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Full text of "Workers Age Vol. 3 #5 March 15, 1934"

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WORKE^ 



Lt^i 



VOL. 5, No. 5. 



A Paper Defen ding the Interests of the Work 



NEW YORK, N. Y., MARCH 



^rs and Far 



mers 



General Strike Grips 
Cuba; Unions Banned 

The anti-labor policii's nC tlin nrpon^f ,. • j. -^ 

labor, iVarin^r thai ihr o^XJit olihu''^ "'' * ^''''"- f: ^rrn,i7..ci 
Ins. of Uu^ rip:ht hour .l.-;y, the ri,li. (.; J, j";;.'"', "'^7':'' ""^1''' '' '"i ^f' 
inliatiufr \v,ll! tin- only iiiMriinu'nt a ihn''\nnL-n} ,", ''"'''^m' '"'■ "'^ 



I'lilCK 5 CENT 



(111 thr workers fn.nl wc find 
a ik'Ki'ce (if tmiiy of ;u-tlon not 
scon for a Inn^,^ limc n<,th the 
roformist and rcvdlni i(,ii;iiy tnid 
union centers apprai- (,. ],v ooop- 
oratiiiK vory clusrlv to m;ikc the 
strike effective. The watci front 
and tcleplionc workiTs liave vr- 
s ponded espeeialiy wvU. 

Havana is an ariiKnl fnitrcs-,. 
S(>l(h'ors have hiuin called upon (,, 
carry out the work of the strikcis. 
In some cases workers arc iiiolii!-. 
ized and foree'd to enrrv on at the 
point ol' bayonet^. Tlie employeis 
and the h.-tirtreois part I, -s arc fran- 
tically npiiealiiur to fhcir suppcft^ 
ers to assist tlie f^nix-ernnirnl In 
remaininfr at. work. D.-vpijc nil 
threats the mass uf (he wmk.is 
are standinjr firm and il apixMs 
as tho tlie strikf> were siireadir^- 

President :\Iendiet.-t's effuris",-, 
have the strik(» ealleil <itr aiid die 
grievances referred \o arhiraCe;! 
have so far failed, wmkers feannLr 
that the minute tlie sti'ike is calle.i 
off vicious repressive measures will 
immedialelv follow Tlie ^jrnvetn- 
ment has therefore decreet! the dis- 
solution of all tr;-tdo unions whicli 
have not complied with the order 
to rail off tb.- strikOj 

The aniiud- of the cniployer.-; 
'-md the ^foro, .a fi-overnmont'can 
best be iudtred by the state ment 
mndf. by a lending' nfr'cial of the 
t'^lephone er-mpanv. He docl-nvd: 
^Ve will fiffht to th.. finish. Kilher 
|hf» companv will be heaferi 



Haverhill Shoe Men 
Go on Strike 

Haverhill, jMass. 

.'1'1'V H:tve,hdl sline industry was 
■','/" '\ ^■•'iiipjeiely |_|,is moruiriP- 
^-^'■'/"!^'.V Al:nvh i,), S,Ot)() sho^. 
Woi'kers leavirm' their sle.i>s. The 
P'-Posal for strikes xvas adopted 
■^ 1-m- In}, nm^s n,eetin<,s held 
Ml' day ni^dit at City Hall, Katies 

■ = '11^ .'Hd at Moose Hall. Over 
J ■'"'". n.etnbers participated in the 
nie ■u-l;,; with hundreds heiri >• 
.',1!''"";' '^^^-ly for lack of yuun7. 
'Il'- l.-n-.uM'si of the four meetings 
=".<>'.v Hall was addressed by Hec- 
le.ary /imnx-nnan of the General 
' <oi<ii„;it,,i.^^ (.'onimittee. 



'I'bo demands a[ \ho strike ai-e- 
iveeojvnition of the LJniti'd Shoe 
and i.r-ither Workers Union and 
tile sitrinn,Lr of the tinited A^'ree- 
intTit; i\o arbitration of anv kind; 
IncreaM. of 10',; (o l!0'; "in tho 
weakest departmentH; No Saturday 
^vork; No overtime work and a 
Minimum hourly rate. 

'J'lio complete tie uj) of the indus- 
iry ih 'w th> vi">'^vfn''to.-ep. dif,,, 
<\ panic and tiiey imniediatelv ask- 
i'd Hie b'-e^donai I,abor Boanfto in- 
lorvene. The District Council of 
the [Iniled flatly refused to call 
■■• the strike. Already, durinK" 
the fir.st day of the strike 38 shops 




One Year of the NRA^ 
Results and Tasks 



I the 



Lo%'^estone - Cannon 
Debate Dra^rs 1200 

New York City 
Over 1,200 workers filled tin 
larse Irving Plaza Hall to h ai 
Lovcstone and Cannon debate th 



ivl ilu 



lahr.r. T ;^" '"■/"'^"'•n or the uie nr..l day ot the strike 38 shop, 
iabor syndicate (trade union) will i luave settled among them 5 asso 
be destroyed." I ciation .^hop. 



Wall Street Jails 
Filipino Rebel 

The foIlowinf<- letler fnun Jacin- 
to C. Manahan, wa-' wi-iiteii iii.st 
before he was c, tiiniitied to "jad 
fnv r^-btuiK for the independence 
nf the l'hili])pine>. In ihe-e few 
j lines i.-, exposed the whole iiypo- 
eritjral atlitnd.. of American ' im- 
periali^nl to^vards "our brown })ro- 
tbers", .and the dunlicitv of ail 
these bills in f^on^-ress and pubbr 
pronounr(>m_ents (d" the ^rovernnienl 



.bout y,;- -ijpp'vj 



"',■/■■ ,^r ''''' *V ^H' :o,rn,( Mr*' 

while .iM!m;=T thu.^vr who struggle 
for indepenilencc. 

* + ♦ 

Jay Lovestone, Jnti. 2A, H)34. 

Hoar Cinnrade: 

We recidved your letter of Dec. 
18. 19oli., as an answer to our let- 
(Conthmcd on Page 2) 



The N.R.A. has just pa...,-n me nne ve-r ., i t. 
was c(de),,at(d hv a barrat^^e of rrilad ,.^V u ■ " ^^^ ^'^^^ birthdasa 
From lie. riu^lit il.e opp,,s,iie„ i: ,{■ .^ ;.vnoi ."'"-" ^^"^ j-js^t and lexf 
af 0l>i.osilion comes from the die-hard indi-dn'.'li'r'''"" . ' '"'^'"'^ '^Ji' 
convinced that it is necessary to tinko wi h j'' "I "? ''''? f''' " 
capit alist development". The othe r iV^^To^.^^'lt^^^M^ 

aS^e^anS^^^ ''' ^''^^ ^^^ 

From the ranks of the labor 

nvnemr-nt come loud wail.rof cui! 

a)>pom.ment at (he way i„ which 
XKA has WM.ke:| .„;, f.,,„ ^^,^,^ 
'"■''(''■■^ -K Xoiin:ui Th.-ara. -.^M 
^u.l^:. I:u.oh F-ud<.n who .honied 
their ho.-anr.a: :,.r Xl'A n-i hnlh 
-i;soi th^AM^.tieno. i.e.ini!; 
vp l\ '■^^*- ''V' "^S^»";z.al lab.r 
M.A iia. broug-ht a tiomeiulous 
growth (d company unionism. 
vvjiat has been accomplished in the 
v.ay oj the j^rowLh of the trade 
nne^rs has come about despite 
MiA ratlier than hecause of it. 
M:o-y Van Klnck h:\A .summed up 
very well the effects of NRA. It 
has bivuyht. she .^aid. m.^ny hopes 
t r labor and great power for the 
bo.sses. 

The collapse of NRA as a recov- 
ery meaRuro was made less ap- 
ivn-ent thru the rapid introduction 
01 the C.W.A. (which is not part of 
the NRA). Thru the actual oper- 
ation of NRA little or no increase 
ot employment resuited— witne-^s 
the present moven:ont for the .10- 
hoiir we'-'k — since the code hours 
in the edified ie:':. h-ir-s were ac- 
tual! v hJL'her i:i;in ilu- -^vn-icre 



t t)[i[)o.-dtion de 
efn 



11 



th 



in Cei 



iil-ra 



nmuiiisl Inter 
trayed the utter 
whole edifice of 
lonstructed bv 

imdy/.ed the ("leh 

as a defeat for tactical line of th ■ 
("dniintern !)ut ol' bankruptcy t.f 
the iM'inciph.v-^ of Sotdal-demoeracv^ 
boinlini: oii't Hiat despite the ru n- 
ous tactical conr.e, tho C.I. has 
noL di'parted from tlie fundarju-nta! 
premise of (^omnuimVm. he in^isted 
tliat no pi'inciple base exisis for 
establishing a new or "Fourth In- 
ternational" and that efforts to 
establish such are based on an ap- 
proach to centrism. 

Cannori, speaking for a "Fourth 
International", was, exceptionallv 
ciuV,-„L-... i:i :. s auavS.v.. ..^.'do.-t tb • 
Soviet Union. To Cannon tlie C( iii- 
intern is no lon^'er a prohlcm sine- 
it has completely tlisappeared. Th ' 
Bolshevik Party is ms longer that, 
, the mantle of Bolshe\'ism lieing 
confined to tho Trotsky .support- 
(Conlirtued on Page 8) 



">. 



■vvM 



\i\i ht 



has i>i KA 
. ir^creaso in buying 
pr>\\e!s since the campaign of ar- 
tificial prn-e pegginc; and money 
flation have simultaneously de- 
■eased buying powers. The "pres- 
ent wide movement of opposition 
iCoitt'utiu'd on Paf}f 3) 



Program of the Dressmakers Progressive Group 



The elections in our loeai are 
fast approaching. Soon the mem- 
bers will be faced with the prob- 
[em of choo.sing a new admiriiHtra- 
tion, new officers, delegates to tin- 
international convention. Soon the 
mt^mbers will be faced with the 
question; For whom to vote and 
«^hy?^ The Dres.Kmakers Progres- 
sive Group comes to you with an 
appeal to support its eandiflates 
on the basis of the record and ilc- 
cornpiishments of the progreas^%e 
aflmmiBtratir.n of our Local as well 
J^ "n the ba.^i,s of its program for 
"ie future. Today more thaji ever 
rauBt the dre.ssmakcrs prevent con- 
imion from being brought into 
^"5 "»nfe« hy slander and abu.«e. in 
wnjch some elements in our L'mon 
'jecmijz^,. tofJay more than ever 
jnun the dressmaker.*-: f'afeguard 
wkf u^ "'^^, hy supporting tho.se 
wno have always advocated a con- 
Rtnictive program and who have 
W>^^r abjlity to fight for this pro- 
gram and to carry it out into life. 
• • • 

Our Rfforci Of Achievement 

thl^^ r'/"'-'""^ "^ a<-hievement of 
^"« J>r«^Bsmakern Progrc?»ive 
r;rj"P ;=p',f*ks for itself. U i« clear 
JJd^well known to all Union mem- 

1- Wh"n the membership of our 
i^ocal ou«tt.d the oh! r.-acHonarioH 
and plut^ed the prrfc restive eb-- 
211" v,'"^" ''''^'''^- *^' f"""d hardly 
*»iion General anal by ftO'l dis- 



Willi our attitude of relying upon 
the mass supjtort of the workers, 
the [jrogressive adniiinstration im- 
mediately started a campaign to 
build u|) Uie morale of the mein- 
b.rship, to disi|.;il.e the prevadiuK 
a1inos|die]e of pessimism and in- 
fuse a new spirit into the Union. 
To accmnpiish this, the progres- 
ivrs iidtiated a drivo to enforce 
confiitions in the .shops as well as 
to piepare for a general >trike. 
A coniniitloe of twc-ntv-five rard^ 
,ir.Hl 111. ,. uas elected to carry on 
' 1 hi ■. r;tiii[)ai;.rn, ^^hich w;is :uiccess- 
ful in arousing and bringing h.a<'k 
into activity thou.'-ands of dress- 
maker.-. In this way, we made it 
jKis.sible to maintain our Union 
when conditions wero at their 
wor.st. 

♦ ♦ * 

The IVogresMiveH Built The Ifnion 

2. fn the moat trying period of 
the crisis, when it was difficult 
to keep even the skeleton of an 
org(uii/.ation, when even the rent 
and telephone bills could not i)o 
met. the progre.-isives loyally stuck 
to the Um'f>n, fighting hard to 
maintain and to build it. to raise 
the morale and the confideju«e of 
the active members. This was 
occ<»mpIifthed in spite of all the 
obstacles placed in our way inside 
and ffutsidc the Union, The reac- 
tionary elements <;irried fin a per- 



.si.stent and viciou.s campaign 
against the progressive adminis- 
tration, ^:neei-ing at, ridiculing and 

inidermiiiiair every atti'mpt to in- 
fuse a fif.rlit;ntr spirit into the 
(!re.-s'u;iia-r',. These people re- 
fused even Lt) participate in the 
bed. elecli<nis b.-cause the i.ucal 
treasury was emi>ty; apiiarently 



PROGR[:SSIVE GRC^UP WINS 
IN LOCAL 22 ELECnONS 



they are "loyal" to the Union only 
when the treasury is full! On the 
other side we were faced with the 
dual unionist splitters v,ho carried 
on an unjjrecedented eanipai.Lrn oi 
slander and tiemorali/.at ion fioni 
v.illiin the Union and i roni w th- 
ouL Their aim was to conl'u.c the 
dre-Muakcrs with the fake slogans 
of "united front", to sjdn our 
ranks an<l to l.ad.l the .lual Indus- 
trial Union. ddieir a-cnts fnnii 
v/:thln, parading under the name : 
ol" "[.eft. (.'i-oup Ojiposition". op- ' 
thing our Ur' 



hopes that fi'om then on the 
union would not have to do any- 
thing any more, that tho NRA 
would oriranize the workers and 



Tho progressives in DresMuak- " 
ers Union Local 22 scored a b k v ''^ i" 



L;ive them 


bett-T ccnd.t on.~. Our 


proLircssiv. 


a ioiinislraLion imme- 


diatc-l^' SOI 


iided the alarm. We 


realise.! tl 


at the only way the 


worker- c> 


aid uin any improve- 


ment o! c. 


nditions was by fight- 


in.t: for it. 


tliai th- NKA would 


L:rant notli 


nu" unless it had been 


uon in str 


Liggie. Therefore our 


iilministrat 


on began an agitation 


'or a gcner 


tl strike and began to 



opted to do for th 



hori ( omniittee (the comniit ee (01,,^,^,,^. j^, .,,| j,,,. nu'ctings with th. 
supervi.se th.- Local elections) was h.,^^,^^;^,,, ,,f disrupting them. .ia.. 
elected at » .series oi .^-ction moet- ^^ ^^^,3^ ^,^,j,^. j„.^,pi^. .,,,,. .j^inj. to 
ings held on Ihursdny, March 8. ^jjiy, Anvtbing that would weala-i 



Not a single one of the nineteen 
"Left CLoup" candidates or of the 
six "ind -• "identi*! (right -ving'Ts) 
came anv where near being cho.v;en. 

The progressive vote of 2. 200 re- 
|)reseiited a lead of about 700 owr 
the nearest "Left fhoup" candi- 
date. The progressive vote was es- 
pecially rmtewortby in its great 
Htrengtb amnuK the new elemenls 
of the uidon who had cmne int<» the 
orgaiii'/ation (luring the gent-r.il 
drike an.l after. 

The regular (dections in th" Lo- 
;d take jduce on M:ircb 22. 



biy. 

our Union they regarded as \o 

their advantage. 

Clearly understanding the pro- 
gressive jirngram of militant 
unionism and one union in the in- 
dustry, the membership of Local 
22 wholeheartedly supported the 
administration in its fight against 
both the reactionaries and the dual 

unionists. 

It * * 

The Progressives .And The NR.A 

a With the coming of the NRA. 
unionism faced a crisis. .Mnivv 
conservative union leaders luid 



JAY LOVESTONE M'^ar/a^Vsp"?.-,?. w-Tis^;' 



Ires.smakers; I inobiliiie the menibersbip for it. 

ir proposals Our campaign got a splendid rc- 
fi>r one union in the trade. They [spunse from the active menibers of 
the Union but. in line with its 
trcnetal policy of obstruction, the 
"be ft Group Opposition" oppo.'-ed 
even this proposal for a general 
strike. These so-called "militants" 
flemandod "guarantee-." befoiv 
Ihe^' would support the general 
strike! 

The (Jenenil Strike 
•1. The general strike uf last Aug- 
ust shovved how correct were the 
progi-am and policies of the jjro- 
gcessive administration of our Lo- 
•al. This striko was the greatest 
n the whole history of the dre-s 
fr.'ide. The eyes of the entire la- 
bor muvt'ment were turned upon it 
in .-^urprtse and admiralion. As a 
con'otpn-ni-e of the splendid re- 
sp.n):e of the dre.^Jsmakers. as a 
result of militant mass picket 
dontuutrJ on Fa^,' f>) 



Wt-fy^^iFi'i&^Sj 



^:^2'^ssm 



Two 



WORKERS ACB 




Tho Communist Opposition rt- 
BCted qiuckly to ihe important de- 
veiopments m connection with the 
Bed strugg-Ie of the Austn&.i 
tkers asrainst Fascism. C.P.O. 
mbers m Local 22, IX.G.W-U. 
reduced a resolution calling for 
a general stoppage. This started 
the movement lor a general strike 
which took place on Friday, Feb 
ruarj' 16, involving 500,00u work- 
ers. 

On short notice a mass meeting 
was arranged by the New York 
District on the Austrian Revolt, 
with Comrade Lovestone as the 
speaker. About 600 workers 
packed the hall. Our Hartford 
organization also conducted a suc- 
cessful meeting on Austria with 
Comrade Saul Held as the speaker. 
Down Town Branch One of New 
York made a voluntary collection 
of $15 for the publication cf a 
leaflet on the Austrian events. Our 
Detroit comrades showed good ini- 
tiative in issuing 3,000 leaflets on 
Austria and the disruption of the 
Madison Square Garden meeting. 
* « * 

A Letter From Grand Ruplds 

The attitude of workers and C. 
P. members to the woik of the 
Communist Party is shown in nu- 
merous letters being received by 
the national office of the C.P.O. 
The following are excerpts from 
a letter by G. A. 

"I am a younger worker 

have been affiliated with the 
Young Communist League and 
the International Labor De- 
fense On the first of May 

1933 a parade took place in 
which only communist organ- 
izations participated. On" June 
30 a United Front Tom Mooney 
Conference was held but it had 



the ranks of the farmers. No [a powerful ideological and organi- 
(hecieticaUy trained college zavional weapon, even in distant 



sutdent is capable of under- 
standing the proper tactics with- 
out actual experience. In my 
opinion the t;actic3 used by the 
orficial C. P. is tearing down 
even more than they build up 
in radical farm organization, 

I have read the pamphlet 
*'>V^hat is the Communist Op- 
postion" and find it very inter- 
esting and instructive. 
Fraternally yours. 

K, D.— Nebraska 
* * * 

Workers Age At Work 

The 'two letters demotistrate 
clearly the value of our paper and 
our literature. In one case it re- 
sulted in a member of the YC.L. 
joining us for an effective fight 
for a unified Communist Party 
fighting with correct tactics. In 
+he other case it proved to a work- 
ing farmer that not "all commu- 
nists were crazy". It proved to 
this working farmer that what was 
wrong was? not communism but thp 
tactics which were beine applied 
bv the official fommunf.sts. We 
sre certain +hat this militant farm- 

°^ will f^'"H if Do^cihle to j"in us ing up a progressive movement in 
for an ^-ff active fight also' in the the trade unions, for building th<i 
fn^-m, field. C.P.O. and for winning the work- 

How our I'terature is Fervinff as ers for Communism. 



lands, is shown by a letter fr.m 
Denmark by V. K. C. This work 
er writes: 

"i am very glad to have re- 
ceived your pamphlet "What's 
the C.P.O." which I have 
ready read. 

I am living in a little town 
and am trying to make young 
Socialista and Communists think 
for themselves. It is not lo 
easy. The Social-democrats here 
are hailing Roosevelt's recovery 
schemes as Socialist proposals. 
I am using to very good advan- 
tage your articles and pamph- 
let on this question." 
We see that our literature on 
NRA is serving well in the liqui- 
dation of illusions about the NRA 
not only among American workers 
but also among Europe ah woikers. 
* * ♦ 

Forward To Build The Workers 

Age 
All branches of the C.P.O., the 
entire membership, must utilize the 
present drive to secure 750 new 
subscribers and 2500 new readers 
for Workers Age. This is one of 
the most effective ways for build- 



LITERATURE DEPARTMENT 

COMMUNIST PARTY U. S. A. {OPPOSITION^ 
51 West Mth St., New York, N, Y. 



LABOR PARTY IN FORT WAYNE 

by Harry Connor 



To understand the question of a 
Labor Party in Fort Wayne and 

...™.. ^a:, „c.u wui u naa j" .^^^^iana we must examine its re- 

to be postponed because the at- I^P?" ™ ^^^ group smce it was 



tendance was so poor. 

With the I.L,D. it is also bad. 
The branch that I joined was 
short lived. It is now out of 
existence. 

Late in October I was dropped 
from the Young Communist 
League because I was unem- 
ployed and failed to pay dues. 

Accidentally I found part of a 
Workers Age and took it home 
with me to read. Since then 
I iiave been interested in the 

Since writing the above letter 
Comrade G. A. has joined the C. 
P.U. and IS busy organizing a 
branch m Grand Rapids. 
• * * 
A Letter From A Farmer 
. Th^ effects of the Party sectar- 
ian line in the farmers field is 
shown_ just as dramatically in the 
loUowing letter from a farmer: 
"I have read the two articles 
m the Jan. 15 issue of Workers 
Age and also the article in the 
pec. 15 issue with which I ful- 
ly agree. 

The articles from Omaha are 
^pecially good and show a 
clear understanding of what is 
takmg place here in the midd'e 

7^a\^ ^^^^'"'^ *° ^^^ farmers 
ana the Communists. 

. -^f. * delegate from Nebraska 
^J^f^"^^} Farmers National 
iteiief Conference in Wflshino.. 



initiated and developed. 
! It was in June 1932 that the 
first steps were taken to proceed 
with work for a Labor Party. 
This was attempted thru the Allen 
County Unemployed Association 
which had a membership of 14,000. 
The question of a Labor Party was 
raised, and altho, no permanent or- 
ganization was formed, the idea be- 
came deep rooted among the un- 
employed, veterans, farmers and 
t^ade unions. So strong was this 
sentiment in Fort Wayne and in 
Indiana generally that Governor 
McNutt postponed all elections for 
one year under the guise of econ- 
omy. This step instead of discour- 
aging the workers has rather in- 
tensified their efforts. 

The C. P. with its present ultra- 
left line has completely rejected 
the Labor Party. The present lead- 
ership of the Party can do nothing 
but slander and discredit the real 
efforts of the workers to achieve 
genuine, independent working class 
political action. The Labor Party 
is a promising field for mass work 
today and the C.P.O. must turn its 
attention to this work. Communist 
leaders who fail to recognize this 
fact must keep in mind the words 
of Engels to the Socialist Labor 
Party in 1887: "They deserve to 
pensh because they do not under- 
stand their real principles." To 



ton, D. C. J know how close the first step of the Americkn com- 
w spiittine un «nH munist movement. The last elec- 
tions showed plainly that the mass 
of the warkers still follow the 
bourgeoisie. 

At the present time with the in- 
tensive attack on the workers 
standards, thru the New Deal, the 
preparations for another imperial- 
ist war, the exposure of all social 
refornis, the chances for 'develop- 
mg the workers politically are 
promising. 

With the C. P. mouthing empty 
revolutionary phrases it cannot 

5 f/^^J^"^,^^^ ?^ ^^e opportuni^ 
ty to develop the poUtical con- 
^:ciousness of the workers. It 
IS the duty of the C. P O 
\L Vu- '^^^^ership in develop- 
ufpSr "^,°^«™ent. The Social- 
i3t Party with Its worship of bour- 
geois democracy, its attempt to 
doctor capitalism and its opposi- 



C.P came to splitting up' and 
rmnmg the effect of the con- 
ference by their stupid tactics. 

Uf.O I had about made up my 
mmd that all Communists wSe 
craiy, 

i- J^*- ^* K- '^^^''^ ^« ha^e 
to hi 'iL?i"**'v* ^th hPre seem 
to be lacking m everything ne- 
ce«»Bary to gain the confidence 
«f the farmers. Their main am- 
bition s^eiTiR to be to dominate 
and control the farm mnv^mcTit 
rai^e the red nae pnd start a 
^retnatar*^ proletarian w ^ r 

f - OT no influf-nr-^ an^onp the=r 
MIow farmf-r.. D. th^w imae- 

I-*ad*.r« rf tH« f.r„, ^„y„. 
went must be develnoed from 



group which has assumed a left 
social-reformist position is playing 
a sorry role. 

The work for Labor Parties in 
the municipal elections and the de- 
velopment of a base for a nation- 
al movement, devolves therefore 
upon us — upon the C.P.O. Tha*- 
this calls for the most intensive 
campaign in the trade unions is 
self evident. Because to the open 
class collaboration policy of the A. 
F. of L. the Labor Party is a dir- 
ect challenge. 

The Labor Party will also 
achieve a real united front thru 
which the C.P.O. will be able to 
expose the real role of the capi- 
talist government, the treachery of 
the Socialist* ths stupidittss of the 
official communists, the reaction- 
ary character of the trade union 
burocrats and the fraud of the 
Musteites. 

A real Labor Party must be 
based on the trade unions on other 
labor organizations, and on the 
farmers organizations and should 
be inclusive of all existing working 
class political parties which may 
desire to affiliate as bodies. It 
must be careful to exclude politi- 
cians of big and little business. 

In such a Labor Party we must 
develop the workers to a higher 
political level and win as many of 
the advanced workers as possible 
to communism. 

We realize, however, that a La- 
bor Party has its limitations. It 
will not lead the workers to their 
emancipation. This is the role of 
a Communist Party. But the fight 
for a Labor Party will take the 
workers a step forward, will cause 
a break from the Siamese twins of 
Capitalism. This is the historical 
need of the present moment. 



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WALL STREET JAILS 
FILIPINO REBEL 

(Continued from Page 1) 

ter with the enclosed resolutions 
against the Hawes -Cutting-Hare 
Act and demanding for complete, 
immediate and absolute independ- 
ence of the Philippine Islands. 

We are very glad to hear of the 
great interest you have shown in 
our national aspiration and for 
your unconditional support for our 
independence and in our struggle 
against American imperialism. 

Kindly send us at least three 
copies of the regular issue of the 
Workers Age anri some extra cop.* 
ies, if there are some articles o/ 
news that will be of great inter- 
est for the Filipino workers and 
peasants. 

I am writing this letter on the 
eve of my entrance to Bilibid pris- 
on. I will surely enter jail to- 
morrow, Jan. 25, 1934, at 8:00 a.m. 
I was accused of sedition and sen- 
tenced to one year imprisonment; 
one thousand pesos (1,000.00); and 
eight years banishment. 

Please extend to the American 
workers and farmers our warmest 
fraternal greetings. 
Fraternally yours, 

Jacinto G. Manahan, 

President. 
Philippine National Confederation 
of Workers and Peasants. 



-DEBATE- 

Sunday Aoril 8, 1934 

2t 2:30 P. M. 

IRVING PLAZA 

Irving PL & 15 St 

Which Way Out of 
the Crisis? 

■ 

JAY LOVESTONE 
For Communism 

■ 

LAWRENCE DENNIS 
For Fascism 



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WORKERS AGE 



Tlir4 



The Economic Fallacies of the N. R. A. 



' t(0 
lOtttil 

Xhe thcDioiri m^ 
It It. lupl^ "1"^ 



1 -> or 

I ^u t 



<fo /( lit tilt ffiit ( "T/tr 

lilts at!uU on llu- 

'J If, Mi i ^.,U l,r 

in: M]A\ OE\L 

■-'^ c I m i' 1 ilacics. 

Li' 111 I (li uli;^ sins. 

(-uiiojiii-t-. iHgin to 

-iun- in the Roo.-tvelt 



The Roosevelt Program-II 



li5. Joih.ujng eight fal- 
i)v.ai CLuiionucs. 



lacies aic inheieiii m tlu iSlv 

The tdllac} of Pnco Kait-ing 
1) l^rue nuMni: 1.,!^K^ : The ^e\\ De.ti a-^iimos that 
if piiLf- au 1 I -^(.11 thill the empio\e£x will Wcuic to pxo- 
riLue u 1 til It (.iiLii cLt'iumic lie will iG\i\e it is 



the sih VI u Kd- li 

Mill IIK I - in 1 

to bnnu I'li .i , i kl 
that bccau^ . i- 
cation^ be i<.<i\.i i 
an aiiuiti 1 i sl h 
increabc (. ' pi n l i i 
tion) will I'f-*^ i^ 11 1^ 
Rifeinff oiUpiit i-^ -t n 
and lalt nyr pucL- v, 
c^.U'^e the luni mJ 
geiiLiain ilLWi. I lit 



I 1 ii-iiig comnioda> piices inbuit; 

- liOt ivHiow tluit laismg ot pnces 

i,v In lU^L ftten, big •sale-, tend 
ici L It It, udicuioua to a-^-^UHie 

jiOKkuuii maj, on ccitam oc- 
li 1 iisL 111 puces that, Lhcietorc 
A- t-^cu^.d ihioug-h a delibeiate 
ui Lliiuugh lo-iiicaoii oi produc- 
Latioii a li c 111 total pioauction. 
iitb atCumpaniid D\ laiiuig puces 
LiiiiLb bung- iiKieabGd output be- 
ttioicbj iiiLiPiSod This tiend 

an txtensue lationalization ot" 



ii.dustii The tiutli ui thi-> contLiJliun is ht ought home 
\ividly III a comnaii-^ou oi pi <.e levult- m the lyJl ciit=is 
and tVe 102i) plO;?pL':l^ t^iitc:, at the ooltom ot the 
1921 ciibxt. weie t,omL\ hit h ghci t lan pnce^ at the peak 
01 the l'J29 piO'..pjut\ 

Relation ot I'rcdiiction and P*urchasing Power to 

Employment Trends 

2). Another fallacy inherent in the New Deal Economics 
is a misunderstanding oi the relations between produc- 
tion and purchasaig-power on the one hand and employ- 
ment trends on the other. It is assumed by the New 
Dealers that if employers begin to in'jrease production, 
then, many workers will be hired. This assumption is 
increasingly false because it overlooks the role ot labor- 
savmg machinery under the capitalist system. Less and 
less is the increase in the number of workers engaged in 
production directly pruiMjitiunal to the total increase in 
production. It might be argued that there is a tendency 
today to slow down on the introduction of new machinery- 
However, this phenomenon, to the extent that it does 
manifest itself, is more than couteiacted by the fact that 
even when there is some shortening of the hours of labor 
it is accompanied by much intensified exploitation of the 
workers. 

It is further assumed by the Roosevelt economists that, 
if workers are re-employed, there necessarily follows a 
huge increase in the volume of purchasing power. This 
assumption is as hoiiow as the others from which it direct- 
ly flows. The mere fact that a number of workers may 
be rehired does not in itself necessarily enhance propor- 
tionately the total purchasing power. With the increase 
in prices thru artificial measures, such as the cheapening 
ot money and other sundry infkaionary practices, the 
total purchasing power is often not increased even to to 
the extent of the limited increase in the number of work- 
ers rehired. 

Relaticn of Agriculture to Industry 
3). Another basic fallacy of tlie New Dealers' economic 
program is its misconception of the relationship between 
agriculture and industry in the present economic system 
The fallacies and futilities of Rooseveltian economics are 
brought into bold relief by the fact that it overlooks the 
divisions within the capitalist economic organism itself 
— the inferior, disadvantageous position to which agricul- 
ture is doomed in its relation to the more highly tech- 
nically developed, to the much more rationalized, indus- 
try. Let's see how the Roosevelt agrarian economies look 
in life. There's every reason to believe that the 15% 
curtailment of acreage provided for by government con- 



by Jay Lovestone 

tract will not cut down the wheat crop in the coming 
year by a bushel. For one thing, many larmers who hau 
refrained from wheat-growing in the past two years are 
ineligible for the agreement and are now rcj-onterjni^ 
wheat-production because they are lured by the p<»s>ibiiity 
of higher ])nceK, Besides, there is also a good deal ot t^iik 
in mid-Western states about the mounting bootieg produc- 
tion. There are numerous cases in which the tanners 
lease to the government the poorest land and increase the 
yield per acre on the better land. Clearly, the Roosevelt 
Administration cannot make much headway in its stimulat- 
ing a decrease in the production of wheat. 

The Farmers and the Processing Tax 

The White House has been imaking much out of the 
processing tax. However, reality presents a different 
picture. A number of farm groups have made and are 
making pleas to Congress for exemption irom the benefits 
of a processing tax because they maintain that the con- 
sumer cannot possibly pay more and they fear, therefore, 
that any tax would simply fall upon the producers (tlie 
farmers), resulting in lurther unsold products. Their 
experience has taught them that high prices tiiscourage 
purchases. 

Agriculture and the World Market 

Essentially the agricultural dilemma is something like 
this: The United States must either produce only for the 
domestic market and raise high protective tariff wails 
against foreign agrarian competitors or it must produce 
for the world market. If the United States does produce 
for the world market, then, it must be prepared to accpet 
foreign goods equivalent to the value of its exports or 
else be prepared to export considerable capital m these 
days when there is little chance of such foreign loans ever 
being repaid. More than that. Should the United States 
produce for the world markets, then, the American farm- 
ers will have to bring their costs down to a point where 
they stand a chance to compete with the costs, let us say 
in Roumania, or the Argentine, where both land and farm- 
labor are both cheaper. There is an even more serious 
diificulty. This is the job of convincing foreign countries 
to accept American products at a time when all countries 
tend increasingly to cut dow^n all kinds of imports. But 
should the U. S. confine its agricultural production to 
its domestic needs, then, it must either raise tremendously 
the purchasing power of its urban population, primarily 
the working class and lower middle clashes o± the cities, 
or else it must cut down appreciably the total number of 
producers. It is conservatively estimated that in the case 
of cotton the number of producers must be reduced by at 
least half. 

The total farm and home indebtedness is approximately 
33 billion dollars. The Roosevelt Administration will find 
it impossible to meet the grave problems arising out of 
this heavy indebtedness with its 4 billion dollar bond 
scheme, and its cutting down of interest from 6 to 5 or 4V2 
percent. Recently the government was compelled to ex- 
tend its guaranty from interest to principal payments so 
that creditors should be willing to exchange their mort- 
gages for government bonds. Furthermore, one must not 
lose sight of the fact that farmers are not the only ones 
burdened with crushing mortgages. 

Fallacies of the Money Policy 

4). The entire money policy of the New Deal is fal- 
lacious. It is not money that renders commodities measur- 
able. Just the opposite is the case. It is because all com- 
modities — as values— are realized human labor — and, 
therefore, measurable — that their values can be measured 
by one and the same special commodity and the latter 
(gold) can be converted into the common measure of their 
values, that is, into money. The New Dealers do nor 
understand that the inherent measure of value in all com- 
modities is the socially necessary labor-time and that 
money is merelv the yardstick of this. Stretching, re- 



s' nb?/ThI''":^,^''"^ V-'' '^^ y^'-J^t:ck nev.r change.. 
( old t^ % 1^ r \'''\^''? '^"^"^^ ''^ ^^*« S°o"-^ measured. 
oold ha.-, as Its Inst chiet junction the supplyinK of com- 

vniic^'cTl^h*'^ '^''''''^' ''" '^' -P-is'on^>f h^r 
V umvVr ,' become. nin„ey only ihru lu. .uncuonmg a.. 
thi- ur ,'T "■:•<' "^"■"/>5 valuL-. \vhen gold is an agent of 
lunr i,.ii r ;■ ' ^"^"'^it'"" '^i m:>nc^y n, then, acquire.s the 
t r \ 'v- -^f '"'"^ ^-^ '-^'e rne'iium of circulation. Jiureiy 
-. V -h ''''•^'*'>'- '^"'^w that when one commodity replaces 
T 'r 'x[""''^'' '"'''''-''^ ''^'^''^ *-« ^^« han'-i of ^-ome third 

monpv frrvm''^/'"''" ^"S-"- ^^'^ "'"''''"' *"*^"-<:u«ation sweats 
money irom every pore. 

Factors Governing Fluctuation of .Money 

comnKHHn!-" h"'' "^""'"'^ ""^'^ "^^'^^'-'^ ''^ distribution of : 
o?S^ ^,d ^:;. H-?''"''"^' '^"^'^ '^ exchang.-that 1. un- j 
rh^nil fh .""^ 'n..ir,uuiion. ft is in th.. procc-.- of ex- 

no ich thim" uT, ''? ''^■^''^ ^-^^'^' P^""^^^t. There is 
a^mo't in^Lf *^'f^t,Sr^i distnbuLio.1 touay except.! 
at most, m tne family. Therefore, money is an essent.ai 1 
driving power in capitalist production. Vo^ the Snra 
proce.ss ol capitalism it i.s ab.omieiy necessary that money 1 
should circulate prop.rly, unhindered, but thP tiuc.uaSi 
oi money is no s.mpie matter doleimin.d bv a pre^dea'tSl 
decree, a Congressional .nactmem. or even ^ Sup ;emel 
court decision. The fluctuation of monc-y depends on Sel 
followmg factors: One, the changes in the quantitv or the! 
prices ot goods on the market. Two, the chj^nge; m the! 
extent and the very technique of credit. Three, the changes 1 
m the rapidity of the process of circulation or the turn-l 
over of money. In normal capitalist time^, the law ofl 
valuci in the case of gold operates m this process: Given' 
a stable distribution of labor-power in the various fields^ 
of proauction, then, an increarie in gold production wilb 
tend to stimulate a demand for goou.- and, consequently^ 
may tend to cause a ri-^e in ])rice5. But the New Deal ij 
certainly not operating in normal capitalist times. Toda>^ 
especially, the sickue.ss of the whole economic life or 
capitalism is reflected in the movement of prices — all its 
inter-crossings; here rapid, there stagnant. 

Many vulgar economists (Cassel, Seligman) havl 

therefore, concluded that the quantity of the circulatinffl 
medium deptnds upon the quantity of precious metals id 
a country and that, consequently, the quantity of the ci^ 
culating medium determines the price levels. This 
utterly absurd. These highly-advertised experts assun ^ 
that commodities are without a price and money witho^ 
a value when they first enter into circulation. AJ" "" 
refute this gold quantity theory of price. The chd 
of managed currency and other such "remedies" toS 
1919-1 92U that the great volume of money and banld 
then available would prevent any .substantial drop 
prices. But soon prices plunged 49Vf in the United State^ 
Then, came the gold torrent to the United States. Btf 
prices didn't rise anywheres near what this theory suppoi 
ed. There is plenty of gold and loads of credit in thS 
United States today' But how prices have fallen! ^ 

Maynard Keynes has made some very appropriaa 
characterizations of the quantity theory of money which 3 
the foimdation of the Rooscveltian inonoy pc]icy. To thinl 
that output and income can be raiseu -^y •'nci-pasing th^ 
quantity of money is, according to Keynes, "like tryinj 
to get fat by buying a larger belt." This Briti.^h econd 
mist, who dared to tell the bourgeois governmentJ in tha 
heydays of the Versailles Peace negotiations that tb(»« 
were going to reap a whirlwind, now rushes the following 
advice to the White House: "It is an even more foolisr 
application of the same ideas to believe that there is . 
mathematical relation between the price of gold a"'' *^ 
price of other things . . - But the recent gyrationa 
dollar have looked to me more like a gold standardj 
booze than the ideal managed currency of my r" 
Mr. Kevnes has apparently yet to find out that i 
currency is a euphonious name for managed chaos e 
ly when the balance between production and cons^ 
is so gravely disturbed as it is today. 
(To be continued) 



COMMUNISM AND THE FARMER 



by Faith P. Baldwin 

I read in the Workers Age an 
article from a farmer. He said he 
detested the official communists 
buc thought your pamphlets sensi- 
ble. 

My own family are Vermont 
farmers who have an electric milk- 
ing machine and make Grade A 
milk which they sell to Sheffield 
fanns who ship it to New York. 
Like other farmers round about 
they are deeply in debt. I have tu-o 
young brother., who are .^killed me- 
chanics a.-, well a-, farmers. They 
work harder than their ancestors 
ever did in an a!nio.-^i, .<avage at- 
tempt to get out of (](Ll. 

I have bo(-n i 'ratlin;,' the tactics 
c»f Lenin toward the pea.sants. 
They will not v.'ork v.ith Ka.-tern 
farmers at least, a~ our farmers 
have not the p.-ychoh gy of peas- 
ants. But if you could prove t" 
them that the sheds make a profit 
out of all proportion to the ser- 
vice they render they wouM begin 
to see some practical sens(; to Com- 
munism, which i.-; otherwi^f; a bit- 
ter pill to them, because they love 
their land. But if they knew that 
they were ruining themselves to 
give the big companies 14Vt to 
30% profit, their faith in the ex- 



isting order might be shaken. 

The great difficulty of the farm- 
ers whom 1 know, when they have 
tried to unite and win a voice in 
marketing and prices, is that they 
cannot get enough capital to wait 
the months that they must wait to 
capture the markets from the big 
wealthy companies who already 
have the contracts. Again and 
again large aggregations of farm- 
ers have tried and failed with con- 
sequent bitter ruin until they are 
now pretty well disillusioned. A 
year ago there was such an attempt 
which my family did not join be- 
cause there was no provision for 
Grade A milk. Many farmer.^? who 
did join were ruined. 

As far as I can see the great dif- 
ficulty with .spreading Communism 
among farmer.s is that there is 
nothing for them to do immediate- 
ly. I do not think that they should 
be in anv wi.-<e "bribed" into com- 
inuni.Mn.' They must be commu- 
ni.-tH if they are to accomplish 
anything and their notions of pri- 



vate ownership must be uprooted. 

Another matter of interest to 
farmers is the apparent conflict of 
economic advantage between East 
and West. The Eastern milk farm- 
ers greatest pain comes, probably, 
from his grain bill. To feed a bal- 
anced ration he must buy one-half 
to one-third of his grain. By the 
time all the freight charges and 
profits are added in, the bill eats 
up the milk check. Slight wonder 
that the eye turned on the Western 
farmers' troubles is not filled with 
purely fraternal affections- If his 
grain bill would be less under Com- 
munism, it would sound pretty 
good to him. 

One of the greatest obstacles to 
Communism among farmers is of 
course the same trouble Russia had 
wdth her Kulaks: My father says 
for instance: "Communism is non- 
sense. If I turned my farm over 
to my hired men, they couldn t 
run it. If they could let them buy 
land and try business for them- 
.-.elvcs. There is plenty for sale 
and they had the same chance I 
had." If you could show that com- 
munism is something more than 
merely turning the ownership of 



property to men not qualified to 
run it efficiently, I think that 
farmers would be rather attracted 
to its ideals. 

I do not underestimate the colos- 
sal difficulties in the way of farm- 
ers becoming communists but I can 
see avenues of approach. They 
are as specialized as industry in 
many ways and I think they are 
getting themselves into the same 
insuperable difficulties of wasteful, 
planless overproduction as the 
other capitalists are, with this dif- 
ference — no control over prices. 

The more 1 think of it the more 
it seems to me that there is not 
the most remote connection be- 
tween the Russian peasants and 
the American farmers. Knowledge 
of machines, you know, forms the 
real link between farmers and fac- 
tory workers. If they had some di- 
rect dealing--^ with each other in- 
stead of being separ:it.'d by a host 
of profit makers, thrir real com- 
munitv of interests would be clean 
As it Y-c, the farmers ht-ar only of 
strikes for, what .spcm to them, 
absurdly short working hours aiul. 
I suppose, the city workers only ol 
higher prices, while prices are too 
high for them already. 



'« Winning tiie Middle Classes' 



A. M. BINGHAM M^rlTrs p.y:Trw:"T« 



ONE YEAR OF THE NRA| 

{Continued from Page 1) 
to price fixing is continuing to un-1 
dermine another essential tenet of j 
the so-called recovery scheme. 

The systematic efforts of tha 
National and Regional Lah^ 
Boards to call off strikes and 
per strike action has tied thC 
of the unions (those who ar^ 
enough to abide by these req' 
but has given free rein to the bosi 
es thru the growth of company 
unions and arbitration to devital^ 
ize the trade union movenient an^ 
render it helpless. The propo.'^e(^ 
Wagner Bill, supposedly tending i 
limit the growth of Lompany; 
unions, would in practice saddl^ 
the labor movement with compuljj 
soiv arbitration machinery anffl 
would bring back the worst feaj 
tures of the Industrial Court Law^ 
-remember Kansas. 
The way out is the way of dirj 
t .struggle of the workers againstf 
tho bo.-si's. To brcik thru th^ 
bond.s of Xationnl and Pa\t,nonal La-I 
bor Board decr.e.-^. Tu fijriit against! 
compulsory arbicratiuii iiu-asures,r 
To mobilize the whole trade unioU'^ 
movement for a frontal attack onl 
the company unions. The trade* 
union.s must be cleaned out and! 
prei)arcd Un- struggle.^; to improve J 
the condiliuns of the broad massesf 
of workers. 



Four 



5 



~~- ~ WORKERS Ar,P ^^ 

;;;."'iJr,;;^:f;;;t;:;ji7r| Austria and Revolution ,'.."-."™. -•>».»„ cod,. „..__, . 

)rd3. ftfrain . ^ ,.^... ^ 

by Will Herberg 



•-r f)/ Mnrrh S, 

'./ « J am phi ft 
.:■ Y"'-" i" ii.Jiiai tlfc qiiatnlionf 

■■' t/eio'vj are suhstantlaitid and nti- , 

frscord n-e n-i/l earn mm/ on f/u^h'^n party? In other words ««^«l« 

The five-day armed struggle of '^'^^^ »" official statpm.nf Jfnr^^"^."^'",^*^ "dictator.ships in allLt'^" ^^^^ fi^rnian 'j., Ji/;'"'"''^ ''' 
the Austrian workers agalnft the ^f^^ Austrian sSZ-democ^^^^ ''M n f^^ 'rt ^ •'L^^''^^"^ refutation Jl"; '^'^''' ^^^ th.. ..rourid to r.t.h 
horxies of Heimwehr Fafcism was P^^ familiar regain tWn^ f""ML ^'■^''=*^ ^^ ^^^ S- Lipshitz m l^^*^ /^^^^ ^^ the i,v.o,i a/nopr ,L 
exclusively a So(-ifl]-ri^m^^^!"l^l^' trian workers wp^o V L'''^ Aus- the very same issue of The Ne" r^'"^' ''■''« '''^' ^i^'""^ 'i-'" l.4i , ',7,./ ^ 
to-.avetheioZlfLt^'^,^^^^ Hour of DedsSn'-; fL^!?. ^h.ir onthu..asnI ro;";'?.';: 

looms of S&cial-df'- 

h(,. 



uumes 01 Jieimwehr Fascism was 

exclusn^ely a SociaJ-democrat:cac-|r--T/- " — « were ligh 

tion. Pract:caIIv al) th^ «,«.i. — ''^° ^^^'e the constitutirm ' T,? <."'"^ In^^^^'^^nY' ^t7 ^■'""' "^ -^^^^i 

;a H«r „. ''^^'^V^'pn . to pre: ll:^?,^ ^^^- -^^re we are pre.s<-ntcri 

of 



^Aciusiveiy a iiociaJ-democraf c ac- 
vJr*T P^^^'^tically all the workers 

who foiicrhf: nnr? rlia^ ;„ 4.1. -_„ r 



"T"^ ^x^u..ii.ai.y au the worker«r° ^^^'e the constitutirm' f'?<. ^ n.;^« lOY^ \7 "^^^^ ^^ -Uecisic 
who fought and died in these great h''""^ <*emoeracy and tS^ 'JZ f""^,; Kfh « ^^ ?^/t,^ ^^ ^« pre.<.ntori 
days were Sccial-democrats an<I M" the American S^ni^"^^^^- T ^°"'^ °^ '^e main featurr.. of 
their leaders, political and m'?!- T"^^ ^" ^^e At^^trianl^^'n t??.^ declaration' i' 

tary, were all prominent Soda °^d condemnation nfHw?*'^ .*^^ f^?- ^^^^ 
democratic officials. The Commt!" '" ^11 forms" fiPnnnnf?"'*^^'''^^'"^ T'"^'''*' ^^ ^^*^ German Sofiatde- 

nothine better than'trT^li""-^,^ ="'- the^hreadb^a'r=?^.I';^'=Y,l■l'H.^.'S,„°li^_?'?te P 
an orgy "/^^o.sonous misrepresen 



nir.cracy!* 
^^h Germany and Austria 



tfu- (; 



<!-clt 



pro let. I 



tation i^nd s,„.,„ci. 

f.Z^^' P^T^doxicaily enough. 

fact remains that ^^- ^ ' 



the 



dr^s^T; E'c^via^^v'^*'^ ^^ ?^^- (overthrow of Fascism "an-Hh^.e^i^;' 
^H the^threadblre iL'r^'j'^T?^ "w5 *^' f*^'° ^^^'-^^ ^^^ ^ho^' 

ana purposes." Ap-l^lS after thecolla^sTn^^l 






:P5riP'«^rX"p^"^""fc -— - P^rnamentar- Mng." of the past ie itT'-.V 

' ^vhxle to r.. h-^> '^::^'L'y^^^^^^n which K^^nter-revoiuSry"' eo^f ^ 

i arose and 1918 and 1919? It now dec]-, 

r was readv that. onr,. Pao.i™ : /^^_ "f*^^'' 



. — ^v.^,iares | 
ism js overthrown, 



I 



Kiocracy ., 

the basic principles of C 

-o.t ^ tH.-s7J.t:^ '^^ A..„a„ fe^^^^^ -e ,an^ b an. .,,. , 

■Steficance O, A„.tWa„ Revo. f^r¥°^^^^''^^ik^l>tl^^ 

Ai"tr^^arertr^-fsn?,„^^^^^ 

the immediate struggle aS? \?}°"^ts, with the a^vful exam? e „i ' """""''^"^'v ex„rn„..-..„ ,. 

SS V"--^^- Sfl=f ...ri .mme.a.e„. ... 

tar ^^0? t!^;rv~U^;elhat:S^;an5Ta,ei^^^^^^ o^" 

their propaganda, that in modern 
fsTV"' Political class smuggle 
i5_to he conducted alon^ "c^v,ut^^ 



■ -H..w.„rd thr d„c'lri,K: of (h. 

" diclator,)iip? Hardiy! The 

.^^^^^_ programmatic declaration con- 

h-,. 1 "■ .^':''"''.itionary po^ver 



r);r: 



'■peaceful revolution". The anni 
iiioCTatiG theories received at tho 



la nX;^ ' ^ipropnatc the great 
landowner., without compensalion 
■".mediately e.vpr„priate wUh„"t: 
compensation and socialize ,h 



.e.r,theor.andin| ^'^^^^ ^ ^^e.emngly reactionary '" WhafTcomeV now of V.adeC. 'S^ .t^™- ^^"r 



;il! pnHti< 
y drv,rnyr;d. ; v,, ,. nn.-l ,.; 

Antr the hrm con.olidatfon of 
rt-voluiuKiary achicvtmeni.. an 

n«'-e,el.J^\.^;;':.';;, --■<■-- 

.",;"„7r "":'"^^"^«niP which shall InJMU.^ "e recall Mnrx's scathinir an 

'' J^^-oIut.onary dictatorship h ^ ^ 
-y;d consolidated , he gain.snf ;■ 
1^-t-in.it ,t proposes to lo^. th.,n' .) 
. . . by reestablishing parii v4-,Tn'*r- 

an reaaionary 




forces th. *° ''^^^''- ^"">^ '''^^^ 
ff^2 ., T . P^o^^ssive worker 
finds stacked up against him 



by George A. Watkins 



— -«uci .we are 

S th'eTe'^S' P' ^^^ revealed! ^^^^^ ^ 
'revolt' ^-^'*n.tn'*T^° Socialist h''"^^s 

vaf^.m!,; ;v,:,__„5^^t James Oneal I ^.^^see. These 



revolt' *' Tu T T '^"tiaiist -" -^^""i iveniucKy and Ten- Herp. tv>o i^',, L*t "\,"'^'''"»'i ra 

indicates t^e^ fame issue only 'dualist par exoelleScc Their mil" somi / ^■^■^- '«'-™'-ists. He 



Iuu3^ workers. Economics was 
Kr studied and explained, an under 

t'^nrr^L?; ii t foJrt"- "- " "a Srue^ :- uT 

-e^out th. fo«,,„er -l^"he L-Xrw^oJiiar 1 S" 
ment-th? city^of U°c f„""pa° A h ^^ ''''«' P'^P-^ if vou have ,o 



W th.it *?'^". ^^ts or rei 

mg their real significance th.'^ M^""^ stacked up atrain^*- hi^'T 

S;"^uL^A^ pfjte'S^ectln !■»''''= domain arlnfDet.oU it is 

- rifv^*"?^ *>??*• alter the '«™ y^ars ago, came the first 

It was revealed M'^^^'' ^"ilux of native white south ment th'^ "'-7 """%='""i"ern eie-l "it~^ i„ , . 
jeen no Socialist ^^^^^^ ^L^m Kentucky and Te^^ HereTh^^^^ of Lincoln Park, but clear ^h.^'^^'r^^ *''°" ^^^^'*^ *°' 

" N«.^ri£&KivT 

eellence. Their mode some flw^years aT'?' i «'":''' and broadcaVed by ^forVi'l'T"' 

S";.tSt" V?"- S"", bS S S t si" if,-'. ;"" 



^°^"^s.ion engeldered 'by "th"; 

i^hS?-H 

courage nor +S! v.*.^® Political 

'"AT'^^'^-^antVa^i^^ 
no^''stSl.S"*-,^i.''-«-v--a 



irpc >ii«j« ''"^ ^"S — ers. Thev flf>fiicn,, i 



StSSis.i&x 



tion that a^^u'^'^'^'''^^ conten- 

i^tii££>"?^-cS 
-ifieS^SS-n-'^^^^^^ 

est folly for th J^!^ 1 .^ -^^^ shecr- 
upon them for .^^''"^^ *° ^ely 
en^mentaTpower^" w!?^^^^-^ ^°^- 
life blood havp +>;„ a ^^ ^^^^^ own 
democrats S^ed th.^Sf '^^ ^°^^^^- 
the fundamSi ., ■ '? ."^^^^^ to 
lying the Sm, ^"I"''^^^-^ ""der- 
K tne Uommunist movement' 



now? In his grave. Found two 
days before Christmas with a bul- 

et drilled thru his head. A "baff- 
ling mystery say the local police. ' 
And when a committee of unem 

S^adoV'if 'f.'^ ^'^^""^ «" ?"ve" ■ 
ligation of their own. th^^r ,.,«„. 



i^iX, «»aj.. ^ne j^i hoodlums ^.i J 1 ,, '' *--ommittee of unem- 
--es by PO.U. . >d^t^t:|-^"4 -. ^I^e^pollc^.,- 



ers. They actuallv hiri' "« -.— j un tnat stutf. 
each other f 01 the job oi bre^.SP'"" ^"^^ t^^^^ble.- 
up workers organizitions and mur * * 

rawn. No_t a^ particle. L'^^^Jher outstanding feature of 

the situation here, is the evolu 
tion of the objectiv'e of the KKK 
hoodlums. Only a dozen years ago 
the terror was directed"^ again!? 



rurZl ""«"'P»oyecl militant re 
Overdrawn? Noi: a^ particle 

Lead Pipes And Bullets 



-«,-».- waa eimer the weathpr fVioU- '^ "^'^^^ ** ^«»r a 

tor^'Thl^r^^^^^^*^^^*^^^^^^^^^^ — --ected against 

L°L.They had no need ^.n ..^ J fl^^, .^^ ,.a/ se f h 1^.. ^^^.^^ ,,^^ I the Negro and the foreign ^bSn I ^,,1^^ ^^ ^^^ ^'ords of the So 

the,i,°rL*^A.*"^.°^ ^^being visited Sff^^^^^r^tic leaders themsehes' 
t blooded" of Seii n^' ^'''^^^' "^ in regSd'-ng 
•n racp. x^h^^ ^™ program as » r.^MJ°:zr^^^ 



^orc him, who can todav ru 
paruamfjntan' ni>r,tVy '^^^mpirm 

h^tate, wno can to av r^ *, '^^''i^«ri 

♦ * ♦ ' 

Practical Role Of Austrian 
»«cial-Democracy 

po^%-er by the f^e nnr^f^ ^ '"^^^^^ not , 

deed been the pranfr-a^^fS ^^^ in- 
■Auatrian Konai h ^ ^-"^^ ot the 

h:;/^-^ J^^e of-itrplnv'^'T ^^'^^'^^ 

a"'J Julius DeutZh . r?^^^ ^^uer 
t^« their own worS "^^^ '^^ ^^^ 

raocratic and ^oc^fnih!^* ^ ^^^ 
Jad ever made. We T^'n i^^''^^ 
iciiow that, if he vvoullf ^,*^^'tuss 
a 'hill thru r,!2r *^"^y pass 
«'oal£i acril.7 P^^J'ansenc, we 

»«ly by dlcree^wK ^*' ^°^^^fl 
«'ent ,or twj^ea^ ^^^ ^-arlia- 

'he conservaiiv. „?^° agamst 
parly com'm, ^4 ^."f.^ "" "»' 

STovernmenr ,...^'-': as the 
creased, fh.. ■"v^"'^""''-'"^ >n- 
govemment w«i^ „'"'?■ '^'4 'he 
"lore powerful %..n?,^'"? ''«f 
rearing dt ™ oTr "^i'?' ''a^ 
«'aschOTsing?tsow' ?"" a^d 
tack us ^ '"'" "rae to at- 

"ai'^l^coln™!" "'^^^ ^ Vien. 
Linz wa?Md mp m"'"» f'o» 
the workers of fiJ^^""' "-at 
iy indignant and „1 ''"= *■«!>- 
the Heimwehr .l?'""^'i °^er 
if any f";^^^^^ =^^'>»n and that, 
en to deprive %° ''*™ tak- 
a™s, th4? wo'uld*defend ,?^" 
-'ves for the s^k??,"".,'*-: 

»Pir'"a^d"a"t':^''di°.''^''^'""-« 

my informant uTh.\'"? "''"' 
that urgent m« °^'- decided 
"nt to*The wSP" "■""= l-'^ 
-^"ol. . . ApparenUvTif. L" *^«P 
arrived too late " ' »e^Se 

(a'ttf,."'Sp^riir\'?I„»f 

•meJi'"'tt^"^"an"S?!: 

Viennr"thit''%h??rh,J"?"' 
v™k?s"iStr"^P°'tan3 

.t41SF»'^t--i?.^ 

^•i.rtS£"^----* 

an Sutbreffc ^^r"' '» !«■««"« 

fel„Sti!!■l.ril1^?^.t•>^so- 



m T^o^,»it„. - ri\f fr,/, i„t...it,^^ what 



Bourgeois Democracy Or Prole 
tanan Dictatorship 

next? vl^Jija ?i T"^^°" ■ What 

democrats w' ^'''^'^^" Social' 

^^apitali.rcla=s to fr"^f"^.d the 

fie.ssion of Tk'f reniam in pos- 

tion? Would thf^J"^^"' "^ produc- The "Cause" Of Tin. t 

<:onstitutiSforrn, rr"'V^"*^^<=he They are told ^"!"^P^°y>^ent 

fy democracy on th« ^^"^?^«^ent- cause of thei? nn ''"'^^^^"S °f the 

" ^ because of the 



of coSSe to stm tL^r^^"^*^'°" "i^ 

as a personal affair f everything 
job-Good' H« 1 ^ **',^" ^ets a 
he got the bSaks V°n'^ "^f"' °^ 
occurs—Bad' Hr„,.^ "^^^^ ^^^-^^ 
So far no thont>5 ^^ ^^^ ^'"eak- 
mass problem fa. 1 ^ 'V^^ ^^ 
most 0? tS p.%itTui "^°" 
ccpts as a social ^v?ff' ^"^^ '^O"" 
social production f"" o|.mass or 
class ownSstrof 'th^l'"^^*' ^"^^^ 
production, wen such i^"""^^"^ °^l 

-mplyneverbi'nroUt%h'eri 



„, The New 
workers School 



R£!GISTEIi NOW 

^''"nr^^ ^Marxist theory, hist- 
labor movement, etc 



WRIl^^OR CATAXOGUE 

51 West 14 Street 

New Tork City 



T>,« * -^^ *"^ '^^'l^itc southerner ^ - 

I'^.i-f.'^™! 'i i^,°ite\^°p i!^bLt'X'"™%.''' °" p"--' 

eror 
and 



or Gfnr'^"^5 '*^ ^^ Bo-hunk, Wop ' the land 
bor,? T^' ^""^ "'^^^ ^^llow nativ?M>bout th, 
TRwi^l^^i^." fpm^ Tennessee is itarye-kill, as "doe;^ fm;:;;? 



born Am..- 'i'^^"" ^""^^^ native M\bout the s. 
a RH.tw "*''''" ^™"^ Tennessee is ^tarve— kill, 
fntr^^' ^"^P'^" ^f ^-^ Hilly-Billy, an P«^^, today/ 



"..... MO wua ana race han 
^^^™e« the white race as a race 
So Ford divides and conquers. 



- ■•"--^^^— --iJs|:yiuSf^^££l 

Preparing Fo.Ve New Day h^ t " ''S^c^-'if r^iS-;!} 

tdsel will fade in the face of the T-.-r ,. , ■ ''^™^ "' ending their 
\ti„Z'"S ,?''^''"''''"~'^^ among sec" .^S'""'';"" ^'."d mis"y. The 

tions of the workers. These work .w. V- ' ""' '">d the way to 
lers are beginning to realile\\t|S;;;:r^'X°ed"thrd5.'? ■■''"' 



WORKERS AGE 



WHY A LABOR PARTY IN AMERICA? 



Xhe ye*^ 19S4* after foax years 
a£ depi^ssion, the worst the eapi- 
zZjis$ -worid has yet known, fiaas 
ST^Bierican wtxrking class still , 



Some Political Perspectives 



n^m&emViC or Eepubltcar. repre- 
^tatives at" capitalism in tht> 
Vmvsii States, Despite the failure 
of ti*e New Deal to r'n:^"-lly de- 
crease unempli^ytnen* .^ 
-HT headway in its o:": ^ 
,;t«re piwsperity," the %:..: :ii.;:.r- 
ity- of the workers remain kned up 
ift support of Roosevelt and his 
Adnximstration. vaialy hoping^ that 
Ijje tiiie wHI soon turn. 

Not only have we no independent 
pciitical party ia America through 
^Ich those workers who are now 
j^dy to desert the two capitalist 
parlies (but who are not ready to 
^port a revolutionary party) can 
^press their determination to ob- 
lain genuine governmental action 
for themselves as workers, hut 
ev«i among the revolutionary ele- 
ments of the American "-crkiii> 
aass there is no semb...: .: .. : ;: .:- 
ty of opirdon as to th:. ■..■-, . ;- 
which the workers car. :. ,:: , . .i 
from their present aLi::iiice wi:h 
the two capitalist parties. 

Labor Party A Xecessity 

The neeessitj- for the political 

separation of the working class 

ix<s& the capitalist class, is admit - 

ti^:lisr idl revolutionary elements. 

Bc^^^kclt thinks that it is the par- 
ty around which th-; "■•'■::•: 

^ooid and will rally. T; : . . . 

jj- C- P. maintains that / : .-. 

can be won to a revolu::.::-!.. p.- 

sit»n directly, that large nunsbers 

<S workers will one day cease to , . - - - - "- -= 

siroport the Democratic and Repufa- , ^^^^^ ^^n bosses, but also against 

Scan Parties and join the Com-'?'i? Adnnmstration which they 

UftOEist Party, 

Tie S:c:al:st Party, likewise, be- 
liever ir, :L '"-.-r^ss labor party." But 

it still ;^e.- -he possibility of five 

•or ten niiliioa vv-orkers enrolling in 
_^.^_ Socialist Party, forming 2. la- 
^liwr party **on a broad socialist 

Ifigsb," To facilitate that enroll- 

laeait it called a Continental Con- 
gress last Ulay The organizat-on 

set up by that Cc-gresi. ha^ ^an 

gu-shed ^tince that tirL.e tlu.e to the 

fact that a flgnt has 

witmn the SJ*. as to v* 

be done with iz. Thc-^ 

m the Party who wo_ 

term-nate the Conniien:. 



although there is a great deal of 
discontent and resentment agSns 
economic conditions. It is o^us 
WW-"*' P^^'^^s '--an be made in 
buiMmg a revolutionary movement 
until workers have fir.t become vo- 
uticaily conscious r.< r. c\'^< t *, 
equally obvious tr. .; :' -' V 

the revolutionarv J. 

failed to accn^'p' - - . u ■' 1 
basi^ i-x-<:-. ■:■■ -^ ■, ■■ ■' - -.. . JJ ;'.■ 
ing I'r r. ■ :-.. -^ /:_-' ; ;' :l"^ 
to sup;- v; .,;- A:~:crij.^- ^^^ >■ ■ -- 
ty, basi^d upon the trade u:;. ■ >- 
when they cannot be induco.i. 
the present time, at least, to su;:- 
port a revolutionary party? What 
basis exists for the assumption that 
a determined effort to launch such 
party would succeed todav. 
where similar efforts have failed 
in the past? 

For Roosevelt— Against >RA 
A pjiradoxical situation exists 
among the workers today. While 
the majority of them are supporc- 
ers of Roosevelt politically, many 
of these same workers are organ- 
izing themselves and are militant- 
ly fighting his administration on 
the economic field. The miners 
of Pennsylvania, the shoe workers 
in New England, the textile work- 
ers in New Jersey and- Pennsyi- 
";■;-■ ce^pite the urgent requests 
r.j National Labor Board and 
■---^ N.K.A. authorities to refrain 
from striking, have conducted 
strong fights, nor only against 



bv S, Jonas & H. VaUghan.^^^^ records-, larger also than 
any year smce depression." 



That workers are not blind to 

the failure of the N.RJV. is proved 

by the statement of j^ome of theiv 

o\i.Ti conservative leaders. "Reports 

- ■ - into this office", says E. 

.vidson, Secretarj' of the Intl. 

',^> of Machinists, in the Fed- 

i Press, "show a desperate 

^.la in the industrial centers. 

,-r« being laid off, those who 

■•^-kine are working longer 

/ ■ -.vage cutting seems to 

The mechanic, the 

r^'-, '. ■. '.- ■ ker, is worse off now 

than before employers got hold of 

the N.R.A." 

The January issue of the x\mer- 
ican Fedtirationist has the follow- 
ing to say about present conditions: 
"Since the bank crisis, the aver- 
age worker's weekly income has 



Where Will Workers Go? 
Many more figures could be cit- 
ed to prove that the workers are 
getting a rotten deal rather than 
a new deal from the present set- 
up. There can be no doubt that 
conditions will become worse 
stead of better, that workers will 
be forced to revolt against Roose- 
velt as they did against Hoover. 
The question is where will they 
go next? It is realistic to sup- 
pose, on the basis of what we have 
seen since the depression began, 
that they will join either the So- 
cialist or Communist Parties? It 
is far more probable, that, left to 
themselves, they will swing back 
to the other major capi:aiii;t party 
or they may be corralled into some 
middle-class, purely reformistic 



risen T.-i per cent (to October},! third partj-. With 2,000,000 new 



but prices the worker has to pay 
for his living expenses have ris- 
en much more than this. Food 
prices are up to IS per cent (to 
November 21), prices of clothing 
and furnishing are up 2G.3 (to No- 
vember). Thus the worker who had 
a job right along is worse off than 
he was when the year began." 
And one might add here that since 
that was written the difference 
between wages and prices has pro- 
bably become even greater. 

In ree-;^r m nnemplo\Tnent the 
Feder.-. : ^ - ^ - ■ -^ this . *The lay- 
offs •'. .ring in Novem- 
ber v>i-. .: _:j,000. These fac- 



members in the trade unions, many 
of them workers who would look 
with favor on a labor party with 
a militant program, should the rev- 
olutionary parties continue to re- 
main aloof from the masse.- 
their sectarian policies force them 
to do (note Earl Brcwder's latest 
thesis for the coming Communist 
Party convention), or should they 
take the steps necessary to bring 
about the formation of such a la- 
bor party? 

Experiences Of British Labor 

It is our opinion that these 2,- 
000.000 new trade unionists might 



organizing the British Labor Par- 
ty. Furthermore, the role of the 
government through the N.E.A. 
may create a situation similar to 
the one in England, where the Taff 
Vale Judgment forced the workers 
into independent political action. 
(The Taif Vale Judgment held 
that a trade union could be sued m 
its collective capacity for the tor- 
tious acts of any of its members 
or officials. If this law had been 
allowed to remain in effect, the 
trade union movement in England 
would have been doomed.) Like- 
wise, if the National Labor Boaru 
succeeds in its efforts to outlaw 
strikes, it will make the trade 
unions sub-divisions of the gov- 
ernment. With increasing infla- 
tion, workers' wages wUi be slashed 
more and more. Unemployment 
will continue to increase and a 
much lower standard of living will 
be forced upon those who are em- 
ployed These continuously worse- 
ning conditions wiU compel work- 
ers to fight, not only on the eco- 
nomic field, but on the political 
field as well. 



helped to elect. 



tory lay-offs are much larger than ! well play the same role that "New 
in any normal year for which -we ' Unionism" in England played in 



A Statement From A Communist Party Member 

THE COMMUNIST PARTY AND THE TRADE UNIONS 



.r thib 



For a con\incs: 
, , muniijt to take t 
ae% eloped .^g Con^mamst 
.^ marter 

I leel 1: m> dut> to the par- 

mber^hiD .:tn i 10 tne revolu- 

r> mo\ " " *■ - ^te plai.-ii> 

than allow it to help inaugurate a ^v hat are t la-v e dri\ - 



real laoor party [en me to 

* * * ' - ^,. r> 

looki at the 
ncan Labor Mt 
war parncLLlarlj ^^- 
1929 one canpot -^zA to reaLze tL,e 
tntex -^tLJty of tr^i'^g ro concjiue 
poLc^ei The Amencan 
^ijpKking clasis Si a whole, 1* no 
S^nre poLncaily consc ou^ toda> 



b> Sam Isralsky 



ooly bimgs out ^ - >.i tne 

■'ewBervatrv e" v- ^ °^^ 

wisti) cnarac^e^ ^ <__ i. aciei' 

* » « 

Collapse Of .A.u^tro-Marxi£m 

Aasteo-ilars^m ha* co lapsed 

;. Owft-AeBwee the Austrian Scc.al- 

'Jktmk ii(ftte were defeatea on the 

sftreefts «f \ienna, Sucq ae'^eats 

are DO Ecame aaa no aisasierj m 

fact they may often, as was the 

! in Russia in. 1905, be but a 

■ retreat for the sake of 

I advance. The ccl- 

. Austro-Marxism is a po- 

1 moral, a theoretical break- 

traditional ideological 

. hare crumbledl Its 

attempt to '•combine" 

I never be combined, re- 

Sooalism and revoltttion- 

, bourgeois democracy 

ian dictatoBrshSp, haa 

. in the flisfa days 

r dCTOocracy in the 

> jreare foUawiag the war. Bet 

" I decay of the mass farth 

— oerxj cbai^ctssisix of 

EmvpesD eooatries in the 

few ye«s, Aistro-lUrxjsm 

It beHi i^ Ittse azid its fm- 

And wi& their own Me 

tlie Aastriaa Soeial-«te0jo- 

its dedaratMm 

At With the syBtonatk 
of Uke great poOticai 
€i the fi»e-d»y revolntioo 
«!fcreete of Aastxiz, wiD 
l^vm the xwaks of the bexo- 
:_ SotM-Aemocn^ ft 
TwetotJOBary S«3*K»t moire- 



e oe^-t-me 

ue Doa<.> 

ue LiP'on fi 

a'iU b^urni ul to the in^-^re^^i >- 

Communism and ot the abor mo\e 

ment M% expenenLe b^> a'^^o 

hoT^n me tnat in oraer to 

these DoliCies uoon the Ir^-ctiors 

ana the Left Group Oppo^tnon-^ m 

the oniC-;? the partj leac"='r:r mu-t 

report to the mo&t ouro<T-atiL p t t 

oui aiireg.ir'^z e-" -"^h '^^ ^^^ 

d u.-- rt 

tion i- Li-t 

a better aer* ^;; 



s-ame ans\\er trom Comrades Hy- 
man \\ eiis Levine and others; 
thej al:;o said that they did not 
ha\e tne monej to get ia. 

Ne"ver at an\ time did Comrade 

^:.ion Boruchovich w'ork in conjunction 

\ ." tie L P fraction. The effect 

wai tnat a number of par- 

^aue- dropped out of the 

-e^dirg their membership 

-^ crack to tne District Commic- 

[tee witi the statement that they 

'did not want to be mere rubber 

i0T-t.e Utamn* — sUcH comrades as Leven- 

tha,l KoroDotkm, Toretskj-, Frled- 

rnan a^^a ocners. 

Tr- ^li e^rects of the party pol- 
ice LaH e cut after the^ Left 
G- ^ ) ^ ii didates had been taken 
T tn- oJkt in the Local elec- 
Boruchovich advised all 
v^efc Group members to vote for 
the reattionari. right wing candi- 



to tre labo'- mo\ement o> 'savng dates, (^\dgne^ and others of the 



t^ foe IB • po^loo to le^ 

from the yflte «sx 
eapstafioi! 



Eh- Common ;;t Part> and tne Left 
Group Oppos'tion and 'ight lor 
my T-iewpoint outside. 

Here are some of the events that 
have led me to take this step- 
About a vear ago, I told Com- 
rade Boruchovich and the other 
comrades belonging to the Cioa^- 
makers Fraction that 1 tnougnt 
tbev should go into tne i.U-U.w.u. 
ard there help fight against tne 
leadership for left wing po .:.;... 
At that time he told me r.- - 
not have the decision of the - ..- 
trict CommiUee and would taKe it 
UP with that committee. AE>out 
c£c months ago the Bureau of the 
Closkmakers Fraction took up the 
matter. The leading fraction 
Blade » decision that every mem- 
ber of the Cloak Department of 
ihe ladastrial Union should go m- 
to the International to work as an 
opiK^Uo« group- Comrade Bo- 
3fc^ieh paid no attention at ail 
S^SSd^KSi of the feadi^ 
SactiMJ and made no attempt to 
^*Uie^mr«fes get into t^ 
ih^t«ii2rti<maL Aft» his attenoon 
Sn^^Sbed several times ^ 
Se fart that there was such a de- 
Sci and that be had done noth- 
^r^\^ it. he said that the In- 
^-&^>oi^»ot ^o^^ th^m 

sf, ^f^ s^ior oprt 

^it^ leaderahip. 1 P»t tbe 



Mutual Vid Club, The Left Group 
Vihich hai- numbered a'oout 250. 
now numbers only about 75. 

Comrade Boruchovich's latest 
^cht^-^i" is to organize another oo- 
~ ,['_[ :■ sv ::•■ .'^'.''- ' :he "Dcoirc- 

rade" Hurovv-itz to organize this 
Group under the leadership ot 
Shelley, who bjid always taken a 
. '..-I-"' position, changing it from 
. ■ tj day- This step was taken 
,-:. _ut even consulting the frac- 
ci'jn of the bureau and. aitho I am 
a member of the leading fraction. 



ON DIALECTICS 

Two chapters from a larger 
work fay the leading communist 
theoretician 

Au^st Thalheimer 

Translated into English for the 
first time. 

Neatly mimeographed. 
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Labor Party — Conservative Or 
Revolutionary 

We have already referred to the ' 
British Labor Party. The ques- 
tion may be asked, will a labor 
party in the United States go in 
the same direction as the British 
Labor Party has gone? To this 
question we would answer no. In 
America today we have an entire- 
ly different economic situation than 
existed in England at the time 
the B.L.P. was formed. At that 
time capitalism was on the up- 
grade; today- capitalism is now ; 
deiinitely declining in this coun- 
try. In England most of the trade \ 
union leaders were for a labor par- ^ 
ty; here, most of the leaders of a 
the trade unions are, and will be, 
agair.f: :r.v :;r::::i:;;r- of a labor | 
parry .-., ._.: r :--■." I'n. this coun- 
try- -v .:.! h J.- e :: be organized \ 
against and in spite of the wishes | 
of many of the trade union offi- 
cials. Hence such a party would \ 
be more definitely a class party in \ 
this country. 

* * » 

Would such a party be revolu- 
tionary ? No such a party should 
serve to rally and unite all work- 
ers organizations, rejirdless of 
individual differe::.-^5, u.r;_--d the 
issue of "indeper.d-:.: •.v-:>'„".g class 
political action."' In its light: for 
:r_::tiediate demands such a party 
■ :Ii become more and more opposed 
to the entire capitalist system, wiU 
become more and more revolutioa-; 
ary in its outlook. The job of the 
revolutionists will be to obtain the 
confidence of these workers and 
eventually their leadership, not by 
mechanical manouvers, manipula- 
tions ^id trickery, but by sincerity, 
devotion and self-saciifice. 

The task: facing revolutionists 
today, therefore, is net only to 
hvj\k a progressive bloc in the 
trade unions for the purpose of 
fighting against company union- 
ism; of fighting for the right to 
strike; for unemployment insur- 
"ance; for amalgamation of the ex- 



I did not know about this new 
move until he announced at one 
fraction meeting that such a group 
was in existence and that the Lett 
Group would have to cooperate 
with it — still not stating that he 
had anything to do with this new 
group! 

What conclusions must anyone 
draw from these experiences? 

1. In spite of all talk^ .-.b:_: 
working in the A. F. of 1 : ^ . 
official policy of the^ Comr;-.ur.:_i: 
Party is sectarian. Even iho the 
Industrial Union does not exist in 
the cloak field, they still keep up 
a skeleton organization, not only 
hindering the unity of the cloak- 
makers but also keeping in isola- 
tion many comrades who mighty be 
useful in building up a left wing 
movement in the International. The 
repeated decisions for all cloak- 
m.akers to leave the Lndustrial 
Union and join the International 
were sabotaged and thrown out by 
Comrade Boruchovich and others 
because, they said, it would liqui- 
date the Inciustrial Uniom 

2. The policy of the Communist 
Party makes" it impossible for Lsttng trade unions and the organi- 
those who follow it to be a con- zation of the unorganized into in- 
siructive left wing force in the dustrial unions, but also to agitate 
ar.ior.i. Instead of trying to build ^nri prepare tJte ground for the 

unions and making them • formation ot a labor party baaed 
the trade unions and other 



I 



into militant organizatior^s, their 
nolicy must have the result ot 
weakening and demoralizing the 
unions and prejudicing many hon- 
est workers against Communism. 
This Is not real Communist policy 
but just the opposite, 

3. There is no democracy m the 
partv but the party is run by offi- 
cials* whose will is law. What the 
members may want means very 
little but what Comraoe Borucho- 
vich' says means a great deaL Un- 
der such conditions it is impossi- 
ble to change the policy of the par 
tv just from the inside. 
" Having experienced all this for 
a long period of time and not 
v.-anting to be merely a rubber 
itamp to carry out wrong poli- 
cies. I am resigning from the par- 
ty in protest and also irom the 
Left Group Opposition 01 Uwal 1,. 
of which I am an Executive Bo^a 
member, and also from ail the 
partv-controlled organizations. 
' (Signed) Sam Isralsky 
Member of Section 11, 

Nucleus 9, 
District 2, C P.U.S.-A.. _ 
Membership B.x>fc No. 94*0 



working class organizations 



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^"ORKKRS AGE 



I 



The ILP and the Cominteri 



I Of InteJfWts Inside And Oatsido Of l\ 



.S.R. 




Th© baste interests of thu Swiet proletariat and ot the 
workXBS cl»ss in c«pit»list countries are i'used and indivis- 
ibkL If the piv>let«ri*t in the capitalist countries did not 
sai^wrt the Soviet Union, intervention -would como rapidlv' 
«K»2g^h ftnd tiie Soviet Union would be in danger of beinj: 
ov«rthxown. If a failure or disaster were to befall the 
SoTJei Union, it would spell the blackest defeat and dark- 
est reaction for the workers and oppressed colonial mass- 
es thrtMigbout the world for many years. Shv^\:ld the in- 
tw m a t iooal ixroletsrian sympathy- a-^i ,<i:i-\^r: for the 
tTJS.SJR. grow, then, the growth ot So.-Mii,-; construc- 
tksn in the So\iet Union the SociaUsi victor v. would be 
speeded up tremendously. If the Soviet Union movers 
lorward rapidly in its drive for Socialist construction, the 
socialist victories achieved go a lonff way towards 
strengtbenin^: the' proletarian positions of battle against 
intenaticoial capitalism. 

No one 'will deny that Stalin's factional methods, both 
in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and in the 
CcBuintem especially, that the factional regime, its clique- 
boasting and burocratic perversion of correct tactical 
policies with the consequent weakening of the Communist 
International, have given to bourgeois critics and to the 
TrotsJsyites plenty of talking points for such inventions 
and crudities such as the idea that the Soviet Union is 
no iongier interested m the world revolution and is con- 
cerned only with the problems ot Soviet economic con- 
struction. Whatever be the criticism we may level against 
Stalin, yet we ne\-er can stoop to deny that it was none 
other than Stalin himself who clearly said in reply to 
Trotsky at the Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the ECCI 
in December, 1926 that: 

"Tise ic:e.-«:$ jcd tisis of the pwletari^t of tte Uii.SJl- are In- 
tcnrc\en jr.i iciesriUy coanec:ed trith the inSeresis and the usks 
ci tie rc\-cli:t:csirr iiwvTS2«nt ia ail couatries and vice -verM. ihe 
tjsis «■ lb« re^TSiatioaarr proleJariat of ail countifes are iosepar- 
iMt- ccsEcctsd with tiie tasks and achievements of tie proletarut 
cf tic U.S,S.R. cc thff frt>at cf sccsalist conitruotion." 

For the CJ'.S.U. Lenin's remarks to the Thirteenth 
Party Congress hold good. Lenin then said: 

'•Wc live =ot cuo" := a sua but la a jysteia of states and the 
cii*l«E« cf the So«« republic sic« by side with tmperialbt siata 
icr 4nT kc^ta of time is inccoccivablc. FinaUy, oae or the other 
Esnst. costlier-" 

* * # 

C. L Ultra-Left Tactics Bring Paralysis 

The fact that Stalin's ultra-left sectarian tactics in the 
Communist International have brought paralysis to the 
C'Omintern, particularly in the present moment'of splendid 
opportunities for the development of the revolutionary 
movement against capitalism, does not mean that his in- 
tentions are bad or that his plans are to sacrifice the 
world revolution. It does mean that his present policies 
in the Comintern are wrong, are bad. 

lijoMT evaluation of the motives animating the C.P. 
SX\'s attitude toward the world revolution were correct, 
then, the Comintern should be considered a counter-revo- 
lutionary organization, a betrayer of the principles of 
Mar^: and Lenin. If this were true, then, the LL.P. should 
unaer no circumstances seek to affiliate s\Tnpatheticallv 
or fully with the Communist International. That is why 
we, of the International Communist Opposition, have 
placed so much stress on the following: the communists 
of all countries must guard against ultra-left sectarian 
adventurism with special vigilance in these davs of dying 
capitalism as a world system. LefUst sectari£mism is the 
most deadly enemy of the international communist move- 
p3ent m its present decisive combat with social reform- 
ism and fascism—the two guardians at the death-bed of 
.he dying, but still far from dead, order of capitalist ex- 



ploitation. At this point we will remind Comrade Stalin 
of his own very offective answer to the Trotskyites when 
they first proposed tactics for the Comintern v<«ry much 
akin to, if not identical with, the present tactics of the 
C I. The comrades of the LL.P. will be interested in 
knowing that at the Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the 
E.C.C.I. Stalin said: 

" . . - . and thJt theietore it is jvosjiWe Co Seap ovtr these 
favHs aaJ by daoK>n>u« »]ccat\» demt,iastutc the rrvisioit ol the tac- 
'"^ ''* ,,''* ""'^*^ front, diiiuptwn of the tr<d« umcn nwvenwat 
ui the \\«l. etc. But what doe» it mean to isnpT« iacti, to tgnCK 
the vvbjecuvc ptosa$» of affair*.^ It means lo a^n<ktn Jctcece and 
tv» rwi'it lo witchciaft. This tivw liie lo advenluii).n) to the M- 
iv.y oi the l.Vpo»ition (.Tfotakyite) Bloc." 
# * « 

Our Indictment Of Comintern's Tactical Course 

It is precisely along these lines that we indict the pres- 
ent tactics of the C.l. We have not forgotten that when 
Lenin worked in the Communist International he repeated- 
ly warned those of us who wore working there wiUi him 
that "we should on no account lose sight of the originality 
in development, that we should not look at things in a 
stereotyped manner, that we should be able to distinguish 
and to perceive simultiuieously both what is most general 
a.nd also the minor peculiarities which sometimes play a 
decisive role in the subsequent transition on the roau to 
communism.'' 



of the country in which they acted.*' 

We cannot emphasize to you too strongly that you arc 
laying yourself wide open to justifiable attacks by ihe 
CommteJ-n burocratic leadership when you make so u., 
justifiable a criticism of the iSoviet Union as when you 
speak of its promising "to repudiate the essential aciivi- 
ties of its own sections" in other countries. Apparent] v 
you h,ive in mind articles 3 and 4 of the Litvinoii-Roose 
velt agreement leading to American recognition of iho 
U.S.S.tt. There is no cause for excitement over these para 
graphs. Litvinoff was right when he declared that the^o 
articles are "the fixed policy of the govorrunent ot ih^ 
U.S.S.R." When J^nin was at the head of the C.P S U 
and the C.L, the Soviet government signed a treaty of 
peace with Jisthonia at Tartu on February 2, 1920 in Which 
IS found the following paragraph, article 7, section 5: 

"... to forbid the fc.mjlK.n. and the p.e»en« in tlirir „„; 
toty. of any ortaniMLoas or sro«r» whatsoever cU.m.ng to sov^'n 
*U or pan of the Winiory of the other contracting party a^ !L" 
ptetenoe of repre»e.itat,ve5 or olhcals ot ontam.at.on* L.^ '*'* 



whose object i» to oveithrow 
the Tteaty." 



ot organiijtioii, ^ 
the gowrnment cf the other j 



And Article 4 section 2, of the peace treaty between 

Latvia and the Soviet Union signed on August 11 ig-Jn 

is identical with the one tiuoted above. In Article 5 of 

the fmal peace of Riga, March IS, 1921, between PolanH 

, ,, , , , . , . «"d the K.S.F.S.R. and the Ukraine not onfy dS the 

^or us ot the International Communist Opposition the governments pledge themselves to refrain from interfpr 

tollowmg advice of Lenin to the Third World Congress t-nce in each other's internal affairs but the followinc^ L" 

01 the Comintern, held at a time similar to our present 

days, is still very much in force; 

"'The fundameivtal tasks ol the Communist Party in the current 



""IS 1 

fisht of the proletariat and sli 
sttussle ij» accordance with li. 
ever, the pa« of developiiic:-: 
crisis be followed by a pciioij 
ber of fo-j:-.iricj. ihls would b\ 

**£';•-' - ^ ::ic epoch. „ .„ „, ..... ,.,...,^ ^ 

'^■^'^=' :-.b!c, ITiese vacillations 3tt going to 

P^'^-y^ ,'-^ death agony as was the case during its 



internal affairs but the following is 
also agreed to: * 

"Each of the contractins Panic , 
teci otxanizations «hich an for:: 
armed conflict against the other i 
ing its territorial intesrity. or c.[ . . ; : 
social institutions, nor yetaoch crg.i:ii:uil 
-*"• - Party or ot a pai 



Government of the other 



to create or pro- 
ret of encouraging 
1" ot of undernun- 
rce its political or 
claim to be the 
the tcrritoiics ol the 



, periodic 



Soviet Foreign Policy And World Revolution 

We further deny that there is any conflict between the 
interests of Soviet foreign policy and the interests of 
the world revolution. We maintain that the present for- 
eign policy of the Soviet Union is correct, is in the inter- 
ests of world peace which the proletariat so soreiv needs, 
and IS a continuation of the basic fundamentals of Soviet 
foreign policy as laid down by Lenin in the instructions 
to the deleiTiUiini ot the Soviet Union to tlie Genoa Gon- 
lerence m l))2-2. Carrying out this line of Lenin, Chicherin 
then dechu-ed in behalf of the Soviet Union: 

"The Russian delegation recognizes that, in the present historic*! 

period.^ whicn rermits a paraikl coexistence of the old social order 

and iM lunv j!;e beia- Lvtn. ccoiicraic collaboration between the 

poweri ... ol pfeperiy is urgently neces* 

^'y }- ■■■.... The Kussian deleea- 

^"''^ ■: . .:.,:-.da for its theoretical views 

but to ..: . , ..., governmctus." 

Let us also draw your attention to an inter^dew be- 
tween the British journalist, W. T. Goode, with Lenin in 
1919 in reference to Soviet foreign policy. When Mr. 
Goode asked Lenin what guarantees could be offered 
against official propaganda among the Western peoples, 
if by any chance relations with the Soviet Republics were 
opened, Lenin replied that the Bolsheviks had declared to 
Bullitt (now American ambassador to the U.S.S.R.) that 
they were ready to sign an agreement not to make offi- 
cial propaganda. It was Lenin himself who emphasized 
to Bullitt that as a government the Soviets were ready 
to "undertake that no official propaganda should take 
place. If private persons undertook propaganda they 
could do it at their own risk and be amenable to the laws 



otJ»f party. Tlic Contracting Parties, therefore, uodettake to me- 
i.vnt such oijaniMiions. their olficial representatives and other per- 
son* connected therewith, from eiUiWishing themselves on their ter- 
ntorjr, and to prohibit militar>- recruiting, etc. ..." 



Greetings to I. L. P. National Conference 

Comrades, we have perhaps imposed entirely too much 
on you in our lengthy statement. However, we feel so 
keenly th importance of the problems which you have 
raised and which we are facing in common, that we found 
It necessary to present our viewpoint in a rather detailed 
manner. We hope that the I.L.P. at its forthcoming Nation- 
al Ct>nf erence, will take steps towards adopting a position 
which will insure its becoming a powerful factor not only 
in the achievement of the unification of the Communist 
forces of Great Britain, but of the world Communist move- 
nient as well. The Communist party of the United States 
(OpposituMi) K^ prepared to cooperate witli vou in a truly 
comradoly i;L>=hion towards the achievement of this end 
which we consider as the most vital need of the world 
proletariat. 

We extend to you fraternal greetings and express our 
smcerest hopes that your forthcoming National Confer- 
ence will be successful and wiU prove of real service in 
the struggle for the reconstruction and reunification of 
the World Communist Movement, for the restoration of 
the Communist International to the tactical path of 
Leninism and organii:ational principles laid down in the 
basic Theses and Statutes of the C.l. 

For the achievement or these objectives, we of the 
LC.O., mvite your comradely cooperation. 

Forward to World Conmiunist Unity! 

Forward to the victory of the International Prolettiriat! 
NATIONAL COMMITTEE 
COMMUNIST PARTY U.S.A. (OPPOSITION) 
Jay Lovestone, Sec'y. 



THE DRESSMAKERS PROGRAM 



{Continu£<i from Page 1) 

^^ , the industry was completely 

j ^ra lyzed and the manufacturers 
were compelled to grant the de- 
mands of the Union. We succeed- 
ed in building up a powerful union 
and in winning the 35-hour week, 
giiaranteed minimum wage scales, 
jobbers responsibility, etc. Not 
<mly that but we forced the NRA 
to incorporate these gains of ours 
into Uie Dress Code adopted later 



I The Gains Of The Strike 
6. Hie progressive administra- 
^» was not content to rest on its 
iwureia piaed in the general 
«tnke. It inunediately started a 
e^atpaign for the strict enforce- 
»cnt of the agreement. It rea- 
med that to win the strike was 
only ojse stage of the battle; the 
noct, ax^ equaDy important gtage 

**** the jobimn and manufactur- 
ttii would t^ wiliingiy grant the 
^ditiCTO obtamed from them in 
»• strike, that tb«y would use 
•nk^da of acfaemea to evade the 
► 221?^ ^ **** Mrreement in the 
.MiMii. W« tbwrefore insisted on the 

J«tot Board. We therefore 
-.■aed acamst the ir;U'r>?;^r, r.t 
^.— J I>nm Code aatb' - 
Uj to modify our ty- 
lrt»en the Code Aaifc 
1 camod ont ita int-ntion, we 



mobilized the membership of our 
Local against the comphance with 
the NRA. As soon as the jobbers 
took advantage of the slack period 
to cut wages, the progressive ad- 
ministration of our Local proposed 
to the Joint Board to take drastic 
action against them by stopping 
off groups of workers employed 
by the same jobber. As a conse- 
quence came the jobbers stoppage 
in January in which about 20,000 
dressmakers were involved in the 
fight against wage reductions. 
This stoppage affected the entire 
industry, checking the drive to de- 
stroy minimum wage scales and 
increasing wages in all cr:ifts. It 
taught the jobbers that the Union 
would not tolerate any schemes to 
undermine or nullify the agree- 
ment. It was also a lesson to 
many of our conser\-ative leaders 
that the program advocated by 
the progressive administration of 
Local 22 was the only effective 
program. 

W'e also realized the importance 
of mamtaining the 35-bour week. 
We tnerefore urged the e-tabfeh- 
ment of a special Joint Board de- 
partment <the Union Defenders 
Committee) to patrol the districts 
to see that no shops worked over- 
time or on holidays. 

For the more thoro enforce- 
ment of conditions, and in ord^-r 
to bnng about standardiaation and 
f™^^''^'"" "^ compeUtion be- 
tween groups of workers employed 



by the same jobber, we proposed tures and discussions held, recrea- 

that all contracting shops working 

for one jobber be under the con- 
trol of one business agent, thus 
making possible the close and ef- 
fective cooperation of all chair- 
men and price committees. This 
plan was accepted and will be put 
into effect very shortly. 



Drawing In The New Union 
Members 

6. The general strike swept into 
our Union ten.^ of thousands 
new members, dressmakers who 
had never belonged to any union 
before and who had very little ac- 
qiKuntanco with the labor move- 
ment. From the beginning, the 
progressive administration regard- 
ed it as one of its main tasks to 
draw these new elements into the 
active life of the Union, to edu- 
cate them in the spirit of union- 
ism, to develop their class con- 
sciousness and their understand- 
mg of the problems of labor. Al- 
ready groups of active Union 
members have been formed among 
these new elements (Spanish, Ne- 
gro, American, etc.) and large 
numbers are participating actively 
tn Union work. 

Our Educational Work 

.: In line with its aim of dcvel- 
opinjT the consciousness and under 
standing of the membership the 
progressive administration initiat- 
ed an extensive program of edu- 
cational activities. Classes on 
many subjects have been oiiened in 
the residential districts as well as 
m tho Union headquarters, lec- 



tlonal and cultural groups started 
and so on. In order to reach the 
many thousands of our Union mem- 
bers with our message, in order to 
cement nijre firmly their rela- 
tions with the Local adnunistra- 
tion, we recently began to issue 
our own paper, '"The Union Dress- 
maker", published in three lan- 
guages. 

These are some of the accom- 
plishments standing to the credit 
of the progressive administration 
of Local 22. The Dressmakers 
Progressive Group is proud of 
this record of achievement and 
feels justified in appealing to you 
lor your .support in the torthcom- 
ing elections. 

* • * 

Our Program For The Future 

The Dressmakers Progressive 
Group will carry on in the future 
the fight along the same lines as 
in the past. 

1. We will carry on the fight 
for the strict enforcement of the 
agreement and Union standards in 
the shops. 



30-hour week 
mum scales. 



and higher mini- 



For The 30-Hour Week And 
Higher Minim urns 
^„2- We will begin a fight for the 
JO-hour \yeefc and higher guaran- 
teed minimum wage scale.'^. The 
o5-hour week has not absorbed tho 

thousands of unemployed in our I in the A.'F. of L., which are rt- 
trade. Inflation and the rising tarding the progress of Anieric 
cost of living are aclually reduc- labor 



For Unemployment Insurance 

3. We stand for unompioyment 
insurance paid by the employers 
and administeretl by the Union. 
Our industry being seasonal --^o 
that the workers are at best em- 
ployed only part of the year, the 
employers must shoulder the bur- 
den of maintaining the workers 
in the industry in slack periods. 

* ♦ * 
For Week Work 

4. We propose to begin an agi- 
tation for week work. In our in- 
dustry, with its constantly chang- 
ing styles and many linos of work, 
the only completely effective way 
of safeguarding the wages of the 
workers is week work. 

5. It has become clear that, un- 
der conditions today, our present 
Union structure is no longer ef- 
fective or workable. W^e propose 
the abolition of craft locals and 
the reconstruction of the entire 
Union along more industrial lines. 

* ♦ • 

For Progrcssivism In The 
American Labor Movement 

6. We stiuul for progressive peli- 
cies in the American labor move- 
ment as a whole. We propose to 
■arry on a fight against the oUi 
"actionary leadership and iwlicic-^ 



mg our standards even tho the 
scales retnain tho same. We there- 
fore propose that the Union moot 
this situation by demanding the 



Support The Progressive 
Candida teii;! 

Dressniakt;r.sl After so many 
{Continued oa Pagt SJ 



wa^ssssam^asss^^^s^ 



WORKERS AGB 



THE RIVERA MURAL AT RADIO CITY DESTROYED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER, JR. 



•7^-«^ea^??"3l.^'^ 



II J i m Jl£ '[:■ I'm i i t — '^•'*-»^''»'«;ilr:-^4 




■'"^m 



t*fc»^:*- 



ri^-^^f 




.M. 






AGAIN DUALISM PROTESTS AGAINST 1;ANDAL[SM 

COLLAPSES 



The Anthracite strike, led by the 
new Anthracite Union, ended on 
February 10, with no gains what- 
ever for the miners. The Anthra- 
ate Conciliation Board, known 
among the miners as "the grave- 
yard of miners' grievances" had 
been first designated by the Na- 
Konal Labor Board to be the agen- 
:;y,but on protest from the new 
union this decision was revised. 
rhe Conciliation Board consisted of 
Biree coal operators and three Dis- 
trict Presidents of the U.M.W.A. 
with Gorman as the umpire. Ac- 
cording to the new provision all 
grievances will be decided upon 
by Umpire Gorman himself. This 
IS the very same Gorman who in 
the numerous grievances, which he 
passed upon previously, practical- 
ly always decided for the operators 
and against the miners. 

President Maloney. of the new 
union now hails Gorman as a 
square shooter who will give the 
miners a break. Some 750 griev- 
ances collected by the new union 
haf; already been" sent to Gorman 
In 1932 when Maloney, I and 
many others, were expelled for 15 
years for strike activity within the 
U.M.W.A.. we were at the same 
ttme discharged from work. When 
^ motion was presented at our 
Local Unicm 466, that we take 
wr case to the Conciliation Board. 
Maloney. J and others got up and 
stated that we will not place our 
^8^ before the Board because we 
don't believe in it, because we 
know that Gorman will uphold the 
operatoTa, 

LeHs than two yearn have gone 
l^d Maloney has changed plenty. 
He has< comoletely changed hia 
^Jnd atKiat Gorman and sends him 
750 grievances, at the same time 
telling the miners tbat they will 
get an honest decision, 
^ Miners, I leave it to you now to 
Tudge for vouraelf the kind of 
'fadershjp Maloney is giving us. Ts 
tnere any difference between him 
p^d the cf»rrupt offiffials of the 
L.M.W A. The best thing vou can 
^0 n U, join into one union — the 
U.M.W.A. — and clean it out from 
the inside. — F. V, 



The undersigned Mexican artists 
and I, Diego Rivera, feel indebted 
to the American working class and 
to the artists who protested against 
the destruction of the frescoes 
painted on the walls of the build- 
ng of Radio City, for they under- 
stand the enormity of the assasi- 
nation of human creation. We 
want to express to them our deep- 
est gratitude for this act of sym- 
pathy. 

At the same time we energetic- 
ally protest the stupid interpre- 
tation given to Diego Rivera's 
words, concerning the importance 
of finishing the mural at Radio 
City and rather seeing it destroyed 
than permitting it to be mutilated. 
The cowardly 'interpretation of 
Rockefeller was that Diego Rivera 
authorized thereby the destruction 
of the painting. 

We want to protest also the at- 
titude, of the painters who pro- 
fessed satisfaction with the mali- 
cious interpretation of Rockefeller 
and took their own pictures again 
to the exhibition after having with- 
drawn them. 

We protest above all because the 
Rockefellers, not satisfied with the 
destruction of the frescoes, hid 
their real purpose in a cowardly 
manner, behind a deliberate mis- 
interpretation of the artist's words. 

We now demand in the name of 
civilization and as a matter of ele- 
mental justice, the establishment 
of a legal guarantee to protect 
aesthetic creation, really belonging 
to humanity altho now in the hands 
of the capitalist who pays for it. 

We also want to say that we un- 
derstand that a work of art is -A- 
wavs useful to productive men 
and helpful to the progress of hu- 
man collectivity. This i.s the mean- 
ing and the cause of our present 
struggle. 

Usele."?8 or false art is that art 
which develops the opposite affect 
in human mind.s. that is to say, the 
effect of paralyzing action, art 
which posResKes no collective util- 
ity, for the benefit of individual 
intercuts of powerful mlUionaires. 
Morphine and cocaine are prepared 
bv men to act as a medicine, but 
they have also become poisons of 
humanity owing to the criminal ac- 



tions on the part of capitalism, 

Mexico, D. F., Feb. 20, 1934 
(Signed) 

Juan O'Gorman, architect; Salo- 
mon Kahan, writer; Ignacio Millan, 
physician; C. Campos Alatorre, 
writer; Carlos Chavez, musician; 
Ricardo Ortega, architect; Jorge 
Encison, archaeologist; Rcdolfo 
Usigli, writer; German Cueto, 
sculptor; R. Lago; Frances Toor, 
writer; Angel Salas, theatrical ac- 
tor; Rufino Tamayo, painter; 
Emanuel Palacios, physician; J. M 
Anaya, painter; J. Guerrero Gal- 
van,* painter; Maximo Facheco, 
painter; Antonio M. Ruiz, painter; 
Ramon Alva, painter; Jose Pomer, 
musician; Roberto Montenegro, 
painter; Agustin Yanez, painter; 
H. Perez Martinez; Julio Prieto, 
architect; Julio Castellancs, paint- 
er; R. Reyes Perez, painter; Al- 
fredo Salce, painter; Jesus Alfaro 
Siqueiros, theatrical actor; An- 
tonio Mediz Bolio, lawyer; Carlos 
Obregon Santacilia, architect; F. 
Revueltas, painter; J. de Jesus 
Marin, physician and surgeon; Jose 
Lopez Moctezuma, architect; Car- 
los Cordoba, civil engineer; Carlos 
Tarditti, architect; Alfonso Gar- 
cia Benitez, engineer; Rafael Bal- 
derrama, painter; N. Grajales, en- 
gineer; Angel Braecho, painter, An- 
tonio Pujol, painter; Vicente Eche- 
vei-ria del Prado; Gonsalo Selva- 
Carlos Merida, painter; Franciscr 
Diaz de Leon, painter, Carlos Oroz- 
CO Romero, painter; Manuel Marti- 
nez Valadez; Hermilo Jimenez 
painter; Gabriel Fernandez Ledes- 
ma, painter; Francisco Marin, phy- 
sician and surgeon; Ramon Alva de 
la Canal, painter: Pablo O'Higgins. 
painter; Luis Ortiz Monasterio, 
sculptor; Alfonso Gutierrez Her- 
mosillo, writer, Maria Tzquierdo, 
painter; Isabel Villasenor y R„ 
painter: Maria Becerra Gonzales; 
Jorge Vicario Ramon; Palma Guil- 
len, teacher; Manuel Alvarez Bra- 
vo, photographer; Dolores Alvarez 
Bravo, photographer; Jose Luis 
Cuevas, architect; Enrique Ibanez, 
architect; Luis Cuevas, architect; 
Justino P'emandez; Frieda K. de 
Rivera, painter; Nina O'Gorman 
painter; Susana Pradat, modiste; 
P. Bernot, architect; Leonardo No- 
riega, architect; Juan Legarreta, 



Einstein on 
Rivera 

Princeton, Feb. 13, 1934. 

Jay Lovestone 
New Workers School, 
51 West 14 Street 
New York, N. Y. 

My dear sir: 

I thank you heartily for the 
photographs of the Rivera paint- 
ings. I believe that your school 
has thru the decoration of its halls 
with thesa paintings earned a last- 
ing merit for the development of 
art in the United States. There 
is in these paintings such force 
and originality as present-day 
art can hardly be said to possess. 

Again thanking you heartily 

I am 

A. EINSTEIN. 

P. S. — I am writing the artist 
with .-the same mail. 



N.Y. MACHINISTS 
ORGANIZING 



The Letter To Rivera 

"Dear Mr. Rivera: 

The New Workers School of New 
York has sent me photographs of 
the paintings with which you have 
decorated that institution. I am 
happy to take this opportunity to 
express my deep admiration. 

"It would be difficult to name 
an artist of the present time whose 
work has moved me so profound- 
ly. I wish the world would rec- 
ognize more what you have given 



architect; Alvaro Aburto, architect; 
Salvador Roncal, architect; Carlos 
Gonzalez, painter; Emma Gonza- 
lez; Ricardo Rivas, architect; Grace 
Greenwood, painter; Aqueles Vela, 
writer; Marion Greenwood, paint- 
er; Jesus Bracho, painter; Carlos 
Bracho, sculptor; Carlos Leduc, 
architect; Franci.sco M. Negrete, 
architect; Anuar Nasib Kuri, 
painter. 



The unions in the machine and 
metal industry have recently un- 
dertaken an intensified organiza- 
tion drive to strengthen their po- 
sition and to facilitate their fight 
for better working conditions and 
for complete unionization of the 
metal industry. The conditions in 
the machine and metal plants sel- 
dom were as bad as they are at 
the present time. Wages in most 
of the factories and shops are 
about the same as they were at 
the lowest point of the crisis — 
anywhere from 45 cents to 75 
cents an hour for skilled machin- 
ists and tool makers. Only in those 
shops where the union carried on 
active organization work, were the 
wages increased to make up the 
difference for the shorter hours. 

On March 7th, the Metal Trades 
Department of the A. F. of L. 
held a large open meeting at the 
Manual Training High School in 
Brooklyn. There was a large 
turnout of workers from the ship- 
building and ship-repair yards and 
shops in the Port of New York. 
John P. Frey. Secretary-treasurer 
of the Metal Trades Department of 
the A. F. of L. was the principal 
speaker. 

A mass meeting has also been 
called by Unity Lodge No. 416 of 
the International Association of 
Machinists for March 16th at Pil- 
grim Hall. 290 Court Street, Brook- 
lyn. A leaflet announcing this 
meeting addressed to all machin- 
ists, tool and die makers, machine 
operators, and all those employed 
in the manufacture of tools and 
machine parts is being widely dis- 
tributed. 

Unity Lodge No. 416 at their 
meeting on February 9th also car- 
ried a motion to communicate with 
the Grand Lodge and the District 
Office of the International Asso- 
ciation of Machinists, informing 
them of their plans for organiza- 
tion and recommending a concen- 
trated national organization drive 
throughout the United States in 
the coming spring. 



M 



WORKERS AGE 



Workers Age 

Published Twice Monthly by the 

Workers Age Pub, Assn., 51 West 14 Street, New York, H. Y, 

Phone: .GRamercy 5-8903 

Organ of the NatioTial Council of the 

COMMUNIST PARTY OF the U. S. A. ( Opposition 1 

Subscription rates: Foreign $1.50 a year. $1.00 six months 5 cents 

a copy. Domestic $1.25 a year. ?0.75 six months.* 



I 



Trade Union Notes 

- -^ ^.^ by G. R M. 



Vol. 3, No. 5. 



March 15, 1934. 



THE ARMAMENT MARATHON 

AT no time since the "war to end war" swept the world, have the 
powers been so feverish in their piling up of armaments. Not 
a day passes without some government announcing a record military 
or naval budget. To some this may come as a surprise, in view of 
ieLtlSn?*"^ indications of lessened tension in the Soviet-Japanese 

«f ■ ^?-» i^^ "?**• ^"f^, *^ *^"*^ I" ^^^ »*ealm of imperialist politics 
friends fear friends" about as much as foes fear foes. Fear piles 
up armaments and armaments pile up fear in turn. This is a very 
high term of capitalist competition which grows out of the entire 
bourgeois socio-economic system and which stimulates the sprouting 
cf the highest expression of capitalist competition— war. 

But what IS of prime importance today in the armaments race 
IS its nature. It has every feature of a race about to close In an all- 
around collision and possible collapse. French imperialism too poor 
to pay interest on her war debts and so "impoverished" as to force 
drastic salary cuts on its civil service employees raises to dizzy 
heights Its naval and military budgets. Great Britain so "poor" as 
to impose a notorious means test on its millions of unemployed is 
now to pour millions of Pounds into aerial expansion. Uncle Sam, 
ifrw A f"^*^ ""{J^^ ?C '^P"^^^' **> demobilize systematically 
the C.T\.A., startles the world with a $750,000,000 naval budget Of 
T'r^f^AT^^^ ^^J?^"' ^^?^^ ^^^ farmers starve because they "have 
fnT^h. wi*!? qT.'"*1 "*'^' •^^■''l ^'""'^diately professes its friendship 
Uite'd^lt^s'orp'air" '"^ '' ^"""^ ''^ '^'^ '' ""'^^ ^^^ 

l^f fS^ir^" when the imperialists sign non-aggression pacts to 
i^IfWK^ ^?^^'/* ^r^""^ I^^^ **»^* ^^^ ceremony and pledge are 
worth their investment m the paper and ink consumed. Not even 

r^torinn'VTh'"' t-? '^"'^' '^'''^^^^' T**^ ^««"t seizure Of a crew of 
notorious Polish mi itary spies in Berlin was Hitler's most dramatic 
gesture of friendship to Pilsmiski Particularly, significant is Bel- 
gium's re-evaluation of the Versailles Treaty, the s?ar" ft has pro 
manirf^ w'^%y"^ t^''}^^' ^"^ '^^ i«y it has broulh into Ger- 

Z^ ?. h«n«r ^*^^^' ^^'""h ^^''^' »" ^^^ '^st y^^r, been setting the 
pace m boosting armaments. ^ 

What is it all about? There seems to be a general scare and con- 
v,c ion that we are about due for another explo^sion Where and'ex- 
ifilZ^l '\r^^ ^^T ?."^ "*i* ^« d^"^'^^ «^ tWs conviction and pre- 
f..f/w '' **^ ^^.e/tuahty. It is a realization of this most menacing 

fmpertlist ™.'^"''^' *^' ^"''"*^" "^ '^^ ^^^«^ ^«"^^i««^ workers"! 
. Eternal class vigilance and united militant action against imner- 
lahst war are the best guarantee of peace. against imper- 



LABOR'S 

NEW 

PLAN 



11 r;"fJ^ recalled munist Party says (Daily Worker. THE WELL OF DAYS bv Mi.h . 
lat at the last A. February 23, 1934) that its main V. R„nin A\h..*\Il^L^J^J^ 



that at the last A. 
F. of L. convention 
there was a heated 
discussion of tho 
role of federal unions. A meeting 
of the Executive Council and offi- 
cers of International and NaUonal 
Unions took place in Washington 
in January. A final decision on 
federal unions was reached, by 
adopting what is called "Labor's 
New Organizing Plan", 

In the report of the committee 
proposing this plan (Woll, Oland- 
er, Wharton, Tobin, Howard, My- 
rup, Lakey, Dubinsky and Coller- 
an) there is little either new or of 
value outside of the proposal on 
the federal union. We might men- 
tion that the committee appears 
to regret that NRA did not make 
niandatory certain forms of organ- 
ization for wage eainers, thus 
again showing a degree of trust 
and confidence in NRA which Is 
positively amazing when we con- 
sider how the NRA has worked 
out for labor. 



The decision of 
the committee reads, 
in part: "that the 
fullest possible lati- 
.. -n, ,. *"^^ be exercised bv 
the Executive Council in the grant- 
ing of federal charters and that 



FEDERAL 
UNIONS 
TO STAY 



February 23, 1934)' that' its "mafn 
task is that of "bringing together 
the independent and revolutionary 
trade unions into an INDEPEND- 
ENT FEDERATION OF LABOR." 
Already Muste speaks of the "in- 
evitability" of the organization cf 
an industrial union center and 
warns us that "All elements which 
are not outright reactionary, whe- 
ther in the A. F. of L. or outside, 
would rally to such a center." 

What is missing in the position 
of the official Communist Party 
as well r.y of Muste is the desire, 
the will to organize and coordi- 
nate the struggle within the A. 
F. of L for genuine progressive 
unionism. Yet, this is precisely 
what the situation calls for. 
♦ « « 




HOTiilL 
STRIKE 
ENDS 

weeks 



The Hotel work- 
ers strike is at last 
officially ended, af- 
t e r a lingering 
death of almost two 
without the slightest im 



V. BunJn. Albert Knopf & rY ' 
New York. '' 

One does not see why the jurv 
should have picked such an author 
as Bunm, at least as reflf^ct^d in 
"The Well of Days", as world sii 
nificant. Maybe he is; but then 
only negatively, as an example of 
what IS no longer, of what Vi 
been left behind. That story of !J 
embittered white Russian, Writi^ 
m Pans about his old ancestrJ 
manor, the pleasantly devoted Zf 
vants on his grounds, the peasant 
girl who, classically, was his £^5 
seduction seems far indeed from 
present day preoccupations. pT 
haps the Swedish jury planned the 
move and exalted Bunin as a coZ 
terfoil to the very great success 
diplomatic and otherwise, that the 
Soviets have been enioyine in tho 
world in the last number of yeis 

Apart from the literary value* 
not very great at that, the book 
is not without some historical and 



..„„ ,...,.,^^^,^„„^t. Historical and 

_, ,„^ ^i.giiucai, jjij- psychological elements of interests 

provement in the conditions of the ^^ shows exceedingly well what^ 
workers. Despite all the manipu- dreaming, ineffectual upper clL« 
lations and kow-towino- tn +Vio x:p4 Russia had. pvpn -arVr^-^ ;4._ _. 



where or whenevera temnor..; if '"^' t^^^. Labor Board means de- 
fraction of trXht.' o7S "iL"'::.^!!^^^^^^ .^- the 



fraction of the rights of National 
and International Unions may be 
involved, that the Executive Coun- 
cil^ adjust such difficulties in the 
spirit of taking full advantage of 
the immediate situation and with 
Wcfi^f" 'y^'^n recognition of the 
rights of all concerned." (Amer- 
ican Federationist Februarj^ I934) 



..-,-...^»„. ^^^ijn.^ ail uie manipu- 
lations and kow-towing to the NRA 
Labor Board, the strike leadership 
of Gitlow and Fields has been able 
to secure nothing for the workers. 
Once again it is demonstrated that 
abject humility before the bosses 
and their Labor Board means de- 



BASIS 

FOR 

PROGRESS 



And Now - ^'Communist Fascism''! 



I 



One of the very unfortunate 
consequences the utterly insane 
poHtieal course of the official 
Communist Party is the grist it 
brings to the mill of the most un- 
welcome and pernicious influence 
m the labor movement. This has 
proved to be a thousand times true 
m the case of the criminal hooli- 
gamsm practised by the official C. 
P. at the Madison Square Garden 
meeting of February 16. 

The hand of the ultra-conserva- 
tives in the Socialist Party of the 
Cahans, and Gerbers, has been 
strengthened and the voice of the 
more miHtant and left wing forces 
temporarily weakened. In the So- 
cialist organizations, too, there has 
been dehberately initiated a sav- 
age incitement against Commu- 
?1T, f 1®''*^^' ".''* against the ut- 
terly false tactics of the official 
; ^' }^J^ against the very princi- 
ples of Communism, which are the 
principles of Marxism. In their in- 
decency the columns of The New 
Leader, especially the inimitable 
paragraphs of James Oneal, are 
matched only by the columns of 
The Daily Worker. The most re- 
actionary conceptions and doctrines 
are raising their head with hard- 
ly any fear of challenge. 

Among the most dangerous of 
these IS the exact Socialist coun- 
Jt^^ °^*^^ ^^^^"^^ Communist 
theoiy of "social-fascism"— the 
doctrine of "Communist-Fascism." 
nrfil' ^^u '*^^'''''^* Communist 
the justified mdignatioji of the So- 
cialists, that they are really the 



left wmg of Fascism", the "main 
social prop of the bourgeoisie" 
l-L"i^ ^^^^* Fascism, we must 
lig;ht Social-democracy", so the of- 
iicial Socialist spokesmen now rave 
about the Communists as "Fas- 
cists", about "Communism (as) an 
aid to Fascists", and so on. In- 
deed, the parallel is perfect. De- 
clares Julius Gerber in the Feb- 

L^ader?^' ^^^^ '^^"^ °^ ^^^ ^^^ 

"Let those who are opposed 
to Fascism, Nazism, and dic- 
tatorship, add Bolshevism. 
If you do not want Fascism in 
the U. S. A., you must fight 
Bolshevism." 

.If the doctrine of "social-Fas- 
cism" is false and odious when it 
comes from the official Commu- 
nists, It IS a thousand times more 
laise and more odious when it 
comes from the camp of reforSiist 

n?.t p/f • '"^ J^" ?°^"^ °f ''Commu- 
nist-Fascism." It is the duty of 
every honest Socialist, of everv 
worker mterested in th4 unity and 
fighting power of his class, to call 
f. ?flt to such contemptible pot! 
tical abuse in place of argument 
and polemic, no matter how^sharp 
l! *^^^«f°^« gi-eet the decision S 
the New York Yipsels instructing 
the young Socialists that "undpf 
no conditions is abusive an guage 
to be used m our relations with 
the Communists, nor are the Y n 
sels to apply the soubr quet Sf 
Fascism to them." This is t?! 
nght road I ^ ^^ t"^ 



That it is a com- 
promise decision is 
obvious, esDecially 
when it calls for 
... ^ „ "the ultimate recog- 

?"*";». °L*>^ rights of all cof- 
eemed". This is the concession se- 
cure^ by the craft unionists who 
would split up the federal unions" 
Lommg so soon after the ccnven- 
^on of the A. F. L. this decision 
must be recognized as a sign of 

whii*'?^^^;'"^ «^ the forces 
which .stand for industrial union- 
ism In this sense this decision 
can be used by the progres^ve for- 
ces withm the A. F. L^as a prem. 

for ?h/ T'"'-"^"^ ^"^^^ "«t only 
for the extension of the federal 

™f?^* ^I^^o for the merger of 
the federalunions into genuin/ in- 
dustrial unions. 



This can be done 
provided the pro- 
gressive forces in 
the A. F. L. and the 
^„ 1 T . rank and file in fhp 



GUARD 

AGAINST 

SPLITS 



workers. Since that was the poli- 
cy of Gitlow and Fields the results 
were a foregone conclusion, 

A face saving impartial commit- 
tee (Judge Panken, Rabbi Wise, 
etc.) has been set up for the pur- 
pose of placing the workers back 
on their jobs but the hotel owners 
continue to refuse to deal either 
with the Amalgamated Food 
v\orkers Union or even with com- 
mittees of the workers formerly 
employed by them. 

The attitude of the workers to 
the strike settlement and to the 
^-aders respon.^ible for it (Gitlow. 
Fields) %vas quite evident at the 
^ast strike meeting at which Git- 
low xv as boohed when he attempted 
to defend the settlement, and the 
meeting of the union executive, 
t^vo days later at which the report 

with all votes against two. 

Ihe progressives in the union 
must get on the job immediately 
to guard against the destruction 
01 the union because of the disap- 
J^? fil'^V'" the strike settlement 
fili *^^ d^^=^&H.st with the present 
eadership Only the ejection of 
the discredited leadership of Git- 
low and Fields and the s'etting up 
siv^ZT^^r^ leadership will 
save the Amalgamated today. 



Russia had, even' when Ts' mem! 
bers, as the author's elder brother 
were adherent.^ of the radical Si 
telligenzia. How encouraging to 
thmk that the big counti|'s u|e 
and leadership is safely centered 
elsewhere. This dreamy backwater 
IS not without its own tale of po- 
litical and sociological value The 
author spends pages about his 
youthful hankering after the mid- 
dle ages, its moral aspect, its ideas 
of hierarchal loyalty to temporal 
and spiritual authoritv. He him 
self is really medievafwhen he de- 
picts his encounter with one of the 
Grand Bukes, a handsome giant in 
a red Hussar's uniform, who daz- 
zled hira for life. 

One feels relieved when one re- 
members that Russia is now the 
land of the Gosplan, the Second 
Five \ear Plan and of Dniepos- 
troy. 

— Jeanne Michel 



. It is rumored, tho nothing offi- 
cial has appeared in the Trotskyist 
press, that B. J. Fields and hi 



That tM 1' aTeil mpf '"^'^^"'^ w^'^f ^'"""^ *^^ Trotsky |roup 
dent from Jhe preset? n^'^v "^^I I Jl^.i:t^™^ this act, for it is a dis- 
the official Commuw p '1'''" ''^ if k ^ ^° communism to have a re- 
of A.J. Muste Xoi* v^'^*^ and |ctionary of the type of B. J. 

tha it be the Trotskyist 



sump fnv I,,-; t ^ "^^^^^ ^^e pre- K^ieids 
Workers P^rtv'^T'i "n^.. American \-^en 1 
Titers Farty. The official Com- brand. 



Have the "MlliWs^treated? 



San'tlv r'^^/'"..°^ militants in- 
Son n^ p ^'"'l^ **^^t their posi- 
?°iLfL" ^"«s^a had in any way un- 



nTSf.f^it^J'' (OPPOSITION) 
New York, N. Y. 

"ti^y"^ r^'c^l S.'"""«°» » "f-e.ce to the p.Bcie» .^ 



Mame 




m^^<^^^^^^^^?m ..V 



d(^rrrXr,\. ^ "^" ^" ^^Y Way Un- 

retr^eated%'J'^"^' ^^ that they ha^e 
positfon '°"' ^"^ previously held 

it i^Tn '"^ """"* '"^t^te clearly that 

from o n"T *° '-•^^^"e^ "^ retreat 
-Lrom a position, provided thern i*^ 
adequat .justific^ation lor "thai 
modify '^ ^ serious mistake to 
^i3J °ne's position and deny 
TW ?^^y that one has done so 
ity but rather to confusion. Now 

AT,r '^^""^ *^^« ^^^ts are: 
q/^- 1. . ^^ty Convention of the 
Socialist Party of New York in 
December 1930, the militants can e 
ffa^nl.'^^f^'.e r^««l-tion on R i- 
s.a in which they maintained that 
1.1 he Soviet Government is a 
workers government; 2. That the 

Wl Si? I' .^H'''^lin? Socio - 
ism, 3. That what is taking place 



— Russia is consistent with So- 
cialist Philosophy and with Marx- 
ism; 4. That the anti-Soviet Men- 
sheviks are playing a counter-rev- 
oiutionary role. 

There was nothing in that reso- 
lution about the extension of de- 
mocracy nor yet about democratiz- 
ing the Soviets. That did not ap- 



THE DRESSMAKERS PROGRAM 

(Uoimnued from Page 6) 
years of crisis, we are proud to 
come before you with this record 
of achievement and %vith this pro- 
gram for the future and to ask 
you for your support. Our Union 
IS a democratic organization; de- 
mocracy is the fundamental prin- 
ciple on which it is built In the 
past, we fought against the reac- 
tionary elements and against the 
dual unionist splitters and with 
your support we succeeded in de- 
feating them both. With your sup- 
port we succeeded in building up 
a strong Union and winning bet- 
ter conditions for the dressmakers 
m spite of all obstacles. We are 
'confident that we will have vour 
support for the future, in order to 
build up an even stronger Union 
ever capable and ever ready to de- 
fend the interests of the workers! 
Support the candidates of the 
dressmakers Progressive GroupJ 
Mobilize all workers in your 
—op in support of the progressive 
candidates! 
1 1 Br ess makers Progressive Group 
of Local 22, I.L.G.W.U- 

LOVESTONE-CANNON DEBATE 

{Continued from Page 1} 
ers only and they, he said, were 
in the Russian jails. The Dictator- 
ship of the Proletai'iat has become 
merely a "parasitic growth" and 
the leadership of the C.P.S.U. wa.s 
characterized as "these Russian 
scoundrels." 

The main issues clarified in this 



"IS tny ^uvieis. inat did not ap- J-ne mam issues clarified in thii 
pear until about one and half years debate were: The basically anti- 
later when the barrage of O'Neal communist character upon which 
and the "fripndhr ^A^ri^^'* of ^or- the "Fourth Internatfonai" is being 



and the "friendly ad"vice" «<. x,v.t-,-- -... ^.ii,^ 

man Thomas forced them into based and the viciously anti^sov" 
the following position at the p*^t character of present-day Trot- 
Ljity Convention in June of 1932. -^kvism 
The City Convention: 

"... insistently urges upon 
the government that a greater 
mea.suro of political democracy 
be granted to the Russian work- 
ers in line with the spirit of So- 
cialist philosoi)hy." 
Here we alroatly note that the 
spirit of Socialist philosophy" has 
undoi-gono a remarkable change. 
This change br-comcs even more 
basic in the resolutions proposed 
at present for the National Con- 
vention of the " • " ■ - 



when what is demanded is not "a 
greater measure of political de- 
mocracy" in the abstract but the 
democratization of the Soviets. 
The resolution states: 

' . . . , We do so particular- 
ly in the hope that the indus- 
trial advances to be made will 
I>ornut the Soviets to democrat- 
ize their industrial and political 
framework." 
Well, Comrade Militant, have