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Full text of "Why the SA"

WHY S.A.? 

GERMAN MINISTER ERNST ROHM 
CHIEF OF STAFF 

ADDRESSING THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS IN BERLIN 
ON DECEMBER 7, 1933 



SPECIAL REPRINT EDITION LIMITED TO 500 COPIES 

First printed December, 1933 

Reprinted December 1975 

Order From: 

SONS OF LIBERTY 
Box 214 

Metairie, Louisiana 70004 



National Socialism is a new philosophy (Weltanschauung). 

A time will come when National Socialism will become the 
political philosophy of the entire world, modified by racial and 
geographical differences and adapted to the character and 
needs of the various nations. 

The roots of National Socialism lie in the trenches 
of the World War. 

It would be contrary to all experience if a catastrophe such 
as the World War were to occur without leaving a permanent 
impression on the inner consciousness of the nations. 

Nearly all the peoples of the earth stood, at one place or 
another, in arms against each other. No corner of the earth 
was spared from recruiting for the melting pot of humanity 
on the battlefields of Europe. In all parts of the world mothers 
and sisters, widows and orphans, are mourning those whom 
the World War summoned to the halls of death. The scars 
of this most fearful scourge of God which has ever flayed 
humanity are some twelve million graves, the direct or indirect 
results of the War. 

It is inevitable that an event of such gigantic proportions 
and such monstrous results should have left its indelible marks 
on the face of the earth. And not alone on the face; for the 
spiritual structure of humanity has undergone, and had to 
undergo, a profound change. 

A political, social and economic system which succeeded 
in setting the whole world on fire, or at least was not afale 
to prevent the conflagration, which compelled men who had 
no personal grudge against one another to slaughter each other 
by the million, which allowed millions of innocent women and 
children and old people to die of starvation, such a system, 
I say, can no longer regulate the relationships of individuals 
and nations after such an overwhelming demonstration of its 
futility. 

It was only right and natural that the soldier in the 
trenches, who suffered most directly from the effects of this 
false system and philosophy, should begin to think over these 
things. 






On this side of the line as well as on the other. 
The realization of the -madness of this war had nothing to do 
with cowardice, nothing to do with the idea of victory or defeat. 

To the soldier pacifism is cowardice elevated to a 
principle. Cowardice is no philosophy but a defect of 
character. The two statesmen and leaders who have developed 
from the philosophy of the soldier in the trenches an entirely 
new philosophy and an entirely new response to life among 
their countrymen — I mean Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini 
— were no cowards but fought in the front line and proved by 
their courage and the shedding of their Hfeblood that they made 
no unmanly attempts to avoid the consequences of war. Nor 
can one say that National Socialism or Fascism, two 
philosophical systems which are at least related to the soldierly 
spirit, are philosophies either of the victors or of the 
vanquished. 

At the time when Mussolini first thought of Fascism, i. e. 
during the War, Italy had every reason to feel herself on the 
losing side, and Adolf Hitler first evolved his idea of National 
Socialism when he was a soldier whose comrades were 
victorious in all parts of the world. When these two unknown 
soldiers of the Great War presented to their compatriots the 
philosophies which they had won on the battlefield, the 
situation was reversed. 

Both reached almost identical results starting from 
utterly different premises. It was years after the War before 
either was able to present to the nation what he himself had 
won from the War. 

This shows that these ideas of the two soldiers have 
nothing to do with war or peace, with victory or defeat, but 
have a broad and valuable application which has nothing to 
do with either the one or the other. That is what we call a 
new „Weltanschauung". 

Bolshevism Is no „ Weltanschauung". 

There are some people who .rega'rd Bolshevism, which is 
a doctrine of a completely apposite type, as a result of the War. 
We absolutely refuse to see in Bolshevism a „WeItanschauung". 
Bolshevism do^a riot spring from the same sources as National 
Socialism d$e&, it has not its roots in the trenches of the Great 
War. Not one of the spiritual fathers of Bolshevism stood in 
the trenches, not one was a soldier. Only an exhausted nation, 






spiritually shattered by defeat, by false leadership, by hunger, 
privation and death, a nation which had become embittered or 
stunned by the blows of fate could fall a prey to this false 
doctrine. The spirit of destruction and civil war, the ecstasies 
of hatred which are a part of Bolshevism, have nothing 
whatever to do with the soldierly spirit which is the source of 
National Socialism. It is, on the contrary, the very negation of 
all that the soldiers of all nations and all times have stood for. 

I venture to doubt whether Bolshevism will ever permanent- 
ly be the view of a large part of the world. Hatred and 
negation alone do not possess sufficient staying power to be 
principles of state and of the relationships between nations. 
Even now we can see how, under the pressure of circumstances, 
a basic change is being brought about in this system. 

Bolshevism could only hope to maintain itself as a creed 
if it succeeded in winning Germany as its point of entry into 
the rest of the world. Had the German nation taken over this 
alien philosophy and, thanks to its energy, its intelligence and 
its determination, given it a new constructive force, then 
Bolshevism would have been a serious menace to the world 
and — let me say so frankly — a deadly poison for humanity. 

Germany is the cradle not only of Europe's fate 
but of the fate of the world. 

The history of the last few months is far more than the 
history of a German revolution. The fate of Bolshevism has 
been sealed in Germany, which has broken once and for all the 
back of this menace to the world. 

At the moment when National Socialism destroyed 
Marxism and all its works in the heart of Europe Bolshevism 
lost for ever its hope of a world revolution, which hope alone 
had been nourishing it throughout the years. 

Through National Socialism Germany has become, instead 

of a gate of entry for Bolshevism, a bulwark protecting the 

whole world from it. 

Since the political and spiritual rebirth of Germany, 
brought about by the spirit of National Socialism, Marxism is 
definitely on the down grade throughout the world. 

So long as a strong National Socialist Germany exists in 
the heart of Europe the world has nothing more to fear from 



the danger of Bolshevization. Humanity has only National 
Socialism to thank that it has been freed from the nightmare 
which has been weighing down on every nation. 

The fact that Bolshevism is doing its utmost to-day to 
come to terms with the rest of the world as it now is, compels 
one to recognize that the strongest force in the life of peoples 
and of nations is mutual love and the will to cooperate, and 
not hatred and negation. 

It is a lie that war teaches men to hate. The soldiers who 
stood at the front with their arms— however terrible those 
arms were— did not hate each other. They did their duty 
as they were ordered by the responsible leaders of their 
nations. The hatred which has poisoned mankind by inventing 
atrocity stories about the German soldier was not spread by 
those who stood face to face with him in the trenches. 

These poisonous libels did not arise in the front lines 
where death ruled and the same need and the same danger 
wove an invisible bond between the combatants, whatever uni- 
form they wore. 

On the contrary: the German soldier is proud to see In his 
former enemy of the front line his fairest and most unpre- 
judiced judge. 

When one stood daily face to face with death all that was 
only outward appearance faded into insignificance, all that 
was worthless disappeared. Only the genuine, the true and 
the manly kept its (worth. The hatred which others were 
spreading abroad found no place in the heart of the soldier 
because he simply did not feel it. He saw that those on the 
other side were suffering under the same tragedy, were doing 
the same duty and dying the same death as he — were indeed 
but mirrors of himself. One does not hate one's own reflection 
for then one would have to hate oneself. 

There is no truer touchstone of character than the front 
line. Hunger and thirst, rain and frost, suffering and danger, 
wounds and death strip the mask from all pretence and face 
each man with the challenge: Show what you are! Under this 
pitiless searchlight nothing can lie hidden and men's thoughts 
turn inevitably to the essential. There can be no swerving 
aside, each one must ask himself the question: Why? 

6 









And then the soldier of the World War saw that there were 
powers above him who determined his fate — life and death 
— without sharing in it. He realized that the soldier on the 
other side, whom the law of self-preservation compelled him 
to kill, was also nothing but a tool in the hands of forces which 
one could not grasp. He recognized that he could kill the 
warrior on the other side again and again and yet again 
— but the war lived on. 

As he pondered and searched for the real reason of the 
war it gradually became clear to the soldier that he, who in 
sweat and blood bore the whole burden of this ghastly tragedy, 
was nothing but a pawn of the war. 

The soldier realized a bitter truth: 

The soldier marches and fights, kills and is killed. This 
has been his task and his fate from the beginning of time and 
it will always be so. War obeys its own laws. These are hard 
and pitiless and must be so if war is not to become a per- 
manent state. The natural duty of the soldier is to make war 
as hard and pitiless as possible, and this is also the most 
humane way, since the sooner the war is over the sooner will 
there be peace. The blood which is thus shed is no stain on 
the soldier's honour. 

The soldier has no influence on the causes of the war. 
A decision by force of arms between two nations, war, is the 
last resort of politics, and up until now politics have always 
been made by others and not by the soldier who has to pay 
the final price with his life-blood. 

The politicians and the intellectual and material supporters 
of the ideals or interests in support of which the sword has 
been seized did not stand side by side with the soldier on the 
field of battle. They sat at home in parliaments or in the 
comfortable chairs of ministers and presidents. They pulled 
the wires, moved the figures, calculated and did business. In 
their hearts was nothing but coldness and the business of 
dying for their political or business interests they left to the 
soldier. 

It was against this that the soldier rebelled. 
The soldierly spirit Is an attitude of mind which by no 
means needs to be connected with the use of weapons. 

For the soldierly spirit means to stand up for a thing to 
the very last. 



If the politicians, the big stock brokers, the captains of 
industry, the oil "generals" and the "admirals" of the commer- 
cial marine, all those whose interests were fought for on the 
battlefields of the World War, had gone to the front them- 
selves and been men enough to risk their own persons and 
their own lives for tneir own cause, whether good or ill, the 
soldier would have appreciated that, for that would have been 
soldierly. 

But the fact that they did not do so, that they caused the 
world to suffer nameless misery for four and a half years 
while they sat in the peaceful quiet of their meeting and board 
rooms, and that they let millions of men die has made the 
soldier's demand a moral right: 

// the soldier is to fight and die for a good or bad policy, 
it must be for him to decide what this policy is to be. 

If policy were only dictated by soldiers, who are convinced 
that the mistakes of their policy revenge themselves first and 
last on them themselves, mankind would be spared much misery, 
for it would be governed with more feeling of responsibility. 

We can all remember how agitation in favour of war was 
carried on year after year. The result was a poisoning of 
international public opinion, and the consequence — as one of 
the then leading statesmen in the world admitted — that the 
nations stumbled into the World War. It was not the soldiers 
who agitated in favour of war, for they knew only too well 
that they personally would have to stake their lives. Every 
war, even a successful war, demands frightful sacrifices, and 
the man 'who has to make these sacrifices will therefore never 
wantonly bring about a war. 

The soldier who bears arms, who kills or is killed with 
them, and who wins or loses honourably knows that every war 
must come to an end some day and that a state of hostility 
cannot last for ever. 

Those who have fought honourably can come to terms 
again honourably. 

But the way In which the World War was ended was 
dishonourable, unmanly and unsoldierly. The so-called "Peace" 
Treaty of Versailles with its dishonouring and impossible con- 
ditions was nothing else but a continuation of the war 
with other means and a perpetuation of hate. It was 

8 



not the soldiers who lay opposite each other during the war 
who made this treaty and added fuel to the fire of hateful 
propaganda which, in spite of the so-called peace, was and is 
still being conducted against Germany. The forces behind it 
were and are still the same which drove mankind into this 
World War. 

In the course of thei last [few months in particular, since 
National Socialism assumed the reins of power in Germany 
and liberated the German nation /from its internal party dissen- 
sions, we have been experiencing a fresh wave of hate directed 
against the young Germany pf Adolf Hitler. And here again 
we recognize perfectly clearly that those people are again at 
work who are quite certainly not ready to take up arms on 
behalf of their intrigues. . 

The emigrants who were driven out of the country, not 
by National Socialism but by their own bad consciences, are 
engaged in adding fuel to the flames of the agitation against 
Germany. And unfortunately there is a section of the press, 
that is controlled by interests whose business is war, which 
permits its columns to be used for this action which poisons 
international relations. 

In the pamphlets of these irresponsible, unscrupulous and 
expatriated vagabonds the same lie occurs again and again, 
namely, that the political fighting organizations of National- 
Socialist Germany are military in character and might therefore 
become a menace to the peace of the world. 

At the beginning of my remarks I emphasized that National 
Socialism had its origin in the trenches during the World War; 
that it means the rejection by the soldierly spirit of the mad 
principle of the control of policy by men and forces which 
are neither ready to nor capable of defending the consequences 
of their doings with their bodies and lives; and that National 
Socialism asserts the soldier's claim to political leadership 
because the conviction that he himself will have to bear the 
brunt of all sins and mistakes in his policy offers the" best 
guarantee of responsible leadership. 

As the responsible Chief of the Staff of the whole of the 
German Storm Troops, in view of the fact that we have nothing 
to conceal and that the new Germany is still ready to disarm 
down to the last machine-gun, if the other states do the same, 
I address myself to world public opinion in order to explain 
what these units really are. 



9 



The Storm Troops cannot be compared with any army, 
any militia or any other military system in the world. 

For they are none of these things. All the aforementioned 
may suitably be described as armed forces. But this is absolu- 
tely not the case with the Storm Troops according to Adolf 
Hitler's expressed will. On the contrary, in all the proclama- 
tions which deal with relations between the Reichswehr and 
the Storm Troops he has clearly and unmistakably indicated 
the dividing line: the Reichswehr is the sole armed force in 
the state and the Storm Troops are the representatives of the 
will and ideas of the National Socialist German Revolution. 
The Reichswehr is charged with the defence of the frontiers 
and the protection of the interests of the Reich as against 
foreign countries. The task set the Storm Troops is to form 
the new German state in mind and will on the basis of National- 
Socialist ideas and to educate the individual German as a 
living member of this National-Socialist state. There is no 
connection whatever between the Reichswehr and the Storm 
Troops. Thus the German Army took no part whatever in the 
National-Socialist Revolution, a fact which is probably unique 
in the history -of revolutions, 

In spite of their numerical strength of about 2,500,000 men, 
the Storm Troops are not concentrated in barracks and 
rationed in common, as is the case with all formations be- 
longing to any military system in neighbouring states. They are 
not paid and are not provided with service clothing. To-day, 
as in the past, service in the Storm Troops is based on the 
absolutely voluntary system. The Storm Trooper pursues his 
civil vocation, and merely devotes his leisure hours, in the 
evening and at night, to Storm Troop service. 

The Storm Troops were created as a protective and 
fighting force for dealing with the internal political opponents 
of National Socialism, namely Communism and Marxism. For 
fourteen years the Storm Troops waged the moral- .fight to 
obtain power in the state. Their prime task is now to secure 
the victory of the National-Socialist Revolution. 

The Storm Trooper is the exponent of the National- 
Socialist conception of human existence and its apostle who 
conveys the principles of National Socialism to the remotest 
cottage and to all his fellow-countrymen without exception. 

In the course of the years of struggle the Storm Troops, 
with enormous sacrifices, have given convincing proof of their 

10 



absolute loyalty to the Leader and to the movement, and thus 
showed themselves qualified for their task. It will always be 
a glorious page in the history of Germany that in times of the 
greatest need hundreds of thousands of men came forward who 
were ready, from pure idealism and absolutely voluntarily, to 
defend their principles to the last. 

As there is a fondness abroad for pointing out that these 
associations receive military drill, I must expressly emphasize 
that this is a means and not an end. From the very start, 
Adolf Hitler's object was to regenerate Germany on the basis 
of well-tried discipline and order. Large masses and, above 
all, the exponents of a revolutionary conception of human 
existence, cannot be held together without the strictest discipline 
and absolute order and without the absolute authority of the 
leaders and discipline on the part of their followers. 

Do you believe that the German revolution would have 
been carried out so bloodlessly if all the fighters had not been 
imbued with this iron discipline? 

And it is just because the German nation wishes for the 
well-ordered and peaceful construction of its new state that 
the discipline and order which foreign countries fear under the 
name of "military drill" is the best guarantee against the 
Bolshevization not only of Germany but also of the whole of 
Europe. 

So far it was simply and solely due to the fact that the 
Storm Troops in the heart of Europe stood for years with 
consciously anti-Bolshevist aims as a bulwark protecting 
peace and order in the world, that Bolshevism was' unable to 
lay hands on the western European countries as well. Hence 
it is absolutely in the interest of foreign countries to see order 
and discipline firmly established in the German nation. The 
world ought to be thankful for that, instead of distorting the 
facts and representing the Storm Troops as a menace to peace. 

The uniform clothing is also constantly used as an excuse 
for representing Germany to the world as ready and determined 
for war. But the brown shirt, both as regards material and 
cut, is completely unsuitable as service dress. It affords no 
protection against inclement weather. I do not believe that an 
unprejudiced military expert in any army in the world can 
honestly describe the brown shirt as serviceable in wartime. 
Besides, I have so far not heard that anyone has objected to the 
wearing of uniform by the numerous men's and women's 
associations in neighbouring countries. And yet, at the present 



II 






time, nearly the whole of the young people in England, France, 
Italy, the United States, Poland, and Russia are not only 
dressed in uniform whiqh resembles that of their armies in cut 
and colour, but they are even trained quite openly in the use 
of arms for war service by military men on the active and 
reserved lists. The service shirt of the Storm Troops, on the 
other hand, is not suited to render its wearer invisible against 
a natural background, as is required in the case of service 
uniform. But it is intended, on the contrary, owing to the 
unusual luminosity of its colour, to distinguish him from his 
surroundings and to enable friend and foe to recognize him 
as the exponent of the National-Socialist conception of human 
existence. 

No war could be waged with the SA. 
There is no occasion to explain in detail that, with men so 
strikingly clothed and in view of the complete lack of war-like 
weapons, no war whatever could be waged. 

Even the objection that the brown battalions could be 
easily and rapidly armed and equipped with the technical 
means of modern warfare will be overruled by every expert. 
Those who make such assertions merely show that they have 
no idea of the enormous difficulties connected with this 
particular point. 

On the contrary, I know of numerous military experts in 
neighbouring countries who describe such a rapid armament 
as an impossibility. But I may mention that these opinions 
were always given when it was a question of insisting upon 
their own demands for armaments. 

Apart from the fact that Germany has completely fulfilled 
the obligations to disarm imposed upon her in the Treaty of 
Versailles in the certainly unprejudiced opinion of the 
Commissions of Control, she does not even possess the 
financial and industrial possibilities for rearmament. Germany 
is conscious of her unfavourable geographical position from 
a military point of view, and has therefore the greatest interest 
in the maintenance of an honourable peace. The German 
industrial areas are nearly all within range of our neighbours' 
artillery. Germany has not a single military aeroplane with 
which to protect herself against the many thousands owned 
by the states surrounding us. 

Unarmed men with no regular training in the use of arms 
cannot be converted overnight, merely by putting arms into 



12 



their hands into formidable soldiers menacing the safety of the 
world. 

Some very smart observers have also meanwhile discovered 
that my appointment as Reich Minister and the consequent 
embodiment of the Storm Troops in the State is a most 
suspicious measure on the part of the new Germany. 

I constantly regret the vast quantity of calculations, based 
on probabilities and efforts of the imagination, which inter- 
national public opinion wastes on complicating the simplest and 
most obvious things. 

The world and the peace of the nations would be much 
better served if all the clever people who rack their brains to 
find the most wrong-headed explanations possible for any facts 
whatever would take a little trouble and regard National 
Socialism and its view of things as facts, and study its laws. 
I am telling you no secret and nothing new when I invite 
your attention to the totalitarian claim of the National-Socialist 
state That is to say, the National-Socialist idea has seized 
the power in the State and thus broken the chains which bound 
the party. 

National Socialism has Itself become the State and brooks no 
movements of any kind beside itself. 
It is clear that the nation as a whole is not yet fully 
penetrated by the new ideas, and cannot yet be fully penetrated 
by them. 

The complete victory ot a new conception of human 

existence takes time. 
• I may recall to you how many centuries were required 
before Christianity won the day. 

Nothing is, therefore, more natural than that the National- 
Socialist State should make use of the old and well-tried cham- 
pions of this new political faith to educate the entire population 
to accept in their hearts and really live in accordance with the 
principles of National Socialism. It would be a contradiction 
of the totalitarian claim of the National-Socialist State if the 
State were not to include the party as representing the idea 
upon which the State is based. This applies even more to the 
Storm Troops who, as regards their ideas, organization and 
fighting qualities, are the strongest expression of the power 
of National Socialism as such. The Storm Troops have got 

13 



rid of a form of government in spite of the most embittered 
resistance on the part of its supporters. They have replaced 
the vanquished state of the November revolution and the Wei- 
mar National Assembly by their own State, the National- 
Socialist state. 

Adolf Hitler has now incorporated the Storm Troops in the 
State. The Storm Troops have thus become not only the 
representatives ol authority but also the bearers ol respon- 
sibility in their, the National-Socialist, State. 

The National-Socialist State is a final and irrevocable fact 
— and that must be accepted by its enemies at home and 
abroad. For the State is the nation, and the nation is the State. 



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