Secret Service, on charges that 
Wolf was involved in spying and blockade running on 
behalf of the Confederacy. Baker arrested Wolf, who was 
the attorney representing a number of Jews accused of 
spying for the South, on the grounds that he was part of 
a "conspiratorial organization" working on behalf of the 
secessionist cause behind the lines in the nation's capital. 
The conspiratorial organization named by Baker was the 
B'nai B'rith! 

Both Baker and U.S. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant targeted 
the Order of B'nai B'rith as a Confederate spy agency. 
Upon taking command of the Western Front in 1862, 
General Grant issued Order No. 11, which, expelled all 
Jews from the military district within 24 hours of its 
implementation. U.S. Grant was no anti-Semite. He was 
reacting to the activities of B'nai B'rith and leading Con- 
federates like Judah P. Benjamin. Lincoln, however, cog- 
nizant of the need to avoid blanket attacks against reli- 
gious or ethnic groups, rescinded the order. 

A 1987 B'nai B'rith authorized biography of Simon 
Wolf by Esther L. Panitz offered the following highly 
suggestive, albeit incomplete description of Wolfs per- 
sonal relationship with President Lincoln's assassin, John 
Wilkes Booth. Bear in mind that this biography, written 
on the basis of B'nai B'rith's archives, paints Wolf the 
most favorable of lights. The mere fact that the author 
had to include Wolfs links to Booth and Wolfs earlier 


arrest as an alleged Confederate spy and blockade run- 
ner, implies that the actual story is far uglier: . 

"Wolfs concern for culture first expressed itself in the 
formation of a private club, devoted to the arts and 
humanities and frequented by young men avid for learn- 
ing: ... Were pride and ambition his only motives in 
seeking the intellectual life? Clearly, Wolf hoped that if he 
and his friends would devote themselves to the pursuit of 
learning, they would deflect the prejudicial statements 
of their Christian neighbors. Wolf was upset that terms 
such as 'money-changers,' 'cotton traders,' and 'clothes 
dealers' had become words of reproach.... 

"Locally, the group's theatrical productions re- 
ceived a good press. Wolf, who would often play the 
Ghost in Hamlet or Shylock in The Merchant of Venice, 
bore an uncanny resemblance to John Wilkes Booth, 
Lincoln's assassin. Earlier in Cleveland, Booth had joined 
Wolf and Peixotto in dramatic performances. Years after- 
ward, Wolf remembered that he had met Booth once 
again at the Willard Hotel, on the morning of the day 
Lincoln was shot. There, at the bar, Booth explained that 
Senator John P. Hale's daughter had just rejected his 
marriage proposal. Wolf attributed Lincoln's murder to 
this personal tragedy in Booth's own life.... Wolf also 
recalled that once he sat for a picture entitled 'The Assas- 
sination of President Lincoln.'" 

In his own book, Presidents I Have Known, Wolf 
says that he and his longtime acquaintance John Wilkes 
Booth did some drinking together at the Willard Hotel 
on the day Booth shot Lincoln. 

Wolfs, and a second leading B'nai B'rith figure, Ben- 
jamin Peixotto's, dealings with John Wilkes Booth were 
hardly cultural. Nor could Wolf have possibly believed 
that Abraham Lincoln was killed became of John Wilkes 


Booth's unrequited love affair. Even John Hinckley, the 
would-be assassin of President Ronald Reagan was de- 
clared insane when he tried to peddle the line that he 
had tried to kill Ronald Reagan due to an unfulfilled 
fantasy love affair with actress Jodie Foster. 

To understand the circumstances under which B'nai 
B'rith's Washington, D.C. leader and one of its founding 
members were circumstantially tied to the Lincoln assas- 
sination conspiracy, and explicitly linked to the seces- 
sionist insurrection against the Union, it is necessary to 
look briefly at the circumstances under which the Order 
of B'nai B'rith was founded in 1843. 

Britain's Reconquest Dream 

Following the American Revolution, the British monar- 
chy and its East India Company colonialist apparatus 
never for a moment abandoned their commitment to 
reconquer the lost colonies in North America. Although 
the military effort at reconquest in the War of 1812 
foiled, other efforts to seed the United States with British 
agents, some drawn from the ranks of anti-republican 
Tories who were permitted to retain their citizenship 
and property in America under the terms of the Treaty 
of Paris of 1783, were more successful. 

In 1801, the Tory faction of U.S. Freemasonry — the 
grouping of Freemasons who had sided with England 
during the American Revolution — opened up shop as 
the "Grand Council of the Princes of Jerusalem of the 
Mother Supreme Council of the Knights Commander of 
the House of the Temple of Solomon of the Thirty-third 
Degree of the Ancient and Accepted Order of the Scot- 
tish Rite of Freemasonry in the United States." This US- 
based British Freemasonic lodge was chartered in 


Charleston, S.C. The members of this British-led secret 
society would direct the Confederate secessionist insur- 
rection a half-century later. Other Scottish Rite members 
would-be among the founders of the B'nai B'rith. They, 
too, would be leading Confederates. 

Apart from the esoteric mission of spreading an 
explicitly anti-Christian form of Roman pagan worship 
and occultism among the early generations of American 
citizens, the Charleston lodge also sought to build up a 
network of pro-British merchants, spies and politicians 
in both the North and the South, who would one day 
play a pivotal role in the reconquest. Many of these early 
Masons became wealthy through their business dealings 
with the British East India Company and the Dutch West 
India Company, in both the cotton and the slave trade. 

Among the founding members of the Charleston 
Scottish Rite Lodge were many prominent Jews, includ- 
ing Isaac DaCosta, Moses Cohen, Israel De Lieben, Dr. 
Isaac Held, Moses Levi, and Moses Peixotto. Many of 
these men were Sephardic Jews from North Africa or 
from Spain who had originally settled in the Caribbean 
and engaged in the early slave trade. These Jewish Ma- 
sons set up other organizations which also maintained 
active liaison to Great Britain's powerful Jewish commu- 
nity. The Hebrew Orphan Aid Society was one such 
nominally benign group that would produce one of the 
most rabid secessionist leaders, Judah P. Benjamin, 
Although today, any reports of the Freemasonic 
roots and structure of B'nai B'rith are usually greeted 
with a torrent of allegations of "anti-Semitism," back in 
the formative years, B'nai B'rith's own magazine The Me- 
norah offered the following information about the 
founders of the group: 


"Their reunions were frequent and several of them being 
members of existing benevolent societies, especially the 
order of Free Masons and Odd Fellows, they finally con- 
cluded that a somewhat similar organization, but based 
upon the 'Jewish idea' would best obtain their object. 
Trie Jewish religion has many observances and customs 
corresponding to the secret societies known to us. The 
synagogue, for instance, might be compared to a lodge 
room. It used to be open twice a day. For a Jew desiring 
to find a friend, they had but to go there and make 
themselves known by a certain sign and token.... The 
sign consisted of a grip with a full hand and the magical 
word Sholem Alachem. The messussah on the doorpost 
was the countersign. Shema Israel (Hear, O Israel) was 
the password." 

Indeed, to this day, all local chapters of the B'nai 
B'rith are referred to as Lodges, a practice borrowed 
whole cloth from the Scottish Rite. 

When Moses saw some Jews of this B'nai B'rith type, 
who tried to make their religion into a pagan secret 
society, he "took, the calf which they had made, and burnt 
it in the fire, and ground it into powder... and Moses 
returned unto the Lord, and said, Oh, this people have 
sinned a great sin, and made them gods of gold." 

The majority of Jews in America during the first 
generations following independence were opposed to 
the idea of a Jewish Freemasonic secret society. Thus, 
Israel Joseph Benjamin, a noted European Jew, in his 
memoirs Three Years in America, 1859-62 wrote of the 
B'nai B'rith that "this is a secret society, like the Freema- 
sons, with passwords and the like and was quite a new 
phenomenon for me... still I think the existence of such 
a society not at all necessary." 
He was right. The secret agenda of the B'nai B'rith — 


like that of the Southern Jurisdiction of the Scottish 
Rite — was to destroy the Union and pave the way for 
reconquest by Britain. 

Benjamin and Belmont 

Two leading B'nai B'rith-allied figures would serve as 
exemplars of the British strategy for permanently divid- 
ing the Union: Judah P. Benjamin and August Belmont. 
Benjamin (1811-1884) was born in the British West 
Indies to Sephardic Jewish parents who moved to 
Charleston, S.C. In 1827, he was inducted into the 
Charleston Hebrew Orphan Aid Society, one of the pre- 
cursors of the B'nai B'rith. After attending Yale College 
in New Haven, Ct. (he was forced to drop out under a 
cloud of scandal), Benjamin surfaced in New Orleans, 
where he quickly won the patronage of John Slidell 
Slidell, a U.S. senator who would later play a pivotal role 
in the Confederacy, and sponsored the career of August 
Belmont, who married Slidell's daughter. 

With Slidell's assistance, Benjamin became a promi- 
nent attorney, even serving for a period of time as the U.S. 
attorney for New Orleans. Benjamin gained notoriety 
for covering up the growing terrorist activities of the 
Scottish Rite-sponsored Knights of the Golden Circle 
while serving as the local federal prosecutor. In 1852, 
Benjamin was elected U.S. senator, a post he retained 
until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, when he 
resigned to serve the Confederacy. Benjamin was the 
first Confederate attorney general. He later served as 
secretary of war and secretary of state, ultimately run- 
ning the Confederate secret service on behalf of Confed- 
erate President Jefferson Davis. 
Judah Benjamin escaped to England following the 


defeat of the Confederate secessionist plot. It was Benja- 
min's Confederate secret service which organized and 
supervised such figures in the assassination of Abraham 
Lincoln as John Wilkes Booth and his accomplice, John 
Surratt. Benjamin was charged with sedition for the Lin- 
coln assassination, although he was never brought to trial 
due to his protected status in England. 

With the help of a leading Rothschild political asset 
in England, Baron Pollack, Benjamin continued his legal 
career in London. He never abandoned his commitment 
to subvert and destroy the American republic, however. 
As a wealthy lawyer for the British merchant oligarchs, 
Judah Benjamin collaborated with other exiled Confed- 
erate and Masonic strategists in England, such as James 
D. Bulloch and Robert Toombs. Benjamin's continuing 
preoccupation with defeating Reconstruction is indi- 
cated in letters he wrote back to the U.S. with complaints 
such as these: 

"I have always looked with the utmost dread and 
distrust on the experiment of emancipation so suddenly 
enforced on the South by the event of the war. God 
knows how it will all end!"; "the South is kept crushed 
under negro rule"; "I can never consent to go to New 
Orleans and break my heart witnessing the rule of ne- 
groes and carpetbaggers"; and "nothing is so abhorrent 
to me as Radicalism which seeks to elevate the populace 
into the governing class." 

The Ku Klux Klan (KKK) was founded in Tennessee 
in the late 1860s by the southern Scottish Rite leadership 
under Albert Pike. The KKK drew its membership from 
the pre-Civil War Knights of the Golden Circle. 

Judah P. Benjamin's early role in sponsoring and 
protecting both the Knights of the Golden Circle and the 


Ku Klux Klan offers a crucial insight into the B'nai B'rith- 
ADL's later role in fostering the revival of the KKK in the 
post-World War II period. We shall return to that sordid 
tale in a later chapter. 

Another Rothschild and B'nai B'rith ally who en- 
joyed the political patronage of arch-Confederate John 
Slidell, August Belmont, was Judah Benjamin's northern 
counterpart. A private secretary to the British House of 
Rothschild who arrived in New York City from London 
in 1837, Belmont rose to the chairmanship of the Demo- 
cratic Party, a position he held for 20 years. Belmont was 
a leading advocate of free trade and states' rights, both 
cornerstones of the British reconquest scheme. Prior to 
his emergence as a leading figure in the national Demo- 
cratic Party, Belmont worked closely with the Charles- 
ton, S.C. B'nai B'rith in fomenting radicalism among 
America's youth. The effort was in this case run directly 
by the Mother Lodge of the Scottish Rite in England, then 
under the command of Britain's Prime Minister, Lord 

At Belmont's behest, Charleston B'nai B'rith leader 
Edwin DeLeon wrote a pamphlet in the early 1850s 
entitled The Position and Duties of Young America 
DeLeon, whose family were slave traders, B'nai B'rith 
founders and later leading Confederates, peddled free 
trade and openly advocated a strong Anglo-American 
alliance. While by today's standards, the appeals for a 
strong Anglo-American alliance may seem palatable to 
some, back in the middle of the 19th century, this was 
borderline treason. 

Belmont's Young America members were among 
the draft rioters and radical abolitionists who disrupted 
Lincoln's Union war mobilization to the benefit of the 


Confederacy and England. During the early phase of the 
Civil War, England tried repeatedly to intervene into the 
conflict with "cease fire" plans that would have ensured 
the permanent dissolution of the Union. 

During the Civil War itself, while the majority of 
American Jews sided with the North and fought valiantly 
to preserve the Union, the B'nai B'rith was predomi- 
nantly pro-Confederate. Even in New York City, the 
Lodges preached secession. 

The Baltimore Hebrew Congregation, founded by 
Dutch Jews who made their money in the slave trade, 
heard sermons by Rabbi Morris Raphall like the fol- 

"Who can blame our brethren of the South for their 
being inclined to secede from a society under whose 
government their ends cannot be attained and whose 
union is kept together by heavy iron ties of violence and 
arbitrary force? Who can blame our brethren of the South 
for seceding from a society whose government cannot 
and will not protect property rights and privileges of a 
great portion of the Union?" 

Following the Civil War and the assassination of 
President Lincoln, many of the Jewish slave and cotton 
traders from the South, typified by the Lehman Brothers, 
moved to New York City and became prominent in Wall 
Street banking and stock brokerages. With the defeat of 
President Lincoln's Reconstruction program following 
his assassination, President Andrew Johnson pardoned 
the Scottish Rite insurrectionists — including Gen. Albert 
Pike — and accepted a rank of 32nd Degree in the South- 
ern Jurisdiction Freemasons. Suspected Lincoln assassi- 


nation plotter Simon Wolf was also absolved of any crimi- 
nal culpability for his wartime activities. 

The legacy of British Freemasonic treachery against 
the Union survived intact — including the B'nai B'rith. 

Although the slave trade nominally was banned in 
the United States as a result of Lincoln's Emancipation 
Proclamation, a new form of slavery had already been 
launched by the British East India Company and its Scot- 
tish Rite directors, including the same Lord Palmerston 
who had played so pivotal a role in the secessionist 

The new form of slavery was opium. Henry Carey, 
one of the architects of Abraham Lincoln's Reconstruc- 
tion program and a leading proponent of the American 
System of Political Economy, warned about Britain's 
Opium War against China and India in his 1853 book 
The Slave Trade, Domestic and Foreign. He described 
the trade in "that pernicious drug, opium" as "one of 
perfect free trade!" 

Defeated in the secessionist insurrectionist plot, 
Britain and its fifth column of agents in both the North 
and the South would eventually regroup around a strat- 
egy for running an opium war against the United States. 
As the reader will learn in later chapters of this book, 
the B'nai B'rith and its Anti-Defamation League "secret 
lodge" would play a central role in that effort. 

Peddling Slavery Still Today 

Fast forward to 1992. In the nation's capital, where B'nai 
B'rith lawyer Simon Wolf conspired on behalf of the 
southern slave trade, the streets in many parts of town 
are dominated now by drug traffickers whose deadly 
poison has inflicted both a subculture of addiction and 


violence and a spread of the AIDS virus among the pre- 
dominandy black population. Community-based efforts, 
led by the Nation of Islam, have begun to roll back that 
new subculture of slavery and despair, restoring safety 
and dignity to some of the most desperately poor neigh- 
borhoods in the United States. 

True to its history, the B'nai B'rith ADL intercedes 
to turn back the clock to the days of slavery. 

First, the ADL set off a massive wave of anger and 
resentment in the African-American community when, 
in June 1992, it published The Anti-Semitism of Black 
Demagogues and Extremists. The widely circulated ADL 
report is a frontal attack on the Nation of Islam (NO!) and 
its leader, Minister Louis Farrakhan. It openly threatens 
retribution against any elected officials or political activ- 
ists who "associate with or publicly commend the NOI." 

In July 1992, a major uproar developed in Washing- 
ton, D.C. when the ADL was caught red-handed in an 
ugly attempt to shut down any government contact with 
what has been the only effective effort to clean up drug- 
and crime-infested areas in the nation's capital: the NOI's 
now-famous "Dopebusters." 

When Washington, D.C. Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly 
issued an official proclamation honoring Nation of Islam 
leader Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad for his leadership in 
the Dopebusters campaign, and for his groundbreaking 
work in treating AIDS patients with Immuviron, an Afri- 
can-developed anti-AIDS drug, the ADL went crazy. 

Kelly'was repeatedly hit with ADL-organized "dele- 
gations" demanding that the proclamation be rescinded 
lest she, too, be identified as an anti-Semite. When she 
refused, the ADL engaged in a national barrage of media 
attacks against the Nation of Islam. The attacks culmi- 


nated in an article run in the Washington Times coau- 
thored by ADL National Director Abe Foxman and Fact 
Finding Director Mira Larisky Boland. 

Ultimately, Kelly succumbed to ADL demands and 
issued an "Open Letter to the Community" in which she 
continued to praise Dr. Muhammad's work against drugs, 
violence, and AIDS, but condemned alleged "anti-Se- 
mitic" statements attributed to him by the ADL. 

But what was really at the heart of the Washington 
Times article, which was otherwise a potpourri of outra- 
geous and unsubstantiated charges against the Nation of 
Islam; was a demand that Congress defeat the major 
appropriations bill for the Dept of Housing and Urban 
Development (HUD), over the question of whether HUD 
rules should permit a HUD contractor to hire the Dope- 
busters to provide security for a federally subsidized 
housing project in Los Angeles. The ADL was particularly 
upset about the national attention the successful Dope- 
busters drug eradication program was getting. 

The Dopebusters were founded in Washington, D.G. 
in 1988. Since then, unarmed Dopebuster patrols have 
been able to eradicate drug trafficking at the street level 
in nine Washington ghetto neighborhoods and private 
housing projects. They have done so with no deaths and 
very little violence. 

Exemplary of the success of the program is the 
Mayfair Mansions housing complex in Northeast Wash- 
ington. Mayfair Mansions went from an ugly, unsafe, op- 
en-air drug market in 1988, to being a handsomely re- 
stored, safe, vibrant community, as a result of Dopebuster 
patrols. When HUD Secretary Jack Kemp visited Mayfair 
Mansions earlier this year, he admitted that the Nation 
of Islam's Dopebusters deserved the credit, and indicated 


that he was open to granting the patrols federal govern- 
ment contracts. 

Tenants in public and private housing projects from 
New York to Baltimore to Los Angeles are demanding 
Dopebuster patrols. In most cases, the idea has the sup- 
port of local police and government agencies who have 
failed to find any other effective way to curtail the intensi- 
fying pattern of drug trafficking and violence. In almost 
every case, the ADL has attempted to block the tenants' 
choice of security force. Tenant leaders who refuse to 
back down have been subjected, to threats, harassment, 
break-ins and other forms of intimidation 

This time, however, the ADL may have committed 
a fatal error in launching such an open and vicious attack 
on the Nation of Islam. Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad is not 
only a leader of the NOI, he is one of the most respected 
community leaders in the Washington area, and his pion- 
eering work against AIDS is gaining him international 
recognition. The black and Hispanic communities in the 
U.S. are disproportionately infected by the deadly virus, 
but have had almost no access to the accepted treatment, 
which consists of the prohibitively expensive (and 
highly toxic) AZT, DDI, or DDC. 

Dr. Muhammad and New York City physician Dr. 
Barbara Justice, have reported dramatic success in treat- 
ing more than 600 patients who are HIV-positive with 
Immuviron, the drug they brought back from Kenya. 
The pair is also credited with bringing vital information 
concerning this new treatment modality to both the 
general public and the medical profession, taking the 
point in a courageous effort to avert what would other- 
wise be the worst holocaust to hit the human race. 
Similarly, the ADL's charges against the Dopebusters 


cany little credibility, and leave the ADL completely 
exposed as nothing more than a protection racket for 
the drug cartel. The Dopebusters enjoy the intense sup- 
port of the communities they serve and have an unprece- 
dented record of success. Wherever they go, the Dope- 
busters convey an unmistakable message of hope and 
inspiration to the community, that the war on drugs can 
be won. Interviews with the residents of the communi- 
ties served by the Dopebusters make clear that they 
believe that it is that message, and nothing else, that has 
made the Nation of Islam and the Dopebusters a target 
of ADL attack. 

In a community where the twin plagues of drug 
addiction and AIDS are the most visible vestiges of slav- 
ery, the ADL has shown that despite the passage of time, 
its true loyalties lie with the slave meters. 

Wide World 

Meyer Lansky, godfather of organized crime. 


2 A Public 
Relations Front 
for Meyer 

In 1985, the ADL proudly gave its Torch of 
liberty award to Las Vegas "businessman" Morris Barney 
Dalitz. The award ceremony, a strictly black-tie affair, 
was given front-page attention in the League's monthly 
Bulletin, which praised Dalitz as a great philanthropist 
who had donated generously to the ADL over the years. 
Dalitz's "generosity" was motivated by a lot more 
than an impulse to help out a favorite charity. As one of 
the most important figures in organized crime over a 
period of sixty years, and as a lifetime right-hand man to 
organized crime's 20th-century "chairman of the board," 
Meyer Lansky, Moe Dalitz was well aware of the fact that 
the Anti-Defamation League was, from its founding, a 
powerful secret arm of the National Crime Syndicate. 
Without the ADL's undaunted "public relations" work on 



behalf of organized crime, the United States would have 
never been flooded with illegal drugs, and gangsters like 
Dalitz and Lansky would have long ago been carted off 
to the penitentiary. Dalitz was one of the kingpins of 
the Prohibition-era bootlegging business. He, along with 
three other gangsters, Morris Kleinmah, Sam Tucker, and 
Louis Rothkopf, ran the Cleveland underworld. Their 
self-described "Jewish Navy" smuggled rotgut whiskey 
across the Great Lakes from Canada into the Midwest 
United States. 

On the Canadian side of the lakes, the booze was 
manufactured by the Bronfman Gang, led by Sam and 
Abe Bronfman, second-generation Romanian immigrants 
whose father had been brought over to Canada by the 
B'nai B'rith-allied Baron de Hirsch Fund and had set up 
a string of whorehouses. Sam and Abe used their Pure 
Drug Company, which was established with the help 
of the Hudson's Bay Company, to manufacture, illegal 
whiskey during the Canadian Prohibition (1915-19). 
When Canada legalized booze and the U.S. instituted its 
ban a year later, they were all ready to become the major 
suppliers to the gangsters south of the border. 

U.S. government documents from the Prohibition 
era claim that over 34,000 Americans died of alcohol 
poisoning drinking the Bronfman brew. Today, Sam 
Bronfman's son Edgar is a national commissioner of the 
ADL and the head of its powerful New York Appeal. We 
will pick up the trail of Edgar Bronfman later in our story. 

Following Prohibition, Moe Dalitz became the un- 
disputed crime boss of Cleveland, expanding his criminal 
operations (gambling, labor racketeering, money laun- 
dering, tax evasion) from Hollywood and Las Vegas to 


Miami. One of his Miami "investments," a nightspot 
called the Frolic Club, was a joint venture with Lansky. 

When Lansky moved into Cuba to open his first 
offshore gambling, narcotics, and money laundering ha- 
ven, Dalitz was brought in as a privileged partner. When 
Lansky and the other directors of the National Crime 
Syndicate decided that his longtime partner Benjamin 
"Bugsy" Siegel had become a liability and had to be 
assassinated, it was Dalitz who assumed the lion's share 
of Siegel's Las Vegas casino interests — interests he still 
holds today. 

Lansky and Siegel had formed the original Murder, 
Inc. — otherwise known as the "Meyer and Bugsy 
Gang" — to enforce the creation of a National Crime Syn- 
dicate overseeing the Prohibition-era illegal liquor and 
narcotics traffic. From the very outset, Dalitz had been a 
member of the national commission of the crime syndi- 
cate. Up until Lansky's death in 1983, Dalitz was a regular 
visitor to the crime boss's Miami Beach condo, and was 
widely presumed by law enforcement officials to be one 
of the primary heirs to Lansky's crime empire. 

Just two years after Lansky's death, Dalitz was pub- 
licly surfaced as an ADL philanthropist. It was a sign of 
the times. By the beginning of the 1980's "Decade of 
Greed," drug money — narco-dollars — had already re- 
placed petro-dollars as the primary source of liquidity to 
fuel the stock market and real estate speculative bubbles 
facilitated by the Carter and Reagan administrations' de- 
regulation of the banking and brokerage industries. As 
the power of drug money grew, so too did the political 
and financial clout of the ADL Junk bond swindlers like 
Ivan Boesky and Michael Milken, and dope bankers like 


Edmund Safra — not to mention Moe Dalitz — regularly 
poured millions into the ADL war chest. In return for 
this largesse, the ADL publicly branded anyone who chal- 
lenged the clout of organized crime as a dyed in the wool 

The lionizing of mobster Dalitz was the ADL's way 
of boasting that their public relations work over a seven- 
ty-year period had paid off. 

Gangsters and Traitors from the Start 

Things were not always so easy. 

The ADL had been founded shortly after the turn of 
the century as a "Jewish defense" arm of the B'nai B'rith, 
the nominally Jewish secret society sponsored and con- 
trolled by the Scottish Rite of Freemasonry and by some 
of the leading British and American WASP families. 

B'nai B'rith Washington, D.C. representative Simon 
Wolf, the man whom Lincoln's Secret Service Chief LaFa- 
yette C. Baker had arrested as a Confederate spy and 
Union blockade runner during the Civil War, was now 
working closely with President Theodore Roosevelt in 
mobilizing Jewish-American support for the overthrow 
of the Russian Czar. 

According to Wolfs 1918 autobiography, he had 
met secretly with President Roosevelt at his Sagamore 
Hills estate in New York and had launched an interna- 
tional drive to brand the Czarist regime as "anti-Semitic." 
After a series of meetings and correspondence with Rus- 
sia's Prime Minister Count Sergei Witte (arranged by 
Roosevelt), Wolf had denounced the Russian regime for 
reneging on its promises to curb anti- Jewish pogroms, 
after which American Jewish organizations, led from be- 
hind the scenes by the B'nai B'rith, began funneling guns 


to the anti-Czarist insurrectionists. Thus, B'nai B'rith 
played an active role in the Russian Revolution of 1905. 

This activity would lead to widespread allegations 
that prominent American Jews were pro-Bolshevik. The 
Warburg family of Kuhn, Loeb and Company did fund 
VI. Lenin and Leon Trotsky; and father and son Bolshevik 
agents Julius and Armand Hammer, who helped found 
the US. Communist Party, did actively spread the Bolshe- 
vik cause in America and spent a decade in the Soviet 
Union following the 1917 revolution. These allegations 
of pro-Communist sentiments, while grounded in well- 
publicized, scandalous actions by prominent Jewish fami- 
lies, missed the mark. 

In feet, the plot to bring down the Czar and install 
the Bolsheviks in power in Russia served longstanding 
British imperial and geopolitical interests of the sort 
advanced by the Scottish Rite. Britain feared the develop- 
ment of a Eurasian alliance among France, Germany, 
Russia, Japan, and China, based on economic cooperation 
and facilitated by the building of a transcontinental sys- 
tem of railroads linking the East to the West Such a 
transcontinental railroad system would render Britain's 
domination over the seas relatively unimportant. 

B'nai B'rith joined in the effort to sink the Czar for 
the same reasons the Order joined in the Confederates' 
secessionist plot to destroy the Union forty years earlier: 
because B'nai B'rith was an arm of the British Freema- 
sonic treason. 

In feet, one of the most compelling reasons for Brit- 
ish hatred of Russia was the role played by Czar Alexan- 
der II in coming to the aid of Abraham Lincoln during 
the darkest days of the U.S. Civil War. In 1863, Czar 
Alexander dispatched the powerful Russian Navy to the 


U.S. potts of New York and San Francisco and threatened 
to go to war against Britain if the Crown joined the war 
on the side of the Confederacy. 

At the same time the so-called Jewish-Bolshevik ties 
were being targeted (frequently by people with actual 
anti-Semitic biases), diligent local police around the 
United States were becoming legitimately alarmed at the 
growing crime problem. New York City Police Commis- 
sioner Theodore A. Bingham, in September 1908, 
penned an article for the prestigious North American 
Review tided "Foreign Criminals in New York." The arti- 
cle detailed the rise of gambling, prostitution and drugs 
on New York's Lower East Side, emphasizing the role of 
Jewish, Italian and Irish immigrant gangsters in that 
crime explosion. 

Bingham was not alone in his concern about the 
rise of gangsterism in the Jewish communities of the 
metropolitan New York area and beyond. In April 1910, 
the leading Jewish families of the United States, Germany, 
France and Great Britain sent delegates to a "Jewish 
International Convention on the Suppression of the Traf- 
fic in Girls and Women" in London. Keynote speaker 
Arthur R. Moro delivered an alarming report on the 
involvement of Jewish gangsters in the worldwide white 
slave trade and in bigtime prostitution: 

"I wish I had time to tell you all I know, which goes to 
show that the traffic of Jewesses is almost worldwide. 
But I must restrict myself to a few... incidents to prove 
that an extensive traffic does exist.... In 1901, a Rabbi 
came from the Transvaal and told me that the amount of 
Jewish prostitution and traffic in Johannesburg, Pretoria, 
Lourenco Marques, Beira and Salisbury are appalling. In 
later years, the same story came from another Rabbi 


regarding Capetown... In 1903, a Jewish schoolmaster 
who had spent some time in Egypt said that the traffic 
by Jews of Jewesses to Alexandria, Cairo and Port Said 
was an absolute scandal. There were Greek, Italian and 
French prostitutes, but they were far outnumbered by 
the Jewesses.... We have received, and have correspon- 
dence to show that this awful condition of affairs exists 
in Calcutta to a large extent, and also all along the free 
ports of China... From the Chief Rabbi of Constantino- 
ple, from a distinguished Jewish-American scholar, from 
a prominent London gentleman, and from a schoolmis- 
tress in Calata we have had letters during the past six 
months describing an outrageous condition of affairs in 
Constantinople, where traffic in prostitutes is carried out 
openly and shamelessly, and where the traffickers have 
their own Synagogue. ... They say things in Damascus 
are even worse." 

Already in 1909, the leading "Our Crowd" families 
of New York had established their own Bureau of Social 
Morals, headed by Rabbi Judah P. Magnes. The Bureau 
hired private detective Abe Schoenfeld, an investigator 
for John D. Rockefeller, Jr., to infiltrate and profile the 
organized crime structure centered on the Lower East 
Side of Manhattan. Schoenfeld's mission was hardly that 
of crimebuster. In 1922, Rabbi Magnes took those volu- 
minous files with him when he moved to Jerusalem and 
founded the Hebrew University. To this day, that genea- 
logical chart of organized crime remains a part of the 
university's most closely guarded archives. It was during 
this same period of mounting concern over the exposure 
of Jewish-surnamed gangsters, that the Anti-Defamation 
League was founded. 

One of the very first targets of the ADL was New 
York Police Commissioner Bingham, whom the ADL 


smeared as an anti-Semite for his efforts to quell orga- 
nized crime on the Lower East Side. Bingham's crime- 
fighting efforts were by no means targeted exclusively 
against Jewish gangsters. His chief detective, Lt. Joseph 
Petrosino, was assassinated in March 1909 in Sicily, while 
meeting with Italian police to establish cooperation in 
probing links between criminal elements and anarchist 
networks operating in both the United States and Italy. 

In 1901, Petrosino had warned the Secret Service 
about an-imminent assassination attempt against Presi- 
dent William McKinley. Petrosino had learned of the plot 
by infiltrating his agents into the Henry Street Settlement 
House in New York, a hotbed of British Fabian Society 
and international anarchist activity. The Secret Service 
ignored his warnings, and McKinley was assassinated 
months later, leaving British agent and B'nai B'rith ally 
Teddy Roosevelt to assume the presidency. 

The nascent ADL, still formally called the Publicity 
Committee of the B'nai B'rith, had assailed Bingham's 
crimefighting efforts for "maligning Jews" and eventually 
succeeded in having him ousted as police commissioner. 
Organized crime got a big boost as a result What's more, 
the effort to establish the links betweenorganized crime, 
international anarchist circles and, perhaps, the Scottish 
Rite and B'nai B'rith secret societies, was stillborn. 

The man who founded and headed up the ADL for 
its first thirty years was Sigmund Livingston, a prominent 
Chicago attorney who had headed up the powerful B'nai 
B'rith Midwest Lodge Number 6. Livingston was the law- 
yer for the Chicago and Alton Railways, a company 
owned by William Moore of the prominent Episcopalian 
family. From the 1890s, the Moore family had forged a 
business alliance with the J.P. Morgan banking interests. 


The Moores, with Morgan financing, founded the Na- 
tional Biscuit Company (now RJR-Nabisco) and U.S. Steel 
Corporation. Within two generations, members of the 
Moore family would also control Bankers Trust Company 
and sit on the board of the International Business Ma- 
chines Corporation (IBM). 

The Moore family's sponsorship of Livingston, ADL 
chairman from 1915-45, was a reflection of the underly- 
ing relationship between the leading WASP Freemasonic 
families and the ADL that continues through to the pres- 
ent. The Moore family's Nabisco and U.S. Steel are on 
record today as major financial backers of the ADL 

Ironically, Bishop Paul Moore, of the same Moore 
family, served for years as the Episcopal Bishop of New 
York, based at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine. He 
was the superior to Canon Edward West. 

Canon West's promise to "get his Jewish friends to 
take care of Lyndon LaRouche provided crucial evi- 
dence that the real power behind the ADL and its orga- 
nized crime confederates is the Scottish Rite. 


With the ADL's successful drive to oust New York Police 
Commissioner Bingham, organized crime began to 
spread its tentacles out into New York City and across 
the country. By the onset of Prohibition in 1920, the 
undisputed chief of the New York rackets was Arnold 
Rothstein, the son of a prominent garment manufacturer 
and a junior member of the elite "Our Crowd." 

Many of the "Our Crowd" families — like the Leh- 
mans — had come to New York from the South in the 
post-Civil War period. They were transplanted Confeder- 
ates who capitalized on the power of the British Roth- 


schild family's Wall Street representative, August Bel- 
mont, to quickly establish themselves among the city's 
leading bankers and stockbrokers. They had participated 
in the unsuccessful Confederate secessionist plot against 
the Union. Now, they would take a leading role in the 
British effort to direct a new opium war against the 
American people. 

Rothstein operated a gambling and prostitution syn- 
dicate out of the Metropole Hotel in Midtown Manhattan, 
far from the teeming ethnic ghetto of the Lower East Side. 
He ran the unofficial gambling commission for Tammany 
Hall boss Timothy Sullivan. He hobnobbed with some 
of the country's wealthiest legitimate businessmen, like 
Julius Heischmann, the yeast manufacturer, Joseph Sea- 
gram, the Canadian distiller, Harry Sinclair of the Sinclair 
Oil Company, and Percival H. Hill, head of the American 
Tobacco Company. In 1919, Rothstein engineered the 
fixing of the baseball World Series on behalf of his gam- 
bling cronies, in what became known as the Chicago 
"Black Sox" scandal. 

At the behest of Lower East Side gangster Irving 
Wexler (also known as Waxey Gordon) and Detroit 
mobster Max Greenberg, Rothstein put up the initial 
$175,000 to establish the first bootlegging operations of 
the Prohibition era, servicing the Midwest and the East 
Coast with British whiskey transported across the Atlan- 
tic. Rum running ships owned by Rothstein and his part- 
ners would smuggle the British whiskey from Long Island 
Sound into the US. Rothstein's British contacts included 
Winston Churchill, who at the time headed the Royal 
Commission in charge of liquor. 

In 1921, Rothstein also opened up a British pipeline 
for smuggling heroin into the United States, via his busi- 


ness agent in China, Jacob Katzenberg. Katzenberg 
hooked up with the British opium cartel, then headed 
by Lord Keswick of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking 
Corporation and the Jardine and Mathe$on trading com- 
pany, and arranged the transit of the illegal drugs through 
Marseilles into New York City. The route, later known 
as the "French Connection," would remain the primary 
pipeline of heroin into America up through the 1960s. 

ADL Gets a Piece of the Action 

The period of Prohibition marked the syndication of 
organized crime. It also marked the emergence of illegal 
money as a major source of investment capital in so- 
called legitimate business. As the proceeds of the billions 
of dollars in illegal whiskey and dope sales were funneled 
into such lucrative "straight" investments as the Holly- 
wood motion picture and music industries, the Nevada 
gambling casinos (Nevada conveniently legalized casino 
gambling just as Prohibition was coming to an end), and 
post-Prohibition legal alcohol distilleries, the ADL was 
on hand to directly reap the benefits. 

In 1929, one of Meyer Lansky 's New York City crime 
lieutenants, Frank Erickson, founded the Sterling Na- 
tional Bank. Erickson was a specialist in money laun- 
dering. After Lansky replaced Arnold Rothstein (he was 
assassinated in 1926) as the chairman of the board of 
the National Crime Syndicate, Erickson had been put in 
charge of the nationwide bookmaking operations. Erick- 
son handled Lansky's hidden interests in gambling casi- 
nos, racetracks and other businesses around the country. 
Sterling National Bank served as the mob's "factor" bank 
in the New York City garment center, doling out high- 


interest, short-term loans to thousands of small clothing 
manufacturers to purchase their raw materials. 

The loans were collateralized by the garment firms- 
accounts receivable. On paper, it was a "benign," barely 
legal form of loan sharking. In practice, it was the syndi- 
cate's foot in the door for taking over the entire garment 
industry through violence and intimidation. Erickson's 
relationship with Lansky gave Sterling virtually unchal- 
lenged control over the garment center. In 1934, Theo- 
dore H. Silbert went to work for Sterling National Bank. 
Within a decade of his arrival, Silbert was the bank's 
chairman, president, and CEO, posts he would retain up 
until his death in early 1992. 

Silbert was the ADL's man on the scene. He would 
serve as the ADL's national commissioner, treasurer, and 
chief fundraiser. The ADL established its bank accounts 
at Sterling National, and, according to IRS records, in- 
vested in bank stock. The only other outside investment 
into which the ADL would ever put its own money would 
be the American Bank and Trust Company (ABT), an- 
other New York City bank which listed ADL National 
Commissioner and B'nai B'rith International President 
Philip Klutznick as a director. ABT would go under when 
shady Mossad financier David Graiver made off with all 
the bank's deposits and then ostensibly died in a mysteri- 
ous airplane crash over Mexico. Graiver's so-called death 
was so suspect that New York State listed him as a co- 
conspirator in the ABT bank fraud investigation for years. 

Although Silbert's emergence as the leading figure 
at Sterling National was part of a campaign to cleanse the 
bank's public image by replacing a known gangster with 
a "philanthropist and civic-minded banker," Sterling con- 
tinued to be entangled in shady financial dealing, some- 


times leading to high-visibility civil suits. The most ex- 
plosive of these scandals hit in January 1982, when the 
Italian government filed suit in U.S. District Court in New 
York City against Sterling, charging it with "constructive 
trust, conspiracy to defraud, fraud, and breach of fidu- 
ciary duty." The case revolved around Italian banker 
Michele Sindona's looting of $27 million from the Banca 
Privata in 1973-74. The theft had repercussions across 
the Atlantic as well. The Franklin National Bank on Long 
Island, N.Y. went bust as the result of Sindona's involve- 
ment. Sterling National Bank was one of the laundromats 
through which Sindona washed the stolen cash. 

Not surprisingly, Sindona would later be exposed as 
a pivotal figure in the Propaganda-2 Freemasonic Lodge, 
a secret Italian branch of the Scottish Rite with strong 
ties to the Mafia. Its antecedent, the 19th-century Propag- 
anda- 1 Lodge, had been founded by Giuseppe Mazzini, 
the founder of the Sicilian Mafia, a leading member of 
the First Communist International and an agent of Brit- 
ain's Lord Palmerston, the Grand Master of the Scottish 

Some things just never change. 

ADL's shady links to Sterling National Bank went 
beyond Theodore Silbert. Another longtime director of 
the bank and ADL man, Maxwell Raab, was a business 
partner of Meyer Lansky in a company called the Interna- 
tional Airport Hotel Corporation The vice chairman of 
the powerful New York State ADL, Raab weathered the 
public airing of his Lansky links and went on to be the 
United States ambassador to Italy during the Reagan ad- 

Arnold Bums was another ADL asset on the board 
of Sterling. Burns's law firm, Burns and Summit, got 


caught up in a tax evasion scheme in the early 1980s 
that almost landed both partners in jail. Under a loophole 
to the federal tax codes written into law thanks to the 
Zionist lobby in the U.S. Congress, American investors 
in Israeli research and development firms could claim 
their investments as tax writeoffs. 

Arnold Burns set up a string of tax shelters in the 
Bahamas, ostensibly to fund these Israeli R&D projects. 
However, the money — minus a hefty fee to Burns and 
Summit — never reached Israel. It was laundered right 
back into the U.S. where it could be used by its owners, 
tax free. When the scheme became the subject of a 
federal grand jury in New York, Burns pointed a finger 
at some of his cohorts and walked away unscathed. A few 
months later, Arnold Burns was named deputy attorney 
general of the United States, a post he held throughout 
most of the Reagan era! Burns's name had been placed 
before Ronald Reagan by John J. McGloy, a powerhouse 
in the New York City WASP establishment, and the for- 
mer chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank. 

Nor is Sterling National Bank the only ADL bank 
implicated in the dope trade and organized crime. Leo- 
nard Abess of Miami, Fla., is another honorary national 
chairman of the ADL. He is the chairman of City National 
Bank of Miami, one of many Florida banks caught laun- 
dering bigtime drug money. A top aide to Abess at City 
National, Alberto Duque, was jailed in the late 1980s for 
laundering dope dollars. Another senior bank official, 
Donald Beasley, was hired by Abess on the basis of his 
former work for the Nugen Hand Bank in Australia. 

Nugen Hand went bust in the mid-1980s when one 
of its founders, Frank Nugen, was found dead in his car, 
the victim of what police labeled a "suicide," and the 


other partner, former Green Beret and CIA agent Michael 
Hand, disappeared into thin air with $26 million in bank 
assets, Nugen Hand had been set up during the final days 
of the Vietnam War by ex-CIA and Pentagon officers, 
including Ted Shackley, to launder black market profits 
into shady intelligence operations throughout Asia. 

Hollywood Hoodlums 

If the 1985 Moe Dalitz award dinner was a kind of "com- 
ing out party" for the ADL's friends in the National Crime 
Syndicate, it was by no means the first time the League 
publicly flaunted its deep ties to the gangster world. 

In 1963, as part of an effort to vastly expand its 
fundraising reach, the ADL appointed Hollywood pro- 
ducer Dore Senary as its national chairman. At the time, 
Senary was the reigning superstar at the Metro Goldwyn 
Mayer studios. Among the Hollywood insiders, however, 
Senary was known as a lifelong pal of syndicate higher- 
up Abner "Longie" Zwillman of New Jersey. Zwillman 
was one of the first of the Prohibition-era bootleggers and 
Lansky aides to get involved in the Hollywood motion 
picture industry. Ah original member of "Murder, Inc." 
and the head of the powerful Reinfeld boodegging syndi- 
cate in New Jersey, Zwillman expanded into labor racke- 
teering during the waning days of Prohibition. By 1930, 
he had seized control over the screen operators union 
up and down the East Coast, and parlayed that into shares 
in some of the big Hollywood studios. 

At this time, Dore Senary ran an amateur drama 
group at the YMHA in Newark, NJ. Childhood friend 
Zwillman sent Senary out to the West Coast and installed 
him at MGM. 
When Zwillman got into trouble with the IRS in 


the late 1950s, some of his syndicate associates became 
convinced that he might betray some of the mob's most 
closely held financial secrets. On Feb. 27, 1959, he was 
found hanging from a pipe in the basement of his twenty- 
room West Orange, N.J. mansion. According to FBI re- 
ports, S chary attended the funeral. In the FBI memo 
citing Schary's appearance at the Zwillman funeral, the 
Bureau delivered a kind of eulogy to the mobster. Citing 
an article from the New York World Telegram, the FBI 
memo read: 

"Nobody... followed so successfully for so long the 
approved underworld formula for success — from rags to 
rackets to riches to respectability." 

If the "rags to respectability" formula were to be 
applied to organizations, the Anti-Defamation League 
would be first on the list of success stories. 

EIRNS/Leo Scanlon 

ADL executive Kenneth Bialkin, attorney for organized crime 
drug money laundering figures. 

3 The ADL and 
the Opium War 

For the past two decades, Wall Street law- 
yer Kenneth Bialkin has been "Mr. ADL." A longstanding 
member of the League's National Executive Committee, 
Bialkin served from 1982 through 1986 as the League's 
National chairman. It was on his watch that gangster Moe 
Dalitz got the ADL's prestigious "Torch of Liberty" prize; 
that junk bond swindler Michael Milken poured millions 
of dollars into the launching of the League's "A World of 
Difference" propaganda campaign to wreck American 
public education; and that accused drug money laun- 
derer Edmund Safra got Bialkin and the ADL to mediate 
a corporate divorce between his banking empire and the 
American Express Company. In return for Bialkin's effort 
to salvage Safra's badly tarnished reputation, the ADL 
received all million tax-exempt payoff from him. 



But Bialkin's real claim to fame is that he was a 
central figure in the doping of America. Without Kenneth 
Bialkin's behind the scenes legal maneuvering, the Med- 
ellin Cartel would have had a far more difficult time 
establishing a beachhead in the United States. In much 
the same way Bialkin quieted the potentially stormy 
divorce between Edmund Safra and American Express, 
he brokered the marriage between renegade financier 
Robert Vesco and the Medellin Cartel's chief of logistics, 
Carlos Lehder Rivas. As a result, the dope smuggling 
routes through the Caribbean into the United States were 
consolidated, and the streets' of America were flooded 
during the 1980s with marijuana and cocaine. 

Bialkin, Vesco, and IOS 

This sordid story began in 1970, when Kenneth Bialkin, 
the senior partner at the Wall Street law firm of Willkie, 
Farr and Gallagher, helped engineer Robert Vesco's take- 
over of the Investors Overseas Service (IOS), a Swiss- 
based mutual fund that was founded by Bernie Cornfeld 
with startup funding from the Swiss-French branch of 
the Rothschild family. 

IOS was a front for Meyer Lansky's international 
crime syndicate. IOS "salesman" traveled the globe car- 
rying suitcases full of cash across international borders. 
Some of the money came from local investors, but the 
bulk of it was hot money gained from the Latisky syndi- 
cate's dope, gambling, prostitution, and extortion 

If this method of money laundering was labor inten- 
sive and primitive compared to today's high-speed elec- 
tronic wire transfers, it was nevertheless efficient. The 
cash eventually wound up in numbered accounts at some 


of Switzerland's most corrupt and secretive banks. Some 
of the banks linked to the IOS apparatus, like the Geneva- 
based International Credit Bank (BCI) and the Nassau, 
Bahamas-based Bank of World Commerce, were flagrant 
fronts for the Lansky syndicate. While BCI was owned 
by a senior officer of the Israeli Mossad named Tibor 
Rosenbaum, BCI's office manager, Sylvain Ferdman, was 
identified by Life magazine in 1967 as one of Lansky's 
top bagmen; and World Commerce director Alvin Mainik 
was Lansky's "accountant." 

When Lansky and his controllers decided to shift 
the center of their underground banking operations from 
Switzerland to the Caribbean as part of the planned 
expansion of cocaine and marijuana smuggling into the 
United States, it was the ADL and Bialkin that engineered 
the move. 

First, the ADL's Minneapolis, Minn, apparatus 
(known inside the League as the "Minneapolis Mafia"), 
which ran the notorious Kid Cann (Isadore Blumenfeld) 
organized crime ring, provided the money for a local 
Hebrew schoolteacher turned business entrepreneur 
named Meshulam Riklis to buy up a large block of shares 
of IOS stock. Once Riklis had amassed enough stock to 
control the company, he turned around and sold all his 
shares to Vesco. Vesco was represented in the transac- 
tion by Kenneth Bialkin. 

Vesco's next step was to oust Bernie Cornfeld as the 
president of IOS and take over the job himself. Over the 
next several years, a total of $270 million was siphoned 
out of IOS accounts in Switzerland. Officially, the money 
was never found, and Robert Vesco conveniently fled the 
United States one step ahead of the FBI and the IRS. 
The Cornfeld to Riklis to Vesco transaction itself 


may have been largely a wash of Lansky syndicate dollars. 
From Prohibition onward, the Minneapolis Kid Cann 
gang had been handlers of Lansky money. Kid Cann even- 
tually moved to the Miami area and was a key player in 
Lansky's bigtime move into southern Florida "gold coast" 
real estate. 

However, not all of the money siphoned out of IOS 
by Vesco was "family cash." A lawsuit was brought in U.S. 
District Court in New York City in 1980 by some of the 
independent, investors who had lost their shirts in the 
looting of IOS. While not revealing the whereabouts of 
the missing millions, the civil suit identified Bialkin and 
the Bank of New York as partners of the fugitive financier 
in the scheme. On July 31, 1980, Federal Judge D.J. 
Stewart ordered Willkie, Farr and Gallagher to pay $24.5 
million to a group of IOS investors and ordered the Bank 
of New York to pay $35.6 million. The case file, which 
fills twenty cartons stored at the Federal District Court 
warehouse in Bayonne, N.J., shows that Bialkin was the 
evil genius behind the looting scheme. 

A year before the court ordered Willkie, Farr and 
the Bank of New York to pay up for their role in the 
looting of IOS, some of that money had been used by 
Vesco to purchase Normans Cay in the Bahamas. Vesco's 
partner in the deal was Carlos Lehder Rivas, a small-time 
Colombian car thief and marijuana smuggler who had 
recently gotten out of jail in Florida. Lehder, an un- 
abashed supporter of Adolf Hitler who would later use 
some of his smuggling profits to found a neo-Nazi, radical 
environmentalist political party in Colombia, fit neatly 
into the ADL scheme, with his family ties back in Colom- 
bia to leading figures in the then-emerging Medellin 


By 1980, the Vesco-Lehder-owned Normans Cay 
was serving as the command center and transshipment 
depot for a massive marijuana and cocaine trafficking 
operation from Medellin into the United States. 

For several years, while running the Normans Cay 
operation, Vesco skipped from the Bahamas to Costa Rica 
to Nicaragua, buying up local politicians and newspaper 
editors and always miraculously staying one step ahead 
of an FBI that never really seemed too intent on capturing 
the fugitive money man. On one occasion on Antigua, 
Vesco was hosting a lavish party on a boat that he had 
bought from Saudi financier Adrian Khashoggi, while FBI 
agents were combing the island looking for the elusive 

In 1982, Vesco took more secure permanent refuge 
in Havana, Cuba as the personal guest and financial ad- 
viser to Communist dictator Fidel Castro. Vesco and 
Lehder cut Castro into the lucrative cocaine and mari- 
juana business, using Cuban airstrips to refuel their drug 
flights to America and, in return, helping Fidel to funnel 
guns to terrorist groups across Latin America. According 
to investigative reporten Ernest Volkman, by 1984, Vesco 
and Lehder had earned Fidel a $20 billion cut of the 
growing Western Hemisphere dope trade. Thanks to ADL 
frontman Vesco, Americans were getting hooked on co- 
caine, while Fidel Castro was reaping billions to foment 
narco -terrorist insurgencies all over the Hemisphere; 

In the meantime, back on U.S. soil, "Mr. ADL," Ken- 
neth Bialkin, continued to ply his trade. In 1988, he left 
his post as managing partner of Willkie, Farr to take a 
partnership at another Wall Street mega-firm, Skadden 
Arps Slate Meagher and Flom. In the speculative frenzy 
that had followed the Carter administration's deregula- 


tion of the nation's banking system and financial markets, 
Skadden Arps had emerged as the "sleaze king" of Wall 
Street lawyering. The firm's number one client was 
Drexel Burnham's junk bond super-salesman, Michael 
Milken. When Milken left the wood-paneled conference 
rooms of lower Manhattan to set up shop in Beverly Hills, 
Calif., Skadden Arps obliged by opening up their own 
eighty-man Beverly Hills office to service Milken's every 

Among Milken's oldest and most well-fed clients 
was Meshulam Riklis, the former Minneapolis Hebrew 
schoolteacher who had been an important prop in the 
Bialkin-executed takeover and looting of IOS. 

(To do him justice, it should be noted that before 
he landed in Minnesota, the Turkish-born Riklis had been 
a British police spy in Palestine before Israel won its 
independence. When his treachery was exposed, the 
Stern Gang, led by Menaehem Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, 
tod imposed a death sentence on Riklis, That death sen- 
tence was finally lifted in the early 1980s after the Begin 
and Shamir-led Likud Party came into power in Israel, 
and Riklis made a very large cash contribution to their 
campaign coffers. That rapprochement was apparently 
arranged by Israel's Defense Minister Ariel Sharon, after 
Riklis bought him a ranch in the Negev Desert) 

Bialkin and Safra 

Before he moved over to Skadden Arps, Kenneth Bialkin 

had occupied a great deal of his time during the 1980s 
with engineering a consolidation and reorganization of 
some of the oldest of the "Our Crowd" brokerage houses. 
The banking deregulation frenzy of the Carter and early 
Reagan years, combined with skyrocketing U.S. interest 


rates, had turned the U.S. economy into a haven for 
hot money. "Narco-dollars" were flooding the U.S., and 
Bialkin apparently recognized that if he could create a 
large enough and diversified enough financial structure 
to accommodate the hot cash, the rewards would be 
nearly endless. 

In rapid succession, he executed the absorption of 
Lehman Brothers into Kuhn, Loeb and Company. 
Shearson Hay den Stone bought out Loeb Rhodes. And, 
by 1984, all of those houses had been in turn bought out 
by American Express Company, which changed its name 
to Shearson Lehman American Express. 

Bialkin was an attorney of record on each of these 
transactions and he landed a seat on the board of direc- 
tors of the newly consolidated Shearson Amex entity. 
Bialkin's buddy Henry Kissinger, by now a high-flying 
consultant to a fleet of major multinational corporations, 
also joined the board of the Amex mega-combine. 

In 1983, Bialkin had also orchestrated the marriage 
of the Amex conglomerate with Edmund Safra's Trade 
Development Bank of Geneva. When the ink dried, Safra 
was holding 4 percent of Amex's stock and was president 
of its private banking division. The other large-block 
shareholder in the new conglomerate was Carl Lindner, 
another rags-to-riches wheeler-dealer long suspected of 
being a front man for the Lansky crowd. Courtesy of 
Michael Milken and former Dalitz "Purple Gang" member 
Max Fisher (another prominent ADL figure), Lindner 
became the owner of United Brands, formerly the United 
Fruit Company. U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration 
officials acknowledged in 1978 that an estimated 20 per- 
cent of the illegal drugs coming into the United States 
from South and Central America were being smuggled 


courtesy of United Brands, a company with longstanding 
ties to organized crime and U.S. intelligence. 

The capacity for money laundering and smuggling 
represented by this United Brands-Amex combine made 
Vesco's earlier IOS venture seem like a mom and pop 
operation in comparison. 

However, things began to unravel very dramatically 
for Bialkin and his conglomerate clients on April 2,1989. 
That day's Sunday edition of New York Newsday ran a 
full-page banner headline: "Dirty Money — No. 
606347712 Is the NY Bank Account Where 2 Major Drug 
Money-Laundering Probes Meet." 

The story, by ace investigative reporter Knut Royce, 
revealed that Edmund Safra's Republic National Bank of 
New York was serving as a money laundering hub for 
both the Medellin Cartel and the Syrian-Lebanese Mafia. 
DEA and U.S. Customs investigators involved in two sepa- 
rate high-priority probes had traced dope dollars from 
South America and the Middle East into the same num- 
bered account at the main branch of Republic. 

Royce's story was based in part on a Jan. 3, 1989 DEA 
report from the Berne, Switzerland office. The subject of 
the report was a Geneva-based firm, Shakarchi Trading 
Company. Working in league with the Bulgarian secret 
police, the Turkish mafia, and Syrian and Lebanese drug 
traffickers in the Bekaa Valley, Shakarchi had laundered 
the profits of the Middle East heroin and hashish trade 
through Switzerland into Republic National Bank. Ac- 
count No. 606347712 was Shakarchi's account. 

What's more, the DEA document revealed that Ed- 
mund Safra had been a lifelong friend of Mahmoud Sha- 
karchi, the founder of the Swiss company, and continued 
to enjoy a close business relationship with Mahmoud's 


sons, who were running the firm at the time of the News- 
day expose. The DEA report said that all of Safra's banks 
had "surfaced in the investigation of Shakarchi's alleged 
drug money laundering activities." 

The Newsday story had been apparendy put to- 
gether with the assistance of angry federal drug investiga- 
tors who felt that major drug money laundering cases 
had been blocked for political reasons. 

Indeed, both Bialkin and Safra were hot political 
commodities at that moment. Iran-Contra special prose- 
cutor Lawrence Walsh was deep into his probe of illegal 
covert operations by the Reagan-Bush White House, and 
both Bialkin and Safra — as well as the ADL — had surfaced 
as prominent players in the secret diplomacy with Khom- 
eini's Iran and the illegal covert war against Nicaragua: 

•Bialkin had been the attorney for Adnan Khashoggi 
in arranging for the Saudi financier's purchasing of 
the original shipment of arms to Iran in exchange for 
the release of ah American hostage. 

•Bialkin's Willkie, Farr law partner in Geneva, Willard 
Zucker, had been the money handler for Oliver 
North and Richard Secord at Lake Resources, Inc. 
Earlier, Zucker had been Bialkin's Swiss point-man 
in the Vesco looting of IOS. 

•Another longtime Wall Street associate of Bialkin, 
Arthur Liman, had served as the chief counsel to the 
Senate Iran-Contra panel, which whitewashed the 
scandal and threw up major roadblocks to Walsh's 
independent counsel probe. 

•The ADL's Latin American Affairs director, Rabbi 
Morton Rosenthal, had authored a report labeling 
the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua as "antr- Semitic" 


and urging all American Jews to back the Reagan 
administration's secret war in Central America. 
Carl Gershman, who cut his political teeth working 
as a full-time staffer at the ADL's Fact Finding (dirty 
tricks) Division in the late 1960s, was made the head 
of the Reagan administration's National Endowment 
for Democracy (NED), which was the primary fund- 
ing conduit for the entire Contra effort. 
Edmund Safra had been direcdy involved in the logis- 
tics of the Iran-Contra operations through his Repub- 
lic Corporate Air front company, which he jointly 
owned with Willard Zucker. According to news ac- 
counts, it was one of Safra's airplanes that brought 
Ollie North and Robert McFarlane to Teheran in the 
spring of 1986 bn their last ill-feted effort at an arms- 
for-hostage deal. 

The Newsday story also intersected an escalating 
war of words between Safra and Amex Chairman James 
Robinson III. Safra had quit as Amex's international bank- 
ing head a few years after he had merged his Trade 
Development Bank into the Bialkin-made mega-firm. 
With a four-year, non-competition clause now expired, 
Safra had launched a raid on some of Amex's top employ- 
ees and private banking clients in preparation for the 
launching of a new private bank in Switzerland. Amex 
fought back and the whole sordid affair landed before a 
federal judge in civil court in New York. Kenneth Bialkin, 
still representing Amex, hammered out an out of court 
settlement which included a published apology to Safra 
and a payment by Amex of $1 million to each of four of 
Safra's favorite "charities." The ADL was on the top of the 
list of beneficiaries. 


It was a classic case of ADL sleight of hand, Amex 
delivered an "apology" to Safra, "exonerating" Safra of 
any alleged drug money laundering, even though nobody 
ever challenged the authenticity of either the DEA's 
Berne memo or the Newsday story! The New York Times 
and all the major Wall Street-linked news media dutifully 
ran the Amex mea culpa, and the ADL waltzed off with 
a cool million bucks in tax-exempt funds. 

In the meantime, the ADL was busy on a dozen other 
fronts, helping to fuel the speculative frenzy that would 
drive the U.S. economy into the ground by the end of 
the 1980s. 

Wide World 

Convicted insider trader Michael Milken, who has close ADL 
ties, used a network of "corporate raiders" to launder money 
through his junk bond schemes. 


4 The ADL and 
the Junk Bond 
Bandits Rip Off 

In the autumn of 1991, attorney Alan Der- 
showitz, who had been hired by junk bond king Michael 
Milken to get him out of jail, purchased an ad in the New 
York Times to denounce a new book on Milken as "anti- 
Semitic." The book, Den of Thieves by James B. Stewart, 
the front-page editor of the Wall Street Journal, detailed 
the massive and consistent criminality of Milken's opera- 
tion at Drexel Burnham. 

In his book, Stewart cut through the myth of Milken 
as a financial genius, showing instead that much of his 
"success" was due to illegal acts which preyed upon both 
those who invested their money with Drexel's brokers, 
and on the U.S. economy as a whole. 

The attempt by Dershowitz to dismiss Milken's 
criminality by alleging that he was the victim of an "anti- 



Semitic cabal" was vintage ADL; In much the same way 
that the League cut its teeth defending Lower East Side 
gangsters against the crackdown by New York City Po- 
lice Commissioner Theodore Bingham by libeling the 
commissioner as an unrepentant "anti-Semite," Dershow- 
itz and other ADL mouthpieces branded Milken's accus- 
ers with the same devastating label. 

The Dershowitz defense of Milken let slip a very 
important secret: Milken and his Wall Street allies had 
replaced the pinstripe-suited and machinegun-toting 
gangsters of Prohibition as the lions of organized crime. 
It was Meyer Lansky's dream come true: to insulate his 
organized crime successors as "untouchables" byputting 
them in the driver's seat of the U.S. economy. And the 
ADL was on hand every step along the way; 

Recycling Narco-Dollars 

When Milken, fresh out of the Wharton School of Eco- 
nomics at the University of Pennsylvania, first presented 
his theories on the profitability of high-yield bonds (also 
known as junk bonds) to skeptical traders at Drexel 
Burnham in the early 1970s, he found few takers. After 
the dual shocks of Nixon's August 1971 order severing 
the remaining link between the dollar and gold, and 
Kissinger's 1973 oil hoax, Wall Street was looking for 
stability, and the major investment firms were quite con- 
servative in their investments. 

The 1976 election of Jimmy Carter, however, initi- 
ated a process of economic degeneration that led to 
many changes in how Wall Street conducted its business, 
changes which cleared the way for Milken and his allies 
to unleash their financial experiments on the nation. 
Already, the stage had been set by the mid-1970s' 


Kissinger-engineered oil hoax, which led to skyrocketing 
petroleum prices and a flood of what came to be known 
as "petro-dollars" into the American banking system. The 
"petro-dollars" of the seventies paved the way for the 
narco-dollar invasion of the 1980s. 

The appointment of Paul Volcker as chairman of the 
Federal Reserve Board in 1979 was a watershed in the 
process of opening the U.S. economy for wholesale loot- 
ing. Volcker raised interest rates to the highest sustained 
levels in U.S. history. These high interest rates squeezed 
bank profits even further, as the cost of borrowing money 
from the Fed went through the roof. 

The only solution to this crisis, most bankers con- 
cluded, was to deregulate the banking system and 
thereby transform it into the newest safe haven for illegal 
cash. By the time Congress passed the Garn-St Germain 
Act in 1982, the U.S. banking system had been com- 
pletely opened to foreign flight capital, and banks and 
savings and loan institutions ( S&Ls ) were given the green 
light for the first time ever to invest directly in real estate, 
junk bonds, and many other speculative ventures which 
had been previously prohibited. 

One big advocate of total deregulation was then- 
Vice President George Bush, who was the chairman Of 
President Reagan's blue ribbon task force on deregula- 
tion. Under his and Volcker's direction, most antitrust 
legislation was struck down, thus allowing the huge 
mergers and takeovers of the 1980s to occur, with funds 
raised by Milken's networks. 

Milken and Junk Bonds 

With Volcker at the Fed running interference for the 
drug bankers, and with deregulators in the Executive 


Branch striking down protective regulations in conjunc- 
tion with their congressional allies, the doors were 
opened for bringing the offshore drug profits back into 
the United States. 

And it was Michael Milken and his domination over 
the junk bond market which provided the mechanism 
by which the funds would be laundered. 

Junk bonds offered an ideal way to repatriate drug 
money and other illicit funds. From his promotion of 
junk bonds in the mid-1970s, Milken built up a network 
of "corporate raiders" around him, many of whom had 
organized crime connections. They had excess dollars, 
money which they used initially to buy real estate, restau- 
rants, casinos, and other cash-based businesses ideally 
suited for washing money. However, as the drug trade 
flourished, these traditional means of laundering money 
became inadequate. They needed bigger, more expen- 
sive targets. 

Again, it was Milken who provided these targets. 
During a brainstorming session with the brass at Drexel 
Burnham, Milken won over CEO Fred Joseph to the idea 
of using junk bonds to fund corporate takeovers. The 
same raiders who had been purchasing junk bonds could 
use their money to take over large corporations, espe- 
cially corporations with a large cash flow, such as food, 
beverage, and tobacco companies. Milken would sell 
junk bonds to part of his network of raiders, who would 
use their illicit funds to purchase the junk bonds. The 
money raised from the sale of the junk bonds would 
provide the funds for another raider to buy the company. 
Then, the new owner could mix in (i.e., launder) further 
drug revenues with the cash flow of his newly purchased 


One assistant U.S. attorney who has been building 
cases against money laundering for years, said that this 
process makes it very difficult to trace the initial funds. 
"To start with," he said, "these transactions [the take- 
overs] are very difficult to follow. But when you start 
using companies with heavy cash flows, which are ideal 
for money laundering, it becomes almost impossible." 

U.S. tax laws also favored use of junk bond sales for 
takeovers. Under provisions of the corporate tax code, 
interest paid on debt is deductible, while dividends re- 
ceived from stock holdings are not The tax laws favor 
those raiders who take over firms through generating 
huge debt responsibilities, while penalizing those who 
act to increase profits through investments which in- 
crease productivity. 

Huge tax liabilities were thus evaded through the 
debt-backed takeovers financed through junk bonds. In 
addition to his network of raiders, who to a man enjoyed 
long-term relationships with the ADL, Milken's operation 
could not have succeeded without the aid of the finest 
lawyers dirty money could buy. While there were many 
firms which offered they help, three stand out and all 
three are deep into the ADL circuit: 

• Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton and Garrison. 
Founder Seymour Rifkind served as an adviser to one of 
Milken's leading raiders, Ronald Perelman. Rifkind was 
counsel to the Golding family, which Perelman married 
into. The grandfather of Perelman' s first wife Faith Gol- 
ding, was a founder of the ADL's Sterling National Bank. 
Rifkind joined the board of Perelman's company MacAn- 
drew & Forbes, which he used as a vehicle to take over 
Pantry Pride and Revlon, two of the country's largest 
consumer-goods outfits. 


Rifkind was also on the board of Revlon, even while 
it was being targeted by Perelman. Rifkind protege Ar- 
thur Liman would serve on Milken's defense team follow- 
ing his 1989 indictment for insider trading. Liman joined 
the Milken team fresh from a stint as chief counsel to the 
House of Representatives' Iran-Contra panel, in which 
capacity he helped cover up the ADL's pivotal role in 
that covert criminal program. 

■ Skadden Arps, Slate, Meagher and Flom. Senior 
partner Joseph Flom has been at the center of every 
major takeover during the 1970s and 1980s. According 
to Connie Brack, author of Predator's Ball, and a leading 
expert on takeovers, Flom and Martin Iipton of Wachtell, 
Lipton "virtually had created the takeover business in 
the seventies." Anyone looking for a takeover target hired 
either Flom or Upton; those firms which became targets 
would hire the other one for "protection." 

According to one prosecutor who worked on the 
Wall Street fraud cases in the late 1980s, "these two law 
firms were just like the 'insurance business' run by the 
mob — if you don't get insurance by hiring one of them, 
you might get targeted." Mob lawyer and former ADL 
National Chairman Kenneth Bialkin joined Skadden Arps 
in 1988. 
• Wachtell, Lipton. 

Milken's Monsters 

Once George Bush's task force eliminated the regulatory 
measures which had protected American enterprises and 
corporations from sharks and looters, and with teams of 
lawyers in place to defend them, it was time for Milken 
to unleash his raiders. 


During the decade of the 1980s, more than $1.5 
trillion was diverted into corporate takeovers and lever- 
aged buyouts (LBOs). Of this amount, more than $60 
billion went direcdy into the pockets of the investment 
bankers, the "dealmakers" (i.e., the "raiders"), and their 

Henry Kravis, one of the leading dealmakers of the 
1980s, exploited his close ADL ties to raise money for 
the takeover antics of his firm, Kohlberg Kravis & Roberts 
(KKR). Once Drexel Burnham decided to use junk bonds 
to finance takeovers, the Kravis-Milken connection was 
a natural. 

Milken and his raider networks provided billions of 
dollars to help finance KKR's takeovers. Henry Kravis' 
KKR was created in 1976 with $120,000. By 1990, it 
had borrowed $58 billion from banks, S&Ls, insurance 
companies and pension funds, to take over more than 
35 companies, While cousins Henry Kravis and George 
Roberts are now worth more than $500 million each, 
the firms they took over have been loaded up with debt, 
threatening the investments made by S&Ls, insurance 
companies, and pension funds. 

To pay this debt, the firms were asset-stripped, and 
forced to close down factories, throwing hundreds of 
thousands of people onto unemployment lines. Many of 
these deals resulted in bankruptcies, forcing the federal 
government to cover the losses when the bankrupted 
firm was taken over, by borrowing from a federally in- 
sured bank, S&L or pension fund. 

While the new management created by the takeover 
was dismantling the company to pay the debt generated 
to buy it, the raiders came away with huge profits. Milken 


alone received a $550 million bonus from Drexel in 
1986, and he doled out another $150 million in bonuses 
to his team. 

Working hand in hand with Milken in the looting of 
America were a collection of figures with close links to 
both organized crime apd the ADL Collectively, they 
were given the name "Milken's Monsters" by one of their 
most notorious members, Meshulam Riklis. Riklis, the 
front man for the ADL's "Minneapolis Mafia," had been 
the middle-man in the Vesco-Bialkin takeover of Invest- 
ors Overseas Service, 

The Monsters were Milken's first followers, those 
who saw in his promotion of junk bonds the means by 
which they could launder funds, while simultaneously 
generating the leverage to take over major corporations, 
which would further facilitate their laundering. Many of 
them began by purchasing insurance companies, which 
in turn became major purchasers of junk bonds. In the 
early stages of Milken's ascendancy, the Monsters rou- 
tinely passed funds back and forth among themselves, 
buying issues of junk bonds offered by each other's insur- 
ance companies. This first group of Monsters included: 

• Carl Lindner, who took over Cincinnati's Provi- 
dent Bank in 1966. He then acquired Great American, a 
property and casualty insurance company, which oper- 
ated as a subsidiary of the financial holding company 
American Financial Corp. In 1974, when Lindner was 
just beginning his relationship with Milken, he was under 
investigation by the Securities and Exchange Commis- 
sion (SEC) for violating anti-fraud and anti-manipulation 

We have already encountered Lindner as the United 
Brands owner who joined with Edmund Safra in staking 


out the biggest claims in Amex. Lindner and his "Purple 
Gang" partner Max Fisher literally took over United 
Brands over the dead body of CEO Eli Black, who myste- 
riously fell or jumped out of a window of the Pan Am 
building in New York City, while in the midst of fighting 
the Lindner grab. 

Black's son, Leon Black, was placated by a lucrative 
job as one of Milken's top allies, as a "strategic planner" 
at Drexel. It was Leon Black who in 1979 helped Milken 
convince Drexel CEO Fred Joseph that Drexel should 
use its clout from junk bonds to back the raiders in 
takeovers. Black said the raiders are the "robber barons 
of the future... [T]hese are the guys who are building 

Lindner soon became Drexel's biggest client, in 
both trading and corporate finance. He was represented 
by Peter Fishbein of Kaye, Scholer, a law firm which 
serves as official outside counsel to the ADL's Sterling 
Bank. Fishbein has been an ADL officer since 1970. In 
1992, federal regulators banned Fishbein from ever hav- 
ing any dealings with banks or any other financial institu- 
tions, as the result of a probe that linked him and the law 
firm to a coverup of S&L looting by Lincoln Savings and 
Loan's Charles Keating. 

• Saul Steinberg, who started a computer leasing 
business, Leasco, in 1961, shortly after graduation from 
college. He was backed up in his early takeovers by 
Sanford Weill, a leader of Wall Street's "New Crowd" 
who was named ADL's Man of the Year in 1981. Weill's 
lawyer at the time was the ADL's next national chairman, 
Kenneth Bialkin. With Weill's backing, Steinberg took 
over Reliance Insurance Co., which he used to make a 
play for New York's Chemical Bank in 1969. 


After taking over Reliance, Steinberg brought in Bial- 
kin's law firm, Willkie, Farr and Gallagher to represent it 
The Saul Steinberg Foundation is also represented by 
Bialkin's firm. It donates heavily to the ADL. 

• Mesbulam Riklis, who spent much of the 1970s 
under investigation by the SEC and U.S. Customs Service 
narcotics officials. Riklis used Rapid American, a con- 
glomerate which included International Playtex, Schen- 
ley Industries, Lerner Shops, and RKO-Stanley Warner 
Theatres, to finance his raids. 

Shortly after Riklis took, Rapid American private, 
Lindner and Steinberg followed suit, with American Fi- 
nancial and Reliance respectively. The Riklis Family 
Foundation has contributed heavily to the ADL, ac- 
cording to Internal Revenue Service (IRS) documents. 

• Laurence Tisch, whose insurance company CNA 
was a frequent investor in junk bonds issued by Milken. 
His Tisch Foundation has provided funds for the ADL. 

Lindner, Steinberg, Riklis, and Tisch all invested 
heavily in each other's offerings. For example, Carl Lind- 
ner, through American Financial, was the second largest 
shareholder in Steinberg's Reliance and in Tisch's Loews 
Corp., as well as a major shareholder in Riklis' Rapid 
American. When Milken needed to raise funds, any one 
of these four could be counted on for quick bucks. 

The Monsters Unleashed 

There were others from the same organized crime net- 
works who joined the Monsters. Victor Posner, who 
operates out of rundown offices in Miami Beach, made a 
fortune in real estate in the 1930s and 1940s. Like many 
of the oldtimers in the Milken-ADL stable, he, too, was 
reputed to have been a financial partner of Meyer Lansky. 


Posner, who like Meshulam Riklis engaged in "creative 
financing" before hooking up with Milken, was forced to 
sign a consent decree with the SEC over allegations that 
he misused pension funds from Sharon Steel, a firm he 
looted in the 1970s. 

Ronald Perelman, another of Milken's raiders, has 
deep ties to the ADL Perelman married Faith Golding, 
whose grandfather founded Sterling National Bank. Mac- 
Andrews & Forbes was the vehicle used by Perelman to 
take over Pantry Pride, with financing from Milken. He 
then used Pantry Pride to take over Revlon, financed 
again by Milken, and -advised by Skadden Arps' Joe Flom. 

With the same network of advisers and some inside 
political help, Perelman was able to take advantage of 
the S&L asset giveaway known as the Southwest Plan, in 
which he received the assets of six shut down Texas 
S&Ls for a nominal fee, while receiving a $900 million 
tax credit to cut his liabilities from the Revlon takeover. 
When Perelman divorced Golding, his lawyer was mob 
attorney Roy Cohn. 

Up until he died of AIDS in the late 1980s, Cohn 
maintained intimate, behind the scenes ties to the ADL 
According to internal ADL documents, Cohn was never 
placed on the League's directorate out of fear that the 
ADL would lose the financial backing of many prominent 
ex-Communists, who still detested Cohn for his antics 
during the 1950s Joe McCarthy Red Purges. 

Another of Milken's raiders was Nelson Peltz, who 
bankrupted his family's frozen food business and was 
personally close to bankruptcy when he obtained Mil- 
ken's backing to take a 9.5% share of Sterling Bancorp 
in 1980. Next, Milken helped Peltz and partner Peter 
May with a takeover of Triangle Industries, which they 


then used to leverage a $456 million bid for National 
Can, financed completely by junk bond sales by Milken. 

In these cases, and hundreds more, Milken provided 
the financing by which the raiders took over corporate 
America. With almost unlimited funds, Milken bragged 
to an associate, "We're going to tee-up GM, Ford, and 
IBM. And make them cringe." 

Milken's confidence came from the knowledge that 
behind all his investment wizardry stood a pool of nearly 
$6.25 trillion — the gross profits of the international dope 
trade from 1978-1990. Milken never owned up to his 
sources of capital. At the peak of his power, he would 
simply dash off "highly confident letters" informing take- 
over targets that he would be able to generate whatever 
amount of liquidity would be needed to buy out their 

Milken's other source of confidence was his deep 
connection to the ADL. Milken believed that by pouring 
money into the League's coffers, he would be forever 

In 1987, for example, the Milken Family Fund gave 
$28,000 to the ADL Foundation-Christian Rescuers Proj- 
ect, and $10,250 to the ADL Foundation, in addition to 
a grant to the ADL of $344,000. The same foundation 
gave the ADL $29,000 in 1990. 

The Capital Foundation, also under Milken's control, 
approved $1,245 million to the ADL for "future payment" 
in the year ending Nov. 30, 1989. 

Library of Congress 

At a Ku Klux Klan meeting, circa 1915, candidates for member- 
ship are received. 


5 Colluding With 

In December 1985, then-FBI Director Wil- 
liam Webster, speaking at the National Press Club in 
Washington, D.C, admitted that a "Jewish underground" 
had emerged as a serious terrorist threat to the United 
States during the preceding twelve months. Indeed, over 
the course of 1985, the Jewish Defense League (JDL) 
had been responsible for a string of sophisticated bomb- 
ings that left two people dead, a dozen others seriously 
wounded, and caused millions of dollars in property 

Alex Odeh, the head of the California branch of the 
Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee (AADC), 
had been killed when, a bomb went off at the group's 
Santa Ana office. Seven other people were hospitalized 
in the attack. Tscherim Soobzokov, a victim of the Justice 



Department's Nazi-hunting Office of Special Investiga- 
tions (OSI), had also died when a booby trap bomb blew 
up his home in Paterson, N.J. A Boston police officer, 
responding to a JDL bomb threat at the local office of 
AADC, was crippled for life when a pipe bomb blew up 
as he was attempting to defuse it. 

In each of these instances, the bomb attacks have 
been preceded by noisy public demonstrations and in- 
flammatory press statements by Mordechai Levy, the 
leader of a JDL splinter group, the Jewish Defense Organi- 
zation (JDO). 

Although FBI boss Webster left his National Press 
Club audience with the impression that the so-called 
"Jewish underground" was a mysterious and amorphous 
outfit about which the FBI had little information, in truth, 
the Bureau had an exhaustive profile of the key personnel 
and their mode of operation. FBI agents on the scene of 
the Santa Ana, Calif, murder of Alex Odeh knew the 
identities of the three men who planted the bomb before 
Odeh's body was even removed from the murder scene. 
The killers were longtime JDL members Andy Green, 
Keith Fuchs and Bob Manning The American-born trio 
were residents of an Israeli kibbutz in the occupied terri- 
tories called Kiryat Arba. Kiryat Arba was a training camp 
and safehouse for the JDL and its Israeli affiliate, the Kach 

The FBI listed Fuchs, Green and Manning as suspects 
in a total of 25 terrorist attacks inside the United States. 
Fuchs had been jailed in Israel in 1983 for firing a Soviet- 
made AK-47 rifle at a busload of Arabs on the West Bank. 
Manning had served time in jail in the United States for 
bombing the home of an Arab-American activist When 
the three JDLers arrived in Los Angeles several days 


before the Odeh murder, they were already under FBI 

It's no wonder that FBI Director Webster was not 
anxious to discuss details with the room full of reporters 
at the National Press Club. The Bureau had been in a 
position to prevent the bombing of the Santa Ana AADC 
office and they had flubbed it. 
Or worse? 

At the same time that the "Jewish underground" was 
conducting its bombing spree from coast to coast, the 
FBI was relying increasingly on the ADL for information 
about extremist groups! This was the same ADL that 
would join with the KGB and the East German Stasi in 
covering the trail of the assassins of Sweden's head of 
state, Olof Palme. 

Even more to the point, this was the same ADL that 
was instrumental in the creation and deployment of such 
diverse terrorist groups as the JDL and the Ku Klux Klan! 

According to Robert Friedman, the biographer of 
JDL founder Rabbi Meir Kahane, the militant Jewish 
group was controlled from its founding days by a secret 
three-person committee made up of future Israeli Prime 
Minister and Mossad operations chief Yitzhak Shamir, 
right-wing Israeli parliamentarian Geula Cohen, and 
Brooklyn ADL Chairman Bernard Deutch. 

It was at a December 1969 meeting between Cohen 
and Kahane, arranged by Deutch, that the JDL launched 
its campaign of terror and intimidation against Soviet 
diplomats in New York and Washington, aimed at forcing 
the Soviets to loosen up their emigration laws for Jews. 
In the early days, before JDL head Kahane hooked up 
with mobster Joe Colombo, and many JDLers began fund- 
ing their terrorist operations by selling dope or running 


syndicate shakedown operations, ADL man Deutch had 
been the moneybags behind the Jewish militants. 
Deutch' s involvement with the JDL was such a well-kept 
secret that his Kahane links remained virtually unknown 
until 1991. 

Just as the B'nai B'rith had quietly steered other 
Jewish-American groups to smuggle arms into Russia on 
the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, the ADL ran the 
"Jewish underground" from behind the scenes, often 
going through the motions of publicly denouncing the 
JDL violence to make sure that no direct links were ever 

ADL's 'Ku Klutz Klanners' 

Mordechai Levy, the leader of the JDL splinter group that 
managed to show up on the doorsteps of Alex Odeh and 
Tscherim Soobzokov on the eves of their assassinations, 
maintained direct and frequent contact with the ADL's 
Fact Finding Division head, Irwin Suall. Just two weeks 
before the A ADC's Washington, D.C. office was blown 
upon Nov. 29,1985, Levy had appeared as the featured 
speaker at a press conference hosted by the Federation 
of Jewish Organizations of Greater Washington, an um- 
brella group led by both the ADL and B'nai B'rith, to 
present a list of "enemies of the Jewish people." AADC 
was among the groups listed. 

On more than one occasion, Levy's provocateur 
antics nearly exposed the ADL's hand in fomenting do- 
mestic violence. 

On Feb. 16, 1979, Levy, using the pseudonym 
"James Guttman," filed an application with the U.S. Park 
Service in Philadelphia, Pa. to obtain permission to hold 


a rally. The rally permit sought by Levy/Guttman was not 
filed in the name of the JDL. Levy was posing as a leader 
of the American Nazi Party, seeking a permit for a Ku 
Klux Klan and Nazi Party rally at Independence Hall, the 
site of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. 

According to the rally permit, Levy was planning a 
"white power rally, to show white masses unity of white 
race, and to show the world niggers and Jews are cow- 
ards." Among the paraphernalia Levy listed on the appli- 
cation were: "swastikas, banners, Nazi uniforms, KKK 
paraphernalia ... will burn cross, swastika picket signs 
saying 'Hitler was right — gas commie Jews.'" 

Working out of the Philadelphia offices of the Jewish 
Defense League, Levy organized local chapters of the 
KKK and neo-Nazi groups to attend the Independence 
Hall rally. In the case of the Trenton, N.J. KKK, Levy had 
an inside track. James Rosenberg, also known as "Jimmy 
Mitchell" and "Jimmy Anderson" — a full-time paid em- 
ployee of the ADL Fact Finding Division — had success- 
fully infiltrated the local chapter of the Klan. 

Rosenberg had recently attempted unsuccessfully 
to get some of the local KKKers to blow up the Trenton 
headquarters of the National Association for the Adr 
vancement of Colored People (NAACP). At the same 
time he was posing as "James Guttman," neo-Nazi, Levy 
was also mobilizing the Jewish community and every 
ragtag left-wing radical group in the greater Philadelphia 
area to attend a mass demonstration "to confront" the 
KKK and Nazis at Independence Hall. All the ingredients 
were there for a serious riot — courtesy of the ADL. 

Fortunately, word of Levy's scam on the Park Service 
leaked out to the Philadelphia press. After one Philadel- 


phia newspaper ran a banner headline "Nazi Rally-Rouser 
Really Jewish," the Park Service yanked the permit Levy's 
ADL handlers ordered him to lay low for a while. 

After all, there was no need to jeopardize Levy or 
even Rosenberg's standing as professional agents provo- 
cateur inside the racist right-wing. The ADL had plenty 
of other aces up their sleeves, and not all of them were 
Jewish infiltrators. 

Goodman, Cheney, Schwerner — 
and the ADL 

One of the most shocking instances of racist violence 
during the civil rights battles in the South of the U.S. 
during the 1960s was the execution-style murders of 
three civil rights workers in Philadelphia, Miss, in 1964. 
The murders of Andrew Goodman, Robert Cheney and 
Mitchell Schwerner sent shock waves across America 
and the world, as many people began to realize for the 
first time that the Confederacy, far from being dead, was 
very much alive and very much committed to rolling 
back the tide of equal rights for all races — at least in the 
Deep South. 

True to its historical roots in the Southern Jurisdic- 
tion of the Scottish Rite Freemasonry and in the original 
Confederate secessionist plot, the ADL — contrary to its 
own published propaganda — lined up squarely with the 
Klan where it counted the most: with its checkbook. 

One particularly sordid instance of collusion be- 
tween the ADL and the KKK came to light in a hail of 
bullets on the night of June 30, 1968 in Meridian, Miss., 
outside the home of ADL official Meyer Davidson. 

When the smoke cleared, a local schoolteacher 
named Kathy Ainsworth lay dead, and a second man, 


Thomas A. Tenants III, lay dying after being hit with 
over 70 bullets fired by 22 local police and FBI agents. 
Miraculously, Terrants survived the attack. 

Terrants and Ains worth, both local Klan members, 
had been set up. They went to Davidson's home that 
night to plant a bomb on his doorstep, not knowing that 
the leader of their own KKK chapter had betrayed them, 
and that a small army of police and FBI sharpshooters 
was waiting in the bushes to ambush them. 

The entire affair had been staged by the ADL. The 
agent provocateur inside the local KKK chapter who set 
up Terrants and Ainsworth was one of the killers of 
Goodman, Cheney and Schwerner. Alton Wayne Roberts 
was out on bail awaiting his trial, along with six other 
members of the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, for 
the Philadelphia, Miss, murders when, in the early spring 
of 1968, he cut a deal with the ADL's regional director, 
Adolph Botnick. The New Orleans-based Botnick had 
been a longstanding friend of the late Guy Bannister, the 
former FBI special agent implicated by District Attorney 
Jim Garrison in the assassination of President John F. 

Botnick, with the blessings of Meridian-based FBI 
Special Agent Frank Watts and Meridian police detective 
Luke Scarborough, agreed to pay Alton Wayne Roberts 
and his brother Raymond Roberts $69,000 to become 
the League's paid agents provocateur. $25,000 in un- 
marked twenty-dollar bills was hand-delivered from New 
Orleans to the Roberts brothers just days before the 
Ainsworth-Terrants ambush. 

At the time the deal was struck, the White Knights, 
led by the two Roberts brothers, had been on a nine- 
month bombing spree. The brothers were prime sus- 


pects in ten separate acts of racist violence, in addition 
to the Philadelphia murders. Three of these attacks were 
directed against synagogues and Jewish leaders in Missis- 

The Roberts brothers, as per their deal with Botnick, 
ordered two of their Klan underlings to deliver the bomb 
to Davidson's home. They then tipped off the FBI and 
the local police about the exact time the attack would 

In return for their continuing services to the ADL 
after the Davidson incident, the brothers were given slap 
on the wrist sentences and placed in the FBI's witness 
protection program. For his part in the Goodman, 
Cheney and Schwerner murders, Alton Wayne Roberts 
spent less than three years in jail. 

The Meridian incident was classic ADL. The League 
used the "racist attack" against Meyer Davidson as a scare 
tactic fundraising ploy. The money they raised more than 
covered the costs of buying up the two KKKers as their 
permanent agents provocateur inside the Klan. The 
League parlayed their financing of the Roberts brothers 
into an ever-closer relationship with the FBI, which was 
delighted to have the ADL finance and deploy two of the 
Klan's most violent terrorists. 

EIRNS/Carlos de Hoyos 

Whiskey baron Edgar Bronfman, the ADL's "friend of Moscow." 


6 In Bed With 
Dictators and 

On the day in November 1985 that Israeli 
spy Jonathan Jay Pollard was arrested, things went hay- 
wire at the ADL's headquarters near United Nations Plaza 
in New York City. National Chairman Kenneth Bialkin 
immediately flew off to Israel to assess the damage and 
to make arrangements for the appropriate American at- 
torneys to be brought in to represent not only the jailed 
spy, but the other, more senior players in the nominally 
Israeli spy ring. 

Among the most important of those senior players 
was Col. Aviem Sella, an Israeli Air Force war hero who 
had been Pollard's recruiter on behalf of the secret Israeli 
techno-spy unit, Lekem. 

Sella's cover for his spy recruiting was that he was 
in the United States taking graduate courses at New York 



University; and Sella' s wife Ruth, a practicing attorney, 
reportedly was working on the staff of the ADL's legal 
department while the couple lived in New York. 

Any published links between the ADL and life Pol- 
lard spy apparatus could naturally prove very damaging, 
especially in light of the cozy relationship the League 
was enjoying with the Reagan White House at the time. 

While still in Israel, Bialkin telephoned fellow ADL 
man Leonard Garment of the politically powerful law 
firm of Dickstein, Shapiro. Garment was then the per- 
sonal lawyer for U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese. He 
agreed at Bialkin's urging to represent Sella in the Pollard 
matter, despite the obvious, severe conflict of interest. 

At the ADL's Washington, D.C. office, Mira Lansky 
Boland was also undoubtedly worried that her own links 
to Pollard might surface. Lansky Boland had been a class- 
mate and pal of Pollard at the graduate school program 
in national security affairs at the Fletcher School of Diplo- 
macy of Tufts University in Cambridge, Mass. Upon grad- 
uation in 1978, both Lansky and Pollard had been imme- 
diately placed into sensitive posts in the U.S. intelligence 
community. Pollard had gone into Naval intelligence 
and had almost immediately begun funneling secrets to 

Lansky Boland had gone to work for the Central 
Intelligence Agency. After a two-year stint with the CIA, 
she had transferred to the Pentagon, where she worked 
under Dr. Andrew Marshall at the Office of Net Assess- 
ments, a little known but powerful unit that prepared 
technical assessments of Soviet military capabilities. In 
1982, Lansky had left the government to work full-time 
for the ADL in Washington. 
Shortly after her arrival at the ADL from the Penta- 


gon, she was assigned as the case officer on the- League's 
multi-million dollar campaign to smear and jail Lyndon 
LaRouche and scores of his associates. 

Following the Pollard arrest, Andrew Marshall 
would be identified as a suspected senior member of the 
Pollard spy ring, although no charges were ever brought 
against him and he remains to this day in his post at the 
Defense Department To this day, Pentagon officials have 
never succeeded in pinning down the identity of the "Mr. 
X" who gave Pollard the code numbers of the classified 
documents that the Naval intelligence analyst then stole 
and passed on to Lekem. 

Both Pollard and Lansky had gotten their govern- 
ment spy jobs courtesy of Fletcher School professor Uri 
Ra'anan. Ra'anan, an Oxford University-trained Middle 
East expert, had himself been an Israeli government intel- 
ligence operative, posted in New York City and Washing- 
ton during the 1950sand 1960s. While serving as a "press 
attache" at the Israeli embassy in Washington in the 
mid-1960s, Ra'anan had helped set up a unit that would 
recruit Israeli spies from the ranks of American business- 
men traveling frequently tp the Soviet Union and Eastern 

That spy unit, which was unearthed in a series of 
civil suits beginning in 1967, was housed at the head- 
quarters of the B'nai B'rith International Ra'anan's eon- 
tact point inside the B'nai B'rith was Philip Klutznick an 
honorary national chairman of the ADL who would later 
serve as President Jimmy Carter's secretary of com- 

Among the damage control efforts launched by the 
ADL in the wake of the Pollard arrest was the planting of 
a string of news accounts and editorials portraying Pol- 


lard as a loyal American who was also committed to 
the security of the state of Israel. Harmless, "friendly 
espionage" was the term coined by the League and its 
small army of paid agents inside the news media. 

Unfortunately, Pollard's spying Was anything but 
harmless or friendly. 

The Lekem unit, headed by the former chief of Euro- 
pean operations for the Mossad, Rafael ("Dirty Rafi") 
Eytan, was passing on the most sensitive of the American 
national security secrets heisted by Pollard to the Soviet 
KGB. In return, Moscow was opening up the pipeline of 
Soviet Jews to Israel. 

It was treachery of the highest order, and then- 
Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger was fully aware 
of the magnitude of Pollard's crimes when he asked the 
judge to sentence Pollard to life in prison after the spy 
agreed to plead guilty. In a 46-page, classified affidavit 
submitted to the judge in the Pollard case, Weinberger 
showed that much of the Pollard material wound up in 
Soviet hands, and that it would cost the United States 
billions of dollars to repair the national security damage 
done by the Pollard spy ring. 

In fact, of the millions of pages of classified docu- 
ments funneled by Pollard, to the KGB, a majority were 
of no critical interest to Israel at all. 

Whiskey for the Red Dictators 

Did Kenneth Bialkin or Mira Lansky Boland, or any of the 
other ADL officials who abetted Pollard in his spy work, 
know that the pilfered material was going to the KGB? 
The answer to that question has never been made public. 
To this day, only the players in the espionage operation 
know for sure. 


However, it is unquestionably the case that at the 
same time the ADL was knee-deep in the Pollard stew, 
top ADL officials were working hand in glove with the 
Soviet bloc intelligence services on several other proj- 
ects that would have devastating consequences for the 
United States. 

One such ADL "friend of Moscow" was whiskey 
baron Edgar Bronfman. 

The third-generation Bronfmans had successfully 
transformed their fathers' Prohibition-era bootlegging 
business into a "legit" whiskey empire, Seagram's. This 
transformation had been aided early on by the U.S. Trea- 
sury Department, which cut a deal with Sam and Abe 
Bronfman at the close of Prohibition, enabling them to 
pay several million dollars in "back taxes" in return for 
a whitewashing of their decade of big-time crimes. 

The Bronfman family came out of the deal as multi- 
millionaires — with all their ties to the Lansky syndicate 
still intact 

Abner "Longie" Zwillman was not the only Prohibi- 
tion-era gangster who profited from the old saw, "from 
rags to rackets to riches to respectability." By the 1950s, 
the Bronfmans' image had been so cleaned up that Edgar 
could marry into the "Our Crowd" Loeb family, and his 
sister Phyllis could marry Jean Lambert of the Belgian 
branch of the Rothschild clan. The Lambert family was 
the European connection in Drexel Burnham Lambert. 

However, image-polishing is one thing. Reality is 
another. As late as 1972, the Montreal, Canada Crime 
Commission had issued a report naming Mitchell Bronf- 
man as a crime partner of one of the city's biggest gang- 
sters, Willy Obront. The pair were implicated in dope 
smuggling. Willy and Mitchell owned a nightspot in the 


middle of Meyer Lansky's turf in North Miami called the 
Pagoda North, which was a favorite hangout for Vito 
Genovese and other big-time hoodlums. 

Edgar Bronfman, for his part, sought out some very 
peculiar clientele for his family's whiskey business. In 
1986, as the Pollard affair was playing out, one of Edgar 
Bronfman's assistants at the World Jewish Congress 
(Bronfman had taken over the WJC and turned it into an 
international arm of the ADL, on whose National Com- 
mission he sits) established ties to the brutal Communist 
regime in East Germany. Bronfman's Seagram's was made 
the exclusive distributor of booze to East Germany's 
ruling SED (Communist Party). 

In 1988, Edgar Bronfman himself traveled to East 
Berlin where he was the guest of honor of SED boss Erich 
Honecker and top party official Hermann Axen. On that 
trip, Bronfman vowed that he would personally arrange 
for the East German leader to make a state visit to Wash- 
ington, D.C. to meet with President Ronald Reagan. 

Even one year later, with the Berlin Wall and East 
German Communism about to collapse, Edgar Bronfman 
was back in East Germany again, this time promising to 
marshal the resources of the World Jewish Congress and 
the ADL to block the reunification of Germany, which 
he dubbed a "sellout of socialism." In return for those 
efforts, Bronfman was given the highest civilian award 
offered by East Germany, the "People's Friendship Medal 
in Gold." 

Edgar's brother and business partner Charles was 
also a true friend of the Honecker dictatorship. As the 
head of the Canadian-East German Friendship Society, 
he was able to control all passports and visas between 
the two countries. 


But there was much more to the Bronfman-East 
Germany liaison than a lucrative whiskey contract and a 
few medals. 

The Palme Affair 

On Feb. 28, 1986, Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme 
was assassinated by a lone gunman on the streets of 
Stockholm. Just before his assassination, Palme was in 
the process of cracking down on Swedish arms dealers 
who were funneling guns to the Nicaraguan Contras and 
to the Iranian regime. The Iran-Contra scandal had not 
yet broken publicly and Palme's probe threatened to 
blow the lid on the entire covert program. Curiously, 
many of the guns being sold by the Swedes — with the 
collusion of Oliver North, CIA chief William Casey and 
the Israelis — were coming from East Germany and other 
Soviet bloc states. 

Was Palme in the process of unearthing a cynical 
East-West collusion, an even nastier reality buried be- 
neath the then-unknown Irangate scandal? Had he inad- 
vertently stumbled onto the trail of the ADL's own 
involvement in this demimonde of gun and drug dealing? 

The answer to that question was at least implicitly 
given within days of the Palme assassination, when the 
ADL joined with the KGB and the East German Stasi 
(state security service) in an effort to blame the Palme 
murder on Swedish associates of Lyndon LaRouche. ADL 
Fact Finding Division chief Irwin Suall, himself an Oxford 
University-trained active member of the Socialist Inter- 
national, personally flew to Stockholm to fuel the disin- 
formation campaign linking LaRouche to the Palme 
Soviet Ambassador Boris Pankin, a major general in 


the KGB who specialized in planting disinformation in 
the Western press, directed the Soviet side of the 
"LaRouche killed Palme" hoax, while Georgii Arbatov, 
the head of the Soviet Academy of Science's U.SA.-Can- 
ada Institute, added his voice to those accusing 
LaRouche. Ultimately, the Soviet government-owned TV 
network aired an hour-long "docudrama" elaborating the 
LaRouche lie. 

The role of Edgar Bronfman's pals in the East Ger- 
man Stasi in the Palme coverup would not surface until 
three years later. However, back in August 1989, the 
Stockholm daily newspaper Expressen revealed that 
Swedish police had bugged the home of a resident KGB 
agent and had audiotape evidence that the man knew at 
least 24 hours before Palme's murder that the Prime 
Minister would be killed. 

The pivotal role of the Stasi in the Palme murder 
coverup was first revealed in the Aug. 20-26, 1992 edi- 
tion of Journalisten, the magazine of the Swedish Jour- 
nalists Association, which published ah interview with a 
former top Stasi officer named Herbert Brehmer. In that 
interview and in a series of subsequent Swedish nation- 
wide radio broadcasts, Brehmer confessed that as an 
official of Department X (disinformation) of the Stasi, he 
had engineered the disinformation campaign blaming 
the European Labor Party (ELP), the Scandinavian affili- 
ates of Lyndon LaRouche, for the Palme murder. 
Brehmer told Journalisten: 

"At my desk I drew up the outlines of how the ELP theory 
would be conduited into the Swedish police investiga- 
tion. The plan was to have a national Swedish newspaper 
receive an anonymous telephone tip-off.. . . As an alterna- 


tive, the information would go directly to one of the 
special tip-off phones made available by the police. The 
content would be along the lines that the caller 'knew 
that the ELP had committed the crime.' In addition, he 
or she had 'witnessed hectic activity in the ELP headquar- 
ters in the night.' Nothing was really true, but it sounded 
well-informed and credible." 

Indeed. The 1986 Stasi-manufactured disinforma- 
tion was conduited into the U.S. media through the ADL. 
NBC-TV ran the story as a leading news item on their 
evening news broadcast, interviewing ADL official Suall 
as part of their coverage. Ultimately, the US. Justice 
Department would use the Palme disinformation to jus- 
tify a massive paramilitary police raid against LaRouche's 
home and offices of his associates in Leesburg, Va. in 
October 1986. 

The ADL and the OSI 

The "LaRouche killed Palme" hoax was no isolated in- 
stance of Edgar Bronfman and the ADL teaming up with 
a Communist secret police agency to target a political 
enemy or ply a lucrative business scam. It was standard 
operating procedure. 

According to syndicated columnists Rowland Evans 
and Robert Novak, on Jan. 23, 1989 Bronfman hosted a 
secret meeting at his New York City penthouse to forge 
what the columnists dubbed a "Jews for grain" deal be- 
tween the Soviet Union and Israel. Also present at the 
gathering was Dwayne Andreas, the chairman of the Ar- 
cher Daniels Midland (ADM) grain cartel, and a long- 
standing ally and financial backer of the ADL. The Wall 
Street Journal had dubbed Andreas "Gorbachov's closest 
pal in the West." At congressional hearings, Andreas iden- 


tified former ADL National Chairman Ben Epstein as the 
man who taught him all he knew about politics. 

The Bronfman-Andreas deal was straightforward: In 
return for vast quantities of dirt-cheap grain from ADM 
and other U.S. -based grain cartels, the Soviet government 
would permit the mass exodus of Soviet Jews to Israel. 

It was an updated version of the Pollard espionage 
affair, in which US. military secrets were swapped for 
controlled Soviet Jewish migration to Israel. The invari- 
ant in the two efforts was the central role of the ADL 

As part of the Bronfman-Andreas deal, the Soviet 
KGB teamed up with the ADL and Bronfman's World 
Jewish Congress (WJC) to foment a diplomatic breach 
between the Reagan administration and Austrian Presi- 
dent Kurt Waldheim, the former secretary general of the 
United Nations, line KGB manufactured and the ADL- 
WJC conduited phony evidence that Waldheim had been 
a top Nazi war criminal during World War II. U.S. Attor- 
ney General Ed Meese, still employing the legal services 
of ADL fellow traveler Leonard Garment, bit on the 
forged material and declared Waldheim persona non 
grata in the United States. 

The purpose of the smear job was to shut down 
Austria as a way-station for Soviet Jews coming out into 
the West. In the past, once Soviet Jews landed on Austrian 
soil, they were granted political refugee status, which 
then enabled them to settle in any country of their choos- 
ing. The majority either stayed in Western Europe or 
found their way to the United States. Very few went to 
Israel voluntarily. With Austria shut down, Bronfman 
and Gorbachov worked out alternative routes through 
Warsaw Pact states and eventually set up direct flights 


from the Soviet Union to Israel, to ensure that the Soviet 
refugees had no choice as to where they would live. 
By the time Bronfman and Andreas forged their 
"Jews-for grain" deal with Gorbachov in early 1989, the 
ADL had just about perfected their use of forged KGB 
documents to smear the entire Eastern European com- 
munity in the United States as closet wartime Nazis. 

As early as 1979, the ADL had played a pivotal role in 
getting legislation through the U.S. Congress establishing 
the Office of Special Investigations (OSI), a special Nazi- 
hunting unit inside the Criminal Division of the Justice 
Department. ADL asset Rep. Elizabeth Holtzman had 
sponsored the bill, which effectively stripped naturalized 
American citizens of Central European and Ukrainian 
descent of their constitutional rights by providing for 
automatic denaturalization and deportation without due 
process, if the OSI could produce evidence that they had 
been tied to the Nazis during World War II. 

And where did the lion's share of this evidence come 
from, 40 years after the end of World War II? From the 
Soviet archives ! 

The ADL-sponsored OSI provided Moscow with a 
foot in the door to the American judicial system. For the 
first time ever, Soviet documents and witnesses were 
given fall standing in U.S. court proceedings, no ques- 
tions asked: While a handful of the people targeted by, 
the ADL-OSI may have been low-level Nazi sympathizers 
or assets daring the war, many innocent people fell vic- 
tim to the KGB's sophisticated forgers, courtesy of the 
ADL and their friends at the Justice Department's OSI: 

• Karl Linnas, falsely accused of Nazi collaboration, 
was stripped of his American citizenship and shipped off 


to the Soviet Unions where he died in a prison, reportedly 
from a heart attack. 

• Tscherim Soobzokov, accused of working with 
the Nazis in his native Belorussia, beat the OSI and even 
won a lucrative out-of-court libel suit against the New 
York Times. He was then murdered by a Jewish Defense 
League bomb attack on his Paterson, N.J. home in 1985. 

•Dr. Arthur Rudolph, a celebrated German-Ameri- 
can rocket scientist who contributed greatly to Ameri- 
ca's space program, was falsely accused by the ADL and 
OSI of torturing Jews at the Peenemunde research facility 
in wartime Germany. Rather than lose his lifetime pen- 
sion with the National Aeronautics and Space Administra- 
tion (NASA) and throw his family into poverty, he re- 
nounced his U.S. citizenship and returned to West 
Germany. After a three-year probe based on the same 
evidence passed on by the East German and Soviet au- 
thorities to the OSI, West German prosecutors con- 
cluded that there was no evidence against Dr. Rudolph. 

•John Demjanjuk, a Ukrainian- American retired 
auto worker accused of being the Treblinka concentra- 
tion camp mass-murderer "Ivan the Terrible," was 
stripped of his citizenship and hauled off to Israel to stand 
trial. It was the biggest show trial since the proceedings 
against Adolph Eichmann, broadcast in its entirety live 
on Israeli national television. Demjanjuk was convicted 
and sentenced to death by hanging. Through unflagging 
efforts by his family and friends, Demjanjuk eventually 
gathered evidence showing that the OSI had suppressed 
evidence proving that another man had been identified 
as the real "Ivan." The case is now pending before both 
the Israeli Supreme Court and the U.S. Sixth Circuit Court 
of Appeals in Cincinnati, Ohio. 


The ADL's liaison to OSI, Elliot Wells, in a signed 
letter to the editors of the Washington Post, demanded 
that Demjanjuk not be set free. Using the kind of stilted 
logic that would make the KGB blush, Wells argued that 
even if Demjanjuk is innocent of the Treblinka charges, 
he must be guilty of some other war crimes, and there- 
fore should be held in custody until new evidence can 
be manufactured. 

EIRNS Philip Ulanowsky 

EIRNS/Stuart Lewis 

EIRNS Stuart Lewis 

EIRNS/Stuart Lewis 

Members of the Get LaRouche Task Force, top left to right: 
Irwin Suall, Kent Robinson; bottom left to right, Dennis King, 
Mira Lansky Boland. 


7 Railroad! 

An early March 1986 — within days of the 
assassination of Sweden's Prime Minister Olof Palme, 
ADL Fact-Finding department chief Irwin Suall was en 
route to Stockholm. An Oxford University-trained Fabian 
Socialist, Suall was the ADL's longtime top dirty trickster. 
Since 1978, with the publication of the book Dope, Inc, 
Suall's efforts had been almost obsessively focused 
against Lyndon LaRouche, the American political econo- 
mist who had commissioned the anti-drug study pub- 
lished by EIR. 

Suall's trans-Atlantic voyage to Stockholm was in 
pursuit of that obsession. 

Working in tandem with the East German secret 
police (Stasi), the Soviet KGB, Swedish socialists and 
NBC-TV, Suall helped launch the disinformation cam- 



paign blaming LaRouche and his Swedish collaborators 
in the European Labor Party for the Palme assassination. 

Just as Suall's efforts were beginning to bear fruit 
with a series of "LaRouche killed Palme" smear stories in 
the U.S., Swedish and Soviet press, the ADL trickster was 
suddenly confronted with a major crisis: 

On March 16, 1986, two LaRouche-backed candi- 
dates — Mark Fairchild and Janice Hart — won the Illinois 
Democratic Party primary elections for lieutenant gover- 
nor and secretary of state, respectively. The LaRouche 
candidates' victories were no fluke. LaRouche-backed 
candidates had been winning between 20-40 percent of 
the vote in Democratic primary elections in different 
parts of the country since the early 1980s. A leading 
Democratic Party pollster had written frantic messages 
to the Illinois state party chairman warning about a 
LaRouche upset months before the election. 

Not surprisingly, the upset victory by the LaRouche 
slate was electrifying. The Wall Street and Freemasonic 
circles who own the ADL were Shocked into action. 

Suall hurried back to New York City where he over- 
saw the preparation and mass distribution of a violent 
ADL smear sheet against LaRouche. Over the next few 
months, according to records of the Federal Election 
Commission, over 6,000 copies of the ADL libel — at a 
cost of at least $10,000-were circulated to every mem- 
ber of Congress, 1,580 news outlets and other govern- 
ment offices and opinion makers. Tens of thousands erf 
media attacks against LaRouche — branding him as every- 
thing from an anti-Semite, to a KGB agent, to a neo- 
Nazi to an international terrorist — were published in the 
United States alone. Among some anti-Zionist lobby and 
Third World-circles, the ADL even accused LaRouche of 


being a closet "mole" for the Israeli Mossad! The invariant 
in all the contradictory slanders conjured up by the ADL 
was to scare people away from the LaRouche political 

The ADL smear campaign was a panicked and fla- 
grant violation of its tax-exempt status. It was also a 
violation of FEC rules, which prohibit a tax-exempt orga- 
nization from engaging in politicking. On June 16, 1987, 
the FEC officially acknowledged that the ADL action 
against LaRouche was illegal; but a few months later, 
the commissioners decided they would take no action 
against the League. 

The smear campaign was meeting with only modest 
political success, although it had a severe effect as finan- 
cial warfare. LaRouche-Democrat candidates continued 
to do well. In 1988, Claude Jones, a longtime and well 
known LaRouche activist, was elected chairman of the 
Harris County, Texas Democratic Party, shortly after the 
Illinois victories. Harris County, which includes Hous- 
ton, is one of the largest electoral districts in the United 
States, and a Democratic Party stronghold. Jones beat a 
powerful incumbent to take over the party posL 

The Washington Post in May 1986-summing up 
the consensus among the liberal establishment — editori- 
alized that Lyndon LaRouche must be in jail, not on 
television, by the. time of the 1988 presidential elections. 

An Already Ongoing Frameup Effort 

On Oct. 6, 1986 — less than seven months after the Illi- 
nois primary — 400 federal, state and county police in- 
vaded the offices of the LaRouche-associated Campaigner 
Publications in Leesburg, Va. FBI and Virginia State Police 
special sniper units were backed up by a Loudoun 


County SWAT Team. Helicopters, fixed-wing aircraft and 
even an armored personnel carrier were held in reserve 
at a 4-H fairground a short distance from the farm where 
Lyndon LaRouche and his wife were staying, in feet, 
recently disclosed government documents demonstrate 
Pentagon involvement in the Leesburg raid — specifically 
the Special Operations unit of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. 

The mobilization of an invasion force larger than 
that used in Grenada in September 1983 to serve two 
search warrants and four arrest warrants, was not the 
result of over-zealous planning. Since no later than 1982, 
Irwin Suall, Mira Lansky Boland (the Jonathan Jay Pollard- 
linked CIA agent-turned ADL dirty trickster) and an army 
of other ADL agents and assets had been engaged in a 
systematic campaign to sic the government on 
LaRouche. By the time the raid took place, the goverm- 
nent raiding party had been so jacked up by ADL disinfor- 
mation that they were expecting to run into a terrorist 
armed camp that would make the Irish Republican Army 
green with envy. 

The March 1986 Illinois upset victory provided the 
ADL and its collaborators in what became known as the 
Get LaRouche Strike Force with the opportunity and 
motive to go all-out. 
How did it work? 

Since the spring of 1982, according to the ADL's 
own published accounts, Suall and company were 
closely collaborating with Henry Kissinger, the former 
U.S. secretary of state, and longtime LaRouche hater. 
In August 1982, Kissinger wrote to then-FBI Director 
William Webster the first of a series of personal letters 
demanding that the FBI move to shut down the LaRouche 
political movement. In a subsequent, more detailed note 


in November, Kissinger's attorney lied that LaRouche 
had foreign intelligence ties — a lie calculated to activate 
government "active measures" under the guidelines of 
Executive Order 12333. E.0. 12333, signed by President 
Ronald Reagan in December 1981, gave the CIA, the FBI 
and the Pentagon intelligence services broad latitude to 
investigate and disrupt groups suspected of working for 
hostile foreign governments. 

In January 1983, Kissinger's allies on the President's 
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB) made a 
formal request for such an active measures campaign 
against LaRouche. The FBI, operating through Judge 
Webster and Oliver "Buck" Revell, quickly launched 
such an effort. 

Ironically, as the Kissinger-ADL wing of the national 
security and law enforcement apparatus of the federal 
government was activating its illegal war against 
LaRouche, President Reagan — with the backing of his 
national security adviser Judge William Clark, Defense 
Secretary Caspar Weinberger and other senior military 
and security advisers — was moving ahead with the Stra- 
tegic Defense Initiative, a plan based on a concept ad- 
vanced by LaRouche even before the Reagan administra- 
tion came into office. According to court testimony in 
Roanoke, Va. by Richard Morris, Judge Clark's NSC secu- 
rity chief, LaRouche had worked with the Reagan White 
House on at least eight national security projects — in- 
cluding SDI — most of which are still classified to this 

Was this a case of the right hand not knowing what 
the left hand was doing? Hardly! The ADL and Kissinger 
were painfully aware pf LaRouche's growing influence 
within the Reagan administration, and they were out to 


break the rules to shut down all the LaRouche- Reagan 

According to court testimony by the ADL's Mira 
Lansky Boland on May 24, 1990 in Roanoke, Va., she 
was an active participant from day one in the illegal 
government covert operation against LaRouche that led 
to the October 1986 raid, and a series of federal and 
state criminal prosecutions in Boston; New York City; 
Alexandria, Leesburg and Roanoke, Va.; and Los Angeles. 

The black propaganda aspect of that covert opera- 
tion which we picked up in Stockholm at the beginning 
of this chapter was launched at an April 1983 meeting 
at the New York City office of Wall Street broker and 
self-styled intelligence agent John Train. Mira Lansky Bo- 
land was present at that secret meeting, representing the 
ADL. National Security Council consultant Roy Godson, 
a longtime ally of the ADL, was also present, along with 
a dozen journalists and editors from such organizations 
as NBC News, Reader's Digest, The New Republic and 
Business Week. A CIA funding conduit deeply involved in 
the secret Iran-Contra operations, the Smith Richardson 
Foundation, provided the cash for the orchestrated 
smear campaign against LaRouche. 

While much of the anti-LaRouche propaganda 
spewed out of NBC, The New Republic, the Wall Street 
Journal and Reader's Digest consisted of name-calling 
aimed at scaring off active and prospective LaRouche 
supporters, enough charges of "terrorism" and "interna- 
tional espionage" were thrown in to assure that federal 
and state prosecutors would be forced to maintain open 
investigative files and, eventually, to launch grand jury 
The "kill phase" of the ADL-led dirty war against 


LaRouche was already well underway when the spring 
1986 events in Illinois took place. 

Financial Warfare 

The ADL-John Train black propaganda campaign was not 
merely aimed at discouraging voters from pulling the 
levers for LaRouche candidates on election day. 

To successfully throw LaRouche in jail — or worse — 
the ADL set out to bankrupt the LaRouche publishing 
operations and turn some of LaRouche's own supporters 
and financial backers against him. 

Spending millions of dollars, and working with 
groups like the CIA-spawned Cult Awareness Network 
(CAN), ADL dirty tricksters targeted thousands of 
LaRouche campaign contributors, whose names, ad- 
dresses and phone numbers were maintained in public 
files at the FEC. The ADL-CAN operators would contact 
relatives, financial advisers and friends of the LaRouche 
supporters, and literally subject them to scare-tactic be- 
havior modification. The techniques used were often 
those developed in the secret laboratories of the CIA 
and the FBI for use against enemy prisoners of war and 
captured spies. Through these highly illegal actions, the 
ADL built up a profile list of weak and vulnerable people, 
many senior citizens, whose only "crime" was that they 
financially supported the legitimate political campaign 
activities of Lyndon LaRouche. The names of these tar- 
gets were passed on to the Department of Justice's Get 
LaRouche Strike Force in a fashion reminiscent of the 
worst of the Nazi Gestapo operations. 

In May 1988, after 92 days of trial, the first federal 
prosecution of Lyndon LaRouche and a half-dozen of his 
associates came to a screeching halt when Boston Dis- 


trict Court Judge Robert Keeton declared a mistrial. Evi- 
dence of wild government misconduct — implicating Oli- 
ver North and Vice President George Bush — had 
disrupted the trial, so that the government wanted to be 
done with it. As press reports later showed, it had also 
convinced the jury that any criminal activity associated 
with the case had been committed by the government, 
not by Lyndon LaRouche. Prosecution claims of credit 
card fraud by LaRouche campaign fundraisers and publi- 
cations salesmen had been thoroughly discredited. 

The collapse of the first government effort at framing 
up Lyndon LaRouche was a direct blow to the ADL. Mira 
Lansky Boland and Boston ADL official Sally Greenberg 
had been virtually integrated into the prosecution staff of 
Assistant U.S. Attorneys John Markham and Mark Rasch. 

Although suffering a bad setback in Boston, the ADL- 
driven prosecution strike force had already opened up a 
second front in its illegal drive to wipe out the LaRouche 

In April 1987, Loudoun County, Va. Deputy Sheriff 
Don Moore, a Vietnam War Marine bunkmate of Ollie 
North and a secret paid agent of the ADL-CAN, wrote a 
patently false affidavit for federal prosecutors, claiming 
that LaRouche and company were getting ready to pick 
up stakes and go underground to avoid the pending 
federal prosecution and the prospect of paying large 
fines. The Moore affidavit was then used by then-U.S. 
Attorney Henry Hudson to induce a federal bankruptcy 
judge to order an involuntary bankruptcy against three 
LaRouche-identified companies, including two publica- 
tions with a combined circulation of 250,000 readers. In 
a highly illegal "hearing" at which no stenographic re- 
cords were made and where no attorneys representing 


the three entities were present, the judge was convinced 
to sign the seizure order. The next day, U.S. Marshals 
padlocked and seized the same offices that had been 
raided six months earlier. 

Three years later, the same federal bankruptcy court 
fudge, after a full trial of the bankrupty action, reversed 
his initial ruling and threw out the involuntary bank- 
ruptcy, ruling that the government had filed the petitions 
in "bad faith" and had committed "fraud upon the court." 
A higher court upheld that ruling, and the government 
chose not to appeal. 
Why appeal it? The damage had already been done! 

With the bankrupting of the LaRouche companies, 
federal prosecutors and FBI agents stepped in to advise 
thousands of LaRouche supporters that millions of dol- 
lars in loans they had made to those companies would 
not be paid — unless they cooperated with the govern- 
ment railroad of LaRouche. 

The claim that money would be paid back if the 
"victims" played ball with the government prosecutors 
was another Big Lie. Once the printing presses were 
shut down, and the publications discontinued under the 
government trustees, the companies were penniless. No 
money could be paid back — because the government 
had taken the viable, successful publishing operations 
and driven them into the ground: first, through intensive 
ADL propaganda branding LaRouche a monster, and next 
through the fraudulent bankruptcy proceeding itself. 

In the majority of cases, the LaRouche supporters 
knew it was the government, not LaRouche, that was 
behind the bankruptcy and their personal losses. The 
former supporters who did succumb to the government 
pressure tactics were invariably those whose families, 


bankers, friends, etc. were already sucked in by the ADL- 
CAN dirty war. 

Government prosecutors admitted under oath that 
Mira Lansky Boland of the ADL had served as the "clear- 
inghouse" for trial witnesses in all of the federal and 
state prosecutions of LaRouche and his associates. Lansky 
Boland worked from the outset with Don Moore, the 
Loudoun deputy sheriff who authored and signed the 
fraudulent bankruptcy affidavit. In September 1992, Don 
Moore was arrested by the FBI for his role in a plot to 
kidnap two LaRouche supporters. Moore was working 
for the ADL-allied Cult Awareness Network in the kidnap- 
ping scheme. That case is scheduled to go to trial at the 
end of 1992. 

When in December 1988, a federal jury in Alexan- 
dria, Va. convicted LaRouche and six associates on con- 
spiracy fraud charges stemming from the government 
and ADL-instigated bankruptcies, Mira Lansky Boland 
was the only non-government official to attend the "vic- 
tory party" at the prosecutors' office. The conviction had 
been won on the basis of a pretrial order by Judge Albert 
V. Bryan, Jr. forbidding defense attorneys from informing 
the jury that the government had been responsible for 
the bankruptcy. Back in 1987, Bryan had been the judge 
who initially upheld that bankruptcy action. At the sen- 
tencing of LaRouche and the others in January 1989, 
Judge Bryan boasted that Boston trial Judge Robert Kee- 
ton "owed him a cigar" for ensuring that LaRouche and 
the others were so quickly convicted and shipped off to 

The jailing of LaRouche in what amounted to a thor- 
oughly unjust life sentence did not end the ADL drive to 
destroy LaRouche and his political movement. The state 


of Virginia, as part of the ADL's Get LaRouche dirty war, 
had joined in the feeding frenzy by indicting over 20 
LaRouche associates on state charges stemming from the 
identical bankruptcy scheme. 

In a series of trials in Roanoke, Va., the ADL was 
caught red-handed in a judge buying effort. State Judge 
Clifford Weckstein, a political protege of Virginia ADL 
chief Murray Janus and other top state ADL figures, was 
provided with a full collection of ADL smear sheets on 
LaRouche by the League; In a series of back and forth 
letters released by Weckstein in the trial of one of the 
LaRouche defendants, it was revealed that Janus and 
other local ADL officials had mooted they would back 
Weckstein for a seat on the Virginia State Supreme Court 
The implication that his handling of the LaRouche prose- 
cutions would be crucial to his future career on the 
bench was apparently not lost on the judge. Michael 
Billington, a LaRouche associate who had already served 
over two years in federal prison as the result of the 
Alexandria federal case, Was sentenced by Weckstein to 
77 years in state prison on patently phony loan fraud 

EIRNS/Stuart Lewis 

Vandalism in a Mt. Airy, Md. cemetery may have been the work 
of a satanic cult. 



Peddles the 

New Age 

In the summer of 1989, the entire world 
was reeling in shock and horror over the discovery of a 
satanic burial ground on a ranch in Matamoros, Mexico. 
Dozens of mutilated, cannibalized corpses were dis- 

The grisly details of the kidnapping and human sacri- 
fice of one of the cult's victims, Texas college student - 
Marie Kilroy, prompted Texas State legislators to draft a 
iaw stiffening the penalties for satanic ritualistic crimes, 
and making it a criminal offense to conduct certain oc- 
cult rituals. The governor of Texas convened a special 
session of the legislature to get the bill passed. 

The ADL, while peddling bills all across the country 
that would make it a crime to think anti-Semitic 
thoughts, launched an all-out effort to defeat the Texas 



crackdown on Satanic crimes, branding the bill "anti- 
Semitic"! In its jaded logic, the ADL claimed that, techni- 
cally, the bill made it illegal for rabbis to perform circum- 
cisions on infants. The vast majority of the Jewish com- 
munity in Texas, including many leading rabbis, refused 
to buy into the ADL's twisted interpretation, and sup- 
ported the bill. 

Some people began to smell a rat. And they were 

Not only has the League been an integral part of the 
organized crime structure that has wrecked America's 
youth through the peddling of drugs; but as a pivotal 
institution within the Scottish Rite Freemasonry South- 
ern Jurisdiction, the ADL has been a part of the century- 
old effort to paganize America under a variety of labels: 
"secular humanism," "new religions," and, most recently, 
"the New Age." 

Not surprisingly, as investigators probed the higher 
levels of the "New Age" plot, they found that the New 
York City Cathedral of St John the Divine, the headquar- 
ters of ADL patrons Bishop Paul Moore and Canon Ed- 
ward West, was at the very center of the paganization 
effort. While nominally part of the Anglican-Protestant 
Episcopal persuasion, the Cathedral was actually the un- 
derground headquarters of the Luciferian movement in 

Killing the Judeo-Christian Tradition 

Since 1948, the ADL has devoted over one-third of its 
legal efforts to support activity that may rightfully be 
called "the plot to kill God." The ADL has filed dozens of 
amicus curiae (friend of the court) briefs in legal cases 
often settled by the U.S. Supreme Court, whose results 


have included banning school prayer, banning released 
time for religious instruction, banning Christmas carols 
and spirituals, banning celebration of Judeo-Christian 
holidays, and most recently banning the Bible as unfit for 
the classroom; causing federal, state, and local govern- 
ments to be "neutral" on religious issues, as well as com- 
pelling them to cease participation in any display of art 
associated with the Christian religion, whether during a 
religious holiday season or other time; and banning pray- 
ers in courtrooms, together with religious oaths for 
courts and government officials. 

While the ADL has concentrated upon uprooting the 
traditions of Western Christian civilization from public 
life-e.g. by throwing Christianity out the front door of 
schools — it has not protested as "New Age religion" has 
been ushered in the back door, now to permeate society. 
In fact, while condemning any manifestation of Christian- 
ity at every turn, the ADL has used First Amendment 
arguments in court and elsewhere to defend witchcraft 
and peyote (an hallucinogen derived from a type of 
cactus) cults. 

The ADL has not acted alone in this drive to "pa- 
ganize" America. It has enjoyed the assistance erf some 
friends in very high places, including the highest court 
in the land. It began in earnest on Feb. 10, 1947, when 
Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black rendered the majority 
opinion in the case of Everson v. Board of Education, 
Black, who was a lifelong member of the Ku Klux Klan 
and 33rd-Degree member of the Southern Jurisdiction 
of Scottish lite Freemasonry, enshrined the following 
phrase: "In the words of Jefferson, the clause against 
establishment of religion by law was intended to erect 
'a wall of separation between Church and State.'" 


During the period of time when the attention of the 
Court seemed to focus on religion-clause cases, roughly 
1949-56, seven members of the Craft served on the Court 
along with a former Mason, Justice Sherman Minion. 
Masons continued to dominate the Court, while most of 
the decisions to uproot Christianity were made, until 
1971. The Southern Jurisdiction of Scottish Rite Freema- 
sonry, to which the preponderance of Supreme Court 
justices belonged from the period of J939 to 1971, is 
the self-described "New Age" Jurisdiction. 

As Paul A. Fisher aptly demonstrates in his book 
Behind the Lodge Door, the original intent of the reli- 
gious establishment clause by the Founding Fathers, who 
shaped this constitutional instrument, was to guard 
against the state's establishing a theocracy of the Roman 
cult variety that would persecute those practicing the 
tenets of Western Christian civilization upon which the 
republic had been founded. Yet, through Justice Black's 
"wall" decision in Everson and hundreds of subsequent 
federal, state and local rulings, a Manichean religious cult 
is on the verge of establishing a "New Age" theocracy in 
the U.S. today. 

The Founding Fathers were deeply religious, and 
whatever problems may have existed in that regard, they 
believed that each individual had been created in imago 
viva Dei, in the living image of God, with a diyine spark 
of reason, which they expressed in the principle that "all 
men are created equal under God." The fallacy of the 
"wall of separation" cult dogma is shown by the North- 
west Ordinance, passed in 1787 and readopted in 1789, 
which provided that "religion, morality, and knowledge 
being necessary to good, government and the happiness 
of mankind, schools and the means of education shall 


forever be encouraged." And, in his Farewell Address 
to the nation in 1796, President George Washington 
declared that "religion and morality are indispensable 
supports [for] political prosperity," and warned that we 
could not expect "that national morality can prevail in 
the exclusion of religious principle." 

Undoubtedly, Justice Hugo Black's masonicaily 
dominated Court would have found these sentiments to 
be unconstitutional. 

As Justice Black's son said of him, he was a man who 
"could not whip himself up to a belief in God or the 
divinity of Christ, life after death, or Heaven or Hell." 
When he first ran for the U.S. Senate, public condemna- 
tion compelled Black on July 9, 1925 to "retire from the 
Robert E. Lee Klan No. 1, but he closed his letter of 
resignation to the Kligrapp [Secretary], Tours In the 
Sacred Unbreakable Bond.'" 

Having won election, Black participated in a secret 
Klan ceremony witnessed by investigative reporter Ray 
Sprigle on Sept. 2, 1926, where Senator Black was wel- 
comed back to the Klan with a "grand passport" of life 
membership at the Birmingham, Ala. state Klan meeting. 
At the ceremony, Black swore never to divulge, even 
under threat of death, the secrets of the Invisible Empire. 
And he said, "I swear I will most zealously and valiantly 
shield and preserve by any and all justifiable means and 
methods ... white supremacy... All to which I have 
sworn by this oath, I will seal with my blood, be Thou 
my witness, Almighty God. Amen." 

Ironically, although Sprigle's truthful articles, were 
carried in all the major papers, it was the two flagship 
journals of American liberalism, The Nation and The New 
Republic, that chose to believe Black's denials that he 


was a Klan member in the 1920s, in a scandal that contin- 
ued after President Franklin Delano Roosevelt appointed 
Senator Black to the Supreme Court in 1937. 

Fortifying the Wall 

The ADL has been among the strongest upholders of 
lifelong Ku Klux Klan member and Mason Justice Hugo 
Black's "wall of separation" decision, beginning a year 
after the 1947 Everson opinion containing this new lan- 
guage. A history of that involvement can be found in 
the ADL's pamphlet, Friend of the Court 19471982: To 
Secure Justice and Fair Treatment for All by Jill Donnie 
Snyder and Eric K. Goodman. In the chapter tided "Sepa- 
ration of Church and State" we find the following: 

"Since 1948, ADL has filed amicus briefs in practically 
every major church-state case, consistently arguing for a 
strict interpretation of the establishment clause... ADL 
continues to work for a strict separation of church and 
state, a commitment that dates back to the League's first 
involvement in an establishment clause dispute: McCol- 
lum v. Board of Education. ... In the Everson opinion 
... the Court emphasized in strong language the parame- 
ters of the establishment clause. ... ADL stands firmly 
committed to a strict separation between church and 
state. The wall of separation must be fortified and 
strengthened, so that the religious freedom dreamed of 
by Jefferson and the other founding fathers, may endure 
now and forever, an example to the world." 

Among the actions in which the ADL has been the 
historic friend of a masonically dominated Court and 
of KKKer Justice Black's "wall" reinterpretation of the 
establishment clause are: 
1) Released time From the 1948 McCollum case 


until the present day, the ADL has fought released time 
from schools, which gives a release for students to partic- 
ipate in religious education. 

One of the most recent cases was Doe v. Human, 
which was affirmed when the Supreme Court refused to 
hear it, and in which the ADL had filed an amicus brief. 
It resulted in the school system of Gravette, Ark. having 
to end the practice of released time for religious instruc- 
tion in the schools on a voluntary basis requiring parental 
approval. In its pamphlet ADL in the Courts: Litigation 
Docket 1991, the ADL states that this storytime program 
in Gravette "presents at least two inescapable infringe- 
ments on the establishment clause-impermissible in- 
clusion of religion in the public schools and forbidden 
state indoctrination of a particular faith.", 

Paul Dee Human, the superintendent, of schools in 
Gravette, told a reporter for Executive Intelligence Re- 
view, "By such cases the stage is being set for a one- 
world religion. Kids are being brainwashed to death by 
the New Age religions, and it has become harder and 
harder to take a Christian stand.... There is no question 
but that the real agenda of groups like the ADL is to usher 
in the New Age. The more the New Age is brought in, 
the lesser the boundaries on moral action. If it's right 
for you, it's right' is the guideline of the New Age." 

2) Parochial aid. The question of public aid for 
parochial schools was the centerpiece of the Everson 
decision written by Justice Hugo Black, and there have 
been dozens of parochial aid suits since then. For over 
thirty years, one of the ADL's strongest allies in such cases 
has been Americans United for Separation of Church and 
State. According to the managing editor of The Scottish 
Rite Journal, Dr. John W. Boettjer, Sovereign Grand 


Commander C. Fred Kleinknecht relied heavily upon the 
staff of Americans United for Separation of Church and 
State to write his call to arms in the November 1991 
issue defending Jefferson's "wall of separation," which 
Kleinknecht calls "the cornerstone of the Constitution." 

Boettjer is himself a member of the National Advi- 
sory Council of Americans United Against Church and 
State, that has worked closely with the ADL Another 
collaborator of Americans United is Gregg Ivers, who 
wrote the recent ADL call to arms, which parallels that 
of Supreme Commander Kleinknecht, tided Lowering 
The Wall: Religion and the Supreme Court in the 1980s. 

The full import of Justice Black's membership in the 
Southern Jurisdiction's New Age religious cult emerges 
in a letter that 33rd-Degree Mason and Grand Prior of 
the Supreme Council, Scottish Rite, Mcllyar H. Lichliter, 
wrote to Justice Harold Burton, two years after Everson 
The letter described Lichliter's pilgrimage to the tomb 
of Jacques De Molay, who had been Grand Master of the 
Knights Templar. De Molay was condemned as a heretic 
after Pope Clement V and the French King Phillip le Bel 
ordered an investigation, which discovered that upon 
initiation into this crusading order, members were re- 
quired to spit upon an image of Christ's face. The Tem- 
plars were shown to be a Manichean cult, practicing a 
form of the Middle Eastern Baphomet paganism as an 
initiation into their inner secrets. 

After Jacques De Molay was executed in 1314, as 
19th-century Scottish Rite Supreme Commander Gen- 
eral Albert Pike stated in his book Morals and Dogma, 
renegade Templars traveling to Scotland helped King 
Bruce found a precursor of the Scottish Rite, which is also 


part of the ritual of the New Age Southern Jurisdiction, 
known as the 30th Degree Knight Kadosh, otherwise 
known as the "Holy Knight," "Knight of the Temple" and 
"Degree of Revenge." 

According to Pike, the Knights Templar were from 
the very beginning "devoted to... opposition to the tiara 
of Rome and the crown of its Chiefs...." Their object, 
Pike said, was to acquire influence and wealth, then to 
"intrigue and at need fight to establish the Johnnite or 
Gnostic and Kabbalistic dogma." 

According to author Paul Fisher, "The former Grand 
Commander of the Scottish Rite [Pike] also asserted that 
the secret movers of the French Revolution had sworn 
upon the tomb of De Molay to overthrow Throne and 
Altar. Then, when King Louis XVI of France was executed 
(1793), "half the work was done; thenceforward, the 
Army of the Temple was to direct all its efforts against 
the Pope," 

The United States' Founding Fathers well knew the 
seditious nature of the Scottish Rite, which President 
George Washington, in a letter to Minister G.W. Snyder, 
denounced for its "diabqlical tenets" and for having un- 
leashed "the pernicious principles" of the Jacobin mob 
during the French Revolution. 

3) Prayer. These "wall of separation" cases began in 
the early 1960s, and they continue today. In the interim, 
the Supreme Court, with the full approval of the ADL, 
has been involved in banning non-denominational prayer 
to a monotheistic God, voluntary prayer, and silent 
prayer in schools, courtrooms, and at other federal, state, 
and local government functions. In a related case in 
which the ADL filed an amicus brief in 1961, Torcaso v. 


Watkins, the Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional 
for people seeking public office to be required to take 
an oath that they believe in the existence of God. 

hi 1963, with School District of Abington Township 
v. Schempp, the Supreme Court agreed with the ADL's 
amicus argument that Bible reading at the start of a 
school day is unconstitutional. In the recent case of Ken- 
neth Roberts v. Kathleen Madigan, as we shall see, the 
Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the Tenth U.S. 
Circuit Court of Appeals, that banned the Bible from 
being in the schoolroom unless a teacher hid it in his 
desk. In its pamphlet Friend of the Court, the ADL argues 
that it is seeking to keep the government completely out 
of religion and vice versa, lest the Jewish minority be 
overwhelmed by a Christian majority: 

"The horrible consequences of an officially sponsored 
religion can be seen in the Crusades and, in one of the 
darkest periods in Jewish history, the Spanish Inquisition. 
... ADL works to ensure a strict separation of church and 
state so as to protect minority religions... Judaism is a 
central concern for the League." 

But the ADL's hostility, rather than being directed 
against Christianity, is actually directed against the en- 
tirety of the Judeb-Christian tradition, demonstrated 
when the ADL filed amicus briefs to ban display of the 
Ten Commandments in the classroom in cases parallel- 
ing the school prayer issue. 

Perhaps the most ironic case, given the ADL's claims 
to represent Jewish interests, was its stand in the 1980 
Ten Commandments case, Stone v. Graham, where the 
plaintiffs challenged a Kentucky statute which required 


the posting of the Ten Commandments in each school 
classroom. The ADL ended up fighting a small-print state- 
ment after the last Commandment which read: 

"The secular application of the Ten Commandments 
is clearly seen in its adoption as the fundamental legal 
code of Western civilization and the common law of the 
United States." In November 1980, the ADL agreed with 
the Supreme Court's decision that this was unconstitu- 

4) Christmas carols, hymns, spirituals. Nearly all 
of these song forms, which are a most efficient prophylac- 
tic to protect children from the horrors of the rock-drug- 
sex counterculture, and are a bridge to classical music, 
have been all but banned with the agreement of the ADL 
from public schools. 

One recent case, Florey v. Sioux Falls School Dis- 
trict 49-5, grew out of a 1978 school board policy which 
allowed the singing of Christmas carols, the performance 
of religious plays, and the display of religious symbols in 
Sioux Falls public schools. Although the ADL filed ami- 
cus briefs at the level of the Eighth US. Circuit Court of 
Appeals and with the Supreme Court; the latter refused 
to hear the case, thereby affirming the decision of the 
Appeals Court that such actions were constitutional, 
much to the dismay of the ADL 

5) Equal Access Act (EAA). Another decision that 
drew cries of alarm from both the ADL and the New Age 
Southern Jurisdiction that the "wall was being lowered" 
involved the EAA. In a June 4, 1990 press release, the 
ADL said: "The Supreme Court decision today upholding 
the Equal Access Amendment erodes the wall separating 
church and state." The case, Board of Education of West- 


side Community Schools v. Mergens, involved the efforts 
of a student, Bridget C. Mergens, to have equal access to 
school facilities for a Christian Bible study club. 

According to the ADL release, "The Court held that 
student sponsored religious clubs in public high schools 
do not violate the establishment clause of the First 
Amendment." In its amicus brief, the ADL argued that 
the EAA was unconstitutional, since it involves the public 
schools promoting religious activities impermissible 
from the standpoint of the cult dogma underlying the 
"wall of separation" opinion of Justice Hugo Black. 

In its 1991 ADL in the Courts pamphlet, the ADL 
describes its amicus brief as having argued the following: 

"The brief contended that both the legislative history of 
the EAA and the language of the statute itself reveal its 
impermissible religious purpose. The EAA arose follow- 
ing several unsuccessful legislative and constitutional 
initiatives to promote religion in public schools. When 
these efforts failed, Congress adopted the free speech 
analysis from Widmar v. Vincent 454 U.S. 263 (1983), 
characterizing student religious activity as a protected 
form of free expression." 

What particularly disturbed the ADL was that by 
granting Christian clubs equal access to school facilities, 
where there was an open forum for the debate of often 
competing ideas, the Supreme Court in upholding the 
EAA had somehow given undue emphasis to the free 
speech clause of the First Amendment over the establish- 
ment clause interpretation of Justice Black. 

5) Religious symbols. As a result of adjudication 
since the Everson decision, it has become unconstitu- 
tional for schools and governments to celebrate Christ- 


mas or other Christian holidays with the display of such 
religious symbols as crosses, Nativity scenes, or depic- 
tions of Jesus. Instead, what must be substituted are 
Santa Claus, reindeer, and Christmas trees, which are of a 
secular nature and tend to substitute the material aspect 
of gifts, rather than the religious significance of the found- 
ing of Christianity, with the birth of Christ. 

The ADL has participated in a number of such cases. 
Among the recent ones described in its 1991 ADL in the 
Courts pamphlet is Doe v. Small 934 F. 2d 743 (7th 
Circuit) 1991: "At issue in this case was the constitution- 
ality of a public park display of numerous large paintings 
depicting scenes from the life of Jesus Christ." 

The ADL wrote an amicus brief in this case from 
Ottawa, Illinois, saying that the local government's assis- 
tance to the Jaycees in preparing the annual display, 
including the use of public land, violated the "wall of 
separation." Writes the ADL: "The brief contended that 
the city is not merely acknowledging or celebrating 
Christmas, bat that it is instead supporting Christianity." 

Yet, in the case of American Jewish Congress v. 
City of Beverly Hills, Case No. CV. 90-6521, when the 
American Jewish Congress filed suit against the Lubo- 
vitchers for erecting a menorah to celebrate Hanukkah 
on public property, the ADL worked out a compromise 
whereby the menorah could be displayed along with a 
large Christmas tree on land that did not face public 

5) Banning the Bible On June 29, 1992, the Su- 
preme Court let stand a ruling in the case of Kenneth 
Roberts v. Kathleen Madigan and Adams County School 
District No. 50, that the Constitution prohibits an ele- 
mentary public school teacher from silently reading the 


Bible to himself while his students read secular books. 
The Court declined to review a decision of the Tenth 
U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that Kenneth Roberts, a 
fifth-grade public school teacher teaching in a suburb of 
Denver, violated the Constitution by reading the Bible 
to himself during the classroom's "silent reading period." 

The Tenth Circuit had ruled that even having the 
Bible on top of the teacher's desk in view of the students 
violates the First Amendment, and Roberts had been 
forced to hide the Bible in his desk after he was admon- 
ished by the principal, Kathleen Madigan. The Appeals 
Court also ruled it unconstitutional for Roberts to in- 
clude two Christian books, The Bible in Pictures and 
The Story of Jesus, in his 240-volume classroom library 
among such other books as Tom Sawyer, The Wizard of 
Oz, and Charlotte's Web. Also in the classroom library 
were two books that contained discussions of Indian 
religions and a book on Greek mythology. 

The ADL filed an amicus brief with the Tenth U.S. 
Circuit Court of Appeals. To quote ADL in the Courts: 

"ADL's brief argued that the district court properly de- 
nied the injunctive relief when it determined that Rob- 
erts was using his role as a teacher to advance religion 
in violation of the Lemon establishment clause test. ADL 
argued that the Supreme Court has recognized repeat- 
edly that to impressionable schoolchildren, religious ac- 
tivities in the public schools convey the message of gov- 
ernment sponsorship of religion. This is particularly true 
when a teacher reads from the Bible in front of students." 

However, as even the ADL had to acknowledge, 
"One of the three judges in the Court of Appeals panel 
dissented, charging that the school was converting the 


establishment clause into governmental disapproval, dis- 
paragement, and hostility toward the Christian religion." 

Polymorphous Patrons 

The ADL's hostility to the basic Judeo-Christian princi- 
ples upon which the United States was founded is blatant. 
Its support for overtly satanic or New Age "alternatives" 
to Judeo-Christian moral values, while less public, is also 
clear upon closer observation. 

The League's post-Matamoros efforts to sandbag 
Texas legislation against satanic-related crimes is one 
case in point. Another case in point is the ADL's involve- 
ment in one of the most outrageous instances of child 
sexual abuse in recent memory. 

The scandal began in Omaha, Nebraska but eventu- 
ally spread to Washington, D.C., implicating officials of 
the Reagan-Bush White House in after-hours cavorting 
with male prostitutes. It has been the subject of thou- 
sands of pages of news coverage, several criminal trials, 
and one book, The Franklin Cover-up: Child Abuse, Sa- 
tanism and Murder in Nebraska, by retired Nebraska 
state senator and decorated Vietnam war hero John 

In Late 1988, federal regulators moved in and shut 
the doors of the Franklin Community Federal Credit 
Union in Omaha. The institution had been looted into 
bankruptcy by its founder and manager, Larry King. King, 
a prominent black Republican Party activist, had been 
sponsored by some of the most powerful people in town, 
including the publisher of the only statewide daily news- 
paper in Nebraska, Harold Andersen, and one of the 
world's wealthiest men, investment broker Warren 


Following the blowout of Franklin Credit, evidence 
began to surface that King, along with many of his presti- 
gious local backers, was part of a VIP homosexual cult 
which regularly tortured and sexually abused area youth 
in pedophilic orgies. Further investigations linked King 
to Washington lobbyist and homosexual Craig Spence. 
When Washington bunco cops busted a male prostitu- 
tion ring in the summer of 1989, Spence's name showed 
up all over the company's records as one of its biggest 
spending clients. Spence had high-level White House and 
GOP connections, and on several occasions had toured 
the President's home after dark in the company of corpo- 
rate clients and homosexual prostitutes. According to 
several accounts, King and Spence were business part- 
ners in several call-boy services. 

Back in Omaha, a mad dash to cover up the pedo- 
phile activities was launched by local FBI officials and 
the Omaha chief of police, Robert Wadman, himself a 
member of the homosexual cult, according to numerous 
witness accounts. Ultimately, King was carted off to fed- 
eral prison on bank fraud charges, and several efforts to 
get to the bottom of the pedophile ring were short- 

More questions remain unanswered, but one thing 
is certain: Alan Baer, a local Omaha multi-millionaire 
and financial backer of the ADL, was personally caught 
redhanded in pedophile activities. In 1990, Baer was 
charged with pandering by local police. He pleaded 
guilty to a lesser charge rather than face a jury trial with 
all the attendant media coverage. Baer's name came up 
repeatedly as a major player in the testimony of victim- 
witnesses to the child abuse. 
The Alan and Marcia Baer Foundation was also listed 


as a source of money to several charities, including the 
Girls Club of Omaha, that were apparently victimized by 
the child abuse ring. The Foundation also donates to the 
Gay Men's Health Crisis, Inc. in San Francisco, and the 
People With AIDS Coalition. 

In December 1991, Alan Baer put up the money for 
a full-page advertisement placed by the ADL in several 
major newspapers. The ad, headlined "Not All Nazis Are 
Living in South America," was a fundraising pitch for the 

Bad judgment on the part of the ADL? Or merely 
one more instance of the ADL's showing its true colors? 
You be the judge. 


Zionist lobby members 

(clockwise from top left) Rep. 
Sidney Yates (D-Ill), Sen. 
Howard Metzenbaum (D- 
Ohio), and Sen. Richard 
Shelby (D-Ala.) are just some 
of the ADL-AIPAC agents in 


9 The Best 
Dope Money 
Can Buy 

In 1974, Richard Nixon went down for the 
count as the result of the botched Watergate break-in at 
the Democratic National Committee's headquarters in 
Washington, D.C. during the 1972 presidential cam- 
paign. As reporters, congressional committees and spe- 
cial prosecutors pored over the details of the Watergate 
scandal, evidence of a pattern of bribery and coverups 
emerged that ended up contributing to Nixon's resigna- 
tion even more than the break-in itself. 

Since the fall of Nixon, the American political lexi- 
con has been blessed with such Watergate offspring as 
"Debategate," "Cartergate," "Irangate," "Bushgate," and 
"Iraqgate." Political corruption scandals have become as 
American as apple pie. 
Yet despite this growing addiction to political 



sleaze, the vast majority of Americans are totally oblivi- 
ous to the fact that on any given day, the ADL and its 
fellow hooligans in what is euphemistically dubbed the 
"Zionist lobby" (the "Dope lobby" is a far moe appro- 
priate description) commit crimes against the American 
electorate that make Watergate seem tame by compari- 
son. Blackmail, extortion and bribery are such routine 
tactics of the Zionist lobby that its primary target victims, 
the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 
have been turned into political mush, incapable of gov- 
erning under the best of circumstances, and completely 
paralyzed in the face of the current political and eco- 
nomic crises. 

While the media had led the charge against congres- 
sional incumbents, appealing to a Justified "throw the 
bums out" sentiment building among the majority of 
voters, the sad reality is that unless the power of the 
Zionist lobby is cut down to size, any newly elected 
Congress will be like lambs walking to the slaughter, and 
nothing will change. 

Officially, both the ADL and its leading collaborator 
in this corrupting of the Congress, the American-Israel 
Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), are forbidden from 
engaging in political campaigning due to their tax-ex- 
empt status. Both groups have managed to systematically 
break the electoral and tax laws with impunity — largely 
due to the fact that they have placed fellow travelers in 
key posts in the Executive Branch regulatory agencies 
that are supposed to monitor the activities of groups 
benefiting from the tax exemptions: the Federal Election 
Commission (FEC) and the Internal Revenue Service 


Spreading Narco-Dollars 

A glimpse at how the Zionist lobby has used the power 
of the narco-dollar to corrupt and control the Congress 
is contained in a lawsuit filed in federal court in Washing- 
ton, D.C on Aug. 10, 1992. The suit, filed by a group of 
retired U.S. diplomats against the FEC, charges that the 
agency failed to impose sanctions against AIPAC for func- 
tioning as an unregistered political action committee. 
Even though the General Counsel at the FEC agreed that 
AIPAC had violated the law, the Commissioners decided 
in July 1992 not to take any action against the group. 

According to the court papers, AIPAC secretly con- 
trols at least 27 different political action committees 
(PACs) (other investigators place the figure at 59), and 
uses them to funnel enormous amounts of money to 
candidates for Congress who support AIPACs political 
agenda. Under the FEC statutes, strict limits are imposed 
on how much money can be given to an individual candi- 
date by a single PAC The purpose of the regulation is to 
curb the power of special interest groups in the financing 
of candidates. By running dozens of PACs, AIPAC, ac- 
cording to the suit, illegally circumvents the law. 

The case of the Joint Action Committee for Political 
Affiairs OACPAC), one of the 27 PACs named in the suit, 
underscores the tight relationship between AIPAC, the 
ADL and the political committees. JACPAC lists among its 
directors the wives of Thomas Dine and Stuart Eizenstat 
Since 1980, Dine has been the executive director of 
AIPAC. Eizenstat, formerly domestic policy adviser to 
President Jimmy Carter, is the head of the National Jew- 
ish Democratic Council (NJDC), an ADL-dominated or- 
ganization dedicated to winning control over the Demo- 


cratic Party and placing as many of its members as 
possible on the staffs of congressmen, governors and 

And where does all of the money come from to buy 
up the hundreds of congressional seats currently owned 

A brief look at the Roundtable PAC, one of the 27 
outfits cited in the lawsuit as AIPAC-owned, answers that 
question. Roundtable PAC was founded in 1981 by a 
group of leading ADL and AIPAC officials and contribu- 
tors, led by Malcolm Hohlein, the head of the Jewish 
Community Relations Council of New York. From day 
one, it was housed in the Manhattan offices of a tax 
shelter firm called Integrated Resources. Integrated was 
a thinly veiled money conduit for Michael Milken and 
his crew of junk bond peddlers and dope money washers 
at Drexel Burnham. In fact, Drexel CEO Stephen Wein- 
roth, the liaison between Milken and Ivan Boesky in their 
insider trading scams, was a director of Integrated. All 
of Milken's prime "investors" socked their money into 
Integrated as a tax dodge. All of them also poured contri- 
butions into the Roundtable PAC. 

Among the biggest donors to Roundtable: Ivan 
Boesky, Robert Davidow (Milken's personal aide at the 
Beverly Hills office of Drexel), and the sons and daugh- 
ters of Meshulam Riklis, Laurence Tisch, Saul Steinberg 
and Paul Milstein (of Carl Lindner's United Brands). 

When the Roundtable PAC holds its meetings, 
guests of honor include, respectively, New, York and 
Minnesota Attorneys General Robert Abrams and "Skip" 
Humphrey, and N.Y. Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan. All 
are regular recipients of AIPAC PAC dollars: In return for 
such generosity, Senator Moynihan in 1986 shepherded 


a tax code revision through the U:S. Congress that gave 
Integrated Resources an added $43 million in tax breaks. 
With friends like Moynihan in key posts in the U.S. Senate, 
Integrated could afford to be generous — at least for a 

The relationship between Milken and Integrated 
was so tight that within three months of Milken's indict- 
ment in March 1989 for insider trading, Integrated de- 
faulted on $1 billion in short-term loans. It seems that 
without the running pipeline of hot money from Milken's 
bottomless Caribbean cash pool, Integrated was lost 
The AIPAC-ADL-run political action committees, in 
short, represent the combined financial clout of the Lan- 
sky dope syndicate! Any similarity between ADL-AIPAC 
and the genuine national interests of the state of Israel 
or the Jewish people is purely coincidental. 

All told, 211 candidates for the US. House and Sen- 
ate from 48 states received money from the ADL-AIPAC 
PACs between Jan. 1, 1991 and March 31, 1992. Of the 
211 recipients, 187 were incumbents. The total amount 
given in that 15-month period was well over $2 million, 
making ADL-AIPAC the second largest source of institu- 
tional money to candidates for federal office, second only 
to the combined donations of all of the labor union PACs. 
By October 1992, that figure had soared past the $3 
million mark. 

The ADL-AIPAC PACs don't funnel the majority of 
their money into Jewish candidates, or even into candi- 
dates running for office in states where there are large 
Jewish populations. More typical of the kinds of office- 
holders and candidates who receive. AIPAC payoffs is 
Richard G. Shelby, a first-term Democratic U.S. senator 
from Alabama who has recently gained notoriety for 


pushing a death penally bill for the District of Columbia- 
Shelby received $67,800 from the AIPAC PACs in the 15 
months beginning in January 1991, with a career total of 

Another record-setting recipient of AIPAC largess 
is Sen. Tom Harkin, the Iowa Democrat who ran an 
unsuccessful bid for the Democratic presidential nomi- 
nation in 1992. Harkin came into the Senate in 1984 by 
defeating incumbent Roger Jepsen, who in 1981 had cast 
a decisive vote against AIPAC in a fight over the sale of 
AW ACS surveillance aircraft to Saudi Arabia. In his first 
Senate bid, Harkin received over $100,000 from the 
AIPAC combine. His career total in AIPAC money is a 
staggering $366,130! 

A total of 29 current incumbent senators and con- 
gressmen have received over $100,000 in illegal contri- 
butions from the ADL- AIPAC PACs. A dozen have re- 
ceived $50,000 or more just for their 1992 re-election 

That "dirty dozen" are: Richard Shelby (D-AL), Mel 
Levine (D-CA), Timothy Wirth (D-CO), Daniel Inouye 
(D-HA), Barbara Mikulski (D-MD), Christopher Bond (R- 
MO), Kent Conrad (D-ND), Robert Packwood (R-OR), 
Arlen Specter (R-PA), Harris Wofford (D-PA), Thomas 
Daschle (D-SD), and Robert Kasten (R-WI). 

Plumbers Unit 

Narco-dollars are the key to the ADL's hold over the U.S. 
Congress, but the League and its AIPAC associates have 
other trump cards as well. Both groups operate secret, 
highly illegal spy units that gather blackmail material and 
carry out dirty tricks against political opponents. 
When Richard Nixon got caught running such a 


"plumbers unit" at the offices of the Committee to Re- 
Elect the President (CREEP) in 1972, the American peo- 
ple demanded his scalp. It remains to be seen what the 
reaction will be now that AIPAC has had its first damaging 
defection — from its own "plumbers unit." 

Gregory Slabodkin worked for a number of years in 
AIPAC's Policy Analysis unit. Slabodkin eventually got 
turned off by some of the dirty deeds he was ordered to 
carry out by the unit's chief, Michael Lewis, and he quit 
his job and went public with his story. Not surprisingly, 
Michael Lewis is the son of Dr. Bernard Lewis, the Ox- 
ford-trained Arabist who was the architect of the Career 
administration's "Arc of Crisis" policy which abetted Aya- 
tollah Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran and the 
spread of fundamentalism throughout the region. 

Policy Analysis, the super-euphemistic name given 
to AIPAC's "plumbers," maintains dossiers on thousands 
of American activists — many of them Jewish! University 
professors who criticize AIPAC or ADL's activities are 
placed on a blacklist. Their lectures are monitored by 
spies, who occasionally stage noisy disruptions. Their 
homes and cars are vandalized. University alumni linked 
to ADL and AIPAC threaten to pull financial backing 
from the schools unless the targeted faculty members are 
immediately fired or blocked from tenure. 

Members of Congress are cast as either friends or 
targets of the ADL-AIPAC syndicate. If they are on the 
friendlies list, they may be the recipients of weekly com- 
puterized blackmail dossiers on some of their colleagues 
and other policy shapers, which are called "Activities." 
The "Activities" dossiers are sent out in plain white enve- 
lopes bearing no organizational emblems. Deniability is 
a priority, and the whole filthy blackmail and extortion 


program was 100 percent deniable — until Slabodkin's 
defection — complete with reams of AIPAC documents. 

AIPAC's unit maintains a singularly close link to the 
ADL's parallel Fact Finding department, which engages 
in the exact same kind of activity. In fact, shortly after 
Thomas Dine took over as executive director of AIPAC, 
he hired Amy Goott as the first full-time staffer of the 
Policy Analysis unit. Goott had worked for years at the 
ADL; her shift of address was apparently blessed by her 
bosses at the League, and she continued for a period of 
time to work for both agencies, thereby assuring near- 
total integration at the covert operations level. 

One feature of the job that ultimately got under 
Gregory Slabodkin's skin was the fact that many of his 
targets were themselves prominent Jewish activists, usu- 
ally affiliated with left-wing causes in both the United 
States and Israel. Many were outspoken critics of the 
Israeli Likud government's brutality toward the Palestin- 
ians living in the occupied territories. Many simply fa- 
vored a peaceful and equitable solution to the Arab- 
Israeli conflict. Many of these Jewish activists were 
treated to the same violence and vicious smearing by 
ADL-AIPAC that was meted out to Palestine Liberation 
Organization (PLO) officials ! 

This "McCarthyite" targeting of prominent Jews 
who simply bucked the ADL or AIPAC on some policy 
issue or financial deal underscores the fact that the 
League and AIPAC are anything but a Jewish "defense 

What You Can Do 

It should be clear by now that the ADL is 
one of the most pernicious agencies working to destroy 
the United States, through the subversion of law and 
moral values, through the peddling of illegal drugs, 
through the blackmailing and extortion against Con- 
gress, through the looting and trashing of our industrial 
and manufacturing base, and through its collusion with 
hostile foreign agencies. Volumes could be written cata- 
loguing the century of treachery by the ADL and its 
"mother lodge," the Order of B'nai B'rith. 

But now is not the time to dwell on details. Now is 
the time to do something. The ADL continues to thrive 
as long as Americans remain passive in the face of this 
subversion. The ADL is not "out there." It is alive and 
well right in your own backyard. 



Although it maintains its national headquarters at 
823 United Nations Plaza in New York City (sharing 
space with the Trilateral Commission), the ADL now has 
offices in 31 cities across the United States. The ADL has 
divided the entire country into regions, so that even 
those cities and states where the ADL does not maintain 
full-time offices are targeted by their subversive activity. 

What kinds of things does the ADL do that immedi- 
ately affect your life and the lives of your children and 

They have infiltrated your local police. It stands to 
reason that an organization as deeply tied to the interna- 
tional dope trade as the ADL would place special priority 
on getting inside the local police to undermine the po- 
lice's efforts. 
This they have done with a vengeance. 

Since the early 1980s, the ADL has sponsored a half- 
dozen junkets to Israel for local police chiefs, sheriffs 
and public safety directors. By now, every ranking big 
city and big county law enforcement executive — with 
rare exceptions — has enjoyed the ADL's all expenses 
paid tours of Israel. The top cops are wined and dined, 
and given the hard sell by the Israeli Mossad, Israeli 
Defense Force and National Police. The Israeli govern- 
ment's brutal treatment of the Palestinian residents of 
the occupied territories is held up as the model of how 
to deal with protesters and demonstrators. 

Beginning in 1982, the ADL launched an ambitious 
drive to have every state in the Union pass a "hate crime" 
law modeled on the League's own draft legislation. The 
bills all add longer prison sentences and steeper fines in 
cases where a crime, victim was targeted because of his 
or her race, religion or nationality. Although prejudice 


is an evil that must be overcome, the ADL bills, which 
are now on the books in all but four states, create a 
category of Orwellian "thought crimes" in flagrant viola- 
tion of the United States Constitution. 

Recently, the U.S. Supreme Court and the state su- 
preme courts in Wisconsin and Ohio have struck down 
versions of the ADL "hate crime" bill as violations of the 
First, Fifth, and Sixth Amendments. 

Despite these recent reversals, the ADL has managed 
to parlay the hate crime push into even deeper infiltra- 
tion and subversion of law enforcement. Through its 
assets in the U.S. Congress, the ADL pushed through a 
string of federal laws requiring the U.S. attorney general 
to prepare an annual report on incidents of hate crime. 
Having cornered the market in monitoring so-called hate 
crimes, the ADL was able to insinuate its regional officers 
into police training seminars, practically writing the cur- 
ricula and drafting all the textbooks and training aides. 

Not only has the ADL made millions of dollars ped- 
dling this Orwellian "hate crime" racket. It has also used 
the infiltration of law enforcement to spread its own 
brand of hatred: Blacks are inherendy anti-Semitic; Arabs, 
including Arab- Americans, are sub-human; anyone op- 
posed to the Zionist lobby is automatically suspect as a 
left radical or right radical anti-Semitic terrorist. 

As citizens and taxpayers, you have the right to 
know whether your local police have been subjected to 
brainwashing by the ADL Ask your police chief or sher- 
iff whether he has been on one of the ADL junkets, or 
whether his department has received ADL "training." If 
the answer is "yes," demand to see the training manuals. 
Find out whether the ADL is "helping" your local police 
or sheriffs in maintaining their informants — by either 


financing those programs or even running them. As far- 
fetched as this may seem, especially given what you now 
know about the ADL's ties to organized crime, there are 
local police departments around the country that have 
brought the ADL into their most sensitive intelligence 
gathering, usually out of naivete and desperation over 
shrinking budgets. 

Most states today have freedom of information laws 
that require police agencies to publicly release docu- 
ments — including documents about ties to private agen- 
cies like the ADL 

Subverting Your Schools 

They are subverting your children's education. Comple- 
menting their highly successful infiltration and subver- 
sion of your local police and sheriffs departments, the 
gangsters and social engineers over at the ADL have 
conducted an equally pernicious assault into your school 
system, using some of the most sophisticated New Age 

Under the rubric of their "A World of Difference" 
program, ADL officials have succeeded in "training" tens 
of thousands of public school teachers and administra- 
tors to "combat prejudice." In fact, teachers all over the 
country who have been exposed to the ADL "prejudice" 
curriculum have complained bitterly that the film strips, 
training volumes and other slick multi-media tools ped- 
dled by the League actually teach prejudice — against 
African- Americans, Arabs, Catholics and others. 

Despite these occasionally surfaced protests, the 
ADL has managed to penetrate deep into the school 
system, in part due to the assistance of the National 
Education Association (NEA), one of the nation's largest 


teachers unions and a longtime peddler of New Age 
values and curricula. 

The "A World of Difference" program, which got its 
start in 1986, is now operating in 26 of the 31 regional 
ADL offices. Concretely, this means that chances are very 
good that your children and their teachers have been 
exposed to this ADL subversive propaganda. Through its 
ties to the Hollywood entertainment industry, dating 
back to the gangster era of Prohibition, the ADL fre- 
quently attracts well-known Hollywood celebrities to 
participate in their classroom videos, thus adding to the 
aura of respectability. 

What the ADL avoids mentioning is the fact that the 
money to launch "A World of Difference" came from 
Hollywood's own junk bond king and inside trader, Mi- 
chael Milken. Milken personalty ripped off billions of 
dollars from the U.S. economy during the 1980s, and in 
appreciation for the ADL's role in covering up his crimes, 
he passed millions of dollars into their hands. One of 
those million-dollar tax writeoffs went to launching "A 
World of Difference." 

Just as you have a right to know whether your 
local police and sheriffs have been subjected to ADL 
"training," you are entitled to know whether the public 
schools financed by your tax dollars are ruining your 
children with ADL propaganda The next time you at- 
tend a PTA meeting or speak with your children's teach- 
ers or the school principal, ask about the "A World of 
Difference" program. Is it being used in your children's 

Ask your local board of education whether they 
have purchased audio-visual teaching material from the 
ADL or whether they have budgeted to send teachers 


through one of the ADL's frequent "A World of Differ- 
ence" seminars. Tens of thousands of teachers from coast 
to coast have been subjected to this New Age program- 
ming over the last six years. Call up the ADL or write to 
them at 823 United Nations Plaza, New York, N.Y. 10017 
to get a copy of their catalogue, "Human Relations Materi- 
als for the School." Read it for yourself and get an idea 
of the kinds of prejudices and fears being peddled on 
your children. 
Demand that these programs be shut down, now! 

The easiest thing for you, the citizen, to do, is to act 
to prevent the ADL from continuing to use a tax-exempt, 
"public interest" cover for its political activities, and 
worse. The ADL is supposed to be prohibited by its 
501 c(3) status from political action, but it violates the 
rules every day: Call your congressman or the Internal 
Revenue Service to file a complaint. The IRS can be 
reached at 1-800-829-1040. 

And, last but not least, make sure that your neigh- 
bors and friends are made aware of the dangers repre- 
sented by the ADL presence in your community. Pass 
this book around, talk it up among your friends and 
colleagues. The prospects of retaking the country are 
dim until the influence of the Anti-Defamation League is 

You can order additional copies of this book from: 
Ben Franklin Booksellers, 107 South King Street, Lees- 
burg, Va., 22075. Phone 1-800-453-4108. Fax; 1-703- 
777-8287. The cost is $7 plus 13.50 shipping and hand- 
ling for the first copy and $.50 shipping and handling 
for additional copies. Virginia residents please add 4.5% 
sales tax. Visa and MasterCard accepted. 

Chapter Notes 

Chapter 1 1 50 Years of Perfidy 

Much of the material for this chapter comes from B'nai 
B'rith sources, including Edward E. Gmsd's semiofficial history 
of the Order of B'nai B'rith: 'The Story of a Covenant (New 
York: Appieton-Century, 1966); and Esther L. Panitz's biogra- 
phy Simon Wolf — Private Conscience and Public Image (Mad- 
ison, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1987). For the 
history of the U.S. Secret Service during the Civil War period, 
see LaFayette C. Baker's autobiography and his one- volume 
history of the Secret Service. 

There are also a number of recently published biographies 
of Judah P. Benjamin and August Belmont from which the 
information about these two seminal B'nai B'rith collaborators 
was derived. Particularly useful was David Black's The King of 
Fifth Avenue — The Fortunes of August Belmont (New York: 
The Dial Press, 1981). See also The New Federalist newspaper, 
September-November 1992, for a series of articles by Anton 



Chaitkin which detail the role of General Albert Pike and the 
Scottish Rite Southern Jurisdiction of Freemasonry in the Con- 
federate secessionist insurrection and in the later founding of 
the Ku Klux Klan. 

Henry C. Carey's treatment of the British Opium Wars 
against China and India is found in his 1853 work The Slave 
Trade, Domestic and Foreign. The complete series of American 
System of Political Economy works is published in reprint 
by the Augustus Kelly Publishing House of Philadelphia. The 
authors also drew heavily on a series of articles by Paul 
Goldstein and Mark Burdman which appeared in the December 
1978 issue of The Campaigner magazine. 

The concluding section of this chapter was based on a 
series of articles published in the Washington Post and the 
Washington Times in the summer of 1992, as well as the ADL's 
1992 report The Anti-Semitism of Black Demagogues and 

Chapter 2 A Public Relations Front for Meyer 

For a basic, biographical profile of Morris Dalitz, including 
his lifelong collaboration with Meyer Lansky, his role in Holly- 
wood and Las Vegas, etc. see Hank Messick's Silent Syndicate. 
For the material regarding the Bronfman family's involvement 
in Prohibition- era bootlegging, see The Bronfman Dynasty: 
The Rothschilds of the New World by Peter C. Newman (To- 
ronto: McClelland & Stewart Ltd., 1978). See also Dope, Inc., 
third edition, (Washington, D.C.: Executive Intelligence Re- 
view, 1992), which provides an important overview of the 
world narcotics trade, including several chapters dealing with 
the role of the Bronfman family. 

There are several biographies of Meyer Lansky from which 
the authors drew information. By for the most detailed and 
useful of these is the 1971 book by Hank Messick, Lansky. 
Messick had access to police files and other government re- 
cords which have been either ignored of not made available 
to other authors. One recent Lansky biography, Little Man- 
Meyer Lansky and the Gangster Life, by Robert Lacey (Boston: 


Little, Brown & Co,, 1991) does contain some useful informa- 
tion about the Lansky organization. 

For a critical source book on the early history of Jewish 
organized crime in America and around the world, see Albert 
Freed's The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster in America. 

The involvement of Sterling National Bank in the Banca 
Privata theft is detailed in the files of the United States District 
Court for the Southern District of New York, case citation 
Adolfo Dolmetta, Giovanni Rubboli and Vittorio Coda 
against Uintah National Corporation, David M. Kennedy, 
Sterling Bancorp a/k/a Standard Prudential Corporation, Ster- 
ling National Bank & Trust Company et al. 

Maxwell Raab's links to Meyer Lansky are reported in 
Messick's Lansky. The details of the Arnold Burns offshore 
illegal tax shelter scam are contained in a series of news stories 
in the Washington Times by reporter George Archibald, pub- 
lished during the summer of 1988. The links between Dore 
Senary and Abner Zwillman are from a series of FBI documents 
obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit 
regarding FBI files on the Anti-Defamation League. All told, the 
FBI has released several thousand pages of material regarding 
the ADL covering the period from World War II through the 
early 1980s. Additional files are still being reviewed for public 

Chapter 3 The ADL and the Opium War 
Against America 

For details of the Kenneth Bialkin and Willkie, Farr and 
Gallagher links to Robert Vesco, see United States District 
Court for the Southern District of New York case citation Fund 
of Funds Limited, FOF, Proprietary Funds Limited, IOS Growth 
fund Limited against Robert L. Vesco, Norman P. LeBlanc, 
Milton Meissner, Allen F. Conwill, Bank of New York and 
Willkie Farr & Gallagher, 14 CIV 1980 (CES) 

Additional information on Meyer Lansky's involvement 
with Investors Overseas Service (IOS) is found in Hank Mes- 
sick's Lansky. The role of Kid Cann and the Minneapolis branch 
of the National Crime Syndicate in the Meyer Lansky organiza- 


tion is spelled out in a series of articles appearing in The New 
Federalist newspaper in 1991 and 1992. Other details about 
the Minneapolis ADL network are found in Not the Work of 
One Day, a six-volume oral history of the ADL published by 
the League and available at the Library of Congress in Washing- 
ton, D.C." 

For information on Meshulam Riklis' involvement with the 
Robert Vesco transactions and the Michael Milken junk bond 
operations, see Connie Brack's Predators' Ball: The Inside Story 
of Drexel Burnham and the Rise of the Junk Bond Raiders 
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988). A very slanted, albeit 
detailed version of Edmund Safra's dealings with Kenneth Bial- 
kin and American Express is found in Brian Burroughs' Ven- 
detta — American Express and the Smearing of Edmund Safra 
(New York. Harper Collins, 1992). Burroughs admits that his 
book is so biased in favor of Safra that he was accused of 
taking all million payoff from Safra, an allegation he does not 
explicitly deny. Scores of articles from the Wall Street Journal 
and the New York Times also provided critical background 
information on the Safra-Bialkin-ADL relationship. For details 
on the role of Arthur Liman, Safra and Bialkin in the Iran-Contra 
scandal, see the records of the House-Senate Select Panel on 
Iran-Contra, as well as the hundreds of in-depth news accounts 
published in all of the major American daily newspapers during 

Chapter 4 The ADL and the Junk Bond Bandits 
Rip Off America 

A number of recent books on the junk bond swindles that 
rocked Wall Street and the investment community during the 
late 1980s were used in the writing of this chapter. Among the 
most useful of those books was Connie Brack's Predators' Ball. 
Also invaluable was James Stewart's Den of Thieves (New York: 
Simon & Schuster, 1991). Stewart, an editor of the Wall Street 
Journal, drew on hundreds of articles published in that newspa- 
per over a several-year period in writing his study. Jesse Korn- 
bluth's Highly Confident — The Crime and Punishment of Mi- 


chael Milken (New York: William Morrow and Co., 1992 ) also 
provided valuable information. 

Information pertaining to the various tax-exempt founda- 
tions and charitable trusts cited in this chapter came from The 
Foundation Center, a research library on tax-exempt organiza- 
tions maintained in New York City and Washington, D.C. by 
the Russell Sage Foundation. 

Chapter 5 Colluding With Terrorists 

The text of Judge William Webster's speech was obtained 
from the Washington, D.C. National Press Club files. Robert I. 
Friedman's book Kahane provided details on the Jewish De- 
fense League's sponsorship by the head of the Brooklyn ADL, 
the Alex Odeh assassination and some information on Morde- 
chai Levy. A spring 1986 Executive Intelligence Review special 
report, "Moscow's Secret Weapon — Ariel Sharon and the Israeli 
Mafia," provided additional background information on Morde- 
chai Levy. Numerous stories appearing in the Philadelphia 
Daily News and the Philadelphia Inquirer in 1979 were also 
consulted. The Kathy Ains worth story drew upon a 1970 Los 
Angeles Times story by its Washington, D.C. bureau chief Jack 

Chapter 6 In Bed With Communist Dictators 
and Spies 

For a partial account of the Jonathan Jay Pollard affair and 
the involvement of Kenneth Bialkin, see Wolf Blitzer's semi- 
authorized biography of Pollard, Territory of Lies (New York: 
Harper & Row, 1991). Additional material on the Pollard affair 
was gathered from the Washington Post, the Wall Street Jour- 
nal and the Jerusalem Post 

Edgar Bronfman's involvement with the East German gov- 
ernmnent was detailed in a report issued in 1991 by the Wehr- 
kunde, Western Germany's military studies center in Munich. 
A prominent law professor and military historian was commis- 
sioned to review the captured archives of the East German 
Foreign Ministry, and the results of his study relating to Edgar 


Bronfman and the World Jewish Congress were published in 
summary news accounts in Bild Zeitung Frankfurter Allge- 
meine Zeitung and Semit. 

The Palme assassination material was drawn from Swedish 
daily newspaper accounts of the murder and the several-year- 
long investigation. 

Information on the U.S. Justice Department's Office of 
Special Investigations (OSI) was obtained from public files 
of the Dept. of Justice and from material released under the 
Freedom of Information Act to relatives of John Demjanjuk. 
Linda Hunt's Secret Agenda (New York: St. Martins Press, 1991) 
provided some details on the Dr. Arthur Rudolph case. 

Chapter 7 Railroad! 

All of the information used in this chapter is found in two 
published source books on the LaRouche trials, both published 
by the Commission to Investigate Human Rights Violations. 
Railroad! U.S.A. vs. Lyndon LaRouche, et al. (Washington, 
D.C., 1989) includes extensive documentation from the court 
records of the Boston and Alexandria trials, as well as a detailed 
chronology of the frameup. A second 1992 pamphlet contains 
the full text of LaRouche's 2255 motion for a retrial, which 
presents new evidence of the government and ADL frameup 

Chapter 8 The ADL Peddles the New Age 

The ADL's involvement in the effort to defeat Texas legisla- 
tive initiatives against satanic crime was reported in local news- 
paper stories in Dallas and Houston, Texas during the summer 
of 1989. 

The biographical information about Justice Hugo Black 
may be found in Paul A. Fisher's Behind the Lodge Door. 
Church, State and Freemasonry in America (Washington, D.C: 
Sheld Publishers). 

For details on the ADL's legal interventions, see Jill Donnie 
Snyder and Eric K. Goodman's Friend of the Court, 1947-1982: 
To Secure Justice and Fair Treatment for All (New York: The 


Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith). Also see ADL Law 
Report: ADL in the Courts — Litigation Docket 1991 (New 
York: Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1992). Additional 
material was obtained from the case file of Kenneth Roberts 
against Kathleen Madigan and Adams County School District 
No. 50, Petition for Writ of Certiorari to the United States 
Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, in the Supreme Court 
of the United States, Washington, D.C. 

A detailed account of the Omaha, Nebraska pedophile 
scandal is contained in John DeCamp's important book. The 
Franklin Cover-Up — Child Abuse, Satanism and Murder in 
Nebraska (Lincoln, Nebr.: ATW, Inc., 1992). 

In addition to its role in the Omaha satanism scandal and 
the effort to prevent anti-satanic legislation in Texas, more 
recently the ADL has been implicated in a kidnapping plot 
directed by the Cult Awareness Network (CAN). Nominally a 
group providing information and counseling to victims of cults, 
CAN, a longtime ally of the ADL, has been identified in recent 
court documents as engaging in nationwide kidnapping opera- 
tions and using aversive behavior modification techniques on 
their victims. Leading CAN associates were formerly associated 
with US. government secret experimentation with psychedelic 
drugs under the CIA's MK-Ultra project and other similar pro- 

Chapter 9 The Best Government Dope Money 
Can Buy 

The July 1992 issue of Washington Report on Middle East 
Affairs provided a detailed breakdown of the payments made 
by the ADL and political action committees controlled by the 
American-Israel Political Affairs Committee. That same maga- 
zine published an article by Gregory Slabodkin detailing his 
activities as an undercover dirty trickster for AIPAC Robert I. 
Friedman's two-part series of articles published in The Village 
Voice in August 1992 also provided further details about AI- 
PAC s dirty tricks unit. 

For another detailed study of ADL political dirty tricks, see 
also Conspiracy Against Freedom; A Documentation of One 


Campaign of the Anti-Defamation League Against Freedom 
of Speech and Thought in America by the staff of the Liberty 
Lobby (Washington, D.C.: Liberty Lobby, Inc. 1986). This 228- 
page report includes court documents and internal ADL memos 
revealing interference in Federal Communications Commis- 
sion-regulated broadcasting efforts of a group targetted by the