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Full text of "A short essay on the Christian religion : descriptive of the advantages which have accrued to society by the establishment of it, as contrasted with the manners and customs of mankind before that happy period ; to which are added a few occasional remarks on philosophers in general, as also on some of the objections started against the Chkistian [sic] religion by the fashionable writers of the present age ; the whole proposed as a preservative against the pernicious doctrines which have overwhelmed France with misery and desolation"

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1.'Þ '.'=.(IDo=."D-... 


A SHORT ESSAY 


ON THE 


C Ii R 1ST I A N R ELI G I 0 
 &c. 


... ])0 7 .... 
V ... 



ERRATA. 


Page 15. line 16, Ttad canlC r ou -p.!4t J. 5, rtad 
Mqxentias-p. 32, 1. 23, delt of-p. 56, 1. JaIl, 
l'tad tightèned-p. 60, L 6, read the-po 70, 1. 12, 
note, rt:ad RabeJais-p. 82, 1. 8, rfad yctantc- 
p. 1('0, 1. :2 I, add of-po 114, J. 2 from bottom, 
7tad VoJufiJn-p. 117, I. t4, read difont-p. 119, 
J. 16, read SecÚlalis-p. 125, J. 16, rtad fupe- 
Jior-p. 127, L 8, rtad deportment-po 13 2 , I. 7, 
read pJorelytes-p. ibid. J. Il, rtad quand-p. 
ibid. I. 19, rtad veritè. 



A 


SHORT 


E S S A'Y 


ON THE 


CHRISTIAN RELIGION, 


DESCRIPTIVE OF THE 


A D V ANT A G R S W H I C H I-I A V E A C C RUE D TO 


SOCIETY BY THE ESTABLISHMENT OF IT
 
AS CONTRASTED WITH THE MANNERS 


AND CUSTOMS OF MANKIND BEFORE 


THAT HAPPY PERIOD. 


TO WHICH ARE ADDED 


A FE'V OCCASIOSAL REMARkS ON PHILOSO- 
PHERS IN GEN 
RAt, AS ALSO O
 SOME OF 
THE OBJECTIONS STARTED AGAINST THE 
CHKISTIAN RELICION BY THE FASHION ABLE 
'VRITERS OF THE PRESENT AGE. 


TH:J. WHOLE PROPOSED 


AS A PRESERVATIVE AGAINST THE PERNICIOUS 
DOCTRIN ES \VHICH HAVE OVER 'V HELMED 
FRANCE \VITH MISER Y AND DESOLATION. 


...1)0 -pinions as 
Lucian in his dialogue bet\veen Menippus 

nd Philonides. I\tlenippus telJs him that 
with the view of di[covering the truth, if pof- 
fiblc, he undertook to read HOlner and Hc- 
iìod. But he was foon difgufied with them 
on account of the follies tbey attributed to 
their gods; defcribing them as monfiers of 
debauchery, and adepts in every fpecies of 
wickednefs. "I thought it then prudent)" 
fays he) U to apply to the philofophers. But 
u I found that I fell fron)' one evil into a 
U greater) for I difcovered fo much ignorance) 
C( and fuch .uncertainty concerning matters of 
i( the greateft inlportance that the mon illite- 
(( rate people feemed to n1e incomparably 
(C wife 



[ 3 1 


Cf wirer t11an they were. For one of them 
U told me that all happinefs confined in the 
(( free ufe of our paffions: others affirnled 
CI that we íhould not give way to our pleafures
 
H but labour and fuffer courageoufly. One 
(( party faid that I was to hold gold and filver 
u in contell1pt j another maintained that the 
f( pofTeffion of them was real happiners. 'Vhen 
U they came to defcant upon the formation 
(( of the world, they talked of atorns) empty 
n fpace, of bodies without fubfiance and many 
cc other unintelligible matters. But that 
n which difgufied nle the moR was to find 
fC them all fa dogmatical in their opinions; 
IC thus \vhat one affinlled to be cold, the other 
C
 maintained to be hot. \Vherefore I kne\v 
cc not what to think, or what to fay. Ho\vever 
Cf the height of extravagance, as it appeared 
C1 to me, was the pointed contradiélion I per- 
ct ceived betw"een their doélrines and their 
Cf praélice. One party, who were all ufurers
 
U declaimed againft riches j another repro- 
ce bated fame and glory, yet were perpetually 
cc in queft of both. 1'hey were in general 
C( violent in their inve8ives againft fuch per- 
u fons as gave themfelves up to illicit pleafures, 
(.( and yet in private they were themfelves the 
II moll debauched." 
B 2 Hermias, 



[ 4 ] 


Hermias, nearly at the fame period of tim
j 
though not fo fe\ ere a fatiriil as Lucian, does 
not fpeak luore favorably of the philofophers. 
u 1 inquired", fays he, U \vhat they fuppofed 
(( the nature of the foul to be. Democritus 
(C a{[ured me that it \\ as fire; the Stoics 
cc maintained that it was air; Heraclitus de_ 
ec elared it to be motion; pythagoras called it 
Ie a {hade; Hippo infified that it \\ as fen1Ïnal 
(I water; Demoerates aflirnled it to be har.. 
er mony j Critias contended that it \\"as brood; 
(C oth
TS a \ apour which comes from the HaTs J 
cc & c. &.e. Eaeh of them had his peculiar 
U jargon, but not one of theln feemed to 
no\ 
cc tbe truth 
1} next inquir} w.as to know 
cc what becon1es of the foul. SOllle of the 
cc philo ophers fuppofed it to be inlmortal, 
n other
 periíhable. Some affirnled that it 
(c fUT\ i\ e.s tbe body for a \,,-hile; others that 
If it i
 inlmedia
el) reduced to atoms. 
lany 
cc contended t}--'at it inhabits the bodies of 
(C beans; and others that it furvi\ges the hu- 
ec man body for three thoufand }"ear
. Sonle- 
cc t
rnes therefore I am imnlonaJ, and confe- 
cc quently feel myfelf Japp\; t
en I am lTIOf_ 
Cl "al. \\
bicb aHliasme. S metÏrnes I am air, 
(C ." ater, fire, and at JaR nothing of aU there, 
If but I become a fifb J a reF tile, a wild beafi
 


II 0:- 



[ 5 J 


U or forne other quadruped j and ,,"ben I meet 
cc a man) I kno\\ not ,vhether to caU hinl an 
cr O
) a dog, or ",hat not. Final1., Empedo- 
cc cles J improving upon aB thefe fine f. fiem
 
U turns me into a tree, or into a bufh. Such 
U only is tbe information I have been able to 
Ie acquire from be phl1ofopbers." (I I Z 
PhIj 
It nlay be aCked if \\ e an get better In- 
formation from the philofophers of the pre- 
rent da}. Let J. J. Rou[feau, that eccentric 
geniu5) an['t/er the queftion. U 1 nder tte 
cc rauoht'- P retext 
, fa\."s he cc of bein cr the 
0' .J I) 0 

{onl} perfons" ho are truly enlightened. 
Ct honefi and fincere) the\" fubjea u
 to their 
Ie magifierial decifions, and give us fer the 
U true principles of things only nin"elligible 
f, f} fterns \\ hich the} ha\ e r ired in their o\;n 
, ima6inalion
. .A.dd to this, that while the 
U overturn) detìro and trample under fùot 
cc cvery thing that i
 rerpeCtabl,
 alnorg ffi
n- 
II lind) they depri\ e the aIDiaed of the la 
f confolation in their mi er}; tak.e (ron) the 
Cf rich and PO\\ erful the only checllo te in- 
cr àuloen
c of their pa lon
 j the) eradicate 
u frol11 our h
".rts the ren10rfe of guilt and the 
U hopes of ,irtue; abfurdl bù ing them- 
lC_rel" es at the fame tin1C the friends and bene.. 
If fat tars 



[ 6 ] 


f( fa.aors of mankind. The truth, they fay, can 
n never be hurtful. So far I am of their opi. 
Ie nion; and this is to me a great proof that 
"what they teach cannot be true." ( Emile, 
t. iii. p. 149.) 
The impa
ience of controul J 35 has been 
obrerved, aEÌs alfo very forcibly on the hearts 
and minds of meo. The ob[curity of the 
m}'fieries. ,vhich the chrifiian religi.on p.ro- 
pores to ou
 belief, is only a pretext for their 
incredulity. It may therefore be prefumed 
that they would believe without difficulty) and 
even without refleaion J if a bare arrent 
as 
fùfficient to attain the end propofed. But 
n why were myfieries requifite?" exclaims 
John Jacques Rouffeau. He has anfwered the 
quefiion himfeif. The divine nature i
 e{fen- 
tially incornprehenfible J becaufe it is infinite; 
whence, he affirms that n our undeJfianding 
n being limited, hath no conception of any 
"thing ,vithout bounds. 'Vhatever is called 
cc infinite confounds us." (Emile) t. iii. p. 80.) 
But have there advocates for the reforma- 
tion of nlankind duly confidered the {late of. 
the world before it ,vas bleffed by the chriftian 
difpenfation j \\'hat it is like1y to be again J 
(for the fame caufes have the fame effeas) 
and w hat it has been fince the efiablifhment 
of 



[ 7 ] 


of it? What it will degenerate into, we eVl... 
dently fee by the diftra8:ed flate of Fran("e
 
There indeed they have excèeded the pagans 
themrelves in abrurdity and wickednefs. The 
heathens punilhed atheifm with banilhment 
and death. 1'hey not only deerned thofe to 
be atheifis, who in general denied the exifi- 
ence of the Gods, but all fuch as did not ac- 
knowledge the local deities of the places they 
inhabited. They accounted them pefis to 
fociety, and treated them accordingly.. The 
hifiories of Greece and of RaIne afford ampJe 
information on the fubje8:. They did not 
therefore bury v irtue and v ice in.. the fame 
gr a\'e by denominating death an eternal fleep. 
l\bflraaing from their religious creed, they 
were too wife and politic to admit fuch dan- 
gerous doElrines; dangerolls in faa, for no 
man.s life or property would in tbat cafe be 
fecure. Both would be at the mercy of eve- 
ry villain, whom nothing might deter but the 
lafh of the law, which he might hope to 
evade. Death, in the opinion of tDe heathens. 
was not an eternal fleep, but like unto fleep. 
v.-hich conveys a very di fferent idea. This 
is elegantly cxpreCfed by Virgil in his defcrip- 
tion of he]). which p1ainly proves that a future 
tlate was general1y ad
nitted in his "days. 


n .At 



[ 8 1 


U At hell's dread mouth a thoufand monfters wait, 
u Grief weeps, and venge.ance bellows at the gate: 
u Bafe want, low fear, and famine's lawlefs rage, 
Ii And pale difeafe, and now repining age. 
u Fierce formidable fiends! the portal keep, 
'f With pain, toil, death. and death's half-hrother fleep. 
(Pit/'s cr,.anJIat. 
When M. de Beaurepaire, t)le governor 
of Verdun in 1792, ,vas obliged by the garri- 
fon to furrender the town to the enemy) he 
took a pifiol, and {hot himfelf. This aRion 
appeared fo meritorious in the eyes of the 
national affembl y that they ordered his re- 
mains to be depofited in.. the Pantheon 
at Paris. c
 Let us," faid they J cc honor 
Ie the death of Beaurepaire with our grief; 
"and fet afide, In favor of jufiice and 
ee gratitude, that barbarous prejudice which 
ee hitherto has ftigmatifed the felf-devote_ 
ee ment of Cato * and Brutus as aEts of fury 
U and 


* It was pride in the moft fuperlati ve degree, which 
made him commit that raíh aélÏon; 
u Hence blind to truth, relentlefs Cato died, 
u Nought could fubdue his virtue but his pride." 
(E.flàyon SaHre.) 
Did he however intend to aB: confcientioully, and to do 
the thing he fuppofed right? If fo, why did he not exhort 
his fon and his friends to follow his example? on the con.. 
tra ry. 



[ 9 ] 


U and nladnefs" cc Deat h;' they added) 
u is a refource of which oppre!fed vIrtue 
" ought not to be deprived*:. . The hea- 
thens however In general thought other- 
wif c. 
u The next in place," faYi 'Virgil, H aDd punifhment 
u are they 
u Who prodigally threw their lives away." 
(DrJdcn's '!"'rm:ßot.) 
Thou Kh there ideas concerning a future ftate) 
fo congenial to every perfon of the leaft re- 
fleai ()n, were generally adopted by the an- 
cient world till they became infeéìed by the 
Epicurean do8:rines, which introduced a- 
theirm, and was finally the caufe of the de- 
firuaion of that t republic) yet there were 
fuch 


trary, he ad vifed them to accept the clemency of CeClr J 
which was 
qually offered to himfelf. Brutus at one time 
difaFproved of Cato's principles refpeéting filicide, ret 
was guilty of it himfeJf. \Vhy? becaltfe he had no alter- 
native but to die by his own hands, or grace the triumph 
of Augufius, which muft end in the moft cruel and igno- 
mInious death. But Beaurepaire had nothing of all this 
to fear. His life and humane treatment were fecured by 
the law of nations; a beneficent law, for which we are 
indebted to chrifiianit}". 
* See the journals printed by their orders. 
t" At this period the Roman fenate," fays M. de 
Voltaire. (Di8. Phil. art. Ath
'ffl) U were truly an afTem- 
C bly 



[ 10 ] 


, 
fuch variations and [nch uncertainty in their 
opinio
s on this and other fubjeEts .of the kind. 
that the wileft of their philofophers candidly 
confeffed the inutility of all their rerearches 
to find out the truth) and the need they flood 
in of a diviQe revelation for that purpofe. 
Plato, the greaten: genius Greece ever pro- 
duced, derpaired of ever knowing the origin 
and denination of man) (C unters" fays he, (C a 
(( more certain way be given us, as fome pro- 
(( mire, or a divine revelation, that relying 
U on it, as on a veffel that runs no riü<., \\"e 
(( may happily finifh the voyage of our life." 
The fame philofopher, in his fecond dialogue 
between Socrates and Alcibiades, a-rrerts tbat 
If we lTIufi wait patiently ti11 
ome one appear s 
(C who may be capable of inn TuRing us in the 
U manner we ought to behave towards the 
(C gods and towards men.. "- (( It would be 
n better," he adds, cc to with-hold aUf facri- 
n fices, than not to know, if by offering thèm, 
n we {hall plçare or difp1eafe the Deity." 
In his Pl2edo) or treatirc on the foul, and in his 


u bly of atheifis. The conquerors and legillators of the 
U world were vifthly a fociety of atheifis. The}" finally 
H ruined the republic." May not the fame remark be 
IT ade on the French lfgil1ators of the }?'l"efcnt day? 
Epino'J7zis 



[ 11 ] 


EpinonÛs he acknowledges the fame neceffity 
of a fuperior guide. Cicero, in his. Tufcu- 
]an Quefiions, lall1ents the weakne(s of the 
light of nature, and the a1n1ofi inevitable dan- 
ger of being led aRray by vulgar errors, and 
by the general corruption of things. 
After the humble confeffion of fuch philo- 
fophers ,\Te {hall not ?e furprired that the 
heathens fell into fuch monarOHS extravagan- 
ces and abfurdities, both religious and filor al ; 
fuch as would hardly be credited, if they were 
110t tranfmitted to us by themrelves: Though 
painful to relate, they afford a n10{l ufeful 
leffon. They remind us of that gratitude 
with which every breaft ought to be impTeffed 
towards a religion ,,,hich has enlighte ned the 
mind.) of mankind, and withdrawn them from 
the folly of their former pra8ices. 
Many a8:s which are repugnant to moral 
virtue and innate decency we find to h
ve 
been authorized by their laws, inculcated by 
their philofopheTs, and made facTed by their 
religion, even amongfi the Greeks and Ro- 
Inans, the politefi people of the ancient ,\'orld. 
The inhumanity with which they treated their 
f]aves j the barbarous and un-nàtuTal COlTI- 
bats of their glddiators) the e>..tortions of the 
ufurers, the conLÍnual fùbverfìon of thcirfiates J 
C 2 the 


" 



[ 12 J 


the frequ
nt a{faffinations of their prince
, 
and finally the fhocking extra\ agance of ido- 
latry will likewife furprife and aftunifh us. 
Each article fhall be treated feparately J and 
in as concife a manner as poffible j and it win 
. 
be {hown, at the conclllfion of each, that th
 
abolition of thefe horrid and inhuman cufioms 
was the fruit of the gofpe]. 


ARTICLE I. 


'Vho ,vould believe that fuch renowned 
philofophers as the divine Plato and the wife 
Plutarch fhould be the abettors of thofe in- 
famous * crimes \vhich not only difgrace hu. 
man nature) but are an outrage to it. It is 
irnpoffible to read the dialogues of Paufanias 
and Alcibiades in the feall of Plato \vithout 
horror and dirgufi. Notwithfidnding his ad_ 
drer
t we eafì1y perceive that this divine PIa.. 
to is confcious of the infamous Jelfons which 
he inculcates. As for Plutarch) in the very 
,vark wbereiu he prefcribes rules for the cdu... 


* A firfi-rare pniJo(opner, 1\.1r: de V o1taÎre, cal1s there 
borrid exce{fcs i71jîpid triftes, (fadaifes in French). Such 
is the light tone the author affllrnes in his philofophical 
works by way of reforming mankind! 


cation 



r 13 ] 


cation of youth, he helìtates if he thaJl recom- 
n1end thofe very crimes or not; and, after 
weighing the matter, decides in the affirma- 
tive. I ndeed, he fays, that (C .he is tel1der of 
U being the perfuader and tncourager of ruch 
U praEtices) but is determined in his opinion 
U by Socrates and Plato, by Xenophon, Æf- 
Ie chines and Cebes) with a whole groupe of 
cr ruch other men*." Seneca informs us of the 
prodigious' n
mber of viaims which were fa- 
rrificed to this deteftable paffion; and he de- 
clainls againft it with the greateft force and 
energyt. In Lampridius \ve read 
hat the 
Emperor Alexander Severus did not dare at- 
tempt to remedy this evil on 
ccount of the 
Dunlbers who gave into it!. 
How fhall we defcribe the injury done to 
òecency by the public pro{litutions, \vhich 
Vv'ere reckoned the mofi folemn duties of their 
religion? In Babylon, the women dreffed in 
their beft attire, offered thcmfelves to every 


* See Plutarch's morals tranßated by Dr.. 
imon Ford. 
vol. I. p. 30. 
+ Epin. 95. P 601. 

 The reader will be pleafed to obferve that the pa{fa- 
ges cxtraé1:ed from the Roman hifiorians are taken from 
the folio edition prefented by King George I. to the uni. 
'ferfiry of Cambridge. 


firanger 



[ 14 ] 


firanger they met. The money arifing from 
this infamous traffic \vas defiined to maintain 
the temples of Venus*. In j\.rnlenia, Haves 
of both [exes were facrificed to this obfcene 
goddefs, and young ladies of quality were not 
pern1Ìued to marry till they had devoted 
themfe1ves to proflitl1tion for a certain tinlet. 
The fanle CUfi0l11 prevailed in Lydia, as fle- 
Todotus reports. In defcribil1g the fepulchre 
of .f\l
yattus, the father of Cre[us) he fays that 
the daughters of the Lydians are accufiomed 
to acquire their dowries by profiitutioJl, and 
then they are permi tted 10 marry as they 
pIe are!. In Phenicia, the \vonJen had their 
choice either of [ubmitting to certain fuper- 
fiitious ceremonies in honor of l\.donis J or of 
ddmitting for a wholc day every firanger who 
chofe to approach them. l
he profits arifing I 
from this re1i
 iOils traffic \\1ere a1fo confe- 
crated to V enus
. Strabo informs us likewife 
that th
re was an incredible number of \\70- 
nlen in Corinth dedicated to this obrcene 
goddersll. 


.. Strabonis Ceographia, lib. XYÍ. p. j 45- 
+ Ibid. lib. xii. p. 532. 
4- Vol. i. p. 6 I. 

 Lucian de Dca Syria, p. 1058. 
b Lib. dii. p. 37 8 . 


The 



[ 15 ] 


The indecencies exhibited In the Floral 
games are largely defcribed Ly Valerius 

laximl1s. He tells us that Cato being pre- 
fent at thoíe which 
1effius the Ædile exhi- 
bited, the people were aíharned to order the 
atlors to firip thern[el yes naked. Cato, per- 
ceiving thís, withdr e\\T ; left his prefencc 
íhould prevent the u[ual entertainment from 
taking place*. But \vould net this vlife Ro- 
man have done better, either to have ab[ented 
hilnfelf from thofe game
)or to have fiaid there
 
as his prefence was a refiralnt upon the licen- 
tioufnefs of the people? Thi$ is much what 
!vlartial thought. cc'Vb}", fays he, putting 
the quefiion to Cato, cc did you appear at 
(( thore games? Come you into the theatre 
U only to go away again? 
U Cur in theatrurn, Cato revere, venifii? 
cc An ideo tantum veneras, ut exires ?U 
Theocritus fings the praifes of thofe who ex- 
celled in lewdnefst. 
Anacreon and IIorace paint in g10wing 
colours the exceffes of. the Greeks and Ro- 
Plans in this refpeS:. Even Cato J the wife, the 
fevere Cato, carried on a fcandalous traHic 


* Lib. 2. p. 202. 
t Idil. I z. p. 16z" &c. 


\\' j { h 



[ 16 ] 


with his beautiful {laves. At Sparta, on c
r.. 
tain days of the year, it was urual for both 
fexes to exercife and dance naked together. 
cc The ]a\vs of that republic," fays Montef- 
quieu, u not only deprived parents of all natu- 
Ie ral feelings, but alfo firipped chaflity of 
cc modefty." Their laws alfo permitted the 
promifcuous ufe of women) whether married. 
or unmarried. It was alro praaired in other 
Grecian Rates. There are even examples of 
it in Rome. Yet to {hew how unjuft and in- 
confifient fOlne of the Roman laws were, we 
need only mention that againft adultery. If 
a wife was taken in adultery, the huIband 
might kill her without any form of law, whilft 
the Jaw gave no power to the wife to obtain 
fatisfaaion for her hu{band's irregularities. 
Plutarch thought this law, as weB as that which 
authorifes th
 hu!band to kill his wife, if {he 
drank wine. to be very cruel; nevertheleCs 
they were conformable to the la\vs of Ramu.. 
Jus. The original words are. U In adulte- 
(I rio uxorem tuam fi deprehendiíres, i'lnþunè 
cc necares: fi ilIa te adultereres, digito con- 
cc tingere non auderet. u _ 
But why dwell longer on [uch infamous 
fcenes, ,vheo, from the feW' fpecimens addu- 
ced) we may form fo compleat ajudgment of 
the 



[ J7 J 


the l11ànners and cufiorf1s of mankind before 
tbey were bJeffed with tbe knowledge of the 
chrifiian difpenfation ? No fooner did it pre- 
vail. than w
 fee Confiantine) the firfi of the 
Çhriftian emperors) itruing a revere law (CUIU 
vir in fætninam nubit) againfl: thore horrid 
and infamous praEtices. 1'he mynerious rites 
of paganifln being profcribed, public de- 
cency began to be rerpeaed. Firfi proof of 
the advantages which have accrued to fociety 
by the efiablifhment of chritlianity. 
As Confiantine J fo jufily ftiled the g1
eatJ 
notwithfianding the cavils of modern philo- 
fophYJ had by his authority in a great mea
 
fure fuppreffed the ßagrant diforders and 
abufes to which paganifm gavé birth, and as 
he openly proferred himfe1f the prote8or of 
the chrifiians J it will not be furprifing that he 
fuould be feverely cenfured by M. de V 01- 
iáire j whofe uniform" plan {eerns to have been 
not only to depreciate the chrifiian religion 
itfelfJ but likewife aU thofe who were zealous 
. I 
in fupporting it. It may not tllerefore be 
unacceptable to the reader if a !hart !ketch 
be given of that Emperor's lif
 and aEHons in 
the firft place J and fecondly å detail of tho
c 
defeRs in his chara8er and conduEl. which 
the French philofopher has imputed to him. 
D Flavius 


t 



[ 18 ] 


Flavius Valerius Confiantine was the fon 
of Confiantius Chlorus and I-Ielena. tIe \vas 
born in the year 274, and attended his father 
on his d
ath-bed at York. As foon as tl1at 
event took place) he was faluted Emperor by 

he Roman troops who ,vere with hinl, anno 
- þ 
306. :rv1aximian Galerus, one of his father's 
a{[ociates in the empire, would agree only to 
his taking the title of Cefår, to which he ac- 
quierced. This however did not prevent hiln 
from being the fo
ereign of all the Gauls) 
Great Britain and Spain. . He took the tide 
of .f\.ugufius in the year 308 by the confen
 
and approbation of the t,vo other Emperors, 
his colleagues) after having gained feveral 
vi80ries over tbe Franks and the German
. 
. y 
It is reported of him that he had taken an 
early predile8ion for the chrifiian religion, 
and that he \vas finally encouraged to adopt 
it by the miraculous appearance of a crofs in 
the clouds \vith the following in[cription, In 
this fign Y01t flall conquer. Be that as it may, 
he defeated Maxentiu
, againfi whom he was 
then nlarching. By this vi8ory, Confiantine 
became maller of all Italy and Africa. 1-1 e 
immediately caured a llandard to be nlade 
\\lith the reprefentation of a crors) under \\lhich 
",'ere affixed the abovefaid words. 1-'his fian- 
dard 



[ 19 ] 


dard he ordered to be carried at the head ùf 
llÏs ann)'. He afterwards defeated Liciniu
J 
and caufed him to be put to death. By the 
death alfo of Licinian J he became role mailer 
of the empi re. He forbid any further perfe- 
cution of the chrifiians J and fubmitted to be 
ranged himfelf among the catechumens to be 
infiruaed in the tenets of the gofpel. lIe 
con!lruEìed both in ROll1e and in other parts 
of the empire feveral magnificent churches 
and other public edifices J which he endowed 
in a manner worthy of himfelf. Having built 
the city of Byfantium, l
e ordered it to be 
called Confiantinople. His zeal for the prc- 
fervatÌon of the chri!lian faith in all its purity 
was as g r
atJ as were his attentions to Q'overn 
(.) 
the ell1pire with equity and jufiice. He nlade _ 
the greatefi efforts to extinguifh. the herery or" 
the Donatifis at the council of Aries. Soon 
after he publillied an ordinance. for the {tria 
obfervance of the Sunday, commanding every 
perro
 to ab
ain from fervile work on that 
day. He affificd at the firfi general council 
at Nicea) wherein Arius was conden1ned
 
1"he expences of the prelates who attende
 
at the council, were defrayed by hin1, and 
l
e l
 i ffed die wounds of thore who had fufièred 
fÙJ their faith during tl:e perfecutions of Li- 
1) 2 'cinius. 



[ !o J 


einius. CQnftantine however has be
n cen.. 
fured for his partiality to his finer ConfiantiéJ, 
who was a favorer of the Arian
) al[o for hav... 
jng confided to minifiers who betrayed the in. 
terefis of bis people, and for not puni{hing 
them when conviBed of peculation. He is. 
1ike\vife cenfured for putting his fon Cri fpus 
to death. It may be fuppofed that the pagan 
bifiorians would not overlook entirely the 
defe8:s and blemifhes 1n the chara8er of a 
man, who had {hawn ruch a vifible partiality 
for the chrifiian religion J and confequ
.QtJy 
 
difiike for that of the empire. Yet in other 
refpeBs. they fpeak highly of his great quali 
ties) particularly of his courage and k.nowledge 
in the nlilitary art. He died at Ach:yron nèar 
Nicornedia on the 22d of March J 337J at 
... 
63 years of age. Such are the outlines 
which contemporary hifiorians give of him. 

et us now attend to his chara8er, ". s it is 
tranfmitted to us by the pen of 1t. de V 01- 
taire. 
n Conflantius Chlorus." fays he, (Mt:lol1ges. 
chop. 1xi.) cc \\'as in a ren10te part of England, 
II \vhere for fome months he had aIfumed the 
cc tit \e of Emperor. Confiantine ,vas at that 
Ie time at r\icolnedia with the Emperor Ga- 
tt lerus. He requefied permiffion to go to 
fee 



[ it ] 


U his father. Galerus made not tbe leaR dif- 
If ficulty. Finding his father at the point of 
Ie death, he got himfelf acknowledged Empe- 
IC Tor by the troops. who were then in Eng- 
cc land. Tþe eleaion of a Roman Emperor 
IC made at York by five or fix tboufand fo14 
fe diers could not poffibly be thought la\vful 
If at Rome. The fanaion of the Senatus popu- 
li 11tfque ROll
anus was at leaft wanting. The 
II Senate however, the people, and the Preto- 
II rian guards chafe Maxenti us) the brother of 
Ie that Faufta, W110ß1 Con{l:antine had mar- 
(I ried. Our hiftorians a ,vho always fide with 
U the fortunate, call 
1axentius a tyrant, and 
IC an ururper. Being a pagan, of courfe)' they 
U reprefent him in the blackeft colours. H 
So far M. de V ohaire. 
Conflanti'lts Chlorus, fays he) was in a 1 Þ emote 
pa} t of England, where Jor fame l1zonths he had 
aJ!umtd the. title of E1nperor. It feems as if 

1. de Voltaire by this period wifhed to infi- 
nuate that this Emperor had a{fulned the title J 
nobody kno\vs how) in a remote part of Eng- 
· land. When he attempts to diminilh the 
n urnber of martyrs) he pretends that there 
were nOliC fJr a confiderable lilne either in 
Spain) the Gauls, in England, or in a part of 
Germany, all of which were u
der the dOlni- 
fllon 



[.
2 J 


Ilion of Conflantius Chlorus, the avo,ved pro- 
teétor of the chrif}ians. Here he rnakes him 
a very potent and puiffant prInce. But 
 hen 
11e rer refents him as the fathe r of lontta lit i ne 
the great, l
e fpeaks of hint in a conteinptuollS 
man ner, as if he was banilhed in a renlote 
and fequefìered T
art of England. Natwith- 
fi.aT1díng this buld aCfertion, the Ron1an hifio- 
rians a{fure us that he was created Cefar a- 
bove thineen years before his death, and Em- 
peror and Augufius above a year and a half 
before that period. cc Conflantine" fays the 
French poet, (
 requefied permiffion tq go and 
Ie fee his father. Galerus made not the lean: 
n difficulty. u I t appears however by the 
tefiimony of Aurelius ViElor,* that he wiilied 
to detain him, which obliged Conflanline to 
efcape privalely. The authorof the Decline 
and Fall of the Roman Ernpire adopts 11. de 
,r oltaire's opinion, and fays (page 4 0 4, note 
10) that f( Zorimus t tells a very foalilh fio'ry 


* 
extus Aurelius Viétor. lIe fenrcd under t1:c Empe- 
ror julian, and from a very low condition, rai[ed him- 
felf l'y l1is merits to the firfi employments in the P.:ate. 
+ A Creek Ilif1-orian. I-Ie was a pagan, and lived about 
the year 4 J o. Only fi\,c or fix books of his h1fiory of 
tile Emperof3 .He extant. tIe never tofes any opportu- 
nity of dec1ai 1TIing againfi the chrií1ians, and was in Far- 
ticul
r tLc profcflèd cnem)" of Confiantinc. 


of 



[ 23 J 


I( of Connantine caufing all the pofi-horfes 
(C which he had ufed to be hamUrung. Such 
cc a bloody execution) without preventing a 
cc purCuit, would undoubtedly have occafìoned 
If fdfpicions that l11ight have flopped his jour- 
C( ney*." Fool
lh as tbe flory may appear to 
l1illl, he might have remarked that Aurelius 
\Tittor mentions the Faa alro. (vol. i. p. 633- 
C'(.ConIlantine procured himfelf to be acknow- 
u lcdgt.d En1peror by the troops who \
lere in 
cc England. The eleaion of a Roman Empe- 
4( ror made at York by five or fix thoufand 
U foldiers could not poffibly be thought law.. 
cc rul at Rome." The Roman hiItorians fay 
that be was [aluted 
mperor by the troops 
on the very day of his father's death. !\c- 
verthele[s he \\Tould not accept the title till 
he had got the coníent of Galerus) of wholu 
he demanded it. Galeru
 refufed his rcquefi. 
and would only permit him to take the title 
of Cefar J to which Conflantine acq
liefced. 
Such an inilance of rnoderation and greatnefs 
of [out) which Inade hirn prefer an inferior 
title, rather than cau{e a civil war, was till 
then unl
recedented. 'fhi.'; laudable examplc 
however had no effea fifty years afterward:> 
over the cOlldua of .J ulian the dpofiate, the 


'* An the references to th1S work may be found in the 
lira quarto ed
tion. 


great 



[ 14 ] 


great hero of M. de V oItaire. His condué\ 
was quite the reverfe. Ie The ele8ion of a 
Ie Roman Emperor made at York could not 
Ie be thought lawful at Rome. The fanElion of 
IC the Senatus populusque Romanus was at Jea(\ 
f( wanting." Eutropius however afTures us 
tbat in thofe days they put little .or no firers 
upon the confent of the Senate and the Ro- 
man people for taking the government of the 

mpire. Arms alone decided the conten. 
The choice alfo of the Senate, the Roma
 
people and the Pretorian guards in favor at 
Mexentius is unfounded, though ferviJely co- 
pied by the author of the Declin
 and fall of 
the Roman empire. If Mexentius" fays he, 
(vol. i. p. 4 0 9-) cc invell.ed with the imperial 
U ornaments was acknowledged by the ap- 
c, plauding Senate and people as the proteaor 
Ie of Roman freedom:
 The hifiorians of 
tbofe days, ,vho recount this event, declare 
in' exprefs terms that he was chofen by the 
'Pretorian guards alone, who had col1e8ed a 
mob for that purpofe J without giving the leaft 
hint of the interference of the Senate. (See 
Eutropius J vol. i. p. 660.) 
cc The money and the. arms of the chri- 
cc fiians" fays M. de V oltaire J Ie contributed 


* He was an officer in Julian's army. We have an ab. 
firaB: of the Roman hiftory in ten books written by him. 
Ie to 



[ 25 ] 


if to place Con{lantine on the throne. It was 
(C this which rendered hin1 odious to the fe- 
e( ndte, to the people of Rome and to the Pre- 
cc torians who had all efpoufed the caufe of 
cc rvl axenti us his competitor." That the fe... 
nate did not efpoufe his caufe has been evi- 
dently Ihown. It was, as has been raid) ef- 
fe8ed only by the dregs of the people, and an 
inrurre8ion of the Pretorian guards. No 
author whatever Inakes the leaR mention 
that the chrifiians contributed either by arms 
or money to fet Connantine upon the illlpe- 
) ial throne. They tell us however that the 
people a{fenlbled. in the Circus gave him the 
title of invincible, in the very prefence of Max- 
enti us. We are alro inforn1ed that Confian_ 
tine gained immortal honor for the four viElo- 
ries he obtained at Turin, Brefcia, Verona J 
and under the wal1s of Rome, and that he \vas 
beloved for his clenlcncy towards the van- 
quifhed. We read alfo * that he rcleared 
feveral 


* Eumenes, in his panegyric on Confiantine the great. 
I-Ie was contemporary with that Emperor. The author 
of the Decline and Fall, &c. afièrts, p. 417. note 35. t11at 
H Eumenes has undoubtedly reprefented the whole affair 
U in the maft favorable light for his fovercign. Yet 
U from his partial naraative we may conclude that the 
E It repeated 



[ 26 ] 


feveral fenators who had been imprifoned, 
and recalled others who had been driven into 
banifhment, but no where do we find that his 
condu8 rendered him odious to the fenate, 
the people of Rome, and the Pretorian guards; 
or that the mpney and the arms of the chrif- 
tians contribut
d to p1ace the diadem on his 
head. All there are anecdotes forged in the 
brain of the French poet. In the next place 
M. de Voltaire cenfures the deportment of 
Confiantine at the council of N icea, and in 
particular the fplendid appearance he made 
at that aírembly. cc \Ve find him" fays he, 
Ie convoking and opening the council, march- 
C( jng through the midft of the fathers with 
IC the diadem on his head, and his robes an 
fC covered with precious fiones j taking to him- 
U felf the mafl exalted flate j banifhing rome- 
n times Ari us, at others A thanafi us. lIe fet 


U repeated clemency of Confiantine, and the reiterated 
cc treafons of Maximian, as they are defcrib
d by LaBan.. 
U tius, and copied by the moderns, are defiitute of any 
c, hifiorical foundation." Aurelius Vittor and Eutro.. 
pius, both pagan hiftorians as has been obferved, pojitievt{y 
fpeak however of the reiterated treafons of Maximian 
towards Confiantine, and in confequence that he jufily 
deferved his death. (pages as abov
.)-What authentic 
information can the reader acquire from modern philo.. 
fophy ? 


(( himfclf 



[ 27 ] 


(( himfelf at the head of the chrilìians J with- 
ee out being a chriftian hÏmfelf; Jor in th
Jè 
C( early daysJ jÙch were not deemed chriflîans who 
(( had not been baptized." To pars over the 
abfurdity of this laft paffage J it may be afked 
why he fhould cenrur
 Confiantine for ap- 
pearing in all the pomp and grandeur of Ma- 
jefiy at [uch an auguft. a{[emblYJ as that coun- 
cil certainly was? Could there be one more 
fOJ wherein above 300 prelates were affem- 
bled J many of whom bore the marks of their 
fufferings for their faith? Is it not ufual for 
princes to go in great pomp and {late to great 
a{femblies? But n he \vas all covered with 
cc precious ftones." So \vas Dioclefian J to 
whom M. de Voltaire imputes it not as a 
crime. Moreover he would have himfelf 
adored as a God
 (as Eutropius informs us, 
p., 660.) of which that French writer takes no 
notice. He adds that U he opened the coun- 
t( ciI, and put himfelf at the head of it with- 
(( out being a chrifiian himfelf." Eu[ebius 
of Ce[area, and Theodoret, both better judges 
of the tranfa8:ions of thofe days than 11. de 
Voltaire, a{fure us that Confiantine appeared 
at the affelnbly with the utmoft. refpea for the 
fathers; that he expreffed in the warmeft. 
terms the joy he felt at feeing the heads of fo 
E 3 many 



[ 28 ] 


many churcbes a{[embled together) and re., 
joiced that he was able to afford them his pro""! 
teaion and fupport. The banifhnlent of A- 
rius was in confequence of the anathema pro- 
nounced againft. him by the council. Atba.. 
nafius was exiled through the intrigues of 
Eufebius of Nicomedia J who ,vas a hidden 
i\.rian. Can fiantine had no other concern 
with either) but to fupport the decrees of the 
council by his authority. To rum up in a 
few ,vords the whole catalogue of crimes im- 
puted to this Emperor) M. d
 Voltaire ex- 
preffes him[elf as follows. C( Would you 
Ie know the charaaer of Confiantine ? Inquire 

, of Julian and of Zozimu
. They will tell 
ce you that at firft he aEled like a good princ
J 
Ie afterwards like a public robber; that dur
 
(C ing t:le latter part of his reign he ,vas pro- 
cc digalJ effeminate) and debauched. At all 
(C times they dercribe hitn to have been of a 
CI cruel and fanguinary difpofition. Search 
(C for his ch=1rat1er in Eufebius, in (;regory 
Ie of N azianzen) or in Laaantius. They \vil{ 
(C tell you that he was a n1an without fault or 

'blernifh. Between there two extremes how 
Ie are \ve .to decIde? By faRs. I-Ie obliged 
Ie his father-in-law to hang himfelf. I-Ie cau- 
f' fed hi.> brother-in-!a\v to be firangled; his 
cc nephew 



[ 29 ] 


cr nephew about twelve or thirteen years of 
n age to bé murde.red: his own fon to be be- 
eI headed, and his wife to be fuffocated in a 
" bath." Such is the horrible portrait which 
M. de Voltaire draws of Confiantine. Let 
us examine if the piRure be not overcharged) 
and the dark fide of the profile prefented to 
us. cc He oblige] his father-in-law to hang 
" himfelf." His father-in-la\v \vas Maxlmian 
Hercules. whofe daughter Faufla Confiantine 
had nlarried for his fecond wife. The cha- 
raEler which the Pagan hiftorians give of 
!\laximian is of the mon: deteltable nature. 
They inform us that having abdicated the 
elnpire \vith Dioclefi
n, he folicited him to 
re[ume it by force. lIe endeavoured in con- 
feq ue nee to make the army revolt againft. his 
fon Maxentius, whom he himfelf had created 
:f1uglifhts, and firove to tear the crown }rom 
his head in a public affembly. Not being 
able to fucceed, and fearing for his life. he 
took refuge with Conaa
tine, who was then 
in Gaul, feigning to have been banifhed by 
bis faD) as Eutropius informs us. (lib. 10.) 
l-fere he attelnpted feveral times the life of 
ConUantine, and even endeavoured to make 
}lis own daughter Fauna the accomplice of 
his horrid defign. For which, though feveral 
former 



[ 3 0 ] 


. . 


former attempts of the like nature had been 
forgiven) fays Eutropius (as above) a1
 \vas 
defervedly put to death. The juft punllh:-nent 
of this inhuman and un-natural wretc.) is the 
firft crime) with which M. de V ultaire cllarges 
Conftantine. u_ He caufed his brolber-in- 
Ie law to be beheaded, and his nephew to be 
cc murdered." The former was Llcinius, the 
Jatter Licinian. 1\ urelius Vitlor) p. 633) 
gives a worfe and more deteftable charaaer) 
if poffible, of l,icinius, than Eutropius had 
òone in regard of Maximian and Maxentius. 
N everthelefs they [eern to blanle ConRan tine's 
ambition as a motive which ten1pted him to 
put them out of the way; yet neither the fafe- 
ty of Confiantine's life) or the peace of the 
empire \vere couJpatibJc witb their exifience) 
we evidently learn from their own conceffions. 
(( Confiantine," fays M. de V oItaire, cc or- 
IC dered his o\vn fan to be beheaded, and his 
cc own wife to be fufFocated in a bath." This 
ron, Crirpus by name, was by his former ;ife 
l'"linervina. Fauna) the daughter of l\1axi- 
mian Galerus, as has baen faid, his rnother- 
in-law) \vas either fuppofed to be in love 
with Crifpus, or fought to remove him out of 
the way in favor of her own chilçren. Be 
that as it may, fne accufed him of attempting 
her 



[ 3 1 ] 


her virtue
 Confiantine too ban y oJ bc1i
f
 
ordered him to immediate execution. Being 
afterwards informed of his wife's vile artifice. 
he commanded that {he fhould be fuffocated 
in a bath. There are certainly very great 
blemifhes in the charaEler of Confiantine, 
yet we cannot but lament the dOlneItic n)is- 
fortunes in his family,which gave rife to them. 
Neither ancient or modern hifiorians defcribe 
. hi In as a perfeEl rnan J without fault, or hlernijh
 
as 11. de Voltaire is pleafed to infinuate. 
He certainly had more virtues and fewer 
faults than molt of his predeceffors, and upon 
the whole merited the title of great, \vhich 
hifiory has uniformly conferred upon him. 
1'0 be convinced of it, \ve need only attend to 
the charaEter \vhich the pagans them[elvei 
have given of hinl. Eutropius, after enunle- 
rating his virtues J and yet not fuppreffing his 
faults, fays that he defe'rved to he placed a11zong 
the gods. (lib. 10. p.661.) Aurelius \'iEìor 
informs us that the rnany beneficial a8s which 
he caufed to be done in favor of the people 
n1ade hiln be looked upon as a God) and ruch 
,vas the love and reverence they had for him, 
they grea'tly lamented that his body lhould be 
tranfportcd to Confiantinople. (p. 624.) As 
to the apparition of the crofs) it is a fafl wbich 
muft 



[ 3 2 ] 


depend upon the flrength of the evidence. 
To judge therefore with fome degree of pro... 
bability \ve need only adduce the one, and 
oppofe to it \vhat 
1. de Voltaire a{ferts upon 
the fubjea. It is not fufficient to fay that it 
is incredible, beca ufe it is out of tbe common 
courfe of nature. That God can do all things, 
none but athei fis will deny. That he \vrought 
miracles to eflabJifh the chrifiian religion is a 
faa, otherwi[e there would Hot be a fingle 
chrifti an in the world. The gofpel declares 
that they were the miracles of Jefus Chrift 
which dre,v difciples after him. He gave the 
fame power to his apofHes and their fuccef- 
fors \vho ll1all believe through their preach- 
ing, and this without any lilnitation either of 
time or perrons. (
1ar k xvi. 17, 18.) Shall 
\ve prefume to fay, that the hand of God 
was fi10rtened at that very period which be 
feems to have chofen for the completion of his 
defigns? This refIeÐion premifed, \\'e ",Tin 
attend to the arguments of which MonGeu r de 
Voltaire makes ufe of to invalidate the rela- 
tion given of it. He fays in his general Hif- 
tory, chap. 5. that" learned antiquaries have 
u fufficiently refuted there errors, which are 
Ie fo repugnant to philofophy and found cri- 
ce tici[rn.-.l\ll there imitations of the pa11a- 
(c dium 



[ 33 


1 

 


u dium of Troy tend only to give a fdbulou
 
cc appearance to truth." To this period the 
authority of three or four contem:)orary wit- 
ne{fes may be oppofed j the tefiinlony like- 
wife of Conftantine himfelf, who ratified it 
upon oath. 1 t is faid, that there are medals 
of Confiantius, the fon of Confiantine, fi iH 
extant, on which is reprefented a cro[
 an(l 
the words In this jìgn YOlt.Jlzoll conquer. (I Some ". 
fays he, cc fuppore that this fign in the heavens 
(C appeared to him at Befançon, others at Co- 
cc logne; many believe it to have been at 
U Treves, others again at Troyes. 1 t is ra- 
ce ther furprifing that heaven lliould have ex- 
f( plained itfelf in Greek on this occafion. 
U It would have been more adapted to the 
cc weak lights ofhuman r ature had it appeared 
U in Italy, and on the day of battle j but then 
U it \vould have been neceffary that the in- 
ee fcription Ihould have been in Latin. Loi- 
I( reI, a learned antiquarian, has refuted lhis 
U ancient tale, but he has been treated as a 
IC rnifcreant for his rains." Bu where did 
Mr. \To1taire 1earn that the infcription 1;Né1S 
in (-;ree
(? On the n1eda)s of Confiantius it 
i
 in Latin, ahhol!gh the feat of the clnpire 
,vas then at Confiantinople. Ellfebius being. 
l1imfelf a Greek, it \vas natural, when he re- 
F lated 



[ 34 .1 


lated tbe event J that he fhould write it in his 
own language. It would have been furpri- 
{jng had he done other\vife. The variety of 
opinions concerning the [pot 'v here this phe- 
nomenon appeared) in nu manner detraéìs frolD 
the certainty Df it. Eufcbius fays that it was 
feen in Gau1. Subfequent writers have made 
various conjeBures about the particular fpot. 
U I t would have been nl0
e natural if it had 
c
 appeared in Italy. &c.
' '\Thy fo? Could 
110t Almighty God give to Confiantine in any 
part of the globe aIfurances of l1is proteaion
 
previous to the very moment. cc A learned 

(antiquarian has refuted this ancient tale
 
(C for "1hich he has been treated as a mif- 
cc creant." If Loirel \vas ignorant of the proofs 
which are adduced in fUppOlt of it) he cer- 
tainly does not deferve to be ranked amongfi 
the learned. If he was not, and fuppreffed 
them) the epithet "Tas not mifapp1ied. For 
furthe
 infornlat1on the reader may confult 
Baluze \\'bo J in his 
otes on 1,a8antius, has 
tboroughly canva!red the fubje8, and given 
f
lCh proofs in favor of his opinion as appear 
i ncolltrovcrtible. Many of our learned coun- 
t.rymen alfo have done as 111uch. Surely 
there aUlhorities, though they may not carry 
çonviElion t9 every mind, mull have a greater 
deg
ee 



'[ 35 ] 


d
gr-ce ot'probability, than the vague, unrup- 
.ported a{fertions of the French poet, whore 
uniform defigns feems to have been to impofe 
an the crèdulity of his readers. 


ARTICLE II. 


The inhwl1'Lanity of the Ancients towards t!zeiT 
Slaves. 


Almon. all the ancient governments aban- 
doned, w
thout reCerve, the naves of both 
fexes to the lull and brutality of t1Jeir maners. 
It is impoffib1e to defcribe to what exce{fes 
this pernl iilion gave birth, even amongfi: na- 
lions that are propofed to us as models of wife 
governments. Yet {laves are men. 1'he mis- 
fortune of their birth does not authorife us to 
Ia 
treat them with inhumanity, cruelty and in- 
jufiice. 1"'he Pagans however were utter 
ftrangers to this maxim. It is incredible to 
what excefsof barbarity they abufed the power 
which tbe laws gave over them. A maRer 
had the power of life and death over his {laves, 
and too often they exerci[ed it) as for exam- 
ple a Vadius Pollio who ordered one of his 
naves to be thrown into a fifh-pond to feed 
his fi{h. And for what rearoD? ßecaufe he 
F 2 had 



[ 3 6 ] 


had broken a ,vine glafs*. Nay, he ufually 
fed his fifh with his naves. U Murenas fan- 
ee guine humano faginabatt." Examples of 
this kind were very frequent, the life of a flave 
being deemed of no importance, unlefs by the 
hand of avarice. They looked upon them as 
beaUs of burden j pecudum 1ZU1nero) that is the 
expreffion of the law. For the ruoft trivial 
faults they were treated ,vith the greateft 
cruelty. At Sparta) let fla yes be u fed ever 
fo barbarouf1y they could not reclaim the 
proteEtion of the là'vs. They were obliged 
every year to receive a certain number of 
firipes, although they had not deferved pu- 
nifhment) merely that they might not forget 
the duty of obedience. If any of thelTI feetn- 
ed to be above his condition by the elegance 
of his figure, he was condenlned to die, and 
his n1a{ter fined for retaining fuch as might 
by their outward appearance offend the eyes 
of the citizens. The Spartans) by their Jaws 
were authoriled to fall upon the Heloles) their 
{laves, whilft they were employed in the \forks 
of hufbandry; and without mercy they would 
frequently defiroy the ableft men amongft 


* Seneca de ira, lib. iii. p. 6f. 
t Ibid. de clementia, lib. i. p. 20 I. 


them. 



[ 37 ] 


them, for no other reafon, than for exercife, 
and to prevent them Ifrom becon1ing too po- 
pulous. At Rome they were often loaded with 
chains, and othel'wife mal-treated, as it hap- 
pened to Epitletus the * l.lhilofopher, whù 
wes the nave of Epaphroditus, an offi.cer be- 
longing to the Empel or 
 ero. The Ronlan 
laws ordained that if d flave fuould kill IJis 
luafter, all the other Haves, however nume- 
IOU:)) fhould be equally put to death. Ta
i- 
tus relates that Pedanius Secundus, the G.o- 
v
rnor of Rome in the reign of the Emperor 
Nero, being ilain by Que ùf his lla Yes, all lhc 
ren, though four hundred in nUlllber, ,yen; 
put to death. It was long debated if the ri- 
gour of the law fhould not be Initigated in 
this cafe, but finally decreed that the ancient 
UdtlJte lhould be enforced. They were eÀc- 
cuted accordiuglyt. 
It would be endlefs to give a minute de- 
tail of the inhun1anity of the Pagans refpett- 
ing their flaves. A benevolent 1yLtelll, like 


.. The Mofaic law, more wife, did not give to mailers 
that t} rannical power. It ordained that it the ffiß.lter in 
firiking a fiave, put out an eye or broke a tooth, he thouJd 
emancipate him. (Exodus, ch. zl-z6-z7.J And if he 
killed hunt he was liable to be capitally punifhed for it. 
t Annal. lib. xix. p. 184-. (8 S. 


chrifiianity, 



[ 3 8 ] 


chrifiianity) was n1uch wanting to remedy thi 
flagrant evil) whereby thofe unhappy beings 
nught be re-lnUdled in the natural rights of 
mdnkuH.ì 1 t hdd fCell cely begun to da\vn upon 
the \\ìurld J \\,hen ConitantÏne declared all thore 
guilt}' of m rder who {hould by ill ufage caufe 
the death of their naves. Thcodofi us) fir- 
narned the great, mitigated ftill more the de- 
plorable ftate of {lavery. Finally chrifiianity, 
gainIng ground) entirely f uppreifed the inhu- 
man CUHOID of procuring and retaining naves*'. 
-A fecond proof of the advantages and blef- 
fings which have accrued to the world by the 
efiabliíhment of chriftianity. 


ARTICLE Ill. 


The baròarous and un-nat1.tTal c01nhats of their 
Gladiators. 


Here we exhibit another [cene of inhu- 
manity, which equally gives us an infight 


* The revi\"al of flavery within there two laft centuries. 
and the horrid íhape in which it appears in America. 
mull be attributed to that want of faith. and to that dege.. 
neracy of morals which ,ve are taught by the very Foun- 
der ofChriflianity to expeét in latter times. Even mi- 
tigated as the flate of f1avery is, it {hocks the ideas of 
many well meaning people, as the efforts, which are at 
prefent made in Parliament to get it aboliíhed, tefiify. 
into 



[ 39 ] 


into the barbarous cufloms and manners of 
the ancients. The firfl rife of the Gladiators 
is referred to the ancient cuftom of killing 
perfons at the funerals of great men. The' 
Þeathens fuppofed that the ghofis of the de- 
ceafed were appeared by the effu Goo of hu- 
man blood. Achilles facrificed HeRor to 
Patrocles; Æneas flew Turnus to appeare the 
manes of Pallas. At firft the, Pagans ufed to 
buy captives, or rebel Haves, and offer them 
at the obfequies of their fri
nds. · After\\'ards 
they contrived to veil over this impious bar- 
barity with the fpecious fl10'V of pleafure, and 
voluntary combat. Trai,
ing therefore fuch 
wretches, as they had procured, in the ma- 
J)agement of the offenfive ''r'eapons then in 
ufe, upon a certain day appointed for the fa- 
crifices to the departed objeEls) they obliged 
them to maintaitl a mortal encounter at their 
tombs. rrhe firfi fho\v of Gladiators exhi_ 
bited in ROlne was that of I\larcus. and Deci- 
rous Brutus upon the death of their father*. 
""ithin a little time, when they found the 
people fo nluch delighted with there bloody 
clHcnainrnents J they were refolved to give 
thetn the like di verfions as often as pom bIe) 


* Valerius Maximus, lib. 2. p. 168. 


and 


\ 



[ 4c ] 


and tl1erefore it foon becao1e a fafhioo. Not 
only the heirs of great and wea1thy citizens 
in honor of their decea[ed relations, but all 
tbe rrincipal magifirate5 entertained the peo- 
ple with there {hows. Nay the very priefis 
fometimes exhibited there impious fcenes, 
for we meet \vith the .ludi pontificales in Sue to- 
nius*J and \\'Îth the ludi facerdotales in Plinyt. 
The Emperors amu[ed the people with there 
fhows on frequent occafiol1l\, as on their birth 
days, on tho[e of a triumph after any fignal 
viaory; at the confecration of any public 
edifice) &c. And a
 the occaGons for there 
folemnities were fo prodigioufly increafed, fo 
in the fame manner \\ras the duration of them, 
2nd the number of combatants. Julius Cefar, 
in his EdiHhip, brought three hundred and 
twenty pair of Gladiators upon the flage:t. 
And Trajan, tho' naturally fo avcrfe to cruelty 
exhibited no lefs than one thou[and eO,uple. 
K t TO prefented at one {how four hundred fe- 
fl3tors) and fix hundred Roman knights, who 
did not b1ufh to engage in [uch a vile and 
brutal conteH. Frequently furh numbers of 
Cladiators aßernbled to cut each other's 


'* Vol. 2. p. '9' in Augufium. 
+ Fpift. 3+. p. J 83. 
+ Plutarch in Cefar. 
T 


throats 



[ 4 1 ] 


throats that the Senate was obliged to inter- 
pore, and by its authority endeavour to pre- 
vent the effufion of fo much human blood. 
The Emperors however paid very little defe- 
rence to the decrees of the Senate. For the 
very women engaged in there l;ublic encoun- 
ters, particularly under the Emperors N era 
and Domitian, a fceue equally indecent as 
cruel. J uvenaI has expo fed this impious folly 
with great fpirit in his fixth ratire. 
cc They turn viragoes too, the wrtftler's toil 
U They try, and {mear their naked limbs with oil. 
c, A gainfi: the poll their wicker fhields they cruíh, 
u Flouriíh the fword. and at the plafiron puíh. 
U Of every exercife the l\1an'nifh crew 
u Fulfills the parts, and oft excells us too. . 
u Prepared 110t only in feigned battles io engage, 
u But rout the Gladiators on the fiage." 
In fine, thefe barbarous {hews \vere fo 
much in fafhion J and fo much to the taRe of 
the people) that they were introduced at all 
their public feans, as an eírential part of the 
entertainment- In con{equence of which, the 
ground whereon they met freque'1tly refem- 
bled à field of battle. Torrents of * blood 
fuc- 


t \Ve cannot fufficient1y ad mire the wifdom of the 
Jewiíh Lcgil1ator in guarding againft an evil of fuch 
. 
magnitude j for nothiJìg can be more alarming than \\"hen 
G the 



[ 4 2 ] 


fucceeded torrents of wine. When the appe- 
tite was fatiated \vith feafiing, the mind ,vas 
glutted with the fight of thefe horrid and mu- 
tual maffacres. rChe abolition of there in- 
human praaices) more. adapted to the brute 
creation) than to men endowed ,vith reafon 
and reflexion) was effeaed alfo by Confian- 
tine the great about the year of the city 106 7) 
nearly fix hundred years after their firft infii- 
tution. Yet under the Emperors Confian- 
tius J The'odofius and Valentine the fame 
cruel diverfions began to revive) till a final 
flop was put to them by the Ernperor Hono- 
rius in the 4th century. A third proof of the 
advantages and bleffings for which the world 
Hands indebted to chrifiianity. 


the people become f21miliarifed with blood. Whut a 
dreadful example we have of it before our eyes in 
France! One of the firft prohibitions in the decalogue is 
againft murder. Cf'hou }bait not kill. The Jews were 
pofitively forbid to touch blood. One motive for it was 
undoubtedly to make them refpeét the lives of their 
fellow -creatu res. 


AR TICLE 



[ 43 J 


ARTICLE IV. 


The flagrant extortion if UJurers among the 
Greells and R017zans. 


He who only exa8ed 12 per cent for t
e 
yearly intereft of a rum lent was efieemed a 
very haneft man in the eyes of the Romans. 
Yet nothing was more common, and even au- 
thorifed) than cent. per cent. (centefinza) 
payable every month. cc At firft" fays Taci- 
tus, U it was ordained by the laws of the 
cr twelve tables that no man Ihould take 
cr higher intereft than twelve in the hundred) 
Ie when befole it was exaaed at the pleafure 
Ie of the rich*." But when it related to the 
neceffary articles of life) the cafe of the unfor- 
tunate debtor was {tiB more deplorable) as it 
obliged hiln at the end of the year to return 
balfthe quantity more than he had received) 
,vhich among the Romans was called Sifqui- 
alt1
a. For example. The man who borrowed 
a bufhel of corn) ,vas obliged to return one 
aud a balf. U fury however \vas much more 
I oppreffive alDong the Greeks) becaufe they 


* Tranflated by Gordon, Vol. 2. B. 2. p. 35 8 , &c. 
had 



C 44 } 


},ad no fixed rate for the intereft of money. 
The will and pleafure of the lender deter- 
mined it. And thus it was ordained by tbe 
wife SC'Ion s the Athenian ]eginator. 
The twelve per cent, as Livy relates) be- 
gan with the Ronlan republics and though 
many laws were made to reduce its it thus con- 
tinued to the defiru&ion of ,-he empire. For 
as Tacitus informs us that among the fena.. 
tors, of this fault not a foul was guiltlefs * ; 
fo the Qfurers. ,vho were very numerous, and 
no ways apprebenfive of the laws) were not 
content with fo trifling a profit. Wherefore 
they contrived matters in fueh a manneli as to 
double their capitals in two or three years 
time, and often in lefs. 1'hat we may judge 
of the evils which there exceffive ufuries oc- 
cafioned) ,ve need only appeal to 
he above- 
- mentioned Tacitus. cc Vrury," fays he. cc was 
cc in truth an hlveterate evil in Rome, and 
(( the eternal canfe of ci viI difcord and fedi- 
c
 tions t." 
To give a finiíhing defcription of the f1a
 
grant extortion of the ufurers, we-: may ob. 
fer\'e tbat among the Greeks and Romans the 


* Vol. 2. B. z. p, 358, &c. 

 Ar na1 . vol. 2. p. 149. 


credi tors 



( 45 ) 


creditors were impowered by the laws to fell 
their debtors for fIaves, and even to put them 
to death in failure of payment at the Rated 
time. If If the debtor" (fays the 6th art. of 
the laws of the t\velve tables) cc be infolvent 
Cf to feveral creditors) let his body be cut in 
Ie pieces on the third market day. I t may 
n be * cu
 into more or fewer pie
es with im- 
(( punity
 OrJ if his creditors confent to it. 
II let him be rolet to foreigners beyond the 
cc Tiber t. '. The la,vs permitted alfo the ufe 
of chains) not exceeqing :t: fifteen pouncja 
weight. It was a curious law indeed which 
was to prohibit creditors to crufu their deb- 
tOTS under the weight of chains! 


.. Some modern critics have maintained that this law 
on1y permitted the creditors to divide amongft them the 
property, not the limbs of the åebtor. For tr.e bonor of 
human nature we willi it was {o. But the words of the 
Jaw are precife, and it was thus underftood by the Ro.. 
man writers themfe1ves. 
+ Hooke's Rom. Hift. vol. z. p. 319- 
i Tlö1is was one of the laws enaéted by the Decem virs. 
partly with a view to mitigate the ancient laws again
 
debtors. Hence we may judge how fevere they In\Jft 
lUl\ e been under the fané1ion of thofe laws. Creditors 

reated their debtors with [uch barbarity that it excitEd 
,
 general in(urreétion of the plebeians againfi the great 
and opulent. (See Livy, Decade I.) 


Credi tors 



( 4 6 ) 


Creditors were alfo authorized to feize 
the corpfe of a debtor, and prevent its "* bu- 
rial, \vhich, according to the idea of the Pa- 
gans) was the greate n infamy, and the moll 
:fìgnal misfortune that could befal the m. 
I u Tho[e who negIeél:ed on tne í1:rand remain, 
H Are all a wretched, poor, unburied train." t 
I 
Livy) who in Ceveral parts of bis hina- 
ry makes mention of the difiurbances which 
this grievous evil occafioned in the Rate, re- 
lates feveral precautions that were taken 
from time to time to remedy it, by drawing 
money from the public fundf\ to pay the debts 
of thofe who were difireffed by the uCurers. 
He neverthe1efs fpeaks not of any punifhment 
denounced againft them, or of any penalty 
they ,vere fubjeaed to for this infamous 
traffi c.. 
Al!nong Chrifiians the civil law condemns 
ufurers to fines and diverfe other penalties. 
The ecclefiafiical ]a\\7 deprives them) among 
other puni{hlnents) of chriClian burial 1. l'he 
Pagans can icd on the trade of ufllry as pub- 
licly as if it had been the mofllegal and in- 


* The fame law cxiR:s amongfi us; but we do not affix 
t
l(, fame confeql1cnces (0 it after death. 
t 'Yharton's Virgil. 
:;. See Burn's Ecclef. Law 
 Art. Ufurr. 


nocent 



( 47 ) 


nocent of profeffions. Among Chriilians the 
ufurer difgui[es himfelf, and hides his head 
that he may efcape the merited cenfure of 
mankind) and the rigour of the laws. 
This is a fourth proof of the bleffings and 
advantages which fociety has derived fforn 
the efiablifhment of Chriftianity. 


ARTICLE V
 


The continual JÙbver:fion oJ their flates J and aJfà:f- 
fination oJ their princes. 


If vve dive into tbe annals of the ,vorld
 
and attentively confider the various fhocks 
and revolutions which the different Rates of 
the uñiverCe have fufiained, we fi1all plainly 
perceive that it is fince the efiablifhment of 
Chrifiianity only that fuch dreadful
 and ca... 
lamitous fcenes are become lefs írequent. 
Let us) for example, take a {hort view of the 
Roman empire. From the day that Rome 
,vas founded by R001Ulus) to the p
riod 
wherein it became Chritlian under the empe- 
Tor Confiantine, that is nead y for the [pace 
of one thoufand y
afs, what a [eries of trou- 
ble
J ,vhat reditions
 what maffacres and mur- 
ders occur! This famous city ,vas at fir{l go- 
verned 



[ 4 8 ] 


. . 


verned by feven kings. Of there feven king
, 
three were maffacred, and the fourth de- 
throned, and profcribed. Upon the ruins of 
monarchy, a republic was efiablifued. This 
form of gov.ernment fcarcely exiß:ed twenty 
years, when 
there arore a rnifunderftanding 
between the nobility and the people. The 
latter retired in a tumultuous manner from 
the capital, and ravaged the country. In 
confequence of which the former were obliged 
to fubmit to their terms, and to agree to the 
creation of two magiftrates
 by name of Tri- 
bunes; who, under the fpecious pretext of 
proteaing the people from the oppreffions of 
the great, perpetually fonlented and kept up 
a conftant divifion between both parties. 
This fpirit of faaion operated t.o \'iolently 
on the minds of the people, that during three 
whole cen turies and upwards the Hate was 
convulfed by confiant broils and feditions. 
The evil fiill increa[ed. infomuch that at the 
time of the Gracchi, Rome refembled a field 
of battle, where the citizens cut and hacked 
each other to pieces without any regard to the 
ties of blood or friendfuip with as much vi- 
rulence and animofity as againft the motl in- 
veterate enemv. 
- 


About 



[ 49 J 


About fifty years after this period) the 
faBle fury and rancour \vas rekindled by the 
civil ''lairs of Marius and Sylla, in confe- 
quence of \vhich Rome, Italy, Greece) and 
Spain overflowed with ROlTIan blood. N ei- 
ther birth, dignity, or alliance could cfcape 
the reciprocal profcriptions of the contending 
parties. Scarcely was there a fanlily to b
 
feen which had not its particular lTIourning j 
and thofe very infignia of grief and \voe 
added frcfh fuel to 111inds heated with ran- 
cour and revenge. To this fad period fuc- 
ceeded a long [eries of civil wars. Fifteen 
months after the death of Sylla, Cataline C011- 
fpired againll his country, ånd died with his 
fword in his hand. Cefar, a fe\v years after- 
wards, adopted the fanle proje8; w hO J for 
the misfortune of his country, being a man 

f greater abilities, overthre\v the republic; 
made hinlfelf matter of the whole empire; 
and, after five years fpent in civil di [cord, 
was a{1'affinated in the very fenate-houfe by 
his borom-friend Brutus. HÍs death gave 
rife to fartber feuds and broils \vhich revived 
all the horrors of civil ,var occafioned by 
11arius and Sylla. This \vas the fanlous tri- 
ulnvirate of OElavius) Anthony and Lepidus. 
The former having got the afcendant, Ron1e
 
H by 



[ 50 ] 


by his ,viCe adn1inifiration, once more reco- 
vered fronI its former calamities. This pe- 
riod of tranquillity neverthelefs \vas of {hort 
duration, being foon aftcr overwhelmed by 
the vices of the inhuman and profligate Tibe- 
Tius, Caligulå and Nero. At the death of 
this laft Inonfier, the civil wars recomn1enced 
under Otho) Galba, and "itellius. " efpa- 
fian happily re!tored tranquillity) and reigned 
alone. Froln this period to that of Confian- 
tine, that is for the fpace of two hundred and 
fixty years) we 111ay remark the civil ,\'ars of 
Camus under l\1arcus Aurelius) of Didius 
J ulianus, of Niger, of Albinus under Septi- 
B1US Severus, and of Maxinlin \vho dethroned 
Alexanùer. The Gordians and the Philips 
died by the hands of their own foldiers. The 
fþirit of fedition continued under the Elnpe- 
Tors Florianus, Probus, Carus and Numerian. 
It was blood alone that could decide the fate 
of the \\701Id. We may look ho\vever upon 
thofe civil \vars as the lan, which were \vaged 
bet\\Teen 
onfiantine and !\-1axentiu
, and after- 
\vards between the forn1er and Licinius, at 
wh
e..:h period chrifiianity began to get the 
a[cendant. Thus it appears that of the feven 
 
kings of Rome. three were maffacred) and one 
dethroned. Of the twelve Cefars, there were 
only 



[ 51 ] 


only three or four who died of natural dcath
'. 
Of .forty Emperors, fronl the tin1e of Don1Ï- 
tian to Conftanti ne the Great) lnore than one 
half of them perilhcd by tbe hands of their 
rebellious fubjeEts. If 1'ron1 thè Ronlans \\le 
pars to the Greeks) we find the faBle fpirit of 
[edition and maffacre. The whul
 fanlily and 
defcendants of Alexander the Great caille to 
an un t i me 1 yen d. 1\ 1 0 it 0 f the k i 11 g S 0 f S y ria 
died either by poiron. or the fword. Of 
eighteen princes, from Seleucus the fi rIl to 
Demetrius the Iafi of the name) ten at leaft 
perifhed by rebellious hands. rrhe I.Jagides 
in Egypt afford as (hocking in!lances in that 
refpea as the fúcceITors of Seleucus in Syria. 
If from the Greeks we take a furvey of 
the Arabs, the falTIe bloody [cenes occur. 
Omar) r\l1i, Moavi, Othman, I-i uffan, Ibra- 
hiln were all afTaffinated within the year. 
During this melancholy period what deeds of 
opprefiìon, tredchery J and rna{façre were per- 
petrated! 110tkar alone boafled'" that he had 
put fifty thoufand Ornn1iades to death; and 
Abdallah I\1ahomft the firfi Calif of the 
.l\haffides) calJeJ himfelf SafJåh) that is the 
Dcjlro}er) on account of the horrible ulaffa- 
ere which) by his order) was comlnitted on 
11 2 the 


. 



[ 52 ] 


the princes of the Omrniades, and their ad- 
herents throughout the \vhole enlpire. 
In finc, one age of paganilin prefents in- 
finitcly mar e exalnples of there enOrlTIOUS 
crimes than are to be found in all the chrif- 
tian Inonarchies put together during fifteen 
centuries. If the paffions and vices incident 
to human nature, VvhlCh the chriflian religion 
condemns, but which fhe has not always the 
po\v
r to refirain, have caufed fneh 111clan.. 
choly feelle.
 from time to tiDle, what are they 
in c0111parifon to the perpetual feuds, broils
 
I 
feditions, and 111affacres which deiolated the 
æra of pagani{ì11? I t is therefore an incon- 
teRable Faa that, \rcre it in this point of view 
only, the efLlblilhnlcnt of chrifiianity has 
been an invaluable blcffing to the ,vorld. 
U 'rhanks to the gofpel," fays !vI. nergier J 
cc \\'e {hall never again * fee a Paulus Emi- 
(C lills.defiroy in one fingle province feventy 
(C towns, and put in chains one hundred and 
(( fifty thoufand citizens. \Ve fhall neveragain 
H hear a furiùus Cato concluding his ha- 


* fIe little fufrcé1cd at the time he wrote that his 
countr_' men would turn their backs lIporl the gofpel to 
which tt:cy "
re indebteJ for the mildners of their 
m.lnncrs. .H:l \'ing di[card ed it, d:ey arc [aIling faft into 
tte fame exceffes as t
1C ancíent Pa2"ans. 
o 


(( 
angues 



r 53 ] 



( rangues in the Senate with there 'words of a 
(( madman: delenda eft Carthago; Carthage 'lJll!fl 
(e be deflro)'ed. \Ve !hall no Inore brag of the 
(( exploits of a Scipio Africanlls, whore I age 
cc could not be fatisfied with any thing lefs 
(( than the burning of that unhappy city. "r e 
(( {hall never again !land in fear of a brutal 
(( l\l11mmius facking, deftroying, and burning 
Ie the molt beautiful city in Greece, becaufe 
cc its glory eclipfcd Ron1e j or of punifhing 
U thou rands of innocent pear Ie for the n1ad- 
cc ners of two or three feditious perfvns. If 
(( the laft * war, in which all Europe was co- 
er gaged, had been carried on by [uch he! oes 
U as therc, Gen:nany at this day had been no... 
U thing but a frightful deferlt." 


Jt He means tIle fe\'cn } ears war. 
t Deifm {elf-refuted, yol. 2. p. 13 0 . 


ARTICLiL 



[ 54 ] 


ARTICLE VI. 


The ./hocking extravagance oJ ldolt!try. 
The firft and moIl refpeRable Deity among 
the heathens ,vas J ùpiter, w
oJ according to 
their mythology, is reprefented as guilty of 
ince!l and adultery, a parricide, a reducer and 
clebaucher of female virtue. I-Ie dethroned 
his father Saturn. He married his filler J u- 
no; had like\vife feveralother \vives, and a 
prodigious number of children by his gallan- 
tries. He transformed himfelf into a fatyr 
to po{fc[s Antiope j into a bull to carry off 
Europa j into a [,van to debauch Leda; into 
a golden fllower to corrupt Danae, and into 
divers other fhapes to fatisfy his paffions." 
U Ancient paganifm," fays Rouffeau, cc brought 
(( forth mofi abominable gods, who would have 
"been punifiled here below as villains; ar:d 
Ie who held forth, as a piélure of fupreme hap- 
Ia( pinefs, nothing"but the comrniffion of crinles) 
"and the gratification of the paffions*." 
Jupiter had Bacchus by Semele; PalIas by 
'rhetis; Diana and Apona by Latona, and 
"W3S the fuppofed father of l'\tlercury, and many 
other fuch Gods. To the queen of heaven 
(Juno) they attributrd all thofe evil qualities 
'.vhich charaElerize bad ,varnen. 11ars ,vas 


* E . 1 ... n 
..ill! e J t. Ill. p. gö. 


choleric 



[ 55 ] 


choleric and vindiai\ye) ever delighting in 
blood and carnage. Venus \vas the objeEt 
of itnpure Jove) the patronefs of profiitution. 
Apollo) according to their fables, was expel- 
led heaven for nlurder and fedition; Diana 
,vas honored with human facrifices. The 
other DeÌlies were of the fame complexion; 
and be it obrerved) that the Pagans never at- 
tributed any virtuous aaion to the infamous 
objeEls of their VO\VS and adorations. 
To this horrid piaure ,ve may add alfo a . 
multitude of ridiculous Deities) fuch ;s the 
Gods of the Egyptians, the Phenicians, the 
Babylonians) &c. Though the nlanner in 
which the Pagan Deities ,
ere \vorfhipped 
perrealy coincided with their charaS:ers, yet 
it will be better to avoid entering into a de- 
tail of their myfterious rites) and forbear to 
uJ1veil the abominable ceremonies of their 
feaRs in honor of the Bona Dea) of Bacchus. 
of Cere
) &c.. '* Clem
ns of Alexandria) an 
ancient and learned Father of the Cl1l1rch. 
once a Pagan himfelf, conrequently ,veIl in- 
formed on the fllbje8:, treats it at large \\YÎth 
a view of expofing and confounding the folly 
and abomination of their worfhip. To re1ate 


* He renounced the errors of paganifm in the ye
r 
19 0 . The works which he has left behind him" 2rc 
greatly commended for their eruditioD. 


'W ]1 a t 



[ 56 ] 


,vhat he fays on the fubjeEt ,vould only offend 
againfl decency, and give fcandal without 
neceffity. 
Such then were the Gods mankind adored. 
and fuch the [nodes of religious w'orll1ip which 
engaged the attention of the whole world. 
(the J ew's excepted; who howev(:r often fell 
into the rarne extravagances) before the æra 
of chriR:ianity. There diforders. which it is 
impoffible to caU E1 quefiion, did not 
ceafe tiB the preaching of the gorpet I-Iad 
it not been for the rational do&rines it incul- 
cates, they would fiill exift. Ie It is the g0f- 
U pel," fays M. Bergier, U that threw down all 
cr the Gods one after another j that diffipated 
Ie the dread that p
ople every 'v here had of 
(C thofe imaginary beings j that fuppreffed 
(( the execrable cufion1 of appeafing them by 
I( hUlnan facrifices, by the combats of G ]adia- 
(e tors, and by the blood of their own chil- 
(( dren. It is the gofpel that hath every where 
(( brought the oracles, forcery) and every 
If kind of divination into difrepute. to the 
C( great mortification and afioniíhment of phi- 
U fophy, \vhich took them under its protec- 
If tÎon." U It hath" as 1. 1. Rou{feau hilllfe]f 
confe{fes, U fuppreffed, or foftened f]avery. 
" harmonized nations J lightened the bonds of 
(( fociety" 



[ 57 ] 


tc fociety, and rendered governnlents lefs fan- 
(C guinary. It hath retrenched the licentious 
èc devotions) more dear to the idolaters than 
(( the gods themfelves; fefi.ivals only fit to 
I'C dell:roy ''lith impunity the obligations of 
(C marriage) and to degrade humanity* ." 
If paganirln however fupported itfelf for 
fome time after the preaching of the gofpeJ
 
it was by means only of the liberties which it 
allowed to its profe{fors. Thore, who can 
reÐea, nlUn be furprifed that the world could 
fi) long be led afiray by the abru rdity) folly. 
and extravagance of fuch a fyficm. But ho\V' 
much more Inufl ''Ie be afioniíhed that a reli- 
gion of fuch benevolence) a religion which 
enforces every facial duty, as chrifiianity evi- 
dently does, fhould be fo virulently attacked 
by fo many modern ,vriters, Some thro\V' 

heir envenomed fuafts againfi it in the moft 
open and indecent manner. Others, nlore 
fubtle. make their attack in an underhand 
· and difguifcd method. Let it hO\\7ever be 
obferved that none have even the charms of 
novelty, for not one objeaion) which they 
fiart againfi the chrill:ian religion, is of their 
own growth. They are the hackneyed argu- 


* Deifm felf-refuted, vot. I. p. 62, 63. 
I 


ments 



[ 58 ] 


n1ents only of prior fceptics, ,vhich have been 
refuted over and over again. OUf aftonifu: 
ment however \vill ceafe when \ve reflett that 
the chrifiian religion is the declared enemy 
of every unruly paffion; and that it is the 
'II 
corruption of the heart, and the pride of the 
mind ,vhich caufe men to rebel againft it, 
. and make thelTI overlook) and be infenfible to 
thofc fignal advantages which have undoubt- 
edly accrped to foci
ty by the eftabIifument 
of it. 


The ./uþerexcellence of tILe ClLriflian Code, with 
a ßzort fletch of its divine Founder. 


Let us fuppofe a fyftem of philofophy) 
'\ì hich) by its admirable maxims, would both 
enlighten the underfiandin[) inßil into the 
human mind the pureft notions of equity and 
jufiice, and condutt nlen into the paths of 
virtue and \vifdom; would not fuch a fyfiem 
be the objea of their veneration and efieem
 
particularly if it tended to eradicate thofe 
detefiable vices, thofe barbarous and un-na- 
tural cufioms, fuch as helve been defcribed 
above, and caufe them to be fuperfeded by 
humanity) temperance, and the praaice of 
every moral virtue; if it l.ekindled in the 
hearts 



[ 59 ] 


hearts of l11en thofe innate principles which 

he la\v of nature has engraved therein, \vould 
not fuch a fyftenJ, once more let it be repeated, 
b
 defervedly the objeR of our veneration 
ana refpetl? The chrifiian religion teaches 
U
 this anJiable philofophy; and it is by the 
e1tabl1thment of it alone that there bleffing
 
and aavantages hdve accrued to fociety. 
\V t:rt: other proûfs wanting to eitablilh the 
faa) we might abide by the ùpinion of J. J. 
Rou{feau. cc The gofpe], fays he, U has 

( brought about the moft happy revolution. 
(( It has caft down idolatry 
ith all its extra- 
cc vagances, all the abominations and cruelties 
cc that orIginated in it. It has either fuppref- 
ce fed, or {oftened fIaverYJ and given to the 
cc manners of nations a nlildne{s and huma- 
n nity which letters could never have commu- 
cc nicated to them. It has rendered the diffe. 
cc rent forms of government more nloderate 
cc and lefs fangl1inary, and by thqt means lefs 
cc tottering and l
{s expofed to revolu tions :- 
cc it has provided for the fecuritj of maRers.. 
U and the happinefs of fubjeéls*. Undoubt- 
(f cdly our nlodern governments are indebted 
U to chriUianity for their more folid authority 


* Emile, t. iii. p. 18 5. 
1 2 


ard 



[ 60 ] 


" and "their lefs frequent revolutions. It hath 
cc rendered them lefs fanguinary j this is 
" proved by faEts 
.vhen we compare them with 
U the ancient governments. Religion better 
(&' _underfiood by keeping off fanaticifm hath 
u ïntroduced Inore mildnefs into chriClian 
u manners. 1'his alteration is not the effett 
c', of letters; for wherever they flourifhed J 
u hun1anity was not a jot the more refpeBed; 
U cruelties cOlnmitted in i\thens J in Egypt. 
U and- by the ROlDan emperors, and the Chi- 
C&' nefe atteft this. \Vhat works of l11èrcy are 
cc the effeEts of the gofpel! \Vhat l'efiitutions 2 
",,,hat reparations for injuries done doth not 
Cf confeffion effe8: among the cathólics! What 
rc reconciliations, ,vhat alms doth not an ap- 
cc proaching time of communion produce a- 
ce mongft us! How much did the jubilee a- 
n mongft. the Hebrews lelTen the greedinef& 
cc of the ufurpers of other's lands!" (ibid.) 
The prefident Montefquieu, \vho valued 
himfelf m uch upon his profound reafoning
 
and \vho was equal1y free in declaring his opi- 
nions as J. .J. Rou{feau J had alfo the moft ex- 

lted idea of the advantages which [ociety de- 
fives fronl the efiablifhment of the chr jfiian 
religion. c, \Vhile the Mahometan princes)" 
fays þe, u i1re cantinqally ordering others to 
. þ
 



[ 61 ] 


(c be "1 put to death, and are put to death them- 
(C [elves, religion among chrifiians makes prin- 
(( ce
 lees apprehenfive) and conrequent1y lefs 
U cruel. The prince relies on his fubjeas
 
(( and the [ubjetls on the prince. ,V onder- 
ce ful! the chrifiian religion, ,\'hich feerns to 
" have no other objeét than the happinets of a 
(( life to corne, conUitutes nloreover our hap- 
II pinefs in this. I t is the chrillian religion
 
cr whicil J notwithHanding the extent of the 
u en1pl re and the v ice of the climate) hath 
" hindered deJpotifm fToln getllng foot in 
U Ethiopia) and hath introduced into the 

c midit of Africa the 11lannelS of Europe) and 
fC its laws. Let us on one hand place before 
Cc aUI eyes the continual rnaßacres of the 
fC kings and leaders of both Greeks and Ro- 
cc mans; and ou the other the defiruèlion of 
Ie towns by 1 aders of the fan1e Halnp) Thimur 
cc and Gen 
lfken who laid waile Alia) and we 
U Ihall íee (hat it is to chrifiianity we are in
 
(( delHed both for a fixed political law in go- 
cc vernn1el1t) and a fixed law of nations in 
cc war) which hUfi1an nature cannot fufficientJ " 
U acknowlcdge*." 


IIfo Spirit of the Laws, 1. 24
 c, 3. 


Such 



[ 6
 ] 


Such are tne bIeffings ,vhich fociety has 
received from the precepts of the gofpel. 
'Vhat idea then can we form of the code 
,vhich inculcates them) and of the legiflator 
from whence they originated? The beau- 

iful period of Rou{feau on the fubjea will de- 
cide the quefiion. U I acknowledge/
 fays he, 
Ie that the majefiy of the fcripture ftrikes me 
'c \vith adrniration; the fan&ity of the gafpel 
U fpeaks to my heart. Perufe the wor ks of 
n all the philofophers \vith all their porn p of 
cc dia
on: how pitiful are they in comparifon 
(( of the gofpe1. Is it poffible, that he whore 
U hiO:ory it gives liS) filould be no more than a 

{ mere man? Is the tone he makes ufe of that 

( of an enthufiaft, or an ambitious fe8ary? 
(C \Vþat fweetncfs! 'Vhat purity in his nlan- 
C( ners! 'Vhat an affet1ing gracefulnefs in his 
cc manner of infiruRing! What elevation in 
C C his fllaxims! \Vhat profound wifdom in . his 
cc difcourfes! 'Vhat prefcnce of Inind, \vhat