SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN'S PREMARITAL SEXUALITY AMONG FEMALE TURKISH UNIVERSITY STUDENTS

TOWSON UNIVERSITY
COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH
SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN'S PREMARITAL
SEXUALITY AMONG FEMALE TURKISH UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
By
Mehmet AUf Ergiin
A thesis
Presented to the faculty
Of Towson University
In partial fulfillment
Of the requirements for the degree
Master of Science in Women's Studies
April 2006
Towson University
Towson, Maryland 21252
¸ 2006 by Mehmet AUf Ergfin
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike
2.5 License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-
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TOWSON UNIVERSITY
COLLEGE OF GRADUATE STUDIES AND RESEARCH
THESIS APPROVAL PAGE
This is to certify that the thesis prepared by Mehmet Atif Er_mm, entitled Social
Determinants of Attitudes towards Women's Premarital Sexuali_ty among Female Turkish
Universi _ty Students, has been approved by this committee as satisfactory completion of the
requirement for the degree of Master of Arts or Science in the department of Women's
Studies.
Dr. Karen Dugger
Chair, Thesis Committee
Date
Dr. Joan Rabin
Committee Member
Date
Dr. Cecilio Rio
Committee Member
Date
Dean, College of Graduate Studies and Research
Date
To mom, dad, and Emek
iv
ABSTRACT
SOCIAL DETERMINANTS OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN'S PREMARITAL
SEXUALITY AMONG FEMALE TURKISH UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
Mehmet Atf Ergfin
The current research explores the effects of background and attitudinal and behavioral
variables on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality in a sample of 277
undergraduate female students at Istanbul University, Turkey. Among background variables,
mother's education, age, ethnicity, and employment status were found to be better
predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. For participants who never had
sex, mother's education and ethnicity were better predictors. Of all variables, sexual
attitudes best predicted the dependent variable. Once sexual attitudes was excluded from
the equation, personal and political religiosity and political participation were better
predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. When background and
attitudinal and behavioral variables were combined, personal religiosity and mother's
educational background were the best predictors.
v
Table of Contents
List of Tables .............................................................................................................. ix
Introduction ................................................................................................................ 1
Literature Review ....................................................................................................... 4
Social Control and Sexual Development ................................................................ 5
Frameworks on Attitudes toward Premarital Sexuality ........................................ 15
Relationship Reasoning ................................................................................... 15
The Socialization Model .................................................................................. 17
Premarital Sexual Standards ............................................................................ 18
The Theory on Courtship, Family, and Premarital Sexuality ........................... 19
Social Determinants of Premarital Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors ..................... 21
Time Period ..................................................................................................... 21
Modernization ................................................................................................. 24
Region ............................................................................................................. 27
Religion ........................................................................................................... 29
Age .................................................................................................................. 37
Personal Attitudes, Beliefs, and Intentions ...................................................... 38
Dating behavior ............................................................................................... 39
Prior sexual experience .................................................................................... 40
Parents ............................................................................................................. 41
Peers ................................................................................................................ 43
Educational Environment ................................................................................ 44
Social Class ..................................................................................................... 44
Summary ......................................................................................................... 45
Premarital Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors in the Turkish Context ..................... 46
Islam and Women's Sexuality .......................................................................... 47
Virginity and Women's Premarital Sexuality in Turkey .................................... 49
A Statistical Picture of Women's Premarital Sexuality in Turkey .................... 53
Summary ......................................................................................................... 60
Research Questions .............................................................................................. 60
Methodology ............................................................................................................ 62
Data Collection .................................................................................................... 62
Demographics ...................................................................................................... 63
Construction of the Attitudinal and Behavioral Variables .................................... 64
Political Participation, Denomination, and Attitudes ....................................... 68
Religiosity ........................................................................................................ 69
Sexism ............................................................................................................. 70
Sexual Practices .............................................................................................. 71
Sexual Attitudes and Attitudes towards Premarital Sexuality ........................ 72
Results ...................................................................................................................... 73
Descriptive Statistics of Participants' Background Variables ............................... 73
Regression Analyses ............................................................................................. 77
Relationships between Background Variables and Attitudes toward Women's
Premarital Sexuality ....................................................................................... 77
Relationships between Attitudinal and Behavioral Variables and Attitudes toward
Women's Premarital Sexuality ......................................................................... 80
Relationships between Attitudinal and Behavioral Variables, Background Variables,
and Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality ....................................... 84
Conclusions and Discussion ...................................................................................... 90
Background Variables .......................................................................................... 90
Attitudinal and Behavioral Variables .................................................................... 93
Background and Attitudinal and Behavioral Variables ......................................... 97
Limitations of the Research .................................................................................. 98
Practical and Policy Implications ......................................................................... 99
Appendix A- Turkish Survey ................................................................................. 103
Appendix B - English Survey ................................................................................. 115
Appendix C - l.f). Department Letter .................................................................... 127
Bibliography ............................................................................................................ 128
Curriculum Vitae ..................................................................................................... 149
List of Tables
Table 1. Factor Analyses of Atfitudinal and Behavioral Variables ......................................... 66
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics of Participants' Demographics .............................................. 73
Table 3. Frequencies on Selected Demographic Variables .................................................... 75
Table 4. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Background
Variables ................................................................................................................ 78
Table 5. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Background
Variables for Respondents with No Prior Sexual Experience ............................... 79
Table 6. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal
Variables ................................................................................................................ 81
Table 7. Regression of Attitudes Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes ................................................. 82
Table 8. Regression of Attitudes Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes for Participants who had Prior
Sexual Experience ................................................................................................. 83
Table 9. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables and Background Variables ................................................... 85
Table 10. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables and Background Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes ....... 87
Table 11. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables and Background Variables for Respondents with Prior
Sexual Experience Excluding Sexual Attitudes .................................................... 89
Introduction
Premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors were a popular area of research,
particularly from the 1960's in the United States until the early 1980's, and continuing into
the present. Consequently, American researchers identified several variables that were
related to premarital attitudes. The research during that era was extensive.
In comparison to American researchers who have done extensive research on human
sexuality and on premarital sexual attitudes, Turkish scientific inquiry is marked by silence.
There are few research studies conducted on sexual practices and attitudes in Turkey. To
address this absence, this study proposes to explore the determinants of premarital sexual
attitudes. One such determinant, religiosity is particularly important given the social control
function of religion in Turkish society. Premarital sex is a valuable means through which
women develop their sexuality in practical terms. That is, premarital sex provides important
practical tools of sexual education for women during their sexual development. In
contemporary Turkey, however, women who engage in premarital sexuality experience
informal sanctions (Sakalli-Ugurlu and Glick, 2003), to say the least. As such, Turkish
culture, similar to many other cultures, inhibits sexual experimentation and practice prior to
marriage (which is constructed as the benchmark of permitted sexual activity).
The development of sexuality progresses from birth to death. Premarital sexuality is
a key element of this development. Ideally, in later adolescence, the individual comes up
with a stable sense of her/his self, or feels in conflict about gender roles, thus developing
her/his gender identity, which is an important aspect of the individual (DeLamater, 2002). In
2
addition, a sexual identity (e.g. homosexuality, heterosexuality, bisexuality etc.) emerges in
terms of attraction to others. Moreover, managing the physical and emotional intimacy in
relationships is leamed during adolescence (DeLamater, 2002).
However, in a society where premarital sexuality is prohibited by religious, social,
and even personal norms and rules, sex-play/practice is absent. Consequently, the sexual
development is rendered 'theoretical' instead of practice-based. The prohibition of premarital
sexuality blocks many of the physical aspects of this developmental process, leaving
especially women sexually underdeveloped until marriage. The sexual and gender identities
developed during adolescence are theoretical in real life in the absence of relevant practice.
As premarital prohibitions restrict sex-play/practice during adolescence, marriage becomes
the major arena where one can practically experience sexuality.
Marriage, particularly in Turkey on the other hand, is inherently a controlled
patriarchal environment. It confines a woman to a state-enforced monogamous relationship
with a man, in which only one sexual object and a limited number of sexual experiences are
possible. Moreover, marriage still seems partly to be a means for women to attain
respectability and status within society under the control of men, instead of mental and
physical gratification with a parmer. Although women might attempt to take control of their
reproductive health, the patriarchal control over their sexuality goes unchallenged during
marriage on an institutional level. Consequently, as Thapan (2003) suggests, the body
regresses into a means of survival, instead of becoming a means of pleasure.
The current research is a descriptive analysis of a Turkish population's premarital
3
sexual attitudes and behaviors. It explores the effects of background and attitudinal
variables on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. The background variables
investigated in this research include age, sexual orientation, city of birth, ethnicity, total
monthly income, number of children, residential parmer, employment status, social class,
mother's educational background, and father's educational background. The attitudinal and
behavioral variables include political participation, political denomination, interest in
politics, attitudes toward social regulation, personal and political religiosity, modem and
old-fashion sexism, attitudes toward unpaid labor, attitudes toward women's organizations,
sex life quality, and sexual attitudes.
4
Literature Review
This literature review is in five sections: social control and sexual development,
frameworks on attitudes toward premarital sexuality, social and personal determinants of
premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors, and premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors in
the Turkish context. The studies used in the in this literature review are based on American
populations, unless otherwise noted.
Because socialization has long been a tool to control women's sexuality and shapes
sexual attitudes and behavior, the first section discusses the effects of culture and its various
elements on children's, adolescents', and adults' attitudes towards sexuality and their sexual
activities. Hence the goal is to provide an overview of how patriarchal culture inhibits
sexual experimentation and practice prior to marriage (which is constructed as the
benchmark of allowed sexual activity), which might otherwise have provided important
tools of sexual education for women during their sexual development.
The second section will discuss frameworks on premarital sexual attitudes such as
the relationship reasoning model, the socialization model, the four major standards of
premarital sexuality, and the theory on courtship, family institutions and premarital
sexuality.
The third section examines previous research in terms of social determinants of
premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors while the fourth section investigates personal
determinants.
The Fifth and final section will focus on the Turkish context and will shift emphasis
5
to Islam and the concept of virginity, as these elements seem to play a rather important role
in women's premarital sexual lives in Turkey. Sex research conducted in Turkey will also be
examined.
Social Control And Sexual Development
Socialization has long been a major factor in the societal control of various aspects
of sexuality. Individuals learn norms, information, and behaviors relevant to sexual activity
during their development (DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979; Reiss, 1967), from
childhood to late adolescence (DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979). Through
socialization, individuals inherit a set of norms that act as the basis of self-control over
sexual activity, including premarital sexuality. This section will discuss how culture and its
various elements affect children's, adolescents', and adults' developing sexual attitudes and
behaviors.
Women don't automatically become sexual at puberty or after marriage (Freud,
[1962] 2000). Learning about sexuality is a lifelong process (Kirkpatrick, 1984) that starts
from birth. There is little research about the sexual development and expression of children
or the problems they experience during their attempts to understand their sexual feelings
and experiences (Daniluck, 1998). Children are sexual beings and will exhibit a broad range
of sexual behavior (Freud, [1962] 2000; Friedrich, 2003) and their sexual behavior becomes
increasingly diverse over time (Friedrich, 2003).
It seems one can assume that children's first source of sexual information is their
own and others' bodies. As Daniluck (1998) argues, preschool children like to be nude and
6
are very interested in their own nudity as well as other children's and adults'. They are also
likely to touch and rub their own genitals as the pleasurable sensations will commonly be
discovered when different body parts are touched and rubbed (Daniluck, 1998; Kirkpatrick,
1984). Sex play in non-sexual contexts such as playing doctor-patient contributes to
children's leaming of sexuality (Gagnon and Simon, 1973), during which, others' body
gestures carry the messages about what degree of sexual intimacy is appropriate and
acceptable (Kirkpatrick, 1984). Children's own physical affection and the reactions of others
to such affection influence their future comfort with their own body, desirability, and
sexuality, which in tum affects how the child demonstrate his/her feelings (Kirkpatrick,
1984). It is also common for young school age children to explore their own genitals and
have acute interest in the bodies and the actions of their peers (Daniluck, 1998).
Related to the child's attempts to discover sexuality, the family, which is believed to
be the strongest of the environmental factors that influence a child's early development, is
crucial to sexual development. The family functions as an advocate and enforcer of sexual
norms. Forms of sexuality that are not controlled by the family may be chastised, socially
punished or even punished under the law (Duggan and Hunter, 1995). Society, thus, is
anxious to ban or demonize the anomaly of unsanctioned sexuality through the family
(Duggan and Hunter, 1995). In Kirkpatrick's (1984) terms, when children's explorations
result in negative and angry disapproval from the environment, this influences the sexual
learning of the child: The child leams what should and should not be touched. These
responses become the basis for the child's feelings of pleasure and guilt about her future
7
sexual body and activity in the adolescent years and on.
Adult activity in regard to the child's acts depends on adults' conceptualization of
these acts. The responses to these actions such as words and displays vary. The adults either
label them as sexual and demonize them, or they deliberately describe them as non-sexual,
or simply ignore them (Gagnon and Simon, 1973). Although the child's sexual words and
displays are not pathological, they are commonly treated as such (Ehrhardt, 1994). As
Ehrhardt observes, for example, parents give out confusing responses to their child's sexual
behavior such as "you should do it in the dark" (p. 128) or "it is private and you shouldn't
talk about it" (p. 128). Commonly referred to as the "abuse perspective" (p. 128), lots of
healthy behaviors of the child get flagged as either typical behaviors of an abused child
(Ehrhardt, 1994) or as abnormalities of the child herself. For instance, early masturbation is
commonly considered an abnormal behavior for both boys and girls. However, there is no
support for the idea that early masturbation results in over-sexualization of the child
(Bancroft et al., 2003). To the contrary, there is a link between early-onset masturbation and
more positive sexual experiences in adolescence and early adulthood (Bancroft et al., 2003).
Very few American parents provide their children with sufficient, correct, and
meaningful information about sex (Daniluck, 1998). The situation is not different in Turkey
(Inandi et al., 2003; Koral, 1991). The parents function as the society's norm enforcer
(Duggan and Hunter, 1995). They are limited by the social world they occupy. As such,
their influence on their children is restricted by repressive rules and norms of that social
world, where the social communication related to children's and especially girls' sexuality is
often confusing (Daniluck, 1998). As Daniluck argues, young girls risk becoming
dissociated from their body parts commonly associated with sexuality. Parents' use of
language, which lacks a powerful and affirmative emphasis, further complicates this picture
as common sexuality-related words convey mystery and disconnection, such as "down
there". This process disconnects girls from the pleasure and enjoyment embedded in their
body and sexuality. For instance, for a girl who is growing in a repressed family where sex is
taboo and who has little opportunity to express, ask, and team, it is possible either to
repress her sexuality, or to become more and more interested in sexuality, as if it were a
forbidden fruit (Daniluck, 1998). In both cases, the tabooing of her body and sexuality, as
Danituck argues, may resttit in a sexual self that is built upon guilt and shame.
Sexuality begins before adolescence and adolescents may already have experienced
some of its advanced stages such as masturbation and orgasm (Gagnon and Simon, 1973) in
their youth. According to a study conducted by Reynolds et. at. (2003) in Indiana University
in 1998-1999 with a large group of undergraduate students between 18 and 22 years of age,
84.4% of the females had sexual experiences with peers prior to high school. These
experiences involved advanced sexual behaviors even before elementary school, although
they were rare. These experiences became more advanced and frequent with time.
Regardless of prior experience, the onset of puberty and menstruation is an
important stage in a girl's sexual development (Daniluck, 1998). Menstruation can be an
opportunity for the family and the school to teach girls about their bodily functions,
although this is usually done while disconnecting such information from sexual education
9
deemed socially inappropriate (Daniluck, 1998). The common tasks for an adolescent girl
include integrating physical changes to bodily feelings and to her old self-image, starting to
develop her identity and body image, and beginning to identify her sexual orientation by
examining her sexual experiments and by evaluating to whom she usually is sexually
attracted (Daniluck, 1998). Her family and the more direct effect of the social environment
that surrounds the family and the girl mark this stage in her life. For example, according to
Bates et. al. (2003), sexual activity in adolescents is related to a cluster of rebellious,
externalizing, problematic behaviors, including negative interactions with the direct social
environment that the adolescent is in, such as conflicts with teachers, parents, and peers.
Their study seems to suggest that a girl's better adaptation to a culture where sexuality is
conceptualized as pathological, predictably results in less sexual activity.
Some parents' disposition not to talk about their children's sexuality-related bodily
functions may lead to a situation where the parents do not teach the teenager about her
body parts, especially the genitals (Daniluck, 1998). "... women's uncertainty about their
genitals and the workings of their own bodies seems to create an inhibiting insecurity"
(Daniluck, 1998, p. 32). Peer messages during menstruation are also significant as most
girls tum to their same sex friends for guidance as information coming from their parents is
scarce.
Girls initially share their sexual activity with peers (Ussher, 1997). However, as
Ussher observes, even memories and dreams of sharing such experiences invokes feelings of
moral inadequacy, guilt, disgust, and anxiety. The reoccurring pattem of guilt and shame
10
suggests that, as Tulman (1994) observes, the communication of sexual desires in girls
lessens as a means to avoid others' disapproval and thus a lapse in their connection with the
outside world. This cycle reduces their probability of obtaining sexually relevant
information.
Although silence may be a common defense against social stigmatization in
adolescent girls, well-informed peers can greatly help girls normalize the learning process.
However, the negative effect of the lack of information from dependable sources and the
implicit message in the media and in religion that girls and women should be protected from
being dirty, smelly, and unpleasant during menstruation inescapably complicates this
important stage in a girls sexual development (Daniluck, 1998).
Media has an important role in girls' sexual development as well. Adolescents use
mass media as a source for learning about sex and about body image norms (Gagnon and
Simon, 1973), and they tend to choose highly sexual content over neutral ones (Durham,
2004). As such, in general, they tend to be vulnerable to patriarchal media images: media
representations of femininity seem to be confining, unreasonable, and focused on a logically
unattainable physical beauty (Durham 2004). Although there is litfie research on the effect
of this source on girls' sexual development, Durham (2004) sheds some light on how sexual
development is affected by the media. According to Durham's study, on their own, girls may
be somewhat critical towards the media content. However, the dynamics of their peer
groups may force them to inhibit the critical nature of their take on the content. Peer groups
use media content extensively as a training "opportunity" to learn ideal femininity. Because
11
peer acceptance is very important in girls' culture and because media is used by their peer
groups to shape their commonly held beliefs about sexuality, deviance from the media
images may result in judgments of abnormality (Gagnon and Simon, 1973). In other words,
girls who do not conform to the ideal feminine images depicted by the media will risk being
castaways.
As a woman matures and becomes adult, the society's control over her body and
sexuality through the family, school, and peers seems to shift to a more direct control
through the patriarchal capitalist state and its applicable policies, laws, and institutions such
as science, medicine, and intemational power agencies. These male dominated sources of
power reinforce the historical and cultural imposition that "... the role of women in sex, as
in every other aspect of life, has been to serve others - men and children." (Hite, 2004, p.
335). For example, as Foucault (1990) argues, unorthodox sexualities that allowed for
women's sexual pleasure are transformed into scientific language for a better control over
them. "... all the possible deviations were carefully described ..." (Foucault, p. 36) for the
more efficient management of these deviations to be possible (Foucault, 1990; Ussher,
1997). Such management of deviance allowed the "normal" society to proliferate patriarchal
heterosexual procreative monogamy (Ussher, 1997).
Another illustration of the above mentioned shift comes from De Grazia (1992),
who extensively studies the effects of a fascist state on women's sexuality in Italy. The
oppressive nature of a fascist state is strongly related to the contemporary politics of
Turkey, which experienced fascist coups in its history and which is currently led by an
12
Islamist fundamentalist party, disguised under a liberal Islamic discourse unlike its
predecessors (see Mecham, 2004; Tank, 2005; Atacan, 2005).
De Grazia (1992) argues that women in Italy were chosen as the antagonist of the
state and were the target of court rulings and obscenity laws. Their sexual behavior was
seen as more harmful than that of men's, and thus they were punished more severely in
sexual offense cases. In the meantime, the inaccessibility of sexual information, i.e. the "sex
black-out" (p. 56), was used by the state as a means to restrict birth control. Women did not
know about menstruation until it first occurred and they knew very little about sexuality
until their first night of the marriage. Premarital intimacy was almost impossible because
there was litfie probability of successfully escaping from the fascist surveillance system that
included friends and neighbors. Sexuality was not thought in classes. Educational material
available through translations were aggressive against extra/premarital intercourse, sexual
trial and error, divorce, and birth control. Marriage was used as the means to control the
perceived dangerous and risky nature of women's sexual freedom. Through the repressive
processes of the fascist state, women's sexuality fell prey to the Victorian positivist scientific
view that sexual deviation in women led to illnesses and physical abnormalities. For
example, "... masturbation produced tuberculosis, impotence, and sometimes fatal cases of
peritonitis. Lipstick led to lip cancer, and casual physical contacts, such as occurred in
kissing, bred disease." (p. 137).
The above mentioned shift of control does not only occur on the local/national level.
Imperialist entities play an important role in this new hegemony as well. Turkey has long
13
been the target of Western nations for modernization. Both in Turkey and in these nations,
the common conceptualization of the modernization process predicts that the target nation
and its citizens (men and women) will inescapably benefit from this process. This is not
always the case. Greenstreet and Banibensu (1997) inform us that, with the introduction of
modernization, traditional sexual practices that had a relatively positive effect on women's
sexuality in Ghana became obsolete and the strong bond between the three generations of
women (grandmothers, mothers, and daughters) weakened. The sexual knowledge transfer
shifted from a level of explicit sexual instructions to a level of moralizing and socializing.
Although the modernist elements introduced to the culture rendered young girls more
independent from their grandmothers and mothers, its patriarchal nature also prevented
them from reaching adequate levels of sexual education as their access to sexual information
was severed. According to Harcourt (1997), as a result of the effect of imperialism in
Ghanaian villages, girls were not well informed on their bodies and sexuality. Young women
were silenced about sexual practices and had almost no control over their sexuality.
Unmarried women were kept away from sexual knowledge as their ignorance symbolized
their chastity, which increased their chance for marriage. Through the interaction of the
society's traditional and modem elements and the disruption of the generational
transportation of traditional knowledge, sexual pleasure and control was denied from
women.
In brief, as mentioned above, sexual learning is a lifelong ongoing process
(Kirkpatrick, 1984), during which women are greatly restricted in their attempts to sexually
14
develop. During this process, children's initial source of sexual information is their own and
others' bodies. Self-exploration and sex play contributes to children's leaming of sexuality
(Gagnon and Simon, 1973). Their physical affection and the reactions of others to such
affection influence the child's future comfort with her body, desirability, and sexuality, which
in tum affect the way they demonstrate their feelings (Kirkpatrick, 1984). As children
attempt to discover sexuality, the family, which functions as an advocate and enforcer of
sexual norms, is a crucial layer in the sexual development of children. Because the parents
function as the society's norm enforcer (Duggan and Hunter, 1995) and because they are the
social products of their social worlds, their influence on their children is limited by the their
society's repressive rules and norms (Daniluck, 1998).
Despite the fact that sexuality begins before adolescence and adolescents may
already have experienced some of its advanced stages such as masturbation and orgasm
(Gagnon and Simon, 1973), the onset of puberty and menstruation is an important stage in a
girl's sexual development (Daniluck, 1998). Media images are effective especially in this
stage. As a woman matures and becomes adult, the society's control over her body and
sexuality shifts to a more direct control through the patriarchal capitalist state and its
applicable laws and institutions such as science, medicine, and intemational policies. During
adulthood, local laws, the tendencies in capitalist states to practice fascist-like activities, and
the modernization policies that are imposed on societies as a condition for much needed
financial aid play a crucial role in women's sexual lives.
In every stage of one's sexual development, the effect of the patriarchal society is
15
evident. It is thus not surprising to see how women's sexual development is constructed
around male interests. Premarital sexuality, another venue to practice sex, is no exception.
Frameworks On Attitudes Toward Premarital Sexuali _ty
Relationship Reasoning
D'Augelli and D'Augelli (1977) investigated the relationship between sex guilt,
sexual philosophies, moral development, and premarital sexual permissiveness; and
proposed a stage model of"relationship reasoning" by relating premarital sexual behavior to
Kohlberg's (1969, 1976, in D'Augelli and D'Augelli, 1997) developmental stages of moral
reasoning: pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional. The reasoning develops
from being more concrete and focused on meeting one's own needs towards being more
abstract, focused on values of trust and mutuality in social contracts (Kohlberg's Stages of
Development, Wikipedia).
According to their research, couples' sex experience with each other was a predictor
for both partners' sex guilt, which increased with moral development stage of the
respondents. They reported that higher reasoning development was also correlated with
permissive attitudes towards sexuality: students who favored abstinence had the lowest
moral reasoning development, compared to students who favored a double standard and
permissiveness with affection.
Moreover, they found that sex guilt, sexual philosophy, and moral development
were related in some ways: sexual philosophies that favored virginity were positively
correlated with higher moral development. Sex guilt was also related to sexual philosophy
16
such that liberal sexual philosophies tended to positively correlate with less sex guilt.
On the basis of the above findings, D'Augelli and D'Augelli (1977) argued that one's
decisions about engaging in a sexual behavior might start at an interpersonal level as the
sexual act occurs with someone else: two individuals are bound to make a mutual decision
as to which sexual behavior are acceptable and doable. The authors claimed that the focus
on the interpersonal environment of the individual should be investigated more closely.
D'Augelli and D'Augelli (1977) defined "relationship reasoning" as "a cognitive
dispositional variable similar to moral reasoning .... relationship reasoning is involved at
decision-making points in which the individual or dyad is confronted with choices as to the
nature and quality of the relationship. These points concern change within relationship,
whether towards initiation, enhancement, or dissolution .... Most critically, relationship
reasoning is applied to situations in which relationships of possible durability are involved."
(pp. 61 - 62).
Three levels of reasoning were proposed: "egoistic reasoning" (decisions are based
essentially on cost-reward analysis, costs and rewards emerge from the parmer, the optimal
relationship offers instant gratification), "dyadic reasoning" (decisions are based on
expectations of the parmer, the other's view is the central point in one's decision making,
optimal relationship fulfills the parmer's expectations), and "interactive reasoning"
(relationship decisions are based on the couple's consensus, optimal relationship allows
creation of"dyadic-specific norms"). These reasoning stages, contrary to the accepted stage
model (Kohlberg's Stages of Development, Wikipedia), were used relative to the context of
17
the relationship: according to the model, individuals were allowed to regress to a previous
stage if the relationship context required them to do so.
In brief, according to the authors, sexual decision-making, a crucial element of
premarital sex, "is structured by the relationship reasoning of the parmers and is given
content by sexual philosophy and moral reasoning" (p. 64). However, although sexual
satisfaction with the parmer was among variables of the current research, it should be noted
that the effects of relationship development and moral development on attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality was not a focus in the current research.
The Socialization Model
DeLamater and MacCorquodale (1979) focused on the causal relationship between
sexual behaviors and prevalent norms and rules in relation to the individual's sexual
developmental process. They argued that one's own attitudes and beliefs are the results of
one's socialization. They proposed three factors as determinants of premarital sexual
attitudes: "ideology", which includes parental characteristics (e.g. parental sexual
permissiveness, parental sex education), sources of moral information (e.g. mothers, female
friends for women), and respondent's characteristics (e.g. social desirability, self-esteem,
body image, gender roles); "social influences", which includes involvement in religious
institutions, religious attendance, religiosity, and marital expectations; and "sexual
behavior."
According to DeLamater and MacCorquodale, most of the variables interact with
each other. For instance, permissiveness of the parents' sexual ideology positively correlated
18
with the individual's sexual ideology. Involvement in religious institutions, religious
attendance, and religiosity negatively correlated with the degree of intimate sexual behavior.
Age and marital expectations were related to sexual behavior such that older individuals and
those planning to marry had more probability of engaging in sexual behavior. Perceived
social desirability and one's perceived physical attractiveness were positively correlated with
sexual activity. Present sexual activity was associated with the number of sexual activities
friends were involved in. Larger incident of sexual activity of best friends was associated
with more intimate current sexual activities. Participants involved in emotionally more
intimate relationships tended to report more intimate sexual activities. Also, the longer the
relationship was, the more intimate the couple got in terms of sexual activity.
Premarital Sexual Standards
According to Reiss (1960), at the time, there were four major premarital sexual
standards: "abstinence", "permissiveness with affection", "permissiveness without
affection", and "double standard". Those favoring the abstinence standard believed that sex
was too important, too valuable, and too intimate to be performed outside the marriage.
Reiss identified four subtypes for this standard: "petting without affection", "petting with
affection", "kissing without affection", and "kissing with affection". The questions for the
dependent variable of the current study were constructed on the basis of Reiss' (1960)
research on these subtypes (see Appendix A or B). Petting without affection was consistent
with the belief that physical intimacy with sexually attractive panners was acceptable as
long as intercourse did not occur. Kissing without affection seemed to be followed by
19
teenagers who were too conservative to go beyond kissing. Reiss argued that this was a
conflict between the fear of loosing one's partner and the fear of going beyond kissing.
The second standard Reiss identified, permissiveness with affection, was defined by
the acceptance of intercourse if the partners were having a steady and affectionate
relationship. The third standard, permissiveness without affection, was marked by a special
emphasis on physical pleasure. The followers of this standard believed that both parties
needed to be sexually attracted to each other for intercourse to be acceptable. The fourth
and final standard, double standard, was identified by Reiss as the oldest premarital sexual
standard closely related to religions. Its followers did not necessarily perceive this standard
to be rightful, but acceptable and permissible. The core of this standard, according to Reiss,
was the belief that women were inferior and were objectified through marriage or
fatherhood. Double standard allowed sexual freedom to men but not to women. "Non-
virgin" (p. 101) women were condemned as stigmatized, bad, evil, and disliked. The
"virginal" (p. 101) women were, to the contrary, pure. Findings indicate that the double
standard is still a strong sexual standard in Turkey (Kayar, 2005; Erkmen, 1990;
Ilkkaracan, 2000).
The Theory On Courtship, Family, And Premarital Sexuality
Another contribution of Reiss (1967) was a more specific theory on the
determinants of premarital sexual attitudes following a study with 2734 participants from 6
different colleges (N = 1219) and from a national adult sample (N = 1515). Reiss' findings
were dominated by strong and significant racial differences. Blacks tended to be more
20
permissive than whites even when controlling for social class while there was almost no
relationship between social class and premarital sexual permissiveness. Racial differences
were slightly stronger in the adult sample when compared to the college sample.
Reiss' other findings included the following: the bigger cities (over 100,000
population) tended to positively relate to permissiveness; participants from urban areas
tended to be more permissive; the South, the most rural region in the U.S. at that time,
appeared to be the lowest in permissiveness; those who dated more regularly tended to be
more permissive; the number of steady dates and the number of love relationships were
positively correlated with permissive attitudes; those who never changed their standards
over time tended less permissive; and most of the participants perceived their peers'
standards as similar to theirs.
On the basis of his findings, Reiss proposed the following theory:
"The courtship and family institutions are two key, direct determinants
of the norms regarding premarital sexual permissiveness. The sexual norms of
the courtship institution will reflect the basic values of the family institution
relevant to sexuality. However, when participant-run, the courtship institution
tends to normatively differentiate from the family institution and to react more
to the permissive pressures of the courtship role and therefore to have
relatively high permissive premarital norms. The biological sex drive pressures
the individual toward more permissiveness when outside controls are weak.
Due to the female's closer ties to the family institution, such differentiation
tends to be different and less complete for her than for the male. The family
institution, with its emphasis on the role of parental responsibility, tends to
react less favorably to permissive courtship pressures, and thus the basic
values inculcated by the family do help limit eventual permissiveness. Societal
forces affect individual permissiveness in a group, both through pressures
from other courtship and family groups with different permissive norms and
through pressures of other institutions, tending to encourage or discourage
the autonomy of the participant-run courtship system and the independence of
21
thought of the young people themselves. In addition, the basic norms of these
other institutions help define the range of acceptable sexuality and thereby
help shape the ways in which sexual permissiveness will express itself when
courtship autonomy is high. The basic tendency in a participant-run system is
for the participant, due to his role position, to increase his permissiveness
during courtship and to somewhat reverse his views after marriage and
parenthood." (pp. 166 - 167)
Social Determinants Of Premarital Sexual Attitudes And Behaviors
Social norms and rules regarding sexuality seems to have a deep effect on
individuals' attitudes towards premarital sexuality. As noted earlier, Reiss (1967)
categorized four standards for the acceptability of premarital sex, which seemed to be the
popular social norms regarding premarital sex in the U.S. in 1960s. These norms are still
observable in the U.S. as well as in Turkey. Especially for women, social criticism,
stigmatization, social punishment, lowered reputation, sex guilt due to intemalized values of
chastity and virginity, and loss of some power seem to be some of the risks of engaging in
premarital sex. A key characteristic of these social norms is that they are not stable: they
change with time, region, and extemal or intemal attempts of modernization.
Time Period
Time is an important factor when one investigates social norms. A number of studies
show that premarital sexual standards tend to become more liberal and more egalitarian
between sexes over time, although there are some fluctuations. Alston and Tucker (1973),
using a 1969 representative sample of 1196 white American adults, concluded that most
participants (80%) felt premarital sex was wrong. In comparison, Croake and James (1973)
compared premarital sexual attitudes between 1968 and 1972, and argued that college
22
students held more liberal attitudes in 1972 compared to 1968. With a sample of 2453
undergraduates from 4 geographical areas of the U.S., Lewis and Burr (1975) identified a
pattern of "permissiveness with commitment". Bauman and Wilson's (1976) longitudinal
study compared two samples from one university campus. The sample in 1972 (107 males
and 68 females) tended to be more permissive and showed less gender differences compared
to the sample in 1968 (98 males and 88 females). King et. al. (1977) compared data from
1965, 1970, and 1975 from a total of 975 undergraduates. They argued that the premarital
sexual revolution, which was said to start in 1960s, had accelerated in 1970s. They
explained their results by referring to a more insfitufionalized youth counter-culture on
college campuses as well as to the women's movement.
Singh (1980) compared data from five U.S. national surveys (1972, 1974, 1975,
1977, and 1978) and found a declining influence of factors such as social class, sex, and
race, while age and religion appeared to be consistent factors affecting premarital sexual
attitudes across time. Keller's 1982 study suggested, similarly to studies cited above, that
males and females were moving towards a more equal standard regarding premarital sex.
Robinson (1982) replicated a survey by Robinson et. al. (1968, 1972, in Robinson, 1982)
with 399 college students. The author identified a pattem of"sexual contradiction" (p. 240)
where participants who reported more restrictive sexual standards had higher levels of
premarital sexual behaviors compared to other studies in their literature review. The author
concluded that reported premarital sexual behavior tended to increase among both males
and females. There were also fewer differences in attitudes and behavior between genders.
23
Some participants from both sexes had a new premarital sexual standard where they
imposed stricter rules on the opposite sex and more liberal rules on their own sex. Earle and
Perricone (1986) compared surveys from 793 undergraduates taken in 1970, 1975, and
1981. They identified significant increases in rates of premarital sex, significant decreases in
average age of first intercourse, and significant increases in average number ofparmers over
time. They also found that although a double standard between genders still existed, the
difference was more evident in attitudes rather than in behavior.
In a 36 years longitudinal study on Czechoslovak gynecological patients who had
post-treatment conditions following gynecological treatments, Raboch (1989) found that
the average age at first intercourse dropped by 2.95 years from participants bom between
1911 and 1920 to participants born between 1961 and 1970. They also found that between
1921 and 1970, the number of participants who had premarital sex increased from 1% to
12%. Harding (2003) similarly identified a sharp increase in liberal attitudes toward
premarital sex between 1969 and 1973, although those over 30 years of age were generally
more conservative than those younger.
Wells and Twenge (2005) conducted a meta-analysis of 530 studies with a total of
269,649 participants to investigate changes in young people's sexual behavior and attitudes.
They found that sexual attitudes and behavior change significantly between 1943 and 1999,
especially among women. Both genders became sexually more active as the age of first
intercourse decreased from 19 to 15 in women. The percentage of sexually active women
also increased from 13% to 47%. In addition, premarital sexual attitudes became more
24
liberal as rates of approvel increased from 12% to 73% among women.
Michaels and Giami (1999) compared six surveys between the years of 1948 and
1994. They concluded that even scientists' attitudes were becoming more liberal. In earlier
surveys, researchers associated heterosexual intercourse to the institution of marriage. In
1970s, there was a greater tendency to unlink these two, as various types of nonmarital
relationships became more visible (such as nonmarital cohabitation and non-cohabitational
relationships). Michaels and Giami concluded that the link between sexual acts and sexual
relationships were not intrinsically linked to each other anymore.
However, it should be noted that, contrary to above findings, Roche and Rambsey
(1993) found that their 1988 female sample had lower levels of sexual intercourse and a
conservative change of attitudes due to increased knowledge of AIDS from 1983 to 1988,
although attitudinal change was more common than actual behavior change.
Modernization
Related to both time period and region, external and internal attempts of
modernization seems to play an important role in the determination of attitudes towards
premarital sexuality. Modernization may have an effect people through immigration, or
through either a nailon's (or more commonly, a group of nations') imposition of modernism
on another nation, or a nailon's internal attempts to "modernize" itself. For the purposes of
this study, I oversimplified modernization by defining it as the imposition of North-Westem
industrialized nations' common social rules and norms on other nations through cultural
imperialism.
25
Investigating the effects of immigration, Hojat et. al. (1999) compared 160 Iranian
immigrants in the U.S. to 97 Iranians in Iran. Their findings revealed that those who were
exposed to the American culture, especially women, were more permissive towards
premarital sex as compared to Iranians in Iran. Hendrickx et. al. (2002) examined the
challenges presented by a modem society and the influences of the cultural and social
backgrounds among young Moroccan Islamic immigrants to Belgium. Their participants (N
= 55, 27 boys and 28 girls) were second generation immigrants between 15 and 21 years of
age, unmarried, and from Berber or Arabic speaking families. They found their participants
tended to be minimally influenced by the social environment they found themselves in.
Almost all the boys wanted to marry a woman with no prior sexual experience. They tended
to look down on Muslim girls who did not hold to this standard. Among girls, who were
aware that most Moroccan men wanted a bride who did not have any premarital sexual
experience, premarital sexuality was similarly unacceptable. Girls' contact with boys was
minimal and was kept in extreme secrecy. Although petting was more or less allowed,
intercourse was avoided except for some girls who, according to the authors, allowed it in
order not to loose their boyfriends. Among girls, premarital sex was associated with fears of
being "discovered" as being a virgin in the first night of marriage, and related negative
social consequences of such discovery.
Smith (2001), after finding that prevalence of premarital sexual relations are
significantly increasing in Nigeria, speculated that increased age of marriage and higher
levels of urban migration played an important role in changing premarital sexual attitudes.
26
To the author, sexual relationships were defined simultaneously as an appropriate
expression of intimacy and as a statement of modem identity.
Bennett (2005), investigating contemporary Indonesia, identified the availability of
public and private transport, modem meeting places such as malls and touristic destinations,
and the resulting absence of parental supervision and relative privacy as critical modernist
influences contributing to higher rates of premarital sexual behaviors. Although the public
pressure against premarital sex still existed, the probability of having opportunities of covert
sexual behaviors was higher. In this context, Bennett argued that female peer groups and
sisters functioned as social support networks and confidants of women who engaged in
premarital sex, while male relatives and brothers acted as control agents and the police of
women's "honor" and "reputation", similar to the general society and the parents.
Discussing the nature of premarital relationships, Bennett also pointed out that some
feminist researchers identified premarital sex as a form of"indirect or unconscious
resistance" (p. 80) to the patriarchal system. While the defmition of resistance is
controversial (i.e. is it possible to "unconsciously" resist?), Bennett argued that "Single
women can and do simultaneously support the oppressive systems through their silence,
while subverting and transforming the nature of those systems through private forms of
resistance" (p. 81). Hence, women in Indonesia found a way, through the common elements
of modernization, to bend the rules without publicly breaking them, and consequentially
without disobeying their parents, damaging their respectability, and causing public scrutiny,
which might otherwise be perceived as common results of one's resistance to culturally
27
prominent norms and rules. Through this discourse, Bennett seemed to argue that
modernization in Indonesia damaged women's opportunities to resist patriarchy while
simultaneously increasing their chances of escaping social sanctions for their norm violating
behaviors.
Region
Studies seemed to demonstrate significant differences between nations. There
seemed to be significant variance within various regions of a nation as well. Raschke (1976)
studied premarital sexual permissiveness among 264 college students in midwest United
States, 26 students from Hong Kong who were studying in the U.S., and 153 students
attending colleges and universities in Hong Kong. The study found that students in Hong
Kong were less permissive and less active, that the majority of determinants of premarital
permissiveness also held as factors for these students, and that Chinese students studying in
the U.S. tended to share similar attitudes and behaviors with American students regarding
premarital sexuality.
Sprecher and Hatfield (1996) compared attitudes on premarital sex and sexual
permissiveness among 695 male and 972 female participants from colleges in Russia, U.S.,
and Japan. The study found that American participants were more accepting of premarital
sex relative to Japanese and Russian participants. Sexual permissiveness was higher for men
than in women in the U.S. and Russia, but not in Japan. Russian subjects were more likely
to support the double standard than Japanese and American participants, while American
men tended to favor double standard early in the premarital relationship.
28
Kaufinan et. al. (1996) compared China to the U.S. in terms of teenage sexual
attitudes. Their findings indicated that Chinese teenagers were low on premarital
permissiveness, although they were tolerant of those who engaged in premarital sexual
activity. Close parent-child relationships had different effects on premarital sexual
permissiveness in China than in the U.S. In China, where family honor was focused on boys,
parental factors negatively affected boys' premarital permissiveness. In the U.S., where
parents were focused more on their daughters, the negative effect showed itself on girls'
premarital permissiveness.
Gaga (1994) compared sexual activity among never-married women between the
ages of 15 and 24 from sub-Saharan African nations of Botswana, Burundi, Ghana, Kenya,
Liberia, Togo, and Zimbabwe. In most countries, the study found, the majority of unmarried
participants were sexually active and that increases in sexual behaviors occurred mostly in
countries where the prevalence of sexual activity was already historically relatively higher.
Widmer et. al. (1998) compared 24 countries in their prevalent attitudes towards
nonmarital sex. They singled out the Philippines as an extremely conservative nation, where
any variation of nonmarital sex, and especially premarital sex was always wrong. The study
also singled out Japan due to Japanese participants' tendency to allow for exceptions to the
unacceptability of premarital sex. Other than Japan and Philippines, the study identified four
major clusters: "teen permissives", "sexual conservatives", homosexual permissives", and
"moderate residuals". The teen permissiveness cluster, which included Germany (East and
West), Austria, Sweden, and Slovenia, was marked by higher permissiveness towards
29
teenage and premarital sex. The sexual conservatives cluster, which was composed of
Ireland, Northem Ireland, and the United States, showed relatively lower permissiveness
towards all forms of nonmarital sex. The homosexual permissives cluster, which included
Netherlands, Norway, the Check Republic, Canada, and Spain, was distinguished by higher
levels of homosexual sexual permissiveness, with signs of polarization. They also accepted
premarital sex while rejecting teen and extramarital sex. The moderate residuals included
Australia, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, Bulgaria, Russia, New Zealand, and Israel, and had
no real common characteristics other than serving to increase the homogeneity of other
clusters.
Ghuman (2005) investigated residential differences in married participants from the
Hai Duong Province of Vietnam in 2001. The study indicated that premarital permissiveness
is higher for those who lived in urban areas, had more schooling, and were married after the
late 1980s. The study also noted that these variables were related to premarital sexual
permissiveness more among men than in women. The reported level of premarital sex was
lower than estimates from other parts of Asia and the developing world (Ghuman, 2005).
Religion
Although religion has an intrinsically close relationship to the individual, it seems to
be an overwhelming social force affecting attitudes towards premarital sexuality both on a
macro and on a micro level. As Freud [1928] (1989) argues, the task of religion evolved
into extinguishing the defects of the society, which were already defined by the society
itself. However, as Freud claims, the weakness of a "cleansed" individual's intellect should
30
not be surprising, for s/he accepts the absurdities of religious doctrines and uncritically
overlooks the contradictions between them. Thus, religion brings upon the "retardation of
sexual development" (p. 60) in children. In a parallel line of thought, young "women labour
under the harslmess of an early prohibition against tuming their thoughts to what would
most interested them -namely, the problems of sexual life" (p. 61).
Due to the rich literature regarding religion and premarital sexuality, the important
role of religion in the Turkish society, and the almost consistent finding that religion
significantly affects sexual attitudes, I chose to allocate relatively more space for this
determinant. Although the effect of religion on premarital sexual attitudes is strong and
seemingly prevalent, it should also be noted that, as Linfield (1960) argues, families and the
more general society that inculcate religiosity in children is also simultaneously infusing
restrictive sexual codes in them.
In a study on changing attitudes towards premarital sex, Bell (1966) indicated that
the nature of religion was changing with time and found a tendency of significant differences
between religious affiliations as well as religiosity in past literature. According to the study,
Jewish girls started to date at younger ages than Protestants or Catholics. Protestants
tended to start dating at older ages and were more reluctant to remain in casual
relationships than Catholics. Those with no religious affiliation had higher rates of
premarital intercourse. The degree of religious intensity and its influence on values varied
greatly within religious groups, although it still was a significant factor in terms of its
correlation with premarital sexuality.
31
In a study of 114 male and 223 female undergraduates, Thomas (1975) found that
sexual experience was related to low conservatism, permissive attitudes towards premarital
sexuality, low church attendance, and not having a religious affiliation, particularly for
females. In a sample of 480 women, Herold and Goodwin (1981) found that religiosity was
the third most important factor influencing premarital sexual activities, after peer sexual
experience and dating commitment. Investigating data from a 1967 sample of 114 college
students, Reed and Weinberg (1984) found that for women who dated serially or were
going steady, religiosity did not have an effect on premarital intercourse behavior.
Examining the effects of sectarian and nonsectarian college environments in a sample of 20
students from each of eight colleges, Jurich (1984) found that students in a small religiously
affiliated college were the least permissive towards premarital sexuality while while those in
the largest nonsectarian college were the most permissive. Hong (1985) found that, in a
sample of 657 Australian participants aged between 19 and 69 years, church attendance had
a significant influence on premarital sexual standards. In a sample of 40 Indian girls between
the ages of 19 and 23, Parsuram (1988) found that those who never had sexual intercourse
before were significantly more religious than those who had, and reported more favorable
attitudes toward premarital sexuality.
Woodroof (1985) examined freshmen attending 8 colleges affiliated with the
churches of Christ. The study found a significant relationship between religious orientation
and premarital sexual activity. While the religious variables of the study were effective in
identifying those who had never have sex before, they did very poorly predicting those with
32
prior sexual experience. The author also concluded that the conservative Christian
participants of this sample were much more religiously active and much less sexually active
when compared to other studies that she reviewed: the rate of students with prior sexual
experience was 25%, significantly lower than the often reported 40% - 60% rate for
freshmen students.
Using a probability sample extracted from whites' birth records in 1961 in Detroit,
Remez (1990) tested a theoretical model that investigated the causal relationships between
religious attendance, attitudes towards premarital sex, and sexual experience among
adolescents. The study was longitudinal in that mothers were interviewed in 1962 and five
more times over 18 years, and the children were interviewed in 1980, when they were 18
years old but still not married (N = 916). The study found important generational
differences and differences between adolescent men and women. Approximately one third of
the mothers approved premarital sex, while most of the male adolescents (77%) and females
(65%) were permissive towards premarital sex. About one fourth of the adolescents had
two to five partners. Restrictive attitudes toward premarital sexuality and lower sexual
experience were prevalent among those who attended religious services more frequently
and reported religion as more important in their life. Remez suggested the model accurately
predicted that mothers passed on their attitudes to their children and that adolescents' sexual
activities were related to these attitudes. Remez' analysis further revealed that religious
affiliation influenced attitudes toward premarital sex more than premarital sexual behavior
did. While fundamentalist Protestants or Baptists scored lower in permissiveness, no effect
33
of religious affiliation was found on behavior except for Jewish teenagers, who were less
likely to ever have sex. Beck et. al. (1991), however, found that religious affiliation had a
significant effect on both premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors. They found that
"institutionalized sects", specifically Pentecostals, Mormons, and Jehovah's Witnesses,
exhibited lower experience of premarital sex, even after controlling church attendance.
Cochran (1991) used the reference group theory to investigate the effect of religion
on nonmarital sexual attitudes. According to reference group theory, individuals' behaviors
and attitudes are strongly affected by the groups they are in because individuals use these
groups both to evaluate their past behavior and to determine their current or future
behaviors. Cochran found that out of a number of religiosity measures (religious attendance,
strength of religious identification, belief in afterlife, and membership), only religious
attendance was significantly and negatively affecting premarital sexual behavior for those
with no membership and for Jewish, Episcopalians, and Presbyterians. For members of
Catholic, Methodist, and Protestants, both attendance and strength of religious
identification significantly and negatively affected premarital sexual permissiveness. For
Lutherans, attendance, strength of religious identification, and membership significantly and
negatively affected premarital sexual attitudes. For Baptists, belief in afterlife, attendance,
and strength of religious identification were found to negatively affect premarital
permissiveness. Cochran argued that although the teachings of American religions on
nonmarital sex often vary, almost all previous studies ignored differences between different
religious bodies. According to Cochran, the findings suggest that, consistent with the
34
reference group theory, the effects of religiosity were different across religious groups and
that such a pattem was in accord with the differences in religious teachings across these
groups on premarital sexuality.
In a sample of 477 freshmen attending eight colleges affiliated with the churches of
Christ, Woodroof (1986) found that the religious behaviors of parents and peers were
related to both the religious and sexual behaviors of adolescents, while peer religiosity was
a significantly more effective factor than parental religiosity. Referring to the reference
group theory, Woodroof noted, based on this finding, that parents no longer constituted a
strong reference group for college students even in such a conservative sample.
Cochran et. al. (2004) asserted from previous literature that a general empirical
principal seems to form, namely that there is a negative correlation between religiosity and
sexual permissiveness. They argued that this generalization could not capture how the
changing cultural norms (from more conservative to more liberal and than back to more
conservative) affect the role of religion in determining premarital sexual permissiveness.
With such cultural shifts, churches seemed to either adjust their own teaching towards more
permissiveness or did not act on these shifts. As such, there were differences in how much
each church and thus each faith group condemn nonmarital sexuality. Cochran et al. referred
to reference group theory to explain the variance in permissiveness between these religions.
They argued that more prevalent secular standards within a society tended to emphasize the
effect of religion on sexual permissiveness in the results obtained. Less secular social mood,
on the other hand, seemed to overshadow the effect of religion.
35
With data taken from 1972 - 1993 Cumulative Social Surveys with 14,396 cases,
Petersen (1997) tested the idea of whether the relationship between religious affiliation and
beliefs change as the support for those beliefs declines in the general population.
Accordingly, the researcher found that there was no decline in support for traditional non-
permissive premarital sexual attitudes over time among conservative Protestants who more
frequently attended church. Support for such beliefs declined significantly among mainline
Protestants and Catholics regardless of church attendance and among conservative
Protestants who attended church infrequently.
In a sample of 527 participants ranging from 16 to 18 years of age, Sheeran et. al.
(1993) found that religiosity was significantly related to sexual attitudes and anticipation of
sexual intercourse but not to actual sexual activities. Overall, more frequent church
attendance was related to less permissive sexual attitudes and less likelyhood of reporting
sexual intercourse. Religious affiliation was also a significant factor affecting sexuality.
Catholic and Protestant participants' sexual attitudes were more conservative and they had
more negative judgments of sexually active others, but they also tended to be more sexually
active.
Controlling for gender, age, and ethnicity and using a sample of 606 college
students, Pluhar et. al. (1998) found significant correlations between religious affiliation,
premarital sexual permissiveness, and students' perceptions of how much religion affects
their sexual behavior. Strength of beliefs and religious service attendance were significantly
related to attitudes toward premarital sexual intercourse. Exploring the relationship between
36
religiosity and attitudes and first sex in a longitudinal study, Meier (2003) found a
significant effect of religiosity on first sex for females. Using longitudinal data from 1982
and 1988, O'Connor (1998) found that religion played a growing role in white teenagers'
premarital sexuality. For instance, the rate of fundamentalists who reported no prior sexual
experience increased substantially between 1982 and. In a longitudinal sample of 303 teens
aged 15 - 16 in 1996 (time 1) and 17 - 18 in 1998 (time 2), Hardy and Rafaelli (2003)
found that teens with higher religiosity tended to delay sexual experience. McKelvey et. al.
(1999) found that the most strong background variable related to sexual attitudes and
sexual knowlledge was frequency of religious attendance during the past month, regardless
of religious affiliation. Those attending religious services three or more times reported more
negative attitudes toward and lower levels of sex knowledge. Lower sex knowledge, in
turn, was related to negative attitudes toward non-heterosexual behavior as well as
premarital sex and masturbation.
Based on the Ghana Demographic and Health Survey of 1993 for women aged 15
to 49, Addai (2000) found that religious affiliation was an important predictor of premarital
sexual activities among ever-married women, but not among those who never married.
Protestants and Catholics were more likely to experience premarital sex compared to
Muslim women, sectarian christians, and women with no religion. Muslim women also
reported the east premarital sexual experience compared to other groups controlling for all
factors. In a cross-cultural sample of 16,604 participants from 15 countries, Scheepers et.
al. (2002) found that parental and individual religiosity had strong effects on moral
37
attitudes. Effects of individual religiosity appeared to be stronger in more religious
countries.
Contrary to most of the literature cited above, in a sample of 191 single male and
232 single female participants whose ages ranged from 17 to 25, Jensen et. al. (1990) found
that only sexual permissiveness had a main effect on sexual behavior, and that religious
attendance did not have a significant effect overall except that non-permissive participants
who attended church every week had one of the highest frequencies of sexual activity.
Djamba (1995) similarly found no religious difference in premarital sexual behavior in a
sample of 515 married women from Kinshasa, Zaire with a mean age of 33 years.
In brief, religions themselves change over time. The fluctuation within a religion
over time, as well as differences between religious groups have significant effects on
individuals' attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. However, higher religiosity
seems to consistently and positively correlate with negative attitudes across time and
religious groups.
Personal Determinants of Premarital Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors
Age
Schofield (1965, in DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) reported that least
intimate behaviors (such as kissing) were more prevalent than the most intimate behaviors
(such as sexual intercourse) at a given age. Ehrman (1959, in DeLamater and
MacCorquodale, 1979) reported that age at first date and participation in more intimate
sexual behavior are positively correlated. Schofield (1959, in DeLamater and
38
MacCorquodale, 1979) similarly reported that age at first date and experience of sexual
intercourse were positively correlated.
Herold and Goodwin (1981) found age to be among a number of factors that affect
premarital sexual behavior. In a sample of 155 male and 218 female undergraduates between
the ages of 17 and 43, Lafuente and Valc/trcel (1984) found that younger and older
participants tended to disapprove premarital sexual relations, while participants aged 20 to
25 show more approval. In a sample of 657 Australian adults aged between 17 and 69,
Hong (1985) found that age as well as church attendance influenced premarital sexual
attitudes. More recently, Bersamin et. al. (2006) found increase in age to be among
variables that predicted higher occurrence of both oral and vaginal sex.
Personal Attitudes, BelieJb, And Intentions
Reiss (1960) argued that individuals' standards derive from their culture. It seems,
overall, that a number of personal normative attitudes are related to both premarital sexual
attitudes and behaviors. Such variables may include social desirability, self-esteem, sexual
guilt, political views, factors underlying intentions such as curiosity or excitement, and
general sexual attitudes etc. Individuals' attitudes towards premarital sex also tend to have a
strong effect on their premarital sexual activities. Christensen and Gregg (1970, in
DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) and Kaats and Davis (1972, in DeLamater and
MacCorquodale, 1979) concluded that the most effective forecaster of one's sexual
behavior was one's own sexual standards.
Lafuente and Valc/trcel (1984) found that political views were significantly related to
39
sexual attitudes in that those who indicated they were right-wing, center, or "other" were
more opposed to sexual relations. Trlin et. al. (1983) found, in a sample of 495 never
married 18 to 25 years old participants from Australia, that attitudes towards premarital sex
emerged as the dominant factor determining premarital sexual behavior for both genders.
Chitanum and Finchilescu (2003) found, in a sample of 100 female heterosexual university
students, that both attitudes and subjective norms predicted sexual intentions, while the
effect of attitudes was stronger than subjective norms.
Dating Behavior
It seems that dating frequency and commitment play an important role in
determining premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors. Croake and James (1972)
investigated the relationship between sexual behavior ranging from french kissing to sexual
intercourse and seven levels of commitment. They found that the more the commitment in
sexual behavior between parmers, the more the liberalization of attitudes toward such
behavior. Schulz et. al. (1977) found that greater exposure to potential sex parmers through
dating frequency had a positive effect on premarital sexual behavior.
In a study of 480 females, Herold and Goodwin (1981) found that dating
commitment and dating frequency were among the variables that had a significant effect on
the so-called virginity status. Dating commitment was the second most effective variable in
predicting virginity status following parental acceptance of premarital intercourse, followed
by religiosity. Analyzing the data from a 1967 Kinsey institute sample, Reed and Weinberg
(1984) found that dating serially or going steady and dating frequency had no effect on
40
premarital sexual behavior. On the other hand, Barber et. al. (2000) found that dating
frequency predicted the timing of first intercourse together with the marital status of
participants' parents. Investigating data from 54 white, monogamously dating undergraduate
couples, Christopher and Cate (1988) found that the influence of love increased with
developing emotional interdependence in a relationship in predicting sexual intimacy.
Prior Sexual Experience
It seems that the presence or absence of prior sexual experience is an important
variable affecting attitudes toward premarital sexuality. However, the reader should be
aware that not all studies define sexual experience with regard to consent. As noted by
Reynolds (1994), some studies categorize participants purely on a "virginity dichotomy"
(e.g. "virgin" vs. "non-virgin") or neglect to include a clear defmition for the participant of
what they mean by "sexual experience" or "virginity". Consequently, their results disregard
the importance of consent in women's sexual experiences. It is relatively difficult to evaluate
these studies' conceptualizations of sex, as there is very limited direct access to the
instruments that the researchers employed.
Thomas (1975) found that more sexual experience was consistently related to lower
conservatism and favorable attitudes toward premarital sex, especially for females. Sorensen
(1972, in DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) reported that the extent of sexual
experience is positively correlated with having intercourse earlier, having more partners, and
greater frequency of sexual intercourse. Comparing 40 Indian participants between the ages
of 19 and 23 on prior sexual experience, Parsuram (1988) found that those with prior sexual
41
experience were more permissive toward premarital sex while those with no prior sexual
experience were more conservative and religious. Similarly, Salts et. al. (1994) found that
undergraduates with prior sexual experience had less favorable attitudes toward marriage
when compared to those without any prior sexual experience. McKelvey et. al. (1999)
found that, although the most important background variable explaining both attitudes
toward and knowledge of sex was the frequency of religious attendance, prior sexual
experience was among the other variables which had a significant effect on the dependent
variables.
Parents
Sorensen's (1972), Schofield's (1965, in DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979),
and Reiss' (1960) studies revealed that families were less permissive, thus individuals more
attached to their families also tended to be less permissive. Walsh, Ferrell, and Tolone
(1976, in DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) indicated that a shift from parents to peers
as reference groups resulted in an increase of sexual permissiveness.
Herold and Goodwin (1981) found parental acceptance of premarital sexual
behavior among the variables that had a significant effect on the so-called virginity status of
participants. Using data from a national sample of white participants between the ages of 15
to 16, Moore et. al. (1986) found little support for the argument that parental
communication and monitoring discouraged adolescents from having premarital sexual
experience. Kinnaird and Gerrard (1986) found that participants from divorced and
reconstituted families reported significantly more sexual experience than those from intact
42
families. The authors asserted that family conflict, disruption, and the presence of a father
were significant predictors of both dating behavior an attitudes. In a sample from Nigeria,
Hollow and Leis (1986) similarly argued that permissive premarital sexual attitudes were
positively correlated with higher levels of parental care taking. However Bersamin et. al.
(2006) found that parental communication was related to the experience of vaginal sex,
while it had no effect on oral sex.
On the other hand, Djamba (2003) suggested, due to the positive correlation found
between number of siblings and premarital sexual activity in a sample from the Democratic
Republic of Congo, that a weakening of adults' attention to children in larger families may
be a contributing factor to adolescents' premarital sexual activities. Similarly, Langille and
Curtis (2002) found that participants under 15 years of age who had intercourse were less
likely to live with both parents, to have highly educated parents, and to have fathers
employed full time. Living with someone other than both parents was also positively
associated with sexual experience before 15 years of age. Barber et. al. (2000) also found
that women having parents who never divorced delayed the timing of first intercourse.
Baker et. al. (1988) found that while parents' normative beliefs had a limited effect
on adolescents' decisions to become sexually active, these beliefs explained 5% of the
variance in adolescents prior sexual experience. Using nonrandom availability sampling,
Wemer-Wilson (1998) found that number of siblings, number of parents, communication
with mother and father, parental contribution to sex education, parental discussion of sexual
values, and the sexual attitudes of the mother and the father explained some of the variance
43
in adolescents' sexual attitudes. Although both individual characteristics and familial
characteristics were more powerful together in explaining these attitudes, females found to
be more influenced by familial characteristics.
Peers
Ehrman (1959, in DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) identified three major
codes of sexual conduct: (social code, personal code, and peer code). Ehrman found that
peer codes were generally more permissive than personal codes. Personal codes were
closely associated with the intimate behaviors engaged in.
Although Medora (1982) found that fraternity and sorority membership did not have
an effect on participants' attitudes toward premarital sex, peer influence seems to play an
important role in determining individuals' premarital sexual attitudes and behaviors. In a
national probability sample of 1177 white college student, Spanier (1976) investigated how
classroom instructions on sex (formal sex education) and familial, peer, and societal
influences (informal sex education) affected premarital sexual behavior. The study found
that current influences and pressures explained variance in past and present premarital
sexual involvement more than past informal sex education, which in turn explained more
variance when compared to formal sex education. The researcher suggested that
experiences and pressures in a given dating or peer group had more influence on premarital
sexual behavior than other past sexual socialization.
Schulz et. al. (1977) similarly found that each additional friend (out of five) who had
prior sexual experience increased the likelihood of the participant engaging in premarital
44
sexuality by 12% to 14%. Sack et. al. (1984) found, that degree of approval from close
friends was associated with the prior sexual experience of their female participants. Reed
and Weinberg (1984) found perceptions of friends' sexual behavior to have a direct effect on
premarital sexual behavior for women who were in a committed relationship but not for
women who were dating serially. Friedman (2004) found that peers' communication of sex-
related topics and perceived peer and sibling approval of sexuality were significantly related
to participants' sexual attitudes and behavior. Perceived peer approval was the most
powerful factor in this study.
Educational Environment
In the following studies, education was considered a less important background
variable in terms of premarital sexual behavior and attitudes. Djamba (1995) found that
higher education increased the likelihood of premarital sexual activity among university
level educated women. In a sample from Vietnam, Ghuman (2005) found that, although
positive attitudes toward premarital sex did not constitute a majority among more educated
participants, having more education increased the acceptance of premarital sex, along with
living in urban areas and being married after late 1980s. Mensh et. al. (2001), on the other
hand, found that for female participants, education in a gender-neutral school decreased the
likelihood of premarital sex.
Social Class
Similar to educational environment, social class seemed to be considered a less
important factor influencing premarital sexual behavior and attitudes. Medora (1982) found
45
that socioeconomic status was not a factor with significant effect on participants' premarital
sexual attitudes. On the other hand, Bell (1966) found that although premarital sexual
attitudes were more permissive in lower class participants, advanced sexual expressions
were also stigmatized by lower class norms at the time. Bell also found that premarital
sexual experiences were highest among middle class and upper class participants, the author
suggested that this was because of the delayed age of marriage among these groups. In
addition, participants experiencing upper social movement were found to be more
conservative than participants already a member of upper classes without social mobility.
McKelvey et. al. (1999) also found that lower family income was among the factors (such
as no prior sexual experience, right-wing political orientation, gender, and etlm/city) that
had a negative influence on permissive premarital sexual attitudes among medical and
nursing students. Finally, Djamba (2003) found that poverty, along with exposure to mass
media, patrilinearity, and AIDS awareness, decreased the occurrence of premarital sexual
activity among the participants from Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo.
Summary
In above mentioned American-based studies, time emerges as an important factor
when one investigates social norms. A number of studies show that premarital sexual
standards tend to become more liberal and more egalitarian between sexes over time,
although there are some fluctuations. Extemal and intemal attempts of modernization seems
to play an important and sometimes negative role in the determination of attitudes towards
premarital sexuality. Studies tend to demonstrate significant differences between different
46
cultures and nations. Higher religiosity seems to consistently and positively correlate with
negative attitudes across time and religious groups. Age is identified as a predicting
variable, although its effects are inconsistent across studies. Among personal attitudes,
premarital sexual attitudes seem to be affected by one's own sexual standards, political
views, subjective norms. Dating frequency and commitment play an important role as well:
an increase in both positively correlate with more permissive attitudes toward premarital
sexuality. Having prior sexual experience also increases such permissive attitudes. Perhaps
as opposite forces, parents and peers also affect premarital sexual permissiveness, through
sexual socialization in numerous ways. The effects of education and social class surface in
some studies, even though most studies attach such background variables less value. People
with more education and higher social class tend to have more permissive premarital sexual
attitudes.
Premarital Sexual Attitudes And Behaviors In The Turkish Context
When discussing attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality in Turkey, one finds
that the literature shifts its emphasis from abstract theories and assumptions, to the
significance of Islam and the concept of virginity in Turkish women's lives. As such, this
section will briefly discuss Islamic views on women's sexuality to give the reader some
background. Following this, the concept of virginity, virginity examinations, and hymen will
be discussed briefly. This section will be concluded with a statistical picture of Turkish
attitudes towards sexuality in general, and specifically women's premarital sexuality.
In order to better make sense of the inner workings of the Turkish society on any
47
issue, it is crucial for the reader to note the lack of investment in Eastern Turkey as a result
of the etlm/c conflicts, and especially the civil war between the Turkish government and the
eastern Kurdish population. These conflicts resulted in an industrialized and urbanized
Western Turkey and a semi feudal, tribal, highly patriarchal social structure in eastern
Turkey. This had a very significant and negative impact on eastem Turkish women's rights
and lives, which includes the compulsory and forced nature of marriage (Ilkkaracan, 2001).
Islam And Women's Sexuality
Some researchers seemed to hesitate very little before labeling Turkey as the only
modem, democratic, and Islamic nation in the world and Turkish women's status as an
anomaly in the Islamic world (Muftuler-Bac, 1999). With relation to Islam, in terms of the
extent of its secularism, Turkey seems rather unique in the world. Despite a long history
intermingled with religion, after Turkey was founded in 1923, several revolutionary and
secular changes were introduced and these progressive reforms had a significant effect on
women's lives (Ilkkaracan, 2001). Islam has long been simultaneously a threat to Turkey's
secular democratic foundations and a foundation to Turkish society's deeply intemalized
social norms and values. For instance, Turkey's current prime minister, R. T. Erdogan,
referring to Islamist terrorists' attacks, was famous for commenting "You cannot make me
say that Islamist children kill people" (Insel, 2003, translated by Mehmet A. Ergun).
According to Moghissi (1999), although Islam "opposes celibacy and celebrates
sexual pleasure" (p.22) unlike some other monotheist religions, it is scared of the intensity
and the "tempting power" (p. 26) of female sexual pleasure.
48
"In Islamic societies, the woman's body generates fascination
and pleasure. It is exploited for procreation, and as a symbol of
communal dignity. It is manipulated and its activities are codified. It is
covered and confined. It is disciplined for defiance and is mutilated in
anticipation of trespassing .... The female body is the site of straggle
between the proponents and opponents of modernity and used as a
playing card between imperial and anti-imperial political forces. In
Islamic societies, sexuality, the site of love, desire, sexual fulfillment
and physical procreation, is, at the same time, for women, the site of
shame, confinement, anxiety, compulsion." (Moghissi, 1999, p. 20)
As Ilkkaracan suggests (2001), although Islam recognizes that both men and women
have sexual needs and desires, and it represents eroticism as a positive concept, contrary to
its conceptualization of the male sexuality, it perceives female sexuality as chaotic,
uncontrollable, and emotional. Consequently, it asserts that social order requires male
control over women's sexuality.
In his controversial textual analyses of Islam, Arsel (1997) examines how Islam
perceives women and similarly observes a pattern, where women seem to be depicted as
slaves and objects of pleasure for their husbands. He singles out Muhammad as one of the
most successful architects in constructing women's role as servicing men's orders and
domination (p. 590). He suggests that the aim of the institution of marriage in Islam is to
give men the opportunity to act as they wish and to choose their "servants" according to
criteria such as beauty, economic capital, religiosity, innocence, and virginity. As such, what
women do before marriage is strictly controlled, because their past activities will predict
how they will fit the above criteria and, consequently, whether they will be "worthy" to be
chosen by a potential husband as wife / slave.
49
In brief, Islamic traditions, illusions, and beliefs, which are deeply intermingled into
the social norms and values of Turkish society, significantly influence the way women's
sexuality is constructed around male needs and interests. Although my literature review did
not reveal any study conducted on Turkish participants focusing primarily on the
relationship between the Turkish Islamic beliefs and traditions and premarital sexual
attitudes, it is reasonable to suggest that Islam's negative effect on women's sexuality would
show itself in women's premarital sexuality as well. I would expect that much of this effect
would be in relation to the Islamic conceptualization of and focus on virginity, and the
Turkish construction of honor in relation to virginity.
Virginity And Women's Premarital Sexuality In Turkey
"Women's base in Turkey, from childhood on, starts with
hiding one's pussy from those who expose their pee-pees. And that's
exactly why honor is in between two legs. A woman spends her life
trying to protect her virginity that she takes over from her father to
her husband. Because there is always the risk of becoming a "bad
woman" and ending up in streets as a target. She considers being
touched and sex before marriage, which was already demonized at the
beginning, as a curse, and thus she reproduces this vicious / male
circle herself." (Elmas, 2005, translated by Mehmet A. Ergun)
It seems the relationship between purity and chastity in Islam is overwhelmingly
found in the norms and beliefs of Turkish society. The society pressures Turkish women to
remain virgins until marriage, while males are expected to explore sexuality before marriage
(Coket al., 2001). According to Muftuler-Bac (1999), the prohibition of premarital as well
as extramarital and non-marital sexuality are related to the concept of sexual purity of
women. "The strong codes of conduct, which define women's sexual behavior, are used as
50
an instrument to keep women under the control of their fathers, husbands, and brothers who
assme responsibility for ensuring 'their' women retain their chastity" (Ilkkaracan and Seral,
2000, p. 189). Such codes embed negative attitudes into society's conceptualization of
women's sexuality and are used as intemalized restrictions on women's sexual activities.
Consequently, women cannot make free decisions on their sexual behaviors and experience
their sexual being with lack of control, violence, and abuse, but "certainly not with
pleasure" (Ilkkaracan and Seral, 2000, p. 189). Pelin (1999) explains the implications of
such prohibitions on women's premarital sexuality as follows:
"Premarital sex for a woman is regarded as wrong in my
country. As a restfit, it is socially forbidden for a woman to engage in
this act. In order to present a woman as a virgin on her marriage day,
she is subjected to pressure, and put under control both by her family
and societal norms. However, a man is free and never made to suffer
any of the above. A woman found to be a virgin on her first night of
marriage is seen as a normal person while one suspected to have lost
her virginity is made to undergo a series of medical examinations to
bring clarity to her situation." (Pelin, 1999, p. 256.)
In brief, the Turkish culture regards premarital sex as highly inappropriate for
women (Wasti and Cortine, 2002; Kayir, 2000; Aydin and Gtficat; Duyan and Duyan, 2005)
and the taboos on premarital sexual relationships add up to concems over women's hymens
(Cindoglu, 1997). Moreover, virginity is not just a temporary issue to be dealt with until
marriage: "It is arguably one of the most important concepts that define women's sexuality
in Turkey and the means of its control." (Altinay, 2000, p. 403).
The effect of the concept of hymen and virginity is extremely powerful not only on
women's premarital sexuality, but also on women's overall sexual lives. For instance, as a
51
woman with prior premarital sexual experience, a friend of mine received the following
confrontational remark from one of her close male friends: "Regardless of how modem a
Turkish man could be, he would never want to marry you because you are sexually
experienced." (Personal conversation, Anonymous, 2006, translated by Mehmet A. Ergun).
Qualitative studies reported similar remarks from participants that signal a deep conflict
between women who have premarital sex and the overall Turkish society:
"I had to convince my husband that I was a virgin when we
got married. I still keep the doctors reports pronouncing me a virgin,
'just in case' anyone questions this in the future." (Ilkkaracan and
Seral, 2000, p. 194).
"A friend of mine who was not a virgin arranged her wedding
night to coincide with her period; she even changed the date when she
realized it was going to be off by a few days" (Ilkkaracan and Seral,
2000, p. 194).
"I think about the day after my first sexual relationship. Until
that day, my ideas were so clear. I had protested against all taboos
about my body... I remember the shock and the agitation that I felt
the day after my first sexual relationship when I realized there was no
going back and that I was experiencing a horrible feeling of guilt."
(Altinay, 2000, p. 407).
Investigating the risks to women's sexual health of 20 Turkish women, most of
whom were born in Turkey and immigrated to Australia before 1985 and currently live in
Melbourne Australia, Gifford et. al. (1998) encountered a similar pattern: The discourse
about sexual health risks focused around the concepts of honor and shame. Turkish women
spoke of protecting their honor and avoiding the risk of bringing shame to themselves and
to their families essentially by protecting their virginity until marriage. In this context, it is
52
not surprising that the most known female "sexual organ", at least in Eastern Turkey, was
the hymen (T'tirkiye ilk cinsel bilgilerini kimden ahyor, 2005).
While premarital female virginity has an extremely significant societal value attached
to it, it is also considered an important patriarchal social norm used to control women's
sexual behavior (Ayotte, 2000). Virginity examinations are a powerful mechanism for the
family and the state to promote the social value of the hymen and the stigma attached to
women's premarital sexual activities. Alkan et. al. (2002) observed 27,376 gynechological
examinations done between January 1, 1999 and June 20, 2001. They found that 1.5% of
these were done for "social and legal reasons". Of these, 57% of gynecological
examinations were in fact virginity examinations.
The decision to engage in premarital sex involves the high risk of being forced into
undergoing a virginity examination, for instance by head teachers, employers, law
enforcement agents, parents, and so on (Pelin, 1999; although currently, only prosecutors
and judges can lawfully order virginity examinations). While its psychological effects may
lead to suicide (Saribas, 2005), its results may lead to violence against women, and even
murder. While a virginity examination might cause the woman under question be murdered
in the name of honor, it is only one of the many reasons/excuses of honor killings.
Kocacioglu (2004) defines "honor crimes" as "the murder of a woman by members of her
family who do not approve of her sexual behavior" (p. 118). According to Kocacioglu
(2004), 53 women were estimated to be murdered between 1994 - 1996. Reasons for such
murders range from suspected premarital sexual activities to liking to go out too much
53
(Yirmibesoglu, 2000; Duzkan and Kocali, 2000).
As Parla suggests (2001), the effect of the fear of losing virginity is so powerful in
Turkey that it is one of strategies anti-terror police employs for terrorizing and humiliating
Kurdish women. In Parla's terms, in the context of anti-terror police, virginity is used as a
weapon against the "enemies of the state" (p. 81). In the context of"civil" life, on the other
hand, it is used as a tool to regulate sexuality. In both contexts, the variable that remains
constant is construction of gender-specifical shame (Parla, 2001). The involvement of the
state can also be observed in other circumstances such as a former Minister of Health
ordering regular monthly virginity tests for female patients of a mental hospital (Muftuler-
Bac, 1999).
A Statistical Picture Of Women's Premarital Sexuality In Turkey
It should be noted that research on sex in Turkey is scarce. "While sex research is
blooming in the United States ..., it is almost nonexistent in Turkey, partly because the
antisexualism that has prevailed in Turkish culture can make such studies risky" (Erkmen et
al, 1990, p. 251). Such risks range from experiences of stigmatization in the Turkish
academic milieu to experiences of various degrees of physical violence (Kayar, 2005) and
even life threats as the researchers will have to challenge existing sensitive Turkish social
norms and values as s/he proceeds with her/his research.
Ambivalent sexism theory (Sakalli-Ugurlu and Glick, 2003) claims that traditional
attitudes toward women have a benevolent and a hostile component. Benevolent sexism can
be defined as a set of beliefs that reinforce the assumption that women are the weaker sex
54
and therefore require men's protection, only if they confirm to social norms prescribed to
them. Those who do not conform to such norms are subject to hostile sexism, which
perceives women as seeking to gain control over men. With regard to sexuality, benevolent
sexism emphasize that women need to be purer than men while hostile sexism expresses fear
that women may gain power over men within romantic relationships. Benevolent sexism
idealizes and regards women who remain sexually "pure," while hostile sexism punishes
those who are sexually deviant.
Investigating the effects of ambivalent sexism on attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality on a sample of 124 undergraduates and 60 non-students, Sakalli-Ugurlu
and Glick (2003) found that males had significantly more sexual experience and they scored
higher in hostile sexism than women, while women scored higher in benevolent sexism. Men
expressed more negative attitudes toward women who engage in premarital sex, but the
average score of men's willingness to marry a non-virgin was close to the midpoint of the
scale used. Benevolent sexism was related to negative premarital attitudes in both men and
women but hostile sexism significantly predicted negative premarital attitudes among only
men.
While hostile sexism was correlated with negative attitudes toward women's
premarital sex for men only, it was not a predictor once other variables were controlled.
Benevolent sexism and hostile sexism both correlated with men's unwillingness to marry a
non-virgin. The authors argued that because hostile sexism characterizes women as power
hungry, marrying a sexually experienced woman is very threatening to a male ego high on
55
hostile sexism. Similarly, highly benevolent sexist men would think that women who are
sexually experienced before marriage are likely to challenge traditional roles, threatening the
power held by men in a marriage.
Exploring women's sexuality in Eastern Turkey with a sample of 599 women
between the ages of 14 and 75, Ilkkaracan's (2000) findings on marriage implies that there is
a sharp contrast between university student samples and samples from Eastern Turkey with
regard to sexual practices and attitudes. Ninety seven percent of all participants older than
24 years of age were married, which indicated that marriage is compulsory in the region for
women. Mean age at first religious marriage was 17.9. Almost half of the participants were
not asked for her opinion to marry, married without consent, and/or did not meet their
husband before marriage.
Muftuler-Bac (1999) reported that the most conservative group among the
participants were older (between the ages of 55 and 59 years), married women with children
of their own. Ninety four percent of this group were opposed to notions such as premarital
sex and single women living on their own.
After surveying 145 women and 172 men from inner Anatolia between the ages of
18 and 31, Duyan and Duyan (2005) found that the participants were more accepting and
liberal for others' sexual preferences and activities than their own. Erkmen et. al. (1990)
found, among the male and female undergraduates, that more than half reported that
"virginity is a girl's most valuable possession".
Kayar (2005) reported on a study that examined the attitudes, beliefs, norms, and
56
values in Turkey with a sample of 208 participants older than 13, from 17 different cities.
Similar to Erkmen's (1990) and Ilkkaracan's (2000) findings, more than half of the
participants and almost all participants in Eastern Turkey reported that virginity was the
symbol of a woman's honor. About half of the respondents reported that virginity is the
father's/husband's honor, while only 28.4% agreed that it wass normal to experience
sexuality without damaging the hymen. (Bekaret konusunda ikiyfizlfiyiiz, 2005).
Eighty five percent overall and 95% of conservatives agreed that hymen should be
"broken" only after marriage. Almost all of the conservatives also reported that virginity
was the symbol of honor, that virginity was husband's/father's honor, and that men should
only marry virgins. Although more than half of the liberal participants agreed with the above
statements, the rates were lower when compared to conservatives. (Bekaret konusunda
ikiyfizliiyfiz, 2005).
The study also found that premarital cohabitation was unacceptable for almost half
of the participants while only 16% found it acceptable. Mothers were more permissive
toward flirting than fathers, while only 4.5% of parents reported it was okay for their
daughters to have premarital sexual experience. Upper class parents were more liberal
(16%) when compared to lower class parents (2%). There were no parents from Eastern
Turkey who reported their daughters' premarital sexual experiences as acceptable. Of those
who were identified as conservative, only 1.5% reported that premarital sexual experience
was acceptable for their daughters.
Similar to the above research that implies Turkish populations tend to be restrictive
57
toward women's premarital sex, in a study investigating 101 nurses' and midwives' views of
virginity examinations, Gursoy and Vural (2003) found that over half disapproved of
premarital sex. As reasons for the importance of virginity, almost half reported social
pressures while only about one tenth reported that virginity should not be so important
because sex experience is an individual right.
Almost all participants opposed hymen examination and indicated that these
examinations were being imposed on individuals without their consent. Yet, only about one
tenth reported that performing an examination without consent was illegal. More than one
third stated that virginity is the most valuable aspect of being a woman while the majority
believed that virginity was not important for either genders.
Most participants were unwilling to accept and/or sanction premarital sex activity of
their daughters. Most reported that premarital sexual activities of their daughters would
have negative consequences for the daughters such as forcing daughter to marry parmer or
arranging for hymenoplasty while only one tenth were comfortable with possible premarital
sexual activities of their daughters.
Most reported that they would act as usual when a girl was undergoing the
examination, although one tenth said they would remind the girl that premarital sex was
morally wrong. Interestingly, only 4% said they would not resist if they were to take the
examination themselves. Most participants did not report that they would remind the patient
that she has the right to refuse the examination. A relatively high percentage of participants
(14.9%) reported that suicide may be a necessity to maintain virginity.
58
In relation to such prevalent negative attitudes towards women's sexuality, Kayir
(2000) suggests that the relatively high prevalence of"vaginismus" in Turkey, compared to
other nations, was related to the socialization of girls which greatly emphasizes the role of
"protect[ing] their hymen" (p. 263).
Ozan et. al. (2005) surveyed 201 1st and 6th year university students. Most of the
males (68.7%) and a small minority of females (11.4%) had prior sexual experience. Sixth
year males rated significantly higher than 1 st year males on the number of prior sexual
experiences. Females overall tended to have sex at a later age than males. While all females
had prior sexual experience with a significant other, only about half of the 1 st year and
about one third of the 6th year male students reported having prior sexual experience with a
significant other. As determinants of sexual attitudes & behaviors, most prevalent
determinants for both genders were participants' own desires and values and social factors.
Protection from STDs was more important for males while females rated family
expectations as more prevalent. In addition, protecting virginity emerged as an important
determinant of sexual attitudes and behaviors among 6 th year female students while religious
requirements were specifically important for 1st year female students
Parallel to Ozan. et. al.'s (2005) findings, Gokengin et. al. (2003) found that more
than half of the participants indicated that they never engaged in sexual activity. Males,
more educated students, and students with higher socioeconomic status tended to report
more sexual activities. Most students had their first sexual experience between 15 and 19
years of age. No significant difference was found between male and female students or
59
among socioeconomic classes when compared for age at first sex. Males (39.3%) were
significantly more prone to have sex with different and more partners than were females.
The study also found that female participants adopted a more conservative attitude than
males.
Ungan and Yaman (2003) and Ergene et. al. (2005) reported similarly that only a
minority of undergraduate student (19% and 28% respectively) had prior sexual experience
or were sexually active. Investigating university students' sexual behavior and attitudes, Cok
et. al. (2001) found that most never had sex before. The percentage of females with no prior
sexual experience was more than that of males. About one tenth of females had vaginal
intercourse experience, compared to one third of males. Most prominent sexual behaviors
for females were holding hands/hugging and kissing (50.7%), while males had a much more
diverse repertoire of sexual behaviors, ranging from holding hands to masturbation. The
authors concluded that societal pressures on Turkish women to remain virgins until
marriage were highly effective, while males were expected to have sex before marriage.
Duyan and Duyan (2005) found that religiosity was correlated with sexual attitudes.
Culpan and Marzotto (1982) similarly found, in a 1970 sample of 1,000 university students,
that the importance of marriage was significantly correlated with religion and class.
Dilbaz et. al. (1992, in Gursoy and Vural, 2003) found that 85% of men expected
women they marry to be virgins. Similarly, Irbas and Vargur (2002, in Gursoy and Vural,
2003) found that although the majority of university males reported they perceived no
relation between honor and virginity, they expected their potential spouses to be virgin.
60
Ozturk (1998, in Gursoy and Vural, 2003) found that 55% of the university students
thought virginity was important. Anonymous (1998, in Gursoy and Vural, 2003) found that
99% of female educators opposed forced virginity examinations while only 46% of female
gynecologists agreed with the idea that hymen examination degrades women and leads to
emotional distress.
Summary
Sex research in Turkey is risky and scarce. In the Turkish context, available research
demonstrated that Turkish populations tend to be restrictive toward premarital sex. Gender
played an important role in predicting prior sexual experience and attitudes toward
premarital sex. It seemed there was a sharp difference between Eastern and Western Turkey,
where the latter tended to be more permissive than the former. Sexual experience, number
of children, class, and age seemed to be positively correlated with permissiveness while
religion was negatively correlated. Liberals tended to be more permissive compared to
conservatives. Percentages of women never having premarital sex in reviewed studies
ranged from 53.3% to 81% while men tended to have more premarital sex with more
partners than women did. General societal disapproval rates of women's premarital sex in
reviewed studies ranged from a permissive rate of 26.5% to an extremely conservative rate
of 98%.
Research Ouestions
This literature review demonstrated that time period, modernization attempts,
region, religion, age, personal attitudes, dating behavior, prior sexual experience, parents
61
and peers, educational environment, and social class are variables that affect attitudes
toward premarital sexuality in the U.S. Only a few researchers focused on women's
responses and on attitudes toward women's premarital sex. This literature review also
showed that Turkish populations tend to be restrictive toward premarital sex. Gender,
region, sexual experience, number of children, class, age, and political views were variables
that affected premarital sexual attitudes, while Islam and the concept of virginity had a
culture-specific negative effect on women's sexual lives.
In the light of above findings, this research proposes to focus only on women's
responses to attitudes toward women's premarital sex. As such, this is an attempt to fill the
gap in sex research on women in Turkey. Based on the findings of previous researchers on
the issue, this research proposes to explore the effects of background variables and
atfitudinal and behavioral variables on attitudes toward women's premarital sex in a female-
only population.
62
Methodology
Data Collection
Data were collected through a nonrandom sample. Initially, 318 male and female
students of the Istanbul University English Language and Literature Department voluntarily
participated in this study. There were 41 males (%14) and 277 females (87.1%). The
Department reported that the total number of their student body was close to 450, at the
time, with approximately 15% males and 85% females. Accordingly, the participation rate
was 70.6%. The response ratio of females to males in this study is roughly reflective of the
Department's overall gender ratio.
Given that the focus of current study is on women's attitudes towards sexuality, and
because the number of male respondents is low, making comparative analysis problematic,
the male data were excluded. Consequently, the final number of participants is 277 females.
The age of these participants ranged from 17 to 39, with a mean of 21.26 (SD = 3.035).
Forty four point eight percent of the students were between 21 and 22 years of age. Ninety
four point six percent were never married. Ninety three point nine percent were born in
Turkey. Forty one point three percent were born in Istanbul. The rest of the sample reported
61 different cities, 14 of them out of Turkey.
Data were collected using an anonymous survey consisting of 55 questions in
Turkish (see Appendix A for the questionnaire in Turkish, Appendix B for questionnaire in
English). Prior to the distribution of the survey, question 38 (based on the "Sexual
Experience Inventory" by Brady and Levitt, 1965; see Appendices A or B for the questions,
63
and Appendix C for the letter from the Department) was deemed too sexually explicit by the
chair of the Department and was dropped to avoid controversy and negative reactions from
the administration of Istanbul University. The surveys were given to students between May
7 th and May 11 th of 2005, at the beginning of regularly scheduled classes. Participation was
completely anonymous and voluntary. All participants were asked to fill out the survey as
honestly as possible. Participants had the opportunity to discontinue their participation in
the survey any time. After the surveys were completed and collected by the lecturers of each
class, they were given to Dr. Zeynep Ergun, the chair of the Department.
Demographics
Sex was operationalized as either male or female. The researcher was aware that the
continuing widespread enforcement of the gender binaries of maleness and femaleness is a
constraint for individuals whose anatomies and/or "choices" (sic) do not correspond with
these binaries (Preves, 2000). Preves demonstrates that the current dichotomization of sex
is inadequate and that the researchers should not add to the demonization and
stigmatization of individuals who do not fit into the categories of male and female, (e.g.
intersexual, transsexual, and transgendered individuals). However, the concept of
intersexuality is mostly unfamiliar and the categories transgender and transsexual are
extremely closely associated with prostitution in Turkish society. At this relatively
conservative phase of Turkish society, I was constrained to incorporate this weakness into
my questionnaire by not including intersexuality, transsexualism, transgenderism, or
categories other than male or female. This was also done in order to incorporate cultural
64
sensitivities into the questionnaire.
The other variables included in the analysis are age in years, marital status, country
of birth (Turkey or other), city of birth (coded as "Istanbul" or "Other"), ethnicity (coded
as "Turkish" or "Other"), total monthly family income, number of children, residential
partner (parents and/or relatives or other), employment status, parents' marital status,
mother's and father's educational status (primary school, middle school, high school,
community college, university, graduate, other), and social class (measured on a 7-point
Likert scale ranging from 1 = bottom class to 7 = top class).
Construction Of The Attitudinal And Behavioral Variables
Factor analyses were conducted to determine underlying structures of attitudinal
and behavioral variables. Principal components analyses using varimax rotation were
employed. After an initial analysis that produced principal components, two criteria were
used to determine the accuracy of the analysis. These criteria were relative loadings
(without rotation) of each variable vis-a-vis the others and the eigenvalue of each
component (> 1).
Factor analysis is used to measure which common variables overlap and reflect an
underlying structure, and hence can be combined into a scale. Primary component analysis,
as an exploratory process, extracts common components in a given set of variables. The
most common criterion to decide which components and variables to keep or to drop from
the analysis is the eigenvalue, which is "the amount of total variance explained by each
factor, with the total amount of variability in the analysis equal to the number of original
65
variables in the analysis" (Mertler and Vannatta, 2005, p. 250). The criterion used in this
study is that only components with eigenvalues equal to or greater than one are retained.
This is commonly referred to as the "Kaiser's role" (Merrier and Vannatta, 2005, p. 250).
Factor loadings are the Pearson correlation of each variable with the factor (Merrier and
Vannatta, 2005). These reveal the extent to which each of the variables composing the
factor are related to that factor. The criterion of relatively higher factor loadings was used in
this study in order to keep only those variables that highly correlated with the factor. Total
variance accounted for by each primary component indicates the degree of internal
consistency of the variables.
Table 1 describes the factor analyses of the attitudinal and behavioral variables. A
total of 10 factor analyses on 51 variables were performed. This produced a total number of
15 factors. For each of these factors, the eigenvalues were greater than one and loadings for
each variable were relatively high. The variables comprising the various components were
then combined into scales using regression analysis, which gives a weight to each of the
variables comprising the scale equal to its correlation with the factor. Brief description of
variables comprising the scales can be found in Table 1 and the full wording of the questions
themselves in Appendix A and B.
66
Table 1. Factor Analyses of Atfitudinal and Behavioral Variables
PC
Analy
sis
Components Variables Loadings*
Explained
Variance
Eigenvalue
Political Monetary participation in
.85
Participation political organizations
Participation in political
meetings
.85
72.59%
>1
2
Political
Liberalism - Conservatism .85
Affiliation
Left-wing - Right-wing .85
73.59%
>1
3
Interest in
Interest in national politics .92
Politics
Interest in international
politics
.93
43.82%
>1
Attitudes
toward
Social
Regulation
Attitudes toward economic
liberalism
Separatism
.70
.72
25.64%
>1
4
Personal
Religiosity
Effectiveness of religious
beliefs in everyday life
Belief in god
Role of prayer in everyday
life
Belief in religious miracles
Belief in life after death
Importance given to belief in
god
Belief in hell
Belief in heaven
.76
.87
.90
.90
.90
.92
.94
.95
80.70%
>1
Political
Religiosity
5 Anti-secularism .73 64.27% >1
6
7
8
Veil in public sphere
Mosque in public sphere
Sharia
Prayer in public sphere
.75
.83
.83
.84
Modem
Sexism
General modem sexism
Job discrimination
Spousal discrimination
Success discrimination
.64
.73
.73
.75
39.00%
Attitudes
toward
Women's
Organization
s
Attitudes toward women's
organizations - frustration
.93
26.12%
Attitudes toward women's
organizations - straggle
.94
Old-
fashioned
sexism
Job status discrimination
Sports discrimination
Intellectual discrimination
Logic discrimination
.65
.66
.72
.77
41.09%
Attitudes
toward
Unpaid
Labor
Domestic labor
discrimination
.88
20.63%
Self-sex
Quality
Sensitiveness of parmer
Ability of parmer
General excitement
Boredom
Quality of parmer
.58
.66
.68
.74
.82
53.75%
>1
>1
>1
>1
>1
67
Sexual attraction to parmer .85
68
Parmer-sex
Quality
Fun .68
Partner's Enjoymeent .85
Sexual attraction of parmer .87
12.90% >1
9
Sexual
Attitudes
Sexual freedom .67
Homophobia .68
Importance of sex .69
Family values .85
Extramarital sex .87
Premarital sex sign of
.88
degeneration
Sex reserved for marriage .89
64.13% >1
10
Attitudes
toward
Women's
Premarital
Sexuality
Acceptability of women's
premarital kissing
Acceptability of women's
.92
premarital intercourse
Acceptability of women's .94
premarital cuddling without
clothes
.80 79.54% >1
* If more than one component is extracted, loading values represent loading after rotation
Political Participation, Denomination, And Attitudes
Political participation is a scale that includes two questions with responses to each
coded from 1 to 7, seven being higher participation. A factor analysis of these revealed one
component. The component, Political Participation, accounted for 72.59% of the variance,
69
and was coded such that higher values mean higher participation.
Political affiliation is a scale that includes two questions with responses to each
coded from 1 to 7, seven being right-wing conservatism. A factor analysis of these revealed
one component. The component, PoliticalAffiliation, accounted for 73.59% of the
variance, and was coded such that higher values mean increasingly right and conservative
political affiliation.
Political attitudes is a scale that includes 5 questions. A factor analysis of these
produced two components, which were not confirmed by the criteria. After discarding
attitudes towards unions, which loaded poorly on both components, the following analysis
produced two components. The first component, Interest in Politics, was coded such that
higher values mean higher interest in politics. The second component, Attitudes toward
Social Regulation, was coded such that higher values mean increasingly negative attitudes
towards social regulation and ethnic or religious organizations.
Religiosity
Measuring religiosity is a very complicated subject for scientific measurement
(DeVellis, 2003). Various approaches towards the dimensionality of conceptualizing religion
exist. Early studies, as described by Wulff (1991), measure religiosity in terms of one
dimension and thus by one homogeneous scale. Later studies, on the other hand, devise a
multidimensional approach for the measurement of individuals' religiosity. The number of
dimensions operationalized in previous studies range anywhere from 5 (Faulkner & Dejong,
1966) to 10 (King & Hunt, 1969).
70
In this study, personal religiosity and political religiosity were conceptualized as two
important dimensions of religiosity. Personal religiosity is a scale that includes 9 questions,
with responses to each coded from 1 to 7, seven being higher personal religiosity. A factor
analysis of these produced one component, which was not confirmed by the criteria. After
discarding belief in devil, which poorly loaded into the initial component, the following
analysis produced one component. The component, Personal Religiosity, which explained
80.70% of the total variance, was coded such that higher values mean higher levels of
personal religiosity.
Political religiosity is a scale that measures the extent to which participants believe
religion should penetrate into the public sphere. It consists of 5 questions, coded from 1 to
7, seven being higher political religiosity. One component, Political Religiosity, which
accounted for 64.27% of the total variation, was produced. It was coded such that higher
values mean higher levels of political religiosity.
Sexism
Sexism is a variable that might be related to both religiosity and attitudes towards
premarital sexuality, especially because sexists will tend to regard women as property
obtained through marriage or fatherhood. To examine this effect, the study included
variables that attempt to measure old-fashioned (e.g. overt) and modem (e.g. covert)
sexism, originally prepared by Morrison et. al. (1999). The questions used are rated
especially successful when administered to university student samples (Morrison et al.,
1999).
71
The concept of modem sexism was operationalized by 8 questions, coded from 1 to
7, seven indicating higher sexist attitudes. A factor analysis of these produced two
components, which was not confirmed by the criteria. After discarding two questions, which
loaded poorly on both components, the following analysis produced two components. The
first component, Modem Sexism, was coded such that higher values mean higher modem
sexist attitudes. The second component, Attitudes towards Women Organizations, was
coded such that higher values mean increasingly negative attitudes towards women's
organizations.
The concept of old-fashioned sexism was operationalized by 5 questions, coded
from 1 to 7, seven being higher sexist attitudes. A factor analysis of these produced two
components. The first component, Old-Fashioned Sexism, was coded such that higher
values mean higher old-fashioned sexist attitudes. The second component, Attitudes toward
Unpaid Labor, was coded such that higher values mean increasingly positive attitudes
towards men's exploitation of women's unpaid labor.
Sexual Practices
Sexual practices are measured along three dimensions: sexual orientation, prior
sexual experience, and the quality of sex life. Prior sexual experience was operationalized as
any experience that the participant thought was sexual, during the last 3 or 4 years (prior
sexual experience). Sexual orientation was measured by a 7-point Likert scale (1 =attracted
to men only, 4=attracted to both sexes, 7=attracted to women only). The quality of sex life
was operationalized by 10 questions, coded from 1 to 7, seven being better quality of sex
72
life. A factor analysis of these produced two components, which were not confirmed by the
criteria. After discarding self-perceived quality of sex life, which was poorly loading, the
following analysis revealed two components. The first component, Self-sex Quality, was
coded such that higher values mean better self-sex quality. The second component,
Partner-sex Quality, was coded such that higher values mean better parmer-sex quality.
Sexual Attitudes And Attitudes Towards Premarital Sexuality
Sexual attitudes (based on the "Sexual Attitude Scale", Hudson et al., 1983) was
operationalized in terms by 11 questions, coded from 1 to 7, seven being liberal sexual
attitudes. A factor analysis of these produced one component, which was not confirmed by
the criteria. After discarding privacy, masturbation, sex education, and procreation, which
loaded poorly into the initial component, the following analysis produced only one
component. This component, Sexual Attitudes, which explained 64.13% of the total
variance, was coded such that higher values mean liberal sexual attitudes.
Finally, attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality is a scale that includes 4
variables, coded from 1 to 4, four being more permissive attitudes toward women's
premarital sex. This scale is based on Reiss' (1960) premarital sexual standards. A factor
analysis of these produced only one component. This component, Attitudes towards
Women's Premarital Sexuality, which explained 79.54% of the total variation, was coded
such that higher values mean more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital
sexuality.
Results
Descriptive Statistics Of Participants' Background Variables
Table 2 presents means, standard errors, standard deviations, minimums, and
maximums for age, total monthly family income, number of children, and social class.
Accordingly, participants had a mean age of 21.26 (SD = 3.03) and a mean total monthly
family income of 1,949 New Turkish Liras, Turkey's currency (SD = 1,856). Most
participants did not have any children and they mostly reported being members of the
middle to upper social classes.
73
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics of Participants' Demographics
St. Error
Respondent's Age in Years
Mean 21.26
Std. Deviation 3.03
M'mimum 17.00
Maximum 39.00
.18
Total Monthly Family Income
Mean 1949.07
Std. Deviation 1856.38
M'mimum 250.00
Maximum 15000.00
126.31
Number of Children
Mean .04
Std. Deviation .24
M'mimum .00
Maximum 2.00
.01
Social Class (1 = Bottom; 7 = Top)
Mean 4.46
Std. Deviation .84
M'mimum 2.00
Maximum 7.00
.05
74
Table 3 presents frequencies and percentages for various demographic variables,
prior sexual experience, and sexual orientation. Almost half of the participants were
between 20 and 21 years of age. Forty four percent have no prior sexual experience and
most (73.3%) classified themselves as strictly heterosexual. Ninety four point six percent
was never married. Ninety three point nine percent were born in Turkey. Almost half were
bom in Istanbul, 80.1% indicating a Turkish ethnicity. In terms of residency, 60.6% are
living with a friend or relative, and 26.4% are currently employed. Respondents living with
their parents or relatives were significantly younger than those living with other residential
partners (F(1,269) = 10.879, p < .005). Eighty three point four percent of the participants
had an intact family. Their mothers' attended mostly primary school (29.6%) and high
school (35%) while their fathers' attended mostly high school (28.8%) and university
(32.9%). According to a one-sample t-test, fathers (mean = 3.313, SD = 1.535) were
significantly more educated than mothers (mean = 2.780, SD = 1.525, p < .001).
75
Table 3.
Frequencies on Selected Demographic Variables
Frequency Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Respondent's Age
Between 17 61 22.0 22.0 22.0
and 19
inclusive
Between 20
124 44.8 44.8 66.8
and 21
22 44 15.9 15.9 82.7
23 or higher 44 15.9 15.9 98.6
Missing 4 1.4 1.4
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
Respondent's Marital
Status
Never
262 94.6 95.6 95.6
Married
Divorced 1 0.4 0.4 96.0
Married 11 4.0 4.0
Missing 3 1.1
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
City of Birth
Istanbul 142 51.3 54.0 54.0
Other City 121 43.7 46.0
Missing 14 5.1
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
Employment
Yes 73 26.4 26.6 26.6
No 201 72.6 73.4
Missing 3 1.1
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
Marital Status of
Parents
Divorced 25 9.0 9.5 9.5
Separated 7 2.5 2.7 12.2
Married 231 83.4 87.8
Missing 14 5.1
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
Mother's Educational
Background
Primary 82 29.6 30.6 30.6
School
Middle
24 8.7 9.0 39.6
School
High School
Community
College
University
Graduate
School
Missing
Total
97
18
44
3
9
N=277
35.0 36.2 75.7
6.5 6.7 82.5
15.9 16.4 98.9
1.1 1.1
Father's Educational
Background
3.2
100% 100%
Residential Parmer
Primary 49 17.7 18.3
School
Middle
30 10.8 11.2
School
High School 80 28.9 29.9
Community 12 4.3 4.5
College
University 91 32.9 34.0
Graduate 6 2.2 2.2
Missing 9 3.2
Total N=277 100% 100%
168
106
3
N=277
100%
Prior Sexual
Experience
18.3
Sexual Orientation
Relatives or
parents
Other
Missing
Total
29.5
59.3
63.8
97.8
100%
60.6 61.3 61.3
38.3 38.7
1.1
100% 100%
100%
No 122 44.0 47.8 47.8
Yes 133 48.0 52.2
Missing 22 7.9
Total N=277 100% 100% 100%
Attracted to
203 73.3 79.6 79.6
men only
2 26 9.4 10.2 89.8
3 8 2.9 3.1 92.9
Both sexes 15 5.4 5.9 98.8
5 1 0.4 0.4 99.2
6 1 0.4 0.4 99.6
76
77
Attracted to
1 0.4 0.4
women only
Missing 22 7.9
Total N=277 100% 100%
100%
Regression Analyses
Relationships Between Background Variables And Attitudes Toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
The primary purpose of doing a multiple regression analysis is to create an equation
that will predict the values on a dependent variable from a weighted combination of some
independent variables. These values are calculated for a given population. More specifically,
stepwise multiple regression with forward selection, the main analysis technique used in this
research, is often used in exploratory studies (Aron and Aron, 1999, In Mertler and
Vannatta, 2005). Its aim is to determine those independent variables that make the most
significant contribution in predicting the values of the dependent variable. During the
forward selection, independent variables are entered into the equation in an order, from the
most contributing to the least contributing, until predictor variables do not significantly
contribute to the equation any more (Mertler and Vannatta, 2005).
A forward multiple regression was conducted to determine which background
variables were the best predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. Table 4
presents the regression results. These results indicate mother's educational background, age,
ethnicity, and employment status are the best predictors of attitudes toward women's
78
premarital sexuality, with an R 2 = .205, p < .001. Thus, this model accounted for 20.5% of
variance in attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. Having a mother who is highly
educated, being older, employed, and non-Turkish predicted more permissive attitudes
toward women's premarital sex. Mother's education was the strongest predictor.
Table 4. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Background
Variables
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Mother's education .314*
Age .194'*
Ethnicity -. 169'*
Employment status -. 156**
Sexual orientation .093
City of birth .078
Total monthly family income -.054
Number of children -.040
Residential parmer -.019
Father's educational background .094
Social class -.096
R .453
R Square .205
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
To explore the effect of prior sexual experience on how background variables
predict attitudes toward premarital sexuality, another forward multiple regression was
conducted for women who did not have prior sexual experience. Table 5 presents the
79
regression results. These results show mother's educational background and ethnicity as the
best predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, R 2 =.319, p < .001.
Compared to the previous model, this model accounted for more (31.9%) of variance in
attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. Having a mother with higher education and
being non-Turkish correlated with more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital
sex. Mother's education was again the strongest predictor, and its effect was stronger as
compared to when all respondents are examined.
Table 5. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Background
Variables for Respondents with No Prior Sexual Experience
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Mother's educational background .488*
Ethnicity -.281 *
Age .162
Sexual orientation .051
City of birth -.001
Income .093
Number of children -.203
Residential parmer -.010
Employment status -. 128
Father's educational background .065
Social class -. 109
R .565
R Square .319
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
80
Although another forward multiple regression was conducted for participants who
had prior sexual experience, the regression revealed no significant predictors of attitudes
toward women's premarital sexuality for this group.
Relationships Between Attitudinal And Behavioral Variables And Attitudes Toward
Women's Premarital Sexuality
A forward multiple regression was conducted to determine which attitudinal and
behavioral variables were the predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
Table 6 presents these regression results, which show only one predictor, sexual attitudes,
R 2 = .393, p < .001. This model accounted for 39.3% of variance in attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality. Liberal sexual attitudes predicted more permissive attitudes
toward women's premarital sex.
Table 6. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal
Variable's
81
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Sexual attitudes
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org.
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political affiliation
Personal religiosity
Political religiosity
Modem sexism
Old-fashioned sexism
.627*
.080
.070
.026
.055
.046
-.015
-.079
-.042
-.077
.041
R .627
R Square .393
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
Due to the overwhelmingly strong effect of sexual attitudes and its significant
correlation to a number of other attitudinal and behavioral variables, a second test was
conducted, which excluded sexual attitudes from the equation. Table 7 presents these
regression results, which demonstrate that personal religiosity, political religiosity, and
political participation are the variables most highly correlated with attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality, R 2 = .304, p < .001. This model accounted for less (30.4%)
of the variance in attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality when compared to the
previous regression. Respondents with higher rates of political participation and lower
personal and political religiosity tended to be more permissive in their attitudes toward
women's premarital sex. Overall, political religiosity was the best predictor.
82
Table 7. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Personal religiosity
Political religiosity
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org.
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political affiliation
Modem sexism
Old-fashioned sexism
-.278*
-.322*
.153'*
.024
.051
.072
.054
-.040
-.111
.045
R .552
R Square .304
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
An additional forward multiple regression was conducted duplicating the regression
presented in Table 7 for only those students who had prior sexual experience. This was done
in order to include Self-sex Quality and Parmer-sex Quality as independent variables. As
Table 8 demonstrates, modem sexism and attitudes toward social regulation are the best
predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, R 2 =. 180, p < .001. This
model accounts for much less (18%) of the variance in attitudes toward women's premarital
83
sexuality for participants who had prior sex, when compared to the previous regression.
Modem sexist attitudes was the best predictor, with those who evidenced less modem
sexism and more favoring attitudes toward social regulation being more permissive in their
attitudes toward women's premarital sex.
Table 8. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes for Participants who had Prior Sexual
Experience
Attitudes toward Women's
Premarital Sexuality
Modem sexism
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org.
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Political affiliation
Personal religiosity
Political religiosity
Old-fashion sexism
Self-sex quality
Parmer-sex quality
-.227*
.172'*
-.054
.161
-.022
-.012
.000
-.127
-.097
-.062
.033
.018
R .424
R Square .180
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
84
Relationships Between Attitudinal And Behavioral Variables, Background Variables, And
Attitudes Toward Women's Premarital Sexuality
To examine the combined effect of attitudinal and behavioral and background
variables on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, and to assess which of the
variables in this combined model were the strongest predictors, a forward multiple
regression was conducted. Table 9 presents the results of this regression, and shows that
sexual attitudes is the only significant predictor, R 2 = .390, p < .001. This model accounts
for 39% of the variance in attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, with those with
more liberal sexual attitudes holding more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital
sex.
85
Table 9. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables and Background Variables
Attitudes toward Women's
Premarital Sexuality
Sexual attitudes
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political affiliation
Personal religiosity
Political religiosity
Modem sexism
Old-fashion sexism
Sexual orientation
Age
City of birth
Ethnicity
Total monthly family income
Number of children
Residential parmers
Employment status
Mother's educational background
Father's educational background
Social class
.624*
.080
.076
.068
.085
.053
.103
-.116
.120
-.085
.086
.083
.106
.085
-.071
.077
.054
.021
-.026
.146
.101
.032
R .624
R Square .390
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
Due to the overwhelmingly strong effect of sexual attitudes and its significant
correlation with most of the attitudinal and behavioral variables and some of the
86
background variables, the regression in Table 9 was repeated, excluding sexual attitudes
from the equation. Table 10 presents the results and shows that personal religiosity and
mother's educational background are best predictors, R 2 = .262, p < .001. This model
accounted for less (26.2%) of the variance in attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality
when compared to the previous regression. Personal religiosity was the strongest predictor,
followed by mother's education, with students with lower levels of personal religiosity and
those whose mothers were highly educated demonstrating greater permissiveness in their
attitudes toward women's premarital sex.
87
Table 10. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Attitudinal and
Behavioral Variables and Background Variables Excluding Sexual Attitudes
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Personal religiosity
Mother's educational background
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political affiliation
Political religiosity
Modem sexism
Old-fashion sexism
Sexual orientation
Age
City of birth
Ethnicity
Total monthly family income
Number of children
Residential parmers
Employment status
Father's educational background
Social class
-.402*
.236*
.102
.052
.070
.091
-.099
-.170
.-.151
.006
.080
.074
.052
-.080
.012
.106
-.078
-.078
-.053
.089
.032
R .512
R Square .262
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
An additional forward multiple regression was conducted duplicating the regression
presented in Table 10 for only those students who had prior sexual experience. This was
88
done in order to include Self-sex Quality and Parmer-sex Quality as independent variables.
As Table 11 demonstrates, modem sexism, attitudes toward social regulation, and sexual
orientation are the best predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, R 2 =
.268, p < .001. This model accounts for more of variance when compared to the previous
regression, but less (26.8%) of variance when compared to the regression presented in
Table 9. Sexual orientation was the best predictor, followed by modem sexism and attitudes
toward social regulation, with those who were not strictly heterosexual, who evidenced less
modem sexism and who had more favoring attitudes toward social regulation being more
permissive in their attitudes toward women's premarital sex.
89
Table 11. Regression of Attitudes toward Women's Premarital Sexuality on Atfitudinal and
Behavioral and Background Variables for Respondents with Prior Sexual Experience
Excluding Sexual Attitudes
Attitudes toward Women's Premarital
Sexuality
Modem sexism
Sexual orientation
Attitudes toward social regulation
Political participation
Interest in politics
Attitudes toward women's org.
Attitudes toward unpaid labor
Political affiliation
Personal religiosity
Political religiosity
Old-fashion sexism
Age
City of birth
Ethnicity
Total monthly family income
Number of children
Residential parmer
Employment status
Mother's educational background
Father's educational background
Social class
Self-sex quality
Parmer-sex quality
-.314'
.331'
.289**
-.003
.111
-.012
.084
-.072
-.097
-.047
.014
.074
-.018
.044
-.073
-.035
-.144
-.038
-.069
.014
.029
.038
.106
R .518
R Square .268
* p < 0.01; ** p < 0.05
90
Conclusions And Discussion
The current research explored how attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality
are affected by background and attitudinal and behavioral variables in a sample of Turkish
female university students studying in Istanbul University Department of English Language
and Literature.
Background Variables
Regression on the background variables revealed that mother's educational
background, age, employment status, and ethnicity correlated with attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality, but not father's educational background , sexual orientation or
social class. Accordingly, older, employed, non-Turkish participants whose mothers were
better educated tended to have more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital
sexuality. For participants who never had sex before, mother's education and ethnicity seem
to be strong predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality while age and
employment status loose their importance.
As discussed in the review of the literature, one's attitudes and beliefs are the result
of one's socialization (DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979). The strong effect of mothers'
educational background seems to suggest that the family, more specifically mothers, play an
important role in women's sexual socialization (Duggan and Hunter, 1995). On the other
hand, previous research focused on the family as a cohesive whole (e.g. Herold and
Goldwin, 1981; Langille and Curtis, 2002; Baker et. al., 1988). This study found no
1 It should be noted that mother's and father's education are significantly correlated (r = .687, p < .001).
91
significant effect of fathers' education. Hence, the finding indicates that the family should be
disaggregated to determine the specificity of the family's effect, especially regarding parental
roles of the mother and the father.
One might argue that better educated mothers' reactions to their daughters' sexual
acts are different from less educated mothers, and that their language does not lead to
inhibiting attitudes in their children as argued by Gagnon and Simon (1973) and Ehrhardt
(1994). The higher education of mothers may also lead to a different, more permissive
social code and ideology (DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979) that mothers pass onto
their children, as well as to an increased ability to provide their children with sufficient,
correct, and meaningful information about sex in contrast to Daniluck's (1998) observations
of the average American families. It is thus likely that increased education decreases
mothers' tendencies not to talk with their children about their sex-related body parts, hence
reducing the probability that daughters are uncertain "... about ... the workings of their own
bodies ..." (Daniluck, 1998, p. 32). This leads daughters to be more permissive.
The significant effect of mother's education also supports Reiss' (1967) theory,
which asserts that family is a key and direct determinant of attitudes toward premarital
sexuality. Reiss' theory also suggests that courtship is another key determinant of these
attitudes. The current study failed to confirm this: there was no significant effect of sex life
quality. It should be mentioned that my literature review did not reveal any specific
references to mother's educational status as a determinant of attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality. Past research focuses on the family as a whole and indicates that
92
variables related to the family (such as parental communication, parental monitoring, family
conflict, and number of siblings and number of parents) correlate with attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality as well as premarital sexual behavior.
Although ethnicity was a significant predictor of attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality in this research, little research was found with regard to ethnicity's
effect on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality in the Turkish literature. Apparently,
identifying oneself as Turkish is strongly related to restrictive attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality. It is possible that those who do not identify themselves as Turkish
isolate themselves from the social pressures that inhibit and prohibit women's sexual
activities. There are a number of possible explanations for the gap in the literature. One is
that the literature on premarital sex is mostly done in the United states. This literature
examines race (e.g. blacks and whites) but ignores ethnicity (e.g. German Americans and
Irish Americans). It might be argued that, consciously or unconsciously, the U.S. underplays
the importance of ethnicity in order to maintain the majority status of whites as a race to
dominate, oppress, and exploit those constructed as minorities (e.g. blacks). Thus, it is
unsurprising not to find many references to ethnicity in U.S. dominated sex research.
Another explanation is that Turkey has been experiencing a tremendous amount of ethnic
conflicts (and a civil war) between the Turkish government and Kurdish people. Hence, the
issue of ethnicity in Turkey is highly loaded with political tensions. Combined with the lack
of sex research, it is not surprising to find a gap in the Turkish scientific inquiry where the
relationship between sex and ethnicity are ignored.
93
Another background variable that predicted attitudes toward women's premarital
sexuality was age. The positive correlation between age and attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality is replicated in a number of previous studies, including DeLamater and
MacCorquodale (1979) and Ozan et. al. (2005), while it conflicted with others, such as
Lafuente and Valcarel (1984), Sakalli-Ugurlu and Glick (2003), and Muftuler-Bac (1999).
The age range in this study was restricted. The sample was relatively younger and most
students were between the ages of 18 and 23. Younger students tended to live with their
parents or relatives. Hence, it might be argued that, in this age range, as students get older
and move out of their family home, they are freed from the restrictive social influence of
their families and exposed to more liberal social forces.
Another effect was that of employment. One possible explanation for the positive
effect of employment on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality is related to the shift
of control during a woman's sexual development. It is possible that as one is employed and
steps away from home, the restrictive effect of the family diminishes, opening the way for
more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality for the students in this
study.
Attitudinal And Behavioral Variables
Among atfitudinal and behavioral variables, only sexual attitudes predicted attitudes
toward women's premarital sexuality. Sexually liberal participants in general tended to have
more permissive attitudes, specifically toward women's premarital sexuality. However, when
the overwhelmingly strong effect of sexual attitudes was excluded from the equation,
94
personal and political religiosity and political participation emerged as strong predictors.
Participants who were high on political participation but low on personal and political
religiosity tended to have more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
For those who had prior sexual experience, being low on modem sexism and having
negative attitudes toward social regulation positively correlated with supportive attitudes
toward premarital sexuality. Sex life quality, on the other hand, had no significant effect.
This research confirmed previous American studies that implied a strong relationship
between one's sexual attitudes in general and attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality
(Reiss, 1960; DeLamater and MacCorquodale, 1979; Chitanum and Finchilescu, 2003). The
finding is nevertheless significant: from a Western perspective, attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality are believed to be a dimension of the more general sexual attitudes.
However, in the Turkish context, women's sexuality is defined in terms of marriage.
Regardless of one's sexual attitudes, premarital sex for women is considered to be wrong or
inappropriate (Pelin, 1999; Wasti and Cortine, 2002; Kayir, 2000; Aydin and Gulcat; Duyan
and Duyan, 2005; Altinay, 2000). Hence, positive attitudes toward sexuality in general does
not guarantee positive attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
The effect of both personal and political religiosity were apparent once sexual
attitudes was excluded. While personal religiosity depicts how much one is involved in
religion, political religiosity explores attitudes toward the relation between the secular
Turkish democracy and the penetration of Islamic laws and dogmas into the political realm.
The negative effect of religiosity on sexuality is well documented (e.g. Freud, [1928] 1989;
95
Linfield, 1960; Thomas, 1975; Bell, 1966; Herold and Goodwin, 1981; Jurich, 1984;
Ilkkaracan, 2001; Arsel, 1997; Duyan, 2005). In addition religion, specifically Islam, is a
crucial social force negatively affecting sexual norms and rules in the Turkish society,
especially through its obsession with virginity. In short, participants who were affected more
by the Islamic sexual taboos tended to have less permissive attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality.
The effect of political participation instead of political affiliation was a surprising
predictor of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. Although political affiliation was
not a predictor of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality, this may well be because a
large number of participants tended to be between middle to left-liberal on the political
affiliation continuum (87.2%). Hence, the effect of political participation might indicate that
in this relatively politically homogeneous sample, greater involvement in left-wing politics
tends to generate more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. This
interpretation is consistent with to the findings of Lafuente and Valcfircel (1984), McKelvey
et. al. (1999), and Sakalli-Ugurlu and Glick (2003), all of whom found a relationship
between political views and attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
The effects of religiosity and political participation were replaced by modem sexism
and attitudes toward social regulation for participants who had prior sexual experience.
Modem sexism depicts a set of attitudes that may not be perceived by the general
population as sexist, but contains strong but less hostile elements of misogynist beliefs
compared to old-fashioned sexism. As mentioned earlier, ambivalent sexism theory claims
96
that sexist attitudes toward women have a benevolent and a hostile component. Modem
sexism is similar to benevolent sexism because it includes less apparent hostile attitudes
against women. In contrast, old-fashioned sexism is similar to hostile sexism, in that both
contain easily recognizable misogynist attitudes. The current findings seem to confirm
Sakalli-Ugurlu and Glick's (2003) finding that benevolent sexism was related to negative
premarital attitudes in women contrary to hostile sexism, which did not significantly predict
negative premarital attitudes.
Attitudes toward social regulation as a predictor of attitudes toward women's
premarital sexuality was interesting in that those opposed to social regulation tended to be
more permissive toward women's premarital sexuality. Attitudes toward social regulation
depicts two concepts: attitudes toward governmental interference with businesses and
attitudes toward ethnic and religious organizations. Both of these dimensions refer to left or
right-wing attitudes of the participants. Supporting governmental interference and
supporting ethnic or religious organizations are intrinsically leftist attitudes. Unfortunately,
the question on ethnic and religious organizations was poorly worded in the survey. The
poor wording resulted in two different readings of the same question, hence clouding any
speculation on the effect of attitudes toward social regulation. Originally, this question was
deployed as a means of examining participants' attitudes toward minorities. Supporting
minorities such as Kurds (ethnic) or Alevis (religious) is a leftist attitude in the Turkish
context. However, upon further review, it was observed that right-wing participants might
have expressed positive attitudes toward this, as they would probably support oppressive
97
ethnic and religious organizations such as a fascist political party or an oppressive Sunni
sect.
Backound And Attitudinal And Behavioral Variables
When all the variables are considered, sexual attitudes was the only predictor for
attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. As one cotfid easily predict, those with
liberal sexual attitudes tended to have permissive attitudes toward women's premarital
sexuality. When this vafiable's strong effect was excluded from the equation, personal
religiosity and mother's education emerged as the best predictors of the dependent variable.
Less religious participants who had better educated mothers tended to be more permissive
toward women's premarital sexuality. For participants who had prior sexual experience,
modem sexism, political participation, attitudes toward social regulation, and sexual
orientation were the best predictors of attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
Accordingly, in this group, less sexist non-heterosexual participants who had negative
attitudes toward social regulation and who participated more in politics tended to have
more permissive attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality.
The emergence of sexual orientation as a predictor in sexually experienced group
(when background and attitudinal variables were combined) was unexpected. This was
relatively hard to interpret, because it did not emerge as a predictor among background
variables for participants who had prior sexual experience. The stability of this variable was
questionable in that there were too few participants who reported bisexual or lesbian sexual
orientation.
98
Limitations Of The Research
This research is restricted by a number of limitations. First, the literature focusing on
sexuality in Turkey is extremely scarce and mostly unavailable due to the physical location
of the researcher. Because there was a lack of previous sex research in Turkey, this study
had to depend for the most part on the U.S. literature. However, the efficacy of such an
approach is questionable due to difficulties in interpreting the differences and similarities
accross cultures.
Second, in order to keep the survey as short as possible, some important variables
were not measured. Such variables included parents' and peers' attitudes towards women's
premarital sexuality, nature of sexual education received by the participant (formal to
informal), source of sexual education (schools, parents, peers, media, etc.), feminist
attitudes, and social desirability. Although data were obtained about parents' educational
background, no data was collected regarding parental attitudes. As such, interpretations on
mother's education were based on assumptions instead of empirical data. The literature
reveals that peers' and parents' attitudes affect attitudes toward women's premarital
sexuality. Without data on the source and the nature of sexual education and peers' and
parents' attitudes toward premarital sex, the research cannot obtain a more complete picture
of what directly affects one's attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. The source of
sexual education would disclose the current state of Turkish formal sex education, which is
believed to be nonexistent. Data on participants' feminist attitudes would be complementary
to the results obtained through the variables of modem and old-fashioned sexism. Although
99
these variables measure how participants perceive gender, they do not give insight of how
they understand the tensions between genders. Finally, social desirability as a control
variable would make it possible to eliminate this important confounding variable.
The use of survey as the only methodology, although mandatory due to the physical
location of the researcher, was limiting. Although survey as a methodology has its own
strengths, it seems to reflect the patriarchal culture's obsession with numbers, and the
imposition of the researcher's own definitions on the participants (Reinharz, 1992). In
contrast, interviewing (which has its own problems as well) as a complementary qualitative
method to survey would offer comprehensive depth of understanding and flexibility through
discussion, clarification, and probing (Babbie, 2004).
A minor problem was that liberalism was not clearly explained in the survey.
Although it clearly measured left-wing - right-wing political views (see Table 1), it is likely
that some participants were misled, as they possibly confused economical liberalism (laissez-
fake) with social liberalism (being open-minded).
Finally, the non-random nature of the sample was restrictive: it was generalizable
only to "female undergraduate students of Istanbul University Department of Language and
Literature", instead of the general Turkish population. Hence, implications of the research
findings are limited, and preliminary and exploratory in nature.
Practical And Policy Implications
One of the underlying assumptions of this research was that, the development of
sexuality progresses from birth to death and that premarital sexuality is an important part of
lOO
this process, even though it might be experienced problematically due to the patriarchal
nature of the society. The prohibition of premarital sexuality blocks many of the physical
and psychological aspects of sexual development, limiting women's sexual choices on the
basis of theoretical and obsolete assumption instead of actual sex-play/practice.
The findings indicate that, in order to ease the taboos related to women's premarital
sex in Turkey, more public attention is needed to increase awareness and information on
sexuality, especially among those of Turkish ethnic background who seemed to be affected
more by sexual taboos. Policies need to be implemented in order to increase overall
education levels of mothers, who are significantly less educated than fathers. Women's
employment also need to be better promoted, as it seems to decrease the negative effects of
families, peers, and school on attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. Religion is an
important means of control of premarital sex, and although it is a very sensitive issue in
Turkey, its misogynist assumptions need to be uncovered and brought under public
scrutiny. On the other hand, heterosexism negatively affected participants' attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality, in that strictly heterosexual participants had less permissive
attitudes toward women's premarital sexuality. It seems that heterosexism works hand in
hand with other social forces in Turkish society in limiting women's freedom of sexual
choices. Although there are some Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT)
organizations in Turkey, they are marginalized. Apart from their empowering functions
among the Turkish LGBT communities, they need to be further supported as a means of
fighting the oppressive impact of compulsory heterosexuality on women's sexual lives.
101
Although old-fashioned sexism seemed to have less effect on attitudes toward
women's premarital sexuality in this sample, modem sexist attitudes seem to affect even this
relatively liberal left-wing highly educated population. Such sexist attitudes need to be
brought under public scrutiny as they have the potential to maim the future feminist
straggles in Turkey.
102
APPENDICES
Appendix A- Turkish Survey
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
Appendix B - English Survey
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
Appendix C - [.. Department Letter
127
128
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