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Full text of "Worker correspondents: what? when? where? why? how?"

fittfeRsfrltair 

No. 4. 

Worker Correspondents 

WHAT *y WHERE 

WHEN C WHY 

HOW 

By WILLIAM F. DUNNE. 




PRICE 10 CENTS 



PUBLISHED FOR 

THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA 

BY 

The Daily Worker Publishing Co. 

CHICAGO, ILL. 




, ' ." I I ■ 



Editors 
J- Louts EngdaM and Wm. F. Dunne 



th?^?l^ nly ****** Communist daily newspaper in 

«f 5 uS!7-? ay lt gives an *"»M»t picture of every eten 
oven-aa no other newspaper does or would dare to 
*J?< i des news BO ^saenUai to the thinking worker 



OUTSIDE OF CHICAGO 
IN CHICAGO 







Ufliversiiy of Texas 



The Revolutionary Role of Worker 
Correspondents 

By WILLIAM P. DUNNE 
Section I. 

Worker correspondents differ from profes- 
sional journalists in that they are part of the 
labor and revolutionary movement and fight 
actively in the struggles of which they write. 

The wider the activity of a worker corre- 
spondent in the class struggle, the greater will 
be the field covered by his reports. At first the 
worker correspondent will find it hard to gather 
material. As a worker, ordinary, daily events 
of development of the class struggle are famil- 
iar to him. He expects these things as the 
routine of working class life and sees no news 
value in them. 

It is this outlook of the worker that makes it 
hard for him to write or speak. He is not in- 
articulate because of lack of words, but because 
he has been taught by capitalism to look upon 
the thousand and one tyrannies, inconveniences 
and hardships inflicted on the workers as of 
little importance — things to be endured without 
comment or complaint. 

The countless risks of industry, the accidents 






7637 



to and deaths of workers, even great disasters 
taking a huge toll of working class lives, quite 
often cause less excitement among the workers 
than among the liberal middle class 
Why is this? 

Because among the workers, deaths and acci- 
dents are common things to be expected as part 
of the price paid for being allowed to work. 

This is the idea drilled into the mass mind by 
capitalists and especially by capitalist journal- 
ism. The death of the wealthy idler will get 
the first page and a streamer headline, but the 
death of a worker is either not mentioned at all 
or given a half dozen lines. 

Journalism is recording and expressing 
opinion on contemporary events. Journalism 
like everything else in capitalist society, is a 
class enterprise. 

Journalism is the day by day listing of the 
facts of industry and politics and an analysis 
of those facts. 

Journalism is therefore a class affair just the 
same as politics, industry, art and education. 

The ruling class puts its stamp on journalism 
just as it stamps every other form of social ac- 
tivity. It can even be said that more than in 
any other from of social expression are the 
class lines apparent in journalism. 

Not only does the clearly class character of 
the capitalist press become obvious to the class 
conscious worker, but the most casual observa- 



tion shows that every division and sub-division 
of the social organism has its journalistic ex- 
pression. 

The capitalist press itself shades off into in- 
numerable organs of separate groups — employ- 
ers' and bankers' associations, trade associa- 
tions, clubs, special organizations for suppres- 
sion of the workers, all have their own publica- 
tions. 

The middle class has countless journals which 
cater to and express the opinions of some par- 
ticular group. 

Church newspapers and magazines are legion. 

In addition to these journals speaking openly 

for some vested interest, there are the special 

propaganda organs of the ruling class — each 

with its own field. 

AH of these journals are anti-working class 
in character — some of them frankly so, some 
of them thinly disguised with the veil of human- 
itarianism, and "social welfare," 

Then there are the official organs of the trade 
union movement and its various sections and 
affiliated bodies — formally opposing the capi- 
talist but actually ruled by the ethics and 
swayed by the prejudices of capitalism. 

The trade union press of the United States is 
not a labor press (with a few negligible excep- 
tions). It is in reality an aid to capitalism with 
its warfare on the communist Party, its espousal 
of imperialism, its catering to ignorant preju- 



dices, its imitation of capitalist journalism and 
its middle class doctrine of "equality of oppor- 
tunity and identity of interest." 

The Socialist press joins with the official trade 
union press, apologizing for capitalism, praising 
its parliamentary system and fighting the Com- 
munist Party as well as every revolutionary ten- 
dency in the working class movement. 

There remains the Communist press and it is 
for the Communist press we organize and train 
worker correspondents. 

The Communist press, like the Communist 
Party for which it speaks, stands forth as the 
only clear challenge to the capitalist press and 
the capitalist class. 

The Communist Party is the most intelligent, 
resolute and disciplined section of the working 
class. The Communist press is the most mili- 
tant of all the labor press. 

To the Communist press the workers and the 
working class are always right. It never apolo- 
gizes for the working class or attempts to recon- 
cile the class conflict. Instead it seeks to en- 
courage and broaden it. 

The worker correspondents of the Communist 
press therefore are not mere observers and re- 
porters of the workers' struggles. Their stories 
must not only reflect the life and battles of the 
working class, but shape their lives and strug- 
gles. They are not only the pulse of the move- 
ment, but the heart as well. 



Worker correspondents of the Communist 
press are not only mirrors in which the class 
conflicts are reflected, but hammers by whose 
blows these conflicts are welded into one battle 
line. Their writings must build "The iron bat- 
talions of the proletariat. " 

Tireless energy is needed by worker corre- 
spondents. They secure their information while 
engaged in the tasks that capitalism allots them. 
Their stories for the most part are written after 
the day's toil when both body and mind are 
tired. Often they must make special journeys 
to get additional facts. 

But they can and should write with the hot 
breath of the struggle still upon them. Some- 
times it will seem to them that they are writing 
with their own blood. 



But they will learn and they will teach the 
working class that no matter how small a thing 
it is, if it happens to or affects the workers, it 
is important. 

The first task of worker correspondents is to 
see every event from the class angle and to 
make the workers for whom they write view it 
the same way. Class pride is the essence of 
revolutionary journalism and class pride should 
shine from every word and line that a worker 
correspondent writes. 

Once more! 



NOTHING THAT HAPPENS TO THE 
WORKERS IS UNIMPORTANT. 

The capitalist class and capitalist journalists 
pay little attention to the daily tyrannies in- 
flicted on the workers. When these things are 
noticed, it is only to apologize for, or to justify 
them. The leaders and social traitors think 
that only certain things are important, but Com- 
munists know better. It is by paying attention 
to all the ordinary woes of the working class 
that Communist journalism demonstrates its 
class character. 

It is only in the Communist press that the 
workers find a knowledge of their smallest 
grievances, understanding of the causes of these 
grievances and the connection of them with 
their struggles as a class. 

The capitalist class rules because it is able to 
divide the workers and break up their struggles 
into isolated conflicts. Worker correspondents 
for the Communist press in every industrial cen- 
ter, in the factories and shops, in unions and 
fraternal organizations, in rural communities, 
wherever there are workers, link up these iso- 
lated conflicts and give to the working class a 
correct picture of the world ruled by capitalism 
because the working class is fighting not as a 
class, but as individuals and groups. 

The Communist press becomes a mass organ 
reflecting and molding the struggles of the 
workers in the same proportion that these 



struggles are recorded and correctly interpreted 
by worker correspondents — correspondents who 
write of the battles of their class as a sol- 
dier writes of the battles which he helps to fight. 

Worker correspondents are WAR corre- 
spondents^ — they tell of the class war in its 
every sector and salient. 

An army of worker correspondents means a 
powerful Communist press. 

A powerful Communist press means a power- 
ful Communist Party. 

A powerful Communist Party means the Dic- 
tatorship of the Working Class — VICTORY FOR 
THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION. 

"Without a Communist press," said the Sec- 
ond Congress of the C. I., "the preparation for 
the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible." 

We can say, by virtue of the experience gained 
in our struggles since that time, that without 
worker correspondents a Communist press is 
impossible. 



Section IX. 

Instructions and Suggestions to 
Worker Correspondents 

The material furnished by worker correspond- 
ents falls under three general classes: 

(1) News stories 

(2) Special articles dealing with one event 
of importance to the labor and revolution- 
ary movement. 

(3) Interpretative articles on the nature and 
progress of the workers' struggles. 

NEWS STOEIES 
(1) Conditions of employment, 

(1) Shop and Job News— Introduction and 
effect of speed-up system on the work- 
ers, tyrannies of foremen, etc. 

(2) Methods of hiring workers— physical 
examinations, record systems— black- 
listing. 

(3) Wages, hours, state of labor market. 



NOTE: The utmost accuracy is needed on these 
matters. 

(2) News of workers 7 struggles. 

(a) Strikes and lockouts — Election cam- 
paigns. 

(b) Attitude of city, county, state and fed- 
eral authorities. 

(1) Court actions, injunction, passage 
of laws against workers, use of po- 
lice, troops, special forcible means 
of suppression, etc. 

(c) Form of organizations of capital- 
ists — Political parties. 

(1) Activities of employers' as- 
sociations, Chambers of Com- 
merce^ Commercial clubs, etc. 

(2) Use of gunmen, thugs and 
spies against workers. 

(d) Union activities. 

(1) Labor movement — Attitude of 

(a) Towards capitalists. 

(b) Towards Communists. 

(c) Towards Negroes. 

(d) Towards foreign born. 

(3) Proceedings of Central Labor Council — 
State Federations, Conventions. 



(a) Proceedings of local unions — election of 
officers, wage negotiations, wage agree- 
ments, etc. 

(4) Attitude and activities of churches. 

(1) Attitude and activities of semi-relig- 
ious anti-labor organizations like Y. M. 
C. A., Knights of Columbus, Boy 
Scouts, etc. 

(5) Accidents— deaths cmd injuries of workers. 
((>) Housing conditions , rents, evictions. 

(7). Activities of middle class fascist mid semi- 
fascist organisations like Klan } Minute Men 
of Constitution, American Legion, Rotary 
, Clulys, etc. 

(a) Attitude and activities of these 
towards Negroes. 
(8) Party activities. 

(a) Work of Communist Fractions in, 
industrial establishments, unions, 
co-operatives, among farmers, etc. 

WRITING NEWS STORIES 

(1) Put the important facts in first paragraph 
—WHAT, WHERE, WHEN, WHO, WHY, should 

be told in the first paragraph. The arrangement 

i ■ 

10 



can and should be varied but in pure news stories 
this rule should seldom be broken. 
Sample of this method — 

"NEW YORK CITY, May 1st— 500 LONGSHORE- 
MEN, MEMBERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL 
LONGSHOREMEN'S ASSOCIATION, LOCAL 
999, STRUCK THIS MORNING AT PIER 20, 
WHEN ORDERED TO LOAD MUNITIONS ON 
THE ADMIRAL LINE BOAT TECUMSEH. 
THE MUNITIONS WERE FOR THE POLISH 
COUNTER REVOLUTIONARY ARMY." 

(2) It is better to use short sentences. This 
method adds to the force of the narrative 
and is a simple style that is both impressive 
and easily read. 

(a) Be accurate. Get the facts straight. 
Learn to know what is important and 
put emphasis in this part of the story. 

The Communist press, more than any 
other press, has to show a detailed and 
unquestionable knowledge of the strug- 
gles of the workers it records. One or 
two inaccurate statements in a story 
will be picked on by enemies of the 
Communists and the working class and 

li 



v f 



'used to distract the attention of the 
workers from the real issues involved. 

(3) Don't drag comment into a news story by 
the heels. If the story is written properly 
it will speak for itself. This does not mean 
that all interpretation must be eliminated, 
but it does mean that long dissertations are 
not necessary and serve merely to detract 
from the force of the story. 

(4) 500 words and less is the best length for 
ordinary news stories. A column of the 
Daily Worker, with the type now used, will 
take about 660 words. It is therefore evi- 
dent that most of the new T s need not run to 
more than a quarter or half this length, In 
writing hews stories, try to visualize as 
much as possible, the space they will occupy 
in the paper. Space in a Communist press 
is necessarily limited. News stories should 
give the essentials only. The best news 
writers write briefly. 

Color can be given news stories by a few 
short sentences dealing with some /phase of 
the subject that typifies the situation re~ 
ported. Sample — 

12 



■| H| Library 

University of Texi 

"THE STRIKERS LEFT PICKET^ygtli, mm 
DOCK AND THEN MARCHED TO THEIR 
HALL SINGING THE INTERNATIONAL 
AFTER COMMUNIST MEMBERS OF THE 
UNION HAD MADE SHORT SPEECHES, 
TELLING THE WORKERS THAT THE MUNI- 
TIONS WERE TO BE USED AGAINST THE 
WORKING CLASS GOVERNMENT OF SOVIET 
RUSSIA." 

(5) Technical details, 

(a) Write on one side of paper only. 

(b) Use typewriter if possible— use triple 
space 

(c) If stories are written in long hand, 
leave a half inch between each line. 

(d) Number each page and put at top left 
hand corner a short title for story that 
will serve to identify it no matter how^ 
the pages may be mixed. 

I (e) MARK ENVELOPE— "NEWS"— AT 
LOWER LEFT HAND CORNER. 
■(f) Write in sub-heads if story is 200 words 
and over. 
(g) Mark paragraphs by indenting first line 
or by marking first line thus L 

13 



576370 



explanatory and analytical 
articles! 

These articles should be a combination of news 
and interpretation dealing with one subject only. 

Try to begin with a sentence that will fix the 
attention of the reader. Don't allow your thoughts 
to wander. Be convincing. 

Write just as if you were talking to one or two 
workers whom you want to acquaint with the 
facts and have agreed with your conclusions. 

Structure of this type of article: 

(1) The premise—concise description of gen-' 
eral situation and what you intend to prove. 

(2) Give facts and interpretation of them. 
Make your sustaining argument. 

(3) Then draw your conclusions. 

These articles should be from 500 to 1,200 words. 

General at tides on nature of struggle, forces 
involved and progress of struggle. 

An article of this kind should be built up out 
of the material of a number of news stories. The 
main purpose of these articles is to connect the 
different struggles with the general class struggle 



sufficient number of them to avoi^I the accusation 
that the conclusions drawn are based on scanty 
evidence. 

These articles must display a detailed knowl- 
edge of conditions of the workers. 

The Party policies and its special campaigns 
and tactics must be studied and the article itself 
show the application of these to the daily Strug- 
s' 

The difference between the policies and tactics 
of the reactionaries, reformists and the Commun- 
ists must be made clear. 

These articles should not run over 2,000 words. 



The facts must be clear and there should 


be a 


r , 


14 




15 






i 



Section III. 



Of all the news which the Communist press 
carries that of the conditions of the workers in 
industry is most important. 

The working class spends from eight to 
twelve hours out of the twenty-four at labor 
from which all joy has long since departed. Mod- 
ern industry has made of work a deadly, brain- 
sickening monotony — a penalty to be paid for 
the right to live. The machine drives the work- 
er at an ever-faster speed. The pressure of the 
capitalist and all his underlings on the backs of 
the worker becomes heavier. The robbery be- 
comes more and more shameless and protests 
meet with severer punishment.. 

Under these conditions the workers in indus- 
try sweat and suffer. 

What do they think of the giant corporations 
which dominate their lives? What doi they think 
of the petty bosses who drive them for the cap- 
italists in return for a few cents more added to 
their day's pay? 

What do they think of the ruthless system 
that scraps human beings more callously than 
it does the high-priced machines? 

16 



What do the workers think of the inhuman 
manner in which they are numbered and herded 
in the gigantic hives of modern industry? What 
do they think of the filthy holes in which they 
have to work and live? 

What do they think of the risks they are 
forced, to take as a part of their job? 

What do they think of the company "welfare 
systems/' the hospitals and company doctors 
and the mad rush of the claim agent to get a 
release for the company the moment a worker 
comes back to consciousness after being 
crushed or mangled? 

What do they think of the policemen, the com- 
pany guards, the spies, the courts, the strike- 
breakers, the detectives, the use of troops, of the 
whole state machinery of terrorization and sup- 
pression organized for and owned by the cap- 
italists? 

What do they think of their miserable wages? 
Of wage-cuts? Of unions? Of the lack of un- 
ions? 

What do the workers propose to do about 
these things? Do they accept them as inevit- 
able? Are there signs of revolt? What form 
does their resentment take? In what manner 
is revolt expressed? 

When the Communist press knows and tells of 
these things it is really a mass organ. 

Without worker corrsepondents it cannot be 
a true reflection of the lives of the masses. 

17 



Such news is not hard to get but to get it one 
must be a worker. When he writes he becomes 
a worker correspondent. 

Any instructions as to how and what to write, 
however, can do nothing more than give the 
reader a general idea of the way of approaching 
his task. The way to learn to write is to begin 
to write and after all there is nothnig mysterious 
about the process. Anyone who can think clearly 
will express himself well in his own language if 
he gives a little care to certain necessary things. 

The principal requirement is to have something 
to say. Say it as clearly as possible— and then 
stop. More speeches and articles are ruined by 
the speaker or writer continuing after he has ex- 
hausted his subject than by anything else. 

Let us suppose that a worker has been injured 
by the lack of a safety device. Tell how the 
worker was injured, why he was injured, the rea- 
son why no safety device was installed, the effect 
of the accident on the other workers. If there is 
a union in the shop show how it has neglected to 
fight for safety devices, if it has, if there is no 
union show how the need of one is made plain 
by the accident. But do not preach. Let the 
facts speak for themselves as much as possible. 

Strive to avoid "revolutionary phraseology" as 
much as possible. Said Lenin : 

18 



The revolutionary phrase consists of the 
repetition of revolutionary slogans, without 
taking into account the objective circum- 
stances of the present curve of events and the 
present situation. Wonderfully captivating 
and intoxicating slogans, ivithout any firm 
ground beneath them, are the essence of the 
revolutionary phrase. 

We must never forget that the revolutionary 
slogans of the Communist Party voiced by the 
Communist press have connection with the lives 
of the masses only after systematic preparation 
of the masses by struggles around their immedi- 
ate demands. 

To throw revolutionary slogans into the labor 
movement when the masses have not been pre- 
pared to support them by Communist agitation, 
centering around the daily struggles, building the 
mass movement on a firm foundation, is like 
placing one stick of dynamite under Gibraltar 
with the expectation of demolishing it. 

Says the Agitation and Propaganda depart- 
ment of the Communist International in its criti- 
cism of the weaknesses of the Communist press : 

Two different things may be comprehended 
under "revolutionary phrase" 'in the Com- 
munist press. There are Communist papers 

19 



which invariably follow the principle of 
employing the strongest and most urgent 
phraseology which they are capable of com- 
piling, and which give the impression that 
the writers must have been in a state of high 
fever. 

Viewed as agitation this fails to make any 
effect upon the masses, repels them, and has 
besides this the disadvantage that when the 
newspaper had to deal with some special sit- 
uation, it finds its vocabulary exhausted. 

A second variety of the revolutionary 
phrase is the ceaseless employment of Com- 
munist slogans without any internal connec- 
tion with the lives of the workers. FRE- 
QUENTLY THE SIMPLE NARRATION 
OF FACTS IS MORE EFFECTIVE THAN 
THE ARTIFICIAL AND WEARISOME 
REPETITION OF COMMUNIST SLO- 
GANS. 

MORE FAITH IN THE THINKING 
POWER OF THE READERS. 
"Less intellectual talk, closer contact with life, 
said Lenin. 
And again : 

" Why is it not possible to speak in ten to 
twenty lines, instead of 200 to 400, of simple, 
well known, obvious matters, already fairly 

20 



n 



digested by the masses . . . V 9 (Lenin, 
writing on "The Character of Our Newspa- 
pers,) 
One final statement: 

The tasks of the worker correspondents are 
most important and responsible ones. The work- 
ers who read their news stories and articles will 
judge the press and the party largely by them 
and the mistake must not be made of thinking 
that these readers are not critical. They are. 
They read — and they judge. They look with an 
eagle eye for errors and even tho errors may 
escape the editors they will not be missed J>y the 
workers. 

Our press therefore must be as accurate as our 
program. It is with this knowledge and sense 
of responsibity flowing from it that the Commun- 
ist worker correspondents who form the nucleus 
of the broader groups of non-party correspond- 
ents, must approach their job of recording the 
daily history of the class struggle, popularizing 
the party organ and thereby building a mass 
Communist press. 



21 



Examples of Worker Correspondence 

Appended are a few examples of the stories 
sent in by worker correspondents and published 
in the Daily Worker. They are as neear perfect 
as our correspondents are capable of turning out 
at present, they have been edited very little, some 
of them not at all, and can be studied to advan- 
tage by workers who are just beginning to write. 

The quality that all these examples have in 
common is that they tell of something that has 
happened affecting large numbers of workers, tell 
it clearly and in simple language (with one ex- 
ception which will be explained a little farther 
on) make certain easily understood suggestions 
and are entirely devoid of any flamboyancy such 
as was mentioned and criticized in the preceding 
pages. 

The sole exception is the story using the phrase 
"de mortuis nil nisi bunkum," a clever pun on 
the old Latin saying "de mortuis nil nisi bonum — 
speak nothing but good of the dead." It would be 
a hardhearted editor indeed that would prevent 
a worker correspondent putting over this witty 
jibe altho foreign phrases are generally to be dis- 
regarded. 

22 



It will be noticed that these examples deal 
with the building, coal mining, and steel indus- 
tries, a public function staged by the hangers-on 
of the capitalist class and party activity. The 
industrial stories bring in the attitude of the 
union officials as well as the conditions of the 
industry, the story of the Harding statue brings 
in the activity of the boy scouts, the story of 
party activity brings in something of the condi- 
tions of the workers and the attitude of the 
capitalists and authorities, etc. 

These are concrete illustrations of how to link 
up life with the Communist press and will serve 
better than many thousand words of instruction. 



23 



Steel Worker Victimized 
by "Safety First" 

en Shop and Speed Up in Pittsburgh 
By THOMAS (Worker Correspondent) 



PITTSBURGH, April 20.— "Safety first" commit- 
tees have become the pet angel of the steel trust. In 
reality they are nothing hut "open shop" propa- 
ganda committees trying to force their dope on the 
workers, nothing is ever given for the benefit of the 
workers. Here is how it works out in the mill 
where I am employed. 

There are paid men who go around the mill 
every day of the week preaching how much better 
the place is now than it was ten years ago, and try 
to convince the workers that they are in heaven, but 
it is the opposite, it is the worst hell it is possible 
to imagine. 

"Safety Committee" Always Blames the Workers;. 

This safety committee is supposed to try to cut 
down accidents and give reasons when an accident 
takes place so that men could avoid them in the 
future. That is what they say they are doing, but 
there is nothing of the sort. What they do is to 
put the blame on the shoulders of the workers, for 
every accident which takes place. Regardless of 
whose fault it is, the workers are called careless. 

There was a young worker fired because he had 
received a few cuts on his hands in one week. An- 
other was fired because he refused to handle heavy 
bars with an injured hand. There was another 
worker whose job it was to oil the rolls over wnich 

24 



white hot rails run. He could not oil them while 
the rails were running, so he told the foreman to 
stop them, which he did, but not long enough for the 
worker to finish the job with the result that a hot 
rail went clean thru his body and killed him. 

At the next "safety meeting" a paid speaker of 
the company came and stated that a man had been 
killed, and as much as the company regretted it, it 
is mainly thru his own carelessness and that he 
had no business in that spot; this, altho he had been 
ordered there by the foreman, and then the speaker 
went on to state the difference in the accidents now 
and ten years ago. < 

"Ail Time Want More Work." 

A good many of the foreign born workers can see 
that the s # afety meeting is a speed-up meeting. I 
spoke to one today and altho he could not under- 
stand the English language very good or even 
speak it. I asked him what he thought qf the meet- 
ings he said, "All time want more work." So you 
see the impression that he got. 

The company has its spies all over the plant who 
will report any talk of a union that they hear, and 
some excuse is immediately found to fire the one 
who advocates organization. 

, The wages are so low that the workers have barely 
enough to live on and if any sickness takes place 
they have to trust to charity of others. If you are 
injured too bad to be able to walk to work, the com- 
pany will send the ambulance to fetch you and take 
you home again in the evening in order to keep dis- 
content at a minimum. 

The main point is they are afraid the men will or- 
ganize once again to better their conditions. They 
have done it once and they will do it again. 



25 



Bricklayers' Officials Work 
for the Bosses 

By UNION BRICKLAYER (Worker Correspondent) 

NEW YORK CITY, April— At a conference of the 
building industry held here pertaining to the sup- 
posed tie up of $22,000,000 worth of building con- 
struction, it was brought out plainly and positively 
to the notice of the workers, how the bricklayers 
and plasterers' "representatives" sell them to both 
the sub-contractors and general contractors. 

This happens whenever it chances to meet with 
these representatives' financial approval, as in the 
southern affair, and not in the interest of the work- 
ers. As William Bowen, president* of the Bricklay- 
ers and Plasterers union stated at the said confer- 
ence, he was working for the sub-contractors' in- 
terest, and not for the union, as quoted in the New 
York World. 

Union bricklayers recall the scabby affair of the 
same bunch of labor fakers, Bowen, Breece and com- 
pany, when they used the union members of Local 
37 of New York City as scabs against the Local of 
Rochester, N. Y., paying their fare to Rochester to 
scab on their fellow workers for the interest of their 
masters—who paid them well for the faithful per- 
formance of their "duty." 

Again, union bricklayers and plasterers recall 
Vice-President Thornton's action in January, 1924, 
selling Local No. 1 members of Philadelphia to Mr. 
Adkins, a scab contractor. 

And again union men recall the Boston Open Shop 
Drive in 1921, when the official gang allowed the 

26 



big boss, whom they pretended to fight, to estab- 
lish the open shop on our eastern local unions 

It is laughable to think that these labor fakers 
can be bought so cheaply by the masters and still 
expect the bricklayers and plasterers to look up to 
them as labor leaders, when the very same master 
who buys them so cheaply tells the world thru their 
capitalist papers that they are strikebreakers 
^ T . he ^ Ne ^ ? ork Journal of April 17, 1925, stated 
that the Bricklayers and Plasterers International 
Union imported their so-called union men into Syra- 
cuse, New York, to break a strike and prevent the 
workers there from getting a living wage. 

The officials of this union are among the champion 
strikebreakers of the U. S. A. 



Marble Statue Generates 
Hot Air for 2,500 

De Mortuis Nihil Nisi Bunkum 

By WORKER CORRESPONDENT 

SEATTLE, Wash., April 19.— A monument to the 
late President Harding was unveiled here. It stands 
in Woodland Park where Harding gave the oath of 
allegiance to 30,000 boy scouts, and was presented 
by the Elks lodge. Only 2,500 were present this 
time, the reputation of Harding having been sadly 
tarnished since he was here. 

Three Elks presented the monument to the city, 
and two professional politicians, acting for the city 
accepted it. The boy scouts had the honor (?) of 
paying for it. 

Among the bunk peddled out by the speakers 

27 






were such statements as: "nothing better, cart be 
done by the Elks than to teach love o£ country to 
boys . . . Harding was one of the greatest ex 
amnles of the greatness of American manhood 
S from a democrat, ex-socialist-wonder what he 
Hnnkes of Daugherty, Forbes, etc.) . . . ixi« 
Ame k rican £ peo P le S took y 'him from their midst and ex- 
alted him . . . because he was so common 
Common what?) and was it "the American people 
who Zse him in that room at the Blackstone hotel 
at two o'clock one morning in June, iy^u. 

"Let each of us dedicate ourselves anew to our 
country, to respect its laws and defend its liberty 
<tS* from a bard boiled republican congressman 
who has been one of. the most consistent foes ol die 
workers in congress.) 

? Needless to say there were many revealing inci- 
dents of Harding's life that the speakers forgot to 
mention "De mortals nihil nisi bunkum" was their 
motto. And so Teapot Dome, the house of K. St., 
Charley Forbes, etc. were not mentioned. 



Our Party Activity 

The Spirit of the Communists in Northern 
Minnesota. 

In a country where the boundless, gloomy forests 
of Northern Minnesota repeat the angry song of the 
frozen Canadian hills, together with the spring, 
grows and increases the influence of Communism 
The bosses and their lackeys, exasperated, beat 
the alarm. When, five months ago, their local news- 
papers wrote that the red propaganda, after the big 
miners' strike in 1917, is dead in the iron range 

28 



(altho in the same time we organized our English 
branch in South Hibbing) they were celebrating the 
victory of the reaction. Poor bosses! Soon their 
illusions had to die and the newspaper pointed out 
the opposite, altho their police were watching the 
actions of the Communist leaders very close. 

The fifty-two branches in Saint Louis county, the 
heart of the mining industry, are awaking, their ac- 
tivity has been stimulated by the trip of Comrade 
C. A. Hathaway, district organizer. The language 
branches are uniting their efforts instead of being 
disunited as before. 

It is natural that in such a state of affairs their 
activity will be weakened. There was no conscious- 
ness that the growing of our party and its influence 
depend on our co-operative actions. 

After the first public meeting in Chisholm I was 
surprised at hearing a few unknown workers calling 
me: "Hello, Comrade." 

The result was workers joined our party. Each 
Communist effort, each action is not without results 
and knowing that we have to double our energy. 

Of course, the reaction don't sleep and that 'is 
why we have to be ready to meet it. 

Is there any power to stop a real Communist ? 
No. There is a fresh example— Comrade Stainslav 
Lanzutsky. 

GEO. 2AICK0V. 

Union Officials Ignore Miners' 
Job Complaints 

Agreement Works Only One Way in Mines 

By A MINER (Worker Correspondent) 
BENTLEYVILLE, Pa., April 20— Many of the fa- 
vorable conditions formerly prevailing have been 
lost by the miners in District Five since the officials 

29 



signed the last agreement. The excuse given for 
not fighting the company is bad times and fear that 
the company will shut down the mines. On the 
Bentleyville Branch there are ten mines, only four 
of which are working, but still these cowardly offi- 
cials say it is better than nothing. 

The first condition that the miners lost was a rule 
in the mines that if a man worked in a wet place 
he received $5.00 extra in two weeks. One day the 
company cut off this extra $5.00 and the men re- 
fused to work unless they could get their well 
earned money. 

Wet Work Not Paid as Agreed. 

They took it up with their committee but failed 
to reach any agreement with the bosses. They 
then took it up with the board members and were 
given the decision that if the bosses wouldn't pay, 
that they would have to put the men in dry places. 

This the men accepted right away. The pit boss 
put them in other places and hired new men who 
had been out of work about six months, These men 
were glad to get jobs under any conditions and none 
of them received one cent extra for working in 
water. That was the settlement made by our 
"good" officials. 

The Drivers' Complaint Ignored. 

Our drivers had been used to start at 6:30 in the 
morning to leave the stable The mine developed 
so far that the drivers could not reach their work- 
ing places at seven and the company fired one 
driver for not starting at 7:00 o'clock as the agree- 
ment called for. In fact some of these drivers had 
a good hour's way to travel underground before they 
reached their working places. 

This was also taken up with the company without 
any result, so they called upon their board member 

30 



for help. He notified them that if they could not 
reach their working places at seven they should 
leave the stable earlier or else he could not do any- 
thing for them in case they got fired and now the 
boss takes care of the firing part. 

Waiting for Cars — To Help the Boss. 

The four mines still operating are only working 
from two to four days a week, so th^ bosses are 
trying to get as much coal out on these days as pos- 
sible. To increase their tonnage they have some 
picked men working every day, mostly the bosses' 
favored men. They fill all the empty cars in the 
mine from the coal knocked down by the miners 
the day before and when the latter come to work 
they have to wait two to four hours before they get 
their first car. 

The miners called a special meeting to stop this 
practice and also to stop the method used by the 
bosses of doubling up two men in one place. They 
elected a committee to meet with the bosses, but 
as usual they failed to get any results. 

Again they asked their board member to come 
and help them in their fight but he told them to do 
the best they could, he could not help them because 
the company would shut down the mine if they stop 
these practices. The company refused to give the 
miners any satisfaction because they know they can 
get much more favorable decisions from the officials. 
No Protection from the Union. 

Every day some new bad condition and not a 
word of protest from our officials because they say 
we have an agreement for three years and we should 
be glad we are working. Ho W ever the miners are 
beginning to see the point and getting ready for 
the fight, if the officials will not fight the miners are 
apt to take matters into. their own hands. 



31 



Recruiting Worker Correspondents 

The worker correspondents must teach other 
workers to write for the Communist press. 
There can never be too many worker corre- 
spondents, never too many letters and news 
stories of the workers and their battles pouring 
into the Communist press from every spot 
where men and women toil. There must be no 
"Communist purity" in the selection of worker 
correspondents. Non-Party workers must be en- 
couraged to write for the Communist press of 
their views of the daily struggles of vital impor- 
tance. 

One of the tests of the ability with which a 
worker correspondent carries on his task will 
be the number of his fellow-workers whom he 
persuades to write. In the United States with 
its efficient system of industrial spying, there 
must be many workers to take the place of those 
who are blacklisted and persecuted for record- 
ing the truth about capitalist industry and gov- 
ernment. 

The worker correspondents form the most 
important line of communication for the Com- 
munist press and the Communist Party and we 
must not allow these communications to be in- 

34 



terrupted. New recruits must always be at 
hand. 

Writing of the struggle, distributing the Com- 
munist press, teaching other workers to write 
— is this ail? 

Not quite. 

The Communist Party will be judged by its 
worker, correspondents and they can, by faith- 
fully serving the workers and thereby advancing 
the cause of Communism, become valuable aids 
in the organizing work of the party. 

They will help to build the party and bring 
it its best material— the workers in the basic 
industries where the oppression is the heaviest, 
the key groups of the working class that must 
be won for the Communist Party and the revo- 
lution if ever the dictatorship of the proletariat 
is to be more than a dream. 

It is no dream but upon the Communist press 
and its worker correspondents is the heavy re- 
sponsibility of making it a reality. 



35 



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