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WORKERS 




A Paper Defending the Interests of the Workers and Farmers 



NEW YORK, N. Y., JUNE 15, 1934. 



PRICE 5 C ERTg 



Leftward Winds in the S. P. 



ILGWU Convention Notes 

by Observer 



The convention of the Interna- 
tional Ladies Garment Workers 
Union, dramatized a period of 
phenomenal growth. Only one year 
ago a union with some 40,000 mem- 
bers, the convention this year 
recorded such tremendous growth 
that the union is within striking 
distance of a quarter million mem- 
bers. The I.L.G.W.U. is today the 
third largest union in the A. F 
of L. 

In the forthcoming issue of 
Workers Age we will thoroly 
estimate the decisions of the con- 
vention. In this issue we present a 
number of documents which epito- 
mize certain of the high points of 
this convention. 

* * w 

Per the dramatic manner in 
which the convention spoke up 
against race discrimination, we are 
indebted primarily to the progres- 
sive, and militant delegation from 
Local 22. It was on the initiative 
and under the pressure of this 
delegation that the convention 
finally moved from the lily white 
Medinah-Michigan Club. The dele- 
gation of Local 22 expressed its ap- 
preciation for this act by presen- 
ting a floral wreathe to the con- 
vention. Charles Zimmerman 



the NRA. In a minority report of 
the Committee on Officers' Report 
Zimmerman placed very clearly his 
differences with the administration 
on this question. The correctness of 
Zimmerman's claims that NRA is 
u menace to trade unionism, were 
dramatized by the letters to the 
I.L.G.W.U. and to President Roo- 
sevelt, from a delegation of steel 
(Continued on Page 2) I 



In the Next Issue: 

RUSSIA AND THE 

LEAGUE OF NATIONS 
by Bert Wolfe 
• 
PERSPECTIVES FOR 

THE NEW DEAL 
by Jay Lovestone 

THE I.L.G.W.U 

CONVENTION 
An Estimate 



Militants Capture Party 

by Jay Lovestone 



Put yourself in a jamnv. . 
fy, smoke-filled hotel • 
room surrounded by 
middle-class folk, and some young- 
er people, workers from |j 
and mine and you will fi* 
>eif in the Socialist Party C 
tion, held at the beginnm;- 
month, in Detroit. 

Too few workers were there as 
delegates. As many farmers were 

i 
would run into a "red hayseed " in 



Lovestone Addresses ILGWU Convention 



Jay LoVtstone, setretary of the Communist Party C.S..L 
{Opposition) addressed the twenty-second 
irntion of the International Ladies Garment H 
Union, during the afternoon session on Wednesday June 
6, 1934 The stenographic resutrt of his address ioUsxit,— 
Editor. 



PRESIDENT DUBINSKY: In the course 
convention you have heard references to the Com- 
munist Party (Opposition). The spokesman from 
that organization is in this hall. There are a num- 
ber of delegates representing important locals that 
belong to this group, and, as I stated, while we 
u politically differ and disagree, the fact that this 
manager of this focal, made the £™up and their leader, stand in principle 
following talk tn tbo onnvontmn ™ dual unionism entitles him to b^ heard in our midst. 
I therefore will call upon Jay Lovestone to step 
forward to the platform. I want him to id 
this convention. 



~___._ „ i vl _ Ullla lKiKtXll JlltlUU LUC 

iollowing talk to the convention on 

this occasion: 

"The moving of the conven- 
tion out of the Medinah-Michi- 
gan Avenue Club into this hall 
is something that has no pre- 
cedent in the history of Amcr- 
!u an J abor - C A PPlause) This is 
the first time that a convention 
of a labor union demonstrated 
"i such a forceful way that we 
are not going to tolerate any 
discrimination within our ranks, 
against any members of our 
Union, regardless of their race, 
color, or creed. 

"Such action, in a country 
w nere, in almost half of its 
area, the Negroes have no right 
l o ride in the same street cars 
0I ! ?'*- m the same seats with the 
white people, where the employ- 
ing class is trying deliberately 
jo intensify race hatred and 
race prejudice, shows more 
than anything else that we are 
soing to do our utmost to unify 
the ranks of the workers to 
carry on the struggle against 
«ie employing class. We are not 
going to tolerate, not only in 
such matters as have caused 
ine moving of our convention, 
any race discrimination, but we 
f/5 Komg to carry our campaign 

!■» b ^5 sh0 P s and into the 
ranKs of American labor, where 
"ice prejudice still exists; we 
«£* carry on the fi g h t to 
thlW? the ob i«:tive that there 
^nau be no discrimination what- 
ever, that the workers of this 
country be unified in the strug- 
iiJi»ii aK ?. ,nst thc employing class 
r i he , preseat system, the 
«? . » rdcr is changed com- 
pletely." (Applause) 
(From the convention minutes) 
* * * 

OW^ 01 * 10 / issue which is today 
P'agumg th e labor movem6nt> f B 



JAY LOVESTONE: Brother Chairman, Fellow 
Delegates and Comrades: You have had a sort of unw " mo^nient in the capitalist world. We have, ii 
jubilee harvest of distinguished speakers and speech- Lmted btates, the biggest trade union move 

es. So far as I am concerned, I will not be able ! 



well said that there are many differ- 
ences ; able to work in the 

WHb these differences assumed. let me attempt, 
at ffiu - to you as a Com n 

Of the founders of the Communist nu ■ 
in this country, the Conununist position on a rum- 
ber °: • pt*te us today. These are 

questions the solution of which will determine not 

- -.Iv the 
fate of the American working class, bo! 

of the world labor 
movement and, therefore, of the best part the mo<*t 
constni lS a whole 

I do not propose to butt into your business But 
I say that a number of fundamental questions which 
may appear to you as strictly your business are 
strictly the business of the entire working class, of 
which the Communist movement is an organic part 
>\e have, in the United States, the biggest trade 
union movement in the capitalist world. We have 

the I Tiitfid Static tVia >.t nAA .» ♦—J. .._: 



co. u<j jl.ch aa x uju luintuicu, x v» 

to fall into either category here. Likewise, let 
me say in advance that I will not be carrying coal 
to Newcastle and offer you more compliments. Your 



-._ — -"-■'» *«"• «'6B«k uBue union move- 
ment next to the Russian, next to Socialist Russia 
where the working class rules and does not beg 
favors. 



the best mom of the wonj; n-a. 

M by. a 

t farm- 
of time 
-~rty ranks, 
in tne main, the debates we-e 
no polite, parlor-S.; 

between successful Socialist law- 
jmand mem •nccessfa] mmisters 

calls to. or away from, ac 

• prof 

-'■- • = •...: i , ..;-- : ..v._' ri- 

■ Iqoit Was Missing 

, I] ;' " ^s • picture 

and a f, 

was missing 
The body of the K 
ship and policies ws.^ , 
head was g - 

[ the crassest type, con- 
a formidable numerical 
aoction.of th* ronvanfck*\ 

eT T r '* it » t WM - obTio ^ « **« very 
outset, that it was leaderless, head- 
less, and, at the close of :.-■ 
vention. even heedless in its man- 
I bate. 

rod?* of the e 
tion was Norman Thomas ai 
rallying arom 
/plus leadership. v. 
these delegates had no ides w 
they wanted, but they want 
something new, and t> 
want keenly. Other? felt that 
party was inactive; thev wan 
to do something and do it 
hurry. 



{Continued on Page 2) 



Zimmerman's Minority Report 



As a member of the Committee on Officers Report, 
I want to submit the following minority reportr 

1. Our union has made tremendous progress 
within the last year and this should be a source of 
gratification and encouragement for the entire mem- 
bership. I feel, however, that the spirit of inces- 
sant glorification and uncritical jubilation, which 
is characteristic of the tone of this report, is an 
unwholesome one for a labor organization which 
oueht always to be sober, critical and realistic. 
There is no group of men of any organization in ex- 
istence, that can possibly be so infallible and so per- 
feet as the committee makes out our officers to be. 

This spirit of exaggerated praise and endless 
glorification certainly will not help us to see clearly 
the many difficult problems still facing our union 
and the women's garment industry. An approach a 
little less sugary and a little more objective and 
sober is absolutely necessary for our union to con- 
tinue to march forward. 

* * * 

SIGNIFICANCE OF NRA 

2. My chief difference with the report of the 
majority of your committee is on the question of the 
estimation of the NRA, its effects and its meaning 
for the labor movement. The committee is at- 



1 ,n, * e J m P 0Sslb e *»** of reconciling diamet- 

tilSnS^ S 6 ? by ' ^ mnK the responsibility of 
taking a clear-cut position itself. 

The question of the significance of the NRA and 

cu,s P 1 H a n 1 1 " g r for - labor is toda - v the ™ st widelv dis- 
cussed question in our movement and no union cer- 
tainly not a union of our character, can meet in 

Xr tl0Il + ^ ith ° Ut ? doptin S a clearly' defined at 
titutie on this question. 

The NRA is not now, nor was it even in the 

cr^f T^ \ 3Ch *- mC ?'««»«« industrial demo! 
cracv, a plan to give labor a real voice in the 
management and control of American industry On I sues 

£r *™ stSating^^a^^rof g =S S1J? ¥*E? ?*" ■"- 
employers on a national scale into gigantic aSoeS" 
t,on 5 endowed 1 with government powers ti re£u\£e 
iml.iS; t f mdu, » tly J 11 their own in tere S ts. I is 

NRA folfow, S tC th3t in if: 1 Eeneral outIines the 
n^; follo * s tbf recovery plans proposed by Mr. 
Harriman, President of the United States Chamber 
of Commerce, in the Fall of 1931. Within this 
framework, the New Deal has included maximuiS 
{Continued on Page 7) 



The Militant Group 
Numerically speaking, the big- 
5f st ,?T? up ixi the convention was 
the Militant" outfit. Politely put 
in a political sense, judging by the 
sundry shades of opinion in its 
ranks, it might be called the rain- 
bow group, the Rainbow Division 
of the S.P. All colors of prin- 
ciple and policy went into making 
one picture of confusion, solidified 
by aspiration to office and hope for 
a "new deal." More acuratelv put, 
ma principle sense, it should be 
called the "Militant managerie." 
It was the Noah's Ark of the con- 
vention. It saved the S.P. from the 
thunder on the left and the open 
opportunist deluge on the right. 
This group did not have a definite 
theoretical base. It had many 
bases, despite some of its top 
leadership flirting with the Alter- 
Ehrlich centrist tendency in the 
Second International. In its suc- 
cess full serried ranks were job- 
seekers, chronic postponers of is- 
some genuine grandiose 



-...^.o. ltw uj, axsxyvr nimn anu 

Sheriff Benson of Milwaukee, and 
the thinkers and doers of Socialist- 
Centrism led by Bienuller of Wis- 
consin and Krueger of Illinois. 



LOVESTONE 



The R.P.C. 
Last, but numerically least, was 
the Revolutionary Policy Commit- 
tee, stronger in revolutionary aspi- 
ration than in numbers or ex- 
perience. The handful of delegates 
,_.,_ — I under its banner occupied a stra- 

THE S.P. CONVENTION" U ' ffI0 P? sition in vi ^ v ^' the close- 

w ._ _ ^* w *^ ▼«•«*!«« (ness of the contest between the 

rights and the all inclusive Can- 
(Continued on. pj^e 5} 



June 19, 8 p. m M Irving PL 






WORKERS ACi: 



iummer Training School 



Brsl fftfi eime National 

■,- School, to be run to the 
^w workers School, will be 

-r-.b^K-.i this summer, F*om 
ois 8 le JoiS S3 werkere and 
iboi organisers from Canada, the 

the South, the Mi>!- 

Farmers' Resrion, as 

; the Knst will take nn in- 

<• training course at the 
Now Workers School to prepare 
themselves for the big struggles 
looming ahead for American Labor. 
Ic is ;tr.ticii>ateJ that at least SO 
workers and organisers will 
coxae from cities outside of Now 

York wrth a similar number .from 
Kan York City. Applications have 
already been sent in from Chicago. 
Detroit, Boston, Hartford and 
E 

The curriculum will be the most 
interesting and instructive yet of- 
fered in a workers' school, The fol- 
lowing are the subjects and in- 
structors: 

History of the American Com- 
munist Movement — Jay Lev est one 
Theoretical System of Marxism 
—Bert Wolfe. 

The Tholosophv of Marxism- 
Will Herberg. 

Fundamentals of Communism — 
D. Benjamin. 
American History — Jim Cork. 
Radical Tendencies in American 
Labor Movement— Jay Lovestone. 



Public Speaking- Instructor to 
be announced. 

Problems oi Masa w ( rk Sym- 
posium course, Instructors Gk P. 
Miles, B, Herman, Charles Kim 
merman, Ed Welsh, Kli Keller, i. 
Kimmerman, Hen Lfshita, ai Ep- 
stein, etc. 

The schedule will involve classes 
from 9 to 8:80 p, m,j study from 
ifcSQ p. m. to 6 p. m., and practical 

werk in the evenings. Arrange- 

menta will be made with trade 

unions, unemployed organisations, 

inter-racial clubs, and with the 

CPO to enable the students to at- 
tend, observe or help in the work 
of the organisations. The purpose 
is to combine the theory and prac- 
tise of the class struggle. 

The New Workers School ap- 
peals to all labor organizations, to 
all students, former students, and 
friends of the New Workers School 
to help it in this important ven- 
ture in workers' education, to help 
it train organisers for the coming 

Struggles in the auto, steel, textile, 
shoe, coal, needle and other indus- 
tries, to help make the National 
Full-Time Training Course a per- 
manent feature of the New Work- 
ers School. 

We appeal to all friends to as- 
sist financially in this most im- 
portant task. Use the blank below 
in sending your contribution. 






Lovesrone's Address at ILGW Convention 



NEW W T ORKERS SCHOOL 

51 West 14th St., 

New York, N. Y. 
I agree with the necessity of training organizers for the 
American Labor movement. I agree with the purpose of the 
Full Time National Training School to prepare fighters for the 
coming struggles ahead of American Labor. 

I hereby contribute ? 

Name 



Address 

City ... 



FIRST NUMBER 

The Road to Communism 

central organ of the 

International Communist Opposition 

50 Pages 35c a copy 

published quarterly by the 

Communist Party U.S.A. [Opposition] 

51 West 14th Street — New York, N. Y. 



LL.G.W.U. Report 

(Continued from Page 1) 
workers in Washington. . Zimmer- 
man's minority report (printed in 
full in this issue) can serve as a 
guide to progressives and militants 
in the trade unions thruout the 
country. 



countr 

The 
Vice-F 




- election of Zimmerraai as 
__ -President and member of the 
General Executive Board is o£ 
grea. significance. It conf^'tutes 
-■■ :"..- t time that an avowed tom- 
XXUMt has been elected id nation- 
office in an A. F. of L. union. 

:Vion with the elections 

at it in worthy of note 

the only critical voice raised 

. the statement by Zimmerman 

legation of Local 22 The 

reporting the of- 

- ' CP were neither heard of nor 

™ and permitted 

:f fr,r Dubineky 

■ a * 

Unreetone, Con 

for <■,-.,.■ 

' ate* eieo ths,'. 
te bt reckoned with a mary trade 

v.". 0Mtw 



The Theatre Union presents 

THE SEASONS OUTSTAND- 
ING DRAMATIC HIT 

STEVEDORE 

Thrilling play of Negro and 
white workers on the docks of 
New Orleans. 



"An 


evening of unquench- 


able 


excitement, a 


sincere 


and 


tumultuous 


produc- 


tion. 


• — Garland, 


World- 


Telegram. 





Civic Repertory Theatre 

14 St. & 6 Ave. Watkins 9-7450 
Evenings 8:4-5; Mats. Tucs. k Sat. 
2:45. Prices 30c to $1.50. No tax 



DELICIOUS FOOD? 
GOOD SERVICE? 

go to 




R BSTAURANT 
523 Sixth Avenu* 

tt v. c 



(Gwtinv*4 /'<"■■' »''.■■'■ l ) 
THE m T\ or COMMUNISTS 

Wo, as Communists, and »s uncompromising fol- 
lowers of Marx and Lenin, maintain that it is the 
duty of the Communists to he the most constructive 
fighters inside the trade unions, which wo consider 
the most all-inclusive, the most elomontal organise 
tion of the working poople, taking in people of all 
colors and all creeaa ami all political opinions, 

We say that Communists should, and those Com 
munlsts who do not, we hope will correct themselves, 
have the following views so far as the trade union 
movement is concerned. Even the weakest union, 
a union with the most conservative leadership 
even a union which is not- satisfactory to lis, li hot- 
ter than no union. { Applause) Ami the job of the 
Communist in the unions ia not through name oall 
ing, not through mud slinging, but through exom 
plary, constructive, militant conduct to snow the 
workers that the road to complete victory as defend* 
od by the Communists is the road which they slum Id 

follow. 

* + * 
NO STIFLING OF DIFFERENCES 

We do not believe that differences in the unions 
should he stifled. Wo say that that organisation 
which is unable to stand having differences ti an 
organization which belongs in the cemetery, anil tlmt 
trade unions do not belong in the cemetery. Wo 
believe that the differences we have in the union:, 
iifferencea that can and should and must he set 
tied through democratic means — and when 1 say 
democratic, I do not spell it with a capital "l>" 
through friondly, brotherly discussion. No expul- 
sions, no mud-slinging, no black jacks can of tor a 
solution and a settlement of differences. It in only 
through tho test of life, it is only through the 
frankest and freest discussions, that we are able to 
arrive at the most constructive policy. 
+ * * 

NRA AND LABOR 

You, fellow-workers and comrades, know very 
well that today you can not speak of tho problems 
of the trade union movement without considering 
the NRA. Let me underscore at the very outset 
of my remarks that we are grent disbelievers in the 
NRA. We tako tho sharpest issue with those sec- 
tions of the labor movement who think that the 
NRA is worth a half penny for them, Tho NRA, 
at its best, is a counterfeit. We are of the opinion 
that there should have been no illusions about the 
NRA. We know the old hag; we can see beneath 
her powdered wig. We know the old hag with her 
contagious diseases for the labor movement. We 
did not have to wait for General Johnson's speech, 
a strike-breaking speech, at the last American Fed- 
eration of Labor convention, a speech which chal- 
lehge., irar'Tlght lo strike *nd your President and 
you fellow delegates will bear me out that once 
you take away the right to strike from the trade 
unions you have taken away from them the right 
and the possibility to live. 

Look at the textile workers. General Johnson 
gave them a set of professors to study their condi- 
tions. It is a sort of splinter from the brain trust. 
What the workers want is not statistics; they want 
food and jobs. 

Look at the automobile industry. I have just come 
from Detroit, where the New Dealers from Wash- 
ington are preparing for a big revolt of the auto- 
mobile workers, and there, my friends and fellow 
workers, they have appointed as Police Commission- 
er of the city Colonel Pickert, Who is Colonel 
Pickert? He was head of the 182nd Division of 
the National Guard of the State of Michigan, Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the troops which shot down tho 
workers in Calumet and Hecla. 

Why did they put him up there? For law and 
order, for peace and plenty— for the bossesl 

Coal miners' wages are being cut. 

You workers know very well that the NRA is of 
no earthly use to us unless you can line it up against 
the wall and get something out of it. And the first 
thing there, is organization — bigger organization, 
more effective organization. 

And let me say this to you. Remember that Wash- 
ington, D. C, is the headquarters of the chiselers. 
Looking for chiselers should be like charity; it 
should begin at home, D. C— District of Chiselers 
would be a proper term. It is they who always Bpeak 
to you against philosophy and selfish interests. What 
is all this? When they tell you about philosophy 
they are hiding something from you. To the capi- 
talist class and its spokesmen, no matter whore or 
who they are, when they say, "Don't be selfish," 
you must answer: An examination of selfishness 
should alfio begin at homo. 

The working people are not suffering from selfish- 
J hey arc i offering from lack of adequate or- 
ganization and consciousness of their ability to pro- 
tect themselves againat capitalism. You can not 
have a partnership with tin; NRA. To he a part pi 

the NRA machinery means to sacrifice certain op- 
portunities Sw the effectiveness of your best weap- 
on, the right to strike. 

* * * 

MENACE OF FASCISM 

Let me sound a warning. Through the NRA and 
through !t:; validating company unionism the capi- 
talist ClafS i I preparing the road to Fascism in B 

more dangerous, in a more effective, In a more de- 
structive way than throogii any other steps being 
taken. 
And, at this point, a word about Fascism, f have 

had the opportunity to ;.<•<• Fascism grow and de- 
velop in Germany, i have had the opportunity, u«- 

fortunutejy, to have :.<■<-, , jf, come to victory because 



the working ele i i iwmro of the % 

menace ef it. fascism may nppcai dl ( <m I 
today, hut, my friends and fellow workei . m.i com 
rade t, Fasci ira Is .i • distant iron 
to be, We muei learn from the mistakes "t our 
German and Italian brothi 

The powerful trade union movement «•(' <;, t - 

many has today become an underground shell. The 
powerful political movement <>f Germanj hi 
beoome an underground skeleton with the lit | 

of revival. \\ r m the; ronntry run <t he on guard 

primarily against tin- menace of company unl 
as the mot! dangerous source of Pe imsm When we 
snook of Fascism, lei us not forget that it Isn't only 
Hitler, Mussolini or Pilsudaky. win* knows whether 
tomorrow it won't be Doumergue or bfacDonmld in 
Franco or in England? 

Permit me, In behalf of the underground German 
trade unions with whom we ere In contact and in 
behalf of tin- underground political organisations 
o\ Germany today, to present to you, through your 
President, the first underground trade union paper, 
actual sixo, now being circulated in Germany, u Der 

MoUihirbeitor" (The Metal Worker)* Tin: i, the 
condition into Which the once most powerful union 
in the world has heen forced. That i-i the !„■ ,{ they 

can do today. I say to you, comrades and fellow- 
workers, let u:; learn from our experiences over these 
ho that here we are not driven into such a condition. 
Here are two other paper:, from the underground 
movement, one tho "ArbeiteTstlmme" (Voice ,,r La- 
bor), actual site, and another "Kinheit," the mo .t 
popular word in Germany today, "Unity" unity of 

Communists, Socialists, Trade fjnloniati and Catho- 
lic workers against Hitler, (Applauie). 

* * t 

DICTATORSHIP itv whom? 

Much has been laid of the fear of dictator;. hip. i 

any wo ought to drop this bugaboo of dictatorship. 

When your union dictate:, a contract to a bo.. 
association, is it good or had'.' It i:\ good. When 
the bosai'H dictate to tho union, that m bad. Dic- 
tatorship is not an ah.drnction. 1 think you can 

not commit n bigger crime against the Labor move- 
ment th.-m when you lump together Communism 

the working claai dictator. hip of EtUflifi- with Ka .- 

ciam, the trust dictatorship of Germany. There ti 

all the difference in the world between the two, es- 
sentially the difference in the cltma relationship, 
as between your dictating to the how«"H a, against 
the boSSOS dictating the terms to you. We should 
not conlie.e the.e situations. 

Let me say we stand proud to show you Uussia, 

once the land of the darkest Taardom; Russia today 
hi what it is because the working chins has taken 
power. It i.s the most advanced, the most rapidly 

developing cultural and Industrial country, o coun- 
try which has already torn ou.-sixth Of the world 

out oi the band.-, of the exploiting --iah» gad put 
it into the hands of the toiling masses, m.i we say 
to you with all the energy at our command that 
as the victories of Russia are not only Ru .nan vic- 
tories, so the defeats of Russia are not only Rus- 
sian defeats, but are our own. 
We have made mistakes there. We are not pei 

feet. We will make mistakes, but with all the mis- 
takes and with all the shortcomings we may have 
there, let me assure you that Socialist Soviet Rus- 
sia is the greatest inspiration in the history Of Ui« 
world. It is the breaking of a new dawn, of q new 
day, for the working people all over the world. 
» * * 

ILGWU SHOULD BE IN VANGUARD 

I can not conclude my remarks bo you without 
telling you that your union, in our opinion, mu.t 
not only take steps to hold the gains it has made, 
but must take steps to extend the gains it has 
won. We pledge to you in behalf of the Communist 
Party (Opposition) that in any struggle you .u<- m, 
in any fight against the bosses, you will find our 
members and our followers first on the picket linen, 
in the front lino of the fights. (Applause) 

We ask nothing in return, because your victory 
is the victory of our class, and therefore, bjj our vic- 
tory. We fight shoulder to shoulder with you for 

decent, bearable, tolerable conditions in tin's hell of 

B system known as capitalism. Wo say a little more 
than that. Your union, in our opinion, should under- 
take to become the beacon of the American trade 
union movement. Your union should undertake to 
set an example of leadership and inspiration to 
the other trade unions. We may think and we do 
think that your union is not radical enough, but 
heaven bless you when you tee the Other unions, 

(Applause). In comparison with tome of the other 

Unions, let us say the photo engravers, you have 
actually made a ''revolution," or course, 1 say we 

are not satisfied. We want your revolution to go 

moie to the left. We are very frank with you about 

it and we are going to work for it, within the trade 

union movement »n e constructive basis. 

When I «ay I think (bat your union .should be- 
come the torch bearer of the labor movement; ' 

have I lie following in mind; Volt should light KM? 
social insurance. I don't want, to butt into your 
iJUSiwSS, but 1 think trade union-, have no has) 

i tb< Insurance businei .. (Laughter) i think 
it la the duty ef tin- working people "< fight for 
old age, unemployment and sickness insurer 
they havo never fought before. (Applause) if the 
capitalist class can't pay for It, it Is not our worryj 
it its their headache. Who tells tio-oi Lo rule? Lit 

tij.-io get "lit and if l.lt.-y '.'.unl or need SJiy help '" 

get out, v,e can ail give it to them, (Laughter and 
applau e) 
vw say that your onion, on the basis of ( h<- »«• -■"- 
(Continued on l'*t<f> 7) 




ATRONIZE BRADLEY'S CAFETERIA. 535 6thAve.-I4St.. 



WORKERS AGE 





LEFTWARD WINDS IN SOCIALIST PARTY 

(Ctwthmtd from Page I) ethics it stresses are not the e hie, u t r — ■-■-'A.W A X XX JLV A X 

hrist. bloc Ifiri bv Xrupcnr and Oi mu.tauc trim.-. Dn,,-..,,.,,, .;.. * DV JaV LnvPSTnna WtiU,««>,>„ _*._ , 



(Continued from Page I) 
trist bloc led by Krueger 
dominated by Thomas. However, 
the R.P.C, because of its lack of 
experienced leadership on the con- 
vention floor, because of its failure 
to differentiate itself sharply 
>nough from the militant con- 
fusionism of the 'I homns-Hoan- 
Krueger triumvirate, certainly 
failed to measure up to the situa- 
tion. It was not. till the end of the 
convention that the R.P.C. began 
to show its distinct and generally 
revolutionary posit* >n. It went 
through a number of crises and 
inner snuggles at the convention 
struggles which became the pro- 
perty' of everybody but which 
nevertheless did serve to enhance 
its clarity, determination, and prin 
oipledness. 



ethics it stresses are not the e.hies 
Oi militant u-aae unionism lifrnuiur 
for the reconstruction of the Amer- 
ican labor unions, fighting for the 
transformation of the present craft 
unions into genuine agencies of 
working class struggle. The trade 
union resolution adopted by the 
ta P ", invention indicates unmis- 
.iknbly the fear of the dominant 
leadership of American Socialism 
even to embarrass the A. F of L 
burocracy let alone, decisively 
break with its treacherous class 
collaborationist policy. 



by Jay Lovestone 



to 

leas 

ven' 

S3 

Con 



Power In The Balance 

Until the last day or the con- 
vention it was a toss-up as to who 
would get hold of the party ma- 
chinery. In preliminary skirmishes 
on procedure the extreme right 
wing led by Waldman, Lee, and 
Solomon of New York, had the bet- 
ter oi it. Thus, Panken, Sharts, and 
Kirkpatrick were able, with the as- 
sistance of the abstaining Thcxnas, 
to defeat Krueger and his col- 
leagues who proposed that the con- 
i-ention endorse the position of the 
ijority of the American Social- 
ist Party's delegation at the Paris 
Conference of tne Second Interna- 
tional last summer. The convention 
on its very first day, through skill- 
ful manipulation by the smooth 
parliamentarians of the New York 
Lawyers' Exchange, was able to 
defeat, by a close vote, the Krueger 
attempt to commit the Socialist 
Party to the Centrist attitude of 
Alter-Ehrlich towards capitalist 
democracy, proletarian dictator- 
ship, and the Soviet Union. It was 
later obvious that this defeat must 
be attributed mostly to the lack 
of organization by "Militant" 
forces in the early stages of the 
convention. 

* * * 

NRA and Socialism 
But, as the convention went on, 
the Centrist steamroller began to 
function more smoothly and power- 
fully. It battered into shape a 
horde of opinions and flattened 
into submission the R.P.C. dele- 
gates numbering about 15 or 20. 
Clarity of principle w r as not its 
virtue. Concession here, concessions 
there, became its forte. Glaring 
evidence of this was had in the 
debate on and adoption of the 
resolution dealing with "The NRA 
and Socialism." James Oneal, stod- 
giest of the extreme right wing of 
the party, could very well boast 
"that the NRA resolution which 
>ok the New r York minority reso- 
ion ("Militant" group) as a 
is carried certain changes that 

-elate with certain criticism" 

which he "made of it in meetings 
in New York." The convention 
struck out of the resolution such in- 
nocuous expression as "The NRA 
has also shown fundamental weak- 
nesses in the American labor move- 
ment. It has shown up more clear- 
ly than any other event the ob- 
solete ideology of the A. F. of L., 
the many instances in which leaders 
have counselled workers against 
striking. ... It has shown the 
inadequacy of the A. F. of L. struc- 
ture in organizational work and 
the positive harm of the craft 
form of organization," Of course, 
one cannot conceive of more mild 
'-'■' cwni of the corrupt, reaction- 
ary A. F. of L. burocracy, Certain- 
:-; r Knows and believes at 
least that much. Yet "somehow 



The Soviet Union 

No resolution on the Soviet 
Union was adopted. Here some 
clumsy plastic surgery was at- 
tempted, the attempt failed, and 
the patient was turned over to the 
morgue, the "resolutionary mor- 
gue ' known as the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee. The Resolu- 
tions Committee sweated blood at 
the point of the scissors and at the 
end of the mucilage brush. With 
one hand it took the R.P.C. resolu- 
tion on the Soviet Union which is 
certainly sound?- which, says in part: 
There only has the State power 
been used in the interests oi the 
workers to abolish capitalism by 
destroying private ownership in 
the means of production, and there 
alone, have steady and substantial 
advances been made toward Soeial- 
i^-lX^ the other han d it took 
the Militant" resolution and tried 
to graft from it onto this state- 
ment of the RPC the following* 
Tt is our opinion that the advances 
so far achieved make the rigid one 
party dictatorship no longer neces- 
sary and warrant a broader in- 
ternal proletarian democracy to in- 
clude all working class parties and 
groups that accept the Proletarian 
Dictatorship." Either this grafting 
meant nothing or it meant too 
much. It is safe to assume that it 
will come out to the membership 
in an even more harmless form, in 
a thoroly embalmed state, when 
the morticians of the N.E.C. tret 
through with it. * 



feasors lambasted LLD's. The 
debate was neither dignified in 
form nor worthwhile in substance 
Personalities were roasted and 
motives were panned. What was 
Hhe war about? The renowned 
pacifist, Devere Allen, fathered this 
resolution on one of whose limbs 
was the somewhat reddish flower: 
"They (the Socialists) will ■ meet 
war and the detailed plans for war 
already mapped out . . . by massed 
war resistance, organized so far 
as practicable in 4 general strike 
... . Furthermore, the resolution 
ended with a faint thunder: 'If the 
crisis comes through the denial of 
majority rights after the elector- 
ate has given us a mandate, we 
shall not hesitate to crush by our 
labor solidarity the reckless forces 
of reaction and to consolidate the 
Socialist State. If the capitalist 
system should collapse in a general 
chaos and confusion, which cannot 
permit of orderly procedure, the 
Socialist Party, whether or not in 
such a case it is a majority, will 
not shrink from the responsibility 
of organizing and maintaining a 
government under the workers' 
rule. True democracy is a worthy 
means of progress; but true demo- 
cracy must be created by the 
workers of the world. (Our em- 
phasis). 



Waldman's strategy has anna™*- 
Eh?^ Pr ' n f lplos ' t0 be l>a<l during 

veninsLs in me rarty, 

fh? n n° f , the star leakers against 
the Declaration was Snarls of 
Ohio wno has been coquctt.ngwith 
Fascism for. some months He 

aeciarea that It has meant some- 
thing to me to be born in America 
I served under the flag ot£ 
United States and it didn't seem a 
bad flag to me. As an American* 
loving America above all nations 
ot the earth, I will stand by Amer- 
ica and against the Red interna- 
tionalists who have drafted this 
program." 



The Declaration of Principles 

The grand battle came on the 
last, the third, day of the conven- 
tion, over the Declaration of Prin- 
?u P S A For two and a half hours 
the Convention was subjected to 
violent cannonading, machine gun 
hre and gas attacks. Pacifists 
preachers "nayonetted" respectable 
lawyers. University economic pro- 



The Right's Attack 
Were it not for the bitterness 
of the debate, one would be temp- 
ted to say, after reading and re- 
reading this paragraph, "so what?" 
However, the reactionaries at the 
convention saw red and Socialist 
blood over-flowed from the plat- 
form down the aisles, Waldman 
branded it worse than the St. Louis 
resolution of 1917. He sensed in it 
stealthy, dishonest, illegitimate 
flirtations with the Proletarian Dic- 
tatorship! Good lawyers do have 
rubber minds. But this is an in- 
stance of not stretching the point 
but of stretching the whole case. It 
has -nothing to do with the Prole- 
tarian Dictatorship. Waldman did 
something worse than that, some- 
thing shameful, He denounced the 
Declaration as unlawful, as illegal, 
and in this way, as was well point- 
ed out by his opponents, not only 
tried to prejudice the minds of the 
delegates, but even armed bour- 
geois courts with expert "Social- 
ist" legal advice. Needless to say, 



The "Militant" Defense 
M Now to the defenders of this 
Militant, in quotation marks, docu- 
ment. Devere Allen, v t ry coirect- 
iy, as an expert on pacifum, defen- 
ded the war rebistauce pnrase as a 
standard pacifist pnrase calculated 
to reduce violence. He emphasized: 
If the capitalist government is 
disloyal enough (he did not say 
to wnom) to inrow the people into 
war, then, the S.P. cannot remain 
legal. And again he said: "What 
do they want us to do when capital- 
ism collapses ? Do they want us to 
let the Communist Party take the 
country?" Kryzcki put in his two 
cents 1 or the new Declaration of 
Principles by euologizing Hillquit 
who, ne stressed, if he were here, 
would surely vote for it Thomas 
emphasized that whatever the 
Socialists threatened to do here 
they will do only after they have 
achieved power constitutionally. 
He pleaded that even churches say 
they will not support war. He 
swore that in proposing this resolu- 
tion the S.P. is not superceding its 
past principles. Finally, he sincere- 
ly but pathetically pleadod: "If m 
chaos^ how can we wait for a 
majority, or look to mechanistic 
democracy?" Hoan joined the 
chorus by saying "We are for law 
and order, but if they touch one of 
us we will take two of their 
S.O.B.'s" Clearly, the Mayor was 
making progress, losing parliamen- 
tary dignity, going beyond the city 
limits of Milwaukee Socialism, or 



uon as a means of recruiting i Q -f? 
ward moving ^k^fi^ 
Resolutions Committee; 



for 




STEEL WORKERS DEFY NRA 



do toured on 



Trade i'nion Question 

« - < terilized re sol u- 

on the trade 

question. This resolution 

a semi-critical word 

liciea, the 

■ 

lw American 

he trade 

paragraph*, ft - hat lh( . 



Washington, D. C. 
The 'Rank and File" committee 
of the Amalgamated Association 
of Iron and Steel Workers has once 
again shown that it was not to be 
taken m by either the company 
union proposals of the Steel In- 
stitute or by the strike breaking 
proposals of General Johnson. 

The committee, rejecting all 
proposals placed before it from 
both sources, decided to place the 
whole situation before the steel 
workers who will assemble in a 
special convention in Pittsburgh on 
June 14. 

The bitterness with which they 
left the capital can best be seen 
^rom the following quotations from 
a letter which they sent to Pres- 
ident Roosevelt. The letter stands 
as the sharpest challenge of the 
labor policies of the present ad- 
ministration and represents clear 
thinking on the meaning of the 
1J RA for the workers, In this sense 
it is the sharpest document ever 
addressed to the President by any 
trade union in the U. S. on the 
NRA. 

"We understand you have left 
for a week-end cruise on the 
Sequoia. We wish we could join 
you, but we must return to our 
our Lodges to report that all 
we got out of your National 
Recovery Administration and 
Section 7a was an offer to 
tighten the company union 
chains that bind the workers in 



the steel industry. 

"The proposal by the Iron and 
Steel Institute and General 
Johnson is an insult to every 
worker in this country. Millions 
of us reposed confidence in you 
and your administration, despite 
the doubts that have plagued 
us as a result of NRA's refusal 
to enforce the very plain words 
of Section 7a, guaranteeing us 
the right to organize and bar- 
gain collectively with our em- 
ployers. We have lost the faith 
which we held in your adminis- 
tration, which promised justice 
and a new deal to the nation's 
workers. 

"Mr. President, the least you 
can do is to throw the Iron and 
Steel Institute's brazen company 
union proposition into the waste 

basket 

"General Johnson has dis- 
credited himself forever in the 
eyes of the workers of this 

country 

"It is useless for us to waste 
any more time in Washington 
in the national run-around, re- 
jecting traps set for us. We are 
returning home today to prepare 
for action. We have done our 
best to abide by the law and to 
get it enforced. We conferred 
favor on the administration 



must use the only means left 
to us." 



resolution "because ot t-ho th ^ 

radicalization Tthe workefr e wi 
must therefore have m? re 1 * 
resolutions." re l 

* * * 

SH££33L£ 

the attLtion g f fh ke 5 , who drew 
the fact +Wi? t he Agates to 
in the IP 'U 8 ^ r *»»• ^ay 
America by » ^ We can > « 

&•£«? TSLSl 

has arisen in the S.P Its mi H 

e n Teen T^li «J^ "^ 
«aJ,— b 7 the nature of the 
tSl lit "£ Principles adopted by 

but ?2^ The Potion » 
out a distorting mirror ot the 
opinions and feelings now deve 
loping vaguely, confusedly, yet 
frf?bf ^^y towards the lei 
ThP rlT k !-° f the aP * members. 
The Declaration of Principles adop^ 
ted is nothing hut a crude vK- 
fmS 11 ' \>P ical AmerSn 
ESSE? ^.f cl f tlcal f ashion, of the 
?£ £ l . ldeolo ?y n ow coming to 
the fore in various sections of the 
European Social-Democratic Par! 
ties. We have here the American 
expression of this international 
tendency towards left or concealed 
reformism, but reformism never- 
theless, as manifested in certain 
sections of the French Socialist 
jSL^,™ the Pra £ue Program 
and the New Beginning" group of 
txerman Social-Democracy Nor- 
man Thomas, for the first time the 
unquestioned and unquestionable 
leader of the S.P., frankly admitted 
this m the course of the conven- 
tion debate, and has since then 
confessed that "No S. P. can say 
less than this in view of what has 
happened abroad." 

* * * 

Signidcance of Events 



In answer to a vicious attack on Despite all of this, let no one 
the committee by General Johnson, I underestimate the significance of 
in his speech to the convention of | the fact that for the first time in 
the International Ladies Garment nea rly 15 years, political questions 



Workers Union in Chicago, the 

Rank and File Committee sent the 

following message to David Dubin- 

sky at the Convention: 

"We, union steel workers, 
delegates to our recent Amalga- 
mated Association convention, 
battling here in Washington for 
a conference with our employ- 
ers for collective bargaining, I communism. The official UP. is to- 
appeal to you to denounce da ^ operating under the blanket 
General Johnson's insults to the coc!e of "Social-Fascism." It is this 
steel workers made in a radio \™de which explains why the of- 
broadcast to you last night lfira! np ' u - 



and, in a limited manner, funda- 
mental principles, were discussed 
somewhat critically at an S.P, con- 
vention. The sneering, contemptu- 
ous, self-adoring attitude of the 
muddle-headed leadership of the 
official C.P. will not serve to help 
educate and move the several thou- 
sand workers in the S.P. towards 
Communism. The official C.P. is to- 



, ., ,..,„ ,, Vi ( ,„ ficial C.P. is so totally divorced 
"We are now making the same £ rom the decisive doings which 
rht for recognition which you nave onl y begun to manifest them- 
selves (still in a hesitant and con- 



fight for recognition which you 
won twenty years ago, after 
long and bitter strikes. It was 
dastardly of Johnson to use the 
platform of the Ladies Garment 
Workers Union to denounce a 
brother union and to call us 
Communists because we' join the 
entire labor movement in the 
demand for the thirty hour 
week. We send fraternal greet- 
ings and best wishes for the 
success of your convention." 
. Why this message never came 
■before the convention for action is 
Ibost known to David Dubinsky, The 



by warning you of the con-,- 

sequences of non-enforcement convention therefore took no a 
of Section 7a. If the govern- tion on it. 
ment will not help us, then we 



(Continued on Page 8) 



Buy your copy thru 

NEW WORKERS SCHOOL 

51 W. M St., N. Y. C. 




Portrait of America 

By Diego Rivera 
Text by Bert Wolfe 



Proceeds go to 
WORKERS AGE 



fused way) in the S.P. Whether 
there will be a split in the S.P., in 
the coming year or so, is not the 
decisive question just now. The 
decisive question is: what can those 
of us who are Communists do to 
help eradicate social reformism in 
this country by winning over to 
(revolutionary Socialism, to the 
Socialism of Marx and Lenin, that 
is, to Communism, the best and 
healthiest working class forces, to- 
day beginning to lose the.'r faith in 
Social-Democracy and growing 
towards a revolutionary path? 

It is in this sense that this con- 
tention of the Socialist Party has 
real political import to us. To the 
I members of the S.P., honestly 
jeeking more effective ways and 
weapons in the class struggle, we 
;an only pledga a helping, com- 
radely, hand to a ; d them in getting 
to the true revolutionary path. 







Font 



WORKERS AGE 



Report of the British I. L P. Convention 

The writer of this article, a | s-^ t __ 

Centrism Continues to Mark Time 



The writer of this article, * 
leading comrade of the Communist 
Party U.S.A. (Opposition), spent 
more than a half year in Great 
Britain, acquainting- herself at 
close range with the problems of 
the revolutionary movement of 
that country. She attended all ses- 
sions of the Independent Labor 



National Administrative Council 
who have gone as far as to say 
that parliamentary action alone 
will not win the day, but beyond 
that they are unwilling to meet the 



aiuui v.i. mc jiiue|jeiiut:fn, Liaoor that t 

Party Congress at York.— Editor. ;c slieq "Vi»a\" JI^,T" a "1 ""^ llie 

. # * M ssu , es - Ine y seem to seek schemes 

to keep everybody in the Party 



One hundred and fifty four dele- 
gates, from all sections of. the 
country, convened at Ycrk for the 
1934 conference ox the Independ- 
ent Labour Party. After four days 
of deliberations the IL? still re- 
mains with an uncertain policy, 
still contains all tendencies in the 
working class movement, from 
open reformist elements to revolu- 
tionaries — and on the whole seems 
to take pride in this fact 



by Evelyn Lawrence 

branches, introduced a resolution 
which declared that the capture of' 
power by the workers will not de- 
pend on and can not be secured by 
winning a majority in Parliament. 
It aimed to direct the activities of 



happy, by opposing all clear and 

positive expressions of policy, and it aimeu ■_. 

somehow finding a position in be- the I.L.P. towards building Work- 

tween. They criticize Austro- ers Councils through daily strug- 

Maraasm, but their own conception gles, to be used for the attainment 

OI the final StruCP-lp is » rlofen- of Tinwpr s»nri t-Vio -Frtni-.^o + ;„„ „*■ *.!.« 



.of the final struggle i 
save struggle, if any. 



Tendencies In The I.L.P. 

Several definite tendencies were 

obviously determined to win the 

I.L.P. to their respective positions. 

the reformists pure and simple, led 

by the "Unity Committee", of 

which the Lancashire Divisional 

Council is the driving force; the 

"Affiliation Committee" which de- 
sires immediate affiliation to the 
Communist International and has 
no criticism of it; the revolution- 
aries led by the "Revolutionary 
Policy Committee" which is in 
agreement with the principles of 
the Communist International but 
is critical of it, and which has 
been the driving force in the at- 
tempt to develop the revolutionary 
wing of the I.L.P. and to transform 
the I.L.P. into a revolutionary par- 
ty; the fourth internationalists who 
together with the extreme right 
are violently anti-Communist Par- 
ty; anti-Communist International 
and are opposed to any united Road To Power 

£5?™h ?r ; and , the / e v n - The L 01 ^ Divisional Council 
trists, led by the majority of the [together with several London 



.- s"-^j «~ uc uacu iui me attainment 

-a defen- of power and the foundation of the 

dictatorship of the working class. 

The resolution was defeated by a 

vote of 66 to 85. 

Here, as throughout the confer- 
ence the position of the NAC was 
to oppose the rights and the lefts, 
to oppose the parliamentarians, 
and the revolutionaries. The NAC 
with Brockway as spokesman op- 
posed this resolution on the ground 
that it subordinated parliamentary 
activity to too great an extent. 
A counter resolution from Lan- 
CPGB have combined their just Sf shlre ' produced by Middleton 
criticisms with lack of understand- |^ urr ay, who made a heart-rend- 
ing, lack of tact, and a refusal ?^' "S^ous speech, for the con- 



CI Confuses Issues 

. It must be added that aside 
from these very definite tenden- 
cies, there is a large section which 
apparently is anxious to be shown 
the correct revolutionary path, but 
as yet seems incapable of distin- 
guishing and evaluating various 
positions. It is particularly un- 
fortunate for the development of 
this section that the CI and the 



ing, lack of tact, and a refusal 
to answer justified questions and 
doubts, in such a manner as to con- 
fuse the fundamental issues and 
to make it more difficult for the 
revolutionary position to drive 
forward in the I.L.P. 

The Convention Agenda 

The party policy may be determ- 
ined thru an examination of the 
fate of a series of disconnected 
resolutions which composed the 
section in the agenda on party pol- 
icy. 



stitutional approach was over 
whelmingly defeated. And a reso- 
lution to present Socialism as an 
"ethically superior" system was 
likewise defeated. 



On Economic Struggles 

Another resolution from the Lon- 
don Divisional Council followed, 
asking the party to concentrate on 
the economic and industrial strug- 
gle as the basis for political ac- 
tivity, to take part side by side 
with the workers in their strug- 
gles, to seek united front activi- 
ties towards building a united rev- 
olutionary movement in the coun- 
try. But this too was defeated by 
a vote of 76 to 89. Shortly after 



lhat a resolution making the pri- 
mary object for the I.L.r. the cap- 
ture oi -Parliament was also ae- 
feated. 

* • * 
Clarity At A Premium 
In tact it seemed tnat any at- 
tempt to state the case nearly, 
whither reiormist or revolution- 
ary was deteated. in the whoie 
section on rarty Policy, the omy 
resolutions passed were the non- 
committal ones. 1. That the I.L.P. 
can best "be built up" by active 
participation in the day to day 
struggle and that therefore "co- 
operation with all working class or- 
ganizations" is part of tne normal 
party work. 2. ihat the conference 
-deprecates" the action oi those 
who contravened Conference deci- 
sions, especially on the united 
front. 3. 'ihat branches "should 
carefully consider" the possibility 
of working m lTade Union Coun- 
cil unemployed organizations es- 
pecially wnere the national Unem- 
ployed Workers Movement does not 
exist. To these might be added a 
few others which, although out- 
side of this particular section, 
bear upon the policy of the LLP 
in the immediate future. 



A Socialist on the Convention 



The author is an active member 
of the Socialist Party. His reac- 
^? ns ^ t)le Chic ago convention of 
the S.P. are therefore of con- 
siderable interest.— Editor. 

* w * 

Socialist leaders convened in 
Detroit stewed through three hot 
June days, emerging with an ideo- 
logical chop suey called a Declara- 
tion of Principles, compounded of 
sections of all left programs. 

For a long Sunday afternoon 
oceans of oratory flooded the con- 
vention as Panken, Waldman, 
bftarts, Lee and Solomon battled 
w stop the adoption of the declara- 
tion supported by Thomas, Kryz- 
cki, Hapgood, Allen and Biemiller 
which in part stated that "The 
Socialist Party will meet war by 
massed war resistance organized 
so far as practicable in a general 
s rike of labor unions." Thertadi 
oi Moms HUlquit and Eugene 
Debs were liberally invoked to 

SS5, j * hle l 3 the "action 
which read further, "Capitalism is 
doomed. If it can be superseded 

pL^ aJ °n ty . V - ote the Socialist 
Party will rejoice. If the crisis 
comes through the denial of major- 
ity rights after the electorate has 
given us a mandate we shall not 
hesitate to crush by labor solidar- 
ity the forces of reaction and con- 
solidate the Socialist state. If the 
capitalist system should collapse 
m general chaos and confusion 
whicn cannot permit of orderly 
procedure, the Socialist Party 
whether or not in such case it is a 
majority will not shrink from the 
responsibility of organizing and 
maintaining a government under 
the workers' rule." 

The futility of the declaration 
was emphasized even by the mili- 
tants supporting it— as an argu- 
ment m its favor. Norman Tho- 
mas, after declaring that here was 
an American plattorm written in 
the American language on which 
he was proud to stand, urged its 
adoption by insisting that "No one 
is going: to act on this anyway. It 
fu^t 7 ^T l we mi ^ ht do in the 
M, LU lf ri c - rt f; n cations arise." 
Mayor Dan Hoan of Milwaukee, 

i'rrtn Tu ?**$* *<* the plat- 

fvl v vi ° W x,, hG had abolished 
the Ku Klux Klan in Milwaukee 



by A. M. 

during the war and said that this 
declaration of principles would 
have an invigorating effect upon 
clean municipal administration. 

The groans from the right found 
their noblest exponent in Joe 
bharts of Ohio, "an American, 
loving America above all the na- 
tions of this earth," who denoun- 
ced the red internationalists who 
have written this platform" be- 
:ause ' we are not even good sports, 
men to talk of suppression after 
we are given the privilege of hold- 
ing this convention in a capitalist- 
ndden hotel, in a capitalist-ridden 
city, in a capitalist-ridden coun- 
try. The keynote of the rights 
was fear, most clearly stated by 
George Kirkpatrick pleading "Let's 
be too shrewd to supply the Cham- 
bers of Commerce with this sword 
to turn against us." This shrewd- 
ness reached its climax in the 
speech of Louis Waldman of New 
York repudiating the brightest 
tradition of A ™ — : — — •-*•■ 



Louis resolution 



the 1917 St 
against war. 

The resolution was passed by a 
v x 0t i e £ f almost two to one. The 
aid Guard will inevitably try to 
force a referendum vote of the 
membership. (This proposal has 
been adopted already—Editor) . 

The complete inadequacy of the 
Militants' revolutionary position 
was displayed in the various reso. 
lutions relating to trade union 
work and organization. A state- 
ment on the NRA and Socialism 
was completely emasculated by 
striking out all references to or 
criticisms of the A. F. of L. buro- 
cracy Head-striker-out was Leo 
Kryzcki, who is for the revolu- 
tion but against any uncouth critic- 
*l m . th . e lea dership or policies of 
>* A. F. of L. The trade union 



Third Internationals specifically 
prohibiting, however, united fronts 
on any less magnificent scale. 

Elections and the principal reso- 
lutions represented a sweeping 
victory for the Krueger militant 
group which ousted the Old Guard 
and .can now begin to age grace- 
fully itself. The new Executive 
Committee consists of Kryzcki 
Hoan, Graham, Thomas, Shadid, 
Hoopes, Hapgood, Krueger, Oneai 
Daniel and Coolidge. Many of us 
hope that the new N.E.C. will act 
iu f?? a way as t0 con vince us 
that they are not bound by merely 
one principle, that of job-holding. 
What the R.P.C. member Daniel 
will do will bear watching and will 
be of no small import. No crystal 
gazing is necessary to forecast 
what the others will do. 

The composition of the conven- 
tion had a good deal to do with 
ite procedure. The great majority 
of the delegates were lawyers, 
teachers, ministers, and ex-minis- 
ters. Extremely precise points of 
parliamentarism occupied the 



Trade Union Work 
A resolution making it a duty 
lor ■I.L.P. members to participate 
m trade unions, to develop the rank 
and file movement against the bu- 
rocracy of the unions, to organize 
trade union fractions, including an 
amendment making a payment of 
the political levy, where necessarv 
fh! mi T S f Xf' ™ also P^sed. When 
the I.L.P. dissociated from the 
Labour Party, I.L.P. members had 
ceased paying the political lew 
which goes to the Labour Party 
As a result many I.L.P. members 
had been disbarred from active 
participation in the trade unions. 
it is to be hoped that with this 
resolution passed, the LL.P. mem- 
bers will not only attempt to regain 
and strengthen their influenc? in 
the unions, but will al so develop 
militant action and the rank and 
file movement against the reac- 
tionary burocracy. Unfortunately 
the whole structure of the I L P 
at present, is sucn that the resolu- 
may well remain on paper, 

ganization until the final day of 
the convention the Revolutionary 
Policy Committee wavered back 
and forth between a fight on prin- 
ciple and a political trade with the 
militants. Its program was not pre- 
sented on the convention floor by 
the delegates pledged to it. It did 
gain prestige and influence through 
conferences and educational meet- 
ings, although these latter were 
somewhat marred by momentary 
hesitation and wavering due to lack 
of experience as well as lack of 
firmness, conviction and clarity of 
purpose It did elect Franz Daniel 
to the National Executive Commit- 



Ar«l>.;« Q -"emcov i ywiwiiieiiiariam occupied the 
American socialism, | greater part of the three day ses- 

U LOUIS rPSdhlfinr. cnn All 4 1 1 ; "? 



- - . v.* ^. Xllt: uraue unioi 
directives, as ultimately adopted, 
express little more than a pious 
hope that Socialists will be active 
m unions. 

Other resolutions presented were 
?J\I a8C1S ?' on Ag^ulture, on the 
Tht i a r d on work mg-class unity, 
ihis last was a stirring appeal for 
co-operation of the Second and 



* Tii i imw ua y ses- 

sion. All actual business was trans- 
acted on the last day and then only 
by dint of drastically limiting dis- 
cussion and refusing to accept 
amendments. 

The spectre of Communism 
haunted the convention under the 
banner of the CPO. By sheer coin- 
cidence the red herring was drag- 
ged across the "incorruptible" 
pages of the New York Times by 
Joseph Shaplen, who as Times cor- 
respondent, as a member of the 
Socialist Party, and as a member 
oi the League for Democratic 
Socialism keeps an attentive ear to 
the ground that he may always 
hear the other side. 

The Revolutionary Policy Com- 
mittee, red hope of the left wing, 
failed to pull itself out of the 
caucus rooms onto the convention 
floor. The RPC going to the con- 
vention in support of the prole- 
tarian dictatorship and workers' 
councils, found its road to power 
checkmated by the manipulation 
of the more caucus-conscious 
Krueger centrists supported with 
the machinery of the National Of- 
fice, 

Failing to set up any solid or- 



tee by a deal with the mmtant 5 ^n&S A °/ T 1 S ter ». 1 »f tw ««» th * CI 
which the latter attempted to'S/5 ;P * W i hlch made the CI 



which the latter attempted to 
renig. It also set up a publishing 
association. 



unless a coordinated and 
med drive is carried on. 

* * * 
The United Front 
The >,AC recommendation 

united front activitv with the l 
munist Party on : 
requiring au memuers to carr 
oul this minimum and pernutu. 
individual branches ana , 
to carry on further united ironl 
activuy if they deem it advu sao . e 
was earned, ihe Conference "?- 
wise agreed to continue th. 
War Movement in wmen the LjlS 
and the GPGtf have Deen the dnv 
«JJ factors. Ihe Comerence SJd' 
the opportunity of receiving m ^ 
enthusiastically, the news fnaT I 
he very same time the Nationa 
Union of Distributive ana JKS 
Workers a muon of 127.OU0 men? 
bers had voted to join the A Si 
War Movement. * A 

The War Danger 

ihe discussion on I.L.P and 

!E?;!£f WOrk ' made ^ar' boTh 
the advances and the shortcoming 
ot the pany. A resolution was 
passed wh.cn calls for uncondt 
«onaI refusal to participate^ % 
any imperialist war, propagandl 
for general strike in the event of 

forued by a war to overthrow the 
capitalise system, the formation of 
anti-war councils and active ef 
xorts of memoers of Parliament to 
expose and defeat the war men- 
ace. But the clause in the reso- 
lution calling for the planning of 
such work, during a period oi il- 
legality, was deteated by a vote 
of o9 to 73. The lead s gamst U . 
legal work was given by Elijah 
toanoham who warned the Conler- 
ence that "London" was gradual- 
ly leading the Party on to be an 
insurrectionary party". True ■ 
solutions which put iaith in fair 
tale peace pact proposals, in pre 
venting the rearming of Germany 
and similar proposals were over- 
whelmingly defeated. True the 
original resolution without the il- 
legality clause passed without dis- 
sent, showing that the Party had 
to a great extent broken with its 
old pacifist attitudes. However, 
the vote and discussion made it 
clear that the majority was willing 
to declare unconditional opposition 
to imperialist war, but refused to 
meet the actual problem of how to 
oppose it, and would therefore be 
incapable of carrying out a revo- 
lutionary struggle against it. 

International Relations 

, Ihe problem which was of chief 
^nterest to the Conference was 
^he one of international associa- 
tions. Although it is impossible to 
jeparate the Party policy at home 
irom its international associations 
the two questions were discussed 
and considered in a manner which 
indicates that few realized the 
connection. However, the decisions 
on international relations were 
quite m keeping with the confused, 
centrist, party policy. 
Although there had been an ex- 
T S u °r letters . between the CI 



But the great need of the RPC 
was good practical political work. 
On the important issue of the ses- 
sion, the Declaration of Principles, 
the clear task of RPC delegates 
was to abstain on the basis of 

fw lp1 !' Ins £ ad a11 but two of 
them— Sam Shaer of Massachu- 

t^ d / et f? F ^? n of Michigan 
-.voted for the Militant, centrist 
resolution. If the members of the 
RFC continue this vacillating line 

SSl" W «V?, pidly and we " deser- 
vedly ftnd themselves an isolated 
and un influential group. 

The plumpest balloon in the pre- 
convention conferences was Paul 
Porter's flamboyant Social-Demo- 
cratic Commonwealth Plan. Re- 
prints were broadcast to delegates 
and visitors, it carried the holy 
endorsement of Norman Thomas, 
wise-money was betting on Porter 
to win m a walk. Someone, how- 
ever, stuck a pin in it. Brought in 
by the platform committee, with 
recommendations for sixty eight 
changes, it was tabled unanimous- 
ly. It will still be on the table 
when the SP reconvenes in 1936. 

And by 1936 comes the revolu- 
tion, comrades. 



attitude quite clear prior to the 
Conference, although the NAC was 
undoubtedly very well aware of 
the probable nature of the last 
mmute cable from the CI, and of 
its own attitude towards the CI, 
irrespective of the CPs answer, it 
failed to give any lead prior to 
the Conference. It submitted no 
recommendation. Instead, the NAC 
utilized the fact that it received 
a cable from the CI on the eve of 
the Conference, to bring in an 
emergency resolution, at the same 
time scrapping all resolutions on 
international associations previous- 
ly on the agenda. The NAC was 
probably well aware that because 
of the lack of clarity in the Party 
ranks on international associations, 
it would be simpler to secure the 
passage of its "new international" 
resolution, if the Party did not get 
the opportunity to discuss it and 
prepare for it prior to the Con- 
ference. 

The NAC resolution 1. opposes 
the formation of a new internation- 
al; and 2. continues "to associate 
with the Independent Revolution- 
ary Parties with a view to influ- 
encing them to work for the es- 
tablishment of an inclusive revolu- 
tionary international." The NAC 
recommendation further clouds the 









WORKERS AGE 



Dictatorship - Fascist or Communist? 

The 16th anniversary of the Oc- « ^^ * 9 M +S W $ 

^ome Basic Differences Discussed 



The 16th anniversary of the Oc- 
tober Revolution found the German 
working class in a changed politic- 
al situation. Many workers who 
previously shunned Communism 
now, under the impact of the bitter 
experiences wnicn they were 
dei-going, changed their attitude 
toward tne question of proletarian 
dictatorship m general and toward 
tne Soviet. Union in particular; 
tJiey were being transformed from 
opponents to supporters of the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat. The 
classic example of a proletarian 
dictatorship, now as before, is the 
Soviet Union. When the German 
workers want to decide for them- 
selves just what the Proletarian 
Dictatorship really is, they can, 
and must of necessity, judge by 
tne Russian experience, the Octo- 
ber Revolution and the sixteen 
years of Socialist construction, 



Against Abstractions 
Lenin was always opposed to 
any discussion of "Dictatorship in 
general" and "Democracy in gen- 
eral". He declared repeatedly that 
bourgeois democracy was a form 
of capitalist dictatorship, while 
proletarian dictatorship was the 
fullest form of democracy for the 
working class. Lenin's criticism of 
loose talk about "dictatorship in 
general" is especially timely today. 

New Trends — Good And Bad 

As a result of the shattering of 
German reformism at the hands 
of the fascists, many Social-Demo- 
cratic workers are losing faith in 
reformists principles. They are re- 
jecting the cardinal tenet of the 
reformists, the belief in bourgeois 
democracy, and are beginning to 
see some point in the use of dicta- 
torial methods. 

Not ail of the Social-Democratic 
workers, who are rejecting bour- 
geois democracy and are becoming 
tavorably disposed to the idea of 
dictatorship, can be said, however, 
to be on the way to Communism. 
The radical phraseology of many 
of these workers, on the contrary, 
betrays fascist influence and sug- 
gests that these "revolutionists" 
are actually moving to the right of 
bourgeois democracy. They lead 
one to suspect that the dictatorship 
that they seek to attain has more 
in common with the fascist dic- 
tatorial regime than with the dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat. 

Superficial Similarities 

To what extent the ideological 
confusion has penetrated even the 
labor movement, under the pres- 
sure and influence of the fascist 
state, can be seen from the dis- 
cussions of the proletarian dicta- 
torship in certain pamphlets origi- 
nating from the "left" (!) wing of 
German Social-Democracy. The 



issue by declaring its readiness to 
associate with the CI in all efforts 
"which in the view of the ILP fur- 
ther the revolutionary struggle of 
the workers" and by speaking of 
united action of the working class 
of the world. The key note of the 
recommendation is the association 
with the Independent Revolution- 
ary Parties and a break with the 
CI. Not only does the resolution 
definitely align the I.L.P. with in- 
ternational centrism, but despite its 
declaration in opposition to the 
formation of a new international. 
in reality it is a definite step to- 
ward one. As C. K. Cullen of the 
RPC very well pointed out in dis- 
cussion, it is very difficult to dif- 
ferentiate between association and 
an international with the narrow 
functions to which the NAC wants 
to limit it. 

The four other tendencies in the 
I.L.P. were represented in five 
amendments to this recommenda- 
tion. 

1. The Affiliation Committee ; 
through the Dumphries branch, in- 
troduced a substitute resolution for 
immediate affiliation to the CI as 
a sympathetic body. Actually this 
tendency had no significant 
strength. It was supported also 
by many who had criticisms and 
r.ot at all adherents of its 
program but were anxious to ex- 
press their attitude towards the 
fundamental principles of the CI. 
The resolution was defeated by a 
vote f 'f 'ii to 126, 
2. The resolution of Cullen (Pop- 
{Continued on Page 6) 



following was taken from 
pamphlet by Miles, "Socialism's 
New Beginning": 

"..... The form of its (The 
Soviet Union's) state, defended 
by the communists as Soviet de- 
mocracy and attacked by non- 
communists as a regime of red 
terror, must be understood and 
evaluated by Marxist bocjai.sta 
on the basis of historical ex- 
perience. . . . .The Soviet Union 
is, according to our views, a so- 
cialist state. It belongs to the 
type of centralized party state 
which is to be met in Italy and 
now also in German v" (r'ages 
106-107, Rand School Edition). 
In another pamphlet of the same 
brand (Irlen, "Marx Against Hit- 
ler") we are warned against a 
"misunderstanding of the char- 
acter of the State erected by the 
Bolsheviki. We see in it the same 
type of state as exists under much 
difierent social relationships, of 
course, in the Fascist countries." 
(Page 44). 

Ine identifying of the proletar- 
ian dictatorship with that of fas- 
cism, the rule of the working class 
in the Soviet Union with the bloody 
terror regime in Germany and 
Italy, represents a support of the 
Fascist lies about tne "sociaiisi, 
character of the Nazi dictator- 
ihip." It represents a great dan- 
ger to the working class and if is 
mperative, thereiore, that the 
communists counteract the radi- 
cal phrases of Miles and irlen and 
enlighten the working class as to 
the difference between the prole- 
tarian and fascist dictatorships. 

The proletarian and the iascist 
dictatorships, contrary to the friv- 
olous remarks of the "revolution- 
ists" of the Miles variety, do not 
have the same form of state. As 
matter of fact the so-called sim- 
ilarity is purely formal and super- 
ficial. The proletarian dictator- 
ship represents a type of state 
which is the antithesis of the fas- 
cist dictatorship. A number of 
important differences place an in- 
superable barrier between the pro- 
letarian and the fascist state, be- 
tween the proletarian dictatorship 
in the Soviet Union and the Fas- 
cist dictatorship of Hitler and 
Mussolini. 

Cardinal Distinctions 
Through the fascist dictator- 
ship, the bourgeois state appara- 
tus reaches its greatest strength; 
through the erection of the prole- 
tarian dictatorship in the Soviet 
Union, on the other hand, the bour- 
geois state apparatus was destroy- 
ed. Thru the bourgeois state ap- 
paratus Socialism cannot be intro- 
duced, even when a few Social- 
Democrats are admitted as conces- 
sionaries into the government. All 
those who advocate the proletarian 
dictatorship, without stating that 
it cannot be established unless the 
bourgeois state is destroyed, are 
lending aid to fascism. We have 
a ease in point in the "lefts" of 
the British Labor Party, who ask 
that the next labor government ob- 
tain from Parliament empowering 
legislation with the aid of which 
it is to introduce Socialism. With 
this propaganda against parlia- 
mentarism, which is not a part of 
a struggle to eliminate the bour- 
geois state organization, but which 
is an attempt to strengthen it and 
render it independent, the "lefts" 
of the Labor Party are only giv- 
ing aid to fascist tendencies in 
England. The propaganda of the 
Neo-Socialists Marquet, Deat, and 
Renaudel, in France, for a "strong 
(bourgeois) state", is also bound 
to have a similar effect. 



by G. S. 

The "leader" principle in fascism 
only reflects the fact that the all- 
powerful state organization of the 
fascist dictatorship, which strives 
to subjugate the masses, is guid- 
ed by and serves the large capi- 
talist interests. 

How dilfe.ent is the role of the 
Communist Party in the proletar- 
ian dictatorship! The Communist 
Party, itself, is organized on a cen- 
tralized but democratic basis. Its 
decisions are made not autocratic- 
ally by a "leader", but by the mem 
bership itself. The Communist 
party can rule only because it has 
the trust and support of the mass 
organizations represented in the 
Soviets, because it receives the 
conscious eo-operation of the mass- 
es and, together with them, dis- 
cusses and solves all political 
problems. 

* * # 
The Source Of Policy 
Let us take, for example, the 
manner in which changes in policy 
are executed in the Soviet Union. 
When Hitler announced the end of 
the "national revolution", the turn 
came as a complete surprise to the 
national-Socialist masses, for it 
was not decided upon by the broad 
masses of the national-socialist 
supporters, but was hit upon in 
secret deliberations by the clique 
composed of the highest, party lead- 
ership and the large industrial- 
ists. Changes in policy in the C. 
P. S. U., on the other hand, are 



effort to express as completely as 
possible the wishes and interests 
whin? oii W °. rkerS ' a Procedure in 
crS* Plans u are disc "ssed and 
criticised m the mass organize 
tons. The Five Year Plan, for in 
£2?' J a , s dr ,™ n U P from a mul- 



titude of local 



investigations with 



the energetic co-operation of the 
masses wno also take an 
interest in its execution. 

How lu.idamenta!ly different the 
proletarian and fascist dictator- 
ships are, is further shown by a 
comparison between the fascist 
plebescite and the elections in the 
Soviet Union. Under fascism, not 
only does terror reign during the 
elections, but the masses must 
vote on questions over which they 
have no control, and the candidates 
are nominated by the "leader". In 
the Soviet elections there is no 
terror; any atempt at terror comes 
only from the kulaks. The can- 
didates are selected by the party 
membership, in the ultimate source 
of party authority, the cells. They 
are presented to the voters in the 
election conferences and there 
thoroughly discussed, and either 
accepted or rejected. The election 
procedure, worked out bv the Com- 
munist Party, is discussed in an 
animated fashion in the election 
conferences where supplementary- 
proposals, usually in large number, 
are introduced. After the election, 
the candidate selected is responsi- 
ble to the voters for his actions. 

But in this connection it is of- 
ten asked, how can there be a pro- 
letarian democracy when only one 
party, the Communist Party, takes 



nothing more than the combined part in elections? Those who as 

experience of the local organiza- this question believe that there can 

tions. They are the result of an | be no workers' democracy in Rus- 



sia unk- 

another party displach 

the C.P.S.L., however, would 

ii^?7h hrr 7 of the P role1 

ship. Democracy for worker 

ever is conditioned exactly 
tnrJZt° n °f-l hB P role tarian dicta- 
torship and it rests upon the com- 
munist principle that the -., 

criticisms but also to take an ac- 
tive part in the conduct of the 
proletarian state. 

* * * 
Enlighten The Masses 
It is, therefore, a misrepresen- 
tation and a distortion of facts to 
attempt to draw a parallel between 
proletarian and fascist dictator- 
ship,.. I here is no comparison be- 

mentany different. It i s import- 
!?* to lighten the masses on this 
matter and to awaken in them the 
desire to fight for the overthrow 
?»kr I fascist /tate and for the es- 
tabUshment of the proletarian dic- 
tatorship. For, the workers w5l 
be ready to fight only for a prole- 
tarian state which has nothing £ 
common with the fascist regime 
of terror and which, in pta <£ of 
the dictatorship of a leading clique 
serving the exploiters, establishes 
the broadest kind of democracy and 
self-determination. The "strong 
men", who advocate the "totalitar- 
ian socialist state", patterned alone 
fascist lines, do not aid in the an- 
ti-fascist struggle. They render 
a service to fascism, by confusing 
the workers, by failing to tell them 
that they must build the Soviets, 
(without which the proletarian 
dictatorship is impossible) and by 
discrediting the Soviet Union thru 
comparing the proletarian with the 
lase:st dictatorship. 



Zausner and the Labor Comm. 



Dictatorship By Whom? 

The proletarian state has an- 
other characteristic which distin- 
guishes it from the bourgeois state 
in general and from the fascist 
state in particular. The fascist dic- 
tatorship, independent of control 
by the masses, is an instrument of 
the leading capitalist groups. The 
proletarian state, on the other 
hand, strives to have the highest 
possible number of workers take 
part in the dictatorship, not only 
through voting but also through 
active co-operation in the Soviets, 
the organs of the proletarian state. 



The members of the New York 
Painters union are on the eve of 
elections of officers for the Dis- 
trict Council. During this cam- 
paign there have been made public 
the programs of the candidates 
from the various tendencies in the 
union, for the solution of the prob- 
lems now confronting the union. 

The year 1933-34 was rich in 
possibilities to strengthen the 
union and Win improved condi- 
tions for the workers. Among the 
workers in the trade, organized 
and unorganized, there was the 
trong conviction that the union 
would _ seriously tackle the great 
possibilities for organization and 
for improved conditions in the 
shops. Thousands of workers 
joined the union. They were pre- 
pared to assist in organizing the 
open shops and in maintaining 
union control in the shops. 

The progressive members of 
the locals appreciated the possibili- 
ties of the moment and proposed 
a program of action which the 
union was in a position to carry 
out. The program included such 
demands as the six hour day, 1929 
wage scale, (this demand wss sup- 
ported by the Building Trades De- 
partment of the A. F. of L.) abo- 
lition of hire and fire, unemploy- 
ment insurance, abolition of the 
speed-up, security of the worker 
on the job after working a certain 
time. 

Philip Zausner and his machine 



A Statement 



boys and underworld heroes who 
beat and terrorized those workers 
who tried to expose Zausner" 
work for the bosses. The result 
of this treachery is that the con- 
ditions of the union workers have 
now become much worse than be- 
fore the strike. 

The progressives have always 
pointed out that the precondition 
tor a stronger union and lor im- 
proved conditions, is the defeat of 
Zausner and Zausnerism which has 
brought into our ranks the worst 
kind of corruption and sell-out of 
the interests of the workers. In 
its appeal for support in the strug- 
gle against Zausner, the Progres- 
sive Painters' Club of District 
Council No. 9 also turned to the 
Labor Committee of the Socialist 
Party. We proposed to work to- 
gether with the members of the 
Socialist 'Party "iin the Painters 
Union, on the basis of a concrete 
program to be worked out joint- 
ly. We also proposed to fight 
against Zausner thru placing a can- 
didate against him. We proved to 
the Labor Committee that the role 
of Zausner was similar to that of 
Osip Wolinsky of the Pocket Book 
Makers Union. We pointed out 
that rank and file workers and al- 
so the "Evening Journal" (Febru- 
ary 21, 1934) charged Zausner with 
being a paint salesman and a scab 



meeting Gaft informed us of the 
decision of the fraction. They tend, 
he said, to accept our request but 
about Zausner they decided to 
wait until after the nominations in 
the locals. This decision to wait 
until after the nomination in the 
locals convinced us that the Social- 
ist fraction refused to take up the 
fight against Zausner. Such prom- 
inent socialists as Gaft, Ginsberg 
and Zughaft came out openly for 
support of Zausner and for a fight 
against the progressive group 
which is trying to rid the union 
of Zausner. 



m District Council No 9 ignored boss> These eharges he never de- 
these proposals even tho he was nied . We urged the Labor Com- 



forced to admit, in his own local 
442, that it was a good program 
and could be carried out. Did 
Zausner propose any other plans? 
No. Zausner carried out decisions 
of the bosses at the expense of 
the workers. The 1933 organiza- 
tion drive for which the workers 
supplied $160,000 thru a 50c tax 
per working day, was in reality a 
means to organize the trade for 
the Master Painters Association. 
When Zausner closed the strike and 
claimed that our securing the 7 
hour day and the $9 scale was a 
victory, he did not dare tell the 
workers that the "victory" was 
only temporary. This sell-out 
Zausner could put over because he 



mittee of the S. P. to take the 
same attitude to Zausner as they 
did to Osip Wolinsky. 

Jack Altman, the secretary of 



Socialists and supporters of 
Zausner fired the first shot against 
the Progressive Group, in the So- 
cialist controlled local 261. At the 
meeting of the local on Friday May 
25, the socialists, knowing that the 
Progressive Group will nominate 
Mark Jackson as its candidate for 
secretary, carried a motion that 
the local should not place a candi- 
date for secretary this year. Gaft, 
Ginsberg and the other socialists 
not only defended this proposal but 
Gaft even circulated among the 
members threatening those opposed 
to the motion. This manouver was 
necessary in order to secure the 
local's endorsement of Zausner. 

The actions of the Labor Com- 
mittee, which, while fighting Osip 
Wolinsky in the Pocket Book tak- 
ers Union, maintains silence about 
Zausner and permits the members 
of „ne Socialist Parly i, t wik for 
him, shows on which side the La- 
bor Committee has placed itself. 
Zausner knows who are his 
friends, he understands the hints 
of the Socialists. Slight wonder 
therefore that Zausner was the on- 
ly nominee for Secretary in his 



the Labor Committee, pledged to own local, workers feared even to 
call a conference of our committee mention the name of his opponent, 
and a committee of the Socialist | Th] - S . g 2 ausner 's democracy. The 



League. Such a conference was 
held on Wednesday May 23 with 
Jack Altman present. After a 
short discussion the committee 
from the Socialist League informed 
us that they are not prepared to 
take a stand on Zausner until ac- 
tion by the full meeting of the 
League the same evening. They 
reed to permit our committee to 
address the full meeting of the So- 



had surrounded himself with strong ] cialist Party fraction. After the 



Socialist Party members and Zaus- 
ner's strong boys are its apostles. 
Does the Labor Committee give 
them its socialist blessing? 

The progressive members will 
resist the manouver of a socialist 
Zausner bloc and will continue its 
struggle for a progressive union of 
the workers and for the workers. 
Progressive Painters Club 
of District Council No. 9 









WORKERS AGE 






ESTIMATING AUSTRIA'S REVOLUTION 

{Continued from previous issue) '■* 1*7*11 TU u 



{Continued from previous issue) 
What was behind this suicidal policy of systematic 
surrender? Essentially the whole theory and practise 
of reformist Socialism! 

Reformist Socialism sees the only real hope against 
Fascism in an alliance with the "constitutional", "demo- 
cratic", "moderate" sections of the bourgeoisie, in an 
alliance, therefore, between Social-democracy and the 
"non-Fascist" bourgeois parties or groups. Everything 
must be subordinated to the possibility of such an al- 
liance. The "lesser evil" must be chosen. The inde- 
pendent activity of the working class must be curbed 
lest it alienate the bourgeois allies. Bourgeois govern- 
ments must be supported or at least "tolerated" by 
the Social-democracy, however reactionary or anti-la- 
bor they may be if only they are "non-Fascist". This 
was the policy which drove the German Social-democra- 
cy to ban every form of militant labor action, to "toler- 
ate" Bruening with his emergency decrees and to cam- 
paign for Hindenburg for the presidency. This was 
the policy which drove the Austrian Social-democracy 
to swallow in silence every fresh attack of Dollfuss, to 
hold the impatient working class constantly in leash, to 
elect Miklas, the Austrian Hindenburg, by the strate- 
gem of "blank ballots." 

* * * 

THE LOGIC OF COMPROMISE 

From the very beginning, revolutionary Marxists 
have pointed out the fatal error of such a course and 
events have fully confirmed their judgment. To convert 
the labor movement into a tail-end of the liberal bour- 
geoisie, means to deny its historical mission, to crush 
its class independence, to quench its fighting spirit, to 
demoralize and to disorganize it. And to stake every- 
thing upon the alliance with the "democratic" bour- 
geoisie means to be driven imperceptibly, step by step, 
to the support of ever more reactionary sections of 
the bourgeoisie, to the degree that the center of grav- 
ity within the capitalist class itself swings towards the 
right. First support Bruening against Hindenburg— 
then Hindenburg against Hitler— and then? 
* * * 

THE RUSSIAN LESSON 
Of course, the proletariat must strive to win the 
support of the lower middle class masses and even 
some sections of the bourgeoisie, if possible. But it 
can only accomplish this if it steps upon the historical 
arena as an independent class force, full of militancy 
and self-confidence and able to inspire confidence in 
the great masses of the people. This great lesson, 
taught in positive form by the Russian revolution and 
negatively by the catastrophe in G^rmanv, still ^mams 
a book sealed with seven seals to the reformist Social- 
ists, whether of the German or Austrian variety. 

THE BLIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARISM 

To reformist Socialism, the democratic institutions 
of bourgeois democracy constitute the "normal" arena 
of political struggle against reaction and Fascism. But 
who does not see how utterly impotent, how trivial, 
these democratic institutions become in the hour of 
social crisis? As Otto Bauer somewhat pathetically 



by Will Herbert 



remarks There were now no longer any legal means 
of resisting the illegal dictatorship." But it is precise- 
ly to these broken reeds th/at Social-democracy looks 
tor effective weapons of political struggle. The Ger- 
man Social-democrats showered the Supreme Court 
with appeals against Hitler while he was ruthlessly de- 
stroying the labor organizations. The Austrian So- 
cial-democrats were ready to tolerate a Dollfuss dic- 
tatorship provided "that a small parliamentary com- 
mittee, in which the government had a majority, should 




Karl Munichbreiter. heroic leader of the Schutzbund, 
b-eeding from many wounds, being carried to the gal- 

cour a t blG t0 S^St deC T S and that a constitutional 
court . . should be restored." When "parliamentary 

thn T m ' ?, Hat drGad disease Which make * one beSve 
ImL i P?"y manipulations within parliamentary cor- 
ridors decide he fate of the world, had gone 33 far, 
there was no longer any hope! 

* * * 

SOCIALIST WORKERS DEMAND ACTION 

Infected with the reformist poison to their very 

bones, the leaders of the Austrian Social-dVmocracT 

cou d do nothing more than cool their hedsfn Do I- 

fuss s ante-chambers, hoping against hope to get a 

offer W 5" earS ' T T ° 'J* W ° rker£ thG * had -"thing to 
offer but the counsel of patience and vague promises 
that something would be done if the Heimwehr mS 
ers presumed too far. But the Social-democratic work- 
ers grew more and more restive; it became increa,inglv 
£ ° Placat t the '» with ^e old conciliatory 
phrases. The workers grew more and more bitter at 
the too patient policy of the party leaders," records 

?JntH T ' Y T T L SeCti ° ns of the membership vio- 
lently demanded of the party that it should take up 
the struggle." "The dissatisfaction and agitation of 
the workers against the conservative policy of our 
party committee increased," he continues. "The work 



ILP Convention Report 



Towards the beginning of February, the unreafeanH i, 
dignafaon of the workers won, reSng , far 
Po.nt. The Heimwehr had mobilised it. Ml m St 
force and had publicly announce its Intention Tf^ 

SussoZ DoHf° ld 0i thC ?° V — '«-. BacEUfrf t: 
Mussohm, Dollfuss now initiated th< ; final drive to wi ■ 

await thejresult of LSSfZ^JfifEg 
with DoUfuss. 'The party council issued ffl? 
Bauer tells us. "It wanted to avoid the struggled 
long as the government had not yet committed S J£ 
bJT^ th /' Wh ° le IMW 0f thG working ctt ** 
But the excitement of a big section of the workers 'was 
already too great and the warnings of the party f 
eil were no longer listened to." On Febraarv vFSl 
Schntshund member* in Linz arose 3 resist 
ance. The insurrection was on! * 

CIVIL WAR DESPITE LEADERS 

It is today only too clear that the struggle broke 

out spontaneously, over the head and against the wm 

1 Rl^r 1 ?? ^ IeadwB " When on Februly 
10, Bauer first heard of the ferment among the Li z 

m °™ rS ' J" T WUS ,<aIa ^ ed '' He immediately sent" 
message to Linz urging the party members to "keep 
t°°\\ Apparently," he adds, "the message arrived 

tinnit « 1. EVCT ° n ^^^ FebrUary 12 >" ^ucr on 
tnues, "the representatives of the partv administra- 
tion attempted to quiet the excited workers adl 

ZtZ ^ ° Utbreak ° f the a™***" More San hat, 

when the news reached Vienna that there had been 

-shooting ,„ Lina ... and a strike had broken out there 

roTett t ° f u th h e S ^t dem ° Cratk ^>' committee tS 
break » W government to prevent an out- 

By the morning of February 12, the die was east 
The Lmz workers were in armed revolt and the workers 
of Vienna and other parts of the land were ready to fS 
low. Only then did the Social-democracy finally de- 
cide to call a general strike but, in the nature of the 
case, it was already doomed to failure. The workers 
were unprepared and the Heimwehr had managed to 
seize all key positions. In many industries and in many 
parts of the country, the workers did not even know 
until some days later that a strike had been called. 
The backbone of the trade unions, the railwaymen's 
organization, had been deliberately weakened and de- 
moralized by the Dollfuss regime and could not meas- 
ure up to the occasion. But before the day was over 
the general strike had passed over and merged into 
open civil war. (To be continued) 



{Continued from Page 5) 
lar branch) of the RPC, is in com- 
plete agreement with the principles 
of the CI, but has criticisms of the 
tactics, and in particular has 
doubts as to the extent to which 
democratic centralism is carried 
out in the CI. It calls for a dele- 
gation to meet with the ECCI with 
a view of disposing of the out- 
standing differences, and affiliat- 
ing as a sympathetic body upon as- 
surances that democratic central- 
ism would be faithfully carried 
out and that the ILP would [re- 
tain its automony and independ- 
ence subject to consultation. This 
too was defeated but with a larg- 
er vote in its favor— 51 to 98. 
* ™C?-t t 130latl °nists" introduced 
a substitute resolution calling for 
SSi maintena ? ee of the principles 
and independence of the ILP 
cooperating with the CI in strug- 
fi™ a f T w Ca P italiam > Imperial- 
It nJS? ^% but no a «iliation. 
it opposes the formation of a new 

2t£i * the ^wwora were not 
merely for temporary isolation, but 

mental principles of the CI, and in 
particular opposed to Communist 
SS'fr^Pt r6Sol ution was 
ilso defeated— 56 to 101. 

4. The Trotskyite supporters 

&y h the ?^ >ham br *Xintro 8 : 
duced a resolution calling f or i m . 

SSfrf ~»>t^«>n« for the f 0r - 
Thii L? t - a new - inter national. 

cu introduced an amendment on 
ponmg m particular, "the esSblisn" 



S^L-° f , the P^sent Fourth In- 

m^° nal Whlch ifc re ^ ard3 as a 
o international working 




~i™ — •*. ""-cijiauonai working 
class unity, and in so far as it is 
sponsored by the Left Oppos tion 
Groups, as a menace to the suc- 

Unfon 1 C °^ ction «» the Soviet 
union. This was also defeated 
with a vote of 64 to 107. ueieatea 
The original NAC recommenda- 
tion carried with a vote of 102 to 

sakVnf t0 M e aP**? that for th ^ 
no resolution appeared as a de- 
raS° n fV, Principle, without 

3rlS5,\2? ^. uest i on of immediate 
affiliations; i.e. dissociation from 
international reformism and cen- 
S,f d a declaration that the 
statutes and principles of the CI 
are the only basis upon which a 
Communist International or Com- 
munist parties can be built. The 
overwhelming majority of the IX? 

havflL te ^ natl0nal because they 
nave come face to face with the 

ft is P lr t ^ eanme of centrism. 

i?Tt nt ■ "'"lutionary Pa?ti es " 
i« in^th, 30 ?!^ thc "voluttJna": 

Jgiyinga revolutionary /cad 'nd 
™e ix.p, an<1 the hri . _ * 



ing class, thus exposing the cen- 
trists and the meaning and impli- 
cations of centrism; and secondly 

Rpv!S°? Wherein the dependent 
Revolutionary parties fail to be 
revolutionary parties and the tre- 
mendous harm they do to the revo- 
lutionary movement. 

* * * 
Organization Problems 
Several amendments to Party 
rules were passed giving the NAC 
greater power to deal with mem- 
bers and sections who oppose partv 
decisions. A resolution was 
passed instructing the NAC to ap- 
point a Commission on Party Or- 
ganization to consider changes to 
bring the party in line with "its 
declared revolutionary policy". 
But a clause m this resolution call- 
ing for 'provision for rapid trans- 

'aS S 5 ty f e ° f «8»nfcatEn 
capable of functioning under ille- 
gal conditions" was deleted 

A resolution was introduced 
which attempted to outlaw organ- 

as d thf pf , W ! thin the P^ty fuch 
as the Revolutionary Policv Com 

SfS.% ^ ffi ^ tlon cS„SSE 

Slhf e J U , ni > y c °mmittee." The 
rights and lefts and the chairman 
Maxton united on this issue and 
the resolution was defeated 



whether the Guild would abide by 
the decisions of the Conference on 
L international associations. This 
[the chairman of the Guild, Huntz, 
refused to promise. After some 
discussion the conference decided 
to continue urging all branches to 
torm branches oi the Guild, and 



on the shoulders of the Revolution- 
ary Policy Committee. It alone is 
the force which is not swayed by 
sentimental attachment to the CP 
It alone is seeking revolutionary 
clarity and the crystallization of 
a steady Communist force. It re- 
that Tthe"GuUdVto haveTutonomv" frTT 5 th * bulk ^ the revolution- 
on the question J £vn£foZfl , S^S&JS ^J^fr They 
sociations as it has on othpr rmp= , • ■ , uni } out reser\'ation the 
tions. It is to b? noted MJlSf?' °^ the CI and the cp . 
Guild of Youth had refused to oar S desir ^ Co «yniunist unity. Bui 
ticipate in the CcmfereSof I?dJ-" c/of%h P d r p'^I ^S 1 the tac " 
pendent Revolutionary Youth Se^ rhn J ■! CP and theref ore desire 
cions held in Holland^ February; order to d^f 8 ° f ^ ^ ™ 
because it recognized that thoTnn ^ to develop a revolutionary 
ference was a ftep in the attempt SJ y J l ^ h C01 J ect Communist tac- 
to create a new interna tional Th? nfst P«T n ^ f °^ a Umted Commu - 
while the ILP, the parent oreaniza SS Y ■? - Great Britain - ^ 

tion, is breaking negot?atioifs wkh w %T S %l l ls most regrettable 
the CI and is exteSe ^!L£$L *]%£* th , e ^? C has not yet come 
g™. with the Inde^nrTevtllS"^ J^ a . defi -te platform, 

YoSh7n» P K rt i eS ' the Guild °f 

ifouth has broker, with the Inde- 
pendent Revolutionary parties and 
the CL S itS n ^ otiat ions 'vtih 



The Guild Of Youth 
meet a delegation of the YCI to 



-aider synnpatheti ^25^ 
ihe question was raised as "' 



pi? /clear program of action. 
Kevolutionary clarity is the crying 
need of the I.L.P. Here the RPC 
must prepare to do much more. 

* * * 

We hope that the revolutionaries 
within the I.L.P. will during the 
coming year achieve clarity 
within their own ranks and 
differentiate themselves sharply 
irom the centrists and their 
policies, by developing their 
revolutionary theories thru con- 
crete application to the prob- 
lems facing the British workers. 
Only to the extent that the RPC 
SLr this and be successful in 
influence in the Par- 
I.L.P. develop a sig- 



Clarity— The Great Need 

ed^Mm"?!?* A e ILP di saffiHat- 
York EJ? 6 S ° U ? Party - At 
forwarrl A ^^ Sig,1S ° f St epS 

nZ X* ' a tende "cy to break with 
pacifism, more discipline, greater 
conscious activity in the trade 

ment Bufr *7 the lab ° r move " wm do this 

SS $£&% ELrttfs s?ssv 

%^*e l $^£ l i ££ R!t" "revolutionary sect 
tiona assocfal-ons'To ! onlf SpJSS T ^ °'- y bu T** to 
it half way but tends to o-.J »i kf J \ thc I> ri "ciples of Coinmu- 

mty^shLrlte »* « ^portent 

saa^^?^ * sassss jr^jztj^ 

A neater responsibiS^s up- JLTox TeTo^ JSSWg ^ 






WORKERS AGE 



Seven 



bit 



The Theatre 
In Review 

rftia is the first of a series of 
rSrs on The Theater. In the 
art «p the author will contrast 
f Xt Productions of the Theater 
*f e - n P and those of the Theater 
JW The theaters of the wor*- 
°^ U ui bourgeoisie respectively 



by Lee Mason 

A season which can boast the 
i.vth and speedy maturation of a 
K«\er Union should not be put 
ne:l in the attic without a little 



away 



special rejoicing. 
?^_ **,„ theater kn 



Never before 
f P ! C !hP theater known such a pro- 
i£ Jve, vitalizing force. It clears 
f, e ground of the debris of former 

Inrs and points the way forward 
7fi significant collective theater. 
1 Aside from the Theater Union 

Ja its productions there was but 
SJmt reason for encouragement. 
^e 11 Theater Guild presented "They 
Shall Not Die" (but blotted it out 
with "School for Husbands, Mary 
!f Scotland, Days Without End 
ec) Henry Hull blessed "Tobacco 
Road" with his presence, and Law- 



son gave 



Lovestone's Address at ILGWU Meet 



{Continued from Page 2) 
lution adopted yesterday on the reconstruction of 
the American Federation of Labor on an industrial 
union basis should get down to business to line up 
other unions. You can not win the race against the 
capitalists m airplanes with ox cart organizations of 
E r u-i unions * It; is an unfair race no matter what 
philosophical or selfish interests" you may be 
cautioned against. You all know what I mean and 
what I am driving at. 

I think your union is better equipped to do it 
than any other because you are the most American 
union in the country. That may surprise you, I 
mean you are a mirror of America much more than 
other organizations. You have Negroes, you have 
Italians, you have Jews, you have Spaniards, you 
have a labor league of nations. A little more. Your 
union is a laboratory of working class opinion. In 
your union you have sound Communists and un- 
sound Communists, sleepy socialists and wide awake 
Socialists, (laughter) Democrats and Republicans, 
and so on. 

Who is going to do it except an organization of 
this sort? I think that what you should do is con- 
sider these questions that I have raised not in the 
light of an experiment, hut in the light of an ex- 
perience for the entire labor movement. 

Now a word in closing to the new delegates and 
the members whom you represent. The biggest 
thing for the working class of this country is the 
influx of new millions of workers into the unions. 
It is your union and it will be your union as you 
become active in building the union. That is our 
message to you and we encourage you and want 
you to do it. 

* * * 

POWER MUST BE USED 

Power and responsibility! # 

What is the good of having power if you don t 
exercise it? Power without exercise is perversion. 
When you have power don't be afraid to use it. _The 
German labor movement had power and was afraid 
to use it. Where is it now? You must know that 
when you get power, as you are getting it now, you 




I WENT TO PITT COLLEGE by 
Lauren Gilfillan. The Viking 
Press, N. Y. 

This book was written by a 
young woman brought up in a "so- 
cial service" environment. Since 



do have a certain responsibility to the working class- 
That responsibility is to fight for it. 

We ask you to help us, and we will help you, work 
together with you, not only for the improvement of 
your every day conditions, but for the elimination 
of all classes, for the elimination of all exploita- 

tion, for the wiping out of the present system of| h was just out of coll it was 
misery and poverty. We ask you to fight together al ^ gh w n J eam 

with us We pledge i you to fight with i you in 7<w L^ The combina tion of a 
daily struggles so that we can t^he^r learn in h gee faow fa nkmes&A 

hfe the lesson of unity for a common struggle for j H d tfl 0S3ible * 

the destruction of the present insane, miserable, war. ^rWtv to earn some monev re- 
producing Fascist-breeding system of capitalism. ffiS"^ &^,^ a TKtto 
(Applause). *■* * say that the book is not well writ- 

PRESIDENT DUBINSKY: We were glad to re- ^^^^^ Averse D °To 
ceive a word of criticism from one who does ;not ; fay ^^m&^S £ 
to shove his opinion down our throats. (Applause) mediatelv ~ et - Blum „ mt0 the 
We have .right to disagree ™tt .ham ,ust the same «*.*£ ge£ plm.p^^ft. 



Zimmerman's Minority Report 



birth " to the puny and 
ickly "Gentlewoman." As for the 
"hits " they nauseate one. Almost 
invariably their success is based 
directly on the extent to which they 
pander to diseased minds and re- 
pressed bodies. 'She Loves Me 
&ot'» and "Three m One furnish 
the vicarious sexual thrills, Yel- 
ow Jack" and "Ah Wilderness" 
underscore the "mobility" of the 
human race, and "Mary of Scot- 
land" and "Moor Born beat a re- 
treat to two "splendid" corners of 
history. All in all, the commercial 
stage shows the symptoms of rot- 
tenness. It stinks of the decay, but 
unfortunately, the swamp will 
probably take a long time in fil- 
ling. 

Evidence of this is found in the 
acclaim with which the critics up- 
town received "Ah Wilderness." 
Written in a vacuum, it presents a 
case for all the old virtues—mel- 
low wisdom, quiet domesticity, 
and pure adoloscence. For all the 
recognition it takes of present- 
day conditions it might have been 
written on Mars. But such is the 
senility of O'Neill and the demo- 
ralization of the critics that the 
play was hailed unanimously. 

Perhaps this was a reaction from 
the strained "Mourning Becomes 
Electra" and the clumsy "Strange 
Interlude." As such, the welcome 
can be appreciated, for certainly 
these Freudian studies were a little 
thin to the palate and a little hard 
on the back-side. The critics should 
have demanded that the fresher 
character-reading of "Ah Wilder- 
ness" be balanced by a correspon- 
ding intellectual awareness. But 
they themselves are so steeped in 
bourgeois ideology that they can- 
not see the retrogression of 
O'Neill. 

Let us examine the play as an 
art form. What is it that held its 
looseness together? Here is where 
George Cohan, "The First Actor" 
and composer of "Over There" 
enters. His affection for and under- 
standing of the character of Nat 
Miller give the play a core about 
which all of the snailish action 
flows. When his wife sets up little 
Wails of anguish every once in a 
while at the delayed appearance 
of Richard, it is Nat Miller who 
saves the situation. He changes his 
Position unconcernedly, hesitates a 
little before answering her cries of 
distress, and then says something 
utterly banal. But his manner, ' 
thoughtfully absent-minded, 
deems the lines. His poise and 
timing are perfect. 

It is true also that in the above | many 

gted scene the audience knows the American ^JYhTaverage decrease in hours in 
that everything is well with out, ''not only^™ the average a 
R *hard. that his innoncence has indua try during the last year le 
saved him from the tart. Certainly, I week but that 



as I have a right to believe in the NRA, and Love- 
stone has a right to disbelieve in the NRA. Just the 
same as I have a right to believe that the NRA has 
done considerable for the workers of this country, 
particularly in the textile industry, where they have 
established the forty hour week for the first time 
by law, where they formerly worked 55 and 60 hours, 
Lovestone has a right to believe that nothing 
has been done. We have a right to come with our 
opinions, express them, convince, educate, win sup- 
porters. This is the procedure of the labor move- 
ment, and anyone that expresses himself in that 
manner is welcome within our ranks and is welcome 
tu our platform. (Applause). 
* * * 

DELEGATE ROSENTHAL: I think that was a 
marvelous speech delivered by Comrade Lovestone 
who has helped greatly to rebuild our union and 
make it stronger. I move that the speech should be 
embodied in our minutes. 

The motion was voted upon and carried. (Ap- 
plause) 



PRESIDENT DUBINSKY: 
have a right to disagree. 



And even on this we 



(Continued from Page 1) 
work week and minimum wage provisions as well as 
what appeared to be a guarantee of collective bar- 
gaining (Section 7a) both as a concession to labor 
and as a supposed stimulus to recovery. In this 
form, the NRA was launched nearly a year ago. 

NRA CANNOT BRING RECOVERY 

From the very beginning it was clear to anyone 
B^Btotoff^iarihe New Deal ballyhoo hat 
the NRA could not succeed as a recovery measure 
It is true that corporation profits ""the biggest 
industries jumped tremendously from the first quar- 
ter of 1933 to the first quarter of 1934 But the 
business upturn, which reached its height last sum- 
mer? before the NRA went into effect, has become 
a slow and irregular decline. Official reports indi- 
cate that both increased production and the shorter 
work week provisions of the codes have not absorbed 
more than three million unemployed, m almost a 
year, leaving nearly twelve million jobless. And 
sTnce October 1933, the number of unemployed has 
been rising more or less regularly From October 
ton March, according to the May 1934 issue of the 
Monthlv Survey of Business gotten out by the A. F. 
Monthly buy different turn (towards in- 

creased unemployment) . . . Unemployment increased 
during -the winter dull period and e, 'en he sharp 
rise in business this spring failed to lift employ- 
ment again to the October level." The buying .power 
S+L workers has not ncreased during the NRA 
neriod It has even declined. Hourly rates have 
rTsen and also minimum wages in some industries; 
risen aim ai average weekly earnings have 

STg—ndttf buying pVer of labor has been 
* k„„o, 1co nf the rise of prices. This has hit the 
worker ^ so bare I tU large Masses have been driven 
to open revolt, which is a contributing factor in the 
«SSSt Wkr wave of strikes. According to the 
American Fed^tion of Labor report of May 1934, 
"^individual worker in industry made no gain 
w^te«r in real wages from March 1933 to March 
S4 Sis average weekly wage increased 9.79* but 
thta f>as completely offset by a 9.3% rise in the cost 

° f Hour?' of labor have indeed been shortened in 
industries but it is very significant that, as 
Federation of Labor bulletin points 



it 



question 



ductive activity increases and 
whether the gains will be held." 

It is clear today that no substantial recovery or 
relief can be expected from the NRA. 



"hours are being lengthened as pro- 



NRA AND COMPANY UNIONS 

The most alarming sign on the labor front since 
the NRA is the menacing growth of Company union- 
ism. In the six months following the enactment of 
the NRA, the number of companies operating com- 
pany unions jumped lS0£- f while the number of 
companies having agreements with genuine unions 
increased only 76%. At the beginning of this year, 
about -159c of the industrial workers were under the 
yoke of Company unions and 45 % more worked 
under open shop conditions so that only 109c of the 
workers were to be found in genuine trade unions. 
It is the irony of the situation that Section 7a, still 
being hailed in some quarters as the great charter 
of labor, has been turned into a weapon against 
labor and has operated as a boomerang serving as 
the cover under which this alarming growth of com- 
pany unionism has taken place. As far back as last 
July, General Johnson made a public declaration 
that the open shop was the only form of the rela- 
tions between labor and capital recognized under the 
NRA. "An open shop," he declared, "is a place 
where any man who is competent and whose services 
are desired is employed regardless of whether or 
not he belongs to a union. That is exactly what 
the law says. The statute cannot be qualified. Is 
anything clearer than that needed?" And on Labor 
Day, addressing the Illinois Federation of Labor in 
this very city, the NRA chief announced publicly: 
"If an employer should make a contract with a par- 
ticular union to employ only members of that union, 
that would in effect be a contract to interfere with 
his workers freedom of choice of their represen- 
tatives or with their right to bargain individually 
which is contrary to law." The notorious merit 
clause in the Automobile code, giving the employers 
the absolute right to hire and fire, shows what the 
NRA has meant in practice for such an important 
section of American labor. The ineffectiveness of 
Section 7a by itself is painfully demonstrated in the 
Weirton case where the company, backed up by the 
steel trust, has for months brazenly denied the most 
elementary right of collective bargaining to the 
steel workers. 

The outrageous auto agreement which provides 
{Continued on Page 8) 



it. She lives as one of them, 
shares their poverty and all that 
goes with it, dirt, disease, starva- 
tion and even their ignorance. Why 
else should a sane person take a 
chance of acquiring syphilis with- 
out at least the usual rewards that 
go with it? The result of all this 
is an interesting , well written, 
sympathetic stcry. She captures 
some living people and some real 
life — the miners' children, a beg- 
ging expedition, the description of 
a half day in the pit are well done. 
The general impression one car- 
ries away of utter poverty, de- 
gradation, resignation and ignor- 
ance are enough to drive one to 
despair; and in fact, unless the 
author hopes that this book will 
move some kindly old lady to do- 
nate her cast off high-heeled slip- 
pers, I can't see what else she 
hopes to accomplish. 

Somehow, perhaps on account of 
suspicion justified or no on the 
part of the miners, she saw little 
of the class conscious working 
class movement. What little she 
saw, she portrays not very sym- 
pathetically. It is all very well 
to attribute the actions of the 
young organizer to her suppressed 
emotions, but surely somewhere in 
that terrible town there was cour- 
age and vision and devotion to the 
cause. To these the author gives 
very little mention. Certainly there 
are no signs that she herself, on 
coming out from pit college came 
to understand the class struggle 
any better than when she arrived 
there. 

— M. 



such provision on the part of 
^eill contributes something to 
«|e scene's effectiveness. And while 
there are several other well-writ- 
^n episodes, Richard's boyishly 
***« Berated account of his esca- 
pade amongst them, these are the 
D ncks and mortar of each and 
* Ve ry p i a y. One demands more 
l ™n this mechanical kind of ski 

* n "Bays Without End" ev«* 
inis is not forthcoming. O'Neill's 
concern with masks and split per- 
sonalities ia manifested here in an 



altfc 



r ego. As a consequence, 



play unfolds its exposition in an 
bexperienced and obvious way that 
slows up its pace. And then when 
the may is fairly undor motion the 
"iter ego is hanging about em- 
b'u-issing both the play and the 
auditors. Like most Americans in 
Hie field of literature, O'Neill is 
mit content to secure effects in a 
subtle w»y; he must use a black. 
board pointer. The same failing ex- 

^«**«ss tares 



thelnterludc" and ine 



Brown." 

O'Neill has the intellectual 
stature of a five year old. Science 
md communism — yes O'Neill has 
flirted with communism — were 
tried in the agony of soul which 
he experienced as the depression 
wore on and on, but these con- 
stituted no solution. Thus when his 
uncle. Father Baird returns after 
a long separation he finds John 
Loving sick with struggling over 
the road to take. His formal self, 



the one he presents to the world, 
harshly scoffs at the timidity and 
weakness of John, the spiritual 
inner self. But to no avail. John 
Loving's roots are too firmly held in 
the earth of superstition and 
ignorance to be pulled up by the 
hard-headedness and strength of 
the materialistic Loving. Father 
Baird's Christian patience and El- 
sa's desperate illness win the day, 
and John finally succeeds in van- 
quishing the "devil" in him. For 



drivelling and adolescent nonsense 
that last scene in which the com- 
plete and undivided John Loving 
lies prostrate before the figure of 
Jesus Christ has no equal. It is an 
eloquent commentary on the de- 
terioration of a significant drama- 
tist. 

O'Neill makes his decision care- 
fully and explicitly. He has looked 
over the panaceas of science and 
Platonism, Communism and Con- 
fucianism and found them all 
wanting in assurance. The Catholic 
Church alone removes his fear of 
death and restores the chaotic 
world to sanity. Even this solution, 
pulpy as it is, has no place in a 
Protestant minded, money-making 
civilization. Rockefeller's God, ag- 
gressive and mercenary, would 
sneer at it for retiring from the 
world of affairs where all men of 
worth have their being. How the 
Marxists would dispose of this for- 
mula goes without saying. 

It is rather interesting to note 
that "Ah Wilderness" was written 
immediately after the putrid "Days 
Without End." If the former is any 
indication of what O'Neill is to do 
in the future, we can dismiss him 
as a significant force. In "Ah Wil- 
derness," he cashed in on a small- 
change solution and received the 
slightest return on his dramatic 
gifts. No more will he write a 
snarling, bitter "Hairy Ape," an 
angrv, forceful "All God's Chillun 
Got Wings" and an exciting Em- 
peror Jones." As for his relevant 
comment on contemporary social 
forces and the operation of the 
New Deal, that appears to be out 
of the question. He rationalizes 
his bankruptcy in a high-sounding 
way: "Sure, I'll write about hap- 
piness if I can happen to meet up 
with that luxury, and find it suf- 
fieientlv dramatic and in harmony 
with any deep rhythm of life." 
Well, he has found his happiness, 
and we have the sorry results. 






Eight 



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Biro-Bidjan 



TWO worlds — the old and the new. AH things, all phases of life 
reveal the startling contrast. In the old decaying world of 
capitalism, anti-semitism raises again its ugly head. In the new 
young world of socialism, anti-semitism is liquidated forever. 

It is no longer merely in the backward, semi-feudal, barbarian 
lands that anti-semitism shows itself. It is in the lands of high 
civilization and culture, such as Nazi Germany. Like a pestilence the 
plague of anti-semitism spreads from land to land throughout the 
capitalist world. 

Nationalism was a progressive force in the youthful period of 
capitalism; today it is a curse. The curse of anti-semitism begets its 
inseparable opposite, bourgeois Jewish nationalism. Anti-semitism 
drives the Jew back into the ghetto; Jewish bourgeois nationalism 
would accomplish segregation on a world scale, a world-ghetto in 
Palestine. 

'There are two nations in every modern nation . . . there are 
two national cultures in every national culture." Zionism subordinates 
the "progressive nation" to the "reactionary nation," the proletariat 
to the bourgeosie, socialist culture to the anti-culture of a capitalist 
world in decay. Zionism builds the rubbish of national oppression into 
its very foundations, for Zionism is founded on the dispossessing of 
the Arab and the negation of Arab self-determination. It plays 
catspaw to British imperialism. As in all forms of national reaction 
today, Zionism begets its own fascism (revisionism) within its own 
ranks! 

Only one land is solving, only one class can solve, the Jewish 
question. 

The first week of the existence of the Soviet government wit- 
nessed the "Declaration of the Rights of the Nationalities of Russia." 
With a single revolutionary leap, Russia passed from the worst land 
of Jewish discrimination and persecution to the best land of Jewish 
equality and freedom. 

In the years of the building of the new Socialist order the Soviet 
Union tackled the problem of bringing the declassed Jewish mer- 
chants, peddlars, Talmudical scholars, brandy distillers and luftmen- 
schen, and above all the Jewish youth, into the basic industries, thus 
ending once and for all the isolation of the Jews that had set them 
apart in an enforced ghetto as a "peculiar people." Colonies like 
Kalinindorf, Stalindorf, New Zlatopol, Freidorf and Biro-Bidjan, 
brought the Jew into agriculture. Industrialization brought the Jew 
into industry. By the end of the first Five Year Plan, over half the 
Jews in the Soviet Union were wage-earners in productive indus- 
try! The age-old Jewish problem was a problem no more! 

On May 7th, 1934 Biro-Bidjan was proclaimed a Jewish Auto- 
nomous Region with the prospect, upon further growth, of becoming 
an Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic, one of the equal partners 
in the free union of people called the Soviet Union. 

Decaying bourgeois nationalism brings anti-semitism in Ger- 
many, and Arab- Jewish race war and Fascism in Palestine. Proletarian 
internationalism brings economic rehabilitation, freedom and equality, 
and the preservation and extension of all that is progressive in Jewish 
culture or nationality. 

Two worlds — one dying — another, and better, being bom! 



{Continued from Page 7) 
for the turning over of lists of union members to 
a board including representatives of employers and 
thus establishes a national, government-approved 
blacklist, this auto agreement, which g.ves official 
recognition and thus legalizes the company union 
as a foim of collective bargaining, shows what grave 
dangers the NRA has in store for the workers if 
they are not ready to militantly defend their unions 
June 15, 1934 and their interests. 

* * * 

RIGHT TO STRIKE CHALLENGED 

The NRA has openly dared to challenge the right 
of labor to strike, a right, without which no trade 
union can exist. At the last convention of the 
American Federation of Labor, Senator Wagner, 
chairman of the National Labor Board, did not hes- 
itate to declare; "The first charge upon labor is 
that it abandon the philosophy of strike in its rela- 
tion with employers. The crucial point is that the 
strike is never more than a protest. It has no con- 
structive force. It creates hundreds of new prob- 
lems but cannot solve a single one." At the same 
convention General Johnson thundered: "Labor does 
not need to strike under the Roosevelt plan. The 
plain truth is that you cannot tolerate the strike. 
... If you persist or coutenance the strike, puonc 
confidence and opinion will break down and destroy 
you." 



LOOK AROUND YOU! 

You will see a deep ferment in the labor movement; feverish 
organization, phenomenal trade union growth, bitter and bloody 
strikes, widespread disillusion with NRA, a tenseness — a restive- 
ness which promises deep and decisive struggles. 

In the ranks of the revolutionary movement there is division 
and the sharpest clash of conflicting thought. The Communist 
movement is divided. Even the Socialist movement for years 
smug and cynical, is rent by political dissension. 

WHAT IS BEHIND ALL THESE DEVELOPMENTS? 
If you want a clear Marxist analysis of the problems facing 
the working class in the U.S.A. and abroad, you must read 

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MENACE OF GOVERNMENT INTERFERENCE 

A very grave challenge to trade unionism em- 
bodied in the NRA is the possibility it gives for 
government interference in the inner atrairs and 
proper functions of the unions. Let me remind you 
that even in the Cloak trade the NRA attempted to 
interfere and even held public hearings on the ques- 
tion of initiation fees. I need not emphasize how 
dangerous may become this attempt to deprive the 
unions of their independence unless labor crushes it 
in its very first stages. 

In the most influential circles of the NRA, 
opinions are being advanced favoring the turning of 
our unions into government agencies, a tendency 
which bears within itself the seeds of Fascism. As 
far back as last September, General Johnson him- 
self urged "overhead control of labor as responsible 
to government" for our trade unions. 



PROGRESS THRU MILITANT ACTION 

The great expectations aroused by Section 7a 
proved a tremendous stimulus to the revival of trade 
unionism. Instead of utilizing this opportunity to 
build up their organizations and to fight for im- 
proved conditions, many labor leaders contented 
themselves with hailing the NRA as the great 
charter of labor that . would automatically bring 
them all sorts of benefits. Not only did they fail 
to realize the dangers in the NRA, but they even 
spread the illusion that the NRA would be the 
means of solving the problems of the workers and 
improving their conditions. They did not drive home 
the workers the necessity of having strong 
fighting unions upon which they could depend; on 
the contrary, they tended to make the workers 
place their entire confidence in the official operations 
of the NRA. The sad plight of the textile workers 
today is only the consequence of dependence of the 
union leaders on the NRA rather than on strong, 
militant organization and aggressive action. Pres- 
ident MacMahon of the United Textile Workers even 
went so far as to boast, at the A. F. of L. conven- 
tion, of the strikes that he had prevented or called 
off. "No man nowhere has tried more determinedly 
than I have," he said, "to avoid chaos in the indus- 
try. In my office there are not hundreds but thou- 
sands of appeals from the workers demanding that 
they be allowed to strike. The vast majority of 
those appeals have come from the South." 

The tremendous growth of our organization and 
the improvement of conditions in the various 
markets have come as a result of an entirely dif- 
ferent practice, of a policy of aggressive strike ac- 
tion and dependence only on the forces of the union. 
In fact, the rebirth of our union really began months 
before the NRA was enacted into law. This can 



easily be proven if you remember the Philadelphia 
dress strike. The report of the General Executivp 
Board, Page 71, informs us: 

"If the term, rising from the dead, may be used 
in regard to any of our unions within, the past year 
it can rightfully be applied to our Philadelphia 
dressmakers organization, Local 50. The experience 
of Local 50 in 1933 was nothing short of resurrec- 
tion and most remarkable of all was the fact that 
the revival movement in the Philadelphia dress in- 
dustry had preceded by several months the general 
recovery movement which spurred on trade union 
activity all over the land and in our own Interna- 
tional Union. In a historic sense it became there- 
fore the forerunner of the great strike movement 
in our industry last year and its splendid example 
acted as an inspiration and driving force for our 
union in the other markets." 

Can anything more be required to prove that we 
xt° d ^°1 ° we T^ revival of our union simply to the 
NKA but rather to the aggressiveness of our union 

Especially today when the grim realities of the 
NRA are coming to the fore with the passing of 
the honeymoon stage, is it necessary for our Inter- 
national to adopt a correct and realistic estimate of 
the NRA, a policy justified by our experiences in the 
last year, especially in the dress trade, a policy that 
will help insure militant action by our organization. 

Instead of singing praises to the NRA and pre- 
senting gifts to President Roosevelt, we must realize 
the dangers and counteract the illusions of NRA 
We must tram our members to have faith only in 
their union and rely only on their organized 
strength for defense of their interests. We must 
never for a moment forget that the whole NRA was 
initiated and developed primarily as a means to save 
the foundering ship of capitalism. 

* * * 

NO PARTICIPATION IN CODE AUTHORITIES 

The D arrow Report has fully borne out our con- 
tention that the code authorities are nothing more 
nor less than executive committees of powerful 
trade associations of employers, concerned primarily 
with promoting their own business interests. What 
labor can get under the codes is not dependent upon 
its representation in the code authorities but rather 
on the strength of its organization since these issues 
are determined not by the votes in the code author- 
ities but on the picket lines. For labor to become 
part and parcel of the code authorities means for 
it to share responsibility for their decisions, which 
may often be the worst blows against unionism. It 
means for labor to mortgage La uiuepe^ae^L^- a^j 
to lose the advantage of freedom of action and sud- 
denness of attack. Labor must confront the NRA 
machinery as it conironts employers associations, 
being prepared to back up its demands with its or- 
ganized might but refusing to become part of it. By 
participating in the code authorities we promote 
the illusion amongst the workers that their problems 
can be solved within these bodies thus undermining 
tneir faith in unionism. 

* * * 

OUR DUTIES TO THE LABOR MOVEMENT 

3. In arguing against our statement on the NRA, 
the majority of your committee declares that our 
union must not even attempt to lay down policy 
for the general labor movement of this country. I 
regard this viewpoint as basically and dangerously 
wrong. Only if we view the NRA from the stand- 
point of the labor movement as a whole is it pos- 
sible to see it in a dear light and to frame policy 
accordingly. That is why we must not shirk the 
responsibility of contributing actively to the work- 
ing out of an effective program for the trade union 
movement of the country. Our International is 
today the third largest organization in the Amer- 
ican Federation of Labor, one of the largest trade 
unions in the world. It is therefore, our solemn 
duty to throw our full weight in the direction of 
progressivism and militancy in labor's ranks. Our 
statement lays down a clear and definite orientation 
for American labor at this crucial moment. I 
therefore urge upon this convention to bear all these 
considerations in mind and to endorse the minority 
report. 



WHITHER THE SOCIALIST PARTY? 

• 

WHAT happened at the Detroit Convention? 

WHY did the "Old Guard" lose control? 

HOW militant are the "Militants"? 

WHO are the present leaders of the S. P. ? 

CAN the R. P. C. make the S. P. revolutionary? 

JAY LOVESTONE 

on the S. P. Convention 

IRVING PLAZA 

loth Street and Irving Place (Main Auditorium) 

Tuesday, June 19th, 8 P. M. 

SOCIALISTS WELCOME 



ADMISSION 
16 ci-nts 



Auspices: 

COMMUNIST PARTY U. S.A. 

(OPPOSITION) 



STEEL MEN TO DEFY 
THE NRA 

(Continued from Page 3) 
The whole labor movement, 
every friend of labor, will watch 
with bated breath the develop- 
ments in the steel industry. The 
committee has shown a degree of 
militancy and a refusal to bend 
the knee before the steel barons 
and their agents in Washington, 
born of decades of oppression and 
degradation in the steel mills. 
Pressure from the "responsible 
leaders" of the government and 
the A. F. of L. may come. To yield 
would be disastrous. The tasks in- 
volved in a strike against these in- 
dustrial "feudal lords" are indeed 
difficult. Yet precisely this will 
have to be achieved if the steel 
workers, if the whole trade union 
movement is to go forward. The 
steel industry is the back-bone «f 
the open shop and campany unioa. 
It must be broken. To accomplish 
this the whole labor movement 
must be aroused in support of the 
steel workers.