Workers Age Vol. 3 #19 Nov. 1, 1934

For Lieut. Governor: -— —

WILLIANA BURROUGHS

WORKERS

For Governor: ISRAEL AMTER

fc**'

vol. h Nq

A Paper Defendin g the Interests of the Workers and Far

NEW~YQRK, N. Y. NOVEMBER 1. mi.

PRICE 5 CENTS

17 Years o€ Socialist Construction

i

coll

In the seventeenth year of its
existence, tne year just gone by,
Russian Revolution entered in-
to a profoundly now epoch of its
development, an epoch as funda-
mentally signincant in us basic
characteristics as cue period oi tfte
New Economic Poucy ur that ox
; tu , Pir8t Five-Year nan. It is the
epoch of the Second Five- 1 ear
Han,

the dynamic process of socialist
>n represents a dialectic

ibjec

and human social action
ro aecdveiy directed at the histor-
ical goal of socialism, It is a pro-
cess m tne course of which man-
kind finds it possible increasingly
to throw oft tne nightmare burden
oi us own objectified, fetishized,
social relations ana really to mold
US own iate and its own niture.
it is the process by which mankind
k-aps I rum the "realm oi' neces
sity" io the "'realm of treedoml"

Zitf-Zug Course Inevitable

The dialectic interaction of ob
Jective social conditions and con-
scious social action — which forms
me essence of the transition period
lrom capitalism to socialism —
naturally does not result in a
course of economic development
tnat is eitner smooth or always ap-
parently in the same direction. The
zig-zag course of socialist con-
struction, the spasmodic character
oi i he processes involved, are too
well known to require discussion.
We need only pause to note tne
hopeless phiiisthiism oi those who,
like the Trotskyites, attribute
these inherent teatures oi the
period, as manifested in the Soviet
Liuun, tu tne perverse caprices oi
their particular devil, Stalin. For
socialise construction itself neces-
sarily proceeds thru contradictions,
thru tne clash of inharmonious
elements, since it emerges directiy
lrom the womu oi capitalism witn
ail the signs of its oiigm. "The
capitalist ( conomy," Buah a r i n
points out, "develops thru contra-
dictions reproducing themselves on
an ever-expanding scale. The so-
cialist economy, or ratner us sys-
tematic construction under the
proletarian dictatorship, emerges
only gradually out oi capitalism.
And so it alsu develops thru con-
tradictions, which are a sign of its
transitional or immature character.
But— and this is the significant
difference— the socialist economy
develops thru contradictions re-
producing themselves on an ever-
contracting scale, constantly tho
unevenly diminishing in scope and
intensity. . ." And so, Lho to the
superficial glance the c

I al ism. It wai

economic foui.ua
Shattered by years of
and war. It was a co
impending catastrophe

Before there could be any
thought of advance towards social-
ism, it was necessary for the Soviet
power to eradicate all of the rem-
nants of the old aristocratic re-
gime in economic, social and polit-
ical life. The bourgeoisie had shied
away from this task which was
historically theirs; it was left for
the proletariat to accomplish it.

nun try whose
IS had been

jf depredation

ntry facing

by Will Herberg

Lenin himself emphasized in Ids
article on the "natural tax" (April
21, 1921), was in essential outlines
a revival of the old state capitalist
program of May 1918, with major
modifications to conform to the
new conditions. The historical mis-
sion of the NEP was to rebuild the
economic life of the country, shat-
tered by many years of war and
counter-revolution, to the
lev ■

the

The First Five-Year Plan

Towards the end of 192
Soviet Union again stood
turning point comparable in sign-
ificance to 1918 and 1021. The NEI 3
had practically exhausted itself
its basic aims had been largely ac-
complished. Socialist construction
had to raise itself by a supreme
effort to a new and higher level
on which it could proceed along

lustry, to the product
means of production
firm foundation

m or even the
dependence of the

WOUld i;

cialist reconstruction oi agr
a Utopian fan

build up heavy industry/* Lenin
had warned, "unlet
on which it could proceed along Sidles tor it, we ar<

new lines. Economic development ized slate, not to mention a social-
in the Soviet Union, especially injist State, -

red oy many years ot war ana m tne soviet union, uspuu.uui.y in
unter-revolution, to the pre-war I agriculture, could now go forward
/cl, to establish the decisive pre- I only in the form of a direct ad-

<Tho victorious Bolshevik revolu- 1 dominance of the socialist element
"lhc \ietoiious U01..UV ;,„]„ c1l . .a m-fw hietion and trans-

vance to socialism — and indeed for

tion," Lenin tells us, '•meant.
the complete destruction of the
monarchy and landlordism. . - ine
bourgeois revolution was carried
out by us to the end. As this
process was reaching completion,
Cards the middle of 1918, Lenin
posed, on May 5, 1018, a plan
f socialist trans tion based on a
tm C o'i ".Ute caj-iinlinn. Ujattato

^ho'u.o.'i-.ni.-. ,:,Uence oj the

"SSg"S lon h |, tavoVed
itoUS differing greatly
and 'in agriculture. In
in which "petty lmurge.

foTndu'S prerequisites had been

? rtoU^d P to wot it n™ly in created by the New Economic

•Left

1 'iidiht construction may very
fluently appear to be a haphi
{* blind one, leading into blir

Its

vLnVl

itsell,
. eyes that
Will not fail t<

own work,
"JWOW the suil'...^

tfttem the grand dialectic scheme
underlying it, organically integrat
i** the various contradictor!
Pbasea in a pattern culminating "
the new socialist order.

,ent

matter

and circuitous
industry and
situation in w
economic relations
obstacle to social) ■
talisin would ( represe
step forward."

But the whol
emerged into the
for at this pom
socialist construction *,«.
ISected by those extr

®rilj£t Soviet^

^S^e^vhSe Vand
volution! Hu J V fo ot } ng and

~ trees' of the Soviet s

1 exclusively to mil

It was the period

distribution, to stimulate the deve
lopment of agriculture ah far as it
could go on the individualistic
basis on which it still rested. With
these aims in view, captahsm was
given a certain limited freedom ot
action in those fields where the
nettv bourgeois economy had to be
rdsed to a level adapted to social-
ization. The general line of the
NEP was one of unexampled cM-
ficulty and was full of grave

da

pear
who

neve

tin

great

never
.reality.
>ccss of
jeriously
jconomic
■tl again
y . Inter-
>unter-re-

Marxism ap
„_/antage than
served the Russian Bol-
is their manual of action
oming these difficulties,
off these dangers and
bringing the New Economic Pol
to a successful conclusion.

iSSka A Her Revolution

When the Russian proletariat

took power in November 101" a
confronted ta ks in the sphere of
' Gnomic transformation absolute!!
^Paralleled in complexity and dif-
oculty, For Russia was a land "i
! ' :l widest diversity of economic
: .. ranging all the way from
Primitive patriarchal natural eco-
ft0 »iy to ultra-modern trust capi-

of the res
were tun
purposes.
"War Communism,

necessity.

>du<

aits

ly

al:

N-E-W-S F-L-A-S-1I
Joaquin Mau.in Arrested
Joaquin Maurin, leader of the

Workers And Peasants Woe
■Vnd of the Iberian Communist
Federation, under whose . initia-
te 1 th e united front, Wiacb .led
the recently "terminated" Spa-
^p revolution, was established
K , K hoen arrested on eluwg. -

r treason. Grave concern is
Sported tn latest Jspatches
, > m Spain on the arrest, the

, !°. ! ..> L L- militant leaders of
jl aS a organizations.

Policy. To lay the foundations of
an integrated socialist system em-
bracing all spheres of the Soviet
economy, was now on the order of
the day.

The First Five-Year Plan was
the official embodiement of the
great tasks of this new historical
epoch in Soviet economic develop-
ment Lenin's famous maxim: "So-
cialism is the Soviet power plus
electrification" became the watch-
word of the First Five-Year Plan.
Way back in 1918 Lenin had de-
clared: "The revolution had ac-
complished this much, that in a
few months Russia has overtaken
the advanced countries in its po-
litical system. Rut tins is not
enough. War is inexorable, it
raises the question with merciless
sharpness: either perish or over-
take and surpass the advanced
countries economically as well. To
perish or to drive ahead ot at ml
^peed-that is how history hasjut
the question." Bj 102', precise .
because the NKt 1 had been so suc-
cessful, the Soviet I men t .iced this
historical alternative in lho most
immediate and acute term.

The general aims of the First
Pive-Year Plan were clear and
well defined from the v-erj first
and were adhered to With
termination thruout, Che So> el
E™ be transformed from
■ m agrarian into an "agro-mdustrt-
\ r - ftate. Industrial production ol

3| tvpes must be increased rapui-
Iv The base o( the national ecO-
JJni must be shifted to heavy m

,, for
heavy machine industry
reorganizing agriculture."

In agriculture, the First Five-
Year Pian, for the first time,
not only at materially in«
output but also at replacing the
petty bourgeois individualistic eco-
nomy by large-scale collective op-
eration. For this the expansion oi
heavy industry would provide the
material and technical basis. In
time, the collectivization oi agri-
culture became the most striking
feature of the First Five-Year
Plan.

In the fields of distribution and
the circulation of commodities the
NEP had produced contradictory
results. It had stimulated both co-
operative forms and private trade.
Under the First Five-Year Plan
these spheres too were to be inte-
grated into the general socialist
plan.

The mutual relation between the
capitalist and the socialist elements
of the Soviet economy is the single
most basic index of the stage
reached in the | process jof sociahrf
construction. Under the >^Pj h J
■apitalist elements had received a
certain leeway, even enc
mentj this was to
under the First Frv*Yeai
which was to effect the ex :

the socialist sector w the point
of reducing the capitalist elemeng
11 relative insignificance even m
agriculture. In fact, V****™*
positive sides, the First tne-W
Plant is to I3c . - M a plan

of campaign for a d
offence to, on its i g

s a drive for -
liquidation of the New &
Policy.

Jayiovcstone

•Amciicati Labor Moves Fo*v«rf"
Sunday, Nov. 1 - 8 p. m. - 51 tt est 14 St.

Grave Errors
In Execution

Th:,,

SSJP

sswrsssssr

Soviet ccon'

sources o . .._, mutu «l-

far irvm - lA '

I, harmonious •. v - l ": lv .,
snd li^ht "; a '-;r; -V ( ,| ,',„• th.

,.thor.

he sacrifice »
tinned on Pa§* -'

tax*

Two

WORKERS MSB

Seventeen Years of iDyers Stand Firm

Socialist Construction ° n closed Sho P

(Continued from Page 1)
considerable growth but far from
enough to meet the demands of the
new situation. Thus arose the
notorious "commodity famines"
with all their economic mid social
consequences.

War On The Kulak

The uprooting of century-old in-
stitutions involved in the collec-
tivization of agriculture naturally
tended to bring chaos into that held
of economic life. In the village,
the First Five- Year Plan unleashed
an intense class warfare between
the exploiting peasant (the kulak)
and the peasant masses, for the
collectivization of agriculture
meant the liquidation of the kulaks
as a class, their elimination as an
independent element in the Soviet
economy. Combined with the in
svitable effects of the ''goods
famine" (the lack of light indus-
trial products for the peasants to
exchange their grain), these factors
contributed to bring about con-
siderable confusion and damage on
the countryside and even tended to
depress production in the early
years of the First Five- Year Plan.
The economic sacrifices made
necessary by the First Five-Year
Plan were heavy indeed and the
social consequences — a certain
straining of worker-peasant rela-
tions and moods of dissatisfaction
of backward proletarian and semi-
proletarian strata — were inevit-

Where the First and Second
tive-iear Plans differ notably is
in the internal relations within in-
dustry. The aim of the First Five-
Year Plan was to provide the So-
viet economy with a Arm founda-
tion of heavy industry and to
achieve this the various elements
ot industrial life had to be thrown
out of harmony. The Second
if ive-\ ear Plan, on the other hand,
aims to create a basis for the
mutually harmonious development
of heavy and light industry. Does
this mean that the latter is now
trying to correct an "error" com-
mitted by the former? Of course
not! It is precisely because the
First Five-Year Plan drove so
hard in the direction of heavy in-
dustry that it is now possible to
speak of the restoration of har-
mony. In fact, what does the
Second Five- Year Plan actually
propose? To continue the expan-
sion of heavy industry but to con-
vert it from a receiver of subsidies
from the national economy into a
source of surpluses. At the same
time, light industry is to be de-
veloped to the point where it pro-
duces twice or three times as much
goods per capita as it does today.
Without the industrial basis cre-
ated during the First Five-Year
Plan this would have been an ut-
terly fantastic dream instead of
the quite realizable goal that it is.
The greatest emphasis is placed
the Second Five- Year Plan
upon technical training and edui

able. They were, as Bukharin once I ffiT.S^ZVSKS? SS £S

production. This

L1UII ttUU u „ OJU eiucu . XK ;y ana quality
called them, the 'necessary costs | of production. This in H itself

of socialization." It would" be the
merest Philistinism to sigh in re-
gret or to whine in despair over
these heavy sacrifices and costs. It
is something much worse, some-
thing approaching unprincipled
demagogy, to attempt to convert
these sacrifices and costs into poli-
tical capital, as Trotsky and others
did, fortunately in vain.

In spite of everything, the First
Five-Year Plan was an astound-
ing success. AH of its aims were
achieved and more than achieved
in something over four years.
Above all the fundamental histori-
cal object of the plan was ac-
complished — the removal of the
contradiction between socialized,
the result of the urban proletarian
revolution, and small peasant in-
dividualism, which had resulted
from the peasant revolution, in-
volving the expropriation of the
landlords and the division of tht
land.

It is not often realized that the
First Five-Year Plan was the first
genuine, all-embracing plan of
economic construction in the his-
tory of the Soviet Union, in the
history of the human race. Its
successful execution called the at-
tention of the whole world to the
fact that the great Russian Revolu-
tion was not merely a political
transformation, profound tho it
may be, but the herald of a new
stage in tho social evolution of
mankind. In this lies its incalcul-
able historical sign ifican eel

Second Five-Year Plan

With the completion of the First
Five-Year Plan, Soviet economy
was ready, after a brief period of
to enter another dis-
stagc of development,
precisely the results
Five-Year Plan that
basis and point of
this new stage of
development. The Sec-
ond Five-Year Plan is the official
expression of the economics of this
new period.

The Second Five-Year Plan is
now about one year old but its sig-
nificant features are already clear.
Under no circumstances, can it be
regarded merely as a continuation
of the First l'ive-Y<ar Plan; in
their basic tasks, characteristic
tendencies of development and BO-
eial and political consequences
then- an- marked differences be-
ffftlO the two.
The Second Five-Year Plan aims

to convert th»- Soviet Union into
an advanced induntrhil country and
to achieve the eornjileto technical
reconstruct ion of the <ntire Soviet
economy on the most advanced

contemporary model , In theft
plans electrification plays the con
tral roh'.

means, as Stalin has pointed out,
that economic development will
necessarily be much slower in
tempo than before.

In agriculture, also, the objec-
tives of the Second Five-Year Plan
are of major significance. It aims,
of course, at increasing agricul-
tural production and productivity,
especially in the field of technical
crops and livestock. It aims too
at the completion of the process
of collectivization. But whereas

in th<
typical fc
was take
ing a rel
lectivizat
Year PL

First Fiv

-Year Plan, the
ie collective farm
artel, represent
ow stage of col
he Second Five-
proposed to ele
vate the typical collective farm be-
yond the artel, to the commune
and, simultaneously, to expand the
state-form sector. To accomplish
this will require the technical re-
organization of agriculture, some-
thing now really possible because
of what the First Five-Year Plan
has achieved.

During the First Five-Year Plan
the exchange relations between
town and country were necessarily
quite abnormal. Now this sphere
too can be normalized as a result
of the concomitant changes in in-
dustry and agriculture, primarily
in the relation between heavy and
light industry.

Capitalist Remnants Doomed

It is one of the most significant
aims of the Second Five-Year Plan
to eradicate all capitalist remnants
in Soviet economy, in agriculture
and distribution as well as in in-
dustry. Private trade is to be
completely eliminated and even
artisan production is to he collec-
tivized thru artels. Of course,
nothing is to remain of petty
capitalism in agriculture. With
this accomplished, the entire Soviet
economy will be» universally so-
cialist in character and the ground-
work of a socialist society laid.

It is not difficult to see that in
substance the Second Five-Year
Plan, building on the achievements
of the First, is calculated to make
up for the hitter's unavoidable
shortcomings. In a very real sense
the Second Five-Year Plan comes
as the historical justification of
the First,

For A Classless Society

The social and political conse-
quences of the Second Five-Year
Plan are somewhat more prob-
lematical but in Outline they can
already be traced. It ia alrno.-U
immediately obvious that the ex-
cessive accentuation of class rola-
lions, accompanying the early yars
of the First Five-Yoar Plan, wall
now be rapidly reduced; indeed,

Mills Warned To Keep Strike
Breakers Out

PATEKSOiN, New Jersey, Oct.
28 — Tnousanda of sinking aye
workers uea up the mu usury m
Taterson ami rassaic county last
week m a strike xor wage increasei,
mm tne closed Bhop. over yoyo oi
urn dyers are reported out ana the
industry paralysed, Determined to
hoid out until some ot their de-
mands are granted, the conlerence
With the employers ended m a
deadlock on Sunday as the mills
siood adamantly opposed to the
closed snop. The oniy concession
the employers were ready to gram
was unacceptable to the union—
the same wages for thirty-six
hours as they now receive lor
forty hours.

Anthony Ammirato, of the
Peterson Dyers, Local 1733, Fene-
ration of Silk and Kayon Dyers
and Finishers of America, warned
the manufacturers that "there is
apt to be trouble if any attempt
is made to bring in thugs or strike-
breakers." Paterson textile work-
ers demonstrate again that they
cannot be broken, that they are in
the van of America's textile work-
ers in the battle for better work-
ing conditions.

Gitlow Deserts Communism

this is already taking place before
our eyes. The abolition of the ex-
traordinary powers of the GPU
and the readmission to the suf-
frage of millions of former kulaks,
are only two of many signs going
to show the general relaxation of
social strain in the Soviet Union.
Similar symptoms are to be found
in every field of puolic life, some-
times in unexpected form. There
is a characteristic moderation
noticeable in the present social
policy of the Soviet power, a
moderation neither possible nor ex-
pedient in former years.

"In order to destroy classes,"
Lenin writes, "it is necessary first
Of all to overthrow its landlords
and the capitalists . . . But this is
only a part of the task. To des-
troy classes it is necessary to
destroy the difference between the
worker and the peasant." The
Second Five-Year Plan envisages
the complete eradication of all
capitalist elements in. industry,
agriculture mid distribution. The
immediate consequence of this is
the equally complete elimination
of all remnants of the exploiting
classes from the Soviet social
order, leaving only producers of
one type or another. The first
great step, therefore, in the aboli-
tion of classes comes inevitably
with the completion of the socialist
reconstruction of the Soviet econ-
omy. Much more difficult is the)
elimination of the difference be-
tween worker and peasant but here
too the Second Five-Year Plan
shows the way. For, by raising
the technical level of agriculture,
it aims to convert it into a branch
of modern industry and, by com-
pleting the process of collectiviza
tion, the social distinction between
worker and peasant is destroyed.
For tho collective farmer is no
longer a peasant, while the work-
er on a state farm is essentially
indistinguishable from the worker
in a socialist factory in the city.
When the abolition of elasses is
raised as the chief slogan of the
Second Five-Year Plan it is no
vague bombastic phrase but rather
a realistic expression of the effects
of calculable economic factors.
For the first time in many thou-
sands of years of human history,
a classless society, free from ex-
ploitation and oppression, arises
nut oidy as a practical possibility
but even as an immediate pros-
pwt!

Thus, In the seventeenth year of
its career, the Russian Revolution
is at last within sight of socialism,
within sight of that lofty goal to
which generations of great think-
Sra nave aspired and for which
countless millions of men have
IpUght and suffered!

hZa* Comm *»"»i Party (Opposi-
tion) scoops again! Fur month
those dejected political m^, H v

OTS sniffed the pohtical trend.; m
the labor movement, and ftnallv
driven to political despair by the r
■'twixt heaven and earth" p t ,mam
discovered that the bright yellow'
ot Social Democracy was revolu-
tionary gold. For months we have
declared that the political em-
harassment of Gitlow, Zam, and
several etcs., was soon to end bv a
headlong plunge into the swamp
ot Social Democracy. Just as over
one year ago it was discernible
to us that Trotsky was leading hi-
anti-Soviet friends into Social
Democracy, so it was clear month.,
ago that, Gitlow too was tip-toe ng
—an clear daylight— toward the
brink, as he mustered enough
"courage" to take that final plunge.
The statement to the press, ex-
plaining their degeneration, is as
putrid politically as those political
principles they are now embracing,
the principles of Soc.al Democracy,

At the very moment when the
Communist International is again
returning to the tactical principles
of Lenin, abandoning its disastr-
ous ultra-left policies, do these
little-shots indict the Comintern as
bankrupt! Already they have
adopted the conceptions of the
SP's lawyer-trust. May we en-
quire: Are the principles of Com-
munism less important to alleged
revolutionists than a mythical
freedom of expression in the Sec-
ond International? Has Social
Democracy learned more than the
Third International from the Ger-
man and Austrian events? Yes,
says Gitlow, as thousands of So-
cial Democrats, who have learned
their lesson, flock into the Austrian
Communist Party and cooperate
with the German Communist
Party. Those Socialists who have

'' u(;, ' ! ar « breaking with th-
principle* oi Social DemoeS

Jhe mg (; lt luw (U mu-, „, l( , ,
the prm,-i,.le, ( „ Kaut ky, HID

Vanderveldei Social Demcerk**

m overthrow

capitalism! <"mrow

'l he political atmosphere ii clear
mg-up as the melting-pot— Social

Demot-ra.;. ,1. :.,h . , , . . £

Soviet, anti-Communist group
lirds of a feather dock together

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Saturday, November 3, 1934
V. F. CALVERTON

Author of "The Liberation of

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THE PASSING OF THE

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THE CHANGE IN COMNTERN TACTICS AND THE NEW
TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST OPPOSITION'
A Resolution of the National Buro of the CPO present-
ing the first analysis of the turn in the CI and its
significance to revolutionary workers.
Ia printed only in the

The Road to Communism

A Quarterly of the International Labor Movement

Tho Fall Issue ia just out P™ce ~ 5 oenW

Order from National Literature Deot., CPO

63 West Mth Street

New York City

WORKERS AGE

Five Years of tV* f^ ~~~ == - — iy

immm. ^t^EES?*** opposition

„., -„,„„„ ^ mp wuna party of

Commrausm to a Leninist coJrse

I?? 1 hf \ ai & 1° ™ i{ y ^s ranks
Has this fight been worthwhile?

done? What have been the con-
sequences of our deeds? And what
5 our goal?" f ° r the «■«**»

them unwillingly, but

Has It Been Worthwhile ?

by Jay Lovestone

these trends. Merely to recapito

Has It Been Worthwhile?

"Destroy Leftism"

! During the world crisis in 1921
at an international moment £
hi S . tru *Sle against leftism He
•ifipitely more nece.sarv tn £ * I ?L}\l . N ™ l ak l^ Germany «£

wiiirfwi S °^ ld realistic, and not a

?h^pL and - orde - r ? ! * ^nation of
the economic crisis, of its S om»i

hit rl itiC f / ^Wuences. wi
i?W LS. ?! S . C ^ m ' Y ^ before

fissS«=K~^K

In this sense our efforts are ?em
nascent of and akin to the strug-
gle waged by the Spartacns Group
of Germanv for mnn, +*,„.,* p
years and the BolSSL^HnSl
for abou mne years. Here we "re
not playing with historical analo-
gies nor are we creating fancfful
mechanical parallels; we merely

5W^ m VleW of ^"menace of
fascist reaction and inroerialist
war. Dogmatism, no ma ?£r how
emodn.hed, and cultified regard-
ihL^ lts k v f."ety or tint, or by
m th. S>TOb0ilZedj have no P^ce
nrincivL SC16nCe ° f "volutionary

the slime and | .EuTJ J??*? .? W^J^J"^ 01 ^ ™ detoured 3. While the nth*. ~„^.__

the^lime7nT%°,n/ nd l iSCard «D I -S^Tlvffiii, not detoured*
been Srl-^ o*. ? der whlch hav e b - v ho P e « or wishes, and certaimv

react subjective]*- +n fk~.l - EO ), ]Ka i * , , u * eLt - and not by
best, a costly w,v of bW? 1S ' ?* IS „° r h ^ h - s - un «i'-^. revolution

m* its destni C tiv? S ^ 1 n S^ m£nS£h t0 th *

phases, one must stress th« f ™!1U1 ^' ?. r a
good has come o oV it ZJ w'. nf' CI ' *° aL '
which will be Line nature o? JliEJXS?' M
lasting beneficial con?ri£SontSb".'--
he deyelopment and the unhuild \ £■'■"-

It has been and ^J 3?Sr ifS^

l Srt£ I S 1 S£iS d eve ? wimn *

talism- thn qRK against capi-
X ' J 10 Soc iahst Party imd

3lS3i5 a? 1 " 7 " 6 ?" d «"-' count!
toe clas? '? a e ' n " CS of the wo *-

front f beW , c « e »»'ted

Soled thA Ce / eI J, and «on»ist™«y

?pTo a d !^rce/ egardl " so{ ^

7 Granting all the shortcomings
of American trade unionism even
at its worse, we did not lose heart
or head to fly to the simple, swift
but suicidal solution of dual union-
ism, of fabricating pure but sterile
revolutionary unions. In the most
difficult and darkest days of the
American trade union movement
we fought an uphill fight to build
constructive, progressive forces in
their midst with a view of
strengthening the weaker organ-
izations, of making still stronger
the strong ones, and of transform-
ing the entire A. F. of L. from a
craft organization dominated, all
to often, by corrupt reactionaries
into a powerfull militant industrial
trade union movement. More than
that, here we have aided not only
in the working out of correct
. t strategy for building a construct-
■■ advance the present great [ ve °PI 30Sltl °n in the unions, but
ikes and organization ' ■ ave also indicated the main roads
in the development of the technique
of dynamic militant leadership of

less the 7-P nV A S Germany un-
less the CP of Germany chane-ed
its tactics on the trade union fidd
S«i,l U n eSS the Con ^"nist and
Social Democratic Parties resorted
to joint action, to a genuine united

SStoa^S? FaSCi5m - WhUe So-
cialists, Communists, and Liberals
bandied about the word "Fascism'
with a maniacal skill, if°p™ t .

and rWh-l. I * ° ther rev ototionary
and radical forces, particularly the
CP, uere wrumg off the American
federation of Labor as a dvi !
organ i2ationt with |ta futu l/ ^

urther m ns past, as an organiza-

o«in£?' W ° Uldn,t and "»""»%
. r f!! m2c *** ma! »es. we forecast

T* k"T ^«"»»unisi Movement.

Unas been and remains the firm
conviction of the CPO in : 5e
^ll^If Snd ««ywhe« else

serioM ,n.? €Se 1S - Slief: ' ail of these
seriOLs controversies oyer import-

SL l/ C H CaI P J 0blems could P and
should have been discussed and

"Zf-™ th ? ba5is of democra ic
lied by application in life— all
t ^%^%P a %andtheComS
tWnt l ne . Ex ^-^-e of the
Comintern, dominated by the C. P
r. leadership chose a diff

Our Coiitribiii

To Marxist Thought

: to I

course, embarked rv™ \

^ting m ^ h Se^) P ^,/

pa:gn V mass ^^J, ■;, - «fi iSTdM »

paigns, mass
wholesale splits

to eTnff Gd ,l Ut a . strat egical course

^o enable the Communists to be

to meet this even-

••' the New Deal Wlth jts

•- refused to join the

^nmniKd

•■ branding it as

wrapped up in the Stars

iyaed it criSc-

■'

form, and un-

le menace to

obstance,

■ have avoided
mat ad have

jacLce and persecc

I-ractical activity for
- uiserous

victorv.
■ r - of capitalist
CP dug itself into

Jobless Are Still

The "Forgotten Men"

;ariat; we are the only organiza-

-_ _ v ,^...w >..>.<kitut njn.uv:ioilip UJ.

mass unions. Our concrete work in
the shoe, textile, coal, auto, and
needle trades, tho far from being
free from errors and shortcomings,
bears striking testimony to the
generally healthy tactical line pur-
sued by us.

8, Thru these practical activities,
accompanied by intense Marxist-
Leninist educational work in the
New Workers Schools, the Work-
ers Age, and a number of timely
publications, we have been able to
achieve a four-fold task: (a). We
have, in a substantial measure,
!>' <-n able to counteract, if not*yet
completely undo, the serious dam-
age objectively done to Commun-
ism by the false tactics of the Of-
ficial Communist Party, (b). We
of ICO have been able to wield an
increasing influence on the CI
membership to hasten a break with
the ultra-leftist tactical course.
<c). We have been able to solidify
and train our own ranks into a
unified, experienced body of re-
volutionists winning increasing
confidence among the mass of
workers, (d). We have advanced
alor<g the path of rooting ourselves
in the soil of the country, of utiliz-

of euhancinK the £„ 1 pu , rpose
Communist MoveLSTnVu'V

enorts, to Americanize in a tmlv

on, to bring home to the average
American worker and farmer the
inspiration and lesson of the Ln
nence and successes of the victor^

q t^ S T workin * se-
date I flSL f y m havin s won ^

shin for J ght f ■ r a new relation-
smp for a genuine collective lead-

SS ,D of n H thC CI V- and the r "^ 0ra -
tjon of democratic centralism in
ts various sections, yet, particular
hat" Z*¥ ,T nth3 ' ^ h ^e CU S een
no? hZ ^ ght ? n this fro "t has
not been m yain, and is finalS

SoS TIL Wi f h Serious MB P "n£
m« m K the 1 5 ank and file of the party
members^p ^ e are CQ J d J

that we will wm our Strugs to
substitute self-reliance ofTh? m as-
ses in the party for the prSvaShi
procedure of revolving around
some synthetic saint or cult. The
LP membership is beginning to see
tnac among revolutionists "Yes
men are no men.

10. Finally, we of the ICO view
with increasing satisfaction the
recent turn made by the CI in
Germany, Austria, Italy, and
France Here is a change of tactics
oy the CI, not only entirely in the
direction of the tactics for the ad-
vocacy of which we were once ex-
pelled and branded as outcasts,
among outlaws, but also specifical-
ly, in response to the pressure and
influence of the ICO. Even in the
U. S. where there are special fact-
ors hindering a return by the CP
to a sound Leninist tactical line,
we can see, in a slow, vague, hesi-
tating, and distorted form, the
faint beginnings of a break with
ultra-leftism.

For A United, Healthy
Communist Party

In the life of some individuals
five years or so are a long time.
In the life of social and political
movements of great vitality such a
period is not at all long. What the
CPO has been fighting for is most
worth while — a united, healthy,
Communist Party. Has our fight
been worth while ? Most assuredly.
Are we satisfied with the results to
date? Not quite. We would and
should do much more and better
towards our goal, towards the vic-
tory of the world Communist
Movement and its forces in the U.
S. — towards a vigorous unified
Communist Party, firm in its cor-
rect principles and sound in its
tactics.

by Saul Held

"No- American shall starve"
vowed Franklin D. Roosevelt 1*
he esconced himself and the famed
Brain Trust in the White House.

^rf a nl!f r ,i and many month * h ^
groa ned ti way . nto h .

milh.ns of American workers and
their families wallowed in the
m*ery of economic catastrophe

The Industrial Cemetery

When official statisticians of the
Government inform us, in a mo-
^ rui^ fre 1 llnS Cand ^ ^t

Lubin Commissioner of the Bu-

'xians have made
namely, that, the

army of permanent unemployed is

iSocooo. the nei ^ hborho °d

Breadlines Lengthen

as T the S Rh° % e b , readlines le "S the n
N R a I Ea & !e a *es. Under the

savmg machinery and the intensi-
fication of labor (streteh%ut for

workers from industry that the
customary optimism of the statist
ical soothsayers is abandoned ft
a frank recognition of fact "Th*
sharpest profit rise waf i n the
machinery industry where a loss
of 6 per cent was converted in on!
year to a profit of 6 per cent? Use

to m?l 1? *°T ° ther ^dustries
to modernize plant and improved
buying of farm equipment account-
ed for this accomplishment."

No cause for jubilation here. As
tne profit curve soars in the
machinery industry, so soars the
number of unemployed. '

Thanksgiving Cheer

As winter rushes at the hopeless
millions on the brink of starva-
tion for years, there emanates an-
other program of relief from the
banks of the Potomac. And its the
old bunk without any new trim-

UcX'7) • R ' SlJPPing P0H -

The program has four features:
l. Housing, slum clearance, subsist-
ence homestead projects. 2, Unem-
ployment insurance. 3. Increased
funds for Tennessee Valley proj-
ect. 4 A general relief program
providing work for the unemployed
with reduced cash benefits.

We admit it certainly looks like
a dog; but very much worthwhile
examining. Points one and three of
the program mean absolutely noth-
ing to the unemployed as over one
year of the New Deal has proven.
Point two, unemployment insur-
ance, sounds like something start-
hngly "humanitarian" and a point
of departure from old relief poli
cies. Let no one be "taken in" by
the term. This unemployment in-
surance is to be paid for by those
workers still employed and not by
the Government. It will not mean
any improvement in the standard
of relief. It is another step in un-

| loading as much of the financial
burden of relief upon those work-
ers who already groan under the
weight of sky-rocketing prices and
tobboganing wages.
. Lest the interpretation be con-
sidered unconvincing, lest the il-
lusion persists that the Administ-
ration cannot behave in such brutal
lashion, let the doubters dwell in-
tently on these facts: first, every
otncial statement from the White
House on relief for the immediate
tuture has stressed that while
work shall be provided for the un-
employed by the F. E. R. A (as
was done thru the C. W. A a year
ago), the cash benefits shall be
reduced; secondly, the New Deal-

fo^ 1 WoJl e of Pa r ic - ky ^ a . wnin «' be -|™i canoer, we nnd tnat the nrst
tnlJtii S rf et ',^ their attempt six months of 1934 have yielded
tLfnll V° htlca } f avor, are has- a return of 5.7 per cent on indus-
in?««V° de " 1 ° n ) Str - ate their worth- trial investment. According to the
ft! «„ y u . nburde ping as much of National City Bank of New York
tne hnancial cost fnr ™i; fl f „„,i .u:„ .•„ „i_-„„ t « ^„ *.t. i.

"In 12 different States action has
been taken to keep from voting all
American citizens listed on 'relief
rolls' on the ground that 'as pau-
pers' they should not vote." We
are informed that such action is
not only contemplated but a reality
in several states. Exhibit B: Ken-
tucky organizes the core of a state
police force. The armed forces of
state have witnessed considerable
growth in this period of lengthen-
ing breadlines and picketlines. Ex-
hibit C: Far from being down to
its last yacht, Wall Street con af-
ford more yachts than at any other
time of the crisis. Since the New
Deal has in essence been a "profit
insurance" scheme of most success-
ful caliber, we find that the first

— -j »««ui UC ii, ug its much or
the financial cost for relief and
recovery measures" upon the
working-class.

The sham of Democracy dwind-
les as the hunger measures of
Capitalism find wider play in the
United States today. Three items
from the current news of the day
bring this fact into bold relief
Exhibit A: Says Arthur Brisbane,

Dr. Hugh H. Darby

"SOCIAL
Sunday, Nov.

ASPECTS OF SCIENCE"
11, 8 p. m.— 51 West 14ih St.

this is almost "normal" though
still a little below the golden peaks
of 1927. So, not only are Wall
Street's yachts still bounding over
the main, but the new flow of
profit makes it possible for the
playboys of wealth to adorn their
yachts with trifling gagdets at
ilight cost: "On the afterdeck of
his yacht Alva, William Kissem
Vanderbilt, cousin of Mrs. Reginald
Claypoole Vanderbilt's late hus-
band, had a cradle built to carry
his new $70,000 amphibian plane."

WORKERS AGE

Five Fruitful
Of

by A. M.

On November 1, 1929, at the
peak of the frantic expulsion and
'enlightenment" campaign in the
American Communist Tarty the
first number of the Revolutionary
Age appeared.

Through a long five years since
hen the CPO, in the face of tre-
mendous technical, organizational
md financial difficulties, has kept
dive its organ, first the Revolu-
Lionary Age, later the Workers
Age, fighting for Leninism, for
correct tactics, for democratic cent-
ralism, for Communist unity.

The name chosen, the Revolu
Lionary Age, was already weighted
with a glorious tradition. The
original Revolutionary Age had
been the paper of the left wing
in the Socialist Party during the
World War, carrying on the strug-
gle against imperialism, for prole-
tarian power and against the
treachery of Social-Democracy. It
was to this group gathered around
Ke original Revolutionary Age
that Lenin, in 1919, sent the call
to become the American section of
the new proletarian international,
the Communist International,

* * *
With its 1929 appearance the

Revolutionary Age was largely
taken up with the factional strug-
gle splitting the Party and with
the clarification of the issues in-
volved. In those days most of the
comrades expelled for resistance
to the Tenth Plenum decisions
were in the TUUL unions, repre-
senting something more than the
fraudulent organizations of today.
Their fight to keep the TUUL
from being narrowed into a mere
shadow of the Communist Party
is reflected in the pages of the
early Revolutionary Age. Follow-
ing those pages through the years
we trace the growing clarification,
the recognition of the TUUL,
under ultra-left leadership, as an
isolating factor and the return to
the reformist unions. The slow
building of the solid groundwork,
underlying the progressive groups
within the A. F. of L. unions, is
seen through the Age in articles
by Zimmerman and others, ultima-
tely achieving victory based not on
mechanxal control but on the solid
faith of thousands of workers.

* * *

The Revolutionary Age was hav-
ing its own special difficulties dur-
ing these years. In addition to the
chronic lack of finance it faced
the ban of the government in the
refusal of second-class mailing
rights, the refusal to mail some
issues under any classification and
long delays in the post-office while
the paper was sent to Washington
for censorship. A long fight open-
ed^ aided by the Civil Liberties
Union and other labor organiza-
tions, for the freedom of the work-
ers press. Early in 1932 the Re-
volutionary Age was succeeded by
the Workers Age which, however,
was also refused second-class
privileges.

Significant, in reading through
these old numbers of the Age, is
the Marxian clarity with which the
paper foresaw international and
American events. In 1932 a year
before Hitler came to power, while
the official Communist Parties all
over the world were hailing the
coming proletarian revolution in
Germany, tho Age pointed to the
growing menace of Nazism and
called for a united front of all
German workers to beat back
Fascism. When in March of 1933
the Brown terror overrode Ger-
many, -when the Communist purty
reacted only by a stunned silence,
the Age clearly showed what Nazi

L victory meant and demanded united
action in this country to bring
home to American workers what
Fascism was and is and to mobi-
lize relief for its German victims.
)w
D.
IIF
w;
In
OU
lM
w
■

Years
Workers Age

istfs were hailing Roosevelt aa a
comrade, the Age in a aeries of
flrtfcles on "The New Deal and
the Worker" made a brilliant fore-
cast of all the trends that have
become apparent in the Administ-
ration's policies in the eighteen
months since.

* * *

But the Revolutionary Age and
the Workers Age were more than
theoretical organs. In every strug-
gle of the workers, in every case
involving workers rights, in every
strike the Age was on the front
line. The fight for the freedom of
Tom Mooney occupies much space
in the Age columns. Consistently
it tried to broaden the Mooney
battle, to prevent sectarianism and
partisan politics from sabotaging
and narrowing this case. The same
is true of the Roy case in which
the Age was the only American
labor paper to mobilize forces and
finances to aid Roy in his fight
against the class injustice of Bri-
tish imperialism.

* * *

The course of the Paterson
strikes of 1931 and of 1933, in
which members of the CPO occu-
pied leading positions, is reflected
from week to v/eek in the new col-
umns of the Age. As the progres-
sive movement grew in the needle

trade*, it occupied EnaWMfng space
in the Agf; in article* Wmch re-
presented a positive contribution
to a correct policy in the industry.
The )'S.;2 vXt-.Vj: gabotaged by both

the right wing bureaucracy and
th« left-wing rjoal union was di«-
cuftsed and criticized — an Impor-
tant factor in building for the
magnificent successes of the gen-
eral strike in 1933.

This has been the path of the
Age through five years — a steep
difficult path but one which has
been followed unswervingly toward
the goal of Communist unity. Now
we face a perspective of victory,
But this victory calls for intensi-
fied effort, for broader appeal, for
greater influence. In answer to this
call we are launching the weekly
Age.

In closing this story we might
repeat the words which opened
Number one, volume one of the
Revolutionary Age — "For a capable
and courageous Communist Party
carrying out a revolutionary line
is the basic necessity of the whole
working class in its struggle for
emancipation. . . Through the unit-
ed efforts of the best sections of
the Communists and the revolu-
tionary workers will health and
virility again be restored to our
movement."

"Support and build the Age!"

"For a united Communist Inter-
national on the line of Leninism!"

Coming - America's

Finest Labor Weekly

"; f<r\t cave rr.fc.-i
editor had laboriously fttritfifd
chipping the tost newspaper onto
a gran ne Slab, the first cave man
reader came along. A f v ; r cAref.Jiiv
looking over the flab — bad
ly without paying for it — he ex-
claimed, "It's stale! It's dead! It's
too heavy! Why don't you get
something alive and snappy and
up-to-date?"

All through the centuries editors
have been hearing and barkening
to the same cry from impatient
readers. They have presented
everything from transatlantic
flights to crosswords puzzles to
still the plaint. They nave printed
the news on pink paper, they have
offered premiums to the subscriber
who could fill in the missing let
ters in the name Abr...ham
Lin . . . oln, they have paid huge
salaries to writers for inditing the
personal confessions of still more
highly paid chorines and murderes-
ses. And still the cry goes on.

Even the Workers Age has its
carping critics. But the Age likes
them — it likes to have people in
terested enough in the labor world
to demand more and better articles
on its many phases. It is not only
for our friends but for our enemie:
that we are launching the Week-

'.- !

New Forces for the Communist Opposition

y on tr

home front, when Roosevelt's Nov
Deal became national first pnjj'
news, the Workers Age alone
without Daily Worker hysterica,
but without reservation, pointed
out the implications of the new
■policy for the American Workers
While the Communist Party was
crying "Fascism" and tho Social-

by Edward Sagarin

The world Communist move-
ment is today facing great prob-
lems, and before the seventh
World Congress it is especially
necessary for every Communist to
examine the tactics of our Party
in the most self-critical manner.

•Our Party is built upon the
principle of democratic centralism.
"Inner democracy," according to
the resolution of the C. P. of
Austria, "involves self-criticism,
that is a never-ceasing, living
testing of the correctness of the
party line." We in America can
examine our Party and our Inter-
national in the light of such a
statement, and we will see that
the democratic centralism which
is written in the Party program
has no existence in Party life.

Before our Eighth Convention,
there was a pre-convention discus-
sion, and a number of important
resolutions were presented to the
membership. There was no healthy
discussion, pro and con, on these
resolutions, either in the press or
in the units. Instead, everyone
was expected to accept the resolu-
tions from above. There was not
a single question which the mem-
bership passed on in a democratic
manner. A disciplined party?
Here is what Stalin has to say:
"Iron discipline does not preclude
but presupposes criticism and con-
flicts of opinion within the Party."
(Foundations of Leninism, p. 116).
Was there even a single issue con-
fronting the American working-
class on which there was a thor-
ough discussion, with criticism and
conflicts of opinion?

A party whose entire line is for-
mulated from above, whose con-
ventions are mere rubber stamp
gatherings, whose higher func-
tionaries are sycophants and whose
discipline is that "blind" discipline
which Stalin warns against, such
a Party must inevitably make
serious and fatal errors. It is
through discussion and criticism
with the membership and through
them with the working-class that
a correct line can be hammered
out and mistakes corrected.

What are some of these errors?
Our Party has for five years been
carrying out a dual unionist policy.
It has succeeded in splitting unions
in almost every industry in tho
country, thus weakening the
struggles of the workers, with-
drawing the class-conscious work-
ers from the backward ones, and
alienating the sympathy of mil-
lions of A. F. of L. workors.

The T, U. U. L. not having suc-
ceeded in building a duul federa-
tion of labor except on paper, the
Party decided at its Eighth Con-
vention to attenvpt to launch an
Independent Federation of Labor.

This is todav boing shelved in
silence.

In Germany, Poland, Austria.
France and Scotland, the Party is
giving up its dual unions and is
beginning to turn towards a Lenin-
ist policy of trade union unity.
In America, this turn has hardly
been felt.

On other important issues, the
Party has made great errors. For
years it followed a policy of united
front from below, which is nothing
more than an invitation to non-
Communists (especially to So-
cialists) to follow the Communist
PaTty. Today everyone realizes
the bankruptcy of such a policy,
and the Party is beginning to make
a turn towards a real united front,
without acknowledging its former
errors, and today making new ones
(non-aggression pact in France,
Columbus Day in N. Y.).

It was after a critical examina-
tion of the tactics of our Party,
as well as an examination of the
program of the Opposition, that I
became convinced of the necessity
to fight against the burocracy in
the Communist movement and for
a return to the tactics of Lenin-
ism. This struggle is taking place,
from within the Party and from
without, under the leadership and
guidance of the Communist Party
(Opposition). It is the task of
every Party member to take up
the struggle within the Party for
real democratic centralism, for
trade union unity, and for a
genuine united front of the work-
ing-class.

It is out of loyalty to our Party
and to the ideas to which it is
dedicated, it is through a realiza
tion that the Communist Party it
the only hope of the American
working-class, and that if our
Party fails, our class fails, and
that there will be war, hunger,
terror and fascism on an unpre-
cedented scale unless our Party
succeeds in mobilizing the Amer-
ican toilers under its leadership —
it is because of this that I have
decided to join the Communist
Party (Opposition) and urge all
other Communists to do the same.

Miner Leaves W.P., Joins
Communist Opposition

We print below (i letter by an
active mine worker, who celebrated
the merger between tho American
Workers Party and Trotskyites by
resigning ftorn the A.W.r. and
joining the Communist Party Op-
position*

. We refrain from giving his name
beoauss of his activity in the

United Mine Workers Union.
The letter speaks for itself.

October 86, 1934
To the National Committee and

the New York Branch of the
American Workers Party.
Dear Comrades:

I hereby tender my resignation
from the American Workers Par-
ly. This step I have taken because
it appears to me that you are
traveling in the wrong direction.
The situation in the revolution-
ary_ movement appears to be
beginning to clear up because of
the changes in policies of the Com-
munist Parties, thereby creating
the possibilty for real unity of
revolutionary forces. At this time
you have decided to merge with
the Communist League of America
(Trotskyites) who in France and
Czechoslovakia have gone over to
the Socialists and here are discus'
sing the same step.

I also cannot agree to a merger
with the Trotskyites because of
their anti-Soviet position and their
belief that the Communist Parties
have betrayed us.

My objections to the Communist
Party were based on their tactics
in the trade unions and other work-
ing class organizations but not
against their principles with which
I agree, and which they have not
given up. According to my view
the Communist Parties have not
failed the workers. Their tactics
have failed and these they are
changing.

It appears to me also that you
are trying to Americanize the Party
in the wrong way. You are afraid
to use words in the program such
as Soviet and Dictatorship of the
Proletariat, which workers under-
stand because of what hapnened in
Russia. Instead you talk about
Workers Democracy, which the
Socialists also talk about, and
which confuses the workers.

Also the trade union line of the
party is not clear. You talk against
dual unionism but in practice it
is not being carried out. Party
members in the Anthracite talk
about establishing a new union,
dual to the U.M.W.A. I cannot
agree to such policies.

Especially at this time when the
unification * of all revolutionary
forces is so necessary is it wrong
to go in for new parties and
Fourth Internationals, which con-
fuse and divide the labor mov
ment.

Por these reasons T find that the
position of the AAV. P. is no longer
my position.

My resignation from tho A.W.P.
does not mean my withdrawal from
the revolutionary movement, for I

find the program and policies of
the Communist Party Opposition,

mere suitable to the needs of the
evolutionary movement, and have,
there fere, aliened myself with it.
Comradely yours, J. C.

./ -V',r-<:r. An eg j ar;
1S.'J4.

- ' '"- '"- - ' ' '■' '■' ' t ■- - - res that

want no oat to Hook mat

< " -'■■'. > ■ " -,
'•'-' '--'' 'paper
the reputation as the most

into new

date events, internal

'--': '<■ '".-'■::. >. '. '.'■■ - ,■ -„ - v.":*,-

tural fro;.-.

Here ar*- tome at the things
we're going to .-.

Jay Lovestone will cor
weekly column, ranger.;? ;\
wide for subject rr.a-.Vjr/ Tr'.:- rev-
olution in Europe xo strikes in
America, from the ftV> .: .-- . g 2 -,.-
the NBA to the activities of the
CP and SP. Through this column
we believe the Age will be able to
present in capsule form an opinion
on many happenings too small or
too sudden to receive the dignified
comment of a full length article.

Our book review column
expanded under the dictatorship
of Bert Wolfe. Noted as or.e of the
select company of left-winger3 who
can write intelligibly and intel-
ligently, Comrade Wolfe will cover
the field of current reading for
radicals in a column which will be
invaluable to anyone attempting to
keep up with the flood of literature.

Let our dramatic critic, Robert
Arthur, speak for himself. He
savs: "Trends in the dying theatre
called Broadway and in the grow-
ing one of the workers"; certain
attitudes on the part of the bour-
geois critic and the radical critic
indicating a tightening of lines as
the class struggle moves to the
fore: the appeal of certain plays
to the snobocracv and how they
succeed on that basis when more
worthy (or at least more interest-
ing) plays don't; the success for-
mula used by some of our better
known playwrights and how it al-
most works even when less skilled
attempt to use the same one;
criticism of the aDproach of the
radical theatre which forgets the
function of a play; analysis of the
insidious propaganda of our con-
temporary bourgeo ; s theatre, and
why the critics don't call it by
that 'dirty name' — these would
constitute the major materials of
the column."

Robert Arthur has been an
actor, director and producer foi
nine years, producing plays which
the critics damned as propagands
but praised as plays.

The Economic Trend, Trad<
Union Notes and o^her features oi
the present Ace will continue ir
the Weekly — with the additiona
inducement, of course, that ap-
pearing weekly they will be more
alive, up-to-date and valuable. In-
ternational Notes will be written
bv members of the Internationa
Communist Opposition direct from
the scenes of conflict in Europe.

It's going to be a (rood paper.
>Vt so good, we hone, that it
s ; lence our critics. We'd
have ten thousand critics, sub-
scribing to the Acre and sending in
a kick every week— a kic*
panied by an additional sub.

THANKSGIVING

DANCE AND
ENTERTAINMENT

J»

Thanksgiving Eve

November '-S

Jl

IRVING PLAZA

Irving Place A 16th Street

&

Admission S5c

Auspices: Down Town
Communist Opposition

Unit

WORKERS AGE

Ji!.2f? an !? a P tional Prerequisit^for Unity

SffTfftJSSEJW *"»• The Comintern An«i,^c f ),<, pda a .. , .. ''/

a

The editorial in N . IS of the
Communist International dealing
with the possibiltios for coopera
lion and unity between the Com-
munist International and the in-
ternational Communist Opposition,
has been analyzed at length in thf
October^ issue of the Workers
Age. We return to it here in order
: .nme the organizational im-

plications c-f that edi Urial, the
question of discipline and of demo-
cratic centralism.

The Question of Discipline

In the letter of the International
tnonist Opposition to the Com
niumst International we wrote:

"The C. P. 0. has always de-
manded only the opportunity to
put forward its views within
the iramework of Communist
discipline, inside the C. P. and
the C. I., and it advances no
Chher dunanus at the prese.it
time."

Surely this is clear. It is not
we who have .split the party and
the International. We did not
choose expulsion We did not de-
sire it. We have never recognized
it. And despite expulsion, despite
slander and abuse, we have always
.continued to fight for the restora-
tion of Communist unity.

We of the Communist Opposi-
tion recognize the necessity of
Communist discipline. We main-
tan discipline in our own ranks.
We do not wish to turn our Party
into a perpetual debating society.
We believe in the subordination of
the minority to the majority. We
believe that decisions, once they are
democratically arrived at, must be
loyally earned out by all, till the
next opportunity to examine how
they have worked. But we cannot
accept the conception of Commun-
ist discipline that has prevailed
during the past five years. And we
jnust emphatically reject the con-
ception of discipline so "unfortun-
ately" (to put it mildly) expressed
by the author of the editorial re-
ferred to, when he writes:

"It is an international of
people who think and act alike!"
Surely the writer does not in-
tend everything that that state-
ment implies! We all have the
same aim. That is true. We must
ail carry out decisions once they
are adopted. That also is true,
-But heaven help the Party in which
everybody thinks aLke on every
-question! Only out of carefully
weighing, sifting, choosing, ana-
lyzing, of many views as to each
practical step, only out of a con-
stant examination of tactics, and
constant alertness to adapt our
tactics to ever-changing situations,
can wise decisions issue. If we all
though alike, how would the
Party ever change its tactics
to meet new situations? Some
comrades are bound to perceive the
new situations first, and even as a
rnincr.ty, nay often as a minority,
or as single individuals, bring in
observations on experiences and
o/oposals for change.

Only in churches with fixed
creeds are all expected to think
alike. Only in the case of fixed
creeds is it possible for all to think
alike. But our party needs maxi-
mum scientific clarity and flexibil-
ity, alertness to every delicate
in situations and relations
o. class forces, ability to make
Kuoden and sharp turns, to read-
just itself to the most diverse and
rap.oiy changing conditions of
gTgle, We should prize thought-
ful ne-.s, initiative, sensitiveness to
. and changing reality, just
should prize energy and
in the execution of correct
decisions. Any other condition
party life and threatens the
convet ion of our party into a
graveyard. Loyal
carrying out of decision* by
' " - ; - w praiseworthy, but de-
ed at without discus-
WOll, even sharp controversy, with-
out the fret- pJay of the opinion
and the experience oi every party
member, are of dubious value

Too often of late o
have boa.ue-J of unanimity of

ft li not a : ;j'o of health
but a sign of disease. In the de-
Cade and a half and more of the
nk Party under Lenin's
able U ■■-' ■■ ■ I ten a state of

i slated., la a healthy
inner life in member

v. his best to think through

T/ie Comintern Answers the CPO . Article IT

by Bertram D. Wolfe

the complicated problems of social
reality, it cannot be >,,,.

Should not the writer of the
editorial rather endorse the for-
mulation of Comrade Koplenlg,
one of the leaders oi the Austrian
i arty when ho sa d;

"We hate corpselike obedi-
ence. Wo expect every comrade
to express his opinion openly,
iiut within the framework of the
Party program the strictest
discipline is necessary." (Rund-
schau, No. 53, Oct. 4, 1934. n
2304). ' ' '

That is correct. Strict discipline
and democratic discussion. The
former is impossible, nay uncom-
munist, without the latter. As
against the policy of expulsion for
desiring to discuss and examine
tactical errors, as against the
limiting of discussion merely to
the question of how to execute
decisions already arrived at with-
out democratic discussion, as
against the exaction of blind obe-
dience, as against the alarming
condition of unfailing unanimity,
as against the conception of a
party m which disciphne rests up-
on every one's "thinking alike,"
we propose the still timely words
of Lenin:

"First of all, the question
arises: how is the desclpline of
the revolutionary party
proletariat maintained Y How is
it tested? How is it reinforced?
First, by the class conscious-
ness of the proletarian vanguard
and by its devotion to the revo-
lution, by its firmness, self-
sacrifice, and heroism. Secondly
by its ability to link itself with!
to keep in close touch with, and,
to a certain degree, if vou will,
merge itself with the broadest
masses of the toilers. . . Thirdly,
by the correctness of the polit-
ical leadership exercised by this
vanguard and by the correct-
ness of its political strategy and
tactics, provided that the broad-
est masses become convinced of
this correctness by their own
experiences.

Without these conditions disc-
ipline in a revolutionary party...
cannot be achieved. Without
these conditions all attempts to
establish discipline are inevit-
ably transformed into trifling
phrase-mongering and empty
gestures." ("Left Wing" Com-
munism, V. I. Lenin, Interna-
tional Publishers, p. 10).

Party Democracy

"Democratic centralism" is a
fork with two prongs. Democracy
without centralism incapacitates
the party for action. Centralism
without democracy incapacitates
the party for thought.

Confidence in the leadership re-

quires free election of the leader-
ship (at least in legal parties) by
die rank and file. Responsibility
>1 the rank am] file to the leaders
requires responsibility of the Lead-
ers to the rank and file. Party
"self-criticism" rneanH examination
by the membership of mistakes
made "on top." as well as exami-
nation of mistakes of the member-
ship by units or committees. No
party committee is too exalted, no
party leader is too great, to be
as subject to examination, sug-
gestion and correction a : the humb-
lest rank and filer.

One hates to return to
ABC's. Rut how can a real Com-
munist attitude towards mistakes
prevail, how can the level of party
understanding be raised, if errors
are corrected by subterfuge with
a simultaneous denial that any-
thing has every been wrong or
that the line is being changed.

We look forward to the day
when these ABC's will not have to
be repeated and express the hope
that the article in the "Commu-
n.st International," which after all
is only the first to be a •
f o us in five rears, will be suc-
eded by others more nearly in
the spirit of the decisions of the
Austrian Party Congress held a
few weeks after the article was
written. These decisions declare:
"The Communist Party is
built on the principle of demo-
cratic centralism, on the princ-
iple of inner democracy and
strict, centralized leadership and
voluntary iron discipline. Inner
democracy means that every
party member who actively car-
ries out the functions ass : gned
to him on the basis of division
of labor, communicates his ex-
periences and feelings and takes
part in determining the party
line and party tactics. Inner
democracy involves self critic-
ism, that is a never-ceasing,
living testing of the correctness
of the party line, a merciless
uncovering of the weaknesses
and inadequacies of all party
organs, a systematic control of
the carrying out of decisions
adopted. Inner democracy im-
plies the development of the
greatest initiative of every
party member, every cell, every
party committee in the applica-
tion of the general party direct-
ives, in the immediate reaction
to everything taking place in
their field. Finally, inner demo-
cracy implies the most active
participation of the entire lead-
ership in the formation and
election of the leading party
cadres as well as the removal

of those who have showed them-
selves not energetic enough, and
their replacement by bctier fit-
ted person*." (Rundschau, No.
&•*, October 4, 1934, p. 2311
emphasis aa in original.)
* iniir ° wmin * of the above re-
solution comrades of the Austrian
Communist Opposition participat

li wat is to be the viewpoint of
all parties, and it must be if party

to be achieved, then such disgrace-
ful performances as StacheK art-
icle o f October 12, 1934, wh }c h

leUer of the above, have no place
in the columns of the "Daily
Worker." Obviously, the leader-

-n the Soviet Union, where the
years. Lut when the conception of

revolutionary onions* was inecfca-

flatly tranaf erred to the capUsSt

lands it brought gnastiy rWlts.

80 boo the conception of " fc0 eial-

&- Sm ?*■* "**«a«l tran*-

mEEPni lh(J fact that in "

Soviet Union any "section" of the
becond International is counter-
revolutionary from top to bottom
and there can be no united front
with such a party in a struggle
for any elementary working-dLs
interest. Once more a correct esti-
mate mechanically imitated.

Obviously, what is needed is the
maximum realism in the analysia
and tactics of each party. Each
party must be rooted in the soil

nryitwr. uoviousiy, the leader- »?**■? m u&t be rooted in the soil

nip of our Party must first make of lts country and the will and

i ciean break with the past. 'I hen »*»Mities of its own workine

?e oi the main obstacles to unity ?j ass *"** the inexorable hatred to

nl nave been removed, Jts own rulinsr nl»*<* n«i„ n,

The Leadership of
the International

What is true of the ..

ia no less true of the Com-
munist International as a whole
Tne Executive Committee cannot
be the reflection of the will of a
single delegation, not the best of
them. We readily recognize th*
importance of the Communist
Party of the .Soviet Union in the
Communist International. Both by
virtue of its numbers and expe-
nence and by virtue of the im-
portance of its tasks, it is the
leading party of the international.
But its leadership should be that
of the fir-it among equals, not that
of monopoly of leadership. And its
aim, as the aim of all the parties
of the International, must be to
develop a genuine collective lead-
ership, superior in collective wis-
dom and collective authority to
even the best of the single sections.
This question, the otherwise ad-
mirable resolutions of the Austrian
party did not even touch.

The contrary system has shown
its dangers and disastrous char-
acter. With the ever-widening gap
between conditions in the land
where the workers rule and condi-
tions in the capitalist world, it is
ever more impossible that decisions
appropriate to the Soviet Union
should be mechanically transplant-
ed to other countries. That was
the real source of the ultra-left
sectarian errors of the last five
years. "United front from below
around the Communist Party" was
perfectly correct for the Soviet
Union where there is no other
party but the Communist Party
and can be no other form of united
front. But it is no longer necessary
to prove that it was ill adapted to
the capitalist lands and has proved
disastrous in practice.

"Revolutionary unions" accept-
ing proletarian dictatorship, etc.

its own ruling class. Only thus can
it truly contribute to the needs rf
the Internat.onal proletariat. Each
party must develop a maximum of

various ' f tia i 1V ? and ^"leadership, rein-
yanous forced by the collective wisdom
and collective leadership of a de-
mocratically centralized interna-
't 1 ; 1 ™ as in tha t way that we
bu.it the international. It was in
that sense that Lenin conceived it
when he wrote:

On the Danger of Trade Union Splits

Extract from Theses of Second
Congress of the Communist Inter-
national on Trade Union Work.

"Bearing in mind the rush of
the enormous working masses into
the trade unions, and also the ob-
jective revolutionary character of
the economic struggle which those
masses are carrying on in spite of
the trade union bureaucracy, the
Communists must join such unions
in all countries, in order to make
of them efficient organs of the
struggle for the suppression of
capitalism and for Communism.
They must initiate the forming of
trade unions where these do not
All voluntary withdrawal
from the industrial movement,
every artificial attempt to organ-
ize pecial unions without being
compelled thereto by exceptional
act f 'f violence on the part of the
trade union bureaucracy, such as
expulsion of separate revolutionary
local branches of the unions \,y op-

'. officials, or by their nar-
row-m^nded aristocratic policy,
which prohibits the unskilled work-
er-: from entering into the organ
ization represent -; a great danger

work-

to the

Communist

movemei

threat*

m to hand

ove,- th<

ad van r.

ed, the most

coBSeiuf

ers to the opportunist leaders,
playing into the hands of the
bourgeoise ....

"Placing the object and the es-
sence of labor organizations before
them, the Communists ought not to
hesitate before a split in such or-
ganizations, if a refusal to split
would mean abandoning revolu-
tionary work in the trade unions
and giving up ihe attempt to make
of them an instrument of revolu-
tionary .struggle, the attempt to
organize the most exploited part of
the proletariat. But even if such a
split should be necessary, it must
be carried into effect only at a
time when the Communists have
succeeded by incessant warfare
against the opportunist leaders
and their tactics, by their most
active participation in the* econo-
mic struggle, in persuading the
wider masses of workmen that the
Split has occurred not because of
the remote and as yet Incom-
prehensible aims of the revolution,
but on account of the concrete, im-
mediate interests of the working
[at in the development of its eeo-

lomic straggle. The Communists

U e. ,. a necessity for a split
ari es/ must continuously and at-
tentively discuss the question as to I

whether such a split might not
lead to their isolation from the
working masses."

From Theses of the Second
Congress, July 17 to August
7, 11)20, Edition of Workers
Party of America, pp.55, 5G.

Dual Unionism Has Failed

The Third Congress of the Com-
munist International, the last held
under the leadership of Lenin,
met in June and July, 1D21, and
reviewed the year's experience in
applying the decisions of the Se-
cond Congress. Its conclusions on
the trade union question it summed
up even more sharply than the '
Second Congress in these words:
"The theory of the strength-
ening of Communism solely by
propagan/M and agitation unci
by the organization of separate
Communist trade unions; has
met with complete failure. No-
where, hm a Communist Party
of any influence arucn in thts
way"

Tnesss of Third World Con-
yn i Contemporary Pub-

fishing Asm,, N. Y., 1921. p.
40, Italics in original.

The mam thing now is that
the Communists of every coun-
try should quite consciously take
into account the fundamental
tasks of the struggle against
opportunism and "Left" doc-
trmairism as well as the con-
crete peculiar features which
this struggle assumes and ine-
vitably must assume in each
separate country in accordance
with the peculiar features of its
economics, politics, culture, na-
tional composition, colonies, re-
ligious divisions, etc. . . We
must clearly realize that such a
leading center (as the Comin-
tern — B.D.W.) cannot under any
circumstances be built up on
stereotyped, mechanically equal-
ised, identical tactical rules of
the struggle. As long as na-
tional and state differences
exist among peoples and conn-
tries— and these differences win
continue to exist for a very
long time, even after the dicta-
torship of the proletariat has
been established on a world
scale — the unity of international
tactics of the communist work-
ing class movement of all coun-
tries demands not the elimina-
tion of variety, not the abolition
of national differences (this is
a foolish dream at the present
moment), but such an applica-
tion of the fundamental prin-
ciples of Communism (Soviet
power and the dictatorship of
the proletariat) as will correctly
modify these principles in cer-
tain particulars, will properly
adapt, apply them to national
and national — state differences.
To investigate, study, seek out,
divine, grasp that which is spe-
cifically national in the concrete
manner in which each country
approaches the fulfillment of
the single international task,
the victory over opportunism
and 'Left' doctrinairism in the
working class movement, the
overthrow of the bourgeoisie,
the establishment of a Soviet
republic and a proletarian dicta-
torship — this is the main task
of the historical period through
which all the advanced (and not
only the advanced) countries
are now passing" (Lenin: "Left-
Wing" Communism, Interna-
tional Publishers' Edition, pp.
71-72. All emphasis as in Lenin's
original.)

It is for such a conception of
' the International that we are
working and we will do our best
to see that the Seventh World
Congress makes that conception
the guiding line of its delibera-
tions and decisions. Then unity and
a correct tactical line, which every
loyal Communist must desire, will
be guaranteed.

Send Your Contribution
To Weekly Age Fund*

au

WOK KHUN u;i

Labor Takes Stock in San Francisco

The Mth Convention of the t f* '«*«, »*/.*« ^-, ^.^. ~i! A F? f T /'"i ^ * |\ • * .,.

The 84th Convention of
American Federation of Labi
in San Franeiseo at a erurial U
in the history of our trade uui
me\eiuent. The convention rlinu

ed a period of tnuti 1 union jjro\*
unequalled in the annals of the

A, F, of U At the same time it

followed also * period in which
labor had suffered severe defeats

at the hands of the master of in
dU8try, ably assisted by the armeu
forces (if the government hi tin
very eity of San Kramnseo, in
which the convention wan being
held, a general strike had been
brutally crushed, nut without the
aid of Grew, Who now presided
over the destinies of organized
labor.

At the convention Gorman was
the recipient of numerous congra-
tulations from leaders of labor on
the "great victory" secured in the
general textile strike. But in the
textile areas there is wholesale dis-
crimination against union workers;
rifle shots stdl echo in the ears of
the textile strikers, the barbed
wire concentration camps are still
Standing and the many new graves
are mute witnesses to heroic bat-
tles which ended in treachery and
defeat.

It has been said, and correctly
so, that A. F. of L. conventions,
consisting, as they do, in the main,
of the very topmost layers of trade
union burocrats, distort the desires
and defeat the needs of the work-
ing masses. So great,' however, is
the pressure from the millions of
newly organized workers, so in-
sistent the demand for a departure
from the old and outworn methods,
so crying the need for action, that
this convention of the A. P. of L.
was forced to move forward halt-
ingly, cautiously, but forward
nevertheless. The decision to or-
ganize _ the basic industries along
industrial lines marks a new mile-
post in trade union history

Significance of A* F. of L, Convention Decisions

George F, Miles

! trade unionist raising tins cry, eta
a ;».. lalbie "subversive" element, (a
now forced to become the banner

hearer of the very slogan whieh m
truth was the fighting slogan of

the communists and progressives a

deea.le ago. Why tins change? The
answer is to he found in the wide-
spread movement lor organization
among the masses In the basic in-
dustries and tha simultaneous
tremendous extension of company

unionism. The company union now
controls 85% f the steel Industry,
50% Of the railroad shops and has
a significant hold in the auto and
rubber industries. The A. K. of U
faced the alternative of either beg-
inning a drive to organize these
industries or to be consumed by
the plague of company unionism
which aueady has within its ranks
as many workers, if noi more, than
the A. F. of h.

by

and the more cautnui. President

Green announced that if the presa

©ports

.the

Organize the Unorganized

"We are going to organize the
unorganized We are going to
carry the banner of the trade
unions until it floats over every
industry where men work for
wages." So said Green. The same
Green who not so long ago, looked
wun great suspicion upon every

The Struggle Against
Company Unionism

The A. F. of L. is recognizing
with increasing uneasiness the
menace of company unionism
Much has been written and more
has been said about it hue very
little has actually been done about
it in the industries. The attention
of the leadership of the A. F. of
L. is still directed toward Wash-
ington where all hope is centered
on a modification of the interpreta-
tion of Section 7a, to make the
closed shop possible. The replace-
ment of the swashbuckling Johnson
by the soft spoken, but equally ef-
^ Ctl V\ ^ 0nt of the employers,
Donald Richberg, did not in the
least mod.'fy the anti-labor inter-
pretation of Section 7a. Richberg
promptly announced that, as he
understands Section 7a, a majority
vote for a union in any mill dee;
not prohibit the employer from
dealing with the minority group
or even with individuals. !

Th:s interpretation caused con-
siderable dismay at the convention.
Charles P. Howard, of the Inter-
national Typographical Union, de-
clared:

, "I say that unless the Amer-
ican Federation of Labor resists
that interpretation, union shops
cannot continue." |

A. i>\ of Li will mobilise

its entire force In Oppo uion to

suoh a declaration and iueh ^

policy."
Yei, Qreen has Utile, to complain

of, for it was be who set that pre*
cedent when he negotiated ami

signed the auto agreement some
months ago.

Resistance there will moat likely

be, but where win it.be directed?

Company unionism ran not be ef-
feetnely fought unless the trade
unions can win the closed shop,
and the closed shop, in the final
analysis, can not be won in the
offices of the NRA until it is won
thru strike struggles in the various
industries. Judging by the senti-
ment of the workers i n these in-
dustries it is safe to say that they
understand this very well. In the
very near future the weak threats
of Green may well become the
strong strike deeds of the masses
in these industries. In this manner
will the closed shop be won and
the company unions destroyed,

The Fight For Industrial
Unionism

By far the most important de-
cision of the A. F. of L. convention
was the authorization to organize
the basic industries along indus-
trial lines. This is the first sign-
ificant break in the armor of
American conservative trade union-
ism. That it is being recognized
as such m the official trade union
movement is witnessed by the
Federation News," official* pub-
lication of the Chicago Federation
of Labor, when it considers this
the most far-reaching change in
its (A. F, of L.) structural policy,"
At last even the leaders of of-
ficial trade unionism have come
to realise that in the mass pro-
duction industries the hue-, of de-
markation between the crafts have
been 'obliterated that one can ao
more organize these industries
thru the craft unions than one can '
overtake on roller skates the new
stream lined train. The structural-

v archaic v i\ pf i., ha

aught up with (tie hard realities

\i modern Indu ■(> lali m«

Leaders Fear

The Newly Organised

The force of' objective conditions,
aided by the articulate federal
union 8t8 and the prog

forced the buToeracy to

Its historical position on
. structure. But the burocraoj
betrays an unholy fear of the new
forces who are to become the bear-
ers of this new type oi i
(One of the fat boys had the te

merity to refer to them as "iuh
bish") The same resolution which
authorizes the organization of the
mass production industries into
industrial unions thereiore pro-
vides also that

"the federation shall, for a pro-
visional period, direct the po-
Ue es, administer the policies,
and designate the administra-
tive and financial officers of
such newly organized unions."
In other words, the burocraey
will place a receivership over these
unions, in the hope that under the
tutelage of the able lieutenants
of Green, the militancy and aggres-
sive fighting spirit may be drawn
out and these unions inculcated
with the poison of class collabora-
tion,

Pacifying The Craft Unionists

This dee*

industrial I
leral

mtiments be proceed . -.vuh
great, U not greater ■. .

champ on the , h ; l

■

program

that la i-.

can't have

a good :.

i

oi .^\,.\ ute I . •
i icpiration da e In ■
A. F, of L. m

supposed partnership oi govern

m ont, imiu, ;

posed part nor
state that this was by n i
written in a spirit oi
from it. The ,

gram are tirtn behove..-,

I

r f trusted pai

laboV" * W * W ^**i

Progressive Measures

Ruled Out

. The c invention steam-roller

med smoothly ana wiih pre-
to the great amusement of
many delegates. It was at its be^t
m dispems ng, with great dispatch,
resolutions dealing with sueh mat-

b the labor Party, i

drawal

ihi

A. b'

'f their way to

of immunity

incursions into

The Wall Street Crash

The New York Times of October

da'v m^t m0ra o te , S that eventful
day October 24) in 1929 when
the stock market, collapsing sud

nlS'to t°h ught c T tL ™ t?0 * »nd

panic to the wizards of finance an,)
captains of industry who had been

economic life. A crisis w

swept the countrv win, haa

fury for fi v ^ \ ' " l "'' '")

is not yet. ' Wd tae L ' nd

This organ of finance eanital rh*

New York Time- . t 'U>nai ) the
cum.stantvs sii.-rr„\n,is ! 5 cir "

crash and ,-■ ,n UK , !h r " Uu ' k

^ck of ..J , l/Zl '' il( lh "

certainly not then u I t i » Waa

»h*»uld huvo J- ' "', llmst! W}1 "
TlmeB goes on to gav- ' th '

. "The fact whieh wan i mm i

tl ' • ■ hUlv nronnv.

Whole

ed m

Od at

had be"

Preceding advance .
l ' 1 " 1 belief thai the
renoe was merelv •. .-. •
affair, it was T- ■ marke

'bat the heavv
Invited by the

<>00 in 'i.,..J '," J r,n " $* 100,000
Oetobor iMn .'• f 8 ., 8 °0.000 ( 000 In
heads ,o ''v.- ':. l,t il entered the

th.

Ith

Kjl,

tliM V"" '" ;i, "' k BSwUw

" :i ,u ,h ' ""• i»«vr,i„„; ;•

to commodity prices buil-

by Arnold

ness profits and national prosper-

But is it true that no one under-
stood, at that time, "the Eer
E D a »' ?* ^e Stock Market cot

niS,- i lhere were tho -^. and
peculiarly enough they were th
communists, who ,i ,i „, 1 1 + ,
both iu- . [ U11 dcr3tam

jgg« to fan S^SMSPSTtSS

tutme of American economic life.
In a pamphlet published in tho

;- ll| V Panoi November h,V -

OommaniBt Party (Majority
g«»P)i.now the Communis Partv

pppi.a.Uc„i, Jay l, ov «.sto" sum

rfhrAvi^toris! 1 ih;;;;:;

coll «P 3 « ot the atock SSSkrt

"It will r

•chs

reducti.

the in

ibile

mpto

nlarge<

r.d

\t th
thos*

Th,

idustviej

iSt In

Ute

iMlie

»" intensification of
me general re«< as on

the ' oc ;' tt ,VHh '\ i[ While
recession • ,lu! duo tQ lll( -

1 Ul " .main |irt>pH of A

tion of finance capital thru the role
played by the investment 'trusts,
the bankers' pool, the wiping out
of the small and medium-tuxed
share holders. An intensification
and sharpening of the interna-
tional antagonism of world capi-
tal, sm. A .severe blow has been
ueal t to the general 'business senti-
ment to the American imperialist
confidence muI prestige which was

literally drunk with optimism "

Not only after the crash were
the communists able to interpret
and forecast the I. end of events
mit as early aa March 7 in-»i
eight months before the crash)
Jay Lovestone, stated in a Theses

muSstParr b Con t6d U ' * e ^

'prosperity 1 itself creates

which are hound

of L. went out
give guarantee:
against further
their ranks.

11 tit these are empty promise.-..
It matters little that the A. P. of
U leaders may earnestly pray for
a continuation, even a strengthen-
the craft unions, as the
wain base of their support. The
whole eourse o\ trade union deve-
lopment will operate against the
craft unions, Large, potential re-
servoirs oi membership have al-
:'cen closed to them by this
very convention. To the extent that
vertical or industrial unionism will
develop a momentum of growth to

from NRA bodies .
tatus of labor in th«

.•tc.

■■ am rollei ....

if

tin

at tin

oi tin

present 'pros]
the very foot!

to precipitate
horn Q CliHlH. .

Aimlysing the b

market, Lovestone pi

deep-going

died in recognizing

organization and eh

first federal local u

unionism in the U. S. may remain
°f some time to come, neverthe-
:;". lu i; ln ; ,M " ! ' °* this convention

marks the beginnig of the end of

craft unionism. In this lies the

grsat significance of th. a "v "."}

■L. convention,

. No such step forward, however

ks dtscernahlo m the decisions on'
\HA. Ihe lessons of the long list
1 bitterly io U ght battles, whieh

hav.

NRA

ended in defeat

id

corded itself

upon the .,v
oi h. But i

l books

u! in whic

the A. F\
•aging that

the color Une, So confi
the floor leader., that they did net
n;ul ll t necessary to answer dele-
gate Randolph's plea for the re-
somtion. rhe result was ..
vote ior the resolution. This, how-
ever was quickly remedied oy the
simple expediency oi continuing
tne discussion and then taking an-
other vote when it was certain that
things would go the "proper" way,
ihe resolution is recorded as de-
feated.

in passing it is of some interest
to note that the much adv<
anti-red drive failed to materialize
at the convention. The onij
along these lines was a rambling,
incoherent diatribe by d<
v\ eaver o( Iowa, wht held ihe mte-
— the delegates more by his
lh'\\t-ry oi ; : ., |

"otic fulminations against the

"reds."

The Opposition
At The Convention

Needless to say we

Jo hi
him,

L L,

L.

"An
the st

brokoi

all tlii

sp.

to

tVketl and all tin-

fvmerlcttn

the) are not a

;•;;" ;■'■, l * , *' u »pwHy. They g rov

country * W] l " ai,ilnl '" the

Quite the opntrary, This .,■,

"he speenhuion l 8 the very

proot oi deepening serious r im '.

'.'n!""'' dev6 l°Plna in the

• unrv U ul, , ; UK r"""' i " t! ""

s. i ,' ,huw capita in

juoh great volumes towards the

^"'■'V^'-l-M, It shows the hn-

'! If /" Rhi i the available

Capital, . Supe.lleiall.v ,his

ui»eK market speculation) mav
anpear t., be n windfall of me
■ftfUy. Actually it | a the m,u
»< oi ,, atorm thai will brfno i
gjvastaUon In Us wake o« J
begins to sweep the oouKJ'l

lesson. llu '

Among those who annroxim ate 1 1 ■" ttv n ' ail1 ^morganisc„ .
progressive stand on Xi; v was S ft u '

att of Mass.. w hA rf«.l?L Vi > tll,s accounted for

bai
he
indec

Es

and tho d

g the sentiment for

ism and for demo-

sading a. f.

ied these issues as

• lt!lltl - points :\ i

/e Couiwu

plaj oi aer\ I tj \v hiih
Lew showed

• Green for . .
Should dispell any illusion «
■-ewis jiio.
, »* e refer to genuine , agressiv^

QTi ' ' 9 3e th sre

most oi them i

F e " e *'al local un . i wars

be main unorga

,, ( ,; """iii on ;\ A wa

e £fte Watt of .\i, ss ., Sh d e

( the workers

n( the
sa production

Hw only' hop,
ies in the o^ga
workers m the n

^ ii Hon , a or not
d^SotUSS? -V uu *^ on * words

Matthew Wolir k " to l|U "'

owl?* ? 6 1 0V ^ W^fty* H, ;

■7' ,Sj,"«««on m 4 he v. K

7 *™«roptoyew unhm.i
. SSSS r i ttMlU «" l " organl e

' llKn h - not had a chanc

It that chanc™ ^

Wtthhel.l, \i; \ I

trine oi slavery"
nvmg disported u

ntuun-

a

stlltlli,'

. . .
■ 'on was there aiu i . . . .
eifori in the .

i

«x 'ii number, loudlj pi ...... I s

he Omh Worker, U
ena amal i . , hy the

num«rousness or' tin
inch '1 introduced M.

• id so weak \> as th
; -

....
itrictlj ah a! from ^
■ ■-* fwi ivi tppo*e»
w ,,,L contaml i ^oi bj
fascists,
\ i{ ' ; '^- situation in ite \
itch that ihen
tianee oi material for a progn

//

Now

work tin s a<;v.

At last the voting on tho Detroit
Dechiration of Principles haa An-
Uhed By a rote of 8>&S against
«,»7* LUe program proposed by the

Militants" .u the June conven

I ta was adopted

W have always stressed that
tee 9 gnificance of the whole con-
trovcray around the Doctoral
Principles did not lie so much in
of the Declaration as
in the forces accounting itr the
even
■ false a document
from the point oi view of Marxian
from the angle of revolu-
•• practice,

Th< nV h T e Referendum Is Over''

Objective Bails of
Leftward .Moods

qraently, unlike the CP, we

do not have to wash away or live
down an asinine past, branding
this Declaration as "social fasc-
ist." We, unlike the Daily Worker,
in its mood of fervent repentance
and Billy Sunday revivalism, do
not ha\e to slobber all over the
comrades" in the SP, who
voted for the Declaration of Prin-
ciples. To u,: of the- CPO the mem-
bers o[ the SP, the workers in the
ranks of the Tarty led by Thomas,
Hoan, and Waldman were class
comrades even before they voted
affirmatively or negatively *on this
question. We can only repeat that
the American Socialist Party ranks
are reflectir g the developments so
marked in the ranks of the Euro-
pean Social Democratic movement. I
The membership of the SP is res-
ponding increasingly, tho often
still confusedly, to the disasters
which befell the German and
Austrian proletariat, and to the
victories, which have been and are
being scored by the Russian pro-
letariat. Nor has the deepening
general crisis of capitalism failed
to shake Social Democratic Parties
to their foundation.

It is in these objective factors,
it is in this subjective awakening,
that the real roots of the develop-
ing leftward moods and moves in
the SP are to be found. We un-
derscore heavily the fact that no
essential left turn, to be more ac-
curate, revolutionary Marxist, doc-
trine, theory or practice is con-
tained or even contemplated in the
Declaration of Principles. If Marx
were alive to-day, his comment on
it would run something like this;
. . . And the different proposals
may be adorned with a more or less
revolutionary trimming, but the
substance is always the same."*

Declaration Carried

But Reformism Continues

Preci.ely on the questions over
which the German, Austrian, and

other Social Democracies have

V" kl '" /"'"" n«»<*a or paralyzed
ho* ability , , J WM

ead the atruggle to victory, dees
fu " Declaration of Principles faU
t0 n !- lKt ' ^y real advance towarus
V;, v r """"-m; theory and S
■ fallacy oj retormism, the
dangerouslj I u« m.sconceptSn o
Jj" ™ le <* the State, whftnw it
' monarchical, democratic, oa
:*st» remains untouched. It
must be granted that the cham-
P'Ons Oi the Declaration of I'nti

tuples are not bogus democrats, hut

'"•"est democrats. This means that
they continue to believe that there
is still a very good chance "that
the. walls or Jericho would fall at
the sound of th ir martial music
Democrats always expect this
miracle whan tney stand oefore the
ramparts of despot sm, '

in short, the Declaration of
Principles becoming the basic doc-
trine oj the SP oi ihj U. S does
not mean in the least that the SP
has broke., with the moralistic
attitude towards the capitalist
state, with the petty bourgeois
worship oi democracy in the ab~
stract, witn the Social Democratic
opposition to proletarian d ctator-
Ship based on boviec power, finally,
wuh the abhorrence of armed in-
surrection by the working class
I against capitalist domination

We would hke to see it other-
wise. We would like to see the
move to the left in the SP reach-
ing a much higher level at this
time. However, the best of wishes
are no substitute for even the
hardest of reality. If one examines
the appeal just issued by the SP
to "unattached radicals" to join
its ranks, he will find that we have
not been too harsh in our evalua-
tion. In this appeal the most force-
ful emphasis is placed on tho
following: "Goal— a peaceful re-
volution," and the most energetic
plea is made in behalf of the re-
volution triumphing "in an orderly
and peaceful manner." Pious
wishes or piety plus wishes again,
are no substitute for clear think-
ing, for frank facing of the facts
regardless how brutal and un-
pleasant these facts may be. Page
Hitler! Page Dollfuss! Pale
Mussolini! and page our hundred
per cent democratic policemen and
the New Deal National Guardsmen,
and the Roosevelt supported chemi-
cal gas manufacturers in the job
as strike-breakers.

by Jay Lovcstone

Fight For Revolutionary
Policy Must Continue

"E\ghtftTith Bn

t Karl Man

Outstanding Speakers at
School Forum

Jay Lovcstone on "Turning Tides
of American Labor," an analysis
of toe 64th convention of the
American Federation of Labor, is

the next in an unusually interest-
ing series of Sunday night lectures
New Workers School Forum.
* * *

On the following Sunday,

ber 11, Dr. Hugh H. Darby

worker in Biochemistry at

: ians and

11 lecture on "Social

diminu-

scientist has

- as a research

. •

roying th< Med

g
working) and

—king h,

■

■
■

CM '.' 'I b(

■

'''"" • of L

the American fruit growers who
wanted his researches suppressed
so that the embargo on Mediter-
ranean fruit might be continued.
Dr. Darby's experiences in this
and other fields opened his eyes
to the social implications of .Scien-
tific work, and explains his choice
of topic and forum.

On November 18, Professor
Goodwin Watson of Teachers Col-
lege, one of the editors of "Social
Frontiers," will talk on "A
Psychologist's View of thfi New
Order/' The next two lecturers,
J. V>. Matthews of the Revolution-
ary Policy Committee and Haim
Kantorovitch of the Militant So-
cialists, will present the viewpoints
of those two tendencies in the
Socialist Party.

""ember 9, Ludwig Lore,

of the "Evenirrt

11 speak on 'Hitler on Top

of the World" and on December

16, James Waterman Wise will dis-

U n • Under the Soviet."

So long as such dlu Ions remain
"" fundamental position oi the
M, so long w.tl the SP be on-

;:;;;.;; Bcr ™ « s ■•«■ organization

work.ng eftecLvely " aa loval
'■"!"'— [n ^e great cause of
^h.evu.K Socialism ,„ our Ul!V . r
furthermore, so long as the
Jwlarauon of Principles or a
J > ^ m « nt ," r its political contend
wthe fundamental program of the
bP, that Party W .U not be a re-
voluuonary party, but will eoniinu..
to be essentially a reformist parity
—that is a p ari y which no revolt
Uomstean or should join. No,.

< r i , S ,. ni;,l;, ' K the completer
conceivable break with the prin
epics of Social Democracy m6

f«hl„ S „tl" Un - equally C0 ^P^
fashion the principles of Marxl m

-'M'nsm, will the SP be worthy of
the name of a genuine revolu-
tionary party. Until ,ueh time,
the Communists must do everything
"■ 'their power, thru discussidS
and action, m truly comradely ta
shion anc not a la Madison Square
garden to win the SP members
tor the only revolutionary prole-
tar,™ principles— the principles of
world Communism, the principles
of the Communist International.

In fact, if we examine the voting
on the Declaration of Principles,
we will find additional evidence
substantiating our evaluation The
same can be expected from an
evaluation of the Declaration of
* nnciples by its outstanding pro-
ponents and opponents. Let's look
into these two factors a bit more
Wisconsin polled 1,032 votes for
the Declaration and only 169
against. Obviously Wisconsin was
a dominant factor in putting over
this Declaration. But who in his
normal, let alone best senses; in
the SP would tell us that Wiscon-
sin, led by Hoan, is any further to
the left than New i ork led bv
, James O'Neal or for that matter,
even by the crudest and crassest
of reformers in the SP, Louis
Waldman. From the published in-
formation (New Leader October
*0 as to divisions in the NEC of
the SP, we learn that Hoan gave
lusty support to O'Neal's proposal
that negotiations with Commun-
ist organizations should not be un-

:•',";./; «ghto rar, ,„,„ *g g

>" Lh e cause oi Socialiam during
'" '*nPortant a time a , ajTelSS
™™V*W: What an- they ;( .U U
"'• Wnatdo they have " ffiv
Purely they must be at least ai
much for Lhe Declaration ol Pr?"
' ! '' i "" ^tside the SP a they a*-
x ™«** otherwise, the DeclaattS
v ;"' "•" i; V" H ■tiN-birth lingering
;iU " ul ?"« Mburied. Not exacSy
an inviting .situation for a party
u.at invites "unattached radicals"
to join its growing ranks! What
'urpnsed us most, and not very
P'-asantly at that, i.. that on thi,
question Comrade; Daniel and

Hapgood ab tained.

On this basis, it becomes clear
why Louis r. Goldberg, Socialist

candidate in Brooklyn for the
Supreme Court and law partner
of Charles Solomon, notorious
nght winger and candidal.- ihr
' in New York, could see
no reason why we shouldn't "in-
terpret it (Declaration of Prin-
ciples) as the people who supported
it did, and their interpretation was
not dangerous." On this basis it
becomes equally clear how Com-
rade 1 nomas could say: "Ihere is
room within the SP for consider-
able d.vergenctj of view on certain
points, jf only we will work for
Soi lalism."

One is tempted to ask Comrade
£ I* 1 *^ P erii aps isn't it possible
that adhering to certain points of
view it becomes impossible to work
for Socialism?" Would Thomas
say that it is possible to work for
Socialism having the views on cer-
tain points that Waldman has?
However, perhaps it is unneces-
sary to ask this question, for
l nomas goes on to tell us: "But
nether the adoption or the rejec-
tion of the Declaration will of it-
;e f win America for Socialism

ISoJ? in h " arty ai,d coniMdsi,
•ouri. t e \i r r: '-' y ' tU:

assaasSs

J ; 'iiit<d Front Action—
' OMibl. and tteuuuj

wc '.f lh<f Communist I'.-, rlv n

What ih more, it ia not new for
uj to stress that we consider unity
'>i actum between the SI* ar ,d
communist organizations, alon K
with other working-class organiza-
"«= like trade union*, in the im-

i A V I :""->■>*"* Avt socialism, fight ai
and that is our job." With this] fascism

™?a- ;*

media e struggle again, t capitalist
exploitation and oppression a most
enective educator in living Mane-
if-m, which ia the only revolution
ary Marxism. We of the CPO
without giving up the right t*
cnticne in :l fraternal fashio
without resorting to non-aggres-
sion pacts as the CF J does today
in its panicky flight from the in-
fected swamps of "social fascism,"
without in the least giving up our
independence and distinctness of
organization, are prepared for suclk
practical united action with th<
SP, especially in the struggle foi
better conditions, for better and
more militant unions, and In tha
fight against imperialist war and

fattniuiM

Steel Barons - True to Form

JOIN THE CPO—

MY L0VE8T0NE

->\ wet nth st.

New York ( dy

Pieasi m xi rj Information abeul
tb< CPO to

Warns

Ad Ire-:* ...,.,

CUy .,,,.

"We want it understood we are
not submitting to any jurisdiction
by this board." Thus spoke the
United States Steel Corporation in
its controversy with its employees
who demanded a vote on whether
the Amalgamated Association of
Iron and Steel Workers shall rep-
resent them in all negotiations with
the company.

This is the belligerent attitude
of the steel corporation in 1934.
Below we depict the attitude of the
same trust in its youthful days,
in 1892 when it defied the workers
and their organizations.

by William J. White

■state. These had just been merged
and the basis laid for the first
giant trust. Frick who had de-
servedly earned a reputation as a
labor hater, was placed at the head
of this combination, as chairman.
It was this combination which
the 20,000 members of the Amal-
gamated Association, one of the
largest organizations of labor then
in the country, faced on the morn
ing of July 1, 1892.

That the American working class
hf-s traditions of well fought
battjes, despite its false and buro-
cratic misleadership, is proven by
some of the glorious battles fought
in the steel centers by the rank an I
file in the industry. As one o!
such we consider the Homestead
Strike of 1892, or rather the lock-
out, for it was really that, by the
Carnt glc-Frick mnnag m

The Background
OJ The Struggle

Let US look at the strength of

the employers al the time of this
great labor battle. The iron and
tcel Indui try was still in the
embryonic stage. There was the
Carnegie Brothers, largely control-
ling the Iron and steel country; the
Prick Coal and Coke Company*
holding In II gra p much o? the
>ke plan! i and coal mines
in Western Pennn , Ohio, Wt \\
Virginia and Kentucky; the Oliv-

■ f , holding tho ii Oh ore mines

in Minnesota, Michigan, wiem

..in and (he rniddl" moth Wt tOM

Enter The
Piiikertons

The Carnegie-Frick Company
had entered into contract with the
Pinkerton Detective Agency to
furnish it with thug.- and strike-
breakers, had built stockades
around the mills for housing the
scabs and guards and was prepared
for battle.

But also the union had not been
idle. Hardly had the scabs been
loaded upon barges to be towed up
the Allegheny River by the new

famous "Little Bill" steamboat,
than this move was relayed to the

alert workers camped on the I ;inl.
Of the river whfic a I, aiding wafi
to bo made.

The Ha (fie

,if Homestead

Thus when a landing wa : at
tempted, the scabs were mot by
> :> pal thousand men and women
who bad i et up defen - works and i
had barricaded themselves h"hind
the nih ol steel and pig metal
which covered the bank of thej
river.

The Pinkerton thugs, armed with
rifles and revolvers, opened fire
upon the locked-out steel workers,
killing and wounding a great many
Despite the effort at disaiming the
workers, previously attempted by
the sheriff of Pittsburgh, the work-
ers offered staunch, armed resist-
ance. Under an intensive barrage
of short pieces of pipe filled witii
dynamite, the barge surrendered,
disgorging its motley crew of
thugs and strike breakers. Thesu
were disarmed by the workers and
were released after being locked
up for a time.

State Assists Carnegie
Martial Law Is Declared

Smarting under this defeat tho
Carnegie interests appealed to the
government which responded with
great alacrity. Martial law was
declared and the strike area be-
came the armed camp of the mili-
tia. The workei - icplicd by ex-
tendfng tho battle front. Tho
strike spread and became one oi
the most bitterly fought labor
battles. Bu( the steel trust was
determined to wipe out unionism
from Its plant-. Over 150 strike
leaders, were indicted by the Al-
legheny Grand Jury on the charge
of murder and the union was
forced t<> turn Its attention to the
legal battle rather than the econ-
omic struggle.

f(s leadership in jail, its re-
source, oaten up thru long legal

battles, the strike crumbled ami
the union WSJ almost wiped »ut.

Tin i is a tactlo r< lorted to by tho

employers !fl many labor battle*

1.1*1.1

WORKERS AGE

THE LAST STAND OF ULTRA-LEFTISM

Comrade Jack Stachel, chief act-
ing trade union "iflftg" of the par-
ty has courageously thrown him-
weir into the Breach to attempt to
•to?n the tide in the change that
t« slowly but surely soaping thru
the rigid wuii of the ultra-left,

sectarian tactical line of the Party.
Stachel holds forth in an article
in the Daily Worker of October
12 on the supposed bankruptcy of

tlit! Lovestone-B randier groups as

shown by the editorial in the Com-
tnttniit International (No. 18, Eng-
lish edition). It is not my purpose
here to handle that part of
Stachel 's article which merely
quotes with an "Amen," the C.I.
editorial itself (and what a lusty
"Amcn-er" Stachel is), which
merely repeats the old worn out
falsehoods and slanders about "ex-
ceptionalism" and the rest of the
well known ritual, which claims
that the C.I. line was always right,
that it has not changed, that on
the contrary it is the line of the
Communist Opposition that has
changed in fundamental respects.
These facts which have already
been amply handled in Comrade
Wolfe's article on the C.I. editorial,
merely indicate that in spite of the
real change which has already
begun, old attitudes are still there.
The substitution of "face-saving"
for open admission of error only
ShuWS that the change will be done
piecemeal, painfully and in an
Underhanded fashion. It will re-
tard the process, but it cannot pre-
vent it. The pressure of events is
too irresistable for that.

not changed, can you explain to ms

the disappearance of the notorious

"United front from below" in most
places (unfortunately not yet in
all places), the: cementing of a real
united front, not from below, in
France and elsewhere. Further a.s
regards theoretical formulation of

the problem can you reconcile these
two statements:

"Social Democracy continues
to be the main social prop of
capitalism even in countries of
open fascist dictatorship." (13th
Plenum of the C.L)
and on the other hand

'The chief enemy is not Social
Democracy, the chief enemy is cap-
italism, is fascism." (recent con-
vention of the Austrian Commun-
ist Party).

I am afraid that's a hard one
even for your great abilities. No,
the words in black and white are
ihere for everybody to read, the
developments are there for every-
body to see. And no smoke screens,
even by one, of your great ability
in that direction, can cover these
things up, can change their basic
meaning one iota.

Stachel Clings to Crumbling Fort

by Jim Cork

As To Changes In Line

I propose to deal therefore only
with Stachel's application of "face-
saving" to the Amerispan scene,
with his remarks especially on the
trade union field. JBut before do-
ing this just one , general remark.
Stachel says:

". . . these proposals of the
Brandlerites at this time are
due to the fact that the whole
policy of this group has been
proved by the development of
events to be bankrupt. . . .
Realizing that their whole pro-
gram is bankrupt and that they
have lost most of their follow-
ers the Brandlerites were com-
pelled, as the E.C.C.I. points
out, to revise some of their
former estimates of the situa-
tion."

A simple question to the great
logician, Comrade Jack Stachel.
The C.P.O. has not raised the
burning queation cf unity for the
first time, now. It has consistent-
ly raised it, from the very begin-
ning of the necessary struggle to
correct the ultra-left C.L line to
a sine Leninist tactical line. How
does it come about, Comrade Logic-
ian, that in the past when you Tay
we were stronger (because we
nadn t lost most of our followers
as we supposedly are doing now),
(iie C.L didn't listen to us, did not
accept joint action with us, did not
change its line, while now when we
are supposed to be bankrupt and
Josmg our followers, ] and be-
hold the C.L accepts joint action
with us in Germany, unity with
Us in Austria, changes its' united
front and trade union line in
fiance, etc. No, Comrade Mys-
tiner, it wasn't because we were
weaker and our line bankrupt that
joint action was accepted, but the
direct opposite. It wasn't because
uic u. L line was always right in
ts united front and trade union
line, but the direct opposite. It is
our u lc which , mH I

vitality and your lino which has
proven wrong. It is cur Si in: which
\m remained the .same, strengthen-
ed by living proof of its vitality

and your line which has brought

from u afUT ' ,€,fcat ' Ji * M ™^™
from the masses, and finally under

the UTosiKtable pressure of events

ehangjng (all .too slowly because

shamefacedly) in our 'direction

loll us, Comrade Stachel, If your

trade union lino was alwi

and has not changed, ho-

that the dual unions in lb

textile, and now needle t

been practically liquidated Di

liquidation of unions prove the c

rectness of a line? <; a( ] KUV( , ,

movement from such correetne

If the C. I. tine. srour line. o« *™

right

as it
ning,
fades have

fascism

and the united front, ha*

Our "Sins" in the
Trade Unions

And jiow for your ponderous ar-
guments on our concrete sins in
the trade unions, which, with their
hammcr blows, are to destroy the
influence of the Lovestoneites
forcivermore. We examine them
closely, and in spite of much
straining we see only the same old
hoary, moss grown skeletons, al-
ready creaking dismally at the
joints from overuse.

". . . he (Charles Zimmer-
man) has not a word of critic-
ism of the Grcen-Dubinsky
position in the I.L.G.W.U."
Perhaps you could attempt to
prove the above by citing the fact
that at tht! recent national con-
vention of the I.L.G.W.U., Com-
rade Zimmerman led the progres-
sive force at that convention in a

militant fight all «,ong the line,
that he made a minority report
against lJubinsky on all the impor-
tant questions facing the Amer-
ican working class, exposing the
role of the N.R.A.; forced the
entire convention to protect the
rights of the Negro delegates
(while the Party at this conven-
tion representing 200,000 workers
was woefully inconspicuous) ; that
he has penned the outstanding in-
dictment of the betraying role of
Green in the San Francisco strike
(for which he was openly branded
as a Communist by Green) which
has found a sympathetic response
in wide sections of the labor move-
ment; that he was forcibly ejected
from the Central Trades and
Labour Council for raising the
same attack against Green (and
where was the Party?) ; that, most
important of all, he has fought
tirelessly for the maintenance of
the workers standards against the
greatest obstacles, the attacks of
the bosses, the passivity of the
right wing, and the disruptive anti-
union activities of the so-called
"left group."

In the Textile Fields

And must we also lay low that
other old ghost that the Lovestone-
ites Keller and Herman followed
the policies of Gorman. Let us ir-
ritate your memory (which you
have under such good control) by
repeating part of the telegram
which Comrade Keller sent to the
National Textile Strike Committee
on the occasion of the Winant re-
port.

"Peterson strikers in mass
meeting reject the proposals of
Winant Board. We request that
National Executive Board do
not concede to arbitration until
some basic demands are grant-
ed."
When instructions to end the

Strike arrived from Gorman, K<
ler .cored Gorman & Co. for their
endfng of the rtmggJe He said:
"I am against calling off the

strike. I am for a fight to the

finish."

The instructions to end the
strike were carried over Keller's
vigorous opposition. You know
these things.

Besides, Comrade Stachel, you
should tread a little more warily
these days when discussing the tex-
tile situation. There are some
strange straws in the wind. Let
me quote something for your
edification :

"And what is even a more
burning question: why, in the
face of such an upheaval of the
textile workers cannot we say
that we are a determining force
in a single local of the U.T.W.
and in a single local strike
area? To give a general answer
cne may say that it is due to
the sectarian character of the
work of the National Textile
Workers Union Two hun-
dred thousand workers in a
period of one year joined the
A.F.L. textile union. This indeed
was a mass movement of great
dimensions. But where were
we? Unfortunately this mass
movement passed us by ... .
To be sure we issued united
front appeals to the textile
workers, we adopted resolu-
tions and issued slogans in favor
of one united trade union move-
ment in the textile industry.
But those united front appeals
had to be given flesh and blood.
Concretely what did unity and
a united trade union movement
mean under the specific condi-
tions in the textile industry,
when 200,000 workers joined
the A.F.L. union and the
N.T.W.U. (with a membership
of 2,500) became much weaker?
It means that we should have
gone along with the 200,000

E ECONOMIC TREND

by Economist

The past two weeks have seen
an upturn in the business index
(see New York Times, October 21,
1934). The major factor influenc-
ing this rise was the gam in the
cotton cloth series "following the
resumption of operatives after the
strike" (i. e. the Textile strike).
This trend in business is an ex-
pected one and illustrates very
clearly the point that we made in
a past, issue of Workers Age con-
cerning the unstable nature of the
business curve under the Roosevelt
regime. After six weeks of a con-
stant decl'ne, business has started
a very small and slow reversal
based almost entirely on the afore-
mentioned fact and the added fac-
tor of replacement of depleted

stocks following upon the slack
summer season. If one turns to
any business magazine — Annalist,
Business Week, Dunn's, etc. — no
hope is held out for any decided
improvement in the business trend.
The very kind of turnings and
twistings of the business curve in-
dicate the unhealthy nature of
business enterprise which can find
no substantial stimulus in the way
of opening up markets — either
abroad or domestic — for productive
expansion. Hence witness the al-
ternate changes in business that
have seen such variations as fol
lows:

Date

March 1933 (3rd week)
July 1933 (2nd week)
November 1933 (1st week)
April 1934 (3rd week)
September 1934 (2nd week)

Within these broad variations,
there have occurred still more
fluctuations that contrast very
sharply with the curve in recent
years and in the whole history of
U, S. A. business development.

The deep, fundamental nature
of this business crisis in relation
to the whole trend of the captalist
system has been constantly em-
phasized by Marxian economic
theory. The relative and absolute
slowing up in productive expan-
sion, the limiting and restrictive
nature of demand and the markets,
the fulling rate of profit (one has
merely to turn to Lewis Corey's
"Decline of American Capitalism"
for confirmation of these asser-
tions) have indicated the inherent
contradictions of capitalism. One
Of the most effective indietemunts
Of this economy is the mounting
debt load in proportion to the
amount Of invested capital. The
"Index," published by the N. Y.

Business Index
(N. Y. Times)
GO

98 (approximately)
73 ( « )

85 ( " )

72 ( « )

Trust Co., has issued a statement
on "Urban Mortgage Debt" which
contains figures that are simply
overwhelming in furnishing the
proof for the Marxian critique of
capitalist product on. These debt
figures show a total of $86,000,000,-
000 (21 of which represents home
mortgages; and 15 represents office
buildings, apartments, hotels, etc),
"This is a total greater than the
debt of the Federal government,
greater than the aggregate total
of ull local government debts,
greater than that of any class of
private or corporate Indebtedness,
and more than four times that of
the farm mortgage debt" (our
emphasis). The estimate is that
between 1921 :md L981 I be increase
was 200%. And whereas in 1921
it formed 12A% of all private and
public long-term indebtedness, in
1933 the percentage was 21.7, How
thig came about is seen in a re-
vealing puragraph from this re-

port which states that "a post-war
demand for new buildings, reflected
in a daubling of the valuation of
contract awards for residential
buildings and an even greater in-
crease in that for commercial
buildings, found its counterpart in
mortgage expansion far exceeding
Ih aggregate increased valuation
of the physical assets supporting
such mortgages" (our emphasis).
As to the significance of such a
state of affairs for capitalism, one
merely has to turn to the Sept.
19th issue of "Commerce and Fin-
ance" where the following greets
the eye: "The body of invested
capital tends to assume in increas-
ing proportion the form of debt.
Mortgages are simply one kind of
debt. Everyone knows that for
some time now urban mortgages
as a field of investment have been
practically out of th picture. It is
almost literally true that there is
'no mortgage money'. When
capital as a whole no longer re-
gards urban mortgages as a field
attractive for investment, is this
a major or a minor sytnpton of
fundamental disorder in the cap-
italist system?" There can be no
question that this symptom re-
veals a major kink in the economic
system in so far as the tremendous I
speculative heights to which capi-
talist economy can go are based on
the fundamental antagonism be-
tween the growth in productive
forces and the strangling of con-
sumption power. The discrepan-
cies that arise between valuation
and the actual physical assets —
that arose in the case of buildings
— are. thus the great oven ones
(speculative expectancy) of the

deeper problem of productive po-
tentiality and posslbttties (the

source of overcapitalization) versus
consumptive sterility (the eventual
check or deflator of expansion)

under capitalism. Furthermore,
the constant increase of debts out
of proportion to production, acts
as an intensification upon depres-
sions and crises.

worker* into th«> U.T.W,"
- ; (eg a :,',
tribe, eh, Comrade Staehet? W<dl
you are
Conm mist 1
(English editic
Do you agra
of the CJ., Conn

What Art Our Differences?

And finally to return to your
own eSxmtm m ce again,

"The difference* on the trade
onion question fa -,

ty and the Lov
gades are not merely
question of building b
dent unions (which we '.
only where there is a basis)
and the work in the
(which the Parly has always
for) but rather these dif-
ferences are in the character of
the trade anion work
these unions be affiliate ,
the A.F.L. or not."

So you advocated budding dual
unions only where there was a
basis. Does the liquidation of one

dual union after another indicate
that you had your bases right -or
what else is the matter? Secondly
doesn't the following statement
from your trade union leader,
Comrade Foster, look a little funny
next to the the statement that you
always believed in working in the

"The A.F.L. is definitely in
decline as an organization. It
cannot and will not organize the
unorganized."

Wasn't this attitude (now prov-
ed by life itself to have been so
disastrously wrong) unfortunate-
ly shared by the Party as a whole,
the basis for the withdrawal of
forces from the A.F.L. for the
building up of dual unions.

In one thing I agree with you
100%, that the differences between
us lie basically in the character of
the work in the trade unions. And
may I say quite clearly and simply
that unity between us will be im-
possible until the disruptive anti-
union tactics .of "left" groups
(which can work just as much
harm from the inside as from the
outside) is thoroly liquidated in
favor of realistic, militant, union-
building policy, taking into con-
sideration the needs of the moment
and able to move the whole mass
forward along the line of progres-
sive action. Changes in this direc-
tion are already clearly apparent,
even in America where the changes
are taking place most slowlv and
shamefacedly. Those who* are
speculating desperately on a return
to the "old way of things" better
consider carefully their resistance.
They may land on the scrap heap.

United Front From Below
Is Pure Talmudism

"The revolutionary party ought
o learn to draw in the ma;. I

.he working class, making use to
this end of every new acl on of
the masses. . . . *From this point
of view, to -ay that we are dis-
posed to make a united from uith
the masses, but net with their
leaders is pure scholasticism. In
he same way it might be argued
that we are willing to uegot ate bo
end strikes against the capitalists,
but we are not willing to negotiate
by entering into conferences with
them! It is impossible to carry a
strike to its end without at a
certain moment entering into con-
ferences with the capitalists or
their representatives. In the same
way. it is impossible to call the
organised masses to a common
struggle without entering into con-
ferences with those to whom a p.irt
of these masses give their con-
fidence. To work in any other way,
means that, under the cloak of
revolutionary inflexibility, we
would be exhibiting a political pas-
sivity which does not comprehend
some of the most important aims
for which the Communist Party
has been created."

Letter of the Executive Com-
mittee of the Communist In-
ternational to the Second
Congress of the Communist
Part j- of Prance, 1922,

WORKERS AGE

The International Front

The trend towards a correction
of the line of the C. I., the trend
towards a return to the Leninist
tactical path, is proceeding in cer-
tain sections of the C. I. with
seven-league boots.
* ♦ ,

Austrian Communists
Break with Sectarianism

Only a few weeks ago the Com-
munist Party of Austria, for the
first time a decisive factor in the
Austrian class struggle, closed its
12th convention and adopted deci-
sions of monumental significance

trade union work in a mechanical
rasluon, laying down the line
mechanically."

On Party Democracy

From the Resolution of the XII
Party Congress of the CP of
Austria.

" T i° Communi 'st Party is built
on the principle of democratic
centralism, on the principle of
inner democracy and strict, cen-
tralized leadership and voluntary
iron discipline. Inner democracy
means that every party member
carries out most actively the func-
tions assigned to him on the basi

for the entire intentional labor KviSofof iS w" ° n th °> siH
movement These decisions marked his^rienls'and SgTand
takes nart. in /lotmTv. ;„;,-, ™ n.» ' ^

a fairly complete break with the
poisonous doctrine of social fasc-
ism, with the ultra-leftist non-
sense of the united front from be-
low, with the suicidal policy of dual
unionism. We quote herewith ex-
cerpts from the resolution adopted
at this convention as well as from
the political report made by the
leader of the party, Comrade
Koplenig. We are indebted to the
Rundschau, the German Inprecor,
for the presentation of these do-
cuments. Said Comrade Koplenig:

On the United Front

"To us the united front is not a
maneuver, but a necessary condi-
tion of the proletarian class
struggle."

"... The CP, however, wiust
continue its efforts for the estab-
lishment of unity of action with
the Revolutionary Socialists and
with all Social Democratic groups,
We shall repeat our proposals and
put them into more concrete forms.
Our success will depend on our
own work among the masses and
on the extent to which we succeed
in convincing the Social Demo-
cratic and Socialist workers of the
absolute necessity for a united
front, in developing their initiative
m this direction and in carrying
out joint struggles aganst fasc-
ism."

"Without the initiative of the
masses pressing for unity and the
direct establishment of the united
front, without the close contact
and the friendly cooperation of the
Communists, Socialists and un-af-
fihated workers in each district,
every pac t, every agreement re-
mams a paper pact, a paper agree-
ment. We must further be care-
ful not to confuse unity of action
and organizational unity; tho we
are now as before striving for the
organizational unity of the work-
ing class in a party adhering to
Communism, we must not be im-
patient with those class conscious
fighters who belong to another
party or today reject the union in
one party. We will indefatigably
fight to convince the workers of
the correctness of Communist prin-
ciples, we will fight to win them
for Communism but we will work
together with every party, with
every group, with every organiza-
tion which is willing to carry out
joint actions against fascism
The Party convention, therefore]
pledges all Party members not to
leave a stone unturned in their
fields of activity in the realization
of unity of action with the Revolu-
tionary Socialists, not to harm the
friendly relations with all workers
ready to struggle, but to strengthen
them. The forcible words which
the representatives of the Comin-
tern directed to the delegates
must guide us:

'The chief enemy is not the So-
cial Democracy, the chief enemy is
capitalism, is fascism'."

— r-y~"^ cm xuuujigs, and
takes part in determining the party
line and party tactics. Innei
democracy involves self-criticism,
that is a never-ceasing, testing in
life the correctness of the party
line, a merciless uncovering of the
weaknesses and inadequacies of all
party organs, a systematic control
of the carrying out of decisions
adopted. Inner democracy implies
the development of the greatest
initiative of every party member,
every cell, every party committee
in the application of the general
party directives, in the immediate
reaction to everything taking place
in their field. Finally, inner-party
democracy implies the most active
participation of the entire mem-
bership in the formation and elec-

give up all its union H and to send
its members into the trade unions
of the Central Commission (re-
formist controlled organizations)
lor the purpose of "converting the
trade unions of the Central Com-
mission into militant class organ-
izations." Despite lack of clarity
and some ambinguity, in the fol-
lowing declaration of policy by the
Polish CP we recognize it as a
break with ultra-leflismj therefore,
as a step forward:

"The Red Trade Union Opposi-
tion is doing everything in order
that its members shall take part
in the daily work of the reformist
trade unions. The Red Trade
Union Opposition is not a transi-
tion organization to independent
'Left' trade unions, but its whole
work is directed towards achiev-
ing the realization of class unity
of the trade union movement.

"The action proposed by the
C. C. of the C. P. P. for the de-
fense of the trade unions which
are threatened with incorporation
leads to their unity and interna-
tionalism. In the fight against
the fascist state trade unions the
proletariat will force the class
unity of the trade union move-
ment,"

Trotskyites Split Again

The Trotsky "movement" con-
tinues to grow by leaps and
bounds, with the bounds rapidly
ueismp in me lormation and elec- developing into pieces and the
tion of the leading party cadres ' leaps leading head-long into So-
as well as the remov.il nf tVin^n i cial Demnmcv Th*> *.nwin*.,,fe. „-p

mc icjumjj party caares * m»h»s leaning nead-iong into So

:11 as the removal of those I cial Democracy. The remnants o

'e shown themselves not ' the German Trotsky Group, nov

Nine

The Stevens Case in Canada

by John F. RuSSell banned document that the S<*U1-

Like a bolt from th*> hl» A *v.« De . m <> cratlc P re ss boosted its cir-

any other Canadian admmlstra-

hSvSf"!!** ?! acrOS ? the Poetical Birth of The

Jn f«i» « Canadian politics with The Stevens Con

sational Darrow ££$?, SemLJw based was set up under the pres-

booklet, issued privately by H H
Stevens, Minister of Trade 'and
commerce and chairman of the
Price Spreads Committee, has
created a resounding furore in
Canadian political and economic
circles.

./ho have shown themselves not
energetic enough, and their re
placement by better fitted persons."

Polish Communists Alter
Trade Union Position

A similar turn has been made by
the Communist Party of Poland.
In an article entitled, "For the
Class Unity of the Trade Union
Movement in Poland" appearing in
International Press Correspond-
ence No. 48, Comrade Henrykos-
ski apologizes for the CP ever
having set up parallel unions-
dual unions — and blames it all on
the reactionary burocracy, which
undoubtedly did plenty to disrupt
the workers ranks. Of course, we
do not excuse in the least the
Polish section of the Comintern
resorting to union-splitting merely
because of Social Democratic pro-
vocations. That is why, tho we
welcome the apology, claiming
that: "The setting up of parallel
lett' trade unions was therefore
a result of systematic disruptive
policy of the reformist leaders,"
we do not endorse the now-dis-
carded dualism.

On The Trade
Union Question

"Some Communists have made
the error of not distinguishing
sharply enough between the Party
and the trade unions. The party
convention has criticized this and
emphatically states that the free
trade unions are not organs of the
Party, but are the organs of the
entire working class; it is neces-
sary to unite workers of all ten-
dencies in these free trade unions.

"We, Communists, must work
for the slogans of the Party in
the trade unions but must not
think that the leadership belongs
to us from the very beginning.
Those who gain the confidence of
their fellow-workers will be the
leaders in the trade unions. We

ist also not err in approaching

Propose To Win
Reformist Unions

It is for this reason that we
greet the latest decision of the «
Communist Party of Poland to of course

-..*, ^vuiiun Aiuwhy uiuup, now
collected in France, have just had
another big split, despite* the
smallness of their numbers. Those
opposed to the entrance of the
Trotskyites into the French So-
cial Democracy have just issued
an open letter stating their posi-
tion and separation from the "In-
ternational Buro of the Bolshevik
Leninist Opposition" — that is, from
Trotsky. The tendency in this
open letter continues for a Fourth
International and a new party, but
offers the perspective of affiliating
to the remnants of the Socialist
Workers Party of Germany as the
last of the Mohicans remaining
loyal to the fetish of a new inter-
national.

The Trotskyites apologizing for
their entry into the French Social
Democracy have declared that this
organization is going left and is
not a government party. But, in
Czecho-SIovakia the Trotskyites
have likewise gone over to the
Social Democracy, and the Czech
Social Democracy can by no means
be called the extreme left of the
Czechoslovakinn government of
which it is an organic part. The
Czechoslovakian government is
dominated by the heavy industrial-
ists and big financiers and is out-
wardly led by Masaryk and Benes.
All we can say is another farewell
to the left of the left— self-styled,

The noted pamphlet which has
caused so much widespread discus-
sion bears the heading: "Price
Spreads and Mass Buying. An Ex-
planation of Work Done and Re-
sults Achieved by the Special
Select Committee of the House of
Commons." Strangely enough, the
stirring pamphlet was issued not
on the authority of the Prime
Minister nor of the Price Spreads
Committee hut under the authority
and personal direction of the
ministerial author himself.
Canada Suppresses
Stevens Pamphlet

It has been estimated that about
4000 copies of the booklet were
printed and distributed. Its cir-
culation was largely restricted to
select individuals and certain news
papers. The attention of the Cana-
dian public was brought to a sharp
focus on the pamphlet when the
personification of Canadian cap-
italism, Prime Minister Bennet,
waxed so incensed from a perusal
of a copv that he immediatelv and
arbitrarily ordered its summary
withdrawal. One can imagine the
effect that this pamphlet had on
him_ coming as it d'd from his
minister of trade and commerce.
However, the incident was a hum-
iliating rebuff to Mr. Stevens who
clearly showed the weak stuff of
which he is made when he took the
suppression of his pamphlet silent-
ly and slavishly.

Press Refuses
Td Print Findings

It is noteworthy that, tho the
leading bourgeois papers of the
Dominion were circularized with
copies of the pamphlet, only two,
the Vancouver Sun and the Win-
nipeg Free Press, had the courage
to publish the text in full. A To-
ronto da : ly set it up in type but
unfortunately it did not see the
light of day. The Social-Democratic
press seized on it avidly and pub-
lished it in full. In fact so over-
whelming was the demand for the

What Is a Progressive Trade Union?

by L Zeldin

Is there a progressive adminis-
tration in Local No. 1 of the Cloak
Operators Union? Does the bribing
of socalled opposition leaders, their
securing snug berths on the pay-
roll of Levy & Co., indicate a "uni-
fication of all progressive elements
»n the union?" Does the decision
which calls for regular member-
ship meetings every four or five
weeks, does that, proclaim the
proffressivism of the Administra-
tion? Nothing of the kind. These
measures in themselves are not
necessarily of the essence of pro-
gressive trade unionism. That this
is the case is amply revealed by
recent occurances in our union.

Officials Betray Membership

Our membership meetings in-
structed our delegates to the last
convention to fight for two pro-
positions. First, the inauguration
of the week work system; second-
ly, for the amalgamation of Locals
No. 1 and No. 17. The first was
lost when the delegates voted for
a "compromise" solution which left
the whole matter to the tender
mercies of each Joint Board for
decision. The second, which Levy
had declared could be settled only

had declared could be settled only reelection would not have been a
by a Convention, was turned over I certainty. Hence the bribing and

to himself and Heller for conside-
ration, with both Heller and Levy
voting for turning the whole mat-
ter over to them I

Levy Plays Politics

The politics of the Local 1 Ad-
ministration in relation to the
Local 17 question must receive our
attention. Monts before the Con-
vention Levy campaigned for Hel-
ler as the General Secretary
Treasurer of the International, des-
pite the fact that during the past
few years he has hurled unmen-
tionable epithets at the same Hel-
ler. Why the great change of
heart? Why was Heller groomed
for such a high post in the Union?
Levy had planned to enter the con-
vention as the conquering hero who
had abolished all oppositions in
the Local. He had succeeded in
bribing the leaders of the opposi-
tions by placing them on the pay-
roll, but he never succeded in unit-
ing the members of the various
groups who .could not stomach his
administration. The reason for this
action was obvious: to eliminate
all opposition to those policies of
Levy which were being fought by
the membership. Had there been a
decision for amalgamation, Levy's
reelection would not have been a

the agreement to a "voluntary"
amalgamation in order to leave
more time for bargaining. Our
Local spent five thousand dollars
on the 11 delegates sent to the
convention.

Organizational Problems

What attitude does the adminis-
tration have toward the union's
organizational problems? It is to
be welcomed that our union part-
icipates in the determinig of prices.
It is hardly essential, however, to
employ adjusters when the business
agents together with the shop com-
mittees are empowered to settle
prices. If the business agents are
too busy at the beginning of the

• lit: ,Hiiii!:H.iii.iinMi mniCBi-

ed in economy, executive board
members might help to settle
prices during free time at no extra

r a speech which Mr. Stevens
delivered to the Convention of the
Boot and Shoe Industry held in
Toronto last January. In this ad-
dress he gave evidence of the ap-
palling exploitation that obtained
m the industry and called for rem-
edial action. He cited instance upon
instance of the stupendous profits
made by employers while employ-
ees were receiving wages of £4.00
to $9.00 per week.

The speech was like a bomb-
shell and it was not long before
the Stevens Committee had been
set up to investigate the conditions
against which he had railed in his
speech.

Hearings Expose
Intense Exploitation

During the course of the inves-
tgation numerous workers dele-
gations appeared before it charging
abuses here and abuses there. Giant
companies, such as the Canada
Packers, Imperial Tobacco, Robert
Simpson, and a host of other mam-
moth firms and trusts were sum-
moned by the commission to testify
and have their business investigat-
ed. The evidence amassed showing
business malpractices and terrify-
ing exploitation of the workers
was truly appalling. The companies
investigated did not hesitate to ex-
press their resentment at this
procedure.

In the investigation of the Im-
perial Tobacco the findings were
very startling. It was found that
during the past year the company,
controlling about 80% of the pro-
duction of tobacco, made an aver-
age annual net profit of $6,000,000.
Further, that this was made pos-
sible by the intensest exploitation
of the tobacco farmers of Southern
Ontario. Mr. Stevens relates in his
pamphlet that in 1930 this com-
pany paid the tobacco growers 33c
per pound for tobacco. In 1931 the
company imported an ace tobacco
buyer from the Southern States
and gave him a job as buyer. In
the fall, he continues, this same
buyer was paying the farmers 19c
for their tobacco. For his immense
profitableness to the company the
buyer was rewarded with fabulous
bonuses besides his salary. As a
matter of fact, one super-buyer re-
ceived §65,000 in bonuses in 1930
above his salary of §25,000. But,
the minister continues, while this
company was reaping such huge
profits the wages of its employees
suffered drastic wage cuts.

Mr. Stevens*
Bid For Power

Dame rumor has it Mr. Stevens
is jockeying for leadership of the
Conservative Party and that his
pamphlet represents just a strateg-
ical move on his part. If we recall
the meekness with which he took
the censorship of his pamphlet it
will be seen that there is some
truth in this allegation. For, had
he been sincere in his condemna-
tion of the industrial mal-condi-
tions that he found, he would have
raised a protest against the ban on
his booklet. As it was he made a
hurried retreat to his kennel from
which has since issued a few weak
barks. At any rate the Commission
will have the same fate as the com-
of the past — will pass,

too busy at tne beginning ot the missions of the past— will pass,
season, then settlements can as ; bH . and its findings for-

readily be made in the evenings. Forgotten by the govern-

^ er ?_ t ^L. a ! i "\ miSt .!:!^°IL." lt f. re .l t ; ment and the parasitic class that
it represents but not by the work-

jjiices uumii^ hub unit; <n no (.'xli'u

cost to the union. Every pretext
has been used to augment the staff
of adjusters without any decision
of the executive board to such ef-
fect being made. While this is
being written, the manager has

the payroll. When interrogated as
to this situation, he replied, "Don't

represents uul nut u> »«: «"">•
„s and poor fanners who will see
that the system under which they
live is overthrown and a socialist
order put in its place.

[IS give me any advice, I do whatever
.jported that prices have already I nnd necessary." Ihe question re-
been sttled in the industry, never- mains, how long can such things
theless the adjusters are still on be permitted in our union? Why
the payroll. When interrogated as this adjusters racket? The major-

(Continued on Page \2\

T*.

WfAtKERS ACR

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Revolutionary Greetings to the

Weekly "Workers Age"

COMMUNIST PARTY OPPOSITION
Boston, Mass. w tWt »*«, , t„j

Detroit, Mich. Caiifom.

San Antonio, Texas

>

WORKERS AGE

"The Ways of the White Folks"

"WHERE THE CHKTTO KNDS:
JEWS IN SOVIET RUSSIA."
by Leon Dennen, New York,
Alfred H, King, 254 pp., $2.50.
Leon Dennen has written an in-
teresting, "light," smooth-flowing
book, dealing with the Soviet so-
lution of the Jewish problem. The
chapters are intimate, personal,
gossipy. Anecdotes rather than
Statistics are depended upon to
build up bit by bit a picture of the
new life that is curbmg and wip-
ing out anti-semitism, preserving
Jewish culture while Jewish reli-
gion withers, making workers and
farmers of a tribe of erstwhile
shopkeepers, schnapsbrenners, luft-
menschen and melamdim, and de-
stroying every trace of the age-
old ghetto walls.

The work has the defects of its
virtues. Its pleasant style and per-
sonal anecdote leave little space
for fundamental analysis. This is
not a work to go to for a Marxist
examination of the Jewish queS'
tion, but it makes an excellent
gift to Jew-conscious friends who
are hostile to the Soviet Union.
B. D. W.

PIETISM AS FACTOR IN THE
RISE OF GERMAN NATION-
ALISM: By Koppel S. Pinson,
PhD. Columbia University Press,
1934. 227 pp.

Pietism was in eighteenth cen-
tury Germany what Methodism and
Quakerism were in England and
Quietism in France — essentially
an evangelical movement with its
emphasis upon bringing religion
out of the cathedrals to the broad-
er masses of the people.

Dr. Pinson's thesis, spun out like
most doctoral dissertations, to
fourteen times the spaee it deser-
ves, is that the Pietistic movement
was a contributory factor to the
rise of German nationalism. One
looks in vain, however, throughout
the book for any definition of na-
tionalism. Dr. Pinson says only,
"The intellectual climate conducive
to the growth of a spirit of na-
tionalism has always drawn upon
irrationalism, anti-inteilectuahsm
and emotional mysticism, in Ger-
many this preparation was large-
ly supplied by the Pietist move-
ment."

This may be quite true but it
hardly seems important. The rise
of nationalism in Germany came
from two factors — the external
need of competing as a nation in
an expanding world market and
the internal struggles of the timid-
ly rising bourgeoisie with the
Junkers. The eighteenth century
evangelical movements of Ger-
many and other European coun-
tries arose from another and
proceeding need — the necessity of
the rulers for misdirecting the dis-
contented ferment of the masses
made landless by enclosure and
similar forms of expropriation.
This latter point is seen but hard-
ly understood by Dr. Pinson in
quoting Spener, "God had, in his
wisdom, separated the classes in
certain orders — some to be rulers,
others subjects, some lords, others
servants, and so forth."

seems that Dr. Pinson has

i hold of a historical accident.

Pietism arose in the

jenth century and German

nationalism in the nineteenth. On

the basis of this chronology he has

built his theory and gotten his

PhD. Congratulations, Dr. Pinson.

This book by Eangston Hughes
made up of fourteen short
stories each of which gives a vivid
picture of some phase of Amer-
ican race prejudice. These stories,
altho dealing with such a degrad-
ing social disease, are so brilliant-
ly and attractively written that
they will appeal to more readers
than could be induced to read more
solid stuff fortified by facts and
figures. White folks whose con-
duct has been as iniquitous and
absurd as that of the characters in
these stories, ought to feel asham-
ed after reading the book, and the
many Negroes for whom the term
white folks is a synonym for
enemy should be provoked to
laughter with no malice beneath
it. The work, beside being a part
of the strong counter-tendency
that has set in to throw discredit
on the extravagances of the race
theorists of western civilization,
also quite suggestive in that it
shows the author to be a sincere

by Noel Chambers

worker in the interest of a so- I
ciety where there will be no bar-
riers between man and man. The '
social outlook of the author de- j
serves special notice, since there j
is among Negro writers and intel- I
lectuals a timid lethargy in the
matter of taking up a new posi-
tion in a changing world.

It is depressing to review the
silly methods most white people
use to sow the seeds of ill will in
the heart of a Negro. To be suave,
polished and obtrusively superior;
to issue rude and pompous orders;
in fact to ill-treat the Negro at all
times is to them a labor of love.
And they practice their vicious
tricks in such high spirits! They
raise snobbishness to a fine art
and pretend to be surprised when
the Negro resents their barbaric
hostility. They have such a firm
belief in the inherent superiority

of their race that they p
the Negro always patronizingly,
somewhat pityingly, ■ometiroea
contemptuously.

To mention a few more of the
things noticed in Hughes' book,
there ii the case of those white
[men who will cohabit freely with

coal-black women to whom they
feel naturally attracted, but v/ill
see red and commit murder when-
ever they suspect that a Negro
might be gaining the favor of
woman of their race. Furthermore
these self-appointed lords of the

■

. . .

..'., to
b lack ,.•,

race,

all intJ .
nence ii
any tali
white portion of it. 1

■

time for they are too

to determine what I

earth refuse to be the father-; ofjraany so-caE iSVt been

the children borne them by black able to pass as -a mosst

women and even wish these women
and their children to worship and
fall down before them at all times.
And the conduct of most white
women give us a picture of the
true slave. These women will go
to most amusing lengths in re-
pression rather than associate
with black men, not because they
are repelled by any instinctive

The Joint Board of the

®rw0 $c HaistmataB fttmm

Greets the

Workers Age

in our common fight against fascist reac-
tion, and war and for the immediate im-
provement of the conditions of the workers.

PHILLIP KAPP, Secretary-Treasurer

CHARLES S. ZIMMERMAN, Acting General Manager

NATHAN MARGOLIS, Chairman

Affiliated Locals:
Amalgamated Ladies Garment Cutters Union, Local 10

SAMUEL PERLMUTTER, Manager

Dress and Waist Makers Union, Local 22

CHARLES S. ZIMMERMAN, Manager

Dress and Waist Pressers Union, Local 60

MAX COHEN, Manager

Italian Dress and Waist Makers Union, Local 89

LUIGI ANTONINI, Manager

amusing thing when one thinks it
over cat

This whole question of race is
a permanent blot on we
civilization — the only civilization
that has built up and propog

an elaborate philosophy in justifi-
cation of race prejudice. When we
review the mighty civilizatic
the past built up by the in;-,
efforts of men's minds without re-
gard to color, we see what rneagr&
and irrelevant grounds the people
of European descent have for mis-
liking peoples of other colors.

Eace prejudice is an acquired
social characteristic and as such
is liable to change. Of course,
there are many who hope it could
be permanent. See how perplexed
white rulers of today are because
they see signs that the antipathy
on which they relied is weakening
and v/ill eventually dissipate with
increasing contact of the two
races. Most working class white
men are unwilling to admit a com-
mon kinship which is within all
men but hidden under a thick
crust of race and class prejudices
— weaken. ng, n^w that economic
pressure has reduced white and
Negro to the same level of life.

The cancer has taken such deep
root that nothing short of the most
relentless surgery will excise it.
Of course, in looking at race pre-
judice in such European colonies
as the U.S.A. one must bear m
mind that since, as Chesterton
declares, it was the practice of
England to make her ramparts out
of rubbish, the first contacts of the
races were not of the finest, on
the European side. Also in recent
times the poor Europeans who fly
the oppression of tyrants in their
native lands find America a very
fertile field for experimenting
with all that is bad and cruel in
European society. They seem to
delight in aping the tricks of their
former oppressors.

The whole business of the ill
treatment of blacks by whites
must be stigmatised as intolerable
and unjust, and if the white
masters were not in possession ot
the most deadly weapons which
give them the power to dispute the
ultimate ratio of all that lies m
brute force, they could expect a
mighty retaliation.

Our faith for the future of
humanity should be in a new
classless society in which we have
all reasons to believe that even
white folks would have to behave
ke human beings.

THE NEW BASTILLE by Morde-
cai Iethoc Fruchs, The Christo-
pher Publishing House $2.60.
The New Bastille is another ol
the numerous anti-fascist hooks
published since the advent of Hitler
to power. Mr. Fruchs purposes to
awaken the intellectual nature in
man to a consciousness of the hor-
rors" of fascism and economic
planning of any kind under a prolit
system.

I The author proceeds to an an-
alysis of the N. It. A. in which
he quite correctly sees the basis
and germs of fascism. However,
hjj olutlon, for this trend to
fascism, is a return to the petit-
bouxgeoii economy of pre-mono-
poly capitalism. Mr. Fruchs sees
in the lai; ;,e/,-faire period of ear y
capitalism a glorious stage m
which the principle is, no restraint

on competition by governments and
the freedom of the individual to
"develop his business or industry
to the greatest scope within the
limits of his capacity and inge-
nuity."

He fails completely to see that
it is this very competition, which
is so necessary to capitalism, that
inevitably must lead to monopoly,
with competition assuming new
and more vicious form. So com-
pletely fascinated is the author by
the conception of free competition
that he hastens to prove that it
is the "guardian angel" of the in-
terests of the great masses of
people because it forces prices
remain within reasonable bounds.
That capitalist competition is the
source of unemployment, that com-
petition is responsible for intensi-
fied exploitation and wage cuts,
Mr. Fruchs has yet to discover.
This glorification of competition is
rried to such an extent thai
ruchfl finds in trade unionism the
monopoly of labor in which the
"BENEFIT" of competition ot
worker against worker has been
eliminated. _.

Bourgeois democracy, says Mi,
Fruchs, is the political doctrine
aimed at liberating industry from

the interference by government. A
cursory examination of the histori-
cal role of the American govern-
ment will prove the fallacy of this
contention. The government has
been part and parcel of the capi-
talist class, serving industry as its
armed force, fighting every inch
to obtain markets, influence and to
protect the money interests of the
ruling class. This false conception
has at its source the equally false
theory of the state being above
classes, a thing unto itself, UJJ-
changed and unchangeable bus
Fruchs objects to the New Deal
because "it meant a contempt, a
disregard, and a defacing of the
8 i gn: Ne Van-tar," on the holy oJ
the holies, the Constitut on of the
United States. Class legislation

and CUSS domination only came
into being with the New Deal, thi
Reconstruction Finance Uirpoiu

tion, says this ard.-nt defender
rugged individualism, i> not re
pug/iant to the democratic spirit

and has nothing In U ot w

"Steely compelling sharpness

jtovernment power." I fail to se<

that the bayonets that Hoover*8
woldiers used on the bonus march-
ers in 1982 have any less uteely
compulsion! than the bayonets used

the

ol

clis

by Roosevelt's rowdies
strikers in 1934. . .

Flying in the face of all histori-
cal truth the author states that
the tendency of social evolution
has been towards a leveling of all
classes, and that only with the
introduction of "schemes oi ( econ-
omic planning and fascism have
the class divisions ami class \vai
been revived. In his Individualistic
blindness and rage against orga-
nization and from the point

View Of his petil-Ln ■;;■

Ideology, Fruchs dn idi ■ i ' •'■

into new social classes. Mr. V

develops a unique theory oi w re-
lationship of organised tabor to
capital and to unemployed, unoi-
ganized labor. Trade unions

an absolute control oyei OJ
nob of employment, then b
nating all chances 01 emp

to tho.se who are uiiorgani,

sequently, Bays Fruchi
reality become two
different economic interests. i
might ask, If Mr. Ford i* not
member of the auto employ*

trade association, does that do

ate him from the capital.* c .

aml . iro his economic interests

ferent from thos'
lion members'.'

obi.
chan-
ellmi-
yment

tin

classes

of the assoeia-

a step u
and in some

Mr. Fruchs goes further in the
trine of reconciling irreconcdabie
%™J* and hading cony-uhouo^
in interests that are alike. L
ized labor "moves
in the social scale

; , i ";.;"' s ;; d ' , it •> n-.ai *** >»>»$

;."',,,' l*le for, Mi if
X unemployed* u

guni7.eu

ivadv to accept thU th*

SKI

has interests id.

Of capital, or b)

organized
doited,
„ with that

t organised labor to

soiled to pay higher

for -£S Thouw than unor-

paSSively accept orgai x.-

Uomit^compeU^o^ay ig^
xploit

m 'd 'hor whom it can exp or
K , L J II We feel certain that
S$ *WhB Will agree on th<

Mlv . ,k struggle* of \m,

W ^ 1U : B o Entity of tatej

ctl Labor and capital

aot quite

th labor "for

tenure of the

that thei
rests bet

and that l >^ bttsinej

ready to merge - l

mutual joint

„„!<.', moan, ol ggTStf

WORKERS AGE

Twelve

OOMM
Subscription

Workers A*e

Phone: GRamercy >-WW

MUMS! *' A ^* ^% c „. $1 . six months, I
« r*t*s: *****£?*£ » 78 , 1X months.
copy. Pomitttir $1-25 a >^r. »<■■■«

N pvcmbtT 1. 1984.

Vote Communist J

State*. ha\e writhed i
OgpitaLsn. Republican and

IT^KSSiS^staa c?

l . doubt that, « long as political Mipremacy

i5Hfc'*H*2 of H Strct, the AmerKan W orkers_ w.l>

the slightest si

*^«t5ar^S^T--- Hoove, in wM f

T'n..on.i„ 8 _ rosontntent W** A"* £* *u»g« a "J
dared iu "dangerous heights, Wall ^ r ^ l / e ^

Trade Union Notes

=rby G.
workers,

G:
greetings!

Party of the U. S. has been

and^onsideri I ^ 1 t L s 1 c,ly i ante,

'ihe Workers
born,

considering
cedents (the uannon

ihe Child is doing aooul
could bo expected,
ultimately

groups)

as poorly

The merger was
complished thru a process of ve-
ciprocal deletion. The "left of the
lefts" cheerfully agreeing to delete
the foim and the substance of the
term Communist and the American
Workers Party, under pressure
from the "Left-Internationalists
agreeing to delete the term Amer-
ican, but not the substance of its
crudo Americanism. But in the
ranks of both there is a strange

tion." . , . ..

The logic of this position is the
loeic of dual unionism and of the
independent Federation of Labor
which even the Communist Par.y
is beginning to toresake. 1o at-
tempt to palm off such a program
today, in the light of the present
situation in the trade union move-
ment, is to expose themselves as
toially lacking of an understand-
ing of the problem and to doom
their W- P. to a an impotent and
barren existence.

* * *

THE W. P. is "opposed to the
Communist party policy of
building paper unions . - - ' Yet,
the present policy of the Commun-
' ist Party is somewhat to the
posed to any general policy of dual .. ri ht „ of the W. P. . Where the
unionism, recognizing that a di- w< p> announces its intention to
vided trade unio« movement b ld new unions, the O- r.w ne-
1 einning to see the handwriting on

F. M. ■

absence of jubilation and even
audible rumblings of disappoint-
ment. Ask Spector, he'll ten you
However, since tnis Whole UflOttei
is outside our province, we cneer-
fuhy pass ihe douottul pleasure
of analysing the physiognomy oi
this political monstrously, to a
more hardy stan colleague, and re-
turn to our own held.
* * *
O AYS this tried and tested cham-
pion of labor: «'We are op-

"do-nothing*
, rit
lite-saver, the Democratic

u. i^^zttzz^t* =*-£i£

»arty, adorned in the most glittering
Sundance of the Democratic jackass :_ as vague and

idyllic
"ever offered by Norman Thomas;

RichUrg Volman, HiUman, as pro-labor window-dressmg.

While every instrument of mass persuasion glorified the Wew
Deal Franklm D. Roosevelt rode into office on the crest of t hi,
iwcitic wave so expertly engineerd. Then a great change did
come- The employer trade associations gripped economic control
TL nation V unparalleled fashion, as the greatest item
against union.sm and wage standards was unleashed. Gone are
the pro-labor promises, as corporations gobble soaring profits and
embattled labor finds its illusions in Roosevelt ripped and shattered
bv bayonets and hot lead on picket lines. And as profits soar,
m do the number of the army of disinherited, the unemployed.
The second year of Roosevelt 11 finds faith in the capitalist parties
slowly dissipating.

Inns far every intelligent workman and farmer sees eye to
eye with us. Increasingly they are turning to the parties of the
working class for a program that guarantees an unrelenting
struggle against Capitalism and the establishment of a worker?
and tarmers government. The two great parties of the army of
labor the Social Democratic and Communist, their principles, their
record and achievements, are being scrutinized,— which one offers
tne strategy of victory?

The day for purely theoretical dispute on this matter has gone
limbo long ago. One 100k at the m_p oi Europe and the answer
is given in the most convincing lashion. There towers the impos
ing, thriving structure of the Soviet Union, in the midst of a chaos
stricken, decaying capitalist world, acn*eved uader the leadership
of the Russian Communist Party. 'Ihe Communist program ha* 1
conquered one-sixth of the earth for the workers and farmers,
Nhat of Social Democracy, the Socialist Parties? Look closer
at that capitalist chaos in Europe. Socialist Parties in bourgeois
coalition governments, helping the decadent ruling class of Dlack
Europe maintain power and burden the workingclass with all the
horrors of crisis, on the flagrant fake of belief in "peaceful evolu-
tion" into Socialism. Did not this selfsame policy disarm, weaken
and betray the workingclass of Germany and Austria?

Does the American Socialist Party offer any hope? It loo
espouses those principles which the whole history of modern Europe
has proven disastrous to the workers. The policies of Communism
haa given us the living, thriving reality of a Socialist faia L e; me
policies of Socialism, a Jr ascist Germany and Austr.a. History
has delvered the verdict! Can you blind yourself to the significance
of thia verdict?

The errors of official Communism while costly and regrelable
must not obscure the validity of Communist principles. But the
ailments afflicting Communism are being overcome under the terrific
impact of recent events. Again world Communism begins to return
in its, tactics, too, to the victorious principles of Lenin.

ry vote for the Communist candidates is a battle cry!
fc declaration of our readiness to defend our interests I To protect
our living standards and rights; to crush Fascism and prevent
ao other imperialist war!

Vote straight Communist! For Governor, I. Amter; For Lieut.
Governor, W. Burroughs.

What Is A
Progressive Union?

{Continued from Page 9)
ity of members on the Executive
Board are on the payroll of the
local as price adjusters at $6*0 per
week. This is $5 more than that
paid to mere adjusters. A sweet
racket!

Stifling Militancy

When William Green issued his
strike-breaking statement on the
San Francisco general strike, 1
requested before the Executive
Board that our Local protest
against such statement from the
head of the A. F. of L.

Action on my motion pf con-
demnation was referred to a usb-
committee for consideration. After
four weeks of postponements they
finally made a decision which mid
ly voices some measure of < ?

facilitates the progress of reaction
and fascism." Excellent, as far as
it goes— but it does not go far
enough. Why opposition only to
a "general policy of dual union-
ism? which opens the door and
places a stamp of approval oi dual
unionism in certain specific in-
stances. Should we not remember
that also the Communist Par.y be-
gan precisely with specific in-
stances and that out of these grew
the general policy. If it is a crime
to "facilitate the progress of reac-
tion and fascism" as a general pol-
I icy why is it permissible in certain
instances. , .

What is characteristic of this
approach is its total lack of an at-
titude toward the mam oudy of
American labor, toward tne Amer-
ican Federation of Labor, and the
all pervading presence of a vulgar,
empirical attitude to developments.

nnL.~

is to "penetrate the umens
with its own program "will sup-

the wail and liquidates union after
union, altho it continues a rear
guard face-saving fire against us,
Insisting that it had organized
unions only in such fields as there
was a base, and claiming that it
never stood for dual unionism as
a "general policy."

The incontestable fact remains
that both the Trotskyites and
Musteites were tarred with the
same feather of dual unionism
The Trotskyites, charging us with
A F of L, fetischim, stubbornly
defended the Party's industrial
unions and only a few weeks ago
stepped into the breach to defend
the dual union in the fur industry.
Also the Musteites have inscrib-
ed upon their records the dual
union effort in West Virginia and
the adventurist fiasco of Southern
Illinois. Nor can we forget a cer-
tain "Call To Action" tor a con-
ference in Cleveland on August 26
and 27th, 1933. Among the signa-
tories to this call we find, in loving

port them in their efforts" if it embrace, the names of I. Amter,
develops that the "masses form Earl Browder, Wm. Z. Jester,
independent unions." But, what Clarence Hathaway, Jack Stachel
'vice to these work-| an( i £, F. Budenz and A. J. Muste.

iy voices Kuimj '"<=*— ??~~^ will be vour advice to these w.»r&- anc i l. F. Budenz anu n.. o. miaw
agreement with President ureen , i ? ^ ^ encourage them to What was the aim of this confer

statement.

New Workers School
FORUM

FALL SEASON 1934

Nov. 4, Jay Lovestone
American Labor Moves Forward
— An Examination of Recent
Historic Labor Decisions, The
A. F. of L. Convention, etc.

Nov. 11, Dr. Hugh H. Darby

Social Aspects of Science

Nov. 18, Prof. Goodwin Watson
A Psychologist's View of the
New Order

Nov. 25, J. B. Matthews

Topic to be announced

Dec. 2, Dr. Haim Kantorovitch ||

A Socialist Estimate of
Bolshevism

Dec. 9, Ludwig Lore

Hitler on Top of the World

Dec. 16, James Waterman Wise

Jews Under the Soviet

break the unity of labor's rantcs?
The light on this question is care-
fully concealed under a bushel.

Despite all its verbiage about
working "for a united, industrially
constructed and militant trade
union movement," the essentially
dual unionist character of its posi-
tion becomes clear when vas read
that

"The Workers Party does net
believe, however, that the
American Federation of Labor
has any right to claim a mono-
poly in the field of organiza-

■i We quote from the call:
"STRENGTHEN THE EXISTING
CLASS UNIONS AND TO BUILD
FIGH TING INDUSTRIAL
UNIONS. . . " m , .

So we say, the banner of duai
unionism may. falter, today, in the
hands of the Communist Party but
the W. P. is ready to raise that
banner once again. Fortunately the
dangers for the working class are
si sht indeed, because the W. P.,
infinitessimally weak as it is, can
carry that banner neither very
high nor very far.

Sun. Nights at 8 Admis. 25c.

Questions and Discussion

RIVERA HALL,

NEW WORKERS SCHOOL
51 West 14th Street
(Near 6th Avenue)

We want 1000 new Subs by 1935

$1.50 a year 85 cents for 6 months

WOPvKERS AGE
51 West 14th Street
New York City

Please enter my sub to the Weekly Age for.

Name

Address

City

State -

BRONX FORUM

Will Hear

Will Herberg

on

S&VUt Union and League of NalionsV

Sunday November 11, 8 P. M.

1330 Wilkins Avenue

$3,000 Needed for the

Weekly Workers Age by Jan. 1st

Three thousand dollars is the sum set as a sustaining fund
for *he Weekly Workers Age.

Three thousand dollars will guarantee that the weekly can
be pub .shed and printed regularly— that it will not be, as has
happened, in the past, held up by the printer for payment or
held in the office for lack of postage.

Three thousand dollars can be raised for the Weekly Age.
It must be raised if the CPO is to expand its work and spread
its influence.

Only cash counts in the three thousand dollar sustaining
fund drive. We have lots of pledges. But we print only the
names of cash donors.

Here are the donations so far. Let's have ten times this sum
bv the next issue of the Age.

PHILADELPHIA UNIT NO. 1 . . . S 25.00

R. HINSDALE

R. MICHAEL

GEO. HALPERN

PEARL -.HAL-PERN ...

SAM TIGER

SAM BAIL

J. ROBERTS

SAM RICHMAN

LEONARD SCHULER
SYLVIA ROLAND ..

A. BELL

MIKE INITIATOR ...
M. 1ABLON

B. BARATZ

10.00
10.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
5.00
3.00
1.00
1.00
1.00
3.U0
5.00
5.00

SARAH GROSS ^J

COOPERMAN

5.00

GEORGE WEISS - £.00

',"....... 5.00

1.00

V. FAY

I. STEINBERG

ALICE BRENT •

SOPHIE STEINBERG J*^

PETER ROSS

25.00

TOTAL • $ 147.00

STILL TOGO $2853.00