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In a period of world-wide crisis constantly deepening; during a process 
of general and absolute pauperization of the working-class thru-out the 
world; in the face of the imperialistic tendencies toward* a new world stale 
butchery; with the sight of the march of fascism covering the globe before 
Us; in spite of the temporary triumph of the capitalist forces on the grave 
of a once powerful international labor movement, after the most serious 
defeat of international Communism, the UNITED WORKERS PARTY OF 
AMERICA presents this small pamphlet to all serious revolutionists, to help 
them and us to better understand our real situation, and to clear up to some 
extend the present identog-ical confusion in which the working class finds 

The dialectic movement of the world mokes every problem an historical 
problem. It also changes in its course the role of organizations and ideas. 
What once was revolutionary, becomes with general development, reac- 
tionary. Organizations, tactics and idea logics that were once the expression 
of progressive development of the proletarian struggle against capitalism, 
in time and in the course of that struggle become obstacles in the path of 
further development. What was once revolutionary, in spite of the fact 
that it is has now become reactionary, lives on as a Tradition in its original 
content and form, and hinders the development of the new and the rcnl 
litfemary forces- This is why it (0 necessary that thy weapon of criti- 
cism becomes the criticism of the weapons. 

The Party and its Program is but the expression of the role that revolu- 
tionary consciousness plays in history. It is a part of history, not history 
itself. A Program alone is of no value unless it is followed up by action 
on the part of the working class. If it is practical, if it is realistic, then it 
becomes a force which in combination with the revolutionary forces created; 
by tho objective conditions brought about by capitalist dovolopmont itself, 
may be able to shorten tho birth-throes of tho now society. 

It is our opinion that we are not at the end but at the beginning of 
the general crisis of world capitalism; nnd parallel to this objective situation, 
wo are not at the end but at the beginning of h real revolutionary labor 

montj which must and will develop on an entirely new principle and 
tactical basis. Beginnings are always difficult and every revolutionary voice 
is first a voice in the desert, but we nre convinced that sooner or later 
reality itself will move toward the advanced thought and what seems today 
stil] an abstraction will become the actual practice of the fighting proleta- 
Traditiomt must be broken down to bring about unity between theory 
and practke. Revolution is only possible when this unity becomes an ac- 
tuality. The purpose of this pamphlet is to help the revolutionary move- 
ment come doner to this situation. 


«< tffflfr >a33 

March I1J34. 

World Wide Fascism or World Revolution? 


Five years of crisis on a world-wide scale have passed. A31 
tendencies are pointing 1 to a further deepening' of the interna- 
tional crisis. Industrial world production ia below the scale of 
H914 and is decreasing. The unemployed army, altho it has 
already one-half of the industrial world proletariat in its ranks, 
increases still further. The economic-political chaos forces every- 
thing in its deadly downward trend. The theories of the econom- 
ists of the ruling clans become more ridiculous, and the illusions 
of the petite-bourgoisie change to a deadly fear. From an 
advancing element* Capitalism has become a restricting one. Its 
movement toward collapse is a situation of catastrophies which 
bring to the human race increasing misery and suffering" on a 
larger scale than in any previous crisis. 

Traditions hinder the workers from u r a s pi n g the 
fact that the present depression cannot be overcome within the 
capitalistic boundaries. The hope which the ruling-class has 
planted in the heads of the workers, that a new boom-period 
will come, has not vanished altho it is becoming ever more 
difficult to defend the system as illustrated by its daily practice. 
Capitalism has surpassed muny crisis and depression* during its 
development. Each of these crisis was but a atop for further 
progressive development which made the basis for a new crisis 
on a higher plane; but each depression period was followed by 
an upswing, a boom. All other depressions were overcome, so 
why not this one also? The world-wide extent and the depth of 
the present crisis may explain its intensity and its length, but it 
cannot prove the permanency of its character. 

It is necessary that the working-class should understand that 
the present crisis is permanent for capitalism. The analysis of the 
present situation must take into consideration the fact that we 
are living in a new historical period; a period of positivo decline 
lor ;],,. ( -.,|.ii.ili..i On the position that the labor movement 
takes in relation to the crisis and the final collapse of capitalism. 
will the real character of the movement be shown. If it fails to 
explain,, on the basis of the laws of motion of present society, the 
tendencies of the present system, then it will fail in its task, 

— 4 — 


The Historic Extent of Capitalistic Development. 

The capitalist process of reproduction repeats itself, not 
the form of circle, but as a spiral narrowing to a point. 
ist production must, due to its inherent contradictions, 
lead to its own negation; but only the accumulation of these con- 
tradictions can transform them into something different; into 

According to Marx, the development of the productive 
i society is the motive power of historical development 
When the productive forces increase, then productive relations 
must change so as not to become contradictory to this 
development. Capitalism as an economic system had the histo- 
rical mission of developing the productive forces of society to a 
much greater extent than was possible under any previous sys- 
tem. The race for profit under capitalism is the motive force in 
elopment of the productive forces. For this reason then, 
; p i a of development can continue only as long as it in 
profitable. There is no economic collapse as Jong as the profit 
made, satisfies the wants of a progressive accumulation. When 
hit ion can no longer be resumed, as in the present crisis, 
then cj rn has reached its historic extent. It then goes into 

the stage of decline. It is only in this period that a HEAL revolu- 
tionary mn>. etnent of the workers becomes possible. 

■ :irx always consider* the economic laws of motion from 

ints of view; first, as "a process of natural history'*; 

second, in its specific, social, historical forms. The development 

reductive forces went on in every social system; a process 

isting in an ever increasing productivity of labor, clue to 

;r working tools and methods. The productive process has 

in a capitalistic system besides its natural, general content, which 

It shares will all other economic system, also the form of being a 

producing values and surplus value. Due to that feature, 

talism has been able to accelerate the development of the 

ductive forces so tremendously. The productive forces are 

not only machines, raw materials and labor power, but also 

l . developnn means the expanding of production 

and reproduction of capital, and this is only possible when sur- 

i value or profit is the result of the production process. By 

analyst* oi the process of producing surplus value, Marx finds 

the tendency of a conflict between the material productive- forces 

and tholr capitalistic int« gumeul. When insufficient surplus value 

ults from production, there is no possibility of continuing the 

menl of the productive forces. The capitalistic forms 

must then burst asunder to make place for a higher, more 

advanced, economic and social system. 

The Accumulation Process of Capitalism. 

The general progressive developement of man-kind is ex- 
ased in all forma of societies by the developement of the 

— $ — 

means and methods of production. This results in an increase in 
the productivity of labor, of the muss of products by a decre; 
in the actual exercised labor-power, in Capitalism this expres- 
ses itself by more and: more capital being 1 invested in means r 
production and less and less for labor, It is true of course i 
when Capitalism is on the upswing, then aa there is invested more 
and more capital in the means of production, the amount of 
capital invested in labor-power increases also, but slower than 
the first. On a high Spot of the capitalistic developement the 
number of workers employed in relation to the total capital doeg 
not only decrease relatively but also absolutely. Since the ex- 
ploitation of workers is the only source of profits this already in- 
dicates that the profits of the capitalist must decrease with an 
increasing: accumulation. 

The increase of the organic composition of capital is accom- 
panied by a falling rate of profit This falling rate of profit alone 
is of no danger to capitalism as long as it has the possibility of 
accumulating faster than the rate of profit sinks. This is made 
possible by an increase in exploitation as well as with the expan- 
sion of the fields of capitalistic production. But even if the in- 
crease in the mass of profit compensates for the fall in the rate 
of profit, or even exceeds the later, the mass of profit grows 
slower than the amount of profit which is needed to satisfy the 
ever increasing needs of accumulation. The fall in rate of profit 
is an index to the relative fall in the mass of profit which in a 
higher stage of accumulation becomes an absolute fall. 

If accumulation is to continue, more and more of the surplus- 
value produced by the workers must be used for the develope- 
ment of the productive apparatus; decreasing by this, the parts 
intended for additional labor and for the consumption of the 
capitalists. Eventually this process has to come close to a point 
where all of the surplus-value is needed if a sufficient accumu- 
lation should be made possible. At this point the capitalist are 
forced to increase the exploitation of the workers tremendously 
so as to make posible some profit to compensate for this dev- 
elopement. The class struggle sharpens. If the amount of 
surplus-value produced should not be sufficient for the needs of 
the accumulation process, dispite the most intense exploitation 
then the process of accumulation stops and Crisis results. 

A standstill in the accumulation process leads to a general 
crisis affecting all spheres of production. The capital which is 
too small to be profitably reinvested now becomes in actuallity a 
surplus of capital. The growth of Capital has been faster than 
growth of possibilities for profitable expansion. Overaccumula- 
tion is the result; which means on the one hand a surplus of 
capital which cannot be reinvested in profitable production and 
on the other a vast army of unemployed who can no longer find 
jobs. Only with the possibility of profit can the process of 
ccumulation be resumed; if this possibility is excluded, then the 


of necessity becomes permanent in character. A permanent 
is means for Capitalism, collapse. 

The Collapse of Capitalism and its Counter tendencies. 

Marx's theory of accumulation is the law of capitalist col- 
lapse. The tendency of collapse is expressed in the crisis and is 
overcome in the crisis. If crisis arc on expression of collapse, 
then the final collapse is nothing but a crisis unhampered by 

Counter-tendencies are in the main, tryouts to re-establish 
expansion of capital on a profitable basis by reorganizing of the 
total mechanism of production and distribution. In all previous 
crisis the success of these counteracting tendencies changed the 
depression to a new boom period, nationalization generally, 
lowering of production costs, lowering of wages, lowering the in- 
come of the capitalist middle class, capital depreciations, writing 
oil of capital, devaluation of capital, securing extra surplus-value 
by imperialistic expansion, imperialistic movements to get 
cheaper raw materials, improving the relation to markets domes- 
tically and on the world market, and many other factors act as 
tendencies to aid Capitalism overcome crisis. 

The tendencies against the collapse of Capitalism however, 
are like everything else, also of an historical nature. In the course 
of developement they lose their power or are overcome entirely. 
At a certain point in capitalistic developement intensifying the 
productivity of labor does not increase but decreases profits. The 
pauperization of the working-class has its absolute limits. 
Capitalist expansion on a worldscale reaches its limits before it 
reaches the natural borders of the world. There is an absolute 
limit to which capitalist production can be expanded and dev- 
eloped. The tendencies which have sueesafully operated to help 
Capitalism out of previous crisis have failed In the present 
depression. They no longer exist aa countertencics or they are 
too weak in relation to the depth of the present crisis of interna- 
tional Capitalism. 

The conclusion that this crisis is permanent and that we are 
in the dying stage of the Capitalist system depends on the 
analysis of the counteracting tendencies. If there are any pos- 
sibilities for restoring profits, further accumulation, further ex- 
pansion, then these must be considered. 

Monopoly Capitalism And The Vanishing Counter-tendencies. 

Monopoly Capital in a depression, restrict* production by 

closing some of its enterprises. If a larger demand sets in, it 

lanes this by reopening the necessary plants or factories. The 

reserve of productive capacities in Monopoly Capitalism does 

1 1 i-t necessitate new and big investments Cor fixed capital. In 

this sense it restricts also technical progress. At a higher stage 

— 6 — 

it restricts the development of the markets for means of produc- 
tion instead of developing them. 

The possibility of a technical revolution which would lead to 
the moral depreciation of large masses of capital can no longer 
be expected because the restriction of the productive power has 
become a "life necessity" for monopoly capitalism. This is true 
even tho it indicates a process of collapse for the system. Capi- 
talism now lives by dying. 

In previous crisis il be devaluation of capital has been an im- 
portant factor toward recovery. It has lowered the organic 
composition of capital and by this made the total capital smaller 
so that profits became relativly higher. In previous crisis too, 
after the mass bankruptcies had forced out great numbers : 
capitalist enterprises, the ones who survived were forced by com- 
petition in a period of dropping prices to lower their production 
costs. New and bigger machines which could operate at a pri 
at the new lower price level were needed. The demand for new 
fixed capital increased and this demand carried with it other in- 
dustries into a new boom. In the present crisis however the large 
amount of bankruptcies did not have a .similar effect. 

How little a forced devaluation of capital in monopoly capi- 
talism means becomes clear if we confront the production of 
monopoly capital in relation to the total social production. There 
are industries where 90% of the total social production is done 
by monopoly capital. This is especially true in the U. S. Almost 
the half of the total social pi-eduction on an international seal'!, 
in the most important branches of production, Jg done by monop- 
oly capital What result could bankruptcies of small enterpr 
have under this condition? The present depression has demon- 
strated that this counter-tendency, devaluation of capital, is 
about gone. 

Rationalization still may enrich an individual capitalist and 
in some instances solve their individual problems; but for sod fcy 
as a whole, the rationalization process in monopoly capitalism 
tends to make society poorer. It may still bring about a saving 
in wages and decrease the production costs but all that is sa 1 
is eaten up by nonproductive expenses coming form the idle 
capita] in the form of closed enterprises and by the f u r 1 1 
restriction of the market possibilities as a result of the proi 
itself. In the later stage of accumulation it becomes a failing 
rationalization; it no longer serves as a medium to overcome the 
crisis but tends to deepen the depression. 

The export of capital, which in Imperialism is one of the 
most powerful means for capitalist upswing and a most im- 
portant factor for overcoming crisis, has decreased to almost 
nothing on an international scale. Imperialist competition for 
foreign markets become ever more sharp as a consequence. The 
tendencies toward war on a world proportion continues as a con- 
stant menace, 

The present crisis is distinguished from all previous ones by 
the fact that the counteracting tendencies are either not present 
or are too weak to operate successfully and restore profits to a 
point where further expansion is possible, where idle capital can 
be put to work and the process of capital accumulation again be 

Capitalism In Its Deathcrisia. 

The decrease in the total surplus value intensifies the 
struggle between the different, capitalist groups for their portion 
of the surplus value. The political manouvers of the different in- 
terests mirror this economic situation. The severity of the present 
crisis for example, makes it impossible for industrial capital to 
pay obligations to bank capital or to even pay the interests on 
this money. Industrial bankruptcies are followed by bankrupt- 
cies of banking capital. Inflation and similar measures are taken 
to liquidate these debts and the cost of this liquidation is foisted 
onto bank capital, the middle classes and the working class. 

In its struggle to increase its available profits capitalism is 
forced to make heavy onslaughts againstthe petite-bourgeoisie 
to eliminate as much of the profit consuming middle stratas as 
possible. The growth of the middle class goes slower then the 
process of their proletarianisation. The total elimination of the 
middle class however is impossible in capitalism because in order 
to assure its own existence capitalism needs the middle class. 

With the death crisis of monopoly capitalism the chronic 
agrarian crisis deepens. The disproportion between the in- 
dustrial prices and the prices of the agrarian products has forces 
the farmers in many countries of the world into open rebellion. 
Reluctantly capitalism is compelled to make concessions to the 
agrarian population in the form of tarrif reforms, loans and 
credit by the state, stabilizing of prices, direct relief in exchange 
for a decrease in production, etc. These concessions however 
are usually made at the expense of the workers. 

The process of pauperization of the working class developes 
concomitant with the development of Capitalism. On the up- 
swing of capitalism it acts as a relative pauperization but in the 
death crisis this changes to absolute pauperization. Wagecuts 
and general worsening of the conditions of the proletariat results 
in mass misery. To prevent social unrest the capitalists are 
forced to dispense relief. They are also forced to strengthen 
their "power of coercion" the repressive power of the state to 
prevent uprisings. The maintainance of the state becomes more 
and more expensive.' In contradiction to the necessity of increas- 
ing profits for Capitalism, there is a decrease in available profits 
and with it an increase in the cost for unproductive things. 

As the crisis deepens the possibilities for even partial reco- 
very diminish and capitalistic collapse as a tendency becomes 
more and more active. Political collapse as a tendency^ follows 
but here are also counter-tendencies which must be considered. 

9 — 


The hope that capitalism will overcome its present crisis, 
presupposes the other hope that it in possible to develop© a 
higher economical form than monopoly capitalism. This hope is 
impossible within the framework of private property. "State 
Capitalism" is in an economic sense not a higher from than 
monopoly capitalism, but only a new race for the latter . It is a 
political measure to counteract the political dangers accompany- 
ing the class-shiftings in the last phase of capitalism. The poli- 
tical basis of the ruling class becomes too small at this stage, and 
it has to engage state power in the interest of monopoly ca- 
pitalism more directly. 

The shortage of profits and the impossibility of overcoming 
the depression, leads to intensification of the struggle for the 
division of surplus value. The social-political relations in 
capitalism become very unstable. The struggle between finan- 
cial, industrial and agrarian interests intensifies the fight for the 
control of government. This struggle is but a political reflex of 
the deepening world-crisis. In spite of many possible modifica- 
tions, the strongest capitalist group, Monopoly Capital, will 
finally control the situations. 

The Struggle of the Middle Strata. 

The middle class which lives directly or indirectly on 
surplus-value, have no economic or political common cause with 
the proletariat altho they often try to engage the workers for 
their special cause. Their hope and their struggle is to promote 
themselves from their petite position into the position of a real 
bourgeois. This is only possible when capitalism functions; and 
chances are bettor when it functions well. The actual pauperi- 
zation of the middle class as a rule does not at first change their 
attitude against the working-class, but only sharpens their atr 
gle to escape a proletarian status. They become, not less, but 
more, capitalisttcally inclined. As long as their hopes can be 
retained, they remain the allies of the ruling class, and with 
them, the strongest force againts proletarian revolution. 

The Agrarian Interests. 

The farmers generally, with the exception of those whom 
by the industrialization of their farm enterprises already regard 
themselves as capitalists, have different interests from the in- 
dustrial and financial capitalists. Development is partially based 
on the destruction of the old style farm. It is to the interests of 
capital to hold the profits of the farmers as small as possible 
assure themselves bigger profits. To cut wages in industry, it i- 
necessary to have cheap prices for farm products. The techni- 
al backwardness of the agrarian production has allowed 


10 — 

farmers certain privileges as their profits were not ^» lc ^ 
13 the average rate of profit. The elimination of the laimeis 
p\S, means the easing of the burden ^ *e d e^uj for the 
capitalist. By the use of more and more hxed capital ^ agncul 
ui re this privilege of the farmers is being eliminated, but beiore 
heVSleTagiiculture is really i^ustriahzed it has still a long 
way to go. In the meantime, the struggle between the »rmer 
: (I! d the capitalist will never cease, and his struggle ,s ordy 
another expression of the growmg socialist on o : labor. The in 
creasing specialization of agrarian P«ducUon enables ■^gj* 1 
also more and more to contro prices «nd profits of the -timers. 

The farmer docs not fight against Capitalism but -for the r 
"interests" inside of Capitalism. The farmers defend their 
private moperty which is endangered by the expropriation 
pi o'f monopoly capital. The struggle will continue m long 
as capitalism lasts. In the struggle one part of the farmers will 
be played against the other part, 

A situation of energetic struggle for existence results each 

striving to avoid elimination. The farmers become ^radical 

and also more rebellious, but in a reactionary se nse The st xuggte 

of the farmers for their private property does not Jmng thtm 

closer to the workers, but makes them more of an enemy of the 

working-class. „ , . „„_„ 

The policy of the farm movement sometimes looks very 

friendly to the workers hoping for their support. Actually they 

are interested in high wages for the industrial workers, because 

h y ar interestedln high prices for their poducts . whicl , goes 

into the consumption of the industrial working JL^J-S the 

titude, however, changes at once into a l"«jK h t l ^;t 

wnrkino- claw when it becomes a question of communism or 

«?£SSm ^ Communism is no solution for the farmers as com- 

munfem expropriates their private property and ™»« s •*££ * 

property. In communism this is a radical act. The exptopd* 

Hon , nroMSB which goes on in monopoly capitalism is a gradual 

one SSSclZ only a small fraction of the farmers at a time. 

The fronts of the class struggle in monopoly =aP™»' m t £ 
come clearer than they ever were before. On th one side .they 
have something to lose, even if this may only be their hopes, but 
on the other side, they have nothing to lose, not even hopes. 

In the upswing of capitalism, the concentration and centra- 
l 1 ,.tic!nproSeTexpressed itself in the continuation of a«umu>a- 
■ of the total capital. Now in the decline period ^.^ 
his same process is carried on only by the ehminatio n of he 
weaker capitalissts, and by the restriction of and the Iowcwng 
ot the living standards of the middle <*«"**«»» rs a nd_the 
uaneral and absolute pauperization of the workers, ine 
tendency "ward State Capitalism is the political expression of 
£fa S2JTS the stagnation period of SSS^sSmS^ 
Economic concentration necessitates also more political conccn 
tration into the hands of the ruling capitalist group. 

— H — 

"State Capitalism*' can only be realized as a tendency. It 
can never be completed. This is another proof for the fact that 
monopoly capitalism has become a fetter to the social develop- 
ment of productivity, It proves also the permanent character of 
the present crisis. 

The Tendencies toward a "Planned Economy." 

The- tendencies of "State Capitalism" ate closely related to 

the capitalist tendencies towards a more "planned economy". 
Attempts are made to copy the Russian example, disregarding 
the difference in the economic development in the various count- 
pies. This is especially true of facist nations and those who arc 
leaning toward facism. An intensive propaganda for planned 
economy which will do away with disproportion in the different 
fields of production, eliminate competition, regulate wages, labor 
time, and prices of commodities by the state, is carried on. Even 
the control of profits is taken into consideration. 

Capitalist "planned economy" is an impossibility because 
the system can only develope and function as long as it is an- 
archistic. Under capital, relation a planned economy would 
presuppose a static capitalism and a stationary capitalism means 
a permanent crisis. Even if these theories of planned econoray 
were applied they would be done away with at once as a new 
boom would set in. A new boom period is only possible with 
accumulation being resumed. This means impetus to capitalist 
production not restriction, it means increase not decrease in 
capitalistic anarchy. 

The experiments in ''planned economy" tried in the U. S., 
Italy, and Germany have prooved that this process is only sup- 
posed to serve the interests of monopoly capital, They take the 
iorm of, forced trustification, organizing of cartels, state credits, 
wage agreements on the basis of spread the general misery 
ploitation of cheap labor of the unemployed, lowering the cor>t 
of unemployed relief, etc. All of these things help; none of them 
hurt the interests of Capitalism, but they do not solve thi 

The New Deal. 

The New Deal program of the Roosevelt regime was nothing 
other than the new conception of the monopoly movement of 
American capital in the permanent crisis. Its only value for 
capitalism as a whole was the strengthening of the capitalistic 
ideology, The means to accomplish this were very simple ones. 
Roosevelt borrowed from the American Labor Movement, which 
is still following the conceptions of liberalism, the slogans of 
reforms. These slogans and ideas were formulated to solve the 
disproportion in the different fields of production; to do away 
with unfair competition ; to promote higher wages { ? ) ; a shorter 
workday; higher prices; a better banking system and other 
phrases that at times became even sensational. 

In contrast to the slogans and propaganda of the New Deal, 
it* practice was entirely different. Every one of its attempts 


failed. Every one of those ideas proved bankrupt, rfo recovery 
was attained. No expansion of production set in; industrial 
credits did not increase and the unemployment figures were not 
affected. The farm projects remained only as demonstrations of 
the insanity of the system by its destruction of farm products and 
•si rictions of production; but in no way did this lift the 
burden of the farmer. The elimination of "unfair competition" 
was only directed against the competing sweat-shops of small 
italists, and at that was a means for the further concentration 
of capital which led to a deepening of the general crisis. The 
result of shortening the work-day was negated by further 
rationalization, and did not effect the unemployed situation. AH 
the beautiful theories failed as a means to overcome the depres- 

It is true that the C. W. A. gave temporary employement to 
a large number of the unemployed, which resulted in turn with 
a alight boom in certain industries; but the statistics prove that 
the sum of the total wages did not increase, but in actuality 
decreased. Prices for consumption goods which the workers 
need grow faster than the wages. With the New Deal the work- 
ers, as a class, received less of the total social product than they 
did before. The Roosevelt policy only increased the tempo of 
the general pauperization process. It resulted only in a more 
planned distribution of misery for the working class. Even 
granting much success in the elimination of competition, the 
Overaccumulation of Capita! is still working and leads to capital- 
ist collapse. 


The decrease in profits in the general crisis, intensifies the 

class struggle. The political, as well as the economic struggle, 
becomes sharper. Due to the concentration process, the political 
basis to rule for capitalism becomes too small. It becomes neces- 
sary for the capitalists to strengthen their political forces by 
engaging the middle class and the farmers to their support. The 
old democratic methods are not longer satisfactory; they must 
be exchanged for snappier and more direct methods, A govern- 
ment is no longer .sufficient; what is needed is a dictatorship. 
The ferment and social unrest in the last stage of capitalism must 
be suppressed and controlled that the system may survive. 

The Social Ideology. 

Social consciousness is in capitalism an ideology like in all 
other class societies. The purpose of this ideology is to hide the 
real character of capitalism; to hide the different class in- 
terests and the class struggle. In capitalist reality, no common 
interests exist. It has to fake, by way of ideology, an ap- 
pearance of common interest to enable a social practice. The 
needs of capitalism are identified as the needs of the whole 
human race. 

— is — 

With the sharpening of the actual class struggle, and the 
growing contradiction between ideology and reality, it becomes 
more and more difficult to uphold the sham of class collabora- 
tion as being the interests of at! classes, It becomes necessary to 
fight the idea of class struggle more ruthlessly. Capital by way 
or its middle-class spokesman beconu "social"; it no fonger 
ignores (he class struggle but it makes the class struggle respon- 
sible for all capitalist difficulties. The class struggle is not a 
result of the crisis; but now, Cm* capitalism, the crisis is the result 
of the class struggle. The idea of the class struggle is given as 
an invention, brought by Marxian criminal.'? into the world. It is 
dangerous, not only for capital, but for the whole of s<xi 
Real "socialism" makes the abolishment of the class struggle 
necessary. The clam struggle is not done away with by. the 
elimination of the classes, but by the destruction of the Marxist: 
class struggle "idea". The middle classes, who prefer to remain 
;ts a middle class rather than to become proletarians, take to this 
idea, and by this are brought into a front with monopoly capital 
against the work-era. The labor-movement has pointed out what 
distinguishes the classes; now capitalism points to what unites 
the classes. 

Ultra-nationalism also becomes a large part of the capiti 
ist ideology, so Fascism becomes "national-socialistic." The 
nation is set against the rest of the world, or against special 
enemies. A "third" factor, not the class system, is responsible 
for all the misery in which the people find themselves in a 
particular country, The propaganda for imperialistic adventur- 
es is strengthened by this immensely, 

Fascism, however, is not necessarily bound to a specific 
ideology. It may vary with the peculiarities, the history, the 
degree of development, and other .special things in the different 
countries. The essential thing, however, is the same every whore. 
It is developed In order to preserve the existing social order. 

The desires of the middle class were better fulfilled in the 
past than at present. This makes of the Fascist ideology a reac- 
tionary one. "Back to the good old times" is the cry of fascism 
in Europe; "back to the days of the frontier" is the cry in 
America, but it is reactionary only as an ideology. In reality, it 
satisfies the further concentration process of capitalism and saves 
profits for the ruling class. 

The fact that fascism exists in the lesser developed countri- 
es, also, does not alter the conclusion that it is a form of govern- 
ment under monopoly capitalism. Czarism for example is only 
distinguished from the German fascism by the fact that in the 
first case a feudal regime tried to hold power; and in the second 
a capitalist regime fights to remain in control of society. 

Fascism in the general crisis is a situation of capitalist 
barbarism. Killing becomes a political science; robbery goes on 
as economy. Pauperization of the workers, as the only source 

— 14— > 

for making possible profits, makes a passive proletariat neces- 
sary. To accomplish this, enough privileges must be given the 
killers. The rebellion of the middle class is essentially not direct. 
c ' cl a*rainsi capitalism, but against their own pauperization. 
I ; i mi makes use of all the energies of the middle class, and 
ages them in the interests of capitalism against the only revo- 
lutionary class — ■ the proletariat. 

In America, with the breakdown of the New Deal, it is con- 
sidered a likelyhood that the Roosevelt regime will become a 
fascist dictatorship ; but this conclusion is not necessarily correct. 
Fascism is the best form of government in the permanent crisis 
tor monopoly capital; but it is not an absolute necessity. A 
dictatorship of the capitalist class, themselves, is possible here 
where the middle class are relatively weak. Only when a con- 
dition exists where the workers are in a menacing condition, 
when the middle class becomes rebellious, when a really revolu- 
tionary situation lies before capitalism, then the ruling class will 
be forced to further the fascist tendencies. 

The new fascist organizations which are being organized in 
America, and which try to copy the Hitler movement, are not the 
essential racist forces; but are merely private enterprises of 
small politicians. The real fascist reserves are in the older or- 
ganizations, such as the American Legion and the American 
federation of Labor, which have always been the expression of 
Qvpy reactionary force of the middle class and the labor 
aristocracy. These organizations are not yet fascist because the 
class struggle has not yet developed to a point where it will be 
necessary for American capitalism to engage its last reserves. 
When the middle class become more pauperized than at present 
the in cist movement will grow faster in the United States than 
anywhere else; in fact as the situation stands now in America 
fascism has more chance to develop than the revolutionary move- 
ment of the workers. 

The old labor movement dies with capitalism. This enables 
rascjsm even to draw many workers into their ranks. From social 
reform, the development leads to social fascism. In spite of this 
development, however, to escape their misery, nothing else is 
possible: for the working class than to overthrow fascism and the 
capitalist system. The death crisis is in this respect different 
Jrom all previous crisis, in that, even if a part of the capitalist 
class should overcome the depression from the viewpoint of their 
Profits, for the workers the continuation of capitalism means 
only the constantly worsening of their conditions. The portion 
the workers get from the social product will be always smaller- 
starvation and death are the only perspectives under capitalism 
tor the workers. 

The international character of the depression, the interna- 
tional character of the class struggle, will force the dictatorship 

of the ruling class all over the world. Fascism becomes a world 

— in — 

menace. To escape this situation, nothing else is possible but that 
Che workers overthrow capitalism witJi the world revolution. 
History has set the stage; — World Fascism or World Revolu- 
;i(in — Barbarism or Communism. 


The economic analysis has shown that the objective situa- 
tion for social revolution is present. The political situation how- 
ever is different. In a relative sense the international bourgeoi- 
sie was politically never stronger despite their chaotic economic 
ttatus. The revolutionary working-class movement has suffered 
:jue defeat after another culminating with the anntlhiation of the 
German movement which was the key to the world revolution. 
These defeats can be attributed not alone to the unreadiness of 
Che movement, but also to the fact that the workers failed to 
grasp the significance of the permanent crisis and that the mov- 
ement did not rid Itself of the methods and traditions of the old 
labor movement which are obstacles to the revolution. 

The old labor movement had its beginning and development 
during the upswing period of Capitalism, a period in which the 
pauperization process of the workers only occurcd in a relative , 
manner. The Marxian theory that with the accumulation of 
capital the accumulation of misery of the workers went hand in 
hand, was for the superficial onlooker defeated. Apparently as 
the productivity increased, so too, the living standard of the 
workers became better. The fact that in relation to what they 
produced the workers were getting less and less — that the 
workers were getting a smaller and smaller part of the social 
product was ignored. The trade-union and social-reform* 
parlimentary organizations grew and even the political influence 
of the workers seemed to increase. An opportunistic polic \ 
wherefo tha workers gained reforms by alining themselves 
with capitalistic groups against other capitalistic groups, thus 
taking advantage of the divisions amongst the capitalists, show- 
ed nothing but the backwardness of the class struggle. This was 
the basis of the old labor movement in a period when only 
reforms were possible. Even the labor movement could only 
have a capitalist policy. The struggle between capital and 
labor was for a greater share of the social product — a struggle 
on the basis of, and inside the framework of capitalist society. 

The theory of economic collapse and the principle of revolu- 
tion was easily lost and in its place grew the ideal of "peacefully 
growing into socialism*' The interests of the labor movement was 
made identical with the interests of society as a whole, and so in 
consequence with tho interests of the capitalists. For reformism 
the cause of crisis was the insufficiency of capitalistic organisa- 
tion. The problem was not in capitalist production but in circu- 
lation of commodities and in competition. This would be solved 
by the concentration of capital and by education of the workers 
tftthe extent where they would acquire legalistic political power 



enough to bring socialism about by legislation. The revolution- 
ary struggle was thrown overboard and these capitalistic poli- 
cies took their place to the degree that the movement became 
only a tool in the control of capitalism. 

From Social Reform to Social Fascism. 

With the advent of the World War the pre-war old labor 
movement which was combined in the Second International, 
dropped all Socialist phrases and turned to defend the capital- 
ists in the various countries. They proved that their reactionary 
form was but a cloak for their reactionary content. They 
also showed in the revolutionary period at the end of the war, 
thai those organizations which were built up to fight for reforms 
inside of Capitalism, could not take advantage of a revolutionary 

In the thunder of the Russian and Middle European revolu- 
tionary uprisings the new labor movement was born. A revolu- 
tionary movement in a revolutionary period. The goal was the 
overthrow of the capitalist system. The means, were the new 
organizations of the workers, — the committees of action, the 
workers' councils, the Soviets. 

Once more the old labor movement was able to serve Cap- 
italism. It defeated the young revolutionary movement with 
the slaughter of many thousands of revolutionary workers in 
Germany, and by taking the control out of the "hands of the 
workers' Soviets in Russia and instituting the dictatorship of 
the Bolshevik Party over the workers. With new names, new 
slogans, and new leaders, the Third International became the 
center of the newly organized remnants of the old labor move 
it. A new appearance, but the same old social democratic 
content. Thus started a new period of trade-unionist horse- 
trade and parliamentary fakery in which the working-cla$a haa 
gone from one defeat to another, 

The Russian Development. 

To understand the Third International, the Bolshevik move- 
ment with its various oppositions, such as the Neo-bolsheviks of 
the "Fourth International," a review of the Russian devclopc- 

' is necessary. 

The industrial workers who took the lead and fought in the 
an revolution, fought in the interest of communism. The 
peasants, however, who ware the vast majority and the real force 
of the revolution, did not go beyond the new distribution of soil. 
Their principle urge was a revolt against Feudal conditions to 
bring about the possibilities of developement of captalastic a- 
grarian technic. They have been continuously a determining 
factor in the development of Russia since 1917. 

The backward economic character of the country did not 
allow the building up of a socialist society, Tho only poMcy 
possible under these conditions was to make whatever conces- 

— 17 — 

ions were necessary, in order to hold power. This policy 
making concessions on both a national and international .sea 
>as developed to a point where it is now directed against the 
nterests of the industrial world proletariat and the world re- 
ol ut ion. 

It is true that this policy of concessions was to be adopted 
mly temporarily, and would he abolished as soon as the world 
■evolution would spread over Europe; but with the defeat of 
he German workers in 1919, and again in 1923, — the hope of 
i continuing world revolution was given up. The main object 
iow became one of holding and strengthening! the power of the 
Solshevik Party in Russia. 

The Russian Communist Party being the largest in the Third 
aternational became the dominating section. The location of 
he International at Moscow strengthened tins tendency. With 
he national and international interests of Russia as a determin- 
ttg influence, the Third International proceeded to build up 
nass parties in the various countries to support the Russian de- 
velopment The different section of the Communist movement 
.vere forced to adopt reformistic and opportunistic policies to 
>ompete with the parties of the Second International in order 
;o control and use large portions of the working-class. Defense 
>f the Soviet Union became the fir8t principle of all the Com- 
munist parties of the Third International. The world revolution 
>f the proletariat was pushed aside, and the first duty now of 
communists everywhere was the support of the Bolshevik re- 
gime and "building socialism in Russia." Any critic against 
his policy was immediately cast out, The tradition of Bolshevik 
success of 1017 covered up their counter-revolution practice. 

The breathing-spell which was to safeguard the Bolshevik 
regime led to the growth of a strong bureauocracy. The "Dic- 
tatorship of I In 1 workers" became a dictatorship of the buro- 
cracy over the workers. They identified their interests with the 
interests of the Russian workers, and even with those of the in- 
ternational working Class. All the expediencies which they have 
found necessary have been done "in the interest of the world 
revolution." Trade alliances, military alliances with capitalist 
countries, world peace in order to carry on the industrialization 
process and to prepare for imperialistic action, killing off of all 
real revolutionary movements in the name of communism, build- 
ing up a new system of exploitation of workers under the name 
of '"state communism", sums up the present policy of the buro- 
cracy and of its tool — the Communist International. 

The principle activity of the various sections of the Third 
International has become one of propaganda on behalf of Russia. 
By portraying the wonderful progress made in the "Workers 
Fatherland", the workers of other countries are to be convinced 
that to follow the example of the Russian workers is their so u- 
tion. Here again, as with the Second International, the revolu- 
tionary process becomes one of propaganda alone. Some day the 

— 18 — 


workers will be convinced, and as a result of their consciousness 
they will act- Those who can advertise the best will succeed. 
This is called "Marxism" and Leninism. 

Building "Socialism"? 

Lenin's goal: "The worker's state" or "state capitalism 
under the control of the workers" (which is after all a Utopia) 
has really led to the development of a state capitalism which 
controls the workers. All socialist tendencies are being killed, 
while the capitalist tendencies are becoming stronger. In the 
prevailing ideology, which is necessary to cover up the n ^liti<\-; 
it is described as "state communism" and "building socialism". 
The economic basis, however, is the exploitation of workers. In 
place of the old Capitalistic and Feudal exploiters, new ones — 
the organized burocracy — are in control. This burocracy, not 
the workers, have control over the means of production and con- 
sequently control over the products as well. With this the ex- 
ploitation of the workers is guaranteed. 

It is explained that altho exploitation now goes on, it will at 
a later Btage of development, be returned to the workers in the 
form of social benefits and increasing wages. The practice of 
state communism has proven, however, that with its develop- 
ment the workers are not less but more exploited. It is true that 
they can show that the wages of workers have increased, but 
they have not increased as fast as productivity. Here we have 
the relative pauperization process of the workers which in a 
later stage of development becomes absolute pauperization. In 
pointing out that there is no unemployment, it proves nothing but 
the fact that the industrial development has not been able to 
convert the peasantry into industrial wage-workers as fast as is 
required by present day technic. At a later stage of industriali- 
sation, unemployment must of necessity develop just as in other 
capitalistic countries. 

The wage and capital relation of Russian production, the 
production of exchange values, the control over the means of 
production by the burocracy and not by the workers, excludes 
any development towards communism in Russia. This new system 
'■'( rxploitation develops a new ruling class, which is just as much 
an enemy to the proletarian revolution, as were the 
capitalists before. A new proletarian revolution hot-nines the 
perspective of the Russian workers. The capital relation in 
production is bound to result in increasing misery for the work- 
ers, in crisis and ultimate collapse. 

The policy of the Third International of converting the 
character of the communist movement into a defense corps for 
Russia diverts these organized workers from the actual class 
struggle, and the real struggle for proletarian revolution and 

Bolshevik Traditions. 

Traditions from the past always hinder the real develop- 
ment of the present. The workers continue to fight in the class 

— 10 — 






struggle in the same manner they fought in the past. In spite of 
the fact that both the Internationals have collapsed as revolu- 
tionary organizations, the ideology of these organizations 
exist and hinder the development of real revolutionary con- 
sciousness. In the countries where the labor movement has been 
destroyed, the workers build up again on the old principles and 
in the old forms which they had before. 

The opposition groups who severly criticize the Third In- 
ternational for its opportunism and its contradictions try to 
build a Neo-Bolshevist movement. The criticism they offer, 
however, is purely on the basis of tactics. The incorrect tactics 
of the Communist International and its various sections result 
because of the poor leadership. 

The question becomes one of good or bad leadership, a 
position based on pure speculation because no one can tell how 
long leaders will continue to he good, or how soon they will be- 
come bad. The competetive struggle between leaders and 
burocracies in the movement characterizes the struggle between 
the Communist International and its oppositions. In their fight 
they try to elevate the struggle between political factions to 
world history. 

The whole program of the Neo-Bolshevika of the "Fourth 
International" groups can be summed up in their slogan, "Back 
to Lenin". As far as Lenin is concerned, he did nothing more nor 
less tban to propose the Marxian demand for the dictatorship of 
the proletariat in a backward country in a modified form. The 
modification of this demand, from the dictatorship of the work- 
eras to the dictatorship of the party resulted from the backwardn- 
ess of the country. The Bolshevik success of 1917 is an historical 
mc. The success of their policy at that time does not assure 
5uccess in another country in another historical period- "Back 
lo Lenin" is in reality a meaningless, stupid phrase. A distinc- 
tion between Leninism and Stalinism is not possible, as the latter 
is but the outcome of the former. It is not merely a defeat of 
Stalinism that confronts the world movement, but the whole 
Bolshevik period which started with Lenin has found its histori- 
cal end. The question today has become Bolshevism or 

For the Bolshevist movement as well as for the Reformist 
novement of the Second International, the development of class 
■onsciousness was determined by the development of the Party. 
VVithout the right Party, without the right tactics and right 
eadership, the workers were helpless. The workers may fight, 
jut their struggles could not be successful without the right party 
n the lead. So the Party becomes the determining thing. The 
:orrect party is the one with the most correct program and tactic. 
The correct tactic depends upon the correct leadership, and so 
n the last analysis, history again becomes the work of great men. 

— so — 

The Trade Union Question 

The struggle of the competing burocracies in the movement 
manifests itself in the attempts of building up mass organiza- 
tions. With this objective, their approach to the trade union 
movement becomes one of trying to win workers by working 
within the trade unions, or shows itself in attempts at capturing 
control of the unions. An analysis of the trade union movement 
is necessary, 

Tb& success of the trade unions depends on the condition 
wherein a section of the workers better themselves at the ex- 
pense of the rest of the working class. It presupposes a division 
of the workers into the organized minority and the unorganized 
majority. It can at no time represent the interests of the work- 
ing class. It can only function in capitalism, and the more stable 
capitalism is, the better it can function. Its function centers 
about the fight of the organized section of the workers for 
reforms in the struggle against the relative pauperization 
process in the upswing period of capitalism. In the permanent 
crisis when the pauperization process becomes absolute, the 
trade union movement loses all possibility to function even in the 
interest of the organized section. Worse, they become not only 
passive in the struggles between capital! and labor, but actually 
reactionary to the extent that they operate to defeat all real 
struggles of the workers against the encroachment of capital on 
their living standard. 

Because of the tendency toward spontaneous strikes, and 
the possibility that the buracratic leadership of the trade union 
Movement may lose control of the workers in the last stage of 
capitalism, it even loses its value for the capitalist class. As a 
result, it changes to a "bulwark against revolution" and becomes 
one of the best supporters of the system. By neutralizing large 
sections of the workers, it is as strong a force in behalf of 
Fascism as the Fascist movement is by fighting for it- 

The "boring from within" policy to capture the unions or to 
revolutionize the trade unions is just as impossible as the Social- 
ist policy of revolutionizing the capitalist government. The new 
communist trade unions, in countries where they had a chance 
to develops, turned just as reactionary as the old ones.. 

When the capitalist crisis deepens to a dangerous stage, 
capitalism will destroy the trade unions or make them servile 
fascist organizations operating against the workers. They can 
no longer allow them to function independently because of the 
danger that the leadership may lose their control and the work- 
ers may precipitate a struggle which would be dangerous to 
capitalism in such a precarious period. 

In the permanent crisis, the trade union movement has 
reached its historical end> and must be demolished as a menace 
to the revolutionary movement. 

— 21 — 

Participating In Parliamentary Politics. 

The parliamentary-political parties are build up like the 
rade unions with a burocratic leadership at the top who control 
the members and the activities of the organisation. The organi- 
zation always functions in the interests of the burocracy rather 
than in the interests of the workers. 

Parliaments belong to the capitalist class, and the capitalist 
system. Their function is to serve as an instrument for the legal 
differences between the capitalist groups inside the system. It 
is absolutely useless as a "revolutionary Tribunal", and in the 
permanent depression cannot even allow the slightest reform in 
favor of the workers. The use of elections as a "barometer of 
the ripeness of the working-class" is just another cover for 
parliamentary fakery a "revolutionary parliamentarism" is 
impossible as participation in parliamentary activity is based on 
compromise, and that means the workers must give up their real 

Parliament also serves as a means of putting illusions into 
the heads of the workers. The active struggle and initiative of 
the workers is not necessary. The leaders will get the results 
for them in the parliaments. In the face of growing World, 
Fascism, it is a crime to call for the participation in parlimenti 
activity which distracts the workers from the real struggle to an 
illuaionary one. 

In the last stage of monopoly capitalism, parliamentarism 
loses its value even for the capitalist class- Even us an ideology, 
"Democracy" cannot be tolerated. Fascist dictatorship becomes 
the .only means of absolute control necessary to capitalism. 

The activity of building up the historically out-worn parlia- 
mentary political parties defeats the revolutionary movement of 
the working class in the fact that they thereby neglect the real 
rlass struggle and the real revolutionary movement. 


For Reformism, as well as for Bolshevism, the development 
of class-conciousness means the development of the Party, The 
Party is the head, the brain, the director in the class struggle and 
of the revolution. Without a Party, and especially without a 
party with the right program and the right tactics, the workers 
are helpless. The workers may revolt, but without the leader- 
ship of the party they cannot fight sucessfully. The tempo of 
development of the party is the tempo of the revolution itself. 
Correct slogans, correct tactics are important and the leadership 
is the most important of all. The initiative of the masses is killed ; 
discipline to the party-line is what counts. The influence of the 
party is everything, the revolution is only the result of this 

Loyalty to the party means in the last analysis loyalty to the 
burocracy in control. There can be no control of the workers 
themselves; nor can there be any real united front of the work- 

— 23 — 

,] t" 

ers possible because of the competition between the various 
groups of leaders. 

The conception of the old labor movement from Kautsky to 
Lenin r that the workers by themselves will never develope real 
class-conciousness; that the party is necessary to bring this eon- 
ciousness to the masses; is a mechanical conception of the role 
that conciousness plays in the class struggle and has nothing to 
do with Marx or Marxism. For Marx the revolution of the pro- 
letariat is inevitable. It grows out of the social process of the 
development of the productive powers. The prole- 
tariat, a productive power in itself, a class independent of 
the ideology of any organization, is the materialization of class- 
consiounsness which results from the dialectic movement of 
society from a lower to a highter form. Even if revolution and 
conciousness is an interchanging process, revolution is the pri- 
mary factor. Revolution not ideology is the determining factor, 

Class-conciousness does not have to be expressed in the 
party form; it can also be expressed in other organizational 
forms. If the party e x pres s ed the crysta ligation of class- 
conciousness at one time during the historical process it does not 
follow that this will always be the case. The fact that never in 
the last twenty years, has the party been the determining factor 
in any revolutionary situation is an undisputable fact. The 
Soviets, the committees of action, the workers and soldiers 
councils were the spontaneous expression of the fighting workers. 

Revolutionary class-conciousness can be expressed and is 
expressed in. Capitalism as an ideology. But it is more than this; 
it is also identical with the material struggle of the workers 
regardless of their ideology. It grows out of the needs and strug- 
gles of the workers in action, as the economic and historical 
process developer. Class conciousneea apart from the working- 
class in action means nothing. 

The Soviets. 

In the last stage of the period of capitalistic decline, the 
ruling class cannot tolerate even the slightest economic disturb- 
ance. Their position becomes so precarious that they must sup- 
press the least movement on the part of the workers. They are 
forced to tight the workers as if they were revolutionists, regardl- 
ess of how backward may be the ideology of these workers. They 
thereby force the workers to fight back as if they were flighting 
for revolutionary goals. Against their will, the ruling class 
teaches the workers the weapon of Civil War. Capitalism not 
only produces its own grave-diggers, but it also shows them how 
to fight capitalism successfully. 

Fascism will destroy the old labor movement, but will need 
to build up a new burocracy in its place. To hold power, to as- 
sure its own existence, the new burocracy must suppress the 
movement of the workers continually. The permanent crisis 


and again neiy 
be permanent or 

termam.Mii terror, an expression of capn 
in its last stage. It may retard the organising 
but it ram.'! atop the class struggle. 

New organisations will grow and vanish, 
ones will grow in their place. None of them will 
powerful enough to c introl large portions of the workers. Big, 

rait zed organizations will no longer be possible in a situation 
of capitalist dictatorship. 

The political necessity of the ruling class, however, to i- 
solate. to atomize the workers as it were, does not change the 
economic necessity of having workers in largo quantities togeth- 
er in factories, in industries* unemployed centers, civil work 
projects. (Me. Where worker*) are combined together with com- 
mon interests, common .situations, they will organize in the new 
form which cannot be controlled or destroyed. They will or- 
ganize for^ action and select from their own ranks a leadership. 
The committer of action are here the only possible leadership 
in the workers councils, — the Soviets, The leadership of workers, 
never separate from the fighting workers, under the control of 
the workers will Buffer in case of defeat just us the workers who 
are defeated, The Soviets, or workers councils, which have 
the real organization of workers in all working-class uprisings. 
becomes in the permanent crisis of capitalism the only possible 
form of organization. Capitalist suppression brings into bring 
ih«' oi-Kj:niiz:ition and instruments of struggle. 

These organizations, in spite of their oganizational weak- 
ness, will have in their ranks the real revolutionists. Their clarity 
will mean more in the coming mass actions, than the automatic 
following of leaders which distinguishes the old labor mover 
The self-initiative of the workers will characterize the. 
BmentS. The Soviets becomes the practice of the working!., 
and with this — revolution become*) the question of the day. Tin 
revolution, is the work of the proletariat as a class, and 
the class can only be brought into action above all parly and 
group interests, and can only be successful in this function in the 
form of Soviets. 

The Role of the Party. 

The communist revolutionary party is an instrument of 

revolution and as such it must serve that purpose. It has no in- 
terests separate from the working-class, but is only an expression 
of the fact that minorities become consciously revolutionary 
earlier than the broad masses. It uses this advantage only in 
i In- interests uf the working-class. It does not look for power for 
itself or for any burocracy, but works to strengthen the power of 
the workers councils. Soviets. It is not interested to hold posi- 
tions, but to place the power in the hands of workers committees, 
exercised by the workers themselves. It does not seek to lead 
the workers, but tells the workers to use their own initiative. It 
is a propaganda organization for Communism, and shows by 
example how to fight in action. 

— 24 — 


The communist revolutionary party does not compete with 
other organizations for members or for control of masses of 
workers. It seeks no power inside of capitalism, so has no use for 
parliaments or trade unions; but realizing the reactionary nature 
of these, must fight all organizations which tend to lead workers 
away from the real struggle and the revolutionary objective. 

Because the exploitation of workers in capitalism is only 
possible because the capitalist class controls the means of pro- 
duction and so also the product, the party will fight not only for 
the revolution, but to place this control into the hands of the 
. The proletarian revolution for communism must 
abolish the wage system, and so the party stands for doing away 
with the wage and capital relationship. The party fights against 

te communism" for real communism as it lights the dictator- 
ship of the party for dictatorship of the proletariat. 

Altho the stage is not yet set in the U- S. A. for the final 
conflict between capitalism and communism, this does not ex- 
clude the possibility of a real revolutionary program. The party, 
because it has no interests separate from the working-class, 
fights with them in their struggles for existence at all times> 
always pointing to the final necessity of proletarian revolution. 
The party engages in the struggles for immediate demands aa 
long as the workers themselves are directly and actually en- 
gaged in the struggle. It refuses to do anything for the workers, 
as no one can do anything for them which they cannot themselv- 
es accomplish. The party will participate in the struggle of the 
unemployed, in strikes, and in all activity which will deepen and 
sharpen the class struggle, and devclope the self-initiative and 
militancy of the workers. The party under no circumstances 
engages in any form of parliamentary activity, or deals as a 
medium between capital and labor in the union field. It is only 
interested in the light and struggle of the workers and in the 
proletarian revolution; to make a business of the labor 
movement it leaves to its enemies. 

We, of the working-class, find ourselves in this the death 
crisis of capitalism, in a situation of continuously worsening con- 
ditions, general wide-spread misery, subject to the onslaughts of 
a ruthless capitalist class, menaced by a vicious world-wide 
movement of Fascism, betrayed by the reactionary so-called 
labor leadr&hip, hampered by outworn traditions, and confronted 
with numberous intensified struggles. It is necessary in this 
situation, not only to understand the historic process but also to 
recognize our enemies. Our duty, our historic task lies before us. 
Ah the world crisis deepens, the revolutionary situation ap- 
proaches, 'wherein must be fought the final conflict against 
Capitalist barbarism for the dictatorship of the proletariat and 
for the realization of real communism, — the association of free 
and equal producers. 

— 25 — 


The present crisis definitely establishes that Capitalism has 
passed its zenith and is now in the stages of decline. It will be 
a permanent crisis as long as the Capitalist order lasts. From now 
oa the Capita i an only retain their position as ruling class by 
the general, absolute and continuous pauperization of the work- 
ing-class. In order to insure this uninterrupted pauperization 
process, it becomes necessary to discard the democratic political 
structure and open dictatorship takes its place. World-wide 
Fascism confronts the working-class, unless they carry thru a 
successful proletarian revolution, establish the dictatorship of 
fehe proletariat in the form of Soviets. 

The old labor movement cannot fulfil] this necessity; they 
have no chance to survive the onslaughts of the ruling-class. 
They are unable to fulfill the historic task of the Proletariat. The 
Reformist, the Trade-union, the Bolshevik and the Nee-bolshevik 
movements, even against their own wishes, will act in the inter- 
ests of Capitalism. They must be pushed aside to make room for 
the workers' Soviets, the fighting organizations of the revolution. 

In distinction to other parties, who in their anxiety for 
numerical strenght and influence make concessions to the 
agrarian classes and petite-bourgeoisie, the United Workers' 
Party maintains that the only real revolutionary class in society 
is the proletariat. We fight with the workers in their struggles 
for immediate demands as long as the workers themselves are 
engaged in these struggles, always pointing out that the only 
final solution (or the working-class is in the proletarian revolu- 

We are opposed to all parliamentary and trade-union 
activity as these activities can accomplish nothing in the period 
of permanent crisis, but tend to act against the interests of the 
workers as a class; only the actual struggle of the workers them- 
selves can accomplish any results. Only during the period of 
collapse of Capitalism is the proletarian revolution historically 
possible and the only form of organization which can survive 
and function successfully during this stage is the workers 1 
councils led by the committees of action. 

Our theory and practice is a Marxian one, and we consider 
ourselves the real communist movement of the present and the 
future. We shall work for unity between groups such as ours in 
the many countries thruotit the world, to bring into being a real 
revolutionary International on the basis of this program.