'%: ^■TO-LO^ PRICE 5/ THEUNfVERSST OF TEXAS APRl 11941 THE LIBRARY i PURnPll. rSCKnTlflC-SOCIfiUSm i nTHC-llJCSTCRn-HCfDISPHCK (L VI - No. 57 BOSTON, MASS. «^»" DECEMBER 1939 The modern State, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine, the state of the capitalists, the ideal per' sonification of the total national capital. SOCIALISM, UTOPIAN AND SCIENTIFIC by Engeln. IN THIS ISSU RUSSGFINNISH II HAM AND EGGS It THE C C. F. AND THE PRESENT WHO'S NEUTRAL? • WPA STRIKES LEADERS LIMITED [Conclusion] THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA and THE WORKERS SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES Object The establishment of a system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of society as a whole. Declaration of Principles THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA and THE WORKERS SOCIALIST PARTY OF THE U.S. hold: 1. That society as at present constituted is based upon the ownership of the means of liring (i.e., lands, factories, railways, etc.), by the capitalist or master class, and the consequent enslavement of the working class, by whose labor alone wealth is produced. 2 # That in society, therefore, there is an antagonism of interests, manifesting itself as a class struggle, between those who possess but do not produce, and those who produce but do not possess. 3. That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the working class from the domina- tion of the master class by the conversion into the common property of society of the means of production and distri- bution, and their democratic control by the whole people. 4 # That as in the order of social evolution the working class is the last class to achieve its freedom, the eman- cipation of the working class will involve the emancipa- tion of all mankind, without distinction of race or sex. 5 # That this emancipation must be the work of the working class itself. g # That as the machinery of government, including the armed forces of the nation, exists only to conserve the monopoly of the capitalist class of the wealth taken from the workers, the working class must organize consciously and politically for the conquest of the powers of government, in order that this machinery, including these forces, may be converted from an instrument of oppression into the agent of emancipation and the overthrow of plutocratic privilege. 7 # That as political parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the working class is diametrically opposed to the interests of all sections of the master class, the party seeking working class emancipation must be hostile to every other party. 8 THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA and THE WORKERS SOCIALIST PARTY OF U. S., therefore, enter the field of political action determined to wage war against all other political parties, whether alleged labor or avowedly capitalist, and calls upon all members of the working class of these countries to sup- port these principles to the end that a termination may be brought to the system which deprives them of the fruits of their labor, and that poverty may give place to comfort, privilege to equality, and slavery to freedom. Those agreeing with the above principles and desiring enrollment in the Party should apply for membership form to secretary of nearest branch or local or at National Headquarters. SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA BRANCHES are to be found m Edmonton, Moose jaw, Toronto, Victoria, Vancouver, Winnipeg * • WORKERS SOCIALIST PARTY DIRECTORY Local Boston 12 Hayward Place, Boston Local New York 5 Sylvan Place, N. Y. (basement) Local Los Angeles 149 N. Douglas St. • • Activities in New York Sunday, 8:00 p.m. Lectures, 5 Sylvan Place (basement) Thursday, 8 :00 p.m. Study Class, 5 Sylran Place (basemeat) Near Lexington Are., between 120-121 Ste. Activities in Boston Sunday, 8:00 p. m. sharp, Forum, 12 Hayward Place, Boston Thursday, 8*00 p.m., Study Class. "Positirc Outcome of Philosophy" by Dietzgen at 12 Hayward Place, Boston. THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA and THE WORKERS SOCIALIST PARTY OF U. S. are prepared to furnish speakers for organizations desiring to hear the cas* for Socialism. Address all inquiries for arrangement* to 12 Hayward Place, Boston, Mass. The fire companion parties bound together by the common bond of Socialist Determination and Understanding? are : Socialist Party of Australia Socialist Party of Canada Socialist Party of Great Britain Socialist Party of New Zealand Workers Socialist Party of U. S. For further information write FOREIGN SECRETARY, 12 Hayward Place, Boston, Mass. **«*% of Texmt THE WESTERN SOCIALIST Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada and the Workers Socialist Party of the U.S.A. VOL. VI — No. 57 BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS DECEMBER, 1939 THE RUSSIAN-FINNISH WAR AS we go to press, news comes that capitalist Russia is again on the march. The annexation of nearly- half of Poland, the domination of Lithuania, Est- onia and Latvia, and now the military invasion of Finland are but normal expressions of an expanding capitalist economy. The Bolshevik dictatorship, born in the Revolution of 1917, after a blighted youth, is now a mature, militant capitalist power capable of challenging its fellow-capitalist powers for possession of the wealth robbed from the workers (Russian included) of the world. Despite its proletarian pretensions, in the present world struggles for control of vital trade routes, natural resources, strategic military bases and exploit- able workers, Soviet capitalism supports the slaughter of workers (its own included). An examination of the Russian-Finnish War once more confirms these facts. After an unsuccessful attempt, by negotiation, to impose a strategic occupation on Finland like that imposed on the other Baltic countries, the Russian state resorted to a more direct and "civilized" form of persuasion, armed invasion. Let us look at the Finland which Russia so anxiously attempts to embrace. HISTORICAL Capitalizing on the Bolshevik revolution, Finland declared itself an independent country on Dec. 6, 1917. A titanic battle ensued within Finland between the anti-Bolshevik and pro-Bolshevik adherents for the control of state power. According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, "The Finnish Social-Democrats, almost all Bolshevists, held a majority in the Finnish Diet and pinned their faith to Moscow. A hastily organized army of opposition under Mannerhekn proved inade- quate, so Germany, who hoped to erect a subsidiary princedom in Finland, sent an army of 12,000. With this aid the counter revolution, emerged the victor and proceeded to slaughter, at the least, 15,000 Reds, 4,600 of whom were women and children." Finland served as a base for armed Allied attempts to get a "just" PIECE of a weakened Russia. At the Versailles PEACE conference, Finland was one of the countries set up as a buffer state to check any possible Russian expansion. Since Versailles, Finland has traveled the road of "the middle way". With land distribution (reminiscent of the recent Russian measures in Poland) creating thousands of small property-owners, with manifold "social security" measures, widespread consumer and producer cooperatives, and a government called de- mocratic, the Finnish capitalists helped to lightning rod the growing consciousness of the working class. . But the class struggle goes on in Finland as it does in Russia. There are the rich and the poor, and the even poorer beneficiaries of "cooperative" relief. The present call to the Finnish (and the Russian) workers to defend their "homes and liberties" is a call to the enslaved to risk their lives for the pre- servation of their enslavement. NATURAL RESOURCES Finland has a population of 3,600,000 and a territory the size of New England, New York and New Jersey combined. According to the U. S. Department of Com- merce, paper and paper pulp make up the principal industry and 75% of the export income (the total ex- port income in 1938 was $180,000,000) of Finland. Certainly the Finnish industries cannot be the main objective of Russia's war machine. Mining is being developed among some of the world's richest nickel deposits by the International Nickle Co. (controlled by American capitalists) in the Petsamo district, which has the only year-round ice-free port of Northern Finland. It is noteworthy that this region is now the scene of the bitterest fighting of the conflict. WAR AIMS The real importance of Finland to Russia is its geographical position. It has long been an object of the Russian rulers, even under the Czars, to push across the northern end of Europe and obtain ice- free ports on the upper coast of Norway. This would be greatly facilitated by Russian dominance of Fin- land. The possession of the Aaland Islands would not only enable Russia to block the vital German imports of iron ore from Swedish ports on the Gulf of Bothnia but also to threaten the important centers of Sweden itself. The acquisition of Finland would also enhance the strategic military and economic position of Lenin- grad, the second largest industrial center of Russia. For the sake of its profit-making interests at home and abroad, the Russian masters have sent the work* ers to war. SOVIET APOLOGETICS On October 31, 1939, Molotov, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, in a speech before the Supreme Soviet said .that Russia required parts of Finland in order to defend Leningrad, which is only 22 miles from the Finnish border, within the range of modern long range guns, and which could be blockaded in the Gulf of Finland. Using the same logic, England could, and if her economic interests required, would demand con- trol of Belgium because she is similiarly at a short distance from its shores, and could block important shipping lanes, "In view of this, as well as in view of the present situation in Europe, it may be expected that Finland will display the necessary understanding." Finland did not display the necessary understanding as far as Russia was concerned. The Finnish capital- ists, enheartened by Allied and American verbal and Page 76 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST December, 1939 moral support, could not understand the acceptance of domination and possible extinction without a strugggle. So Molotov spoke again while Russia attacked: "We are compelled to take immediate measures to secure the EXTERNAL security of our state/' (em- phasis ours). The external security of any capitalist power can only come with the domination of the entire world! Forgotten is the slogan "not one inch of foreign soil." THE WOLF AND THE LAMB Just as the fabled dialogue between the wolf and the lamb, the wolf found adequate excuses for the licking of lamb chops, so the Soviet spokesmen and their foreign legionnaires in the Communist parties of the world find sufficient justification for "the world's leading force for peace" forcing workers to engage in a slaughter for capitalist conquest. Just as we were told that the Abyssinian "savages" poisoned wells and attacked Italian troops; that the Chinese provoked the Japanese ; and that Polish atro- cities against Germans wore down the patience of Hitler, so we are told that Finland, with an army of 400,000 invaded a country with a population of 180 million, covering one sixth of the world's area, and having' the largest army in the world. The Daily Worker reports from Moscow (Dec. 1, 1939) that: "RED ARMY HURLS BACK INVADING FINNISH TROOPS, CROSSES FRONTIER — ADVANCE 6 to 9 MILES — The Finnish bourgeois-landlord rulers, incited and supported by world imperialism. . . at- tacked at two points yesterday morning. They were repulsed by the Soviet Union which took the necessary steps in defence of its national interests. The present Finnish rulers were given the assignment by world imperialism. . . it must be affirmed that the Roosevelt administration shares the joint responsibility for inciting the Finnish. . . to hostile acts." The capitalist exploiters are shocked; President Roosevelt is shocked; England is shocked; The Pope is deeply shocked ; the vultures of the world are shock- ed — at Russion barbarism. Russia, a modernized powerful capitalist state, menaces their loot the world over. After Finland, what next? Bessarabia? The Balkans? Turkey? China? The world may be de- manded to safeguard Russia's "EXTERNAL SECUR- ITY." The spectre of world revolution haunts the capitalists of the world. But they need have no fear that Russia will eliminate their system. Rather, Russia aims to save the world for State Capitalism. However this knowledge may be little comfort to the existing ruling powers who may be "liquidated" by imperialist Russia. The proof that Russia is no threat but rather a pre- server of capitalism is found in the program of the puppet "People's Government of the Democratic Re- public of Finland" set up by the Soviet Union in a small town which they had captured. In its declaration, it states its tasks as "The institution of state control over large private banks and large industrial enter- prises and the realization of measures assisting medium and petty enterprises." A clear cut capitalist program. Just as in Russia, the worker will be divorced from the means of production. To live, he will be forced to sell his labor power for a wage, which, on the average, is merely sufficient for his maintenance. Production of commodities for exchange in the market, money, banks, interest, income tax laws, inheritance, purges, dictatorship and all the glories of international wage-slavery will be perpetuated. When the Bolshevik Revolution took place in 1917, The Workers Socialist Party, the Socialist party of Canada, and The Socialist Party of Great Britain pointed out that, in view of the historic circumstances, it could not result in the development of Socialism. Socialism can only be achieved when the problem of production is solved and the majority of the workers are class conscious. These basic prerequisites of social- ism did not exist then, and are not present now in state capitalist Russia. The working class should apply to Russia the same test that should be applied to Capitalism throughout the world even through it parades in the name of socialism. G. G. G. NOTHING TO DO HEN Countess Haugwitz-Reventlow, the former Barbara Hutton, recently arrived in New York harbor on the Italian liner Conte di Savoia, she was informed that a picket line of Woolworth employees was awaiting her. She petulantly exclaimed to the reporters, "It always happens to me — that welcome home! I'm tired of saying I have nothing to do with the Woolworth stores." (N. Y. Times, Oct. 23, 1939). She spoke the truth. Although she is a leading beneficiary of the profits realized in the Woolworth 5 and 10^ stores, having already acquired 45 million dollars, she has nothing to do with the management of this concern. In fact, she's never done a day's productive toork in her life. While thousands of girls endure the drudgery of Woolworth employment for from 8 to 15 dollars weekly (you can't "find a million dollar baby in a 5 and 10 cent store"), the Countess has gained world-wide notoriety for her spending sprees ; $60,000 for a coming out party, $2,876,382 for the acquisition of a title and the Prince Mdivani, $5,000,000 to Count Haugwitz- Reventlow for a recent divorce settlement, $650 for the removal of one tooth, $10,000 for the birth of her child. (See Life Magazine, July 18, 1939.) That the parasitism of the Countess is not excep- tional but typical of the members of the capitalist class is evidenced by the statement of Owen D. Young, former head of General Electric, who said, "In your modern business organization of large size we have completely divorced ownership from responsibility. Now ownership has little or no relation to the conduct of business." (Review of Reviews, March, 1929.) Wake up workers ! Realize that your brains, your directive abilities, your physical energies when applied to natural resources are the sole creators of wealth. You run industry now; why not run it in your own interest? End the present system which rewards the parasites and starves the producers. December, 1939 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST Page 77 The C. C. F. and the Present War IN our November issue appeared an article dealing with war sentiment in Canada generally. In this issue we present the official war policy of • the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation. (See "The Canadian Forum" for October, 1939.) The C C. F. outlines its policy on the war to be (1) economic assistance overseas, (2) defense of Canada's shores, (3) no military participation over- seas, and (4) the preservation of democracy at home. In support of this policy, the C. C. F. declares "that its duty, and the duty of every Canadian, is at all times to secure the unity and welfare of the Can- adian people. In this crisis we place this loyalty first without being unmindful of our responsibilities, as a democratic country, in the present world." Since the C. C. F., apparently, hasn't yet discovered that the Canadian people are divided into two economic classes, the working class and the capitalist class, we take this opportunity of calling this fact to their attention. How does the C. jC. F. intend to "secure the unity and welfare" of these two diametrically opposed economic groups? Also, exactly what is meant by "our respon- sibilities"? The working class has no responsibilities in the administration of capitalism, otherwise described as "the present world". The real responsibility that confronts the working class is to introduce socialism. "The C. C. F. believes that the same struggle for trade supremacy and political domination which caused the last war and was perpetuated by the Versailles Treaty is again the primary cause of the present con- flict." Inasmuch as the C. C. F. "believes" (in spite of all the evidence it does not yet know) that economic factors are the primary causes of war, what becomes of its claim that the Canadian workers owe "loyalty" to the economic interests of their Canadian masters? The C. C. F. bemoans that Canada is in the war because the people of Canada failed to heed its warn- ings "that once the principles of the League of Nations were abandoned and the governments of Europe re- verted to power politics and secret diplomacy, anarchy and war would inevitably follow." Further it re- gretted that "the Canadian people have had no voice in the foreign policy of the European governments which has brought us to the present tragic position." In what respects are the holy "principles" of the League of Nations, that the C. C. F. cherishes, to be distinguished from the diabolical designs of the Ver- sailles Treaty which the C. C. F. condemns? "The C. C. F. believes that since Canada is now implicated in the war, Canada's war policy should be based first on the fundamental national interests of the Canadian people, as well as on their interest in the outeome of the war. Canada should be prepared to defend her own shores, but her assistance overseas should be limited to economic aid and must not include conscription of manpower or the sending of any expeditionary force." (Emphasis their). In their shamefaced and cowardly support of the present war, they lack the courage of their convictions. They fall back on meaningless platitudes that serves to conceal the admitted economic causes of the war: — "We consider that in the cause of the Allied Powers lies a hope of building European peace on a more secure foundation because, in part at least, the people of Great Britain and France are waging a war against aggression", and also for "the survival of democratic institutions." Under the friendly protection of its defenders, Canada, England, and France, these de- mocratic institutions seem to be waging a losing battle for survival. Witness, the various censorships and war measures. The British Empire, upon whose territory the sun never sets, and the colonial empire of France, have as their foundation a history of aggression that, in comparison, makes the undemocratic, totalitarian countries mere tyros. The C. C. F. has gone on record. Keep in mind these statements being made by the C. \C. F. now. Let them not say, tomorrow, that different times and conditions demand different programs and policies. The C. C. F. is on trial. History will find it guilty of deceiving and betraying the working class and its interests. Fellow-workers, when you realize that the ONLY THING WORTH STRUGGLING FOR IS SOCIAL ISM, you will repudiate the C. C. F. and their ilk in otker countries. NONE PROUDER THAN BROWDER Earl Browder's speech at Symphony Hall, Boston, on Nov., 5, 1939, evoked plenty of comment throughout the country. Even the White House took note of it. No critic, however, rejected the principle expressed in the following boast by Browder : m "The Browder family settled in Virginia in the late 1600's, played an honorable role in carving a new civilization out of the wilderness, bore arms against England in 1776 and 1812, and for the Union in the Civil War, gained honorable mention in the official History of the Methodist Church of Kentucky in the earliest day, followed the frontier until it vanished, was always characterized by examples of public service, and never abused the confidence gained from its fellow citizens to amass private wealth. "I am proud of my name and of its history, and in my own modest way endeavor to continue the family tradition." (Daily Worker, Nov. 6, 1939). Browder proudly follows in the footsteps of his ancestors who performed "public service" for church and state. Going back to the 1600% Browder has about 2,000 forebears. Can it be there are no skeletons of tories, villains or horse thieves rattling in the Browder closet? m Socialists realize that we do not inherit ideas, morals or character. Our job is to induce the workers to get rid of the ancestor worship and its expressions in blatant Americanism, Aryan theories, and Earl Browder's boasts. STARVATION DIET IS INTERNATIONAL From the letterbox column of the New York Sunday News, Oct, 29, 1939. "Larksville, Pa. So that poor Stuart Rogers family that tried out a German wartime diet for the New York Sunday News for a week thinks they would even- tually starve on Nazi rations. Well, they ought to try to live on Pennsylvania relief rations for a while if they want to know what a real starvation diet is like. Mrs. J. M." Page 78 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST December, 1939 The Western Socialist $1000. Publication Fund OFFICIAL NOTICE THE WESTERN SOCIALIST is published jointly by the Socialist Party of Canada and the Workers Socialist Party of the United States. Subscription, donations and all matters that are not of an editorial nature should be addressed to the Workers Socialist Party, 12 Hayward Place, Boston, Mass. U.S.A. Articles and correspondence for insertion in THE WESTERN SOCIALIST should be addressed to the National Editorial Committee, 5 Sylvan Place, (basement) New York City, N. Y., U.S.A. Subscript-ion Rates 12 issues (postage included) 75^ 4 issues (postage included) 25^ Bundle rates on application Vol. VI DECEMBER, 1939 No. 57 "nieriy" Christmas WHILE the cannons roar and workers die by the thousands on the battlefields of Europe and Asia and on the high seas ; in the midst of the industrial strife — strikes, lockouts, occupational accidents and disease — here in America as well as in the rest of the world, Christian "civilization" pre- pares to celebrate once again the festival known as Christmas. Both masters and slaves will gather in their Temples of Superstition to grovel before a mythical savior and mouth that most hypocritical of all slogans "Peace on Earth, Goodwill towards Men." And, as always, benevolent organizations will scatter a few drops of sweet charity amongst the families of those workers who are not fortunate enough to have exploiters. The workers, generally, will have an opportunity to enjoy a brief change from the drab monotony of life under capitalism. For once they will get a half decent meal under their belts, and exchange gifts with one another ; but unless they come out somewhere near even in the exchange, their stomachs will suffer. Their Chirstmas stockings will be at least partly filled, and the grim, constant worry of stretching their pay- checks far enough will be supposedly suspended until December 26th. The capitalists, on the other hand, from those who profit directly from sales to belligerent governments down through the various branches of industry and commerce — not to forget the purveyors of spirits, (Clerical and Corked) will enjoy a very merry Christ- mas indeed. For, while the workers slaughter each other in battle, business, largely as a result of these holocausts, booms as it hasn't boomed since 1929. But, notwithstanding the sordidness of the scene that is presented to us this Christmas, the solution to it all, socialism, still can be achieved whenever the workers desire it. The Socialist Party of Canada and the Workers Socialist Party of the United States therefore, urge you to study socialism, join our ranks and help us speed the day when this unattainable ideal under class society — "Peace on Earth, Goodwill towards ,Men" — will become the normal behavior throughout the year. There exists an emergency need for publication funds. The continuance of this journal, at the present moment, depends upon your financial contributions: We urgently appeal to you to : — 1. CONTRIBUTE THE MOST YOU CAN SPARE. 2. CONTRIBUTE IMMEDIATELY. 3. SOLICIT YOUR FRIENDS FOR CON- TRIBUTIONS. Send all remittances for Publication fund to: Charles Rothstein f Circulation Mgr. 12 Hayward Place, Boston, Mass. All contributions will be acknowledged. DONATIONS ACKNOWLEDGED Previously acknowledged $113.00*. A. P. (San Francisco, Cal.) $5.00; A. F. (Roxbury, Mass.) $1.00; Local Boston, W. S. P.) $20.00; M. K. (Brockton, Mass.) $2.00; B. F. (Los Angeles, Cal.) $1.00; F. J. (Roxbury, Mass.) $1.00; Local New York, (W. S. P.) $2.00; L. M. (Roxbury, Mass.) 50c; C. L, (Victoria, B. C.) 50c; H. M. (Somerville, Mass.) 50c; W. H. (Winnipeg, Man.) $2.00; I. R. (Boston, Mass.) 25c; A. P. (San Francisco, Cal.) $3.00; S. K. (Dorch- ester, Mass.) 50c; D. S. (St. John, N. B.) 25c; G. G. (Chelsea, Mass.) 25c; E. S. (Dorchester, Mass.) 25c. — TOTAL $158.00. ♦Through error $128.00 in November issue. ANSWER TO CORRESPONDENTS We urge the reader of THE WESTERN SOCIALIST to be very critical of its contents. Do not hesitate to write us for further information or regarding matters with which you disagree. We welcome your correspondence. Mail all inquiries to National Editorial Committee, 5 Sylvan Place (base- ment) , New York City, N. Y. LOCAL BOSTON FORUMS FOR DECEMBER Dec. 3 — DEBATE: Should The Workers Go To War To Defend The U.S.A.? Aff. American Action Associates (Gatt, Morrisey) Neg. Workers Socialist Party (Robertson, Martel) Dec. 5 — DEBATE: Is Soviet Russia A Capitalist State? Aff. Workers Socialists Party (G. Fredericks) Neg. Revolutionary Workers League (S. Okun) Dec. 10 — LECTURE: Origin And Nature Of Money (H. Morrison) Dec. 17 — LECTURE: The Russian-Finnish War (G. Fredericks) Dec. 24 — LECTURE: Socialism Utopian And Scientific (M. Kadish) Dec. 31 — LECTURE: Happy New Year (I. Robertson) December, 1939 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST Page 79 \i HAM AND EGGS it CALIFORNIA has just experienced a unique election, the chief purpose of which was to vote on the "Retirement Life Payments", more pop- ularly known as "Ham and Eggs". Had it become law it would have amended the State Constitution and created a number of things, including an increase in chaos and confusion. All citizens with reasonable residence qualifications, having reached the grand old age of fifty years, and being neither employer nor employee were to receive thirty One Dollar Warrants each Thursday. Each week a two-cent stamp, pur- chased with cash, would be affixed to the back of the warrant. At the end of the year, such warrants bearing fifty-two stamps, ($1.04) would be redeemed with one dollar in U. S. currency. All the customary wooly- mindedness of monetary reformers was exhibited with a few new touches. The scheme required that the banks "create" money, either by having the govern- ment print it for them (currency) or by making "fountain-pen" money (loans). It was claimed that the "new purchasing power", the "Ham'n'Egg" Warrants would circulate rapidly because of the ex- penditure of two cents a week that would be required to maintain their validity, thus producing a quick turnover making for general prosperity. There would be "more business for the business man and more work for the workers". Realistic business men, fearing inability to restock their shelves emptied overnight through this snow- storm of paper, discovered snags in this plan for an economic millenium. These bales of purchasing power would not only be unacceptable to the banks, but would be of no value outside the state, even if by some legerdemain, not yet discovered, they were to prove a good medium of circulation within its borders. What these business men were interested in was real busi- ness, the sort that would stand up in capitalist economy. Intelligent capitalists, and the churches, which did not want their collection plates filled with fancy paper instead of real money, realized more or less vaguely that their "order of things" could not stand two different kinds of "purchasing power" try- ing to function side by side in the same area. The press, radio, and pulpit were harnessed to denounce this proposition as a menace, with the result that the Amendment was overwhelmingly defeated at the polls. Economic Insanity Existing side by side is depression and unemploy- ment on the one hand and shortage of ready cash on the other. This gives rise to the illusion that the shortage of money causes bad times. What seems necessary, thar^fore, is to manufacture new and more money and prosperity will return. This desire to increase the money in existence gives rise to all sorts of inflationary schemes, such as the "Ham 'n Eggs" every Thursday, Aberhart's Social Credit movement, Dr. Townsend Plan, Father Coughlin's 16 points, etc. This additional money, it is alleged, will increase pur- chasing power because it is believed that by increasing the amount of money a person has, his ability to purchaselgoods is thereby increased. The fact is that during boom times there is actually less currency in circulation but it circulates far more frequently. There only appears to be less currency during slumps because it exchanges less often. The basic flaw in all these money schemes is the failure to understand money which is a measure of value and a standard of price. Qnly the socially necessary labor time wrapped up in the commodity can determine its value. Increasing the number of yardsticks (money) necessary to measure goods (values) cannot increase the quantity of value. It is obvious that if the yardstick is reduced to 25 inches, it does not lengthen the article being measured though it requires more yardsticks to measure it. Though purchasing power of money may be regul- ated temporarily by the conditions of the market, such as supply and demand, it can not be legislated by either the California State Government or the Supreme Court. It can never wander too far away from the basic value of commodities. Economic laws, just like natural laws, are not governed by statute books. One might just as well propose that the voters register their sentiments at the ballot box for standard and regular times for tides in order to boost business for the sum- mer beach resorts. The workers possess only one commodity, their labor power. The money form of this commodity is called wages. Its value is subject to the same lawi as all other commodities. So far as the workers are concerned all that "purchasing power" means, in the Jong run, is sufficient food, clothing, and shelter to be efficient slaves. "Purchasing power" seems to be a most vital question because we live in a buying and selling society where all activities are reduced to a cash nexus. In reality the real problem confronting us is the question of ownership. Education Difficult but Necessary Among those who campaigned for the "Ham'n'Egg" Amendment were the Communists, still hewing to the "United Front" line of the Party (Dimitroff had not yet given his call for its "liquidation" and the creation of a new front with left wingers only) . To them the important thing was not whether the proposition was economically sound but whether it was a "progressive issue", and from their viewpoint it was ; it represented the desire of a large mass of the people, and they are all for mass movements as we are well aware. The Communists were joined in this endeavor to save suffer- ing humanity by drowning it in paper by various stripes of radicals from old time "Wobblies" — ghosts of a former glory — to certain "Socialists" of the ( Boy-we-studied-Marx-bef ore-you-were-born-type. ) To these people capitalism is rotten, and something has to be done (meaning anything) . It does not occur to them that i* miffht bo a firood thingf co eittiiU sLlll for a moment and look at the matter calmly and objectively. When this is suggested the speaker is set down as a reactionary, or an academician who studies capitalism in the same way that a professor of ento- mology studies bugs. "You don't want to end the damned thing — you just want to see what it will do under certain conditions." "Marx is a little old fashion- ed, don't you know! The new "purchasing power" has been worked out by engineer-economists (whatever Page 80 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST December, 1939 they are!) right here in Southern California. No foreign notions for us, no sir ! We don't need to bother about studying Marx." They are tired of books — wasted their time for forty years on theory. Now they want action ! This action, which they want, or at least support, is a crazy notion of increasing wealth for everybody by means of merging the engraver's art with the operation of a printing press. In a city which not only can boast of a greater number of orthodox churches than any other place in America, but can also rightly lay claim to the greatest variety of "psychologies", "Isms", "Up-lifts", "Out- thrusts", "Flaming altars", "Lamps of Light", "Self- realizers", and boot-strap hoisters generally, gathered together in one place for the edification and purse- string loosening of the weary retired pilgrim from the great corn belt, the difficulty of maintaining clear-cut propaganda may be realized. Much education will have to be indulged in before the workers will fully comprehend the fact that they and the capitalists have nothing in common. In time they will understand that capitalism alone is the enemy, not some piece of it, but the system as a complete economy — that this system can never be reformed in the interest of the workers. Not by new money, but through understanding and the conscious effort of the nation's majority will this system, and its hair-brained "Engineer-economists", pass into the limbo of forgot- ten things. Los Angeles Local, W. S. P. BETTER LOOK INTO THIS SIX ' — What did you tell that man just now?" 1 — I told him to hurry." ' — What right have you to tell him to hurry?" 1 — I pay him to hurry." 1 — How much do you pay him?" ( — Four dollars a day." ■ — Where do you get the money to pay him?" 1 — J sell products." ' — Who makes the products?" ( — He does." ■ — How many products does he make in a day?" '—Ten dollars worth." ■ — Then, instead of you paying him, he pays you dollars a day to stand around telling him to hurry." £ — Well, but I own the machines." ■ — How did you get the machines?" ' — Sold products and bought them." ' — Who made the products?" ! — Shut up ! He might hear you !" TRUE CONFESSION The former head of the U. S. Marines, General Smedley Butler says, "I spent thirty-three years and four months in active service as a member of our country^ most aerile military farce — the Marine Corps — and during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism. Like all members of the military profession I never had an original thought until I left the service. My mental faculties remained in suspended animation while I obeyed the orders of the higher-ups. The record of racketeering is long. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international bank- ing house of Brown Bros, in 1909-12. I brought light to the Dominican Kepublic for American sugar in- terests in 1916. In China in 1927 I helped to see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested." ("You Can't Do That" by George Seldes, p. 184.) Why A Capitalist Is Depressed THE hope of the capitalists is often frustrated by forces over which they have very little or no control. Among these forces will be found those of supply and demand. An overabundance of a par- ticular commodity often spells ruin for the capitalist. An example is to be found in an editorial in the New York Sun of November 4th, 1939, entitled "World Wheat Piling Up", which states: "A bulletin issued on October 30th by the Bureau of Agriculture Economics made the somewhat depressing declaration that the largest carry-over of wheat in the history of the world is in prospect for 1940. It is estimated that the surplus will reach 1,200,000,000 bushels on July 1, 200,000,000 bushels more than the aggregate carry-over of July 1, 1939." The rest of the editorial points out that there is little likelihood that this enormous surplus of wheat will be reduced to any considerable extent because of the war in Europe, or that the domestic growers of wheat can hope for similar conditions to those prevail- ing towards the end of the war of 1914-1918, when world supplies were relatively small and prices rela- tively high. Two things interest us most in the above quoted editorial. First, the editorial writer's own view that this abundance of wheat is "somewhat depressing", and secondly, the inference that many growers of wheat see in the European slaughter an opportunity to make profit. Both attitudes are typical of capitalism and its cynical indifference to the sufferings of the working class. That millions of our class need this wheat for their sustenance apparently does not "de- press" the journalist. His depression is caused only by the effect this abundance will have upon price and profit. That millions will be slaughtered and maimed on the battlefields of Europe does not concern the sell- ers of wheat; their concern once again is price and profit. The Socialist has long pointed out the ability of our present social system to produce wealth in an ever greater abundance. No other period in mankind's history has shown such ingenuity in that field of human endeavor. Each increase, each new facility in wealth production has also brought in its train greater economic insecurity, and has made more conspicuous the great contradiction of widespread poverty in the midst of plenty. In a society organized intelligently, such increases in wealth production would be welcome as added means to satisfy human needs, and each device and mechan- ism that increased the flow of wealth would be hailed with joy. In short, the efforts of society would be bent upon satisfying the needs of its members by the intel- ligent use of whatever means were at hand. Capitalism is the antithesis of this. S. F. New York Local, W. S. P. December, 1939 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST ***te WPA STRIKES KARL MARX, in his writings, predicted that some day the capitalists would have to take care of their slaves; that they would be forced to feed and otherwise keep alive an ever increasing army of unemployed workers. Modern capitalism has fulfilled this prediction with a vengeance. In this era of chronic depression millions of workers are forced to remain idle. Their mental and physical energies cannot be utilized in a society based upon production for profit. These unemployed workers and their dependents must be either left to starve or be given a handout in the form of a dole or work relief. Handouts become the order of the day because the exploiting class cannot kill the goose that lays the golden egg._ Furthermore, it is impossible to place these millions of workers in cold storage until they are again needed. The problem of what to do with these "useless" slaves would be rendered much simpler to the capitalist class if a few million were killed off in a war. (It must be remembered, however, that the capitalist nations do not wage wars with the object of getting rid of the unemployed.) The following "solution" was actually proposed by John D. C. Weldon in the Magazine of Wall Street, Dec. 1935, who said, "Ten million potential workers and a total of possibly 30,000,000 people are outside the circle of work, production, and income. They are not only a burden — they are an economic loss — to speak with grim realism, the country would be re- latively prosperous if they were annihilated." One of the mockeries of capitalism is that in the midst of this growing reserve army of un- employed, there exists a shortage of skilled workers. This is quite conspicuous in Great Britain and Germ- any. Only this month the N. Y. Times has been carry- ing British advertisements for skilled engineers. Thousands of industrial workers and farmers are being shipped into Germany. Even in the United States, there exists a shortage in many trades, notably air- planes, shipbuilding, and toolmaking. Experience demonstrates that the old method of private charity can no longer cope with the conditions resulting from widespread unemployment, and thus the government is forced to administer relief. Though many capitalists oppose relief expenditures by the government as "wasteful extravagance" "harmful to business', and that vague abstraction, "demoralizing the recipients", unfolding events compel the capitalist class, through its executive committee, Congress, to hand out a dole. Buying off the discontent of hungry workers is more efficient than maintaining an enormous police force or employing other repressive apparatus to keep the workers in subjection. Disorders, riots, and possible insurrections of desperate workers are thereby averted. Despite the realization by the property owners and their political representatives of the effective role that government-sponsored work relief and welfare play in the continuance of the status quo, their efforts are directed toward the reduction of the cost of relief. Economy measures are pushed in an effort to reduce the amount of dole paid welfare recipients and work relief employees, tending to bring the payments down to the bare subsistence level. Added to this is the old attempt to discourage the taking of welfare by placing a moral stigma thereon. The most recent application of this policy manifested itself in reduction of the rolls by quota cuts, extension of the work month to 130 hours, pay slashes and "30-day starvation fur- loughs." These, together with the red tape, and the contemptuous attitude adopted toward welfare clients and WPA workers, are the typical methods employed to rid the relief rolls of idle workers. The result of these constant harrying attacks is to impair the pre- carious and already too low economic standing of the workers. The tendency is to drive the standard of living towards and below the subsistence level. Yet, at the same time, for obvious reasons, they must see to it that this standard of living does not fall below the starvation level. There does arise, however, a point where the workers must and do resist. Through their limited WPA unions and unemployed organizations they attempt to withstand the pressure. This deter- mination not to submit is inevitable and is the result of necessity and experience. Success can and has been obtained for the limited objective of resisting this pressure. Resistance has taken on various forms of activity including mass demonstrations, delegations, work stoppages, and strikes. In regard to the A, F. of L. strikes on the WPA in July 1939, there arises an interesting situation. The capitalist government ruling the U. S. A. refuses officially to recognize strikes on the part of WPA workers on the trumped- up grounds that "the people" can not strike against themselves. F, D. Roosevelt said, "You can't strike against the government." This statement becomes absurd in the face of the antagonism between workers and capitalists. The real objection by capitalists to strikes of this kind is that they indicate a tendency that may develop into a threat to the capitalist state. This situation can be compared to the sit-down strikers disregard for private property. Though it is not a clearly formulated threat to the capitalist system, it does constitute a definite measure of loss of respect for the sanctity of the state. Confronted with these WPA strikes, the New Deal government loses some of its glamour and "benevolence." The F. B. I. investigations, threats of arrest, removal from jobs, and the barring of home relief to WPA strikers betrays the real character of the New Deal. Whenever it becomes necessary, the capitalist state, as employer, confronting recalcitrant workers, is quick to strip off the velvet glove and wield its naked iron fist. In view of this fact, it become apparent that victory for the working class depends upon control of that power, the state, which now strives to keep the workers in subjection and attempts to allay their dis- content by offering them work relief and doles, which are, as other reforms, insufficient. The capture of "state power", rather than the resisting of "state pressure", must become the ojective of the workers. The concessions in the nature of reforms given to the workers under capitalism may temporarily alleviate but will never eradicate the misery of the working class. The continuation of capitalism with or without relief will only serve to perpetuate the hardships and suffering of the workers, both employed and unem- ployed. Capitalism has to have relief in order to exist. Ridding society of capitalism with its inevitable un- Page 82 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST December, 1939 employment is the only solution. It can be seen that no amount or variety of reform will ever be able to abolish the workers' discontent. On the day that this discontent becomes crystalized into socialist under- standing, we will see the end of capitalism and all its evil effects. PETER MARTEL LEADERS LIMITED Part II IN reviewing the considered deficiences of the Darwinian theory we have no intention of going on record assuming that the man Darwin is alone responsible. His disciples and collaborators must shoulder their share of the guilt. Coming into the arena later, and having more data at their disposal, it would be reasonable to expect them to improve the premise that had been introduced. Instead we find a more bewildering trail at the end than they found at the beginning of the journey. Alfred Russell Wallace, who is credited, and rightly so, with being the co-discoverer of natural selection, had sense enough to see the grave limitations of the theory, and in order to cover up the shortcomings, was forced to resort to "ectoplasmic" selection. The kosher Darwinists are never tired of castigating Wallace for his "spookalogical" connections, but in- stead of being berated, he ought to be commended' in his discernment of the fact that, as promulgated, the theory was not strong enough to stand by itself. Better far to call in the spooks and give them a hand in the game than to incorporate the mysticism in a supposedly scientific system. Science and metaphysics should be kept in separate compartments. Herbert Spencer, too, was not quite so obtuse as our sciolists contend. When he got to the end of the scientific chapter he dubbed all the rest — "unknow- able". This was a big improvement over considering it within the limits of the explainable and then gum- ming the works. Spencer's greatest error was in being too sparing in defining the dimensions of his no man's land. He might well have enlarged it to include most of his own sociological studies, much of his philosophy, and even some of his biology as well. Ernst Haeckel is another of our shining lights in the field of science who managed to detour from the road to knowledge. He did not term his limitations "unknowable", nor did he attribute cosmic changes to the pranks of spirits. But he did, successfully to himself at least, smear the Almighty with daubs of matter that consciously think and act. He worked out an artful method of explaining what happens by injecting a force that has no communion with the world of reality. These names from the register of science do not represent the spurious contenders, and crackpot smatterers, who infest the walks of learning and who, through the weeding process of "anno domini", have been explained and exposed. They are names of out- standing thinkers of their time and who, even at this late date, are quoted and regarded as being eminently fitted to prove how cause and effect operate in the physical world. They are recognized authorities in the tasks they essayed, and even though their con- clusions may not all be acclaimed by modern students, their contributions to the stock-in-trade of science can neither be ignored nor belittled. To understand how species and genera graduate from one to another we must be able to get back beyond the later variations and into the intricacies of the life process itself. If we start here on a secure j foundation, where simplicity of matter and form pre- vails, then the more complex deviation further along the scale can be better recorded. As materialists we must seek a basis independent of religious and meta- I physical forces. Material factors alone are essential, I and, to be dialectical, the synthesis we form must rest I on these alone. The simple elements can well become our point of 1 departure. As there are close to one hundred of these primal units known to men today and as all forms of I matter, both organic and inorganic, are composed of these elements in varying numbers and combinations, I the material basis desired is readily supplied. We do not have to go through the torturous mental process I of devising ghosts or goblins to perform the task. No particular form of matter contains all the ele- I ments. The simpler forms are made up of a lesser number, and the more highly developed of a greater I number of elements. These basic units of matter do not call conventions, organize credential or steering committees, nor pass resolutions to do the things that they do. They are forced to function by inexorable external pressure. Their surroundings coerce them I into expansion, contraction, and chemical combination, and life is the outcome of the balance between these \ factors. Simple enough, and yet the key to our under- standing. Darwin, in his researches, did not revert to a primal source in order to prove his theory of growth or change. He makes his debut at domestic variations and con- sequently, leaves behind the threshold much material indispensable to the proper appraisal of the life pro- cess. Haeckel, too, although he attempted a general outline of the forms of life, from the single cell to the complex organism known as man, never grasped the significance of the means by which the changes were j accomplished. Without a knowledge of the mechanism I the meaning. of the metamorphosis is lost. Both Darwin and Haeckel attributed the changes to I the influence of variation, but the causes of this factor I in their day were not known. Variation, natural selec- I tion, survival of the fittest, and even struggle for existence are all vague, incomplete and ambiguous terms unless, and until, we are able to view them in I proper perspective. This cannot be successfully attain- ed without establishing a genuine materialist basis emanating from a knowledge of nature's laws. Granted this, we can soon dispense with metaphysical elves to carry the ball to the enemy's line — and we can do it ourselves. j. a. Mcdonald ***** The prime cause of all social changes and political revolutions are to be traced, not to the heads of men, not to their increasing perception of "eternal truth and justice", but to the changes in the method of production and exchange; they are to be traced, not to the philosophy, but to the economic® of the respec- tive epochs. Socialism, Utopian and Scientific k December, 1939 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST Page 83 WHO'S NEUTRAL? THE repeal of the embargo on the sale of munitions of war to belligerent powers is an accomplished fact, and yet the picture, as far as the working class is concerned, has not changed. The working class is still forced to sell its energies for wages sufficient for subsistence only, just as it was forced to do before and after the fight over the Supreme Court Bill, before and after the Reorganization Bill, before and after the Hawley-Smoot Tariff Bill, and before and after every single measure adopted or defeated in the interest of the capitalist class. Neutrality — the fact might as well be faced — is a grim joke. What counts, first, last, and always, is Profit. Under the camouflage of high-sounding human- itarianism, the whole question was fought and settled on the same old basis of the almightly dollar. Once again, it is the job of the workers who have a clear understanding of the forces at work in society to dispel the illusions created by the spokesmen for the world's rulers. Just as certainly as there is a physical material reason why an electric lamp goes on and off when a controlling button is pushed, so there is a definite reason why wars are fought. That reason serves no working class interest. It would seem unnecessary to sing the same old tune with the same old words again, but such, un- fortunately, is not the case. The workers have still to realize the fundamental fact that as long as there i is capitalism there will be war and that neither war nor capitalism are in their interest. Military wars fought on the grand scale are but the hugely magnified scene of two push-cart peddlers coming to blows over a particularly well-trafficked and profitable street corner. No one in his right senses would suppose that the two petty tradesmen were engaged in a contro- versy over self-determination, democracy, or the state of their respective livers. What they want is the sweet music of minted coin jingling in their jeans. Yet transfer the identical situation to the world scene where, by virtue of its magnitude, one would suppose that the true picture would become all the more ap- parent, and we find that the opposite has taken place. Instead of a crystal clear understanding, confusion results, in direct ratio to the size of the scene of oper- ations. A good solid groundwork for dispelling some of the illusions is the realization that a possible thirty percent return over his investment is not calculated to make a member of the capitalist class neutral. But mention of percentage, it will be noticed, is conspicuous by its absence in debate on neutrality. Relying on the amazing capacity of the working class to forget, spokesmen for the masters of society have from time to time unburdened themselves of some very incriminating testimony. Examined in the light of events in the history of the capitalist system, the simon- pure idealism, professedly motivating the actions of the capitalist class, suffers by comparison with this testimony. The following is an example: "What do we all seek? New outlets for an ever-increasing commerce and for industries which, producing far more than they can con- sume or sell, are constantly hampered by an in- creasing competition. And then? Why! New areas for trade are cleared by cannon shot. Even the Bourse, for reasons of interest, can cause armies to enter into campagn." — Marshal Foch (United Service Magazine, December, 1918) • Why the "even" Marshal? But let it not be assumed, despite the hypocritical verbiage gushed in the name of neutrality, that the capitalist class favors war as a means of attaining its ends. On the contrary war, in the sense of military force, is undertaken only when all other means have failed. For war means the expenditure of wealth which might otherwise be gainfully employed in the form of capital, wreaking its normal toll from the sweat of the workers. No sound is sweeter to capitalist ears than the sound of capital wreaking normally. But if the master class dislikes war, the slave class should like it even less. If they are fortunate enough to survive the rigors of battle, they have served only to enrich their masters; if they perish, they enrich the soil. Little enough comfort in either case. The sum and substance of the matter is that in this question of neutrality neither the working class nor the capitalist class has an even chance to be neutral. By virtue of their very class position they are forced willy-nilly to be unneutral. For wherever the tentacles of capitalism reach there is ceaseless war and the opposing factions are in every case the same, working class against capitalist class. Whether there is ap- parent peace on the battlef ronts of labor against cap- ital or whether there is open warfare, the argument for neutrality is phonier than the proverbial gold- brick. Wherever in the world the master class may send out its slaves to do battle, the interest of the working class has not changed. That interest is the capture of state power by a socialist majority; it is the interest of the slum dwellers who face each other from opposite sides of No Man's Land; it is the interest of that toiling mass of humanity, the proletariat, spawned only to die in another's battle; it is a revolutionary interest. In this greater war, where there can be no neutrals, the camps are always lined up, though there be no division of troops. The great masses of the workers do not know the real enemy. The pitiably sparse ranks of the workers who are conscious of their class position need recruits. They are the ranks of scientific socialism, the fighting ranks which will put an end to captalist war and class war. Those who fight elsewhere fight for the enemy. ALLEN FOR THE LOVE OF THE LORD The November issue of The Western Socialist (p. 68) commented that the legal action which the Canadian government is threatening against the 75 Ontario ministers who signed a petition opposed to this and all other wars was another example of religious free- dom. The article warned that "it is just possible that unless the wayward wanderers repent and return to the path of righteousness, they will have their nose- bags taken away." The St. John N. B. Evening Times-Globe of Nov. 20th reports that the good Christian Rev. Dr. J. S. MacGlashen would not be satisfied with such mild measures as legal action or removing nosebags. He declares "Let them (the 75 Ontario ministers) betaken out at dawn and shot like other traitors, there is hardly a virtue in having patience with arrant traitors to the highest cause on earth and in heaven." Page 84 THE WESTERN SOCIALIST December, 1939| SHOULD THE WORKERS FIGHT FOR REFORMS? A debate on the above subject was held at Local Boston headquarters on Sunday, Nov. 26th., be- tween the Workers* Socialist Party and the Independent Labor League of America (Loves- toneites). Chester Bixby of the I.L.L.A., upholding the affirm- ative, maintained that socialism cannot be achieved by workers steeped in the worst depths of poverty, and therefore reforms are beneficial to the workers. Fighting for reforms gets workers into organizations where they can be spoken to; teaches them the need for political action ; and creates the militant working class necessary to achieve socialism. He alleged that by ignoring reforms and merely talking socialism the W. S. P. fails to hasten the revolution. Comrade Muse, of the Workers Socialist Party, in his main address, showed that agitation on the part of the workers for reforms, arises from the mistaken notion that their problems can be solved within capital- ism. Advocating reforms gives support to this false idea. Using as an example the social legislation of the New Deal, he demonstrated that reforms cannot halt the worsening of working class conditions. Inas- much as reforms are political measures designed to patch up the present system (quoting numerous capitalist sources in confirmation) our object, the over- throw of the system, is not furthered by fighting for them. However, on the economic field, Socialists must band together with other workers for the common object of fighting for better wages and working con- ditions. He concluded by showing that the only solution to the problems of the workers is the seizure of political power for the sole purpose of establishing socialism. Mr, Bixby, in his rebuttal, claimed that his organ- ization wanted socialism just as much as the W, S. P. He admitted that reforms are necessary to bolster up capitalism. He maintained, however, that at the same time the workers do benefit from these sops. Citing the Wagner Labor Relations Act as a method of get- ing" workers organized, he claimed that a measure such as this can be used by the workers in obtaining still further reforms. He . said that the I.L.L.A. seeks elective office only as a means of allowing successful candidates to challenge capitalism and "get thrown out on their ears" ; otherwise the ballot is futile. He praised the W. S. P. for its valuable socialist educa- tional work and regretted that organizations to which he had belonged did not carry on this work. In conclusion he stated that because socialism is not in- evitable and requires organization, reforms are neces- sary to give us that essential toe hold. Comrade Muse in rebuttal questioned the opposition's continued support of reforms in spite of their proven' futility. Rather than fostering a militant working class, they lead to apathy and disillusionment. He pointed out that one of the first applications of the Wagner Act (the only specific reform mentioned by Mr. Bixby, despite repeated challenges) was the jailing of workers for alleged violation of it. Although work- ers must accept reforms, fighting for them is wasted energy for they must still choose between capitalism and socialism. He referred to the ballot as the only available weapon in the hands of the workers at the present time. Although these "visionaries" ridiculed the ballot as a scrap of paper, they fail to present any other practical means of achieving power. They in-| volved themselves in contradictions by claiming that the working class, through the franchise, can force thel capitalist class to make concessions, yet will be unable,^ to achieve socialism by the same means, when a de-' termined majority. The fault is not with the ballot \ but with the fact that the working class, at present! insists upon using it in an attempt to reform f| capitalism. In the final five minutes allotted to him, Mr. Bixby \ repeated his assumption that socialism can only be achieved by a working class with a relatively high! standard of living ; therefore the necessity of fighting | for reforms to get this standard. The Western Socialist 1 can be purchased from leading newsdealers everywhere. If | you are unable to obtain THE WESTERN SOCIALIST! from your dealer, please notify us. READ SOCIALIST LITERATURE Socialism $ -0^8 War and the Working Class 01 Why Capitalism Will Not Collapse 051 Principles and Policy of S.P.G.B J Czech Crisis 03* Conscription OSj Chamberlain and the Labor Party Criticized 0S1 What's Become of the Russian Revolution (Yvon) ... .251 The State and the Socialist Revolution (Martov) 25j Bolshevism (Sprenger) .15| Reform or Revolution (Luxemburg) . . . 2^ The Theoretical System of Karl Marx (Boudin) 1.25| Positive Outcome of Philosophy (Dietzgen) 2.00| Anti-Duehring (Engels) 2.001 Feuerbach (Engels) . 6(m Origin of the Family (Engels) 60| Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (Engels) 251 The Revolutionary Act (Engels) 15| Crises in European History (Bang) 151 How the Gods Were Made (Keracher) 15| The Right to be Lazy (Lafargue) 101 The Evolution of Property (Lafargue) 6C Social and Philosophical Studies (Lafargue) 60j Causes of Belief in God (Lafargue) 101 The Religion of Capital (Lafargue) 1C No Compromise (Liebknecht) 1C Marxism and Darwinism (Pannekoek) 1Q| Free Trade (Marx) .is! 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