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A Paper Defending the Interests of the Workers and Farmers 

VOL I So. | 



Rid the Unions of Corruption! 


Reichstag Adjourns For 
"Truce" To Jan. 3 

Berlin, Germany. 

erficial hill in political life 

was initiated by the recess of the 

tag on December 9 and the 

declaration of a "political truce," 

;i compulsory cessation ot 
public political activity, until Janu- 
ary 3, 1933. 

The adjournment of the Reich- 
Stag, without considering the ques- 
tion of confidence in the new cab- 
inet constituted a considerable vic- 
tory for the government. It was 
made possible by a previous under- 
standing oetween Chancellor Kurt 
^on Schleicher, on the one hand, 
and the Nazi and Catholic Cen- 
trist parties, on the other. No def- 
inite agreement could be reached 

Hitler and von Schleicher 
but the relations established were 
enough to save the new Junker- 
militarist cabinet, which would 
have been overwhelmingly defeat- 
ed in the Reichstag had matters 
come to a vote. 

Meanwhile, the predicament ot 
the Nazis grows worse. The pres- 
sure from two opposite directions 
'n their ranks is growing greater 
every moment: from the extreme 
right elements demanding an un- 
derstanding and even coalition with 
von Schleicher and from ihc prole- 
tarian and lower middle class ele- 
ments protesting against parlia- 
mentary trickery or manouvering 
behind • Already this 

to a serious break in Hit- 

oks, Both Gregor Strasser, 

organization head, and Gustave 

official economic expert, 
(Crmtimuid on -pige 2) 


' ington, D. C. 

The r;iv;-:'f of unemployment 
women arc shown 
"1 ' hc report issued on December 
\* h y -■' bief of the 

of •::- D< partment 
■'■ ng to this re- 
omen is 
pot only widespread hut ii 

ler in many industries 

Mig men At the same 
■ orced the al- 
ii to I" 
In Januat 

' women in nineteen 
• out of 
b equent- 

nectictit, where '■>■ study 
rel, many wtft 

• orkert. 

^men in 
nurd to 

nd from 

EVERY honest worker, every decent element in 
the trade union movement, faces a stinging 
challenge in the shameful story of grak and 
corruption uncovered in the course of a Federal 
income !ax suit against Patrick J. Cornmerford. 
Patrick J. Cornmerford is a "labor leader" of the 
onservativc Green-Woll school. He is vice-pres- 
ident of the New York State Federation of Labor, 
vice-president of the New York Building Trades 
Council and "supervisor" of Local 125 of the Inter- 
national Union of Operating and Hoisting Engi- 
neers. He is a powerful figure in Tammany Hall, 
one of Boss Curry's "labor men." He is the very 
model of capitalist respectability; any thought of 
the "Reds" in the unions makes him throw up his 
hands in virtuous horror. 

Mr. Cornmerford receives $200 a week in his posi- 
tion of "supervisor," which really means dictator, ot 
Local 125, plus "expenses." In addition, as vice-pres- 
ident of the Building Trades Council, he forced local 
unions applying for membership into the council to 
pay him a good stiff fee for the privilege. Thus he 
mulcted Locals 706 and 763 of the International Hod 

Lessons of the Cornmerford Scandal 

Carriers Union $500 a piece in 1929. But neither 
his "legitimate" wages nor his "^eraft satisfied 
TROUBLES," IN GENERAL. From the United 
Hoisting Company he got $75 weekly for keeping 
non-union men on the job and forestalling strikes. 
From the Carlson Hoisting Company in Brooklyn 
he got $50 a week for the same service. In addition 
to these weekly wages, paid thru dummies, the 
Tammany labor leader received lump sums, vary- 
ing from $2,500 to $7,000, from at least four hoisting 
companies for his assistance in crushing the strug- 
gles of the workers. How much deeper the bottom- 
less corruption of this respectable "labor leader' 
goes, can only be imagined! 

Sensational tho it is, this rotten story of the be 
trayal of labor is unfortunately no exception. It is 
{Continued on Page 2) 

Sub Drive on to Jan. 15th 

THE National Committee of 
the Communist Opposition, 
after reviewing the results 
of the Age Sub Drive, has de- 
cided to extend the Drive to the 
middle of January. This was 
done in order to make possible 
the utilization of Comrade 
Lovcstone's tour and also to 
give an opportunity to those 
units which made a late start to 
make up for lost time. 

Five organizations have either 
completed their quotas or have 
gone well over the top. These 
organizations are: the Anthra- 
;ite, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Plula- 
lelphia and Downtown (New 
All the remaining organiza- 

:10ns have not yet completed 
even 75% of their quotas. The 
extension of the Drive period 
low gives them the chance of 
intensifying their work and com- 
pleting the Drive by January 15. 

A number of comrades in 
New York City arc utilizing the 
"Christmas spirit" for good pro- 
letarian purposes. These com- 
rades are giving a subscription 
to the "Age" to a friend or fel- 
low-worker. This is a splendid 
idea for all comrades who arc 

Since we last reported, several 

more comrades have joined the 
honor roll of Age Drive Work- 
ers. The following comrades 
have been the backbone of the 
Age Drive: 

1. W. Rainey (Chicago) ....18 

2. B. D. Wolfe (N. Y.) 17 

3. Jay Lovestone (N. Y.)....15 

4. Eva Stone (N. Y.) 13 

5. Anna Thompson (N.Y.). 12 

6. Gene Sorenson (N.Y.)... 10 

6. S. Goncharsky (Phila.)....10 

7. Peter Ross (N. Y.) 8 

8. Lily Rubenstein (N.Y.) .. 7 

9. Leon Lerner (Pittsburgh) 6 

10. Maxwell Stewart (N.Y.) 6 

11. Ray Michaels (N.Y.) 6 

12. Albert Bell (N. Y.) ........ 5 

13. Lena Grccnberg (N.Y.).... 5 

14. Will Hcrberg (N.Y.) 5 


Soviet Relations Greatly 
Improved Recently 

Washington, D. C. 

The Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee today stands nine to 
five in favor of the diplomatic re- 
cognition of the Soviet Union, ac- 
cording to a preliminary canvass 
made here. Seven other commit- 
tee members questioned declared 
themselves as yet undecided. With 
the new organization of the Sen- 
ate it is predicted that the expec- 
ed number in favor of Soviet re- 
cognition will greatly increase. 
The conclusion of diplomatic rela- 
tions between the two countries is 
now regarded as a not unlikely 
eventuality in the near future, 

The diplomatic relations between 
the Soviet Union and the capitalist 
world have been constantly improv- 
ing in the last lev-- months. The 
striking defeat oi Japan in the 
Far-Eastern controversy greatly 
increased the Soviet prestige on a 
world scale. Then came the Sov- 
iet-Polish and Franco-Soviet treat- 
ies, both regarded everywhere as 
great victories for the U. S. S. R. 
Meanwhile, diplomatic relations 
with Germany, far from being ham- 
pered by these moves, were mark- 
edly improved during the Summer. 
Finally, in the last two weeks, not 
only have relations been resumed 
between the Soviet Union and the 
Nanking government of China, but 
there has been a pronounced im- 
provement of Anglo-Soviet rela- 
tions, with the likelihood of the re- 
sumption of. the recently ended 
trade pact. 

The great gains made by the U. 
S- S. R. in its foreign relations re- 
flect the consolidation of the Sov- 
iet economic and political position 
within the country. 


A warning that appropriations 
for health and hospital work must 
not be cut, because the lowered re- 
sistance of the people would make 
any epidemic this year disastrous, 
was given by Health Commission- 
er Shirley W. Wynne at the annual 
meeting of the New York City 
visiting committee of the State 
Charities Aid Association recently. 

Altho the general death rate and 
the infant mortality rate are few- 
er than they ever have been in 
New York City, Dr. Wynne said, 
"we would be fooling ourselves 
if we believed this was caused by 
anything but two exceptionally 
mild Winters and the fact that no 
serious contagious disease had be- 
come epidemic. It was wrong, he 
declared, to spread "fairy talcs," 
some of which he traced to Wash, 
ington, to the effect that people 
were really in better health be- 
cause they did not have money 
enough to buy all the food thev 


With the Working youth! 

The Finishers Branch of Local 22 

by Bella Engels 

New York City. 

On November 10, a meeting of 
finishers, drapers, examiners and 
cleaners was called by the organi- 
zation committee of Local 22. Max 
Bluestein, the manager of the local, 
explained why this meeting had 
been called. The problems of the 
minority crafts in the shop were 
the last considered by the chair- 
man of a shop, and sometimes even 
by the business agents. The best 
way to overcome such a difficulty 
was by organizing the girls in a 
branch where they could take up 
their problems and see that some- 
thing should be done. 

Chas. S. Zimmerman acted as 
chairman of this meeting and, af-, 
ter also pointing out the neces- 
city of such a branch of minority | 
crafts, he called upon the girls to 
take the floor and discuss their 
problems. His invitation was read- 
ily accepted, for the girls had many 
grievances to tell of, and in num- 
erous instances, pointed out how 
little they were considered in the 
shops. The discussion was a 
healthy one and showed very clear- 
ly how necessary* was a branch for 
the girls, to which a much larger 
number should be gotten to attend. 
The next meeting was to elect a 
committee of five which ' was to 
represent the minority crafts at 
the executive board of Local 22. 

On November 22, the second 
meeting was called of finishers, 
drapers, examiners and cleaners. | 
A very much larger number of i 
girls attended this meeting, show- ' 
ing how very much the girls were 
interested in getting together to 
discuss and take up ways and 
means of solving their difficulties 
in the shorj^ This meeting elected 
as delegates to^the executive board 
of local 22 the following: Lillian 
Gastrin, Bella Engels. Violet Wil- 
iams, Eose Cohen and Jean Imber. 

Today in the shops, the finishers, 
drapers, etc., are much more ex- 

ploited than the operators or pres- 
sers; not only is there no price 
limit (downward) on dresses but 
also no time limit of working hours 
— hours are all to the good of the 
boss. Then too, most of the girls 
nre Italian, colored, Spanish, etc., 
so that even if the union girls 
should come to the union meetings 
to take up their problems, they 
would have a difficult time since 
most of the meetings are conduct- 
ed in Jewish. 

Therefore, this branch becomes 
more and more necessary if the 
girls of the trade are to be organ- 
ized, if their problems are to be 
given as much attention as the 
problems of the other workers in 
the trade and if the shops as a 
whole is to function as a union shop. 
But no one should think this 
branch means another local in the 
union j such is not the case at all. 
The branch is merely another 
means to facilitate the organiza- 
tion of girls into the union. All 
possible help and support should 
be given to make this branch grow 
until every finisher, draper, clean- 
er and examiner is a good union 
member . 


(Continued from page 1) 
have requested leaves of absence 
because, it is said, of their disagree- 
ment with Hitler's "all-or-none'" 

The general political situation as 
well as the situation within Nazi 
ranks offer the most favorable con- 
ditions for an effective working 
elass_ counter-offensive against 
Fascism. But such a move could 
be initiated only thru a united 
front of the various tendencies in 
the ranks of labor, which is still 
unfortunately missing in Germany. 
Meanwhile, taking advantage of 
the "truce," von Schleicher has 
launched a bitter offenswe against 
the trade unions and other work- 
ers organizations. Thru the force 
of the "economic decrees" of the 
late Papen Cabinet, the new gov- 
ernment lowering wage levels, 
crushing strikes, smashing unions 
and outlawing all forms of resist- 


Toronto, Canada. 

One of the features of the de- 
pression up until October 1, was 
the "happy" manner in which Can- 
adian jobless took to riding the 
rods. "See Canada First" became 
more than a slogan to the workers 
of the Dominion. But Premier Ben- 
nett spoiled all this when he issued 
orders to the Royal Canadian 
Mounted Police to the effect that 
the practise must stop. 

As a result of the ban many cit- 
ies, particularly of the West, are 
now flooded with "transients". 
Since these are demanding of the 
civic officials that they be fed, the 
mayors are burning up the wires 
trying to persuade Bennett to loos- 
en up and to wink the official eye 
once more so as to get the unem- 
ployed moving. 

The week of October 17 was 
featured by three fair-sized riots 
"n small-sized towns. Port Arthur, 
Nipigon, and Kirkland Lake saw 
the bulls in action. Kirkland Lake, 
a gold mining town in Northern 
Ontario had the worst outbreak. 
Shots were fired and clubs used 
freelv. There have been many ar- 

McKee In The Stock Exchange 

"What are vou going to say to 
those 50.000 or 60.000 heads of fam- 
ilies without food and clothes and 
facing eviction?" asked Mayor 
McKee in the Stock Exchange the 
other day. 

"You can't preach patriotism to 
them, you can't teach American 
principles to them at this hour". 
(Man does not live by wind alone ! ) 

"... once the break in the dike 
comes we have a problem that will 
be far-reaching in its consequen- 
ce*". (A revolution may not be 
easy to start but it's harder to 

The Conference 
For Local 306 

New York City 

The Labor Committee of the So- 
cialist party held a conference on 
Wednesday, December 7, at Bee- 
thoven Hall, in support of the fight 
of Local 306, Motion Picture Ma- 
chine Operators Union, against the 
company union, the Empire State 
Motion Picture Operators Union, 
Inc. At this conference there 
were about ninety delegates repre- 
senting over sixty organizations, 
including, in addition to the branch- 
es of the S.P. and Y.P.S.L., branch- 
es of the Workmen's Circle and 
other fraternal societies. No unions 
were invited. 

Despite the fact that those re- 
sponsible for the conference, 
Beardsley of the Labor Committee, 
and Feinstone of the United He- 
brew Trades, said that the "inner 
union problems" were. not within 
the scope of our conference, the 
issue of cleaning the racketeers out 
of Local 306 was sharply brought 
into the conference by delegates 
from the Young Circle League, 
Y.P.S.L., and other organizations, 
But some of the delegates of the 
Y.P.S.L. and others who attacked 
the Kaplan regime at the same 
time proposed policies which were 
strangely reminiscent of dual 
unionism, one of these even pro- 
posing that the conference endorse 
the Progressive Miners Union. The 
delegate from the Young Circle 
League, who was probably the 
sharpest in his attacks on racket- 
eering in Local 306, was at the 
same time quite sharply in opposi- 
tion to any dual union moves. 

While Beardsley and Feinstone 
did not dare openly defend Kaplan 
and merely ruled the question out 
of order, Frank Crosswaithe did 
do this quite vigorously. On an 
appeal to the chair, as to whether 
an anti-Kaplan motion was in or- 
der, the chair was upheld 45 to 18, 
the eighteen consisting of those 
opposed to the Kaplan regime. 

The delegate of the Young Cir- 
cle League also made a number of 
proposals for immediate action 
against the company union and 
scabbery, these including mass pic- 
ket demonstrations, open air meet- 
ings, etc. These were not consid- 
ered by the conference. 

Finally a committee of fifteen 
was appointed by the chair (Fein- 
stone) to work in conjunction with 
the Labor Committee of the S.P. 

It is significant that the chair- 
man finally adjourned the confer- 
ence arbitrarily in order to pre- 
vent some Y.P.S.L. members from 
reading a protesting statement. 
E. S 


'We can't afford to let them 
starve ... it is paying an insur- 
ance premium on the social policy 
of our time." (Disgorge a bit of 
the wealth they made for you lest 
the workers take it all, thinks the 


Aere Sub Drive On 
To January 15! 




(Continued from page 1) 
a notorious fact that scores and perhaps hundreds 
of 'labor leaders" in this country are daily selling 
out the workers, the members of their organizations, 
in return for pay from the bosses. In the crudest 
way they are labor lieutenants of the capitalist class 1 
How is such a scandalous situation possible? Is it 
due only to the personal dishonesty and denravity 
of the labor misleaders? Nol It is due at bottom 
to the very principle on which the A. F. of L. 
operates — the principle of class collaboration, of 
so-called worker-boss "partnership." Such "partner- 
shin** is no more than a hollow fraud- in practise, it 
really means that the workers are delivered, heloless 
and hamstrung, to the merciless exploitation of the 
capitalists.. For the labor leaders, however, the 
principle of class collaboration is a blank check to 
"conciliate" labor and capital and to "reconcile" 
their interests. Is it any wonder that some of the 
more unscrupulous labor leaders take pay from the 
bosses for carrving out a policy which the A F. of L. 
sanctions Nol The conservative, really anti- 

labor, principles of the A.F. of L. leadership breed 
creatures lite Patrick J, Commerford and the latter 

cannot be done away with without destroying the 

For the workers in and out of the trade unions, 
who have any regard for their own interests and 
the interests of their class, the Commerford scandal 
raises the following pressing tasks: 

1. Out with Commerford from the trade union 
movement I This filthy grafter must be ousted from 
the State Federation of Labor, from the Building 
Trades Council, from his union, from the A.F. of L, 

2. Clean the unions of all corruption and rack- 
eteering! The Cincinnati convention of the A.F. 
of L. did not face this problem squarely. Yet it is 
a life-and-death question! Unless this malignant 
cancer is cut out immediately, it may soon be too 
late to save unionism altogether. 

3. Class struggle and not class collaboration! 
The worker-boss "partnership" fraud must be open- 
ly repudiated and the unions put squarely on the 
basis of the class struggle. This is the only way in 
which the unions can really become effective de- 
fenses of the workers against the employers. 

This is a simole program. Every sincere trade 
unionist can understand and endorse it. To put it 
thru, to save unionism from the sheading nla^ue 
of corruption, it is necessary to build uo a broad, 
strong progressive movement in the unions and to 
make its voice heard in no uncertain terms! 

The World of Labor 

Doll Workers Strike and After 

By J. Rosen 

New York City. 
Faced with starvation wages, 
long hours and sweat-shop condi- 
ions coupled with Long unemploy- 
ment, the doll workers started, a 
number of months ago, a drive to 
organize a union. They succeeded 
in enrolling close to a00 members 
into the Doll and Toy Workers 
Union, realizing that the way out 
was a general strike in the entire 
industry. A campaign for this 
strike was started and we realized 
that we would have to establish a 
united front of all elements in this 
strike. We decided that the besl 
way for the union would be to af- 
filiate with the A. F. of L. From 
the beginning we worked with the 
League for Industrial Democracy 
and the C. P. - Opposition. But 
ne of our members of the execu- 
tive were of the opinion that the 
only way was to work with the 
Labor Committee of the S.P. and 
that, thru them, the strike would 
be backed financially. The Labor 
Committee took advantage and 
came into the movement but, in- 
stead of giving financial help, they 
immediately started a campaign oi 
domination. The first thing they 
did was to force down our throats 
an organizer by the name of Can- 
non, a man who is a reactionary, 
one who thinks that the union can 
only be built thru cooperation with 
the bosses. But those of us who 
were out to organize the doll in- 
dustry did not stop and a strike 
was declared. In spite of the fact 
that our union was then only a 
small baby, we succeeded in stop- 
ping a majority of the doll work- 
ers. But our strikers were hungry 
and the union had a balance of 
only $20.00 in the bank. Never- 
theless, we carried on the strike. 
As the strike continued the racket- 
eers woke up and saw something 
new t omuscle in on and, if possible, 
to turn into a racket. In spite oi 
all the threats we received from 
them our answer was that there 
was nothing for thew and we suc- 
ceeded in keeping them out. But 
then the Communist Party started 
its campaign of demoralization; ar- 
ticles appeared in the "Dailv Work- 
er" and in the Jewish "Freihcit" 
calling the active union workers 
reactionary agents of the bosses 
and what not. 

Here the bosses saw a chance to 
Crtsh in and one of them translated 
an article from the "Freiheit" and 
mailed it to all the workers of his 
shop. That helped in demoralizing 
the_ ranks: nevertheless we succeed- 
ed^ gaining some form of victory. 
Of course, no one today will doubt 
that a much better agreement could 
have been gotten if the Labor 
Committee and Mr. Cannon and 
Mr. Marx of the A. F. of L. would 
not have taken advantage of the 
fact that the leading elements of 
the union were busv working dav 
and nitrht for the strike. Neverthe- 
less, the writer of this article, as 
the secretary of the strike com- 
mittee, openly came out and criti- 
cized the agreement and pointed 
out that no definite wage increase 
was gotten. But the workers ac- 
cepted this acreement and the 
strike was settled with an associa- 
tion including eighteen large shops 
employing about 1600 workers 

After the strike, the organizer 

Mr. Cannon, instead of institutino 
a policy of spreading militancy an d 
continuing to defend the conditions 
gained, closed his eyes and gave in 
to the bosses on too many point* 
in spite of the fact that the active 
elements openly condemned his 
policy at meetings of the executive 
board and membership meetings 
But, after a long fight, wc succeed- 
ed in getting Mr. Cannon out oi 
our organization and the help t 
the bosses did not do him any 

* * * 

Some Big Problems Ahead 

But our union is now confronted 
with a number of serious problems- 
a fight against the racketeers who 
are still trying hard to take over 
the union, against whom we must 
be on guard and the problem oi 
the expiration of the agreement on 
March 1933, which might mean an- 
other bitter fight. 

But in order to prepare for the 
coming strike the union must 
purge itself of all elements who 
tend to support racketeering. The 
recent experiences with the racket- 
eers should serve as a lesson to all 
of us how dangerous it is to have 
anything to do with these ele- 
ments. The attitude of some of 
our members that these people 
can build up and strengthen the 
union is^ nothing but a fatal illu- 
sion. We know that the only in- 
terest they have is to capture the 
union and to utilize it for their own 
mercenary ends. 

We must also understand that 
the views of a few members in our 
union, who hope to deliver it to 
the T.U.U.L., are also detrimental 
to the welfare of the organization. 
Such actions would immediately 
cause a split in our ranks and the 
only ones who would benefit by 
the situation would be the bosses. 

What is to be done? The tem- 
porary committee elected at the 
special meeting on Saturday, De- 
cember 10, must not allow the untOE 
to be weakened, as the attitude oi 
some of the committee seems to 
indicate. On the contrary, the 
committee must try to win the con- 
fidence of the membership by ac- 
tivity in building and strengthen- 
ing the organization. In order to 
accomplish this, electinons must 
take place immediately and a per- 
manent administration chosen. 
This administration will have to 
get busy and prepare the workers 
in the doll industry, organized and 
unorganized, to defeat the attempt 
of some of the manufacturers to 
j cut prices. This administration 
' will have to prepare for the com- 
ing strike so that a new and bet- 
ter agreement can be made, pro- 
viding for increased wages and bet- 
ter working conditions in the 

WANTED: Copies of Revo- 
lutionary Age, Vol. II, No. 14, 
March 7, 1931, to complete 
sets for binding. Comrades 
having any copies of this num- 
ber bring or send them to 


228 Second Ave. 



228 Second Avenue (Cor. 14th Street) 



J. P. Cannon 

Communist League of America 





Jay Loves tone 

Communist Party (Opposition) 






Bosses Demand Another 
20 r r Slash In Salaries 

/ -aTrA.GO. Ill— *n spite of a 

<Sd retreat on the part of the 

ra :n agreeing to con- 

t::ll> " X present reduced v.;ic^ 
tinUe iron condition thai the 
- :i ,".^; ot pay be restored at 
1)451 *-! of that time, the railroad 
the fnie?na?e retted to make 
^"Snle^on and are driving 
f"\ in the direction of a perma- 
t redaction of basic wage by 
"SLl to the railway labor board. 
ff-L«J emenr dated December 19 
*? Terence committee of the 
&SS ^managers sharply reject- 
ee compromise offer ot the 
'tm leaders and announced its 
nation to hold out for its 
full demands. 

The big concession of the union 
leaders made so early in the nego- 
SSon* has practically convinced 
t£ companies that no fight is to 
S expected from the railroad men 
ond'thev are therefore determined 
to ride 'roughshod over the condi- 
tions of the workers. 
* * * 
The indefinite extension of the 
existing 10 tt wage-cut, following 
its expiration date on January 31, 
1QS3 was the first demand made 
on December 12 by the spokesmen 
of the railroad companies to the 
1500 general chairmen and heads 
of the twenty-one standard rail- 
way unions at the joint confer- 
ence here. The railroad executives, 
moreover, indicated that, not only 
did thev want to make the 10% 
cut oermanent, but they were con- 
templating a 20% reduction in 
basic wage scales under the provi- 
sions of the railway labor act. The 
railroad executives produced a 
large number of figures, called 
"mythical" by the union leaders, 
to '"justify" their demand for a 
ruthless slash in wages. 
The struggle of the railway work 

For Freedom of M. N. Roy 

New York Demonstration Demands Release of Indian Communist Leader And 

Of Other Political Prisoners— B rutal Jail Treatment Exposed 

Build Roy Defense Movement In The United States! 

New York City. j against Manabendra Nath Roy for 
The initial steps for the organi- the sole 'crime' of defending the 
zation of_a broad movement in the j right of the Indian people to inde- 

United States for the release of 
Manabendra Nath Roy, well- 
known Communist leader and 
champion of the struggles of co- 
lonial peoples against imperialist 
oppression, were taken here on 
Saturday, December 10, in a de- 
monstration at the British consu- 
late in New York and a mass meet- 
ing at Battery Park. 

About fifty workers picketed 
the premises of the consulate for 
more than one hour. While picket- 
ing was in progress, a delegation 
appeared before Gerald Campbell, 
the Consul-General, and demand- 
ed the release of Comrade Roy, the 
"Meerut conspiracy" defendants 
and all other political prisoners in 
India. The delegation, consisting 
cf Roger Baldwin of the Commit- 
tee on International Political 
Prisoners, Harry W. Laidler of the 
League for Industrial 'Democracy, 
J. B. Matthews of the Fellowship 
of Reconciliation, and I. Zimmer- 
man of the Communist Party (Op- 
position), presented to Mr. Camp- 
bell the following resolution: 

''This mass meeting, assembled 
New York City on Saturday, 
December 10, protests sharply 
against the brutal sentence of 
twelve years imprisonment issued 
by the British court in India 

ers is of great significance to the 
whole labor movement. If the at- 
tack on their wages succeeds it 
will mean the ushering in of a new 
wave of wage-cuts on a national 
scale. If, on the other hand, the 
railroad workers succeed in beat- 
ing back this attack, a great stim- 
ulus will be given to the rest of 
the workers to fight back against 
the bosses offensive. Great respon- 
sibility rests upon the railroad 
workers unions. 

pendence. Mr. Roy is well known 
thruout the world for his literary 
and practical efforts in behalt oi 
the movement of liberation of the 
colonial peoples, particularly in 
China and India. The action ot 
the British government against 
this champion of popular freedom 
is only one more indication of the 
fact that British rule in India is 
totally unconcerned with the rights 
and interests of the Indian people. 
This mass meeting also protests 
sharply against the shameless dis- 
regard of all judicial decency and 
forms of law in the trial of Mr. 
Roy. Undisputed evidence at hand 
shows that the defendant was not 
granted the most elementary rights 
supposed to be guaranteed by law. 
He was not even allowed to make 
a statement in court altho the law 
guarantees him this privilege. The 
representatives of the Roy Defense 
Committees and even his council 
were prevented from seeing him, 
or at the very least, great ob- 
stacles were placed in their way. 
At one point indeed, the judicial 
procedure was so caricatured that 
the trial was held secretly in jail. 
"This mass meeting heartily 
welcomes the wide-spread popular 
protest against the trial and con- 
viction of M. N. Roy manifested 
thruout India and in all social 
strata, but especially among the 
workers and peasants. The far- 
flung net of Roy Defense Commit- 
tees organized by the trade unions 
and the nationalist organizations, 

indicate how broad and deep is the 
resentment of the Indian people 
against the despotic acts of the 
British government. 

"This mass meeting expresses 
its deepest protest against the mis- 
treatment and indignities that M. 
N. Roy has received at the hands of 
his jailers in the last few months. 
He has been deprived of the usual 
status of political prisoners. He 
has been mishandled in his per- 
sonal condition. Ordinary reading 
matter, even newspapers, have 
been denied to him. In spite of his 
weak physical condition and hi: 


State Legislature Obeys 
Orders Of Bankers 

Albany, New York. 

In abject subservience to the all- 
powerful committee of Wall Street 
bankers, the special session of the 
State Legislature passed almost 
unanimously the necessary legisla- 
tion to cut the wages of New ^ork 
City municipal employees, thereby 
reducing the city budget by at least 
$20,000,000 for 1933. The bills 
passed provide for: (1) the reduc- 
tion of teachers wages, the State 
retaining salary control, and (2) 

What the Farmers Want 

Farmers March Leader Voices Demands 

by Lem Harris 

We publish below the statement 
if Lem Harris- issued to the press. 

* * * 

The farmers have gone to Wash- 
ington to frame their own 
proposals for immediate relief 
from the burdens under whicn 
they are now being crushed. 
Western farmers of pioneer stock 
have come here to save the lami 
which they won from the wilder- 
ness, at the price of long struggles 
■Kith blizzards, sand storms and 
drought. They have been joined 
by the farmers from other sections 
of the country in a nation-wide 
movement to make eviction of pen- 
niless farmers illegal, and to guar- 
antee this by a holiday on farm 

The agricultural depression, be- 
ginning almost a decade before the 
general economic depression, has 
seen the steady fall of farm prices. 
tt likewise has seen the rise of 
an overpowering farm mortgage 
aeot which Secretary of Agricul- 

Hyde puts at more than $9,- 


, Thi s fact was at the bottom of 
F 1 ^ great farm strike which raged 
}n the Middle West last September. 
f? 1 °f this strike came the call 
;■ we fanners for a national con- 
ference of all farmers to formulate 
sannew program of farm relief. 

- P . or A 

iriey insist 
J 1 }! declare a 
debts during t. 
*ant a law v.r 

J"*ns and tax sales for non-pay- 
ment of debts illegal. 

'■' tax reLef they do not want 


leg! latiorj which 

loratorium on farm 

ocy. They 

ch will declare evic- 

nich merely shift; 

3SJ!? r<,ei1 from the land to the 

!Jf»MerB ' jf the masses of consum- 

hkh, of cxmna, includes 

^ moratorium on debts be extend- 
ed; to taxes or that £armeri 
finitely below a decent standard 

of living shall be exempt from 

The farmers are not satisfied 
with a promise of a voluntary do- 
mestic allotment plan when the 
Democrats come into power, 
some old line professional farm 
leaders expound. In the opinion 
of the farmers, a national emerg- 
ency exists, and this is a time for 
emergency action. That means im- 
mediate relief, not some complicat- 
ed scheme to "make the tariff ef- 
fective" several years hence. 

In many states of the Middle 
West the farmers already have be- 
gun to put a relief program into 
action. Anton Rosenberg, a farmer 
of Madison County, Neb., and vice 
president of the Nebraska State 
Holiday Association, has been tell- 
ing us how the farmers of East- 
ern Nebraska have prevented evic- 
tion of their impoverished fellow- 
farmers by going in large numbers 
to the bankers or sheriffs and in- 
sisting that the farmer be allowed 
to stay on the land until interest 
and mortgage can be paid. Rosen- 
berg is a member of the commit- 
tee which called this conference. 

The Curse Of The Middle Man 
The three-quarters of the farm 
ers which Mr. Nourse, the econo- 
mist, is ready to call "sur- 
plus" cannot consider themselves 
as such. Neither can they consid- 
er their crops as surplus when 
they know that there are a million 
of unemployed who lack the very 
things which they produce and can- 
not sell. It was the recognition 
of this ironical situation which led 
the farmers of Iowa to give milk 
to the unemployed of Sioux City 
during the farm strike there. 

This note already has been 

struck in the preliminary work of 

(Continued on Page 7) 

A Real Workers 

Christmas-New Year 

Present ! 

Here is a real Christmas present 

for a worker to give and to 

receive — something for 

the entire year! 

Get a sub for your friend or 

fellow-worker at the low 

Drive rates! 


Sub rates during drive: 

$1.00 a year; $0.50 for six mos 


228 Second Avenue 

New York City 

failing health, his 
and conditions of shelter are worse 
than those of the ordinary criminal 
convicted of infamous acts. It 
is clear to the whole world that 
the British authorities in India are 
attempting to break down the 
body and spirit of this unconquer- 
able champion of Indian rights. 

"This mass meeting ta'-'s the 
occasion to add its protest against 
the arrest and imprisonment of 
the so-called 'Meerut conspiracy' 
prisoners and of Mahatma Gand- 
hi. In these cases too the repres- 
sive action of the British govern- 
ment is a sign of the character of | 
its rule in India. We demand 
their immediate release. 

This mass meeting demands the 
immediate release of M. N. Roy. 
Until this can be accomplished, this 
mass meeting demands the cessa- 
tion of the brutal treatment of Mr. 
Roy and the extension to him of 
all" the rights of a political pris- 
oner of Class A." 

Mr. Baldwin and Mr. Laidler 
presented independent statements 
pledging their support to a move- 
ment for the release of Roy and 
endorsing the demands contained 
"n the resolution presented by Com- 
(Continued on page 7) 

food, clothing the grant to the New York City 
Board of Estimate of the right to 
cut the wages of city employees 
generally (except teachers). The 
reductions are on a sliding scale 
above the exempt level of $2,000 a 

The bankers firmly resisted the 
so-called "compromise" proposal 
to specifically limit the pay cuts 
to two years. As it stands, the 
wage slashes are called "tempo- 
rary" but no definite date is set. 

The various organizations of 
New York municipal employees, 
policemen, firemen and teachers, 

sent delegations to the Legislature 
to fight against wage-cuts but their 
readiness to compromise made it 
easier to put the cuts across. 

The bankers wishes were car- 
ried out obediently by both Re- 
publicans and Democrats in spite 
of the fact that, before elections, 
Tammany had sworn never to per- 
mit any cuts in city workers 
wages. With this initial victory 
the bankers are proceeding to car- 
ry thru their program on all fronts: 
reduction of New York City ex- 
penditures for education, health 
and other social services, slashes in 
unemployment relief, raising of the 
subway fare, etc. 

Negro Education in South 


The total number of workers 

The Truth About The 
by I. Zimmerman 

One of the proudest boasts of 
our professional American patriots 
is that there is equality of educa- 
tional opportunity for every one 
in this country, regardless of race, 
creed or color. Leaving aside for 
the moment the queston of how 
adequate these advantages are 
generally, let us examine the facts 
and see just how much "equality" 
is enjoyed by the Negro people. 

It is true that, after the Civil 
War, the state reconstruction gov- 
ernments placed on their statute 
books laws to provide public edu- 
cation alike for both Negro and 
white but thus far the only visi- 
ble results are on the statute books. 

In the seventeen Southern states 
which maintain Jim-crow schools, 
we find that the Negro schools are 

unemployed in the most important commonly one-room buildings, fre- 

countries of the world is mounting 
to stupendous levels, revealing the 
full depth and acuteness of the 
crisis in which the capitalist sys- 
tem finds itself. 

Totally unemployed persons in 
the Untied States number about 
11,000,000, according to estimates 
of the A. F. of L. It is cer- 
tain that even this huge figure is 
far below the actual number, which 
is over 12,000,000. 

Registered unemployment in 
France stands at 257,193. This 
figure is universally regarded as 
an underestimation, the jobless 
numbering over 1,000,000. 

In Germany, unemployment has 
passed beyond the 5,000,000 mark, 
an increase of 375,000 as compared 
with last year. 

In Great Britain there are today 
about 2,900,000 unemployed, ovei 
33,000 more than last year. 

quently in a dilapidated condition, 
with little or no equipment: indeed, 
in South Carolina, even buildings 
are not always provided out of pub- 
lic funds, but instead, about 1,000 
of the almost 2,400 Negro schools 
in the state are housed in buildings 
which had to be paid for privately. 

The slightly better facilities af- 
forded by the Negro schools of the 
larger Southern cities are more 
than overshadowed by the horrible 
overcrowding existing there. 

In the face of these conditions, 
the Rosenwald Fund, a philanthro- 
pic oragnization, has begun to put 
"up Schools ibr Negroes 'in the 
counties of the South. These Ros- 
enwald schools, which are public 
schools and controlled by the local 
education boards, are paid for in 
a rather curious way: the town 
pays one-third of the cost of con- 
struction, the county one-third and 
the Negro population of the com- 

J. P. Cannon ? r n £L 

On Jam 8, 228 2nd Ave. 
of Left Opposition 

"Land Of Opportunity" 

munity pays the rest. Thus we 
have the spectacle of the Negro 
section of the population being 
forced to pay for a public school 
twice, once in regular taxes and 
the second time as a direct levy. 
* * * 

In addition to the physical han- 
dicaps with which Negro schools 
are burdened, there is the tremend- 
ous problem of getting competent 
teachers. There are some 471 
high and normal training schools 
in the area. These are supposed 
to train the teachers required by 
the elementary grades. These pov- 
erty-stricken, understaffed institu- 
tions, far from offering an ade- 
quate professional training, in most 
instances have to be assisted by 
private agencies in order to exist. 
How little they are able to cope 
with the situation is best indicat- 
ed by the fact that about 50% of 
the Negro teachers have less than 
sixth grade education. It is such 
immature, badly trained, students 
who are sent forth to face a situa- 
tion which would prove a severe 
test for a seasoned educator. The 
generally poor quality of the work 
done in Negro schools is but a na- 
tural result. 

As in every field of work, so 
in teaching, the Negro teacher is 
subjected to even greater hard- 
ships than his white fellow teach- 
er. A brief comparison of the fig- 
ures in each case will prove con- 

The white teacher in the South 
receives an average salary of $900 
per year, the Negro teacher $458. 
The latter must look after a class 
of 44 pupils, while the average 
class of white children contains 
but 31. 

A typical case is the agreement 
existing between the Virginia 
State College for Negroes and the 
town of Petersburg, Va., wherein 
it is stipulated that the college 
provides one supervisor, four cri- 
tic teachers and eight practice 
teachers with their transportation 
to and from the town at the rate 
(Continued on Page 7) 



Five- Year Plan and Heavy Industry 

Tke article below is part of the 
vost-confcrcncc discussion on the 
^raUinc aud inner^Hv ^nine 
of the CP.S-U. bemg conducted by 
the Communist Party of th 

( Oppos 1 1 io n). All com ra t 
readers of tke H Ag* are 
to participate. Article* arc 
to 1,000 words- — Editor. 

U.S. A 
cs and 

in vital 
livid fd 


The theoretical structure 
those comrades who differ on the 
"Russian question" bases itself on 
the idea that the C. P. of Sov- 
iet Union has made a "deviation 
from the fifteenth congress in the 
building of heavy industry, in the 
direction of Trotskyism." 

An examination of the fifteenth 
partv congress reports and reso- 
lutions, show however that the con- 
gress laid great emphasis on the 
building up of heavy industry even 
tho the shortage in the supply of 
light commodities, which then ex- 
isted, should continue. The posi- 
tion of the congress was that a 
"sufficient development of the 
light industries could not take 
place without an accelerated 
growth of the heavy industries. 
Upon this question there were no 
differences between Stalin and 
Rykov, as any comparison of their 
reports to the congress will indi- 
cate. The differences on this 
question were with the Trotsky- 
ists. The Trotskyist position was 
demagogically to call for "super- 
industrialization", on the one hand, 
and for the. elimination of the 
commodity famine at the same 
time, on the other. The congress 
regarded this attitude with con- 
tempt. "Only ignoramuses can talk 
like that." These very same advo- 
cates of "super-industrialization,' 
the Trotskyists, at one time, pre- 
ceding the congress, proposed to 
increase the imports of light com- 
modities to end the goods shortage, 
but in the face of the merciless 
criticism of the Central Commit- 
tee, they "had to throw overboard 
this nonsense," as Stalin reported 
at the Congress. 

From this it is clear, first, that 
the C.P-S.U. did not deviate from 
the line of the fifteenth congress 
in laying emphasis on the rapid 
building up of heavy industry dur- 
ing the first Five-Year Plan and, 
second, that in doing this they are 
not deviating in the direction of 
Trotskyism, but are following a 
line exactly the opposite of the 
phrase-mongering of that group. 
The Trotskyists can pull rabbits 
out of the hat for everybody in 
the audience — that is, on paper 1 
While denying the possibility of 
building up socialism in the U. S. 
S. R., they proposed to industrial- 
ize at an extremely rapid rate, 
eliminate commodity shortages at 
once, do away with difficulties, do 
the imposible and declare it at the 
same time impossible to do. Today, 
Trotsky in his "Soviet Economy in 
Danger" continues this same dema- 
gogic course. He complains of 
the lag in steel and coal in 1932, 
at the same time, weeps over the 
commodity famine. Both prob- 
lems he would solve together. Only 
Stalin's policies for socialist con- 
struction are at fault 1 To Trotsky 
the effect of the world crisis, the 
war danger, the unfavorable natur- 
al conditions and bad harvest, for 
which Stalin's policies cannot be 
blamed, are of no consequence. 

To accuse the C.P.S.U. of Trot- 
skyism in regards to the tempo of 
light and heavy industry, there- 
fore, is to play with words whose 
meaning one does not understand. 
* * * 

Lenin On Heavy Industry 
That the Soviet Union would 
have to build up the heavy indus- 
tries ac the basis for any industry 
whatsoever, and that this must 
take place even tho it entails the 
greatest sacrifices, was pointed 
out by Lenin. In one of his last 
and most important speeches, the 
one to the fourth congress of the 
Communist International, at the 
end of 1922. hf declared: 

In the Post-Conference Discussion 

goods amounted, to ««» 
.rubles as against 5,236,000,000 
(rubles of producers goods. With 

heavy industries we cannot hope to up- 
build *«y industry, and without them 
we cannot hope to exist as a seli-sus- 
Liinmi; country. This we know quite 
well . Heavy industry requires 

suh-.dies from the state. Unless we 
have them we are doomed to perish 
merely as a civilized country, to say 
nothing of a socialist country." 

Here again there is a sharp dif- 
ference in views between the C. P. 
S. U. and Trotskyism, which lat- 
ter regards the very idea of the 
U. S. S. R. "existing as a self- 
sustaining country" as a reaction- 
ary Utopia born out of the devilish 
union of Stalin and the theory of 
socialism in one country." 
Today, the sacrifices for the 
building of heavy industry are 
nowhere near the drastic measures 
necessary for even the small sav- 
ings for that purpose in 1922. To- 
day, the sacrifices take place on a 
much higher level in the income 
and standard of living of the Rus- 
sian masses. There is an opinion 
current that the Russian masses 
are "without food and clothing", 
that Stalin has shut down the light 
industries in order to build power 
stations! This is an unbelievably 
distorted conception of the most 
elementary facts relating to Sov- 
iet economy. In reply, I need not 
refer to Freeman's "The Soviet 
Worker" where he shows that the 
Russian worker enjoyed, in 1931, 
double the pre-war real wages; 
even the Fabian Socialist, Sidney 
Webb, cannot find tears to shed 

by B. Herman 

_ . . —,,, wn+Vi maior em- 


major em- 
in 1931, 

workers in 1932. In hL 

Worker in Soviet Russia", he Soviet eWJiowy, 
writes: "The average workvum %n phasis on ^l^^'^ ^ 
the Soviet Union was, in 1932, sub- the output of producer a ffwoajia 
stantially better off that he was m 
1914, and his standard of life, 
measured in food, clothes, boots 
and housing is steadily, tho not un- 
interruptedly, going up . . . The 
average factory operative in the 
U. S. S. R. reads far more books 
than the American and British 
workman; his clothing has improv- 
ed in substance and in cleanli- 
ness; he is a frequent attendant at 
the theater and at the opera, as 
well as the cinema . . . Taken all 
in all, tlte Soviet city workman, 
starting from a very low level, 
has improved his position in the 
past decade more than the work- 
man in any other country." 

The Change In Emphasis 
What are the actual facts? In 
1913 ths production of light com- 
modities was greater than that of 
producers goods (5,962,000,000 
rubles as against 4,289,000,000). 
This preponderance of light indus- 
try continued until the beginning 
of the Five-Year Plan. For in- 
stance, in 1927, when the Soviet 
economy surpassed the pre-war lev- 
el, the production of consumers 

outdisto P nted"thaToflighf industry 
16 813.000,000 rubles as against 
13,895,000,000 rubles of art.cies of 

It is clear from these figures, 
which are based on 1926-27 prices, 
that the "neglect of light indus- 
try" was relative. Actually, , ligh. 
industry doubled from 1927 to 
1931, and the increase over pre- 
war production in light industry 
was two and a third times, 
heavy industry, however, the 
crease over 1927 was over three 
times and, over prewar, almost 
■four times. In the electro-techni- 
cal sphere of production the in- 
crease is eleven times over pre 
war. In textiles the increase over 
prewar is one and a half times. 

In the production of light com- 
modities, the figures as to volume- 
bear out the statistics in rubles. 
For instance, in the production of 
soap, the prewar production was 
94,000 tons; in 1927 it was 146,- 
000 tons; in 1931, 236,000 tons. In 
leather shoes, prewar production 
was 17 million pairs; 1927 produc- 
tion 18.9 million pairs; and in 1931 
it rose to 84.4 million pairs. In 

In The Post Conference Discussion 

the production of rubber overshoes, 
in the production of clothing, etc. 
similar rapid increases can be 

* * * 

Why The G-ods Famine? 
Wherein, then, arises the com- 
modity shortage? On the basis 
of a much higher standard of liv- 
ing, on the basis of millions of 
peasants entering the cities and ac- 
quiring a much greater demand 
for goods, on the basis of increas- 
ing standards of the peasants en- 
tering state farms and collectives. 
The demand of the masses in the 
Soviet Union runs far ahead of the 
growth of production. In the capi- 
talist world, production outruns 
the stagnant or declining buying 
power of the masses. In the Sov- 
iet Union the difficulty is solved 
by the unceasing and rapid in- 
crease of production to higher and 
higher levels, thru the industriali- 
zation of the country and the so- 
cialization of agriculture. In the 
capitalist countries, the difficulty 
is "met" by cutting down produc- 
tion and further reducing the de- 
mand of the masses thru fearful 
crises and convulsions. 

With the huge growth of heavy 
industry in the first Five-Year 
Plan and its further development 
in the second, light industry and 
agriculture are given the basis for 
tremendous expansion, for increas- 
ing the supply of consumers goods 
and food from tw r o to three times 
as called for in the Second Five- 
Year Plan, for the satisfaction of 
the needs of masses on an expand- 
ing scale that will keep pace har- 
moniously with the uninterrupted 
development of the productive 



i i i 

(Continued from last issue) 
It is commonplace to say that 
heavy industry is the basis for so- 
cialism. Heavy industry must be 
built in order to be able to create 
a mechanized base for agriculture, 
to build machinery for light indus- 
try. The question is the extent 
of industrialization. Here is what 
the resolution of the fifteenth par- 
ty congress says in regard to tms: 

"In the question of the rate of de- 
velopment . . . the complete complica- 
tion of the task must be taken into 
account. We must not take as a point 
of departure the maximum rate of ac- 
cumulation for the next year or years, 
hut such a proportion as will guaran- 
tee th greatest speed of development 
permanently. , 

"With respect to the relations be- 
tween the development of heavy and 
light industry we must again PJ°«ed 
from the optimal combination of both 
factors. Whilst regarding the attach- 
ing of greatest importance to heavy in- 
dustry as correct, we must at the 
same time remember the dangers in- 
volved in tying down too much state 
capital in the building of large un- 
dertakings, whose production cannot 
be realized in the market _ for many 
years. On the other hand it must be 
remembered that a more rapid circu- 
lation of the products of light indus- 
try Onass articles of daily use) per- 
mits capital to be expended lor build- 
ing up heavy industry while develop- 
ing light industry at the same time." 

Here the resolution speaks in un- 
mistakable terms, that, tho great 
importance is to be attached to 
heavy industry, there are great 
dangers in tying up to much capi- 
tal. On the other hand, "a more 
rapid circulation of light industry" 
will help more rapidly accumulate 
capital for heavy industry. 

Has the Central Committee of 
the C. P. S. U. carried out these 
directives of the fifteenth party 
congress? NO! 

When the planning commission 
presented the control figures of the 
Five-Year Plan for the year 1928- 
29 they were just the opposite. 
This prompted Bukharin to come 
out with the "Notes of an Econ- 
omist", defending the position of 
the fifteenth party congress. 

Comrade Leontycv, in "The Eco- 
nomic Theory of the Right Devia- 
tion," informs the readers that, ac- 
cording to the control figures of 
the Gosplan, "the total investment, 
excluding the private sector of the 
agricultural economy, according to 
the Five-Year Plan for the year 
1929-30, was 7,756,000,000 rubles. 
According to the submitted con- 
trol figures this amount is increas- 

by L. Becker 

first instance, an investment in 
the form of money inside the 
boundaries of the Soviet Union. In 
the second instance it means con- 
struction for which there must be 
a material base — raw materials — 
and import of machinery from 
capitalist countries, for which the 
Soviet Union can pay only by ex- 
porting {mainly raw materials). 
Comrade Bukharin thus raised the 

"It is further necessary to raise the 
question of the material elements of 
capital investment in order that the 
industrialization of the country is ac- 
complished not only on paper but in 
the actuality, in order that capital in- 
vestment may be a reality and not a 
mere burocratic 'juggling with figures' 
(Lenin). We must not only secure 
the necessary money basis, represent- 
ing the demand for building materials, 
but we must provide for a correspond- 
ing supply of these building materials 
for their actual physical existence, and 
this is not in the future but at the 
present time, since it is not possible 
to build a 'real' factory, even after 
Boehm-Bavvcrk. with "future' bricks . . . 

"But when industrial developments 
'encounters its limits' this means: (1) 
At the moment not quite correct pro- 
portions have been selected between 
the different branches of industry 
(metallurgy for instance being left 
far behind) and (2) at the moment 
not quite correct proportions have been 
selected between the growth of the 
current production of industry and the 
growth of capital investment (both of 
industry and of the whole socialized 
sector). If there are not enough 
bricks, and if (for technical reasons) 
not more than a certain quantity of 
bricks can be produced during the giv- 
en season, then no building program 
must be drawn up which exceeds this 

"At the present time, our heavy in- 
duMrie* are m a very difficult peti- 
tion j but 1 believe we taxi already af- 
ford to spare something for this pur- 
po&e, and thi* we will eonlinue to do 
even if we have to do it frequently at 
the expen»e of the population .... 
Tbut, we are wiring on everything, 

wiring and the reconstruction of the Capital investment means, in the 


"I Accuse!" 

M. N. ROY 
From the Suppressed Statement 
of N. N. Roy on Trial for 
Treason Before Sessions 
Court, Cawrtpore, India. 
With an Introduction by 
— 15c a copy — 
reductions for bundle orders 
Order thru the 
228 Second Avenue 
New York City 

limit and thereby creates a demand 
which cannot be met. For however 
great the extent to which building ac- 
tivities may be forced, dwelling houses 
and factories cannot be built out of air. 
(3) It is further clear that the limits 
of development arc set by the raw ma- 
terial production." . . . 

The questions raised by Com- 
rade Bukharin in September, 1928 
were attacked by the "super-in- 
dustrialists" as "expressions of 
enemy class pressure." These 
jumps in one branch of the na 
tional economy created a "gap" be- 
tween this and other branches on 
which it depends. For instance, 
metallurgy, building materials, 
raw materials. The resolution of 
the fifteenth party congress warn- 
ed against it. The deviation in the 
direction of Trotskyism was costly 
Some people could not see it four 
years ago. Today it is evident. 

Here it should be said, in pass- 
ing, that, while we were accused 
by the Stalin regime that we do 
not see the crisis in the capitalist 
countries, the Stalin leadership 
that was supposed to see it, fig- 
ured in the Five-Year Plan to 
constantly increase the exports to 
the capitalist countries. This mis- 
take in estimation was also an ex- 
pensive article. Who then over- 
estimated the strength of capital- 
ism? Stalin, or ? This 

surely belongs to the general line! 

* * * 

The Relation to the Peasantry 
When speaking of the peasantry 
we shall not view it as a homogen- 
ous entity. There are three dis- 
tinct layers: (1) The poor peas- 
ant, the closest ally of the prole- 
tariat; (2) the middle peasant 
with whom the working class 
must have an alliance; and (3) 
the kulak, who is the exploiter of 
the peasantry, who resists the ad- 
vance of socialism and should be 
eliminated as a class. 

' ' • The middle peasant is 
partly an owner and partly a toil- 
er - He is not exploiting anvbody 
* • • Tne naain question still is, and 
will continue to be for many years, 
the establishment of correct rela- 
tions between the two classes 

(working class and middle peas- 
antry— L. B.), correct from the 
point of view of the abolition of 
classes." (Lenin, May, 1921). 

And how should these correct 
relations be established? 

. '"^"M^'tory measure in the fu- 
ture boils down, to this: that we create 
a basis for the exchange of manu- 
factured products for the product;, of 

agriculture; that we establish such an 
order that the peasant shall only then 
give away his products when he gets 
in exchange the products of the fac- 
tory and city and that the peasant shall 
not find himself subject to the condi- 
tions and forms he was in under capi- 
talism." (Lenin). 

Further, it is necessary to trans- 
fer the construction of socialism 
to the village, by collectivizing tfie 
peasant economies. This can be 
done by creating the mechanical 
base (tractors, modern imple- 
ments) . In collectivization the party 
must use methods of convincing 
the peasantry that it is more pro- 
fitable for them to produce col- 
lectively, and not thru decrees. 
This position is expressed in the 
resolution of all party congresses. 
Lenin clarifies the position in this 
manner : 

"And tho we are still confronted 
with isolated examples of the use of 
coercion, they are very few, and I hope 
that you will take the opportunity at 
this convention to wipe out the last 
vestiges of these outrages so that the 
peasantry should not be able in the fu- 
ture to point to a single instance to 
the use of coercion in order to back up 
the old contention that the joining of 
a commune is connected with coer- 

Those that remember the state- 
ments of Comrade Stalin of March 
2, 1930, and the statement of the 
Central Committee of the C. P. 
S. U, of March 16, 1930, in re- 
gard to collectivization, know that 
this policy was not followed. 

While no mechanical base was 
yet created for collectivization, 
while the peasantry was not yet- 
convinced of the benefits of col- 
lectivization, the leadership 
launched a drive in the end of 
1929 and the beginning of 1930, 
after which, in some districts, the 
majority of the peasants left the 
collectives. This brought in an in- 
tability in the peasant economy. 
Even today most of the collectives 
are not provided not only with 
tractors but in many cases are 
lacking horse power. Result: less 
sowing, less bread for the city, less 
wheat for export. There was a 
great danger that the relation be- 
tween the proletariat and the peas- 
antry would be ruptured. The l9bU 
retreat helped to pacify the peas- 
ants but the results of the policy 
are today expressed in the food 
shortage. But the line was not 

The collection of t;rain is fall- 
ing short. The sown area, accord- 
ing to the last reports, is 207* 
short of the program, which win 
have its effects next year. And 
then the change of the New Econ- 
omic Policy will further explain the 

(Continued in Next Issue} 



Marxism and Philosophy of Spinoza 

"Qod'lntoxicated Man" or Atheist? 

.. vea r, the three hundredth 
Th Srv of Spinoza's birth 
^ ni ?\ovember 24, 16S2) witness- 
t^'u^ual hue and cry m the 
es the nf t t he idealists claiming 
c&W ; o S one of their own. In 
Spl jiosa • perva din(r crisis in all 
./ bourgeois thought today, 
f,e ^pkli*tic clamor is especially 
^VSfn/ Spmoza. exeommuni- 
***% 1 aud cursed as an atheist by 
cate i£i«nists, mystics and ideal- 
his day, is solemnly taken 
fet !w bosom of their spiritual de- 
nts of today. In doing sc 
*f " n ron^iouslv confuse and do 
Stohis thought. ForSpino- 
; DOt belong in the camp of 
^ idealists. And no crossing of 
vil fineers and mumbling of the 
c »al idealist catechism in re- 
U«d to Spinoza— "God-intoxicated 
^ilosopher" wiU make him so. 

In The Stream of Materialism 

Historically considered, Spinoza 
.stands foursquare in the stream of 
materialism, in spite of the theo- 
Jjical verbiage (inevitable for the 
times) m which the content of his 
philosophy is clothed Forerunners 
of the latter-day defenders of 
Marxism concur in this judgment. 
Feuerbach, for instance, upon 
whom Spinoza had a profound in- 
fluence, was of the opinion that 
Spinoza's pantheism was really a 
theological materialism, was a ne- 
gation of theology but a negation 
which still professed a theological 
viewpoint. But this theological in- 
consistency notwithstanding, Spin- 
oza was able to give, in Feuer- 
bach's words : "A sound exposition, 
subject to the limitations of his 
day, of the materialist conceptions 
of 'the modern age." Further Feu- 
erbach calls Spinoza "the Moses 
of the modern free-thinkers and 

Plekhanov is of the opinion that : 
"Feuerbach's humanism is seen to 
be nothing else than Spinozaism 
which has shed its theological lum- 
ber. The Spinozaism, freed from 
its theological lumber by Feuer- 
bach, was the philosophy which 
Marx and Engels adopted when 
they broke away from idealism." 

Tho, in my opinion, Plekhanov 
here overstresses and simplifies 
similarities to the exclusion of cer- 
tain important differences, never- 
theless the great kernel of truth 
contained in his judgment is in- 
dubitable. The founders of Marxism 
themselves were quite conscious of 
their theoretical kinship to Spin- 
oza on certain fundamental tenets 
of the materialist philosophy. En- 
gels, on a number of occasions, not- 
ed his agreement with Spinoza on 
certain important points. Marx in 
his "Holy Family" writes: "The 
Hegelian history of philosophy re- 
presents French materialism as the 
realization of the Spinozan sub- 
stance." This judgment of Hegel's 
(concurred in by Marx) is a re- 
vealing statement of the relation- 
ship of Spinozaism to materialism 
?> general and thereby to Marx- 
JP 1 - It is undoubted that thru 
|ne French materialists, thru Feu- 
erbach, Spinozaism represents one 
J* the broad streams of thought 
2*t went to make up the world- 

VU!W °f Marxism. 
Of such a judgment Spinoza's 
ork gives ample proof. The 

J"J Point that Spinoza has in com- 
'n the general materialistic 

gstoon is the recognition of the 

- istence of an objective universe 
we— aa independent of the 

£oaght processes of man, who 

kJ* 6 " « an integral part of na- 

fedJZ * rnind & ves us a knowl- 

Kfc of the real and not of mere 

marar.^. Spinoza does not raf- 

r °m the fallacy of the "cri- 

ehool which draws a distJnc- 

w ir> T we6n what substance is 

• -ty" and what it is "to the 

All things are necessarily 

^'^ in nature, which is ab- 

ttdfcr ! T l f ' ,u]u - ar "J of a uniform 

are therefore always 

by Jim Cork 

his remark: "Extension is an at- 
tribute of God, or God is himself an 
extended thing." 

At one blow Spinoza has shorn 
the traditional God of his omnis- 
cience, of his creativeness. What 
is left is a hollow shell, a verbal 
concept. The words of Hobbes, the 
English materialist, contemporary 
of Spinoza, are very much in or- 
der: "He who calls the world God 
(as Spinoza does — J. C.) really 
asserts that the world has no cause, 
or, expressed otherwise, that there 

criticism. In morals and ethics, he 
rejected an absolutistic in favor of 
a naturalistic system. Moral and 
ethical theory must be based upon 
man's nature, his physical and so- 
cial nature, and not man's nature 
and conduct upon some pro-con- 
ceived absolutistic system of mor- 

Spinoza And His World 
Spinoza was, of course, no time- 
less or spaceless thinker. He lived 
at the time when the bourgeoisie 
was just beginning to transform 
the world in its own image. At 

is no God. Also he denies a cause ,hi s birth in 1632 the. bourgeoisie 

,nnl c . P -v lblht> ;. of disembodied 
? ? Jh\ *°? r ^ irc reason < which 

n„, J \ St ^ b ° dy eXi5tS Without 

ol !V° shou ld soul exist without 
body) seems to me equally absurd. 
\ rf' i 1 pray you ' whether it is 
also likely that memory, hearing 
sight, etc., exist without bodies, 
because bodies are found without 
memory, hearing, sight." 

He is sarcastic also at the ex- 
pense of the teleologists (those 
who look for fixed purposes or 
ends in nature). "(Nature," he 
insists, "has no fixed aim in view 
and all final causes are merely 
fabrications of men." 

A few words about God and his 
place in the system of Spinoza. 
On the face of it, one might con- 
clude from a superficial examina- 
tion of Spinoza's terminology that 
he is the "God-intoxicated" of the 
traditional view of the religionists. 
To one, however, who digs deeper 
into the content and objective log- 
ic of his formulation, it becomes 
evident that Spinoza actually de- 
throned the traditional God of the 
religionists, that is, God the crea- 
tor. In Spinoza's system God is 
really a synonymn for nature or 
substance, the beginning and end 
of Spinoza's philosophy. This sub- 
stance, absolute and eternal, was 
not created by an outside force but 
creates itself thru itself— from 
„__ L_„ « j ? opin- v. 

oza has in mind can be seen from | of the modern school of Biblical which necessitated partial class thoroly naturalistic approach, 

freed from theological prejudices, 
is far in advance of these two 
thinkers and does not allow for 
such super-natural interference as 
characterized Newton's system. In 
his correspondence with Boyle 
(who employed mechanical and 
teleological explanations side by 
side) , he insisted that physical 
phenomena could not be explained 

i , t i3 i «o th by reference to their alleged pur- 

branches, such as Branches 368 324 ^ coc „„ a „ Ao H „ lS , rt „ Q ,f „,£*« 

and 546, were not represented at 

the conference because neither 

for the world and the existence of 
God who considers the world not 
as created but as existing from 
eternity (as Spinoza does — J. C.) 
for the eternal can have no cause." 
That puts the case in a nutshell ! 
Spinoza's progressive outlook ex- 
tended into other fields also, reli- 
gion, ethics and morality. His free- 
thinker's approach to religion and 
the Bible in his "Theologico-Poli- 
tical Treatise" (a revolutionary 
tract for the times) earned him his 
title of atheist. His insistence on 
the historical approach, on the hu- 
man authorship of various parts of 
the Bible, on regarding the Bible 
as literature, reflecting a certain 
age, enable him to become, in spite 

of Holland was far ahead of the 
world, England included. At his 
death the positions of these two 
were reversed. His thought is in- 
separable from this period and its 
intellectual developments, the 
ideological reflexes of a bour- 
geoisie in birth. The shining jew- 
el in its crown of intellectual 

compromises between the rising 
bourgeoisie and sections of the 
feudal aristocracy (as in England, 
for instance), account for the left- 
overs of the theological outlook of 
the feudal period. The period was 
rich in attempts at compromise be- 
tween, and even fusion of the (sci- 
entific and religious attitudes. 
Both Newton and Boyle, for in- 
stance, scientific giants of the time 
yet typical figures, were quite con- 
tent to draw upon Scripture for 
their broader philosophical and 
cosmical conceptions. The whole 
universe, in Newton's scheme, was 
originally set in motion by God. 
In the third book of the "Princi- 
pia" the indispensability of a di- 
vine power is proved as creating, 
moving and directing elements of 
the universe. "When I wrote the 
third book of the Trincipia', 
Newton tels Bentley, "I paid spe- 
cial attention to those principles 
which could prove to intellectual 
people the existence of divine pow- 
er," Boyle was, at least, as much 
interested in theology as in science. 
He founded and endowed the 
"Boyle Lectures", courses of lec- 
tures to be delivered annually to 

achievements was natural science, 

which flourished step by step with prove the truths of Christianity 

the rise and development of the against "notorious infidels, namely, 

bourgeoisie. But the mentality of atheists, theists, pagans, Jews and 

the seventeenth century is serious- Mohammedans". (At least two of 

ly misunderstood when science these lectures, by the way, wen 

and philosophy are divorced from directed against Spinoza). 

its theology. Material feudal ves- Spinoza was second to none of 

tiges, the persistence of traditional the great names of the 17th 

ideological after their material base century in realizing and absorb- 

of certain compromises with his jhad been undermined, the specific ing the demands of the new meth- 

own method, one of the founders peculiarities of class relations, odology of science. Certainly his 

For A Left Wing In The Workmen's C ircle 


New York City. 
On November 27 there was held 
in New ^ork City a conference of 
some Workmen's Circle branches 
for the purpose, it was said, of 
organizing a real left wing in that 
organization. Prior to this confer- 
ence there were held, according to 
the reports in the "Freiheit," a 
number of preparatory general and 
section meetings of W.C. mem- 
bers in this city and in Philadel- 
phia. One of these was a pre- 
conference meeting with represen- 
tatives of thirty-six groups from 
W.C. branches in New York. This 
preparatory pre-conference, as it 
was termed by the "Freiheit," elect- 
ed a committee of fifteen to make 
the necessary preparations for the 
November 27 confereno 

by B. Lifshitz 

gates representing branches and 
minority groups should vote. Del- 
egates Manna (Branch 38b) and 
Orlofsky (Branch 454) accepted 
the nomination. The vote was Or- 
lofsk> — 20, Manna— 11. 

That the conference was being 
run in a deliberately mechanical 
manner could be seen not only 
from the conduct of the chairman 
and secretary but primarily from 
the policy of the ''leading lights" 
of the conference in keeping out of 
the resolutions committee every 
outstanding active figure in the 
left wing movement of the W.C. 
Delegates Manna and Kliebard, 

It was rather a surprise to those active in the left wing of the W.C. 

law* and rules which in 

altW fr* 1 "^ 1 necessity and truth, 

all be known 

*np therefore, she keeps a 

**«a and immutable order-" 

Agamst The Supernatural 
piaoza there is nothing out- 

tore, so there can't be any- 
S tuper^naturul He ridiculed 

present at the conference and, I 
believe, also to the sponsors of the 
conference, that only seventeen 
branches were represented, accord- 
ing to the credentials committee 
report — fourteen branches from 
New York, two from Philadelphia, 
and one from Springfield, Mass. 
The credentials committee also 
recommended the seating of six- 
teen delegates representing minori- 
ty groups of branches (twelve del- 
egates representing groups of five 
and two delegates each represent- 
ing groups of ten), and three del- 
egates from the committee of fif- 

* * * 

How The Conference Was Run 
That its sponsors were determ- 
ined to get control of this very 
small conference, could be seen 
from the proposal made by Dele- 
gate Field, chairman of the com- 
mittee, that all members of the 
W C. present in the hall could par- 
ticipate in the discussion and vote 
-for the election of chairman and 
credentials committee! This pro- 
posal naturally evoked a sharp 
protest from a number of delegates 
really representing branches. Ihey 
wanted to know whether this was 
a conference or a mass meeting. 
They pointed out that the ruling 
•hairman simply gave away 
the nature of this gathering, that 
it contradicted the official call, 
which had requested that the del- 
.., from branches or 
minority groups. , After a long dis- 
cussion, the chairman finally ac- 
quiesced, "leaving to the conscience 
?A those orescnt" that only dele- 

for many years, chairman and sec- 
retary of the anti-scabbery confer- 
ence held on February 7, 1931, 
with representatives of seventy- 
five branches, were defeated. The 
committee of five elected consisted 
of members hardly known in the 
W.C. generally or among the left 
wingers. The vote for the resolu- 
tions committee was from 33 to 26. 
The vote for Manna and B. Lif- 
shitz was 16 and for Kliebard, 11. 
We must remember that the vote 
of 33 included the block of seven- 
teen delegates of the so-called min- 
orities, while the vote for the min- 
ority on the resolutions committee 
represented really delegates from 
branches. In addition to this, a 
number of progressive-left wing 

of those present" 

Have You Read ? 


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TY, by Ben Gitlow 5c 

CIVIL WAR, by Will 

Herberg 5c 


V. F. Calverton .. 25c 


Reductions for bundle orders 



228 Second Avenue 

communications nor committees 
had ever been sent to them. 

As a protest against the action 
of the conference the delegates 
from Branches 386, 301, 639 re- 
fused to submit their resolutions to 
the committee and declared that 
they would place them on the floor 
of the conference. 

* * * 

The Real Issues Involved In The 


What was behind all of these 
machinations? Why did they 
adopt this rigid organizational 
stamp to keep out of the resolu- 
tions committee every active left 

The answer to these questions 
was given in a veiled form by the 
ideological leader of the confer- 
ence, in the report of Freed, secre- 
tary of the committee of fifteen, in 
the discussion from the floor and 
in the summary speech for the res- 
olutions committee. The report of 
the secretary was generally in line 
with the communications sent out 
by the committee of fifteen. Its 
main approach to the work in the 
W.C. was that the organization 

poses or ends. Spinoza's slogan 
was: "True knowledge only thru 
knowledge of causes!" 

The modern proletariat does not 
reject the thought of the past sim- 
ply because it is past. In a very 
real sense, it is the inheritor of 
all that is vital and progressive 
in the thought of the past. It ac- 
cepts what it can and builds fur- 
ther. Placed in historical perspec- 
tive, Spinoza, is one of the liberat- 
ing thinkers of mankind. In that 
broader sense, as well as in the 
narrower, in the specific content 
of his philosophy and in its contri- 
bution to the general materialistic 
position, Spinoza must be regarded 
as a gigantic figure for the mod- 
ern proletariat. 

In the discussion on the reports 
of the secretary and of the resolu- 
tions committee, Delegates Manna, 
Kliebard and Lifshitz pointed out 
the absolute necessity of having a 
clear orientation as to where the 
movement was heading. They de- 
clared that, unless the conference 
evaluated the last split in the W.C, 
it would be impossible to fight the 
split tendencies that were being 
manifested right on the floor of 
financially bankrupt, that the th « conference itself. The confer- 

fact that the first week sick bene- 
fit had been taken away from the 
members proved that the benefit 
fund was not solvent, that 99% of 
the W.C. branches were not func- 
tioning as labor organizations, 
and so on. The outstanding point 
in the report of the secretary was 
that, while the previous oppositions 
had been political in their nature, 
the struggle between the right wing 
and left wing forces in the W.C. 
at present, was based on economic 
demands. He also stated that the 
committee had "no ambitions for 
leadership" in the W.C. It did not 
matter, he said, that at this con- 
ference there were not represented 
many branches of the W.C. He 
attacked those who had called the 
anti-scabbery conference, which he 
said, was directed not against the 
leadership of the N.E.C. but against 
the Communist Party! He pro- 
ceeded to denounce the left wing 
and progressive workers in the 
W.C. He completely ignored the 
question of a split in the W.C, as 

did, Mid-, (1. many of the delegates 
who participated. 

ence must come out unecmivocally, 
they insisted, with an open state- 
ment on this question. All of these 
speakers defended the resolution 
introduced by Delegate Kahn 
(Branch 386): "The conference 
expresses the opinion that the pur- 
pose of the left-progressive wing 
in the W.C. is to continue the work 
that the left wing has carried on 
in the W.C. since the Toronto con- 

"The work of the left wing must 
proceed on a program of class 
struggle in the W.C, based on the 
issues put forward by the entire 
left wing before the split of 1929 
and by any left wing-progressiv« 
branches and active W;C. members 
after the split: Against scabbery, 
for the proletarianization of the 
leadership of the W.C; for sup- 
porting the militant forces in the 

for mist unions and workers fra- 
ternal organizations fighting for 
transforming these organizations 
into organs of class struggle; for 
unemployment insurance; For de- 
fense of the Soviet Union. 
(Continued on pry;' 7) 


The Symposium in Detroit 

by W. F. Neil! 

Detroit, Mienigari. 

A symposium was held at the 
L \V. W. hall here on Sunday, Oc- 
tober SO, on the topic of "Unity in 
the Labor Movement." 

The chairman, representing the 
L V9 W„ opened the meeting and 
read s communication from the 
S L P., which had been invited, 
rejecting the invitation on the 
gfiundthat there could be no uni- 
ty of the workers until they should 
z* .w« q t P nosition an 

accept the S- L. P. position and or- 
ganise accordingly. It would be 
^possible, the letter declarea, lor 
the S. I~ P. to have any unity with 
the "reform organizations" at the 
symposium. They would, however, 
send a speaker to the forum pro- 
vided he was the only speaker and 
the collection went to the S. L. P, 
campaign fund. 

The chairman then called upon 
Comrade F. W. Thompson of the 
I \V W. to present his organiza- 
tion's position on the discussion. 
Comrade Thompson led off wxtn 
the statement that the organization 
itself (the L W. W.) had no pro- 
gram for unity hut that he would 
niake such suggestions as would be 
acceptable to it. He went on to 
suggest that workers singing so- 
cles, athletic clubs, discussion 
croup- and debate clubs could be 
organized and in this way work 
for unity. Then -again, we could 
organize* the workers in the indus- 
tries and thus have unity. He 
went along the same line for his 
entire time and the immediate 
problems of the workers remained 
a forgotten issue. 

Next came Comrade Paul Rad- 
dle for the Anarchists, represent- 
ing the Libertarian Group of De- 
troit- He lauded the First Inter- 
national at great length as the ex- 
ample of unity in the past and then 
went on to attack the idea of uni- 
ty today. He fumed at the idea 
cf industrial organization, point- 
ing in turn to the "impotent ef- 
fects" of the A. F. of L., the I. 
W. \Y., the Knights of Labor, etc., 
hut what grieved him most was 
the graft in these organized ef- 
forts to "ride on the backs of the 
-criers." When he ca m e to work 
ing class political organizations, he 
fair.v exploded. He attacked the 
5---""-. Union and the Communist 
Parties and concluded by saying 
that, only when the workers "start- 
er :c tc:n> for themselves" and re- 
jected government of any kind, 
~~~r. the government of the work- 
ing class, wnnld there be any uni- 

Next came Comrade William ',i :—- Comr^ Party 
( O ppoe itk m), He started by ex- 
plaining that it was his aim to see 
.: there could be found any issues 
- bach the already existing la- I 
eotdd be united 
k a dam ESoaargde Miller pointed 
out that there were such iggnes 
. : -. ::.::: tt.t-ti:jt.r g v,a- unem- A fight on 
Lucr. a; ..•.■--. - . . . . \ '... . .; .v.. 
'.'.-. -;:„.: :v .>-;,: orgar.:zatJor.3 :r. 
■ - / : Eft em the much 
needed em taet with the masses. 
re u ■■ ' a ce otet to tne 
questlor. A i - . Ebe labor move- 
:- e - '.. 

A'ter Uu came Co/r.raoe Gard- 
MS o' -• arias party. No 

he said and advertised some of the 
P. P. activities. Comrade Miller 
came next. He emphasized the 
great significance for the revolu- 
tionary movement of a struggle for 
unemployment insurance, calling 
attention to the example of Great 
Britain. He defended the neces- 
sity of labor unity all along the 

The Anarchist speaker, who fol- 
lowed, merely went over his prev- 
ious ground, while the I. W. W. 
speaker did the same. 

It can be seen that this meeting 
did not advance the cause of la- 
bor unity practically. No organiza- 
tion, except the C. P.-Opposition 
was really interested in such unity. 
It is up to us to take the initial 
steps. Let's go! 

C.P.'s 'Militancy 
In the A. C. W. 

New York City 
At the meeting of Local 1° 
(knecpants-makers) of the Amalg- 
amated Clothing Workers ol 
America, which was held fhurs 
day, December 15, Comradi 

In the Comi ntern 

A Letter from Holland 


Troy, New York. 

About forty people, workers and 
students, heard Will Herberg speak 
on the "Five-Year Plan" on Sun- 
day, December 18, 1932. The meet- 
ing was under the auspices of the 
recently organized Workers Edu- 
cational Club. 

Herberg's talk was followed by 
a series of very interesting ques- 

The educational program of the 
Workers Educational Club will be 
continued after the holidays. A 
series of monthly lectures on the 
history of the American labor 
movement is being arranged. 

questioncd the local admin- 
istration about their actions in con- 
nection with the J. B. Weiss shop. 
This firm forced their workers to 
work three days without pay to 
enable the firm to move to a dit- 
fcrcnt loft. Comrade Studnitz de- 
manded to know whether the ad- 
ministration had done anything to 
recover the three days pay for the 
workers or would the administra- 
tion act the same way as they did 
in the case of the employer Nor- 
man. This Mr. Norman ran away 
with the wages of his workers. The 
union made a settlement with the 
boss to repay his workers 75% oi 
their wages, but todate he has not 
even paid back 5% of this amount. 

VT?AP This did not stop the union . from 
I Jliiirv s ig n i n g an agreement with him as 
a partner to Max Krassner, which 
is an established firm in the trade 
and the boss Krassner is a "left 
winger" and a member of the I. 
VV. O. 

When the business agent Enick 
and the administration forces tried 
to evade answering the questions 
raised by Comrade Studnitz, the 
so-called "rank and file" (C. P. 
supporters — Editor) members kept 
quiet about it and the leader oi 
the "rank and file" group in that 
local, Jennie Lievermann, instead 
of demanding the rights for the 
workers of the J. & B. Weiss shop, 
laughed cynically because the 
"Lovestoneite" Studnitz raised 
that question. 

A Clothing Worker. 

byG. j 

Amsterdam, Holland. 
On September 20, 1932 the Com- 
m ,^r Party of Holland orgamzr 
^d a ''Re/ Tuesday;. The history 
of this "Red Tuesday" is as iol- 
?ows The initiative came last 
£K from the centrist indec- 
ent Socialist party (O. S. P.) Ihe 
C. P. immediately took over the 
idea, whereupon the leaders of the 
OS P. became utterly passive. 
Finally, when the question was 
pu! to them, ^ey sewered that 
they were for calling ofi the de- 
monstration in ««r to avojl 
bloodshed— "just as the Bolsheviks 
were against the July 1917 demon- 
strations", was the reason they 


Wilkes-Barre, Penn. 
Over fifty workers heard Her 
bert Zam speak on the "Results 
of the A. F. of L. Convention" on 
December 18, 1932. The meeting 
was under the auspices of the 
Workers Educational Society. 

Triumph Of Science 

The "New York Times" reports 
that Evangeline Adams ^astrologer 
got 150,000 inquiries for horoscopes 
in three months and is now getting 
4 00 a day. 

Thus does radio under capital- 
ism dispel the mists of ignorance 
and superstition and spread the 
light of science thruout the land! 

had the audacity to give. In the 
second week of September a gov- 
ernment order was issued foroid- 
ding demonstrations in the H-fS^- 
The C. P. thereupon decided to 
nave meetings in three halls. At 
the same time, Fascist and semi- 
Fascist organizations began to mo- 
bilize for the Hague action In 
spite of the fact that the meetings 
were not forbidden, the police 
brutally attacked the crowds com- 
ing to the halls, forcing them in- 

party; finally it became the paper 
of the Communist Party. The 
party membership is claimed to be 
5,000, while the circulation of t, ne 
"Cribuene" is certainly not more 
than 7,000. Its intellectual level 
is below that of the German pro- 
vincial press. 

The O. S. P., the fraternal p ar . 
ty of the German Socialist Work- 
ers party, has about 7,000 mem- 
bers. Already group struggles are 
under way in it and a special par- 
ty congress is being called f 0T 

The Fascist movement here is, 
very weak but active. The N.A.S. 
(a trade union federation of Trot> 
skyist-syndicalist orientation) and 
the O. S. P. have formed an an- 
ti-Fascist cartel. The C. P. is go- 
ing to organize its own defense 
body, refusing to have anything to 
do with other organizations. 


Bombay, India. 
Abdul Tyab Shaikh, former se- 
cretary of the All-India Trade 
Union Congress, leader of the rail- 
road unions- has been sentenced to 
two years hard labor for a speech 

to narrow streets and mistreating fa de in September 1931 durin 

them generally. Finally the po- - 
lice opened fire and several work- 
ers were wounded, among them 
being some O. S. P- members. 

The Communist Party of Hol- 
land is to hold its first congress 
since 1930, in view of the parlia- 
mentary election of 1933. The reso- 
lutions are already available in 
pamphlet form. In them are com- 
bined all of the various melodies 
of recent times, from the "cor- 
rectness of the analysis of the 
third period" and the policy of 
dual unionism to the "necessity 
of working in the trade unions." 

On October 19, the "Tribuene" 
celebrated its twenty-fifth anni- 
versary. It was established on Oc- 
tober 19, 1907 as the organ of the 
lefts in the Social-democratic 

the Roy Defense Week demonstra- 
tions. He is accused of having 
"stimulated hate and contempt for 
the legitimate government of In- 

In his speech before the court, 
Comrade Shaikh openly declared 
his agreement with the revolution- 
ary conceptions of M. N. Roy and 
his participation in the work of 
building up a Comunist Party of 
India. He denounced the mistreat- 
ment that he and other political 
prisoners had received at the hands 
of the authorities. 

What Happened to the lit Miners Relief? 

A Statement 

We publish below the statement 
of the representative of the 'Com- 
munist Party (Opposition) to the 
committee for the relief of the 
striking Illinois miners on the rea- 
sons for the collapse of the confer- 
ence. — Editor, 

New York City. 

The Communist .farty (Opposi- 
tion) has withdrawn from the so- 
called united front New York 
Committee for Progressive Min- 
ers Relief. 

In keeping with our policy of 
supporting workers who are en- 
gaged in struggle against the 
bosses, we agreed to participate 
in a united effort to collect relief 
for the striking miners of Illinois. 
We soon discovered, however, 
that this was neither a united front 
nor a committee. We found that, 
altho an executive committee had 
been elected, it had decided not to 
meet, but rather to leave it to the 
individual organizations to do 
whatever and whenever they see 

Furthermore, and this is by far 
more important, it became obvious 
from the appeals issued by Kather- 
- P°»ftfe» te wdd, te-ljne Pollack of Ae c y L . A . the 
J2** ' --outive secretary, that A. J. 

*"**• Dricers of d^ei rtfain whoae organization 

•"IT- SS tf« work Oi the committee was 

tElted confined, would make use of this 
to remittee as a center for ag.' 




lutk/B so ir.>- 

(fan for the Progressive Miners 

Union as such rather than make it 
an afeeney for the collection of re- 
lief for the striking miners. 

Cha October 22 ire a:-,kerj the ex.* 

ecttttve lecretary to call a meeting 

of the Committee so that we might 

have an opportunity to state our 

• period position on tl mi and also I the collection of relief for these 

to present; concrete proposals, I workers doubly difficult even were 

questions were a«Kfed but no qaes- -whicn, we were confident, would the above mentioned obstacles 

/?'V r ! T ^ T t H un>vy - fa the « ive re&1 knpeto" to relief activi- I eliminated. The reason for this 

d make it possible to Mb, of course, obvious; namely that 
He merely reiterated what twin the maximum of support. Af- 'the strike is no longer a live issue 

ter some bickering and stalling a 
meeting was called on Monday, 
November 14. 

This meeting was attended only 
by Roger Baldwin, Justus Ebert, 
I. Zimmerman and Katherine Pol- 
lock. It could not therefore be 
called a representative meeting of 
the committee. Nevertheless, our 
representative stressed the follow- 
ing chief points in an informal dis- 
cussion among those present: 

1. That the question of the new 
union shall not be raised in con- 
nection with appeals for relief for 
the Illinois strikers. It should be 
made perfectly clear in these ap- 
peals that participation does not 
constitute endorsement of the new 
union; nor shall it be construed as 
favoring the policies and tactics of 
one union as against those of an- 

2. In keeping with the above 
statement, that the name of the 
committee be changed so as to 
eliminate any implication that in 
the distribution of relief it favors 
the workers of one union as against 
those of another. 

3. That the work of the com- 
mittee shall not be conducted 
the present decentralized manner, 

4. Further, that, because of the 
methods pursued by the committee, 
much valuable time has been lost. 

These proposals we sent in writ- 
ing to the executive secretary in 
order to give her an opportunity to 
take them up with the executive 
committee, but to date no reply has 
as yet been received. 

These delays have caused the 
U>Si of touch valuable time, making 


tho the need of relief is as great, 
in many cases, even greater than 
at the time the committee was or- 

On November 28 we wrote to the 
president of the Progressive Miners 
of America recounting all that has 
occurred, including copies of the 
voluminous correspondence which 
it was necessary to exchange with 
the committee. The letter ended 
with the following: 

"Since all of these proposals 
have been rejected and since no 
meeting of the committee has been 
called for weeks, we feel that the 
Illinois miners would gain nothing 
if we continued to uphold the corpse 
of this still-born committee and 
have therefore withdrawn from 
the committee." 

Here we must state also that 
Roger Baldwin disagreed with the 
committee on substantially the 
same grounds upon which our dis- 
agreement was based. 

The policies of the general com- 
mittee had their affect, also, on 
the youth auxiliary. For, altho 
the youth committee early came to 
the conclusion that the appeals 
must be made primarily on the 
basis outlined by our youth repre- 
sentative and not on the false basis 
of the general committee, it could 
not escape the consequences of the 
dissensions caused by the political 
questions needlessly dragged into 
the communications issued by the 
general committee. 

This youth group, after making 
a good start, collapsed, primarily 
for the reasons given above and 
also because of the refusal of the 
Y.P.S.L. and the Y.C.L. to give it 
their support. Of course, the re- 
fusal of these organizations to 
participate cannot be justified on 
any grounds, but neither can this 
refusal be entirely separated from 
the nature of the organization and 
policy of the general committee. 


The following item from the 
"Folkets Dagblad" (September 12, 
1932), central organ of the Com- 
munist Party of Sweden (Opposi- 
tion), throws light on the results 
ci the ultra-left course in that 

"According to the 'Ny Tid' (So- 
cial-democratic), the central trade 
union council of Gothenburg de- 
cided by a vote of all again eight 
to wage an organized campaign 
against the Sillenites (Comintern 
party. — Editor) in the trade union 
movement. It was charged that the 
Sillenites attacks against the trade 
unions, their betrayal of trade 
union secrets, their repeated vio- 
lation of trade union rules and de- 
cisions, demanded that these 'ene- 
mies of the trade union movement' 
be 'cleaned out.' 

"It is clear that the Sillenite 
trade union work' is beginning to 
bear fruit in Gothenburg as well- 
Already in 1929 we foretold that 
such would be the case. But at that 
time the Sillenites would not lis- 
ten to reason. Now they are up 
against a dilemma: either to ac- 
cept our line or be driven from 
the trade unions. They are them- 
selves responsible for their own 

But just as we condemn the Sil- 
lenite tactics so must we fig™ 
against the Social-democrats. To 
create a united working class front 
by 'cleaning out' is not the right 
way. It will only make the situa- 
tion worse. Therefore all revolu- 
tionary trade unionists must fight 
to bring both the Sillenites and the 
Social-democrats to their senses. 
Trade union unity and militancy 
are the main thing." 

"Between three hundred thou- 
sand and a half million homHe*s 
waifs, boys in their teens, roam KM 
highways and byways of the l_ano\ 
begging for bread, stealing rtaes, 
cngagin? in petty thievery, slccp- 
tog in the open and wandering jfl 
v.varrns and ijaiigs from place t° 

pIacC "" . Ife 

Of course, you think we're ta' K " 
ing of the Soviet Union. You vf 
got it backwards: we're talking W 
the U. S. 




TI ?£ AMERICA, by M. J- Bonn. 

l K nav and Company, New 


rtr ld economic crisis has 

T he Tsome astounding results, 

\AVt outstanding has been 

' .wine and question- 

S£ui5^S«ng our.bouv- 

& *°f £«r involves a mere 
Question f^SSton of the weak- 
j 1 ^: svstctn. Rather, the 
atsses « Evolves the question of 
^ u VTthe ex.stence ot capital- 
* h * tb „ «v longer be ratified, as 
** ca l o economic and social or- 
? And it is in this lat- 
^nization ouf g0od profes- 

. Bonn, approaches the 

economic crisis in the XL 
ess one of his state- 
ll v .\\ ;< not merely the Am- 
.; mmi c leadership or cco- 
criC3n „niirv that is being qucs- 
*££ butthc capitalist system it- 

-ct contrast, however, to 
ln nrNin- objectivity, the au- 

: drably in attempting 
th0r n a tvsi« of the Amencan crisis 
w / hit "preceded it- In explain- 
.' nd f he boom Period. Bonn shows 
:ng the Doo" v fe «ndcr- 

his superfiaaht> m m 

standing of the ec bfl 

? e "ff«fflf »d currency and 
*2k values artificially stimulated 
St tUinc power thru installment 

2t£*^ -&& ^ 

ST«»«wVikly the .facts of 

^-production paralleled by rc- 

S?bSiee? social production 
ist n- t3t . aooropriat on. he miss- 
K Bs fact that pre- 
sh these features of the eco- 
S system constitute its pn- 
nary characteristics. , Instead or 
Sag the contradictions of sur 
phs credit and its consequent ex- 
clusions in industry as secondary, 
the author tends to view our pres- 
et disorders as flowing primarily 
from the credit structure 

Professor Bonn sinks even 
deeper in his fallacious concepts 
such as his idea of the so-called 
of capital." He attempts 
to ascribe over-expansion, over- 
production, disequilibrium between 
consumption and production, not to 
the r.ormal workings of our capi 
talist economic order but to the ao 

Wages and the 
Present Crisis 

The National Industrial Confer- 
ence Board, an ultra-capitalist re- 
search agency, has released some 
facts and figures that should make 
the American workers sit up and 
take notice. 

In 1931 average weekly earnings 
of the employed workers were 42% 
below 1923 level, in other words, 
wages had been cut to nearly half. 
These average weekly earnings 
amounted to $15.35— less than hall 
of the weekly budget recently pub- 
lished by the Department of La- 
bor as the "minimum budget for 

And — the National Industrial 
Conference Board brazenly points 
out — the decrease in workers earn- 
ing power is "more serious than 
appears on the face of things" 
since "upon those who have been 
able to hold their jobs falls a con- 
siderable burden for the support 
of those who have been unfortu- 
nate enough to lose them." 

Edward Bernstein and Socialism 

Berlin, Germany. 

Eduard Bernstein, traditional 
Ic-adcr of the ultra-reformist ten- 
dency in the international Socialist 
movement, died here on December 
18 at the advanced age of S3 His 
life's career almost spanned the 
entire history of modern Socialism. 

Bernstein was born in January 
1850, about two years after the 
publication of the "Communist 
Manifesto." He joined the Ger- 
man Social-democratic party in 
1872 and a few years later, upon 
the inauguration of the Bismarck- 
ian suppression policy under anti- 
Socialist laws, left for Switzerland 
as secretary to Karl Hocchbcrg, 
editor of the "Zukunft." As early 
as those days he fell under the in- 
fluence of the bourgeois refonn- 
istic conceptions of Hocchbcrg and 
earned sharp criticism of Engcls 
with whom he was in close contact. 
He became a collaborator on the 
"Soziat-Demokrat", the party or- 
gan. In 1901 he returned to Ger- 
many after a brief stay in London. 

or excessive workings of 
the owners of capital. He implies 


that enlightened or rational capi- 
talists could stop expansion and 
reinvestment when necessary. But 
such a method of viewing economic 
action ignores the fundamental 
core of our institutional set-up. It 
is not the mere whims and fancies 
of free-will employers that make 
for periodic declines. Rather the 
profit economy of uncontrolled 
competition (changed in form by 
trustification but not in substance), 
with its creation of surplus values 
nnd its regular reinvestment build 
ing up constant capital, provides 
the driving force of capitalist eco- 
nomic actions and thus serves as 
the kev to an understanding of 
this seemingly irrational conduct. It 
is the use of capital in capitalist 
channels and not the "misuse 
that makes for boom and decline.. 
Another bright idea presented by 
our good professor is the repudia- 
tion of the obvious fact of the 
"anarchy of production." He claims 
that present crises in capitalism 
cannot be attributed to anarchical, 
unplanned capitalism since the lat- 
ter has entered a stage of planned 
economy. His basis for such a 
statement rests on the thesis that 
the existence of cartels, trusts, etc., 
constitute the plan in world econ- 
omy What he fails to compre- 
hend is that these large units, be- 
ne onlv intra-planncd, still com- 
pete among themselves at an ever 
sharper and keener pace. In fact- 

the greater strength of these huge, 
mass production units has resulted 
in greater contradictions and thus 
greater collapses. 

Altho recognizing objectively 
the threat that the Soviet _ Union 
presents to decaying capitalism, 
Professor Bonn fails to grasp the 
elementary principles involved in 
Soviet economy. All Bonn can see 
Russia are the bjg buildings, 
mass production, foreign machi- 
nery, etc., which place Russia in 
an analogous position with capital- 
ist America! What the German 
economist cannot understand is 
the very fundamental fact that the 
Russian economic system has elim- 
inated surplus value and the whole 
profit economy. Thus, it has erad- 
icated the consequent evils of busi- 
ness cycles, unemployment, etc. 
Just as the author is weak in every 
attempt to explain capitalism, fun- 
-lamcntallv so is h- unable to graso 
the essential implications of the 
"Russian experiment." 

I close this review in the spirit 
of pedagogy with the recommen- 
dation to the professor that he se- 
cure for himself a thoro training 
in Marxian economics. Perhaps, 
some of his professorial prejudices 
can be shaken out in this process. 
However, I don't place much faith 
in such a remedv— it perhaps would 
be more realistic to place ones 
faith in the proletariat's eventual 
shaking out of bourgeois economy. 
I. B. 

Before his return to Berlin, 
Bernstein \vm\ already worked out 
in essentials his characteristic rc- 
visionislic viewpoint. Id this lie 
was greatly influenced r»v nts 
idealization of British trade union- 
ism. Bernstein's theories, c.ab- 
oratcd primarily in "The Prur* 
quisites of Socialism and th* 
Tasks of Social-Democracy , mc 
with sharp resistance in bocia. 
democratic circles in Germany ant 
elsewhere since they openly an< 
systematically revised the bar,,. 
doctrines of Marxism in the dire;, 
tion of bourgeois liberalism. In- 
polemics of Kautsky, Bcbcl ant 
Plckhanoff against Bernstein i W 
become historical. Most bnllian; 
however, were Rosa Luxemburg, 
p-rcat articles against revisionism 
After 1905-1907 Kautsky's pppo 
sition to Bcrnstcinism wcakcnci 
considerably and the "Left Rati, 
car" group, headed by Rosa Lux 
lemburg, became the sole champion 
of unadulterated revolutionary 
I Marxism. 

When the war broke out Bern 
stein took a bourgeois pacifist po 
sition, but, for that very reason 
he went into temporary opposite 
to "majority" Social-democracy. 
which was ultra-chauvinistic, tie 
joined the Independent Social- 
democratic party and stood at its 
extreme right wing. He was the 
bitterest opponent of the Sparta- 
kists, of German Communism, and 
vigorously fought the German pro- 
letarian revolution 


The appeal below was prepared 
to be read by Bill Longley, an un- 
employed veteran, at the so-called 
"publio hearing" on the budget and 
relief question* on October 31 wi 
New York City. Became of the 
steam-roller tactics used by Mayor 
McKee, it could never be presented. 
We are glad of the opportunity of 
publishing this protest— Editor. 

Since 1908, but especially after 
the war, the differences in princi- 
ple between the Social-democratic 
majority and Bernstein were grad- 
ually eliminated in favor of the lat- 
ter until, in 1924, Kautsky formal- 
ly recognized the "correctness ot 
the revisionist theories. Today 
the great conflict of ideas in the 
world labor movement is between 
Social-democracy, which has em- 
braced Bernsteinism, and Commu- 
nism, which bears aloft the stand- 
ard of revolutionary Marxism! 


Issued monthly by the Communist 
Youth Opposition of the U.S.A. 

5c a copy— 50c a year 

228 Second Avenue 
New York City 

Honorable Mayor and Gentlemen 
of the Board: 
I come before you to bring to 
your attention a matter that should 
have the serious attention of this 
board: That the Department ot 
Public Welfare should make a 
thoro investigation before issuing 
a permit to collect donations by 
all organizations that organize for 
the purpose of collecting for char- 

i ity. 

This matter refers to the collect- 
ing $15,000,000 which has been plac- 
ed in the hands of the Gibson Com- 
mittee who, in turn, has seen fit 
to give the John Price Jones com- 
pany the job of carrying this col- 
lection on. 

Now this Jones organization, 
organized just for these purposes, 
is composed of high-pressure sales- 
men. The personnel is composed 
of three or four hundred and they 
receive salaries from $75.00 to 
$100.00 per week and that money 
is being paid by the donating pub- 
lic of this city. 

I, and the citizens of the city, 
are entitled to know just what 
amount this John Price Jones or- 
ganization is taking out of this 
$15,000,000 for themselves. I, again, 
ask this board to go deeply into 
this matter before "Humanitarian 
Jones starts collecting any part of 
the $15,000,000, so that the hun- 
gry and needy get the benefit in- 
stead of the bosses of a great 

Gentlemen, you know it is im- 
possible for me to prove what I 
know. Therefore I turn to you 
and if you are for the people you 
can and know how to put a stop 
to this racket without any delay. 
Bill Longley, 

Veteran, Third Division 

Holly and Christmas trees, 
hymns and hypocrisy, worn-out de- 
partment store girls and handouts, 
the raking in of shekels in the 
name of Christ's birthday— the 
holiday spirit is upon usl 


{Continued from page 5) 
"The conference recognizes the 
at the split of 1929 dealt a 
blow to the left wing in the 
-A for a while actually para- 
• wing forces in it and 
objectively helped the re- 
-. forces to strengthen ana 
la ■': their position, to util- 
ize the W.C. as an instrument of | 

..__ __ J -.£ -ill r^thfT 

election of a =»f«| *%% 
£oach of the conference made 

the labor movement. It must guard 
itself against any tendencies which 
will lead directly or indirectly to 
further splits in the field of frater- 
nal organizations. 


, r oach ot tnc — — c0nferencc to 
jm possible for tne t . d 

tne w.U as an instrument «'|j.., e | 00 a real constructive^"^ 
the Socialist party and of all other a < 


forces n the labor 

rence expresses itscll 

- • the split of 1929 and em- 

-, that the development and 

left wing can only 

po lible if tne general 

ork will be carried on on a 

• : gainst any tcn- 
rtber splits m the or- 

/■-;d that 
• t must continue to mobilize 
■ ':. p on the ; 

d omy, etc., 

- the W.C. was 

mv 'he membership 


. Th^ defenders of the resolutions 

. .-, com- 

to take up the question of 

p1it must 

'iemncd. Otherwise, 

)■■ re »o tion was 

i -.-, - •• conts 

-.- oi Delegate 
by a vote ot 

?M*Vr^.ssW; movent i„ 

the W.C 

* * * 

TVlP Biz Question Before Us 
?he aufstion that arises in the 
■A of every Communist, ever) 
gta: How is it possible to h. 
a real change of pohcy « 

W.C as long as the official Icade 
"hip of the party and the T.XWJ^ 
inue the policy of splitting 




?eTb7ioro; S kyinhissum c 
mary "speech at the plenum of the 

"There is no need to shoul 
from the house-tops; dcslroy 
!E union*! But that we want 
o break up the reformist trade 
r n* that we want to weaken 
l^'i that wT want to explode 
them, tnat we 

the \ f t7h m trader^nron V appa- 
explodc the *"<« 

ratus and ^ At ^°^ 1 8 lighte S t 
there cannot be mc 6 

of the cla#« »t™** le 

(Continued from Page 3) 
the conference. The farmers in 
sist on higher prices, but they are 
not willing that these higher 
prices come from an increase on 
the city consumers. They declare 
their price relief must come out 
of the wide and unjust spread 
which goes to the middle men, m 
milk as well as in grains and other 

The farmers realize that long 
term credit is not their only prob- 
lem. Almost the entire production 
is made on credit— seed and feed 
credit, merchant credit, or fur- 
nishing," as it is known in the 
South. For the last two years 
there have been seed and feed 
loans from the Federal Govern- 
ment to fill the gap made by the 
failure of many small banks and 
merchants who formerly had ad- 
vanced this type of credit. 

For the coming year the farmer 
knows that no such credit is anti- 
dpated by Federal authorities. 
With no funds available from 
these former sources, the farmers 
face the prospect of making no 
crops for lack of production credit, 
This means falling back to a livc- 
at-home program, with hardly 
enough to live on. no cash for 

coffte, fiujfar or clothes- The farm- 
era call this "wooden shoes." to re- 
present the analogy with the peas- 
ant standards of Europe. 

Every farmer coming to this 

conference has had personal exper- 
ience with the farm problem. He 
is a real dirt farmer, elected by at 
least twenty-five farmers back 
home. His coming spells his dis- 
trust of the professional farm lob- 
bies. He has taken matters mto 
his own hands, because he knows 
that no once else can do the job 
as well as he can. 

He comes before Congress, 
therefore, not cringing, with hat 
in hand, but upright and with a 
challenge, because he feels that 
what he seeks he has every right 
to receive. 


(Continued from Page 3) 
of $4,825 per year— and even this 
magnificent sum was reduced to 
$3,000 in 1928. It is noteworthy 
that in the state of Virginia, teach- 
ers must provide all maps, charts, 
etc., used in the class room. 

It is obvious from the foregoing 
that the enormously high percent- 
age of illiteracy and the savage, 
lynch-law exploitation of the Ne- 
gro masses are not unrelated- but 
instead, are simply different as- 
pects of the same question which 
challenges every honest man and 
woman, white or black.a question 
the only answer to which must 
be a determined struggle to end 
forever all discrimination and so- 
cial inequality of the Negro race. 


(Continued from page 3) 
rude Zimmerman. 

Mr. Campbell's reply made it ob 
vious that British imperialism 

hates Roy for being a Communist 
and for his work "to organize and 
foment a conspiracy in India not 
only to drive out the British, but 
to sweep away government by up- 
per and middle class Indians as 
well. ..." to quote Mr. Campbell's 
own words. 

In bland and suave diplomatic 
phrases he intimated that, because 
of his activities against imperial- 
ist oppression of colonial peoples, 
Comrade Roy would not be freed 
nor would the brutal conditions im- 
posed on him in jail dp mitigated. 

After admitting that in British 
India alone one out of every 9,000 
of the population was t. political 
prisoner, he calmly explained that 
Great Britain preferred to stifle 
Indian struggle for independence 
by imprisonment rather than by 
execution ! 

The demonstration was followec 
by a mass meeting at Battery 
Park. This meeting approved the 
resolution and also decided to send 
a cable to the members of the 
Round Table Conference in Lon- 
don. The cabled reads as follows: 



San "ails, including Roy, 
meerut d e f e n d a n t s, 


The speakers at the meeting 
were Edward Welsh and Herbert 
Zam of the Communist Opposition 
and J. B. Matthews of the fel- 
lowship of Reconciliation. I. Zim- 
merman was chairman. 


Workers Age 

Published Twice Monthly by the 

Workers Age Publishing Assn., 228 Second Ave., New York, N. Y. 

Phone: GRamercy 5-S903 

Organ of the National Cou7icil of the 

COMMUNIST PARTY of the IT. S. A. (Opposition) 

ubscription rates: Foreign $2.50 a year. $1.50 six months. 5 cents 
h copy. Domestic $1.25 a year. $0.75 six months. 

VOL, 2. No. 6. 

January 1, 1933. 


NEVER was the true nature of our "democratic" institutions more 
cynically and yet more effectively exposed than in the recent 
proceedings in Albany. "Bankers demand Legislature pass pay cut," 
"Bankers reject 'compromise' measure/' "Legislature gives in to bank- 
ers 'ultimatum' " — these recurrent headlines in the big metropolitan 
papers carry with them a lesson in politics that will not easily be 
forgotten by millions of people today completely untouched by direct 
Communist propaganda. 

It has become a notorious commonplace, so plainly obvious that 
it is no longer commented upon, that a group of big Wall Street 
bankers, headed by Charles W. Mitchell of the National City Bank 
and Winthrop W. Aldrich of the Chase National Bank, have the 
entire city in their grasp, the city, its life, its people They hold the 
purse-strings of the municipal government and the city officials are 
their obedient servants, grumbling a little now and then at the un- 
pleasantness of their tasks (especially before elections) but never 
seriously thinking of rebelling. After having sworn to high heaven 
that nothing was dearer to them than the interests of the municipal 
employees, the Tammany chieftains on the Board of Estimate, under 
open instructions of the bankers, unanimously appealed to the gover- 
nor for a special session of the Legislature to clear the way for gen-, 
eral cuts in the wages of city workers. The governor promptly 
i-omplied, a special session was called, and a delegation of bankers 
went to Albany. Delegations of teachers, firemen and policemen 
also went but nobody paid much attention to their complaints and 
requests; it was the bankers who counted. In the most touchingly 
"non-partisan" manner, both Republicans and Democrats combined 
to rush thru the Legislature the wage-cut legislation, making pain- 
fully sure that every step of theirs was quite satisfactory to their 
masters, the bankers. Indeed, even the proposal to limit the cuts to 
two years was decisevly rejected because the bankers shook their 
heads in the negative! 

The tragicomedy in Albany could not have been presented in 
more effective manner had it been deliberately staged by the Com- 
munists to give point to the thesis that the government of the United 
States, in all its branches and subdivisions, Federal and State, is a 
government of, by and for the possessing classes, the capitalists, the 
employers, the bankers. And the workers, as a class, will count for 
nothing and less than nothing politically as long as they continue 
to trail along blindly after the two big parties of capital, as long as 
they continue to be duped by the two-party racket which has stulti- 
fied and defeated so many protest movements of the masses. It is 
about time for the workers and farmers of this country to wake up, 
to grasp the lesson which the capitalists are throwing into their faces 
every day, to break with the parties of the bosses and to unite their 
forces into a powerful Labor party and thus take the first step on 
the road of independent political action. 

The Wall Street bankers have their own idea of how to run New 
York City. Their program goes far beyond the wage-cuts already 
accomplished; it includes reductions in expenditures for education, 
health and other special services; it includes slashes in the meager re- 
lief for the unemployed; it includes an increase in subway fare. This 
program is a savage menace to the welfare of the millions of work- 
ers and other poor folk of the city but it will be put thru unless labor 
is able to unite its forces politically in time and cry halt in a voice 
that will be heard! 

The Recent Elections in 
Local l, L L. G. W. U, 

Statement Of Communist Opposition 


THE recently published report of the Committee on Cost of Medical 
Care, headed by Ray Lyman Wilbur, is of significance that goes 
far beyond the mere matter under consideration, however im- 
portant that may be. It throws the last few spadesful of earth over 
the corpse of the "rugged individualism" so beloved of Herbert Hoover. 
The committee, ultra-conservative in its general social outlook, 
actually decided, by an overwhelming majority, to recognize the in- 
adequacies of the individualistic system of medical care now prevailing 
and to recommend some plan of "socialized" or group medicine. The 
plan suggested is vague, halting and practically futile, but the implica- 
tions are tremendous. The last refuge of old-fashioned individualism 
was surely the "sacred relation" between doctor and patient. And 
now this is to be torn down by the impious hands of Ray Lyman 
Wilbur! A social system based on the good old maxim: "Every man 
for himself and the devil take the hindmost!" must indeed be on its 
last legs if it can no longer defend the "right" of the individual to 
hire his own doctor without the "interference" of society. What does 
individualism mean after all if you admit that the individual can longer 
care for his own health adequately without the help of society? Noth- 
ing but a fraud to palm off on the masses when they raise their voices 
demanding some sort of government relief of their misery and distress! 
The most superficial examination will show that the Wilbur plan 
as presented, in spite of its gesture of "socialization," is so inadequate 
as to be almost meaningless. It is becoming more and more clear 
that the real socialization of medicine, and with it, for the first time, 
the adequate protection and care of the health of the masses, can only 
come as consequence of the thorogoing socialization of the economic 
life of the nation. The Soviet Union, whose medical organization has 
been called the most comprehensive in the world by competent ob- 
servers, is a shining example of this truth. 

The recent elections in Local i 
(Cloakmakers), I. L. G. \V. U., are 
of great significance to the cloak- 
makers as a whole and to the left 
wing in particular. The elections 
brought with them a defeat for the 
Center group and a corresponding 
victory for the so-called "Left" 
group. Of the twenty-eight com- 
posing the executive board of the 
local, the "Left" group elected 
twelve, the Center eight, the Club 
five and the Progressive League 

The defeat of the Center group 
Administration is due primarily to 
the new course embarked upon by 
its leadership (Levy, Zuckerman, 
etc.) in recent months. This was 
a course of abandoning the strug- 
gle against the reactionary buru- 
cracy in the union and replacing 
this struggle with a "harmony 
block" with the right wing forces 
of the Club. This "harmony 
block", an unprincipled combina- 
tion aiming not to improve the 
conditions of the workers but to 
organize an offensive against the 
Communists, received the official 
sanction of the General Office of 
the International Ladies Garment 
Workers Union. An editorial in 
the December 1932 issue of "Ger- 
echtigkeit", greeted the manouvers 
of the Levy Administration as the 
rallying of all "constructive forces" 
against the Communists. Natural- 
ly, the "harmony block" expressed 
itself in a deal for the elections 
in which the Center gave its en- 
dorsement to a number of candi- 
dates of the Club, in return for 
which the Club did not put up any 
independent slate. The conse- 
quence of all this manouvering was 
that the workers realized that the 
Center group had abandoned any 
pretense to progressivism and op- 
position to the reactionary buro- 
cracy and therefore lost all confi- 
dence in the Administration. The 
striking defeat of the Levy Ad- 
ministration was due to the fact 
that, instead of putting forward a 
militant program to lead the work- 
ers in struggle against the present 
intolerable conditions, it engaged 
in a long series of unprincipled 
deals to secure its own election. 

In this situation the Cloakmak- 
ers Progressive League was faced 
with the great task of exposing the 
manouvering between the Center 
and the Club and of undertaking 
to rally all the constructive pro- 
gressive and left wing elements 
against both participants in the 
"harmony block." The Progres- 
sive League did indeed take a de- 
finite position against the unprin- 
cipled deals and was not a part- 
ner to them, but it failed to take 
up vigorously enough the tasks 
which the situation placed upon it. 
The League should certainly have 
come out more effectively against 
the unprincipled combination in 
view of the fact that all other for- 
ces in the situation, including the 
"Left" group, tried very hard to 
create the impression that the Pro- 
gressive League was involved in 
the deals. Thus, the above-men- 
tioned editorial in "Gerechtigkeit" 
spoke of the "combination of con- 
structive forces from right to left", 
thereby implying the participation 
of the Progressive League. The 
administration slate included five 
<*:ut'C7CFmifiiirniiur7UEiiiic3tiuniriiJic3innti]jiiiutiTtiiiirji[C3[ii]iii]i[iiaiTiHiii]niai]j lUUMiJtiiitiJJtjitHriiijiimjriiuiiinic*!- 

Dance and Theatrical 

| SATURDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1932—8:30 P. M. 


15 Street and Irving Place 

Improvisations by Group 
Theatre Actors 

candidates of the Progressive 
League with the same object, in 
spite of the fact that the League 
had its independent ticket of eight 
for the executive board. Altho it 
knew very well what the actual 
facts were, the "Left" group kept 
up a constant propaganda aiming 
to discredit the "Lovestoneites" as 
partners of the Center-Club block. 
They carried on this slanderous 
propaganda in spite of the fact it 
was common knowledge that the 
representatives of the Progressive 
League on the elections committee 
had fought bitterly against the 
Administration and the Club to 
prevent "Left" group candidates 
from being taken off the ballot. 

In spite of the fact that it kept 
clear of all unprincipled alliances 
in the local, the Cloakmakers Pro- 
gressive League neither made its 
stand sufficiently public nor did it 
take up vigorously enough the de- 
fense of its constructive left wing 
program. For these reasons, the 
discontent of the membership with 
the Administration policies and 
manouvers expressed itself in a 
victory for the "Left" group. 

The victory of the "Left" group 
will certainly have the consequence 
of intensifying its dual-unionist 
and splitting policies, thus bring- 
ing more demoralization and chaos 
into the ranks of the cloakmakers. 
The "Freiheit" (editorial, Decem- 
ber 19) already announces that the 
election has proven that to hope 
to "change the leadership of the 
International and to transform 
the union into a class struggle 
union is insane." So long as the 
policies of the "Left" group remain 
destructive and dual-unionist, its 
victories will be of no benefit to 
the workers. 

The big lesson of the Local 1 
elections is that only a militant 
left wing-progressive movement 
which rejects unprincipled man- 
euvering with reactionary forces 
as well as any tendency to dual- 
unionist and splitting tactics, 
which stands firmly for a militant 
class struggle policy for the union 
and for a fight against the reac- 
tionary burocracy, only such a 
movement is able to lead the cloak- 
makers in a struggle for improved 
conditions and for the building up 
of a militant union. 

National Committee 

Communist Party of the U.S.A. 

Letting The Cat Out Of The Bag 
Stanley Baldwin says: "All at- 
tempts to forbid the air bombing 
of civilians during war is a mere 
waste of time." Mr. Baldwin has 
let the cat out of the bag, thereby 
drawing a strong protest from Sir 
Herbert Samuel, who retorts: "If 
that is so, then the same applies 
to limitation of use of gas and bac- 
teriological warfare, and the dele- 
gates at Geneva had better pack 
their grips and go home." (Pro- 
longed applause from this colyum). 
The "London Times" enters the 
discussion with a call for a "self- 
denying compact whereby the hor- 
rors of indiscriminate destruction 
may be prevented." 
_ We prefer "discriminate destruc- 
tion" ourselves. That's why we 
raise the slogan: "Turn the imper- 
ialist war into civil war." 

c Admission 50c. 

Auspices: Workers Age 1 


Patriotism Pays 
The poverty-stricken city 
New York has fired 800 alien em- 
ployes from its hospital service 
and replaced them with American 
citizens. Patriotism pays but it 
doesn't pay much. 

* * * 

Cosmic Law And Order 
The Woman's National Patriotic 
Council has turned its attention to 
making the world same for abso- 
lute motion and called for the bar- 
ring out of Albert Einstein from 
the "Land of the Free." His sub- 
versive theories are calculated to 
upset the gravity of the universe 
and "are of no scientific value or 
purpose, not understandable be- 
cause there is nothing to under- 
stand." With "American" woman- 
hood not to understand such theor- 
ies is a matter of principle. Besides 
if Einstein is kept out of the U. $[ 
some American can take his job 
here and thus we provide employ- 
ment for our own citizens first, 
and maintain law and order in the 
constitution of the cosmos. Rela- 
tivity may be all right for monarch- 
ical Europe but not for Gods 

* * * 

Religion Versus Superstition 
"To take but a single item to il- 
lustrate superstition, .... This 
country pays to astrologers, num- 
erologists, clairvoyants, palmists 
and soothsayers in general $125,- 
000,000 a year, and $25,000,000 of 
this comes from New York City." 
Dr. Harry Emerson Fosdick, D.D., 
pastor if the Riverside (Rockefel- 
ler) Church. 

That's without counting what 
the country pays to pulpit-pound- 
ers, sky-pilots, tambourine-shakers, 
narcotic-dispensers, harp-and-wing 
salesmen, pearly-gate openers, 
holy-water distributors, circumcls- 
ers, kosher kettle killers, mourn- 
ers-bench managers, hell-fire hurl- 
ers and psalmists, which amounts 
to several billions a year. 

* * * 

It is not for John D. Rockefeller 
Junior's pet pulpiteer to cast as- 
persions on his less fortunate bre- 
thren. The difference between sci- 
ence and superstition lies not in 
the size of the edifice nor the 
wealth of the vestrymen 

* * * 

The difference between religion 
and superstition is well known to 
Dr. Fosdick. "Religion is what I 
believe; superstition is what the 
other fellow believes." But the dif- 
ference between science and super- 
stition lumps the sky-pilot with the 

* * * 

Our Christmas Offering 
As a Christmas contribution to 
Dr. Fosdick's Riverside (Rockefel- 
ler) Church, we suggest the fol- 
lowing hymn, entitled "The Col- 
lection," by Ernest Howard Cros- 
by, American author and Socialist 
(Born 1857, died 1907). 

* * * 
The Collection 

I passed the plate in church. 

The crisp, clean banknotes heaped 
up high before me; 

As the pile grew, the plate becani* 
warmer and warmer until i 
burned my fingers, and a srneti 
of scorching flesh rose from u- 

And then I saw thru a smoke into 
the very soul of the money . • > 

I saw the stolen products of tttfi 
poor, the wide margins of wages 
pared doivn to starvation: . 

I saw the underpaid factory 0«« 
eking out her living on w»« 
street, the overworked child, t« fl 
suicide of the jobless worker-- 

The plate burned my fingers ana 
I was alad when the parson w 
his white robe took the smofw 

pile from me, arid, turning, 


ed it uv and laid in on the altar. 

It wis an ancient altar, for tt oore 
a burnt offering of flesh ana 
blood — a sweet savor unto Mo- 
loch. . 

Still do they worship him with un- 
man sacrifices. 

And the shambles are in the tenv 
pie as of 1/o-re 

And the tables of the money-chang- 
ers, waiting to be overturned. 
_B. D. W-