AN
ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY,
ancient anB JWotern,
FROM
THE BIRTH OF CHRIST,
TO THE
BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
IN WHICH
THE RISE, PROGRESS, AND VARIATIONS OF CHURCH POWER ARE CON-
SIDERED IN THEIR CONNEXION WITH THE STATE OF LEARNING
AND PHILOSOPHY, AND THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF
EUROPE DURING THAT PERIOD.
BY THE LATE LEARNED
JOHN LAWRENCE MOSHEIM, D.D,
AND CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GOTTINGEN.
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL LATIN,
AM) ACCOMPANIED WITH NOTES AND CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES,
BY ARCHIBALD MACLAINE, D.D.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
AN ACCURATE INDEX.
IN SIX VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
LONDON:
PKINTED FOR W. BAYNES AND SON, PATERNOSTER-ROW ; T. TEGG,
CIIEAPSIDE j G. OFFOR, TOWER HILL: ALSO, H. S. BAYNES AND
CO. EDINBURGH, AND R. GRIFFIN AND CO, GLASGOW.
1823.
LONDON:
raitfUD BT THOMAS DAVISON, WH1TEFR1ARS.
THE
TWELFTH CENTURY.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the prosperous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
I. A CONSIDERABLE part of Europe lay yet in- CENT
volved in pagan darkness, which reigned more xn.
especially in the northern provinces. It was, PAin
therefore, in these regions of gloomy superstition, several of
that the zeal of the missionaries was principally then°rthern
exerted in this century; though their efforts receYveTthe
were not all equally successful, nor the methods the
they employed for the propagation of the gospel
equally prudent. Boleslaus, duke of Poland,
having conquered the Pomeranians, offered them
peace upon condition that they would receive
the Christian doctors, and permit them to exer-
cise their ministry in that vanquished province.
This condition was accepted, and Otho, bishop
of Bamberg, a man of eminent piety and zeal,
was sent, in the year 1124, to inculcate and explain
the doctrines of Christianity, among that super-
stitious and barbarous people. Many were con-
verted to the faith by his ministry, while great
VOL. in. B
2 The External History of the Church.
CENT, numbers stood firm against his most vigorous
xn- efforts, and persisted with an invincible obstinacy
_ in the religion of their idolatrous ancestors. Nor
was this the only mortification which that illus-
trious prelate received in the execution of his
pious enterprise ; for, upon his return into Ger-
many, many of those whom he had engaged in
the profession of Christianity, apostatized in his
absence, and relapsed into their ancient pre-
judices ; this obliged Otho to undertake a second
voyage into Pomerania, A. D. 1126, in which,
after much opposition and difficulty, his labours
were crowned with a happier issue, and contri-
buted much to enlarge the bounds of the rising
church, and to establish it upon solid founda-
tions («). From this period, the Christian religion
seemed to acquire daily new degrees of stability
among the Pomeranians; who could not be per-
suaded hitherto to permit the settlement of a bishop
among them. They now received Adalbert, or
Albert, in that character, who was accordingly the
first bishop of Pomerania.
TheSciavo- jj Of all the northern princes of this century,
mans andm- -i • i f« • • i i i i
habitants of none appeared with a more distinguished lustre than
RU en! °f Waldemar I. king of Denmark, who acquired an
immortal name by the glorious battles he fought
against the pagan nations, such as the Sclavo-
nians, Venedi, Vandals, and others, who, either
by their incursions or this revolt, drew upon
them the weight of his victorious arm. He un-
sheathed his sword, not only for the defence and
(a) See Henr. Canisii Lectiones Antiquae, torn. iii. part II.
p. 34. where we find the life of Otho, who, A.D. 1189, was
canonized by Clement III. See the Acta Sanctor. mensis
Julii. torn. i. p. 349. Dan. Crameri Chronicon. Eccles.
Pomeranise, lib. i. as also a learned Dissertation concerning
the conversion of the Pomeranians by the ministry of Otho,
written in the German language by Christopher Schotgen,
and published at Stargard in the year 1724'. Add to these
Mabillon, Anna!. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 123. 146. 323.
PARTl4
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events.
happiness of his, people, but also for the propa- CENT.
gation and advancement of Christianity; and '
wherever his arms were successful, there he pulled
down the temples and images of the gods, de-
stroyed their altars, laid waste their -sacred groves,
and substituted in their place the Christian wor-
ship, which deserved to be propagated by better
means than the sword, by the authority of reason,
rather than by the despotic voice of power. The
island of Rugen, which lies in the neighbourhood
of Pomerania, submitted to the victorious arms
of Waldemar, A. D. 1168; and its fierce and
savage inhabitants, who were, in reality, no more
than a band of robbers and pirates, were obliged,
by that prince, to hear the instrucnftns of the
pious and learned doctors that followed his army,
and to receive the Christian worship. This salu-
tary work was brought to perfection by Absalom,
archbishop of Lunden, a man of a superior genius,
and of a most excellent character in every respect,
whose eminent merit raised him to the summit of
power, and engaged Waldemar to place him at the
head of affairs
III. The Finlanders received the gospel in the The Fi"-
same manner in which it had been propagated
(b) Saxo-Grammaticus, Histor. Danic. lib. xiv. p. 239. —
Helmoldus, Chron. Sclavorura, lib. ii. cap. xii. p. 234. and
Henr. Bangertus, ad. h. 1. — Pontoppidani Annales Ecclesiae
Danicae, torn. i. p. 404.
lUf0 Besides the historians here mentioned by Dr. Mosheim, "i
we refer the curious reader to an excellent history of Den-
mark, written in French by M. Mallet, professor at Copen-
hagen. In the first volume of this history, the ingenious
and learned author has given a very interesting account of
the progress of Christianity in the northern parts of Europe,
and a particular relation of the exploits of Absalom, who
was, at the same time, archbishop, general, admiral, and
prime minister, and who led the victorious Danes to battle,
by sea and land, without neglecting the cure of souls, or
diminishing, in the least, his pious labours in the propaga-
tion of the gospel abroad, and its maintenance and support
at home.
4 The External History of the Church.
CENT, among the inhabitants of the isle of Rugen. They
xii. were a}so a fierce anc[ savage people, who lived by
J^l_^l__ plunder, and infested Sweden in a terrible manner
by their perpetual incursions, until, after many
bloody battles, they were totally defeated by
Eric IX. and were, in consequence thereof, re-
duced under the Swedish yoke. Historians differ
about the precise time when this conquest was
completed (c) ; but they are all unanimous in
their accounts of its effects. The Finlanders
were commanded to embrace the religion of the
conqueror, which the greatest part of them did,
though with the utmost reluctance (d). The
founder and ruler of this new church was Henry,
archbishop of Upsal, who accompanied the vic-
torious monarch in that bloody campaign. This
prelate, whose zeal was not sufficiently tempered
with the mild and gentle spirit of the religion he
taught, treated the new converts with great seve-
rity, and was assassinated at last in a cruel manner
on account of the heavy penance he imposed upon
a person of great authority, who had been guilty
of manslaughter. This melancholy event procured
Henry the honours of saintship and martyrdom,
which were solemnly conferred upon him by Pope
Adrian IV. (e)
The Livo- IV. The propagation of the gospel among the
Livonians was attended with much difficulty, and
also with horrible scenes of cruelty and bloodshed.
(c) Most writers, with Baronius, place this event in the
year 1151. Different, however, from this is the chronology
of Vastovius and Oernhielmius, the former placing it A. D.
1 150, and the latter, A. D. 1157.
(d) Oernhielmii Histor. Eccles. gentis Suecorum, lib. iv .
cap. iv. sect. 13. — Jo. Locenii Histor. Suecica. lib. iii. p. 76.
ed. Francof. — Erlandi Vita Erici Sancti, cap. vii. — Vastovii
Vitis Aquilonia, p. 65.
(e) Vastovii Vitis Aquilon. seu Vitae Sanctorum regni
Suegothici, p. 62. Eric Benzelii, Monumenta Ecclesise
Suegothicae, part I. p. 33.
PART I.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 5
The first missionary, who attempted the conver- CENT.
sion of that savage people, was Mainard, a re-
gular canon of St. Augustin, in the monastery of
Sigeberg, who, towards the conclusion of this
century (jf), travelled to Livonia, with a com-
pany of merchants of Bremen, who traded thither,
and improved this opportunity of spreading the
light of the gospel in that barbarous region of su-
perstition and darkness. The instructions and
exhortations of this zealous apostle were little at-
tended to, and produced little or no effect upon
that uncivilized nation : whereupon he addressed
himself to the Roman pontiff, Urban III. who
consecrated him bishop of the Livonians, and, at
the same time, declared a holy war against that
obstinate people. This war, which was at first
carried on against the inhabitants of the province
of Esthonia, was continued with still greater vi-
gour and rendered more universal by Berthold,
abbot of Lucca, who left his monastery to share
the labours and laurels of Mainard, whom he, ac-
cordingly, succeeded in the see of Livonia. The
new bishop marched into that province at the
head of a powerful army which he had raised in
Saxony, preached the gospel sword in hand, and
proved its truth by blows instead of arguments.
Albert, canon of Bremen, became the third bi-
shop of Livonia, and followed, with a barbarous
enthusiasm, the same military methods of conver-
sion that had been practised by his predecessor.
He entered Livonia, A. D. 1198, with a fresh
body of troops drawn out of Saxony, and encamp-
ing at Riga, instituted there, by the direction of
the Roman pontiff, Innocent III. the military
order of the knights sword-bearers (^), who were
commissioned to dragoon the Livonians into the
(/) In the year 1186.
(g) Equestris Ordo Militum Ensiferorum.
6
CENT.
XII.
PART I.
The Sda-
vonians.
The External History of the Church.
profession of Christianity, and to oblige them,
by force of arms, to receive the benefits of bap-
tism (//). New legions were sent from Germany to
second the efforts, and add efficacy to the mission
of these booted apostles ; and they, together with
the knights sword-bearers, so cruelly oppressed,
slaughtered, and tormented this wretched people,
that exhausted, at length, and unable to stand
any longer firm against the arm of persecution,
strengthened still by new accessions of power,
they abandoned the statues of their pagan deities,
and substituted in their places the images of the
saints. But while they received the blessings of
the gospel, they were, at the same time, deprived
of all earthly comforts ; for their lands and pos-
sessions were taken from them, with the most
odious circumstances of cruelty and violence, and
the knights and bishops divided the spoil (z).
V. None of the northern nations had a more
rooted aversion to the Christians, and a more ob-
stinate antipathy to their religion, than the Scla-
vonians, a rough and barbarous people, who in-
habited the coast of the Baltic sea. . This excited
the zeal of several neighbouring princes, and of a
multitude of pious missionaries, who united their
efforts, in order to conquer the prejudices of this
people, and to open their eyes upon the light of
the gospel. Henry, Duke of Saxony, surnamed
the Lion, distinguished himself in a particular
manner, by the ardour which he discovered in
the execution of this pious design, as well as by
the wise methods he employed to render it suc-
(7i) See Hen. Leonh. Schurzfleischii Historia Ordinis En-
siferorum Equitum, Witteberg. 1701, 8vo.
(i) See the Origines Livoniae seu Chronicon vetus Livoni-
cum, published in folio at Francfort, in the year 1740, by Jo.
Daniel Gruberus, and enriched with ample and learned ob-
servations and notes, in which the laborious author enume-
rates all the writers of the Livonian history, and corrects
their mistakes.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events.
cessful. Among other measures that were proper
for this purpose, he restored from their ruins, and
endowed richly, three bishoprics (&) that had been
ravaged and destroyed by these barbarians ; to
wit, the bishoprics of Ratzebourg and Schwerin,
and that of Oldenbourg, which was afterwards
transplanted to Lubec. The most eminent of the
Christian doctors, who attempted the conversion
of the Sclavonians, was Vicelinus, a native of
Hamelen, a man of extraordinary merit, who sur-
passed almost all his contemporaries in genuine
piety and solid learning, and who, after having
presided many years in the society of the regular
canons of St. Augustin at Falderen, was at length
consecrated bishop of Oldenbourg. This excel-
lent man had employed the last thirty years of his
life (/), amidst numberless vexations, dangers, and
difficulties, in instructing the Sclavonians, and
exhorting them to comply with the invitations of
the gospel of Christ ; and as his pious labours
were directed by true wisdom, and carried on with
the most indefatigable industry and zeal, so were
they attended with much fruit, even among that
r. Mosheim's account of this matter is very differ-
ent from that which is given by Fleury, who asserts, that it
was Hartwick, archbishop of Bremen, who restored the three
ruined sees, and consecrated Vicelinus, bishop of Oldenbourg;
and that having done this without addressing himself to Henry,
that prince seized the tithes of Vicelinus, until a reconciliation
was afterwards brought about between the offended prince
and the worthy bishop. See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. livr. Ixix.
p. 665. 668. edit. Bruxelle. Fleury, in this and other parts
of his history, shows, that he is but indifferently acquainted
with the history of Germany, and has not drawn from the best
sources. The authorities which Dr. Mosheim produces for
his account of the matter, are the OriginesGuelphicse, torn. iii.
p. 16. 19. 34-. 55. 61. 63. 72. 82. with the celebrated Preface
of Scheidius, sect. xiv. p. 41. Ludewig's Reliquiae Manu-
scriptorurn, torn. vi. p. 230. Jo. Ern. de Westphalen, Monu-
menta inedita llerum Cimbricarum et Megapolens. torn. ii.
p. 1998.
(/) That is, from the year 1 124 to the year 1154, in which
he died.
PART I.
8 The External History of the Church.
CENT, fierce and untractable people. Nor was his mi-
XIL nistry among the Sclavonians the only circum-
PATtT T
1 stance that redounds to the honour of his memory ;
the history of his life and actions in general fur-
nishes proofs of his piety and zeal, sufficient to
transmit his name to the latest generations (nT).
hejudg- VI. It is needless to repeat here the observa-
we nave na^ so °ften occasion to make uon
form of such conversions as these we have been now relat-
these con- j or ^ advertise the reader that the savage
versions.
nations, who were thus dragooned into the church,
became the disciples of Christ, not so much in
reality, as in outward appearance. [ E3?3 They
professed, with an inward reluctance, a religion
which was inculcated by violence and bloodshed,
which recalled to their remembrance nothing but
scenes of desolation and misery ; and which, in-
deed, when considered in the representations that
were given of it by the greatest part of the mis-
sionaries, was but a few degrees removed from the
absurdities of paganism.]] The pure and rational
religion of the gospel was never presented to these
unhappy nations in its native simplicity ; they
were only taught to appease the Deity, and to
render him propitious, by a senseless round of
trifling ceremonies and bodily exercises, which,
in many circumstances, resembled the supersti-
tions they were obliged to renounce, and might
have been easily reconciled with them, had it not
been that the name and history of Christ, the
sign of the cross, and some diversity between
certain rites and ceremonies of the two religions,
(m) There is a particular and ample account of Vicelinus
in the CimbriaLiterataof Mollerus, torn. ii. p. 910, and in the
Res Hamburg, of Lambecius, lib. ii. p. 12. See also upon this
subject the Originis Neomanaster. et Bordesholmens. of the
most learned and industrious Job. Era. de Westphalen, which
are published in the second tome of the Monumenta inedita
Cimbrica, p. 234-4-, and the Preface to this tome, p. 33. There
is in this work a print of Vicelinus well engraven.
PAK. 1 1 .
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events.
opposed this coalition. Besides, the missionaries, CENT.
whose zeal for imposing the name of Christians
• i i 1 C*
upon this people was so vehement, and even ru-
rious, were extremely indulgent in all other re-
spects, and opposed their prejudices and vices with
much gentleness and forbearance. They permit-
ted them to retain several rites and observances
that were in direct opposition to the spirit of
Christianity, and to the nature of true piety.
The truth of the matter seems to have been this,
that the leading viewrs of these Christian heralds
and propagators of the faith, a small number ex-
cepted, were rather turned towards the advance-
ment of their own interests, and the confirming
and extending the dominion of the Roman pon-
tiffs, than towards the true conversion of these
savage pagans ; that conversion which consists in
the removal of ignorance, the correction of error,
and the reformation of vice.
VII. A great revolution in Asiatic Tartary, The state of
which borders upon Cathay, changed the face of ^11^
things in that distant region about the commence- changes in
ment of this century, and proved, by its effects,
extremely beneficial to the Christian cause. To- tians-
wards the conclusion of the preceding century,
died Koiremchan, otherwise called Kenchan, the
most powerful monarch that was known in the
eastern regions of Asia ; and while that mighty
kingdom was deprived of its chief, it was invaded
with such uncommon valour and success, by a
Nestorian priest, whose name was John, that it
fell before his victorious arms, and acknowledged
this warlike and enterprising presbyter as its mon-
arch. This was the famous Prester John, whose
territory was, for a long time, considered by the
Europeans as a second paradise, as the seat of
opulence and complete felicity. As he was a
presbyter before his elevation to the royal dignity,
many continued to call him Presbyter John, even
10 The External History of the Church.
CENT, when he was seated on the throne (n) ; but his
XIL kingly name was Ungchan. The high notions
PART r.
(n) The account I have here given of this famous pres-
byter, commonly called Prester John, who was, for a long
time, considered as the greatest and happiest of all earthly
monarchs, is what appeared to me the most probable among
the various relations that have been given of the life and
adventures of that extraordinary man. This account is more-
over confirmed by the testimonies of contemporary writers,
whose knowledge and impartiality render them worthy of
credit; such as William of Tripoli, (see Dufresne's Adnot. ad
Vitam Ludovici Sti. a Joinvillio scriptam, p. 89.) as also a cer-
tain bishop of Gabala, mentioned by Otto Frising. Chronic,
lib. vii. cap.xxxiii. See also Guillaume Rubruquis, Voyage,
cap. xviii. p. 36. in the Antiqua in Asiam Itinera, collected
by father Bergeron, and Alberic in Chronico. ad A. 11 65,
and 1 170, in Leibnitii Accessionibus Historicis, torn. ii. p. 345.
355. It is indeed surprising, that such authentic records as
these should have escaped the observation of the learned,
and that so many different opinions should have been advanced
concerning Prester John, and the place of his residence. But
it is too generally the fate of learned men, to overlook those
accounts that carry the plainest marks of evidence ; and, from
a passion for the marvellous, to plunge into the regions of
uncertainty and doubt. In the fifteenth centmy, John. II.
king of Portugal, employed Pedro Couvillanio in a laborious
inquiry into the real situation of the kingdom of Prester John.
The curious voyager undertook this task, and, for information
in the matter, travelled with a few companions into Abys-
sinia; and, observing in the emperor of the Abyssinians, or
Ethiopians, many circumstances that resembled the accounts
which, at that time, prevailed in Europe concerning Prester
John, he persuaded himself that he had fulfilled his commis-
sion, and found out the residence of that extraordinary mo-
narch, who was the object of his researches. His opinion
gained easily credit in Europe, which had not as yet emerged
out of its ignorance and barbarism. See Morinus, De Sacris
Eccles. Ordinationibus, part II. p. 367. But a new light was
cast upon this matter in the seventeenth century, by the pub-
lication of several pieces, which the industry of the curious
drew forth from their obscurity, and by which a great number
of learned men were engaged to abandon the Portuguese
opinion, and were convinced that Prester John reigned in
Asia, though they still continued to dispute about the situ-
ation of his kingdom, and other particular circumstances.
There are, notwithstanding all this, some men of the most
eminent learning in our times, who maintain, that John was
emperor of the Abyssinians, and thus prefer the Portuguese
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. H
the Greeks and Latins generally entertained of the CENT.
grandeur and magnificence of this royal presbyter XIL
. n ,1 i , Ji ,J PART I.
were principally owing to the letters he wrote to ,
the Roman emperor Frederic I. and to Emanuel
emperor of the Greeks, in which, puffed up with
prosperity, and flushed with success, he vaunts his
victories over the neighbouring nations that dis-
puted his passage to the throne ; describes, in the
most pompous and extravagant tenns, the splen-
dor of his riches, the grandeur of his state, and
the extent of his dominions, and exalts himself far
above all other earthly monarchs. All this was
easily believed, and the Nestorians were extremely
zealous in confirming the boasts of their vain-
glorious prince. He was succeeded by his son,
or, as others think, his brother, whose name was
David, though, in common discourse, he was also
called Prester John, as his predecessor had been.
The reign of David was far from being happy,
nor did he end his days in peace ; Genghiz Kan,
the great and warlike emperor of the Tartars, in-
vaded his territories towards the conclusion of this
century, and deprived him both of his life and his
dominions.
VIII. The new kingdom of Jerusalem, which The affairs
had been erected by the holy warriors of France, °.f thephiis-
,, 1- • ^1 T tlaI1S in Pfl-
towards the conclusion of the preceding century, lestine in a
seemed to flourish considerably at the beginning stea°tgning
of this, and to rest upon firm and solid founda-
tions. This prosperous scene was, however, but
transitory, and was soon succeeded by the most
terrible calamities and desolations. For when the
opinion, though destitute of authentic proofs and testimonies,
to the other above mentioned, though supported by the
strongest evidence, and the most unquestionable authorities.
See Euseb. Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandr. p. 223.
337. Jos. Franc. Lafitau, Hist, des Decouvertes des Portu-
gais. torn. i. p. 58. and torn. iii. p. 57. Henr. le Grand,
Diss. de Johaiine Presbytero in Lobo's Voyage de Abyssinie,
torn. i. p. 295.
12 The External History of the Church.
CENT. Mahometans saw vast numbers of those that had
xii. engaged in this holy war returning into Europe,
, 1 and the Christian chiefs that remained in Pales-
tine divided into factions, and advancing, every
one his private interest, without any regard to the
public good, they resumed their courage, reco-
vered from the terror and consternation into
which they had been thrown by the amazing va-
lour and rapid success of the European legions,
and gathering troops and soliciting succours from
all quarters, they harassed and exhausted the
Christians by invasions and wars without inter-
ruption. The Christians, on the other hand, sus-
tained their efforts with their usual fortitude, and
maintained their ground during many years ; but
when Atabec Zenghi (o), after a long siege, made
himself master of the city of Edessa, and threat-
ened Antioch with the same fate, their courage
began to fail, and a diffidence in their own
strength obliged them to turn their eyes once
more towards Europe. They accordingly im-
plored, in the most lamentable strain, the assist-
ance of the European princes ; and requested that
a new army of cross-bearing champions might be
sent to support their tottering empire in the Holy
Land. Their intreaties were favourably received
by the Roman pontiffs, who left no method of
persuasion unemployed, that might engage the
emperor and other Christian princes to execute a
new expedition into Palestine.
The crusade IX. This new expedition was not, however,
renewed, resolved upon with such unanimity and precipita-
(o) Atabeck was a title of honour given by the sultans
to the viceroys or lieutenants, whom they intrusted with the
government of their provinces. The Latin authors, who
have wrote the history of this holy war, and of whom Bon-
§arsius has given us a complete list, call this Atabeck Zenghi,
anguinus. See Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient, at the word
Atabeck, p. 14-2.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events.
tion as the former had been ; it was the subject CENT.
of long- deliberation, and its expediency was keenly XIL
debated both in the cabinets of princes, and in J^Ll!
the assemblies of the clergy and the people. Ber-
nard, the famous abbot of Clairval, a man of the
boldest resolution and of the greatest authority,
put an end to these disputes under the pontifi-
cate of Eugenius III. who had been his disciple,
and who was wholly governed by his counsels.
This eloquent and zealous ecclesiastic preached
the cross, i. e. the crusade in France and Ger-
many, with great ardour and success ; and in the
grand parliament assembled at Vezelai, A. D.
1146, at which Lewis VII. king of France, with
his queen, and a prodigious concourse of the
principal nobility were present, Bernard recom-
mended this holy expedition with such a per-
suasive power, and declared with such assurance
that he had a divine commission to foretel its
glorious success, that the king, the queen, and
all the nobles, immediately put on the military
cross, and prepared themselves for the voyage
into Palestine. Conrad III. emperor of Germany,
was, for some time, unmoved by the exhortations
of Bernard ; but he was soon gained over by the
urgent solicitations of the fervent abbot, and
followed, accordingly, the example of the French
monarch. The two princes, each at the head of
a numerous army, set out for Palestine, to which
they were to march by different roads. But,
before their arrival in the Holy Land, the greatest
part of their forces were melted away, and pe-
rished miserably, some by famine, some by the
sword of the Mahometans, some by shipwreck,
and a considerable number by the perfidious
cruelty of the Greeks, who looked upon the
western nations as more to be feared than the Ma-
hometans themselves. Lewis VII. left his king-
dom A.D. 1147, and, in the month of March of
14 The External History of the Church.
CENT, the following year, he arrived at Antioch, with
XIL the wretched remains of his army, exhausted and
dejected by the hardships they had endured. Con-
rad set out also in the year 1 147, in the month
of May ; and in November following, he arrived
at Nice, where he joined the French anny, after
having lost the greatest part of his own, by cala-
mities of various kinds. From Nice, the two
princes proceeded to Jerusalem, A. D. 1148, from
whence they led back into Europe, the year fol-
lowing, the miserable handful of troops, which had
survived the disasters they met with in this expe-
dition. Such was the unhappy issue of this second
crusade, which was rendered ineffectual by a
variety of causes, but more particularly by the
jealousies and divisions that reigned among the
Christian chiefs in Palestine. Nor was it more
ineffectual in Palestine than it was detrimental to
Europe, by draining the wealth of its fairest pro-
vinces, and destroying such a prodigious number
of its inhabitants ( p).
The king- X. The unhappy issue of this second expedition
rus"iemJe" was not however sufficient, when considered alone,
overturned, to render the affairs of the Christians in Palestine
entirely desperate. Had their chiefs and princes
laid aside their animosities and contentions, and
attacked the common enemy with their united
force, they would have soon repaired their losses,
and recovered their glory. But this was far from
being the case. A fatal corruption of sentiments
and manners reigned among all ranks and orders.
(/>) Besides the historians enumerated by Bongarsius, see
Mabillon, Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 399. 404. 407. 4-17.
4-51. Jac. Gervasii Histoire de 1'Abbe Suger, torn. iii. p.
104. 128. 173. 190. C239. This was the famous Suger, abbot
of St. Denis, who had seconded the exhortations of Bernard
in favour of the crusade, and whom Lewis appointed regent
of France during his absence. Vertot, Histoire des Cheva-
liers de Malte, torn. i. p. 86. Joh. Jac. Mascovius, De Rebus
Imperii sub Conrado III.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 15
Both the people and their leaders, and more CENT.
especially the latter, abandoned themselves with- ^XIL
out reluctance to all the excesses of ambition, JL_^__
avarice, and injustice ; they indulged themselves
in the practice of all sorts of vices ; and by their
intestine quarrels, jealousies, and discords, they
weakened their efforts against the enemies that
surrounded them on all sides, and consumed their
strength by thus unhappily dividing it. Saladin,
viceroy, or rather sultan of Egypt and Syria (</),
and the most valiant chief of whom the Maho-
metan annals boast, took advantage of these la-
mentable divisions. He waged war against the
Christians with the utmost valour and success ;
took prisoner Guy of Lusignan, king of Jerusa-
lem, in a fatal battle fought near Tiberias, A. D.
1187 ; and, in the course of the same year, re-
duced Jerusalem itself under his dominion (r).
The carnage and desolations that accompanied
this dreadful campaign, threw the affairs of the
Christians . in the east into the most desperate
condition, and left them no glimpse of hope, but
what arose from the expected succours of the
European princes. These succours were obtained
for them by the Roman pontiffs with much diffi-
culty, and in consequence of repeated solicitations
Ifgp0 (<?) Saladin, so called by the western writers, Salah'-
addin by the Orientals, was no longer vizir or viceroy of
Egypt, when he undertook the siege of Jerusalem, but had
usurped the sovereign power in that country, and had also
added to his dominions, by right of conquest, several pro-
vinces of Syria.
(r) See the Life of Saladin by Bohao'ddin Ebn Sheddad,
an Arabian writer, whose history of that warlike sultan was
published at Ley den in the year 1732, by the late celebrated
professor Albert Schultens, and accompanied with an excel-
lent Latin translation. See also Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient,
at the article Salah'addin, p. 742. and Marigny's Histoire
des Arabes, torn. iv. p. 289. Iffgp* But above all, see the
learned History of the Arabians in the Modern Part of the
Universal History.
1C The External History of the Church.
CENT, and entreaties. But the event, as we shall now
purr i see> was ^7 no means answerable to the deep
L schemes that were concerted, and the pains that
were employed, for the support of the tottering
kingdom of Jerusalem.
A third XL The third expedition was undertaken,
Semtn""" A. D. 1189, by Frederic I. surnamed Barbarossa,
emperor of Germany, who, with a prodigious
army, marched through several Grecian provinces,
where he had innumerable difficulties and obsta-
cles to overcome, into the Lesser Asia, from
whence, after having defeated the sultan of Ico-
nium, he penetrated into Syria. His valour and
conduct promised successful and glorious cam-
paigns to the army he commanded, when, by an
unhappy accident, he lost his life in the river
Saleph (s), which runs through Seleucia. The
manner of his death is not known with any de-
gree of certainty ; the loss however of such an
able chief dejected the spirits of his troops, so that
considerable numbers of them returned into Eu-
rope. Those that remained continued the wrar
under the command of Frederic, son of the de-
ceased emperor ; but the greatest part of them
perished miserably by a pestilential disorder, which
raged with prodigious violence in the camp, and
swept off vast numbers every day. The new ge-
neral died of this terrible disease, A. D. 1 1JJ1 ;
those that escaped its fury were dispersed, and
few returned to their own country (£).
(5) Maimbourg, in his Histoire des Croisades, and Ma-
rigni, in his Hist, du xii. Siecle, say, that Frederic perished
in the Cydnus, a river in Cilicia. But they are easily to be
reconciled with our author, since, according to the descrip-
tions given of the river Saleph by several learned geo-
graphers, and among others by Roger the Annalist, it appears
that the Saleph and the Cydnus were the same river under
different names.
(t) See an ample and satisfactory account of this unhappy
campaign in the Life of Frederic I. written in German by
Henry Count Bunau, p. 278. 293. 309.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 17
XII. The example of Frederic Barbarossa was CENT.
followed, in the year 1190, by Philip Augustus,
king of France, and lion-hearted Richard, king
of England. These two monarchs set out from its issi<-
their respective dominions with a considerable
number of ships of war, and transports (u\ arrived
in Palestine in the year 1191, each at the head of
a separate army, and were pretty successful in
their first encounters with the infidels. After
the reduction of the strong city of Acca, or Ptole-
mais, which had been defended by the Moslems
with the most obstinate valour, the French mon-
narch returned into Europe, in the month of July,
1191, leaving, however, behind him, a consider-
able part of the army which he had conducted
into Palestine. After his departure the king of
England pushed the war with the greatest vigour,
gave daily marks of his heroic intrepidity and
military skill, and not only defeated Saladin in
several engagements, but also made himself master
of Y'affa (w) and Caesarea. Deserted, however,
by the French and Italians, and influenced by
other motives and considerations of the greatest
weight, he concluded, A. D. 1192, with Saladin,
a truce of three years, three months, and as many
days, and soon after evacuated Palestine with his
whole army (\r). Such was the issue of the third
expedition against the infidels, which exhausted
England, France, and Germany, both of men and
money, without bringing any solid advantage, or
Hgp0 (u) The learned authors of the Modern Universal Hi-
story tell us, that Philip arrived in Palestine, with a supply
of men, money, &c. on board six ships, whereas llenandot
mentions 100 sail as employed in this expedition. The fleet
of Richard consisted of 150 large ships, besides galleys, &c.
(to) More commonly known by the name of Joppa.
(x) Daniel, Histoire de France, torn. iii. p. 426. — Rapin
Thoyras, Histoire d'Angleterre, torn. ii. See there the reign
of Richard, Coeur de Lion. — Marigny, Histoire des Arabes,
torn. iv. p. 285.
VOL. III. c
18 The External History of the Church.
CENT, giving even a favourable turn to the affairs of the
o XIL Christians in the Holy Land.
_f '__ XIII. These bloody wars between the Chris-
institution tians and the Mahometans gave rise to three
ury oSer" famous military orders, whose office it was to de-
of knight- stroy the robbers that infested the public roads, to
harass the Moslems by perpetual inroads and war-
like achievements, to assist the poor and sick pil-
grims, whom the devotion of the times conducted
to the holy sepulchre, and to perform several other
services that tended to the general good (#). The
first of these orders was that of the Knights of St.
John of Jerusalem, who derived their name, and
particularly that of Hospitallers, from an hospital
dedicated, in that city, to St. John the Baptist,
in which certain pious and charitable brethren
were constantly employed in relieving and re-
freshing with necessary supplies the indigent and
diseased pilgrims, who were daily arriving at Jeru-
salem. When this city became the metropolis
of a new kingdom, the revenues of the hospital
were so prodigiously increased by the liberality of
several princes, and the pious donations of such
opulent persons as frequented the holy places, that
they far surpassed the wants of those whom they
were designed to cherish and relieve. Hence it
was that Raymond du Puy, who was the ruler of
this charitable house, offered to the king of Jeru-
salem to make war upon the Mahometans at his
own expense, seconded by his brethren, who served
under him in this famous hospital. Balduin II.
to whom this proposal was made, accepted it
readily, and the enterprise was solemnly approved
of, and confirmed by the authority of the Roman
pontiff. Thus, all of a sudden the world was sur-
prised with the strange transformation of a devout
(y) The writers, who have given the history of these
three orders, are enumerated by Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Biblio-
graph. Antiquar. p. 465. but his enumeration is not complete.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 19
fraternity, who had lived remote from the noise CENT.
and tumult of arms, in the performance of works pA™; x
of charity and mercy, into a valiant and hardy
band of warriors. The whole order was upon
this occasion divided into three classes ; the first
contained the knights, or soldiers of illustrious
birth, who were to unsheath their swords in the
Christian cause ; in the second were compre-
hended the priests, who were to officiate in the
churches that belonged to the order ; and in the
third, the serving brethren, or the soldiers of low
condition. This celebrated order gave, upon many
occasions, eminent proofs of their resolution and
valour, and acquired immense opulence, by their
heroic achievements. When Palestine was irre-
coverably lost, the knights passed into the isle of
Cyprus ; they afterwards made themselves masters
of the isle of Rhodes, where they maintained
themselves for a long time ; but being, at length,
driven thence by the Turks, they received from
the emperor Charles V. a grant of the island of
Malta, where their chief, or grand commander,
still resides (*).
XIV. Another order, which was entirely of a The knights
military nature, was that of the knights templars, teniPlars
so called from a palace, adjoining to the temple of
Jerusalem, which was appropriated to their use
for a certain time by Balduin II. The founda-
tions of this order were laid at Jerusalem, in the
year 1118, by Hugues des Payens, Geoffry of St.
Aldemar, or St. Omer, as some will have it, and
seven other persons whose names are unknown;
but it was not before the year 1128, that it ac-
quired a proper degree of stability, by being con-
(z) The best and the most recent history of this order is
that which was composed by Vertot at the request of the
knights of Malta; it was first published at Paris, and after-
wards at Amsterdam, in five volumes 8vo. in the year 1732.
See also Helyot's Hist, des Ordres, torn. iii. p. 72.
PART
20 The External History of the Church.
CENT, firmed solemnly in the council of Troyes, and
subjected to a rule of discipline drawn up by St.
Bernard (a). These warlike templars were to
defend and support the cause of Christianity by
force of arms, to have inspection over the public
roads, and to protect the pilgrims, who came to
visit Jerusalem, against the insults and barbarity
of the Mahometans. The order flourished for
some time, and acquired, by the valour of its
knights, immense riches, and an eminent degree
of military renown ; but, as their prosperity in-
creased, their vices were multiplied, and their
arrogance, luxury, and inhuman cruelty rose at
last to such a monstrous height, that their privi-
leges were revoked, and their order suppressed
with the most terrible circumstances of infamy
and severity, by a decree of the pope and of the
council of Vienne in Dauphiny, as we shall see in
the history of the fourteenth century
The Teuto- XV. The third order resembled the first in this
me order, respect, that, though it was a military institu-
tion, the care of the poor, and the relief of the
sick were not excluded from the services it pre-
scribed. Its members were distinguished by the
title of Teutonic knights of St. Mary of Jeru-
salem ; and as to its first rise, we cannot, with any
degree of certainty, trace it farther back than the
year 1 1 90, during the siege of Acca, or Ptolemais,
though there are historians adventurous enough
to seek its origin (which they place at Jerusalem)
in a more remote period. During the long and
tedious siege of Acca, several pious and charitable
(a) See Mabillon, Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 159.
(£) See Matthew Paris, Histor. Major, p. 56. for an ac-
count of the commencement of this order. See also Putean,
Histoire de 1' Ordre Militaire des Templiers, which was re-
published, with considerable additions, at Brussels, in 4to. in
the year 1751. Nic. Gurtleri Historia Templariorum Mili-
tum, Amstelodam. 1691. in 8vo.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 21
merchants of Bremen and Lubec, touched with CENT
"VTT
compassion at the sight of the miseries that the p^RT'
besiegers suffered in the midst of their success,
devoted themselves entirely to the service of the
sick and wounded soldiers, and erected a kind of
hospital or tent, where they gave constant attend-
ance to all such unhappy objects as had recourse
to their charity. This pious undertaking was so
agreeable to the German princes, who were pre-
sent at this terrible siege, that they thought
proper to form a fraternity of German knights to
bring it to a greater degree of perfection. Their
resolution was highly approved of by the Roman
pontiff Celestine III. who confirmed the new
order by a bull issued out the twenty-third of
February, A. D. 1192. This order was entirely
appropriated to the Germans, and even of them
none were admitted as members of it, but such
as were of an illustrious birth. The support of
Christianity, the defence of the Holy Land, and
the relief of the poor and needy, were the impor-
tant duties and service to which the Teutonic
knights devoted themselves by a solemn vow.
Austerity and frugality were the first characteristics
of this rising order, and the equestrian garment (c),
with bread and water, were the only rewards
which the knights derived from their generous
labours. But as, according to the fate of human
things, prosperity engenders corruption, so it hap-
pened that this austerity was of a short duration,
and diminished in proportion as the revenues and
possessions of the order augmented. The Teu-
tonic knights, after their retreat from Palestine,
made themselves masters of Prussia, Livonia, Cour-
land, and Semigallen ; but, in process of time,
their victorious arms received several checks, and
when the light of the reformation arose upon Ger-
(c) This garment was a white mantle with a black cross.
The External History of the Church.
CENT, many, they were deprived of the richest provinces
PART i. wnich they possessed in that country ; though
they still retain there a certain portion of their
ancient territories (W).
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
The state of I. THE progress of Christianity in the west
iVthew'est- nad disarmed its most inveterate enemies, and
deprived them of the power of doing much mis-
chief, though they still entertained the same aver-
sion to the disciples of Jesus. The Jews and
pagans were no longer able to oppose the pro-
pagation of the gospel, or to oppress its ministers.
Their malignity remained, but their credit and
authority were gone. The Jews were accused by
the Christians of various crimes, whether real or
fictitious we shall not determine ; but, instead of
attacking their accusers, they were satisfied to
defend their own lives, and to secure their persons,
without daring to give vent to their resentment.
The state of things was somewhat different in
the northern provinces. The pagans were yet
numerous there in several districts, and wherever
they were the majority, they persecuted the Chris-
tians with the utmost barbarity, the most unre-
(d) See Raymundi Duellii Histor. Ord. Teutonic!, pub-
lished in folio at Vienna, in 1727- — Petri Dusburg, Chroni-
con Prussise, published in 4to. at Jena, in the year 1679. by
Christoph. Hartknochius. — Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, torn. iii.
p. 140. — Chronicon Ordinis Teutonic! in Anton. Matthaei
Analectis veteris aevi, torn. v. p. 621. 658. ed. nov. — Privilegia
Ordinis Teutonic! in Petr. aLudewig Reliquiis Manuscriptor.
torn. vi. p. 43.
CHAP. ii. Calamitous Events.
lenting and merciless fury (e). It is true, the CENT.
Christian kings and princes, who lived in the
" • • 11* If A 1C* * •
neighbourhood of these persecuting barbarians,
checked by degrees their impetuous rage, and
never ceased to harass and weaken them by per-
petual wars and incursions, until, at length, they
subdued them entirely, and deprived them, by
force, both of their independency and their super-
stitions.
II. The writers of this century complain griev- its suffer-
ously of the inhuman rage with which the Sara- l^mm
cens persecuted the Christians in the east, nor
can we question the truth of what they relate con-
cerning this terrible persecution. But they pass
over in silence the principal reasons that inflamed
the resentment of this fierce people, and volun-
tarily forget that the Christians were the first ag-
gressors in this dreadful war. If we consider the
matter with impartiality and candour, the con-
duct of the Saracens, however barbarous it may
have been, will not appear so surprising, parti-
cularly when we reflect on the provocations they
received. In the first place, they had a right, by
the laws of war, to repel, by force, the violent
invasion of their country, and the Christians
could not expect, without being chargeable with
the most frontless impudence, that a people whom
they attacked with a formidable army, and whom,
in the fury of their misguided zeal, they mas-
sacred without mercy, should receive their in-
sults with a tame submission, and give up their
lives and possessions without resistance. It must
also be confessed, though with sorrow, that the
Christians did not content themselves with mak-
(e) Helmold, Chronic. Sclavor, lib. i. cap. xxxiv. p. 88.
cap. xxxv. p. 89. cap. xl. p. 99. — Lindenbrogii Scriptor.
Septentrional, p. 195, 196. 201. — Petri Lambecii Res Ham-
burg, lib. i, p. 23.
24 The External History of the Church.
CENT, ing war upon the Mahometans in order to de-
PAR1-!' i ^ver Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre out of their
„ hands, but carried their brutal fury to the greatest
length, disgraced their cause by the most de-
testable crimes, filled the eastern provinces,
through which they passed, with scenes of horror,
and made the Saracens feel the terrible effects of
their violence and barbarity wherever their arms
were successful. Is it then so surprising to see
the infidel Saracens committing, by way of re-
prisal, the same barbarities that the holy warriors
had perpetrated without the least provocation?
Is there any thing so new and so extraordinary in
this, that a people naturally fierce, and exaspe-
rated, moreover, by the calamities of a religious
war, carried on against them in contradiction to
all the dictates of justice and humanity, should
avenge themselves upon the Christians who re-
sided in Palestine, as professing the religion which
gave occasion to the war, and attached, of con-
sequence, to the cause of their enemies and inva-
(ders?
Prester III. The rapid and amazing victories of the
John de- nrreat Genghizkan, emperor of the Tartars, gave
parts tins & T «i • /» -I ™ • •
life. an unhappy turn to the affairs of the Christians
in the northern parts of Asia, towards the con-
clusion of this century. This heroic prince,
who was by birth a Mogul, and whose military
exploits raise him in the list of fame above almost
all the commanders either of ancient or modern
times, rendered his name formidable throughout
all Asia, whose most flourishing dynasties fell
successively before his victorious arms. David,
or Ungchan, who, according to some, was the
son, or, as others will have it, the brother, but
who was certainly the successor, of the famous
Prester John, and was himself so called in com-
mon discourse, was the first victim that Gen-
ghizkan sacrificed to his boundless ambition.
CHAP. ii. Calamitous Events. 25
He invaded his territory, and put to flight his CENT.
troops in a bloody battle, where David lost, at PART'
the same time, his kingdom and his life (/)
The princes who governed the Turks, Indians,
and the province of Cathay, fell, in their turn,
before the victorious Tartar, and were all either
put to death or rendered tributary ; nor did
Genghizkan stop here, but proceeding into Per-
sia, India, and Arabia, he overturned the Saracen
dominion in those regions, and substituted that
of the Tartars in its place (g*). From this period
the Christian cause lost much of its authority
and credit in the provinces that had been ruled
by Prester John and his successor David, and
continued to decline and lose ground from day
to day, until, at length, it sunk entirely under
the weight of oppression, and was succeeded in
some places by the errors of Mahomet, and in
others by the superstitions of paganism. We must
(f) The Greek, Latin, and Oriental writers are far from
being agreed concerning the year in which the emperor of
the Tartars attacked and defeated Prester John. The most
of the Latin writers place this event in the year 1202, and
consequently in the thirteenth century. But Marcus Paulus
Venetus (in his book De Regionibus Oricntalibus, lib. i. cap.
li, Hi, liii.) and other historians whose accounts I have fol-
lowed as the most probable, place the defeat of this second
Prester John in the year 1187. The learned and illustrious
Demetrius Cantemir (in his Praef. ad Histor. imperii Otto-
manici, p. 45. tom.i. of the French edition) gives an account
of this matter different from the two now mentioned, and
affirms, upon the authority of the Arabian writers, that
Genghizkan did not invade the territories of his neighbours
before the year 1214.
(g) See Petit de la Croix, Histoire de Genghizkan, p.
120, 121. published in 12mo at Paris in the year 1711.—
Herbelot, Biblioth. Oriental, at the article Genghizkan, p.
378. — Assemanni Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican, torn. iii. part 1.
p. 101, and 295. — Jean du Plan Carpin, Voyage en Tar-
tarie, ch. v. in the Recueil des Voyages au Nord, torn. vii.
p. 350.
PART I.
2G The External History of the Church.
CENT, except, however, in this general account, the
kingdom of Tangut, the chief residence of Prester
John, in which his posterity, who persevered in
the profession of Christianity, maintained, for a
long time, a certain sort of tributary dominion,
which exhibited, indeed, but a faint shadow of
their former grandeur
(h) AssemanniBiblioth. Oriental. Vatican, tom.iii. part IT,
p. 500.
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy
during this Century.
I. NOTWITHSTANDING the decline of the Gre- CENT.
cian empire, the calamities in which it was fre-
quently involved, and the perpetual revolutions ^^_
and civil wars that consumed its strength, and The state
were precipitating its ruin, the arts and sciences amongnti"
still flourished in Greece, and covered with glory Greeks.
such as cultivated them with assiduity and success.
This was owing, not only to the liberality of the
emperors, and to the extraordinary zeal which
the family of the Comneni discovered for the ad-
vancement of learning, but also to the provident
vigilance of the patriarchs of Constantinople, who
took all possible measures to prevent the clergy
from falling into ignorance and sloth, lest the
Greek church should thus be deprived of able
champions to defend its cause against the Latins.
The learned and ingenious commentaries of Eu-
stathius, bishop of Thessalonica, upon Homer,
and Dionysius the Geographer, are sufficient to
show the diligence and labour that were employed
by men of the first genius in the improvement
of classical erudition, and in the study of anti-
quity. And if we turn our view towards the
various writers who composed in this century the
history of their own times, such as Cinnamus,
Glycas, Zonaras, Nicephorus, Bryennius, and
others, we shall find in their productions un-
28 The Internal History of the Church.
CKNT. doubted marks of learning and genius, as well as
XIL of a laudable .ambition to obtain the esteem and
PART II. . fT*\.
approbation of future ages.
The state of H» Nothing could equal the zeal and enthusiasm
philosophy. with which Michael Anchialus, patriarch of Con-
stantinople, encouraged the study of philosophy
by his munificence, and still more by the extra-
ordinary influence of his illustrious example (a).
It seems, however, to have been the Aristotelian
philosophy that was favoured in such a distin-
guished manner by this eminent prelate ; and it
was in the illustration and improvement of this
profound and intricate system that such of the
Greeks, as had a philosophical turn, were prin-
cipally employed, as appears evident from several
remains of ancient erudition, and particularly
from the commentaries of Eustratius upon the
ethics and other treatises of the Grecian sage.
We are not, however, to imagine that the sublime
wisdom of Plato was neglected in this century,
or that his doctrines were fallen into disrepute.
It appears, on the contrary, that they were adopted
by many. Such, more especially, as had imbibed
the precepts and spirit of the Mystics, preferred
them infinitely before the Peripatetic philosophy,
which they considered as an endless source of
sophistry and presumption, while they looked
upon the Platonic system as the philosophy of
reason and piety, of candour and virtue. This
diversity of sentiments produced the famous con-
troversy, which was managed with such vehemence
and erudition among the Greeks, concerning the
respective merit and excellence of the Peripatetic
and Platonic doctrines.
The state of III. In the western world the pursuit of know-
learning ledge was now carried on with incredible emu-
among the
Latins.
(a) Theodorus Balsamon, Praef. ad Photii Nomocanonem
in Henr. Justelli Bibliotheca juris canonici veteris, torn. ii.
p. 814.
CHAP. I. Learning and Philosophy. 29
lation and ardour, and all the various branches CENT.
of science were studied with the greatest applica-
tion and industry. This literary enthusiasm was
encouraged and supported by the influence and
liberality of certain of the European monarchs
and Roman pontiffs, who perceived the happy
tendency of the sciences to soften the savage
manners of uncivilized nations, and thereby to
administer an additional support to civil govern-
ment, as well as an ornament to human society.
Hence learned societies were formed, and colleges
established in several places, in which the liberal
arts and sciences were publicly taught. The
prodigious concourse of students, who resorted
thither for instruction, occasioned, in process
of time, the enlargement of these schools, which
had arisen from small beginnings, and their erec-
tion into universities, as they were called, in the
succeeding age. The principal cities of Europe
were adorned with establishments of this kind ;
but Paris surpassed them all in the number and
variety of its schools, the merit and reputation of
its public teachers, and the immense multitude of
the studious youth that frequented their colleges.
And thus was exhibited in that famous city the
model of our present schools of learning ; a model
indeed defective in several respects, but which,
in after-times, was corrected and improved, and
brought gradually to higher degrees of perfec-
tion (Z>). About the same time the famous school of
Angers, in which the youth were instructed in
various sciences, and particularly and principally
in the civil law, was founded by the zeal and
industry of Ulgerius, bishop of that city (<?), and
(£) De Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 463. — Pas-
quier, Recherches de la France, livr. iii. ch. xxix. — Petri
Lambecii Histor. Biblioth. Vindobon, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 260. —
Histoire Litter, de la France, torn. ix. p. 60—80.
(c) Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 215. Pasquet de
PART
30 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the college of Montpelier, where law and physic
r'u were taught ^h great success, had already
acquired a considerable reputation (d). The same
literary spirit reigned also in Italy. The academy
of Bolonia, whose origin may certainly be traced
higher than this century, was now in the highest
renown, and was frequented by great numbers
of students, and of such more especially as were
desirous of being instructed in the civil and
canon laws. The fame of this academy was, in
a great measure, owing to the munificence of the
emperor Lotharius II. who took it under his
protection, and enriched it with new privileges
and immunities (e). In the same province
flourished also the celebrated school of Salernum,
where great numbers resorted, and which was
wholly set apart for the study of physic. While
this zealous emulation, in advancing the cause
of learning and philosophy, animated so many
la Livoniere, Dissert, sur 1'Antiquite de 1'Universite d' Angers,
p. 21. published in 4to. at Angers, 1736.
(d) Histoire Gen. de Languedoc, par les Benedictins, torn,
ii. p. 517-
(e) The inhabitants of Bolonia pretend, that their academy
was founded in the fifth century by Theodosius II. and they
show the diploma by which that emperor enriched their city
with this valuable establishment. But the greatest part of
those writers, who have studied with attention and imparti-
ality the records of ancient times, maintain, that this diploma
is a spurious production, and allege many weighty arguments
to prove, that the academy of Bolonia is of no older date
than the eleventh century, and that in the succeeding age,
particularly from the time of Lotharius II. it received those
improvements that rendered it so famous throughout all Eu-
rope. See Car. Sigonii Historia Bononiensis, as it is pub-
lished, with learned observations, in the works of that excel-
lent author. Muratori Antiq. Italic, medii sevi, torn. iii. p.
23. 884. 898.— Just. Hen. Bohmeri Praefat. ad Corpus juris
Canon, p. 9. as also the elegant History of the Academy
of Bolonia, written in the German language by the learned
Keufelius, and published at Helmstadt in 8vo. in the year
1750.
PART II.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 31
princes and prelates, and discovered itself in CENT.
the erection of so many academies and schools of
learning, the Roman pontiff, Alexander III. was
seized also with noble enthusiasm. In a council
held at Rome, A. D. 1179, he caused a solemn
law to be published, for the erecting new schools
in the monasteries and cathedrals, and restoring
to their primitive lustre those which, through the
sloth and ignorance of the monks and bishops,
had fallen into ruin (/). But the effect which
this law was intended to produce was prevented
by the growing fame of the new erected acade-
mies, to which the youth resorted from all parts,
and left the episcopal and monastic schools entirely
empty ; so that they gradually declined, and sunk,
at last, into a total oblivion.
IV. Many were the signal advantages that at- A new di-
tended these literary establishments ; and what is vifionofthe
, , in • sciences.
particularly worthy of notice, they not only ren-
dered knowledge more universal by facilitating
the means of instruction, but were also the oc-
casion of forming a new circle of sciences, better
digested, and much more comprehensive than that
which had been hitherto studied by the greatest
adepts in learning. The whole extent of learning
and philosophy, before this period, was confined
to the seven liberal arts, as they were commonly
called, of which three were known by the name
of the trivium, which comprehended grammar,
rhetoric, and logic ; and the other four by the title
of quadrivium, which included arithmetic, music,
geometry, and astronomy. The greatest part of
the learned, as we have formerly observed, were
satisfied with their literary acquisitions, when they
had made themselves masters of the trivium, while
such as, with an adventurous flight, aspired after
(f) See B. Bohmeri Jus. Eccles. Protestant, torn. iv. p. 705.
32 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the quadrivium, were considered as stars of the
"VTT
pART'n first magnitude, as the great luminaries of the
1 learned world. But in this century the aspect of
letters underwent a considerable and an advanta-
geous change. The number of the liberal arts
and sciences was augmented, and new and unfre-
quented paths of knowledge were opened to the
emulation of the studious youth. Theology was
placed in the number of the sciences ; not that
ancient theology which had no merit but its sim-
plicity, and which was drawn, without the least
order or connexion, from divers passages of the
holy scriptures, and from the opinions and inven-
tions of the primitive doctors, but that philoso-
phical or scholastic theology, that with the deepest
abstraction traced divine truth to its first princi-
ples, and followed it from thence into its various
connexions and branches. Nor was theology alone
added to the ancient circle of sciences ; the study
of the learned languages, of the civil and canon
law, and of physic (^), were now brought into
high repute. Particular academies were conse-
crated to the culture of each of these sciences in
various places ; and thus it was natural to consider
them as important branches of erudition, and an
acquaintance with them as a qualification necessary
to such as aimed at universal learning. All this
required a considerable change in the division of
the sciences hitherto received; and this change
was accordingly brought about. The seven libe-
ral arts were, by degrees, reduced to one general
title, and were comprehended under the name of
philosophy, to which theology, jurisprudence, and
physic were added. And hence the origin of the
__ (g) The wordphysica, though, according to its etymo-
logy, it denotes the study of natural philosophy in general,
was, in the twelfth century, applied particularly to medicinal
studies, and it has also preserved that limited sense in the
English language.
CHAP, i. Learning and Philosophy.
four classes of science, or, to use the academical CF.NT.
A. 11,
PART II.
phrase, of the four faculties, which took place in
the universities in the following century.
V. A happy and unexpected event restored in The study
Italy the lustre and authority of the ancient
Roman law, and, at the same time, lessened the
credit of all the other systems of legislation that
had been received for several ages past. This
event was the discovery of the original manuscript
of the famous Pandect of Justinian, which was
found in the ruins of Amalphi, or Melfi, when
that city was taken by Lotharius II. in the year
1137, and of which that emperor made a present
to the inhabitants of Pisa, whose fleet had con-
tributed, in a particular manner, to the success of
the siege. This admirable collection, which had
been almost buried in oblivion, was no sooner
recovered, than the Roman law became the grand
object of the studies and labours of the learned.
In the academy of Bolonia, there were particular
colleges erected expressly for the study of the
Roman jurisprudence ; and these excellent insti-
tutions were multiplied in several parts of Italy,
in process of time, and animated other European
nations to imitate so wise an example. Hence
arose a great revolution in the public tribunals,
and an entire change in their judicial proceed-
ings. Hitherto different systems of law were fol-
lowed in different courts, and every person of
distinction, particularly araong the Franks, had
the liberty of choosing the body of laws that was
to be the rule of his conduct. But the Roman
law acquired such credit and authority, that it
superseded, by degrees, all other laws in the
greatest part of Europe, and was substituted in
the place of the Salic, Lombard, and Burgundian
codes, which before this period were in the
highest reputation. It is an ancient opinion, that
Lotharius II. pursuant to the counsels and solici-
VOL. in. D
3k The Internal History of the Church.
CF.NT. tations of Irnerius (//), principal professor of the
XIL Roman law in the academy of Bolonia, published
P A R T 1 1 • -. • •«• -• i * /*» 1 1 i
an edict enjoining the abrogation of all the statutes
then in force, and substituting in their place the
Roman law, by which, for the future, all without
exception were to modify their contracts, terminate
their differences, and to regulate their actions.
But this opinion, as many learned men have abun-
dantly proved (z), is far from being supported by
sufficient evidence.
Ecciesiasti- yj ^0 sooner was the civil law placed in the
cal, or canon . „ , ' *
law. number of the sciences, and considered as an im-
portant branch of academical learning, than the
Roman pontiffs, and their zealous adherents,
judged it, not only expedient, but also highly ne-
cessary, that the canon law should have the same
privilege. There were not wanting before this
time certain collections of the canons or laws of
the church ; but these collections were so desti-
tute of order and method, and were so defective,
both in respect to matter and form, that they
could not be conveniently explained in the
schools, or be made use of as systems of eccle-
siastical polity. Hence it was, that Gratian, a
Benedictine monk, belonging to the convent of
St. Felix and Nabor at Bolonia, and by birth a
Tuscan, composed about the year 1130, for the
use of the schools, an abridgment, or epitome of
(A) Otherwise called Werner.
(?) See Herrn. Conringius^ De Origine Juris Germanici, cap.
xxii. — Guido Grandus, Epist. de Pandectis, p. 21. 69. pub-
lished at Florence, in 4to. in 1737. — Henry Brencmann, His-
toria Pandectar. p. 41. — Lud. Ant. Muratori Prcef. ad Leges
Langobardicas, scriptor. rerum Italicar. torn. i. part II. p. 4.
et Antiq. Ital. medii aevi, torn. ii. p. 285. There was a warm
controversy carried on concerning this matter between
George Callixtus and Barthol. Nihusius, the latter of whom
embraced the vulgar opinion concerning the edict of Lotha-
rius, obtained by the solicitations of Irnerius : of this con-
troversy there is a circumstantial account in the Cimbria Li-
terata of Molerus, torn. iii. p. 142.
CHAP. i. 'Learning and Philosophy.
canon law, drawn from the letters of the pontiffs, CENT.
the decrees of councils, and the writings of the
_ *4 . TV; " "• TTT 1AM1 II.
ancient doctors. Pope Lugemus ..11. was ex-
tremely satisfied with this work, which was also
received with the highest applause by the doctors
and professors of Bolonia, and was unanimously
adopted, as the text they were to follow in their
public lectures. The professors at Paris were the
first that followed the example of those of Bolo-
nia, which, in process of time, was imitated by the
greatest part of the European colleges. But, not-
withstanding the encomiums bestowed upon this
performance, which was commonly called the de-
cretal of Gratian (/»?), and was entitled by the
author himself, the re-union, or coalition of the
jarring canons (/), several most learned and emi-
nent writers of the Romish communion acknow-
ledge, that it is full of errors and defects of various
kinds (m). As, however, the main design of this
abridgment of the canons was to support the
despotism, and to extend the authority of the
Roman pontiffs, its innumerable defects were
overlooked, its merits were exaggerated ; and,
what is still more surprising, it enjoys, at this
day, in an age of light and liberty, that high
degree of veneration and authority, which was
inconsiderately, though more excusably, lavished
upon it in an age of tyranny, superstition, and
darkness («).
(k) Decretum Gratiani.
(/) Concordia Discordantium Canonum.
(wz) See, among others, Anton. Augustinus, De Emenda-
tione Gratiani, published in 8vo. at Arnhem, A. D. 16?8.
with the learned observations of Steph. Baluzius and Ger. a
Mastricht.
(n) See Gerhard, a Mastricht, Historia juris Ecclesiastic.!,
sect. 293. p. 325. — B. Just. Hen. Bohmeri, Jus. Eccles. Pro-
testant, torn. i. p. 100. and more particularly the learned Pre-
face, with which this last mentioned author enriched the
new edition of the Canon Law, published at Hal, in 4to. in
the year 1747. See also Alex. Machiavelli Observationes
D 2
36 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. VII. Such among the Latins as were ambitious
' °^ makiRg a figure in the republic of letters,
applied themselves, with the utmost zeal and dili-
The state of Police, to the Study of philosophy. Philosophy,
philosophy Ii • • , • i •
among the ta^en m its most extensive and general meaning,
Latins. comprehended, according to the method which
was the most universally received towards the
middle of this century, four classes ; it . was di-
vided into theoretical, practical, mechanical, and
logical. The first class comprehended natural
theology, mathematics, and natural philosophy.
In the second class were ranked ethics, (economics,
and politics. The third contained the seven arts
that are more immediately subservient to the pur-
poses of life, such as navigation, agriculture,
hunting, &c. The fourth was divided into gram-
mar and composition, the latter of which was
farther subdivided into rhetoric, dialectics, and
sophistry ; and under the term dialectic was com-
prehended that part of metaphysic which treats of
general notions. This division was almost univer-
sally adopted. Some, indeed, were for separating
grammar and mechanics from philosophy ; a sepa-
ration highly condemned by others, who, under
the general term philosophy, comprehended the
whole circle of the sciences (o).
ad Sigonii Hist. Bononiensem, torn. iii. Oper. Sigonii, p. 128.
This writer has drawn from the Kalendarium Archigymna-
sii Bononiensis, several particularities concerning Gratian and
his work, which were generally unknown, but whose truth is
also much disputed. What increases the suspicion of their
being fabulous is, that this famous Kalendar, of which the
Bolonians boast so much, and which they have so often pro-
mised to publish in order to dispel the doubts of the learned,
has never as yet seen the light. Besides, in the fragments
that have appeared, there are manifest marks of unfair deal-
ing.
(o) These literary anecdotes I have taken from several
writers, particularly from Hugo a St. Victor, Didascali Li-
bro ii. cap. ii. p. 7. torn. i. opp. and from the Metalogicum of
John of Salisbury.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 37
VIII. The learned, who treated these different CENT.
XII.
PART II.
branches of science, were divided into various XIL
factions, which attacked each other with the
utmost animosity and bitterness (^). There were, ssensions
at this time, three methods of teaching philosophy
that were practised by different doctors. The first
was the ancient and plain method, which confined
its researches to the philosophical notions of Por-
phyry, and the dialectic system, commonly attri-
buted to St. Augustine, and in which was laid
down this general rule, that philosophical in-
quiries were to be limited to a small number of
subjects, lest, by their becoming too extensive,
religion might suffer by a profane mixture of
human subtil ty with its divine wisdom. The
second method was called the Aristotelian, be-
cause it consisted in explications of the works of
that philosopher ((), several of whose books, being
translated into Latin, were now almost every
where in the hands of the learned. These trans-
lations were, indeed, extremely obscure and in-
correct, and led those who made use of them in
their academical lectures, into various blunders,
(p) See Godof. de St. Victor. Carmen de Sectis Fhilosoph.
published by Le Bceuf, in his Diss. sur 1'Histoire Ecclesiast.
et Civile de Paris, torn. ii. p. 254. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Pa-
ris. torn. ii. p. 562. — Ant. Wood. Antiq. Oxoniens. torn. i. p.
51. — Jo. Sarisburiensis Metalog. et Policrat. passim.
(y) Rob. de Monte, Append, ad Sigebertum Gemblacens.
published by Luc. Dacherius, among the works of Guibert,
abbot of Nogent, ad A. 1128. p. 753. " Jacobus Clericus
de Venecia transtulit de Grscco in Latinum quosdam libros
Aristotelis et commentatus est, scilicet Topica, Annal.
priores et posteriores et elenchos. Quamvis antiquior trans-
Jatio super eosdem; libros haberetur." Thorn. Becket, Epis-
tolar. lib. ii. ep. xciii. p. 454. edit. Bruxell. 1682. in 4-to."
*' Itero preces, quatenus libros Aristotelis, quos habctis,
mini faciatis exscribi. . . . Precor etiam iterata supplicatione
quatenus in operibus Aristotelis, ubi difficiliora fuerint, no-
t ul as fasciatis, eo quod interpretem aliquatenus suspectum
liabco, quia licet eloquens fuerit alias, ut saepe audivi, minus
tamcn iuit in grammatica institutus."
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and often into notions, which were not more
ii. bsurd than whimsical and singular. The third
was termed the free method, employed by such as
were bold enough to search after truth, in the
manner they thought the most adapted to render
their inquiries successful, and who followed the
bent of their own genius, without rejecting, how-
ever, the succours of Aristotle and Plato. Laud-
able as this method was, it became an abundant
source of sophistry and chicane, by the impru-
dent management of those that employed it ; for
these subtle doctors, through a wanton indulgence
of their metaphysical fancies, did little more than
puzzle their disciples with vain questions, and
fatigue them with endless distinctions and divi-
sions (r). These different systems, and vehement
contests that divided the philosophers, gave many
persons a disgust against philosophy in general,
and made them desire, with impatience, its banish-
ment from the public schools.
The eon- jx. Of all the controversies that divided the
tests of the * .1 , , . ,
Diaiecti- philosophers in this century, there were none
dans, R.,ea" carried on with greater animosity, and treated
lists, and . , _ *?. J>
Nominalists with greater subtilty and refinement, than the
described. contests of the Dialectics concerning universals.
The sophistical doctors were wholly occupied
about the intricate questions relating to genus and
species, to the solution of which they directed all
their philosophical efforts, and the whole course
of their metaphysical studies ; but not all in the
same method, nor upon the same principles (s).
The two leading sects into which they had been
(r) See Jo. Sarisburiensis Policrat. p. 434. et Metalog. p.
814, &c.
(s) John of Salisbury, a very elegant and ingenious writer
of this age, censures, with a good deal of wit, the crude and
unintelligible speculations of these sophists, in his book in-
titled, Policraticon sen de Nugis Curialium, lib. vii. p. 4.51.
He observes, that there had been more time consumed in
PART II.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 39
divided long before this period, and which were CENT.
distinguished by the titles of Realists and Nomi- p 5
nalists, not only subsisted still, but were more- _
over subdivided, each into smaller parties and
factions, according as the two opposite and lead-
ing schemes were modified by new fancies and
inventions. The Nominalists, though they had
their followers, were nevertheless much inferior
to the Realists, both with respect to the number
of their disciples, and to the credit and repu-
tation of their doctrine. A third sect arose
under the name of Formalists, who pretended to
terminate the controversy, by steering a middle
course between the two jarring systems now men-
tioned ; but, as the hypothesis of these new doctors
was most obscure and unintelligible, they only
perplexed matters more than they had hitherto
been, and furnished new subjects of contention
and dispute (£).
resolving the question relating to genus and species, than
the Caesars had employed in making themselves masters of
the whole world ; that the riches of Croesus were inferior to
the treasures that had been exhausted in this controversy ;
and that the contending parties, after having spent their
whole lives upon this single point, had neither been so happy
as to determine it to their satisfaction, nor to make, in the
labyrinths of science where they had been groping, any dis-
covery that was worth the pains they had taken. His words
are : " Veterem paratus est solvere questionem de generibus
et speciebus (he speaks here of a certain philosopher) in qua
laborans niundus jam senuit, in qua plus temporis consump-
tum est, quam in acquirendo et regendo orbis imperio con-
sumpserit Caesarea domus: plus effusum pecunise, quam in
omnibus divitiis suis possederit Crresus. Hsec enim tarn diu
multos tenuit, ut cum hoc unum tota vita qusererent, tandem
nee istud, nee aliud invenirent."
(t) See the above-cited author's Policrat. lib. vii. p. 451.
where he gives a succinct account of the Formalists, Realists,
and Nominalists in the following words : ft Sunt qui more
mathematicorum Formas abstrahunt, et ad illas quicquid de
universalibus dicitur referunt." Such were the Formalists,
who applied the doctrine of universal ideas to what the ma-
thematicians call abstract forms. Alii discutiunt intellectus
et eos universalium nominibus censeri confirmant. Here we
40
CENT.
XII.
PART II.
The Internal History of the Church*
Those among the learned, who turned their
pursuits to more interesting and beneficial branches
of science, than the intricate and puzzling doc-
trine of universal^, travelled into the different
countries, where the kinds of knowledge they
were bent upon cultivating, flourished most. The
students of physic, astronomy, and mathematics,
continued to frequent the schools of the Saracens
in Spain. Many of the learned productions of
the Arabians were also translated into Latin (u) ;
for the high esteem in which the erudition of
find the Realists pointed out, who, under the name of uni-
versals, comprehended all intellectual powers, qualities, and
ideas. *' Fuerunt et qui voces ipsas genera dicerent et
species: sed eorum jam explosa sententia est et facile cum
autore suo evanuit. Sunt tamen adhuc, qui deprehenduntur
in vestigiis eorum, licet erubescant vel auctorem vel scian-
tium profited, solis nominibus, inhaerentes, quod rebus et
intellectibus subtrahunt, sermonibus ascribunt." This was a
sect of the Nominalists, who, ashamed (as this author alleges)
to profess the exploded doctrine of Roscellinus, which placed
genus and species in the class of mere words, or simple de-
nominations, modified that system by a slight change of ex-
pression only, which did not essentially distinguish their
doctrine from that of the ordinary Nominalists. It appears
from all this, that the sect of the Formalists is of more
ancient date than John Duns Scotus, whom many learned men
consider as its founder. See Jo. Sarisbur. Metalogic. lib. ii.
cap. xvii. p. 814. where that eminentjauthor describes at large
the various contests of these three sects, and sums up their
differences in the following words: " Alius consistit in voci-
bus, licet haec opinio cum Roscellino suo fere jam evanuerit :
alius sermones intuetur : alius versatur in intellectibus," &c.
(w) Gerhard of Cremona, who was so famous among the
Italians for his eminent skill in astronomy and physic, under-
took a voyage to Toledo, where he translated into Latin
several Arabian treatises ; see Muratori Antiq. Ital. medii
aevi, torn. iii. p. 936, 937 — Mirmet, a French monk, travelled
into Spain and Africa, to learn geography among the Sara-
cens. See Luc. Dacherii Spicilegium vel Scriptor. torn. ix.
p. 44-3. ed. Antiq. — Daniel Morlach, an Englishman, who
was extremely fond of mathematical learning, went a journey
to Toledo, from whence he brought into his own country a
considerable number of Arabian books ; Ant. Wood, An-
tiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 55. — Peter, abbot of Clugni, sur-
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
that people was held, together with a desire of CENT.
converting the Spanish Saracens to Christianity,
• 1 1 l 1*1 -iFAK.111
had excited many to study their language, and
to acquire a considerable knowledge of their doc-
trine.
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the
Church, and its Form of Government during
this Century.
I. WHEREVER we turn our eyes among the Ti.e lives
various ranks and orders of the clergy, we per- J
ceive in this century the most flagrant marks of clergy,
licentiousness and fraud, ignorance and luxury,
and other vices, whose pernicious effects were
deeply felt both in church and state. If we
except a very small number, who retained a sense
of the sanctity of their vocations, and lamented
the corruption and degeneracy of their order, it
may be said, with respect to the rest, that their
whole business was to satisfy their lusts, to mul-
tiply their privileges by grasping perpetually at
new honours and distinctions, to increase their
opulence, to diminish the authority, and to en-
croach upon the privileges of princes and magi-
strates, and, neglecting entirely the interests of
religion and the cure of souls, to live in ease and
named the Venerable, after having sojourned for some time
among the Spaniards, in order to make himself master of the
Arabian language, translated into Latin the Alcoran and the
Life of Mahomet ; see Mabillon, Annal. Bened. torn. vi. lib.
Ixxvii. 345. This eminent ecclesiastic, as appears from the
Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, p. Il6p. found upon his arrival in
Spain, persons of learning from England and other nations,
who applied themselves with extraordinary assiduity and
ardour to the study of asStrology. We might multiply the
examples of those who travelled in quest of science during
this century ; but those now alleged are sufficient for our
purpose.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, pleasure, and draw out their days in an unmanly
an^ luxurious indolence. This appears manifestly
from two remarkable treatises of St. Bernard, in
one of which he exposes the corruption of the
pontiffs and bishops (w), while he describes in the
other the enormous crimes of the monastic orders,
whose licentiousness he chastises with a just seve-
The pontiffs II. The Roman pontiffs, who were placed suc-
^^^cessively at the head of the church, governed that
their autho- spiritual and mystical body by the maxims of
worldly ambition, and thereby fomented the warm
contest that had already arisen between the im-
perial and sacerdotal powers. On the one hand,
the popes not only maintained the opulence and
authority they had already acquired, but ex-
tended their views farther, and laboured strenu-
ously to enlarge both, though they had not all
equal success in this ambitious attempt. The
European emperors and princes, on the other
hand, alarmed at the strides which the pontiffs
were making to universal dominion, used their
utmost efforts to disconcert their measures, and to
check their growing opulence and power. These
violent dissensions between the empire and the
priesthood, (for so the contending parties were
styled in this century), were most unhappy in
their effects, which were felt throughout all the
European provinces. Pascal II. who had been
raised to the pontificate about the conclusion of the
preceding age, seemed now to sit firm and secure
in the apostolic chair, without the least apprehen-
sion from the imperial faction, whose affairs had
(w) In the work intitled, Considerationuro Libri v. ad Eu-
genium Pontificem.
(x) See his defence of the crusades, under the title of
Apologia ad Gulielmum Abbatem ; as also Gerhohus, De
corrupto Ecclesiae Statu, in Baluzii Miscell. torn. v. p. 63. —
Gallia Christiana, torn. i. p. 6. App. torn. ii. p. 26~5. 2/3, &c.
Boulay Histor. Academ. Paris, torn. ii. p 4 96. 690.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, £c. 43
taken an unfavourable turn, and who had not the CENT.
courage to elect a new pope of their party in xn-
the place of Guibert, who died in the year p
1100 (y).
Pascal, therefore, unwilling to let pass un- The dispute
improved the present success of the papal faction, ?oncejnins
1 • M 1 1 1 T1 A TA In^est'tUreS>
renewed, in a council assembled at Rome, A. D. is fomented
1102, the decrees of his predecessors against in- anew*
vestitures, and the excommunications they had
thundered out against Henry IV. and used his
most vigorous endeavours to raise up on all sides
new enemies to that unfortunate emperor. Henry,
however, opposed, with great constancy and reso-
lution, the efforts of this violent pontiff, and eluded,
with much dexterity and vigilance, his perfidious
stratagems. But his heart, wounded in the
tenderest part, lost all its firmness and courage,
when, in the year 1106, an unnatural son, under
the impious pretext of religion, took up arms
against his person and his cause. Henry V. so
was this monster afterwards named, seized his
father in a most treacherous manner, and obliged
him to abdicate the empire ; after which the
unhappy prince retired to Liege, where, deserted
by all his adherents, he departed this life, and so
got rid of his misery, in the year 1106. It has
been a matter of dispute, whether it was the insti-
gation of the pontiff, or the ambitious and impatient
thirst after dominion, that engaged Henry V. to
declare war against his father ; nor is it, perhaps,
easy to decide this question with a perfect degree
(j/) Dr. Mosheim's affirmation here must be some-
what modified in order to be true ; it is certain, that, after
the death of Guibert, the imperial party chose in his place a
person named Albert, who, indeed, was seized the day of his
election, and cast into prison. Theodoric and Magnulf
were successively chosen after Albert, but could not support
for any time their claim to the pontificate. See FJeury,
Hist. Eccles. livr. Ixv. vol. xiv. p. 10. Brussels edition in 8vo.
44 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of evidence. One thing, however, is unquestion-
PART1*!! ably certain, and that is, that Pascal II. dissolved,
, L or rather impiously pretended to dissolve, the
oath of fidelity and obedience that Henry had
taken to his father ; and not only so, but adopted
the cause, and supported the interests of this
unnatural rebel with the utmost zeal, assiduity,
and fervour (2;).
The pro- III. The revolution that this odious rebellion
caused in the empire was, however, much less
favourable to the views of Pascal than that lordly
pontiff expected. Henry V. could by no means
be persuaded to renounce his right of investing
the bishops and abbots, though he was willing
to grant the right of election to the canqns and
monks, as was usual before his time. Upon this
the exasperated pontiff renewed, in the councils
of Guastalla and Troyes, the decrees that had
so often been issued out against investitures, and
the flame broke out with new force. It was,
indeed, suspended during a few years, by the wars
in which Henry V. was engaged, and which
prevented his bringing the matter to an issue.
But no sooner had he made peace with his enemies,
and composed the tumults that troubled the tran-
quillity of the empire, than he set out for Italy
with a formidable army, A. D. 1110, in order
to put an end to this long and unhappy contest.
He advanced towards Rome by slow marches,
while the trembling pontiff seeing himself desti-
tute of all succour, and reduced to the lowest and
most defenceless condition, proposed to him the
following conditions of peace : That he, on the
one hand, should renounce the right of investing
(2) These accounts are drawn from the most authentic
sources, and also from the eminent writers, whose authority
I made use of, and whose names I mentioned, in that part of
the preceding century that corresponds with the subject
here treated.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 45
with the ring and crosier; and that the bishops CENT.
and abbots should, on the other hand, resign and
give over to the emperor all the grants they had
received from Charlemagne, of those rights and
privileges that belong to royalty, such as the
power of raising tribute, coming money, aiul
possessing independent lands and territories, with
other immunities of a like nature. These con-
ditions were agreeable to Henry, who accordingly
gave a fonnal consent to them in the year 1111;
but they were extremely displeasing to the Italian
and German bishops, who expressed their dissent
in the strongest terms. Hence a terrible tumult
arose in the church of St. Peter, where the
contending parties were assembled with their
respective followers ; upon which Henry ordered
the pope to be seized, and to be confined in the
castle of Viterbo. After having lain there for
some time, the captive pontiff was engaged, by the
unhappy circumstances of his present condition,
to enter into a new convention, by which he
solemnly receded from the article of the former
treaty that regarded investitures, and confirmed to
the emperor the privilege of inaugurating the
bishops and abbots with the ring and crosier.
Thus was the peace concluded, in consequence of
which the vanquished pontiff arrayed Henry with
the imperial diadem (Y/).
IV. This transitory peace, which was the fruit pascai
of violence and necessity, was followed by greater breaks ^
*i . -i 11/^1 i -II convention,
tumults and more dreadful wars, than had yet and dies.
afflicted the church. Immediately after the con-
clusion of this treaty, Rome was filled with the
most vehement commotions, and a universal cry
(«) Besides the writers already mentioned, see Mabillon,
Annul. Benedict, torn. v. p.GSl. and torn. vi. p. 1. at the par-
ticular years to which the events here taken notice of belong.
46 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, was raised against the pontiff, who was accused
XIL of having violated, in a scandalous manner, the
1 duties and dignity of his station, and of having
prostituted the majesty of the church by his
ignominious compliance with the demands of the
emperor. To appease these commotions, Pascal
assembled, in the year 1112, a council in the
church of Lateran, and there, not only confessed,
with the deepest contrition and humility, the fault
he had committed in concluding such a conven-
tion with the emperor, but submitted moreover
the decision of that matter to the determination
of the council, who accordingly took that treaty
into consideration, and solemnly annulled it (&).
This step was followed by many events that
gave, for a long time, an unfavourable turn to the
affairs of the emperor. He was excommunicated
in many synods and councils, both in France and
Germany ; nay, he was placed in the black list
of heretics, a denomination which exposed him
to the greatest dangers in these superstitious
and barbarous times (c) ; and to complete his
anxiety, he saw the German princes revolting
from his authority in several places, and taking
up arms in the cause of the church. To put an
end to the calamities that thus afflicted the empire
on all sides, Henry set out a second time for
Italy, with a numerous army, in the year 1116,
and arrived the year following at Rome, where
he assembled the consuls, senators, and nobles,
while the fugitive pontiff retired to Benevento.
(6) Pascal, upon this occasion, as Gregory VII. had for-
merly done in the case of Berenger, submitted his proceed-
ings and his authority to the judgment of a council, to which,
of consequence, he acknowledged his subordination. Nay,
still more, that council condemned his measures, and de-
clared them scandalous.
(c) See Gervaise, Diss. sur 1'Heresie des Investitures,
which is the fourth of the Dissertations which he has pre-
fixed to his History of the Abbot Suger.
PART II.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 47
Pascal, however, during this forced absence, CENT.
engaged the Normans to come to his assistance,
and, encouraged by the prospect of immediate
succour, prepared every thing for a vigorous war
against the emperor, and attempted to make
himself master of Rome. But, in the midst of
these warlike preparations, which drew the atten-
tion of Europe, and portended great and remark-
able events, the military pontiff yielded to fate, and
concluded his days, A. D. 1118.
V. A few days after the death of Pascal, John
of Gaieta, a Benedictine monk of Montcassin,
and chancellor of the Roman church, was raised
to the pontificate under the title of Gelasius II.
In opposition to this choice, Henry elected to
the same dignity Maurice Burdin, archbishop of
Braga in Spain (d), who assumed the denomination
of Gregory VIII (e). Upon this, Gelasius, not
thinking himself safe at Rome, nor indeed in
Italy, set out for France, and in a little time after
died at Clugni. The cardinals, who accompanied
him in his journey, elected to the papacy, imme-
diately after his departure, Guy, archbishop of
Vienne, count of Burgundy, who was nearly
related to the emperor, and is distinguished in
the lists of the Roman pontiffs by the name of
Callixtus II. The elevation of this eminent
ecclesiastic was, in the issue, extremely happy
both for church and state. Remarkably distin-
guished by his illustrious birth, and still more by
his noble and heroic qualities, this magnanimous
pontiff continued to oppose the emperor with
(d) Braga was the metropolis of ancient Galicia, but
at present is one of the three archbishoprics of Portugal, in
the province of Entre Duero e Migno. The archbishop of
that see claims the title of primate of Spain, which is annexed
in Spain to the see of Toledo.
(e) See Stephani Baluzii Vita Mauritii Burdini Miscella-
neor. torn. iii. p. 4-71.
48 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, courage and success, and to carry on the war
1 ii k°tn witn the sword of the spirit, and with the
1 arm of flesh. He made himself master of Rome,
threw into prison the pontiff that had been chosen
by the emperor, and fomented the civil com-
motions in Germany. But his fortitude and
resolution were tempered with moderation, and
accompanied with a spirit of generosity and com-
pliance, which differed much from the obstinate
arrogance of his lordly predecessors. Accordingly,
he lent an ear to pacific counsels, and was willing
to relinquish a part of the demands upon which
the former pontiifs had so vehemently insisted,
that he might restore the public tranquillity, and
satisfy the ardent desires of so many nations, who
groaned under the dismal effects of these deplor-
able divisions (jf).
It will appear unquestionably evident to every
attentive and impartial observer of things, that
the illiberal and brutish manners of those who
ruled the church were the only reason that rendered
the dispute concerning investitures so violent and
cruel, so tedious in its duration, and so unhappy
in its effects. During the space of five-and-tifty
years, the church was governed by monks, who, to
the obscurity of their birth, the asperity of their
natural temper, and the unbounded rapacity of
their ambition and avarice, joined that inflexible
obstinacy which is one of the essential charac-
teristics of the monastic order. Hence those
bitter feuds, those furious efforts of ambition
and vengeance, that dishonoured the church
and afflicted the state during the course of this
controversy. But as soon as the papal chair was
filled by a man of an ingenuous turn, and of a
liberal education, the face of things changed en-
$jg* (t/) The paragraph following is the note (/) of the
original placed in the text.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Governrnent, &c. 49
tirely, and a prospect of peace arose to the desires CENT.
and hopes of ruined and desolate countries.
VI. These hopes were not disappointed ; for,
PART II,
after much contestation, peace was, at length, Peace is
concluded between the emperor and the pope's Jj^JjJjJ^
legates, at a general diet held at Worms, A. D. pope and the
1 1<22. The conditions were as follow : ^Sr
" That for the future the bishops and abbots conditions.
" shall be chosen by those to whom the right of
" election belongs (g) ; but that this election
" shall be made in presence of the emperor, or
" of an ambassador appointed by him for that
* ' purpose (Ji) :
" That, in case a dispute arise among the elec-
" tors, the decision of it shall be left to the
" emperor, who is to consult with the bishops upon
" that occasion :
" That the bishop or abbot elect shall take an
" oath of allegiance to the emperor, receive
" from his hand the regalia, and do homage for
" them :
" That the emperor shall no more confer the
" regalia by the ceremony of the ring and crosier,
" which are the ensigns of a ghostly dignity, but
" by that of the sceptre, which is more proper to
" invest the person elected in the possession of
" rights and privileges merely temporal (?)•"
This convention was solemnly confirmed the
year following in the general council of Lateran,
and remain^ still in force in our times ; though
lUI23 (g) The expression is ambiguous; but it signifies
that the election of bishops and abbots was to be made by
monks and canons as in former times.
(/<) From this period the people in Germany were ex-
cluded from the right of voting in the election of bishops.
See Petr. de Marca, De Concordia sacerdotii ct imperii, lib.
vi. cap. ii. sect. 9. p. 788. edit. Bohmeri.
(I) See Muratori, Antiq. Hal. medii aevi, torn. vi. p. 76. —
Schilterus, De Libertate Eccl. Germanicae, lib. iv. cap. iv. p,
545. — Caesar Rasponus, De Basilica Lateranensi, lib. iv.
p. 295.
VOL. III. E
same thne e
50 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the true sense of some of its articles has occasioned
PARTII. c^sPutes between the emperors and pontiffs (£).
_ 1 VII. Callixtus did not long enjoy the fruits
TWO popes of this peace, to which he had so much contri-
buted by his prudence and moderation. He
*" departed this life in the year 1124, and was
succeeded by Lambert, bishop of Ostia, who
assumed the title of Honorius II. and under
whose pontificate nothing worthy of mention was
transacted. His death, which happened A. D.
1130, gave rise to a considerable schism in the
church of Rome, or rather in the college of
cardinals, of whom one party elected to the papal
chair, Gregory, a cardinal deacon of St. Angelo,
who was distinguished by the name of Innocent II.
while the other chose, for successor to Honorius,
Peter, the son of Leo, a Roman prince, under the
title of Anacletus II. The party of Innocent was
far from being numerous in Rome, or throughout
Italy in general, for which reason he judged it
expedient to retire into France, where he had
many adherents, and where he sojourned during
the space of two years. His credit was very
great out of Italy ; for, besides the emperor
Lotharius, the kings of England, France, and
Spain, with other princes, espoused warmly the
cause of Innocent, and that principally by the
influence of St. Bernard, who was his intimate
friend, and whose counsels had the force and
authority of laws in almost all the countries of
Europe. The patrons of Anacletus were fewer in
number, and were confined to the kings of Sicily
and Scotland ; his death, however, which hap-
pened A. D. 1138, terminated the contest, and left
Innocent in the entire and undisputed possession
of the apostolic chair. The surviving pontiff
(k] It was disputed among other things, whether the con-
secration of the bishop elect was to precede or follow the
collation of the regalia? See Jo. Wilh. Hoffman, ad concor-
datum Henrici V. et Callisti II. Vitemberg, 1739, in 4 to.
FAKT II.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 51
presided, in the year 1 139, at the second council CENT.
of Lateran, and about four years after ended his
. v
days in peace (/;.
VIII. After the death of Innocent, the Roman Succession
see was filled by Guy, cardinal of St. Mark, who tift,fi5m"
ruled the church about five months, under the j£e deat|' of
title of Celestine II. If his reign was short, it &« end of
was however peaceable, and not like that of his this century.
successor Lucius II. whose pontificate was dis-
turbed by various tumults and seditions, and who,
about eleven months after his elevation to the
papacy, was killed in a riot which he was endea-
vouring to suppress by his presence and autho-
rity. He was succeeded by Bernard, a Cistertian
monk, and an eminent disciple of the famous
St. Bernard, abbot of Clairval. This worthy
ecclesiastic, who is distinguished among the popes
by the title of Eugenius III. was raised to that
high dignity in the year 1145, and during the
space of nine years was involved in the same
perils and perplexities that had embittered the
ghostly reign of his predecessor. He was often
obliged to leave Rome, and to save himself
by flight from the fury of the people (m) ; and
the same reason engaged him to retire into
France, where he sojourned for a considerable
time. At length, exhausted by the opposition
he met with in supporting what he looked upon
(I) Besides the ordinary writers of the papal history, see
Jean de Lannes, Histoire du Pontifical du Pape Innocent II.
Paris. 174-1, in 8vo.
Ifg!^ (m) There was a party formed in Rome at this time,
whose design was to restore the Roman senate to its former
privileges, and to its ancient splendor and glory ; and for this
purpose, to reduce the papal revenues and prerogatives to a
narrower compass, even to the tithes and oblations that were
offered to the primitive bishops, and to the spiritual govern-
ment of the church, attended with an utter exclusion from
all civil jurisdiction over the city of Rome. It was this
party that produced the feuds and seditions to which Dr.
Mosheim has an eye in this eighth section.
E 2
52 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, as the prerogatives of the papacy, he departed
PART-1 1 1 ^is life in the year 1 153. The pontificate of his
1 successor Conrad, bishop of Sabino, who, after
his elevation to the see of Rome, assumed the title
of Anastasius IV. was less disturbed by civil com-
motions, but it was also of a very short duration ;
for Anastasius died about a year and four months
after his election.
The contest IX. The warm contest between the emperors
between the an(j faQ popes, which was considered as at an end
emperors I £ ' m
and popes is ever since the time of Callixtus 11. was unhappily
derlprederic renewecl under the pontificate of Adrian IV
Barbarossa who was a native of England, and whose original
ami Adrian name was Nicolas Brcakspcar. Frederic I. sur-
named Barbarossa, was no sooner seated on
the imperial throne, than he publicly declared
his resolution to maintain the dignity and privi-
leges of the Roman empire in general, and more
particularly to render it respectable in Italy ; nor
was he at all studious to conceal the design he
had formed of reducing the overgrown power and
opulence of the pontiffs and clergy within nar-
rower limits. Adrian perceived the danger that
threatened the majesty of the church, and the
authority of the clergy, and prepared himself for
defending both with vigour and constancy. The
first occasion of trying their strength was offered
at the coronation of the emperor at Rome, in the
year 1155, when the pontiff insisted upon Frederic's
performing the office of equerry, and holding the
stirrup to his holiness. This humbling proposal
was at first rejected with disdain by the emperor,
and was followed by other contests of a more
momentous nature, relating to the political inte-
rests of the empire.
These differences were no sooner reconciled
than new disputes, equally important, arose in the
year 1158, when the emperor, in order to put a
stop to the enormous opulence of the pontiffs,
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 53
bishops, and monks, which increased from day to CENT.
day, enacted a law to prevent the transferring of p™'
fiefs, without the knowledge and consent of the su- ,
perior, or lord in whose name they were held («),
and turned the whole force of his arms to reduce
the little republics of Italy under his dominion.
An open rupture between the emperor and the
pontiff was expected as the inevitable consequence
of such vigorous measures, when the death of
Adrian, which happened on the first of September,
A. D. 1159, suspended the storm (o).
X. In the election of a new pontiff, the car- A dispute
dinals were divided into two factions. The most
numerous and powerful of the two raised to the new pontiff.
pontificate Roland, bishop of Sienna, who as-
sumed the name of Alexander III. while the op-
posite party elected to that high dignity Octa-
vian, cardinal of St. Cecilia, known by the title
of Victor IV. The latter was patronised by the
emperor, to whom Alexander was extremely dis-
agreeable on several accounts. The council of •"
Pavia, which was assembled by the emperor in
the year 1160, adopted his sentiments, and pro-
nounced in favour of Victor, who became there-
by triumphant in Germany and Italy ; so that
France alone was left open to Alexander, who
accordingly left Rome, and fled thither for safety
and protection. Amidst the tumults and commo-
tions which this schism occasioned, Victor died at
Lucca, in the year 1164, but his place was imme-
(ri) This prohibition of transferring the possession of fiefs.,
from one to another, without the consent of the supreme
lord, or sovereign, under whom they were held, together
with other laws of a like nature, was the first effectual barrier
that was opposed to the enormous and growing opulence and
authority of the clergy. See Muratori, Antiq. Itul. medii aevi,
torn. vi. p. 239.
(o) See the accurate and circumstantial account of this
whole affair that is given by the illustrious and learned Count
Bunau, in his History of Frederic 1. wrote in German, p. 4-5.
19. 73. 99. 105. cS:c.
54; The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, diately filled by the emperor, at whose desire Guy,
cardinal of St. Callixtus, was elected pontiff, under
1 the title of Pascal III. and acknowledged in that
character by the German princes assembled in the
year 1167, at the diet of Wurtzbourg. In the
meantime Alexander recovered his spirits, and
returning into Italy maintained his cause with
uncommon resolution and vigour, and not without
some promising hopes of success. He held at
Rome, in the year 1167, the council of Lateran,
in which he solemnly deposed the emperor (whom
he had, upon several occasions before this period,
loaded publicly with anathemas and execrations,)
dissolved the oath of allegiance which his subjects
had taken to him as their lawful sovereign, and
encouraged and exhorted them to rebel against
his authority, and to shake off his yoke. But,
soon after this audacious proceeding, the emperor
made himself master of Rome, upon which the
insolent pontiff fled to Benevento, and left the
apostolic chair to Pascal, his competitor.
XI. The affairs of Alexander seemed to take
soon after a more prosperous turn, when the
greatest part of the imperial army being consumed
by a pestilential disorder, the emperor was forced
to abandon Italy, and when the death of Pascal,
which happened in the year 1 1 68, delivered him
from such a powerful and formidable rival. But
this fair prospect soon vanished. For the im-
perial faction elected to the pontificate John,
abbot of Strum, under the title of Callixtus III.
whom Frederic, notwithstanding his absence in
Germany, and the various wars and disputes in
which he was involved, supported to the utmost
of his power. When peace was, in a good mea-
sure, restored in the empire, Frederic marched
into Italy, A. D. 11 74, with a design to chastise
the perfidy of the states and cities that had re-
volted during his absence, and seized the first
'
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, Sec. 55
favourable opportunity of throwing off his yoke. CENT.
Had this expedition been crowned with the ex-
pected success, Alexander would, undoubtedly,
have been obliged to desist from his pretensions,
and to yield the papal chair to Callixtus. But
the event came far short of the hopes which this
grand expedition had excited ; and the emperor,
after having, during the space of three years,
been alternately defeated and victorious, was, at
length, so fatigued with the hardships he had
suffered, and so dejected at a view of the diffi-
culties he had yet to overcome, that, in the year
1177, he concluded a treaty of peace at Venice
with Alexander III. and a truce with the rest of
his enemies (p*). Certain writers affirm, that,
upon this occasion, the haughty pontiff trod upon
the neck of the suppliant emperor, while he kissed
his foot, repeating at the same time those words
of the royal Psalmist : " Thou shalt tread upon
the lion and adder : the young lion and the
dragon shalt thou trample under feet (</)•" The
greatest part, however, of modern authors have
called this event in question, and consider it as
utterly destitute of authority, and unworthy of
credit (/*).
XII. Alexander III. who was rendered so A
famous by his long and successful contest with a
Frederic I. was also engaged in a warm dispute tween Alex-
(p) All the circumstances of these conventions are accu- JJ
rately related by the above-mentioned Count Bunau, in his England.
History of Frederic I. p. 115 — 24<2. — See also Fortunati
Olmi Istoria della Venuta £ Venetia occultamente nel A.
1177. di Papa Alessandro III. Venet. 1629. in 4to.— Mura-
tori, Antiq. Italicae medii aevi, torn. iv. p. 24-9. — Origines
Guelphicae, torn. ii. p. 379. — Acta Sanctorum, torn. i. April, p.
4-6. in Vita Hugonis, Abbatis Bonaevallis, et torn. ii. April, in
VitaGaldiniMediolanensis, p. 596. two famous ecclesiastics,
who were employed as ambassadors and arbiters in the treaty
of peace here mentioned.
(9) Psalm xci. 13.
(r) See Bunau's Life of Frederic I. p. 242. — Heumanni
56 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, with Henry II. king of England, which was DC-
PART 'n. casi°ned by the arrogance of Thomas Becket,
archbishop of Canterbury. In the council of
Clarendon, which was held in the year 1164,
several laws were enacted, by which the king's
power and jurisdiction over the clergy were accu-
rately explained, and the rights and privileges of
the bishops and priests reduced within narrower
bounds (s). Becket refused obedience to these
Pseciles, torn. iii. lib. i. p. 14-5. — Bibliotheque Italique, torn,
vi. p. 5. as also the authors mentioned by Caspar Sagitarius,
in his Introduc. in Histor. Eccles. torn. i. p. 630. torn. ii. p.
6QO.
(s) See Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 82, 83. 101. 114.
— Dav. Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Britannia?, torn. i. p. 434.
Ifgp^ Henry II. had formed the wise project of bringing
the clergy under the jurisdiction of the civil courts, on
account of the scandalous abuse they had made of their im-
munities, and the crimes which the ecclesiastical tribunals
let pass with impunity. The Constitutions of Clarendon,
which consisted of sixteen articles, were drawn up for this
purpose : and as they are proper to give the reader a just
idea of the prerogatives and privileges that were claimed
equally by the king and the clergy, and that occasioned of
consequence such warm debates between state and church,
it will not be altogether useless to transcribe them here at
length.
I. When any difference relating to the right of patronage
arises between the laity, or between the clergy and laity, the
controversy is to be tried and ended in the King's Court.
II. Those churches, which are fees of the crown, cannot
be granted away in perpetuity without the king's consent.
III. When the clergy are charged with any misdemeanour,
and summoned by the justiciary, they shall be obliged to
make their appearance in his court, and plead to such parts
of the indictment as shall be put to them ; and likewise to
answer such articles in the ecclesiastical court as they shall
be prosecuted for by that jurisdiction : always provided, that
the king's justiciary shall send an officer to inspect the pro-
ceedings of the Court Christian. And in case any clerk is
convicted, or pleads guilty, he is to forfeit the privilege of
his character, and to be protected by the church no longer.
IV. No archbishops, bishops, or parsons are allowed to
depart the kingdom, without a licence from the crown ; and,
provided they have leave to travel, they shall give security,
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 57
laws, which he looked upon as prejudicial to the CENT,
divine rights of the church in general, and to the XIL
& PART II,
not to act or solicit any thing during their passage, stay, or
return, to the prejudice of the king, or kingdom.
V. When any of the laity are prosecuted in the ecclesias-
tical courts, the charge ought to be proved before the bishop
by legal and reputable witnesses ; and the course of the pro-
cess is to be so managed, that the archdeacon may not lose
any part of his right, or the profits accruing to his office:
and if any offenders appear screened from prosecution upon
the score, either of favour or quality, the sheriff, at the
bishop's instance, shall order twelve sufficient men of the
neighbourhood to make oath before the bishop, that they
will discover the truth according to the best of their know-
ledge.
VI. Excommunicated persons shall not be obliged to
make oath, or give security to continue upon the place
where they live : but only to abide by the judgment of the
church in order to their absolution.
VII. No person that holds in chief of the king, or any of
his barons, shall be excommunicated, or any of their estates
put under an interdict, before application made to the king,
provided he is in the kingdom, and, in case his highness be
out of England, then the justiciary must be acquainted with
the dispute in order to make satisfaction : and thus what be-
longs to the cognizance of the king's court must be tried
there ; and that which belongs to the Court Christian must
be remitted to that jurisdiction.
VIII. In case of appeals in ecclesiastical causes, the first
step is to be made from the archdeacon to the bishop, and
from the bishop to the archbishop : and, if the archbishop
fails to do justice, a farther recourse may be had to the king,
by whose order the controversy is to be finally decided in
the archbishop's court. Neither shall it be lawful for either
of the parties to move for any farther remedy without leave
from the crown.
IX. If a difference happens to arise between any clergy-
man and layman concerning any tenement; and that the
clerk pretends it held by frank almoine *, and the layman
pleads it a lay-fee j in this case, the tenure shall be tried by
the inquiry and verdict of twelve sufficient men of the neigh-
bourhood, summoned according to the custom of the realm.
And, if the tenement or thing in controversy shall be found
frank almoine, the dispute concerning it shall be tried in the
ecclesiastical court. But, if it is brought in a lay-fee, the
suit shall be followed in the king's courts, unless both the
* i. e. A tenure by divine service, as Britton explains it.
58 The Internal History of the Church
CENT, prerogatives of the Roman pontiffs in particular.
XII. ~~ ~ *
PART II.
xn* Upon this there arose a violent debate between
plaintiff and defendant hold the tenement in question of the
same bishop ; in which case the cause shall be tried in the
court of such bishop or baron, with this farther proviso, that
he who is seized of the thing in controversy, shall not be
disseized, hanging the suit, (i. e. during the suit, pendente
lite} upon the score of the verdict abovementioned.
X. He who holds of the king in any city, castle, or borough,
or resides upon any of the demesne lands of the crown, in
case he is cited by the archdeacon or bishop to answer any
misbehaviour belonging to their cognizance ; if he refuses to
obey their summons, and stand to the sentence of the court,
it shall be lawful for the ordinary to put him under an inter-
dict, but not to excommunicate him, till the king's principal
officer of the town shall be pre-acquainted with the case, in
order to enjoin him to make satisfaction to the church. And
if such officer or magistrate shall fail in his duty, he shall
be fined by the king's judges. And then the bishop may
exert his discipline on the refractory person as he thinks fit.
XI. All archbishops, bishops, and ecclesiastical persons,
who hold of the king in chief, and the tenure of a barony,
are for that reason obliged to appear before the king's jus-
tices and ministers, to answer the duties of their tenure, and
to observe all the usages and customs of the realm j and,
like other barons, are bound to be present at trials in the
king's court, till sentence is to be pronounced for the losing
of life or limbs.
XII. When any archbishopric, bishopric, abbey, or priory,
of royal foundation, becomes vacant, the king is to make
seizure : from which time all the profits and issues are to be
paid into the Exchequer, as if they were the demesne lands
of the crown. And when it is determined the vacancy shall
be filled up, the king is to summon the most considerable
persons of the chapter to court, and the election is to be
made in the chapel royal, with the consent of our sovereign
lord the king, and by the advice of such persons of the
government, as his highness shall think fit to make use of.
At which time, the person elected, before his consecration,
shall be obliged to do homage and fealty to the king, as his
liege lord; which homage shall be performed in the usual
form, with a clause for the saving the privilege of his order.
XIII. If any of the temporal barons, or great men, shall
encroach upon the rights or property of any archbishop,
bishop, or archdeacon, and refuse to make satisfaction for
wrong done by themselves, or their tenants, the king shall
do justice to the party aggrieved. And if any person shall
disseize the king of any part of his lands, or trespass upon his
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
the resolute monarch and the rebellious prelate, CENT.
which obliged the latter to retire into France,
where Alexander III. was at that time in a kind
of exile. This pontiff and the king of France
interposed their good offices in order to compose
these differences, in which they succeeded so far,
after much trouble and difficulty, as to encourage
Becket to return into England, where he was re-
instated in his forfeited dignity. But the gene-
rous and indulgent proceedings of his sovereign
towards him wrere not sufficient to conquer his
arrogant and rebellious obstinacy, in maintaining,
what he called, the privileges of the church, nor
prerogative, the archbishops, bishops, and archdeacons shall
call him to an account, and oblige him to make the crown
restitution; i. e. "They were to excommunicate such dis-
seizers and injurious persons in case they proved refractory
and incorrigible."
XIV. The goods and chattels of those who lie under for-
feitures of felony or treason are not to be detained in any
church or churchyard, to secure them against seizure and
justice; because such goods are the king's property, whe-
ther they are lodged within the precincts of a church or
without it.
XV. All actions, and pleas of debts, though never so
solemn in the circumstances of the contract, shall be tried in
the king's courts.
XVI. The sons of copyholders are not to be ordained
without the consent of the lord of the manor where they
were born.
Such were the articles of the Constitutions of Claren-
don, against the greatest part of which the pope protested.
They were signed by the. English clergy and also by Becket.
The latter, however, repented of what he had done, and,
retiring from court, suspended himself from his office in the
church for about forty days, till he received absolution from
Alexander III. who was then at Sens. His aversion to these
articles manifested itself by an open rebellion against his
sovereign, in which he discovered his true character, as a
most daring, turbulent, vindictive, and arrogant priest,
whose ministry was solely employed in extending the de-
spotic dominion of Rome, and whose fixed purpose was to
aggrandize the church upon the ruins of the state. See
Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vol. i. xiith century, llapin
Thoyras, in the reign of Henry II.
60 The Internal History of the Church.
ENT. could he be induced by any means to comply
•
PART ii. w^tn tne v^ws and measures of Henry. The
- consequences of this inflexible resistance were
fatal to the haughty prelate, for he was, soon
after his return into England, assassinated before
the altar, while he was at vespers in his cathe-
dral, by four persons, who certainly did not
commit this act of violence without the king's
knowledge and connivance (/). This event pro-
!f§|r> (t) This assertion is, in our opinion, by much too
strong. It can only be founded upon certain indiscreet and
passionate expressions, which the intolerable insolence and
frenetic obstinacy of Becket drew from Henry in an un-
guarded moment, when, after having received new affronts,
notwithstanding the reconciliation he had effected with so
much trouble and condescension, he expressed himself to
this purpose : " Am I not unhappy, that, among the num-
" bers, who are attached to my interests, and employed in
" my service, there is none possessed of spirit enough to
" resent the affronts which I am constantly receiving from a
" miserable priest ?" These words, indeed, were not pro-
nounced in vain. Four gentlemen of the court, whose
names were Fitz-Urse, Tracy, Britton, and Morville, mur-
dered Becket in his chapel, and thus performed, in a licen-
tious and criminal manner, an action which the laws might
have commanded with justice. But it is extremely remark-
able, that, after the murder, the assassins were afraid they
had gone too far, and durst not return to the king's court,
which was then in Normandy; but retired, at first, to
Knaresborough in Yorkshire, which belonged to Morville,
from whence they repaired to Rome for absolution, and
being admitted to penance by Alexander III. were sent, by
the orders of that pontiff, to Jerusalem, and passed the
remainder of their lives upon the Black Mountain in the
severest acts of austerity and mortification. All this does
not look as if the king had been deliberately concerned in
this murder, or had expressly consented to it. On the con-
trary, various circumstances concur to prove that Henry
was entirely innocent of this murder. Mr. Hume mentions
particularly one, which is worthy of notice. The king,
suspecting the design of the four gentlemen above-men-
tioned, by some menacing expressions they had dropt,
" despatched (says Mr. Hume) a messenger after them,
" charging them to attempt nothing against the person of
" the primate. But these orders came too late." See his
History of England, vol. i, p. 294. Ilapin Thoyras, History
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 61
duced warm debates between the king of England CENT.
and the Roman pontiff, who gained his point so
far as to make the suppliant monarch undergo a
severe course of penance, in order to expiate a
crime of which he was considered as the principal
promoter, while the murdered prelate was solemnly
enrolled in the highest rank of saints and martyrs
in the year H73(u).
XIII. It was not only by force of arms, but Alexander
also by uninterrupted efforts of dexterity and JJ^by4""
artifice, by wise councils and prudent laws, that prudent
Alexander III. maintained the pretended rights confirm th°e
of the church, and extended the authority of the privileges of
Roman pontiffs. For, in the third council of the anVto"^-'
Lateran, held at Rome, A. D. 1179, the follow- the
ing decrees, among many others upon different
subjects, were passed by his advice and authority :
1 st, That in order to put an end to the confusion
and dissensions which so often accompanied the
election of the Roman pontiffs, the right of
election should not only be vested in the cardinals
alone, but also that the person, in whose favour
two-thirds of the college of cardinals voted, should
be considered as the lawful and duly elected
pontiff. This law is still in force ; it was there-
fore from the time of Alexander that the election
of the pope acquired that form which it still
of England ; Collier's Ecclesiastical History of England, vol.
i. p. 370. The authors which Dr. Mosheim refers to for an
account of this matter are as follow: Guiliel. Stephanidae,
Historia Thomse Cantuariensis in Spark's Scriptores rerum
Anglicarum, published in folio at London in the year 1723. —
Chrisp. Lupi Epistola et Vita Thomae Cantuar. — Epistolac
Alexandri III. Ludovici VII. Henrici II. in hac causa ex
MSS. Vaticano, Bruxelles 1682, 2 vol. 4-to. — Natalis Alex-
ander, Select. Histor. Eccles. Capitib. Saec. xii. Diss. x. p.
833. — Thomae Stapletoni Tres Thomae, sue res gestae Thomae
Apostoli, S. Thomae Cantuariensis, et Thomae Mori. Colon.
1612. in 8vo.
(?/) Boulay, Histor. Academ. Paris, torn. ii. p. 328. et De
Die festo ejus, p. 397. Dom. Colonia, Histoire Litteraire de
la Ville dc Lyon, torn. ii. p. <Z19.
PART*!!
62 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, retains, and by which, not only the people, but
a^so tne R°man clergy> are excluded entirely
from all share in the honour of conferring that
important dignity. 2dly, A spiritual war was
declared against heretics, whose numbers increas-
ing considerably about this time, created much
disturbance in the church in general, and infested,
in a more particular manner, several provinces in
France, which groaned under the fatal dissen-
sions that accompanied the propagation of their
errors (w). 3dly, The right of recommending
and nominating to the saintly order was also taken
away from councils and bishops, and canonization
was ranked among the greater and more impor-
tant causes, the cognizance of which belonged to
the pontiff alone («r). To all this we must not
forget to add, that the power of erecting new
kingdoms, which had been claimed by the pontiffs
from the time of Gregory VII. was not only
assumed, but also exercised by Alexander in a re-
markable instance ; for, in the year 1 1 79? he con-
ferred the title of king, with the ensigns of royalty,
upon Alphonso I. duke of Portugal, who, under
the pontificate of Lucius II. had rendered his pro-
vince tributary to the Roman see
(w) See Natalis Alexander, Select. Histor. Eccles. Capit.
Saec. xii. Diss. ix. p. 819. where he treats particularly con-
cerning this council. — See also torn. vi. part II. Conciliorum
Harduini, p. 1671.
Ijgg0 Dr. Mosheim, as also Spanheim and Fleury, call this
the 3d council of Lateran, whereas other historians mention
eight preceding councils held in the Lateran, viz. Those of
the years 649. 864-. 1105. 1112. 1116. 1123. 1139. 1167.
Our author has also attributed to this council of 1179 de-
crees that probably belong to a later period.
(x) See what has been observed already, under the xth
century, concerning the election of the popes, and the
canonization of saints.
(y) Baronius, Annal. ad A. 1179. — Innocentii III. Epi-
stolae Lib. ep. xlix. p. 54. torn. i. ed. Baluzian.
Hjt^j* Alphonso had been declared, by his victorious army,
king of Portugal, in the year 1 136, in the midst of the glori-
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 63
XIV. Upon the death of Alexander, Ubald, CENT.
bishop of Ostia, otherwise known by the name of
Lucius III. was raised to the pontificate, A. D.
1181, by the suffrages of the cardinals alone, in His
consequence of the law mentioned in the preced- sors
ing section. The administration of this new pon-
tiff was embittered by violent tumults and sedi-
tions ; for he was twice driven out of the city by
the Romans, who could not bear a pope that was
elected in opposition to the ancient custom, with-
out the knowledge and consent of the clergy and
the people. In the midst of these troubles he
died at Verona in the year 1 1 85, and was suc-
ceeded by Hubert Crivelli, bishop of Milan,
who assumed the title of Urban III. and with-
out having transacted any thing worthy of men-
tion during his short pontificate, died of grief in
the year 1187, upon hearing that Saladin had
made himself master of Jerusalem. The pontifi-
cate of his successor Albert (%), whose papal
denomination was Gregory VIII. exhibited still
a more striking instance of the fragility of human
grandeur ; for this pontiff yielded to fate about
two months after his elevation. He was suc-
ceeded by Paul, bishop of Preneste, who filled the
papal chair above three years under the title of
Clement III. and departed this life, A.D. 1191,
without having distinguished his ghostly reign by
any memorable achievement, if we except his zeal
for draining Europe of its treasures and inhabi-
tants by the publication of new crusades. Celes-
tine III. (a) makes a more shining figure in
history than the pontiffs we have been now men-
ous exploits he had performed in the war against the Moors ;
so that Alexander III. did no more than confirm this title by
an arrogant bull, in which he treats that excellent prince as
his vassal.
(z) This prelate, before his elevation to the papacy, was
bishop of Benevento, and chancellor of the Roman church.
(a) Whose name was Hyacinth, a native of Rome, and a
cardinal deacon.
64 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, tioning ; for he thundered his excommunications
PART ii. agamst tne emperor Henry VI. and Leopold,
- duke of Austria, on account of their having seized
and imprisoned Richard I. king of England, as
he was returning from the Holy Land ; he also
subjected to the same malediction Alphonso X.
king of Gallicia and Leon, on account of an in-
cestuous marriage into which that prince had
entered, and commanded Philip Augustus, king
of France, to re-admit to the conjugal state and
honours, Ingelburg his queen, whom he had
divorced for reasons unknown ; though this order,
indeed, produced but little effect (&). But the
most illustrious and resolute pontiff that filled
the papal chair during this century, and whose
exploits made the greatest noise in Europe, was
Lotharius, count of Segni, cardinal deacon, other-
wise known by the name of Innocent III. The
arduous undertakings and bold achievements of
this eminent pontiff, who was placed at the head
of the church in the year 1 1 98, belong to the
history of the following century.
A view of XV. If, from the series of pontiffs that ruled
ecciesiTsti- the church in this century, we descend to the
cai orders, other ecclesiastical orders, such as the bishops,
vicestheir priests, and deacons, the most disagreeable objects
will be exhibited to our view. The unanimous
voice of the historians of this age, as well as the
laws and decrees of synods and councils, declare
loudly the gross ignorance, the odious frauds, and
the flagitious crimes, that reigned among the dif-
ferent ranks and orders of the clergy now men-
tioned. It is not therefore at all surprising, that
the monks, whose rules of discipline obliged them
to a regular method of living, and placed them
out of the way of many temptations to licentious-
ness, and occasions of sinning, to which the episcopal
ggp° (b) It was in consequence of the vigorous and terrible
proceedings of Innocent III. that the re-union between Philip
and Ingelburg was accomplished. See L'Histoire de France,
par 1'Abbe Velly, torn. iii. p. 367, 368, 369.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. C5
and sacerdotal orders were exposed, were held in CENT.
higher esteem than they were. The reign of
corruption became, however, so general, that it
reached at last even the convents ; and the monks,
who were gaining with the most ardent efforts
the summit of ecclesiastical power and authority,
and who beheld both the secular clerks and the
regular canons with aversion and contempt (c),
began, in many places, to degenerate from that
sanctity of manners, and that exact obedience to
their rules of discipline, by which they had been
formerly distinguished, and to exhibit to the
people scandalous examples of immorality and
vice (cT). The Benedictines of Clugni, who un-
doubtedly surpassed, in regularity of conduct and
purity of manners, all the monastic orders who
lived under their rule, maintained their integrity
for a long time, amidst the general decay of piety
and virtue. They were, however, at length carried
away with the torrent ; seduced by the example
of their abbot Pontius, and corrupted by the
treasures that were poured daily into their con-
vent by the liberality of the opulent and pious,
they fell from their primitive austerity, and fol-
lowing the dissolute examples of the other Bene-
dictines, they "gave up themselves to pleasure, and
dwelt carelessly (e)." Several of the succeeding
abbots endeavoured to remedy this disorder, and
(c) See Ruperti Epistola in Martene Thesaur. Anecd.
torn. i. p. 285. This writer prefers the monks before the
apostles.
(d) See Bernard. Consideration, ad Eugenium, lib. iii.
cap. iv. — See also the Speculum Stultorum, or Brunellus, a
Poem, composed by Nigel Wireker, an English bard of no
mean reputation who lived about the middle of the xiith
century. In this poem, of which several editions have been
published, the different orders of monks are severely cen-
sured; the Carthusians alone have escaped the keen and
virulent satire of this witty writer.
(e) Isaiah xlvii. 8.
VOL. III. F
66 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, to recover the declining reputation of their con-
p ART ii
vent ' kut tneir efforts were much less successful
than they expected, nor could the monks of
Clugni ever be brought back to their primitive
sanctity and virtue
«Perous°s"tate XVI. The Cistertian order, which was much
of the inferior to the monks of Clugni, both with respect
Order!10" to tne antiquity of their institution, and the pos-
sessions and revenues of their convent, surpassed
them far in the external regularity of their lives
and manners, and in a certain striking air of inno-
cence and sanctity, which they still retained, and
which the others had almost entirely lost. Hence
they acquired that high degree of reputation and
authority, which the order of Clugni had formerly
enjoyed, and increased daily in number, credit,
and opulence. The famous St. Bernard, abbot of
Clairval, whose influence throughout all Europe
was incredible, whose word was a law, and whose
councils were regarded by kings and princes as so
many orders to which the most respectful obe-
dience was due ; this eminent ecclesiastic was the
person who contributed most to enrich and ag-
grandize the Cistertian order. Hence he is justly
considered as the second parent and founder of
that order ; and hence the Cistertians, not only
in France, but also in Germany, and other coun-
tries, were distinguished by the title of Ber-
nardin monks (^). A hundred and sixty reli-
gious communities derive their origin, or their
rules of discipline, from this illustrious abbot, and
he left, at his death, seven hundred monks in the
monastery of Clairval. The church abounded
(y) See Martene, Amplissima Collectio Monumentor.
Veter. torn. ix. p. 1119,
(g) See Jo. Mabillon. Annal. Ord. Benedict, torn. vi. pas-
sim, in vita Sti. Bernardi, which he has prefixed to his
edition of the works of that saint. — See also Angeli Manri-
quez, Annales Cistercienses, torn. ii. and iii.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 67
with bishops and archbishops that had been formed CENT.
and prepared for the ministry by his instructions, PA^*n
and he counted also, among the number of his
disciples, Eugenius III. one of the best and wisest
of the Roman pontiffs.
XVII. The growing prosperity of the Cister- Jealousies
tian order excited the envy and jealousy of the J"^nb^e
monks of Clugni, and, after several dissensions of Cistertians
less consequence, produced at length an open
rupture, a declared war between these two opulent
and powerful monasteries. They both followed
the rule of St. Benedict, though they differed in
their habit, and in certain laws, which the Cister-
tians more especially had added to that rule. The
monks of Clugni accused the Cistertians of affect-
ing an extravagant austerity in their manners and
discipline ; while the Cistertians, on the other
hand, charged them, and that upon very good
grounds, with having degenerated from their
former sanctity, and regularity of conduct. St.
Bernard, who was the oracle and protector of the
Cistertians, wrote, in the year 1127, an Apology
for his own conduct, in relation to the division
that subsisted between the two convents, and in-
veighed with a just, though decent, seventy against
the vices that corrupted the monks of Clugni (//).
This charge was answered, though with uncom-
_ This Apology, as it is called, of St. Bernard is
well worth the attention of the curious reader, as it exhibits
a true and lively picture of monastic opulence and luxury,
and shows how the religious orders in general lived in this
century. The famous abbot, in this performance, accuses
the monks of Clugni of luxury and intemperance at their
table, of superfluity and magnificence in their dress, their
bedchambers, their furniture, equipage, and buildings. He
points out the pride and vanity of the abbots, who looked
much more like the governors of provinces, than the spiri-
tual fathers of humble and holy communities, whose original
profession it was, to be crucified and dead to the interests
and pleasures, the pomps and vanities of a present world. He
F 2
68
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, mon moderation and candour, by Peter Mau-
PAKI- ii ricms> abbot of Cluni ; and hence it occasioned
Lives and
a controversy in form, which spread from day to
day its baneful influence, and excited disturbances
in several provinces of Europe (z). It was, how-
ever, followed with a much more vehement and
bitter contest concerning an exemption from the
payment of tythes, granted among other privileges
and immunities to the Cistertians, A. D. 1 132,
by Innocent II. A considerable part of the
lands which the Cistertians possessed, and to
which the pontiff granted this exemption, were
subject to the monks of Clugni, who suffered con-
sequently by this act of liberality, and disputed
the matter, not only with the Cistertians, but
with the pope himself. This keen dispute was,
in some measure, terminated in the year 1155,
but in what manner, or upon what conditions, is
more than is come to our knowledge (£).
XVIII. The regular canons, who were erected
*nto a ^xe(^ an^ permanent order in the preceding
century, employed their time in a much more
useful and exemplary manner than the monastic
declares, with a pious concern, that he knew several abbots,
each of whom had more than sixty horses in his stable, and
such a prodigious variety of wines in his cellar, that it was
scarcely possible to taste the half of them at a single enter-
tainment. See Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, liv. Ixxvii. torn.
xiv. p. 351. edit. Bruxelles.
(i) See S. Bernardini Apologia in Oper. torn. i. p. 523 — 533.
The Apology of Peter, abbot of Clugni, surnamed the vener-
able, which is published among his Epistles, lib. i. ep. 28. in
the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, toni. i. p. 657 — 695. See also
the Dialogus inter Cluniacensem et Cisterciensem, published
by Martene, in his Thesaur. Anecdot. torn. v. p. 1573 — 1613.
Compare with all these Mabillon Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p.
80. and Manriquez, Annal. Cisterc. torn. i. p. 28.
(k) See Angeli Manriquez, Annal. Cistercienses, torn. i. p.
232. — Mabillon, Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 212. 479. et
Praefat. ad Opera S. Bernardi. — Jo. de Lannes, Histoire du
Pontificat d'Innocent II. p. 68 — 79.— Jo. Nic. Hertii Diss.
de exemptione Cisterc. a decimis.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government^ Sec. 6$
drones, who passed their days in luxury and sloth. CENT.
.They kept public schools for the instruction of PA*T'II(
youth, and exercised a variety of ecclesiastical
functions, which rendered them extremely useful
to the church (/). Hence they rose daily in
credit and reputation, and received many rich and
noble donations from several persons, whose opu-
lence and piety rendered them able and willing to
distinguish merit, and were also often put in pos-
session of the revenues of the monks, whose dis-
solute lives occasioned, from time to time, the
suppression of their convents. This, as might
well be expected, inflamed the rage of the mo-
nastic orders against the regular canons, whom
they attacked with the greatest fury, and loaded
with the bitterest invectives. The canons, in their
turn, were far from being backward in making
reprisals ; they exclaimed, on the contrary, against
the monks with the utmost vehemence ; enume-
rated their vices both in their discourses and in
their writings, and insisted upon their being con-
fined to their monasteries, sequestered from human
society, and excluded from all ecclesiastical honours
and functions. Hence arose a long and warm
contest between the monks and canons concerning
pre-eminence, in which both parties carried their
pretensions too high, and exceeded the bounds
of decency and moderation (772). The champions,
who espoused the interests of the monks, were the
famous Peter Abelard, Hugh of Amiens, Rupert
of Duytz ; while the cause of the canons was de-
fended by Philip Harvengius, a learned abbot,
and several other men of genius and abilities (n).
(1) See the Histoire Litteraire de la France, torn. ix. p.
112.
(m) See Lambert! Epistola in Martene, Thesaur. Anecdot.
torn. i. p. 329.
(?j) Abelardi Opera, p. 228. Paris, 1616. in 4to. — Mar-
tene, Thesaur. Anecdot. torn. v. p. 970—975. 1614. et Am-
PART
70 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. The effects and remains of this ancient contro-
kIL versy are yet visible in our times.
ii. vW \ - . c T> !• .•
XIX. A new society of religious Benedictines
- arose about the commencement of this century,
whose principal monastery was erected in a barren
and solitary place, called Fontevraud, between
Angers and Tours, from whence the order de-
rived its name. Robert of Arbriselles, its founder,
who had been first a hermit, and afterwards a
monk, prescribed to his religious of both sexes
the rule of St. Benedict, amplified, however, by
the addition of several new laws, which were ex-
tremely singular and excessively severe. Among
other singularities that distinguished this insti-
tution, one was, that the several monasteries which
Robert had built, within one and the same in-
closure, for his monks and nuns, were all sub-
jected to the authority and government of one
abbess ; in justification of which measure, the
example of Christ was alleged, who recommended
St. John to the Virgin Mary, and imposed it as
an order upon that beloved disciple, to be obe-
dient to her as to his own mother (o). This
new order, like all other novelties of that kind,
gained immediately a high degree of credit ; the
singularity of its discipline, its form, and its laws,
engaged multitudes to embrace it, and thus the
plissima ejusdem Collectio, torn. ix. p. 971, 972. — Phil. Har-
vengii Opera, p. 385. Duaci 1621. in folio*
(o) See the Works of Abelard, p. 48. whose testimony in
this matter is confirmed by the present state and constitution
of this famous order ; though Mabillon, from an excessive
partiality in favour of the Benedictines, has endeavoured to
diminish its credit in his Annal. Benedict, torn. v. p. 423.
For an account of Robert and his order, see the Acta Sanctor.
torn. iii. Februar. p. 593. — Dion. Sammarthani Gallia Chri-
stiana, torn. ii. p. 1311. — Bayle's Dictionary, at the article
Fontevraud. — Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, torn. vi. p. 83. — The
present state of this monastery is described by Moleon, in
his Voyages Liturglques, p. 108. and by Martene, in his
Voyage Litternii e de deux Bcnedictins, part II. p. i.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
labours of its founder were crowned with remark-
able success. [Sil0 But the association of vigorous PART n.
monks and tender virgins, in the same community,
was an imprudent measure, and could not but be
attended with many inconveniences. However
that be, Robert continued his pious labours, and
the order of his sanctity perfumed all the places
where he exercised his .ministry.] He was,
indeed, suspected by some of too great an inti-
macy with his female disciples, and it was ru-
moured about, that in order to try his virtue, by
opposing it to the strongest temptations, he ex-
posed it to an inevitable defeat by the manner
in which he conversed with these holy virgins.
It was even said, that their commerce was sof-
tened by something more tender than divine
love ; against which charge, his disciples have
used their most zealous endeavours to defend their
master Qt?).
XX. Norbert, a German nobleman, who went The order
into holy orders, and was afterwards archbishop of °^Premon-
Magdebourg, employed his most zealous efforts
to restore to its primitive severity the discipline of
(p) See the letters of Geoffry, abbot of Vendome, and of
Marbod, bishop of Rennes, in which Robert is accused of
lying in the same bed with the nuns. How the grave abbot
was defended against this accusation by the members of his
order may be seen in Mainferme's Clypeus Nascentis Ordinis
Fontebraldensis, published in 8vo. at Paris, in the year 1 684 ;
and also by another production of the same author, entitled,
Dissertationes in Epistolam contra Robertum de Arbrissello,
Salmurii, 1682. in 8vo. Bayle's account of this famous abbot,
in which there is such an admirable mixture of wit, sense,
and malice, has been also attacked by several authors : see,
among others, the Dissertation Apologetique pour le bien-
heureux Robert d'Arbrisselles sur ce qu'en a dit M. Bayle,
Anvers, 1701. in 8vo.— Mabillon, Annal. torn. v. et vi. p. 9,
10.
ffSg13 In the year 1177, some nuns of this order were
brought into England at the desire of Henry II. who gave
them the monastery of Ambresbury in Wiltshire. They had
two other houses here ; the one at Eton, the other at West-
wood, in Worcestershire.
72 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the regular canons, which was extremely relaxed
PART! ii m some places, and almost totally abolished in
others. This eminent reformer founded, in the
year 1121, the order of Premontre, in Picardy,
whose fame spread throughout Europe with an
amazing rapidity, and whose opulence, in a short
space of time, became excessive and enormous (<;),
in consequence of the high esteem which the
monks of this community had acquired by the
gravity of their manners, and their assiduous ap-
plication to the liberal aits and sciences. But
their overgrown prosperity was the source of their
ruin ; it soon diminished their zeal for the exer-
cises of devotion, extinguished their thirst after
useful knowledge, and thus, step by step, plunged
them, at length, into all sorts of vices. The
rule which they followed was that of St. Au-
gustin, with some slight alterations, and an
addition of certain severe laws, whose authority,
however, did not long survive their austere
founder (r).
(q) The religious of this order were at first so poor,
that they had nothing they could call their own, but a single
ass, which served to carry the wood they cut down every
morning, and sent to Laon in order to purchase bread, But
in a short time they received so many donations, and built so
many monasteries, that, thirty years after the foundation of
this order, they had above a hundred abbies in France and
Germany. In process of time, the order increased so pro-
digiously, that it had monasteries in all parts of Christen-
dom, amounting to 1000 abbies, 300 provostships, a vast
number of priories, and 500 nunneries. But this number is
now greatly diminished. Besides what tlrey lost in Pro-
testant countries, of sixty-five abbies, that they had in Italy,
there is not one now remaining.
(r) See Helyor, Hist, des Ordres, torn. ii. p. 156. — Chry-
sost. Vander Sterie, Vita S. Norberti Praemonstratensium
Patriarcha?, published in 8vo. at Antwerp, in 1656. — Louis
Hugues, Vie de S. Norbert, Luxemb. 1704, in 4to. — Add to
these, notwithstanding his partiality, Jo. Launois, Inquisit.
in Privilegia Ordin. Prsemonstrat. cap. i, ii. Oper. torn. iii.
part I. p. 448. For an account of the present state of the
order of Praemontre, see Martene's Voyage Litteraire de
deux Bcnedictins, torn. ii. p< 59.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, £c. 73
XXL About the middle of this century, a CENT.
XII.
PART II.
certain Calabrian, whose name was Berthold, set
out with a few companions for mount Carmel,
and, upon the very spot where the prophet Elias Carmelites.
is said to have disappeared, built an humble cot-
tage, with an adjoining chapel, in which he led a
life of solitude, austerity, and labour. This little
colony subsisted, and the places of those that died
were more than filled by new-comers ; so that it
was, at length (s), erected into a monastic com-
munity by Albeit, patriarch of Jerusalem. This
austere prelate drew up a rule of discipline for
the new monks, which was afterwards confirmed
by the authority of the Roman pontiffs, who
modified and altered it in several respects, and,
among other corrections, mitigated its excessive
rigour and severity (f). Such was the origin of
the famous Order of Carmelites, or, as they are
commonly called, of the Order of our Lady of
Mount Carmel, which was afterwards transplanted
from Syria into Europe, and obtained the prin-
cipal rank among the mendicant or begging
orders. It is true, the Carmelites reject, with
Efgg0 The Prsemonstratenses, or monks of Premontre, vul-
garly called White Canons, came first into England, A. D.
11.46. Their first monastery, called New House, was built
in Lincolnshire, by Peter de Saulia, and dedicated to St.
Martial. In the reign of Edward I. the order in question
had twenty-seven monasteries in England.
(.9) In the year 1205.
(if) I have here principally followed Dan. Papebroch, an
accurate writer, and one who is always careful to produce
sufficient testimonies of the truth of his narrations. See the
Acta Sanctor. Antwerp. Mense April, torn.' iii. p. 774 — 802.
It is well known that an accusation was brought against this
learned Jesuit, before the tribunal of the Roman pontiff, by
the Carmelites, on account of his having called in question
the dignity and high antiquity of their order. We have in
Helyot's Hist, des Ordres, to*m. i. p. 282. an account of this
long and tedious contest, which was so far determined, or
at least suspended, in the year 1698, by Innocent XII. that
silence was imposed upon the contending parties.
74 The Internal Histoty of the Church.
CENT, the highest indignation, an origin so recent and
PART*'!! °bscure> and affirm to this very day, that the
1 prophet Elias was the parent and founder of
their ancient community (?/). Very few, however,
have been engaged to adopt this fabulous and
chimerical account of their establishments, except
the members of the order, and many Roman
catholic writers have treated their pretensions to
such a remote antiquity with the utmost con-
tempt (w). [ggf0 And scarcely, indeed, can any
thing be more ridiculous than the circumstantial
narrations of the occasion, origin, founder, and
revolutions of this famous order, which we find
in several ecclesiastical authors, whose zeal for
this fraternity has rendered them capable of
adopting, without reluctance, or, at least, of recit-
ing without shame, the most puerile and glaring
absurdities. They tell us that Elias was intro-
duced into the state of monachism by the ministry
of angels ; that his first disciples were Jonah,
Micah, and also Obadiah, whose wife, in order
to get rid of an importunate crowd of lovers,
who fluttered about her at the court of Achab,
after the departure of her husband, bound herself
by a vow of chastity, received the veil from the
hands of father Elias, and thus became the first
abbess of the Carmelite Order. They enter into
a vast detail of all the circumstances that relate
to the rules of discipline which were drawn up for
this community, the habit which distinguished
(M) The most concise and accurate of all the Carmelite
writers, who have treated this matter, is Thomas Aquinas,
a French monk, in his Dissertatio Histor. Theol. in qua Pa-
triarchatus Ordinis Carmelitarum Prophetse Eliac vindicatur,
published in 8vo. at Paris in the year 1632. The modern
writers who have maintained the cause of the Carmelites
against Papebroch are extremely prolix and tiresome.
(w) See Harduini Opera Posthum. p. 61-2. — Labat. Voyage
en Espagne et Italie, torn. iii. p. 87. — Couniyer, Examen dcs
Defauts Theologiques; torn. i. p. 455.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 75
its members, and the various alterations which CENT.
XII.
PART II.
were introduced into their rule of discipline in
process of time. They observe, that, among
other marks which were used to distinguish the
Carmelites from the seculars, the tonsure was
one ; that this mark of distinction exposed them,
indeed, to the mockeries of a profane multitude ;
and that this furnishes the true explication of
the terms bald head, which the children addressed,
by way of reproach, to Elisha as he was on
his way to Carmel (#). They tell us, moreover,
that Pythagoras was a member of this ancient
order ; that he drew all his wisdom from mount
Carmel, and had several conversations with the
prophet Daniel at Babylon, upon the subject
of the Trinity. Nay, they go still farther into
the region of fable, and assert, that the Virgin
Mary, and Jesus himself, assumed the habit and
profession of Carmelites ; and they load this
fiction with a heap of absurd circumstances,
which it is impossible to read without the highest
astonishment] (#).
(.r) See 2 Kings ii. 23.
ilg0 (y) For an ample account of all the absurd inven-
tions here hinted at. see a very remarkable work entitled
Ordres Monastiques, Histoire extraite de tous les Auteurs
qui ont conserve a la Posterite ce qu'il y a de plus curieux
dans chaque Ordre, enrichie d'un tres grand Nombre de
Passages des mem.es Auteurs ; pour servir de Demonstra-
tion que ce qu'on y avance est egalement veritable et
curieux." This work, which was first printed at Paris in
1751, under the title of Berlin, and which was suppressed
almost as soon as it appeared, is written with great wit, elo-
quence, and learning • and all the narrations it contains are
confirmed by citations from the most eminent authors, who
have given accounts of the religious orders. The author's
design seems to have been to expose the monks of every de-
nomination to the laughter of his readers ; and it is very re-
markable, that, in the execution of this purpose, he has
drawn his materials from the gravest authors, and from the
most zealous defenders of monachism. If he has embellished
his subject, it is by the vivacity of his manner, and the witty
76 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XXII. To this brief account of the religious
PA™ ii 01>ders, it wiM not be amiss to add a list of the
— _ 1 principal Greek and Latin writers that flourished
Greek wri. fn this century. The most eminent among the
Greeks were those that follow :
Philippus Solitarius, whose Dioptra, or contro-
versy between the soul and the body, is sufficiently
known :
Eustratius, who maintained the cause of the
Greek church against the Latins with great learn-
ing and spirit, and who wrote commentaries on
certain books of Aristotle ;
Euthymius Zigabenus, who, by his Anti-heretical
Panoply, together with his commentaries upon
several parts of the sacred writings, has acquired
a place among the principal authors of this cen-
tury (*) ;
Johannes Zonaras, whose Annals, together with
several other productions of his learned pen, are
still extant ;
Michael Glycas, who also applied himself to
historical composition, as well as to other branches
of learning («) ;
Constantius Haraienopulus, whose commen-
taries on the civil and canon laws are deservedly
esteemed ;
elegance of his style, and not by laying to the charge of the
monastic communities any practices which their most serious
historians omit or disavow. The authors of the Bibliotheque
des Sciences et des Beaux Arts, at the Hague, have given
several interesting extracts of this work in the 2d, 3d, 4th,
and 5th volumes of that literary journal.
llgp0 The Carmelites came into England in the year 1240,
and erected there a vast number of monasteries almost
through the whole kingdom. See Broughton's Historical
Library, vol. i. p. 208.
(z) See Rich Simon, Critique de la Bibliotheque des Au-
teurs Eccles. par M. Du Pin, torn. i. p. 318. 324.
(a) Other historians place Glycas in the fifteenth century.
See Lami Dissertatio de Glyca, which is prefixed to the first
volume of his Deliciae virorum eruditorum.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 77
Andronicus Camaterus, who wrote with great CENT.
warmth and vehemence against the Latins and
Armenians ;
Eustathius, bishop of Thessalonica, the most
learned of the Greeks in this century, and the
celebrated commentator of the Iliad ;
Theodorus Balsamon, who employed great dili-
gence, erudition and labour, in explaining and
digesting the civil and ecclesiastical laws of the
Greeks (/>).
XXIII. The most eminent among the Latin Latin
• , ters.
writers were,
Bernard, abbot of Clairval, from whom the
Cistertian monks, as has been already observed,
derived the title of Bernardins ; a man who was
not destitute of genius and taste, and whose judg-
ment, in many respects, was just and penetrat-
ing ; but who, on the other hand, discovered in
his conduct many marks of superstition and
weakness, and, what was still worse, concealed the
lust of dominion under the mask of piety, and
made no scruple of loading with false accusations,
such as had the misfortune to incur his displea-
sure (c) ;
Innocent III. bishop of Rome, whose epistles
and other productions contribute to illustrate the
religious sentiments, as also the discipline and
morals, that prevailed in this century (</) ;
Anselm, of Laon, a man of a subtle genius, and
deeply versed in logical disquisition ;
(b) See the Bibliotheca Graeca of Fabricius.
(c) The learned Mabillon has given a splendid edition
of the works of St. Bernard, and has not only in his preface
made many excellent observations upon the life and history
of this famous abbot, but has also subjoined to his works,
the accounts that have been given, by the ancient writers,
of his life and actions.
(d) The Epistles of Innocent III. were published at Paris,
in two large volumes in folio, by Baluzius, in the year 1682.
PART II.
78 The Internal History of the Chprch.
CENT. Abelard, the disciple of Anselm, and most fa-
XIIi mous in this century, on account of the elegance
of his wit, the extent of his erudition, the power
of his rhetoric, and the bitterness of his unhappy
fate (<?) ;
Geoffry of Vendome, whose Epistles and Dis-
sertations are yet extant ;
Rupert of Duytz, the most eminent, per-
haps, of all the expositors of the holy scriptures,
who flourished among the Latins during this
century, a man of a sound judgment and an ele-
gant taste (f ) ;
Hugh of St. Victor, a man distinguished by
the fecundity of his genius, who treated in his
writings of all the branches of sacred and profane
erudition, that were known in his time, and who
composed several dissertations that are not desti-
tute of merit (g) ;
Richard of St. Victor, who was at the head of
the Mystics in this century, and whose treatise,
entitled, The Mystical Ark, which contains, as
it were, the marrow of that kind of theology, was
received with the greatest avidity, and applauded
by the fanatics of the times (/?) ,
(e) See Bayle's Dictionary, at the articles Abelard and
Paraclet. — Gervais, Vie de Pierre Abeillard, Abbe de lluys,
et de Heloise, published at Paris in two volumes 8vo. in the
year 1728. The works of this famous and unfortunate monk
were published at Paris in 1616, in one volume 4to. by
Franc. Amboise. Another edition, much more ample, might
be given, since there are a great number of the productions
of Abelard that have never yet seen the light.
{/) See Mabillon, Annal. Bened. torn. vi. p. 19, 20. 4-2.
144. 168. 261. 282. 296. who gives an ample account of Ru-
pert, and of the disputes in which he was involved.
(g) See Gallia Christiana, torn. vii. p. 661. The works of
this learned man were published at Rouen, in three volumes
in folio, in the year 164-8. See for a farther account of him,
Derlangii Dissert, de Hugoni a S. Victoire, Helmstadt, 174-6,
in 4-to. and Martene's Voyage Litterairc, torn. ii. p. 91, 92.
(//) Gallia Christiana, torn. vii. p. 669.
CHAP. n. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 79
Honorius of Autun (e), no mean philosopher, CENT.
and tolerably versed in theological learning ;
Gratian, a learned monk, who reduced the .
canon law into a new and regular form, in his
vast compilation of the decisions of the ancient
and modern councils, the decretals of the pontiffs,
the capitularies of the kings of France, &c. ;
William of Rheims, the author 'of several pro-
ductions, every way adapted to excite pious sen-
timents, and to contribute to the progress of
practical religion ;
Peter Lombard, who was commonly called,
in France, Master of the Sentences, because he
had composed a work so entitled, which was a
collection of opinions and sentences relative to
the various branches of theology, extracted from
the Latin doctors, and reduced into a sort of
system (/r) ;
Gilbertus Porretanus (/), a subtle dialectician,
and a learned divine, who is, however, said to
have adopted several erroneous sentiments con-
cerning The Divine Essence ; The Incarnation ;
and The Trinity (m) ;
William of Auxerre, who acquired a consider-
able reputation by his Theological System '(n) ;
Peter of Blois (o), whose epistles and other
productions may yet be read with profit ;
(/') Such is the place to which Honorius is said to have
belonged. But Le Bceuf proves him to have been a German,
in his Dissert, sur 1'Hist. Francoise, torn. i. p. 254-.
(k) Gallia Christiana, torn. vii. p. 68.
(/) Gilbert, De la Poiree.
^g3"" (m) He held, among other things, this trifling and
sophistical proposition, that the divine essence and attributes
are not God ; a proposition that was every way proper to
exercise the quibbling spirit of the scholastic writers.
(n) Le Bceuf, Dissert, sur la Somme Theologique de Guil-
laume d'Auxerre, in Molat's Continuation des Memoircs
d'Histoire et de Litterature, torn. iii. part II. p. 317.
(o) Petrus Blesensis.
XII.
PART II.
The Intemial History of the Church.
CENT. John of Salisbury, a man of great learning and
true genius, whose philosophical and theological
knowledge was adorned with a lively wit and a
flowing eloquence, as appears in his Metalogicus,
and his book De nugis Curialium ;
Petrus Comestor, author of An Abridgment
of the History of the Old and New Testament,
which was used in the schools for the instruction
of the youth, and called probably from thence,
Historia Scholastica.
A more ample account of the names and charac-
ters of the Latin writers may be found in those
authors who have professedly treated that branch
of literature.
CHAPTER III.
Concerning the Doctrine of the Christian Church
in this Century.
Christianity I. WHEN we consider the multitude of causes
! w^icn united their influence in obscuring the
lustre of genuine Christianity, and corrupting
it by a profane mixture of the inventions of
superstitious and designing men with its pure
and sublime doctrines, it will appear surprising,
that the religion of Jesus was not totally extin-
guished. All orders contributed, though in dif-
ferent ways, to corrupt the native purity of true
religion. The Roman pontiffs led the way ;
they would not suffer any doctrines that had the
smallest tendency to diminish their despotic-
authority ; but obliged the public teachers to
interpret the precepts of Christianity in such a
manner, as to render them subservient to the sup-
port of papal dominion and tyranny. This order
was so much the more terrible, in that such as re-
fused to comply with it, and to force the words of
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 81
scripture into significations totally opposite to the CENT.
intention of its divine author, such, in a word, as
had the courage to place the authority of the
gospel above that of the Roman pontiffs, and to
consider it as the supreme rule of their conduct,
were answered with the formidable arguments of
fire and sword, and received death in the most
cruel forms, as the fruit of their sincerity and
resolution. The priests and monks contributed,
in their way, to disfigure the beautiful simplicity
of religion ; and, finding it their interest to keep
the people in the grossest ignorance and darkness,
dazzled their feeble eyes with the ludicrous pomp
of a gaudy worship, and led them to place the
whole of religion in vain ceremonies, bodily aus-
terities and exercises, and particularly in a blind
arid stupid veneration for the clergy. The scho-
lastic doctors, who considered the decisions of the
ancients, and the precepts of the Dialecticians as
the great rule and criterion of truth, instead of
explaining the doctrines of the gospel, mined them
by degrees, and sunk divine truth under the ruins
of a captious philosophy ; while the Mystics,
running into the opposite extreme, maintained,
that the souls of the truly pious were incapable of
any spontaneous motions, and could only be moved
by a divine impulse ; and thus not only set limits
to the pretensions of reason, but excluded it en-
tirely from religion and morality ; nay, in some
measure, denied its very existence.
II. The consequences of all this were super-
stition and ignorance, which were substituted in tion reig,ns
,11 P !• • i i among the
the place or true religion, and reigned over the multitude.
multitude with an universal sway. Ilelics, which
were for the most part fictitious, or at least un-
certain, attracted more powerfully the confidence
of the people, than the merits of Christ, and were
supposed by many to be more effectual, than the
prayers offered to heaven, through the mediation
VOL. III. G
82 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and intercession of that divine Redeemer (p).
PARTII. The op^ent, whose circumstances enabled them
either to erect new temples, or to repair and em-
bellish the old, were looked upon as the happiest
of all mortals, and were considered as the most
intimate friends of the Most High. While they,
whom poverty rendered incapable of such pompous
acts of liberality, contributed to the multiplication
of religious edifices by their bodily labours, cheer-
fully performed the services that beasts of burden
are usually employed in, such as carrying stones
and drawing waggons, and expected to obtain
eternal salvation by these voluntary and painful
efforts of misguided zeal (^). The saints had a
greater number of worshippers than the Supreme
Being and the Saviour of mankind ; nor did these
superstitious worshippers trouble their heads about
that knotty question, which occasioned much debate
and many laborious disquisitions in succeeding
times, viz. How the inhabitants of heaven came to
the knowledge of the prayers and supplications that
were addressed to them from the earth? This
question was prevented in this century by an
opinion, which the Christians had received from
their pagan ancestors, that the inhabitants of
heaven descended often from above, and fre-
quented the places in which they had formerly
taken pleasure during their residence upon
earth (r). To finish the horrid portrait of super-
(p) See Guibert de Novigento, De pignoribus (so were
relics called) sanctorum, in his Works published by Dachefius,
p. 327. where he attacks, with judgment and dexterity, the
superstition of these miserable times.
(q) See Haymon's Treatise concerning this custom, pub-
lished by Mabillon, at the end of the sixth tome of his Annal.
Benedict. See also these Annals, p. 392.
(r) As a proof that this assertion is not without founda-
tion, we shall transcribe the following remarkable passage
of the Life of St. Altman, bishop of Padua, as it stands in
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 83
stition, we shall only observe, that the stupid CENT.
credulity of the people in this century went so
far, that when any person, either through the
frenzy of a disordered imagination, or with a
design to deceive, published the dreams or
visions, which they fancied, or pretended they had
from above, the multitude resorted to the new-
oracle, and respected its decisions as the com-
mands of God, who in this way was pleased,
as they imagined, to communicate counsel, in-
struction, and the knowledge of his will to men.
This appears, to mention no other examples,
from the extraordinary reputation which the two
famous prophetesses Hildegard, abbess of Bingen,
and Elizabeth of Schonauge, obtained in Ger-
many (s).
III. This universal reign of ignorance and The scan-
superstition was dexterously, yet basely improved, Jf^J-Jj£
by the rulers of the church, to fill their coffers, gences be-
and to drain the purses of the deluded multitude. f
And, indeed, all the various ranks and orders of
the clergy had each their peculiar method of
fleecing the people. The bishops, when they
wanted money for their private pleasures, or for
the exigencies of the church, granted to their
flock the power of purchasing the remission of
the penalties imposed upon transgressors, by a sum
of money, which was to be applied to certain
religious purposes, or, in other words, they pub-
lished indulgences, which became an inexhaustible
source of opulence to the episcopal orders, and
Seb. Tengnagl's Collect. Vet. Monumentor. p. 41. " Vos
licet, sancti Domini, somno vestro requiescatis . . . baud ta-
men crediderim, spiritus vestros deesse locis qua? viventis
tanta devotione construxitis, et dilexistis. Credo vos adesse
cunctis illic degentibus, astare videlicet orantibus, succur-
rere laborantibus, et vota singulorum in conspectu divinae
rnajestatis promovere."
(s) See Mabillon, Annales Benedict, torn. vi. p. 431. 529.
554.
G 2
84 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, enabled them, as is well known, to form and
PAR* H execute the most difficult schemes for the enlarge-
1 ment of their authority, and to erect a multitude
of sacred edifices, which augmented considerably
the external pomp and splendor of the church (f).
The abbots and monks, who were not qualified
to grant indulgences, had recourse to other
methods of enriching their convents. They
carried about the country the carcases and relics
of the saints in solemn procession, and permitted
the multitude to behold, touch, and embrace these
sacred and lucrative remains at certain fixed
prices. The monastic orders gained often as
much by this raree-show, as the bishops did by
their indulgences (u).
And after- IV. When the Roman pontiffs cast an eye upon
"oizedT0" ^e ™mense treasures that the inferior rulers of
the Roman the church were accumulating by the sale of in-
pontiffs. diligences, they thought proper to limit the power
of the bishops in remitting the penalties imposed
upon transgressors, and assumed, almost entirely,
this profitable traffic to themselves. In conse-
quence of this new measure, the court of Rome
became the general magazine of indulgences ; and
the pontiffs, when either the wants of the church,
the emptiness of their coffers, or the daemon of
avarice, prompted them to look out for new
subsidies, published not only an universal, but
also a complete, or what they called a plenary
(t] Stephanus, Obaziensis in Baluzii Miscellan. torn. iv. p.
130. — Mabillon Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 535, &c.
(«) We find in the records of this century innumerable
examples of this method of extorting contributions from the
multitude. See the Chronicon. Centulense in Dacherii Spi-
cilegio Veter. Scriptor. torn. ii. p. 354. — Vita Sta?. Romanac,
ibid. p. 137. — Mabillon, Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 342.
64-4-. — Acta Sanctor. Mensis Maii, torn. vii. p. 533. where we
have an account of a long journey made by the relics of St.
Marculus. — Mabillon, Acta Sanctor. Ord. Benedict, torn. vi.
p. 519, 520. and torn. ii. p. 732.
PART II,
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 85
remission of all the temporal pains and penalties, CENT.
which the church had annexed to certain trans-
gressions. They went still farther, and not only
remitted the penalties, which the civil and eccle-
siastical laws had enacted against transgressors,
but audaciously usurped the authority which
belongs to God alone, and impiously pretended to
abolish even the punishments which are reserved
in a future state for the workers of iniquity; a
step this, which the bishops, with all their avarice
and presumption, had never once ventured to
take (w).
The pontiffs first employed this pretended pre-
rogative in promoting the holy war, and shed
abroad their indulgences, though with a certain
degree of moderation, in order to encourage the
European princes to form new expeditions for the
conquest of Palestine ; but, in process - of time,
the charm of indulgences was practised upon
various occasions of much less consequence, and
merely with a view to filthy lucre (#). Their in-
troduction, among other things, destroyed the
credit and authority of the ancient canonical and
ecclesiastical discipline of penance, and occasioned
the removal and suppression of the penitentials (z/),
by which the reins were let loose to every kind of
vice. Such proceedings stood much in need of a
plausible defence, but this was impossible. To
justify therefore these scandalous measures of the
(to) Morinus, De administratione sacramenti poenitentiae,
lib. x. cap. xx, xxi, xxii. p. 7618. — Rich. Simon, Biblioth. Cri-
tique, torn. iii. cap. xxxiii. p. 371. — Mabillon, Praef. ad Acta
Sanctor. Saec. v. Acta Sanctor. Benedict, p. 5-1?. not to speak
of the protestant writers, whom I designedly pass over.
^ (x) Muratori, Antiq. Ital. medii sevi, torn. v. p. 761. —
Franc. Pagi Breviar. Rom. Pontif. torn. ii. p. 60. — Theod.
Ruinarti Vita Urbani II. p. 231. torn. iii. Opp. Posthum.
flip0 (y) The Penitential was a book, in which the degree
and kind of penance that were annexed to each crime, were
registered.
86
CENT.
XII.
PART II,
The expo-
sitors and
commenta-
tors of this
century.
The Internal History of the Church.
pontiffs, a most monstrous and absurd doctrine
was now invented, which was modified and em-
bellished by St. Thomas, in the following century,
and which contained among others the following
enormities, " That there actually existed an im-
" mense treasure of merit, composed of the pious
" deeds, and virtuous actions, which the saints
" had performed beyond what was necessary for
" their own salvation (#), and which were there-
" fore applicable to the benefit of others ; that the
" guardian and dispenser of this precious treasure
" was the Roman pontiff ; and that of conse-
" quence he was empowered to assign to such as
" he thought proper, a portion of this inexhaus-
" tible source of merit, suitable to their respective
" guilt, and sufficient to deliver them from the
" punishment due to their crimes." It is a most
deplorable mark of the power of superstition, that
a doctrine, so absurd in its nature, and so perni-
cious in its effects, should yet be retained and de-
fended in the church of Rome (a).
V. Nothing was more common in this century
than expositors and interpreters of the sacred
writings ; but nothing was so rare, as to find, in
that class of authors, the qualifications that are
essentially required in a good commentator. Few
of these expositors were attentive to search after
(z) These works are known by the name of Works of
Supererogation.
lUp23 (a) For a satisfactory and ample account of the enor-
moui doctrine of indulgences, see a very learned and judi-
cious work, entitled Lettres sur les Jubiles, published in the
year 1751, in three volumes 8vo. by the reverend Mr. Chais,
minister of the French church in the Hague, on occasion of
the universal Jubilee celebrated at Rome the preceding
year, by the order of Benedict XIV. In the 2d volume of
this excellent work, which we shall have frequent occasion
to consult in the course of this history, there is a clear ac-
count and a satisfactory refutation of the doctrine in ques-
tion, as also the history of that monstrous practice from its
origin to the present times.
PART II.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 87
the true signification of the words employed by CENT.
the sacred writers, or to investigate the precise
sense in which they were used ; and these few
were destitute of the succours which such re-
searches demand. The Greek and Latin com-
mentators, blinded by their enthusiastic love of
antiquity, and their implicit veneration for the
doctors of the early ages of the church, drew from
their writings, without discernment or choice, a
heap of passages, which they were pleased to
consider as illustrations of the holy scriptures.
Such were the commentaries of Euthymius Ziga-
benus, an eminent expositor among the Greeks,
upon the Psalms, Gospels, and Epistles; though
it must, at the same time, be acknowledged, that
this writer follows, in some places, the dictates of
his own judgment, and gives, upon certain occa-
sions, proofs of penetration and genius. Among
the Latins, we might give several examples of the
injudicious manner of expounding the divine word
that prevailed in this century, such as the Lucu-
brations of Peter Lombard, Gilbert de la Poree,
and the famous Abelard, upon the Psalms of
David, and the Epistles of St. Paul. Nor do
those commentators among the Latins, who ex-
pounded the whole of the sacred writings, and
who are placed at the head of the expositors of
this age, such as Gilbert, bishop of London, sur-
named the Universal, on account of the vast
extent of his erudition (&)> and Hervey, a most
studious Benedictine monk (c), deserve a higher
place in our esteem, than the authors already
mentioned. The writers that merit the prefer-
ence among the Latins are Rupert of Duytz, and
(b) For an account of this prelate, see Le Boeuf, Me
moires concernant 1'Histoire d'Auxerre, torn. ii. p. 486.
(c) An ample account of this learned Benedictine is to
be found in Gabr. Liron, Singularites Historiques et Lit-
teraires, torn. iii. p. 29. — See also Mabillon, Annales Bene-
dict, torn, vi, p. 4-77. 719.
88 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Anselm of Laon ; the former of whom expounded
1' several books of scripture, and the latter com-
l. A
„ posed, or rather compiled, a glossary upon the
sacred writings. As to those doctors who were
not carried away by an enthusiastical veneration
for the ancients, who had courage enough to try
their own talents, and to follow the dictates of
their own sagacity, they were chargeable with
defects of another kind ; for, disregarding and
overlooking the beautiful simplicity of divine
truth, they were perpetually bent on the search of
all sorts of mysteries in the sacred writings, and
were constantly on the scent after some hidden
meaning in the plainest expressions of Scripture.
The people called Mystics excelled peculiarly in
this manner of expounding ; and forced, by their
violent explications, the word of God into a con-
formity with their visionary doctrines, their en-
thusiastic feelings, and the system of discipline
which they had drawn from the excursions of their
irregular fancies. Nor were the commentators,
who pretended to logic and philosophy, and who,
in effect, had applied themselves to these profound
sciences, free from the contagion of mysticism in
their explications of scripture. They followed,
on the contrary, the example of these fanatics,
as may be seen by Hugh of St. Victor's Allego-
rical Exposition of the Old and New Testament,
by the Mystical Ark of Richard of St. Victor,
and by the Mystical Commentaries of Guibert,
abbot of Nogent, on Obadiah, Hosea, and
Amos c() ; not to mention several other writers,
who seem to have been animated by the same
spirit.
The manner VI. The most eminent teachers of theology
resided at Paris, which city was, from this time
that now forward, frequented by students of divinity from
(d) The Prologus in Abdiam has been published by Ma-
billon, in his Annales Benedict, torn, vi. p. 637.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 89
all parts of Europe, who resorted thither in crowds, CENT.
to receive instruction from these celebrated masters.
The French divines were divided into different
sects. The first of these sects, who were distin-
guished by the title of The Ancient Theologists,
explained the doctrines of religion, in a plain and
simple manner, by passages drawn from the holy
scriptures, from the decrees of councils, and the
writings of the ancient doctors, and very rarely
made use of the succours of reason or philosophy
in their theological lectures. In this class we
place St. Bernard, Peter, surnamed the Chanter,
Walter of St. Victor, and other doctors, who de-
clared an open and bitter war against the philo-
sophical divines. The doctors, which were after-
wards known by the name of Positivi and Sen-
tentiarii, were not, in all respects, different from
these now mentioned. Imitating the examples of
Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, Lanfranc,
Hildebert, and other doctors of the preceding
century, they taught and confirmed their system
of theology, principally by collecting the deci-
sions of the inspired writers, and the opinions of
the ancients. At the same time they were far
from rejecting the succours of reason, and the
discussions of philosophy, to which they more
especially had recourse, when difficulties were to
be solved, and adversaries to be refuted, but, in
the application of which, all did not discover the
same degree of moderation and prudence. Hugh
of St. Victor is supposed to have been the first
writer of this century, who taught in this manner
the doctrines of Christianity, digested into a
regular system. His example, however, was fol-
lowed by many ; but none acquired such a shining
reputation by his labours, in this branch of sacred
erudition, as Peter, bishop of Paris, surnamed
Lombard, from the country which gave him birth.
The Four Books of Sentences of this eminent
90 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, prelate, which appeared in the year 1172
'
v ART
T' 1 1 were not onty receiyed with universal applause,
_ but acquired also such a high degree of authority,
as induced the most learned doctors in all places,
to employ their labours in illustrating and ex-
pounding them. Scarcely was there any divine
of note that did not undertake this popular task,
except Henry of Gendt, and a few others (/) ; so
that Lombard, who was commonly called Master
of the Sentences, on account of the famous work
now mentioned, became truly a classic author in
divinity («•).
Thescho- VII. The followers of Lombard, who were
periySsopr°" ca^e(^ Sententiarii, though their manner of teach-
caiied. ing was defective in some respects, and not alto-
gether exempt from vain and trivial questions,
were always attentive to avoid entering too far
into the subtilties of the Dialecticians, nor did
they presumptuously attempt submitting the divine
truths of the gospel to the uncertain and obscure
(e) Erpoldi Lindenbrogii ScriptoresSeptentrionales,p.250.
(/) A list of the commentators who laboured in explain-
ing the Sentences of Peter Lombard, is given by Anton. Pos-
sevinus, in his Biblioth. Selecta, torn. i. lib. iii. cap. xiv. p. 242.
Ijgg13 (g) The Book of Sentences, which rendered the
name of Peter Lombard so illustrious, was a compilation of
sentences and passages drawn from the fathers, whose mani-
fold contradictions this eminent prelate endeavoured to re-
concile. His work may be considered as a complete body
of divinity. It consists of Four Books, each of which is sub-
divided into various chapters and sections. In the first he
treats of the Trinity, and the Divine Attributes ; in the se-
cond, of the Creation in general, of the Origin of Angels,
the Formation and Fall of Man, of Grace and Free Will, of
Original Sin and Actual Transgression ; in the third, of the
Incarnation, and Perfections of Jesus Christ, of Faith, Hope,
and Charity, of the Gifts of the Spirit, and the Command-
ments of God. The Sacraments, the Resurrection, the Last
Judgment, and the State of the Righteous in Heaven, are
the subjects treated in the fourth and last book of this fa-
mous work, which was the wonder of the twelfth century,
and is little more than an object or contempt in ours.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 91
principles of a refined and intricate logic, which CENT
was rather founded on the excursions of fancy
than on the nature of things. They had for con-
temporaries another set of theologists, who were
far from imitating their moderation and prudence
in this respect ; a set of subtile doctors, who
taught the plain and simple truths of Christianity,
in the obscure terms, and with the perplexing di-
stinctions, used by the Dialecticians, and explained,
or rather darkened with their unintelligible jargon,
the sublime precepts of the wisdom that is from
above. This method of teaching theology, which
was afterwards called the scholastic system, because
it was in general use in the schools, had for its
author, Peter Abelard, a man of the most subtile
genius, whose public lectures in philosophy and
divinity had raised him to the highest summit of
literary renown, and who was successively canon
of Paris, and monk and abbot of Ruys (&). The
fame he acquired by this new method engaged
many ambitious divines to adopt it ; and, in a
short space of time, the followers of Abelard mul-
tiplied prodigiously, not only in France, but also
in England and Italy. Thus was the pure and
peaceable wisdom of the gospel perverted into a
science of mere sophistry and chicane ; for these
subtile doctors never explained or illustrated any
subject, but, on the contrary, darkened and dis-
figured the plainest expressions, and the most
evident truths, by their laboured and useless
distinctions, fatigued both themselves and others
with unintelligible solutions of abstruse and
frivolous questions, and through a rage for dis-
puting, maintained with equal vehemence and
(h) Abelard acknowledges this himself, Epist. i. cap. ix.
p. '20. Oper. — See also Launois, De Scholis Caroli M. p. 67.
cap. lix. torn. iv. opp. part Iv
92 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, ardour the opposite sides of the most serious and
xn; momentous questions (j).
VIII. From this period therefore, an important
The Chris- distinction was made between the Christian doctors,
di/.dtdlnto w^° were divided into two classes. In the first
two classes, class were placed those, who were called by the
" vai*i°us names of biblici, i. e. bible-doctors, dog-
matici and positivi, i. e. didactic divines, and also
veteres, or ancients ; and in the second were
ranged the scholastics, who were also distinguished
by the titles of Sententiarii, after the Master of
the Sentences, and Novi, to express their recent
origin. The former expounded, though in a
wretched manner, the sacred writings in their
public schools, illustrated the doctrines of Chris-
tianity, without deriving any succours from reason
or philosophy, and confirmed their opinions by the
united testimonies of scripture and tradition.
The latter expounded, instead of the Bible, the
famous Book of Sentences ; reduced, under the
province of their subtile philosophy, whatever the
gospel proposed as an object of faith, or a rule
of practice ; and perplexed and obscured its
divine doctrines and precepts by a multitude of
vain questions and idle speculations (&). The
method of the scholastics exhibited a pompous
aspect of learning, and these subtile doctors seemed
to surpass their adversaries in sagacity and genius ;
hence they excited the admiration of the studious
youth, who flocked to their schools in multitudes,
while the biblici or doctors of the sacred page,
as they were also called, had the mortification
to see their auditories unfrequented, and almost
(i) Caes. Egasse de Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. ii.
p. 201. 583. — Anton. Wood, Antiquit. Oxoniens. torn. i. p.
58. — Launoius, De varia Aristotelis fortuna in Acad. Paris,
cap. iii. p. 187. Edit. Elswichii Vitem. 1720, in 8vo.
(£) See Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 657.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 93
deserted (/). The scholastic theology continued CENT.
in high repute in all the European colleges until
the time of Luther.
IX. It must, however, be observed, that these The
metaphysical divines had many difficulties to
encounter, and much opposition to overcome, from differ-
before they could obtain that boundless authority entquarters'
in the European schools, which they enjoyed so
long. They were attacked from different quarters ;
on the one hand, by the ancient divines, or bible
doctors ; on the other, by the mystics, who con-
sidered true wisdom and knowledge as unattain-
able by study or reasoning, and as the fruit of
mere contemplation, inward feeling, and a pas-
sive acquiescence in divine influences. Thus
that ancient conflict between faith and reason,
that had formerly divided the Latin doctors,
and had been for many years hushed in silence,
was now unhappily revived, and produced every
where new tumults and dissensions. The patrons
and defenders of the ancient theology, who attacked
(/) The Book of Sentences seemed to be at this time in
much greater repute than the Holy Scriptures, and the
compilations of Peter Lombard were preferred to the doc-
trines and precepts of Jesus Christ. This appears evident
from the following remarkable passage in Roger Bacon's
Opp. Maj. ad Clementem IV. Pontif. Rom. published in
1733 at London, by Sam. Jebb, from the original MSS.
" Baccalaureus qui legit textum (scripturae) succumbit lectori
sententiarum, et ubique in omnibus honoratur et prefertur :
nam ille, qui legit sententias habet, principalemhoram legendi
secundum suam voluntatem, habet et socium et cameram
apud religiosos : sed qui leget Bibliam, caret his, et mendicat
horam legendi secundum quod placet lectori sententiarum:
et qui legit summas, disputat ubique et pro magistro habetur,
reliquus qui textum legit, non potest disputare, sicut fuit hoc
anno Bononiae, et in multis aliis locis, quod est absurdum :
manifestum est igitur, quod textus illius facultatis (sc. Theo-
logies) subjicitur uni s.umma; magistrali." Such was now
the authority of the scholastic theology, as appears from the
words of Bacon, who lived in the following age, and in whose
writings there are many things highly worthy of the atten-
tion of the curious.
94 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the schoolmen, were Guibert, abbot of Nogent (
PA*T'
II. Peter> abbot of Moustier-la-Celle (n), Peter the
Chanter (o), and principally Walter of St. Victor(p).
The Mystics also sent forth into the field of
controversy upon this occasion, their ablest and
most violent champions, such as Joachim abbot
of Flori, Richard of St. Victor, who loaded
with invectives the scholastic divines, and more
especially Lombard, though he was, undoubtedly,
the most candid and modest doctor of that subtile
tribe. These dissensions and contests, whose
deplorable effects augmented from day to day,
engaged Alexander III. who was pontiff at this
time, to interpose his authority, in order to restore
tranquillity and concord in the church. For
this purpose he convoked a solemn and numerous
assembly of the clergy in the year 1164 (ry), in
which the licentious rage of disputing about
religious matters was condemned ; and another
in the year 1179? in which some particular
errors of Peter Lombard were pointed out and
censured (/*).
X. But of all the adversaries that assailed the
nard. scholastic divines in this century, none was so
formidable as the famous St. Bernard, whose
zeal was ardent beyond all expression, and whose
influence and authority were equal to his zeal.
And, accordingly, we find this illustrious abbot
(m} In his Tropologia in Oseam, p. 203. Opp.
(») Opuscul. p. 277. 396. edit. Benedict.
(o) In his Verbum Abbreviat. cap. iii. p. 6, 7. published
at Mons in the year 1639, in 4to. by George Galopin.
(p) In his Libri iv. contra Quatuor Franciae Labyrinthos
et novos Haereticos. He called Abelard, Gilbert de la Poree,
Lombard, and Peter of Poitiers, who were the principal scho-
lastic divines of this century, the four Labyrinths of France.
For an account of this work, which is yet in manuscript, see
Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 619. 659.
(</) Ant. Pagi Critic, in Baronium, torn. iv. ad A. 1164.
p. 614, 615.
(r) Matth. Paris. Histor. Major, p. 115. — Boulay, Histor.
Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 402.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 95
combating the Dialecticians, not only in his CENT.
XII.
PART II.
writings and his conversation, but also by his
deeds ; arming against them synods and councils,
the decrees of the church, and the laws of the
state. The renowned Abelard, who was as
much superior to St. Bernard in sagacity and
erudition, as he was his inferior in credit and
authority, was one of the first who felt, by a
bitter experience, the aversion of the lordly abbot
to the scholastic doctors; for, in the year 1121,
he was called before the council of Soissons, and
before that of Sens in the year 1140, in both of
which assemblies he was accused by St. Bernard
of the most pernicious errors, and was finally
condemned as an egregious heretic (s). The
charge brought against this subtile and learned
monk was, that he had notoriously corrupted the
doctrine of the Trinity, blasphemed against the
majesty of the Holy Ghost, entertained unworthy
and false conceptions of the person and offices of
Christ, and the union of the two natures in him,
denied the necessity of the divine grace to render
us virtuous, and, in a word, that his doctrines
struck at the fundamental principles of all re-
ligion. It must be confessed by those who are
acquainted with the writings of Abelard, that he
expressed himself in a very singular and incon-
gruous manner upon several points of theology (f) ;
and this indeed is one of the inconveniences to
(s) See Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Abelard. — Ger-
vais, Vie d' Abelard et d'Heloise. — Mabillon, Annal. Bene-
dict, torn. vi. p. 63. 84. 324. 395.— Martene, Thesaur. Anec-
dotor. torn. v. p. 1139.
^g° (t) He affirmed, for example, among other things
equally unintelligible and extravagant, that the names,
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, were improper terms, and
were only used to express the fulness of the sovereign good ;
that the Father was the plenitude of power, the Son a certain
power, and the Holy Ghost no power at all; that the Holy
Ghost was the soul of the world, with other crude fancies of
a like nature, mingled, however, with bold truths.
96 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, which subtile refinements upon mysterious doc-
PART ii. trmes frequently lead. But it is certain, on the
other hand, that St. Bernard, who had much more
genius than logic, misunderstood some of the
opinions of Abelard, and wilfully perverted others.
For the zeal of this good abbot too rarely per-
mitted him to consult in his decisions the dictates
of impartial equity ; and hence it was, that he
almost always applauded beyond measure, and
censured without mercy (u).
XI. Abelard was not the only scholastic divine
who paid dear for his metaphysical refinement
upon the doctrines of the gospel, and whose logic
exposed him to the unrelenting fury of persecu-
tion ; Gilbert de la Poree, bishop of Poitiers,
who had taught theology and philosophy at
Paris, and in other places, with the highest ap-
plause, met with the same fate. Unfortunately
for him, Arnold and Calo, two of his archdea-
cons, who had been educated in the principles of
the ancient theology, heard him one day disput-
ing, with more subtilty than was meet, concern-
ing the divine nature. Alarmed at the novelty
of his doctrine, they brought a charge of blas-
phemy against him before Pope Eugenius III.
who was at that time in France ; and, to give
weight to their accusation, they gained over St.
Bernard, and engaged him in their cause. This
zealous abbot treated the matter with his usual
(M) See Gervais, Vie d' Abelard, torn. ii. p. 162. — Le
Clerc, Biblioth. Ancienne et Moderne, torn. ix. p. 352.-—
Dionys. Petav. Dogmata Theolog. torn. i. lib. v. cap. vi. p.
217- as also the works of Bernard, passim. Abelard, who,
notwithstanding all his crude notions, was a man of true
genius, was undoubtedly worthy of a better fate than that
which fell to his lot, and of a more enlightened age than that
in which he lived. After passing through the furnace of
persecution, and having suffered afflictions of various kinds,
of which he has transmitted the history to posterity, he
retired to the monastery of Clugni, where he ended his days
in the year 1142.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 97
vehemence, and opposed Gilbert with the utmost CENT*
severity and bitterness, first in the council of XIL
Paris, A. D. 1147, and afterwards in that which PART "'
was assembled at Rheims the year following.
In this latter council the accused bishop, in order
to put an end to the dispute, offered to submit
his opinions to the judgment of the assembly,
and of the Roman pontiff, by whom they were
condemned. The errors attributed to Gilbert
were the fruits of an excessive subtilty, and of an
extravagant passion for reducing the doctrines of
Christianity under the empire of metaphysic and
dialectic. He distinguished the divine essence
from the Deity, the properties of the three divine
persons from the persons themselves, not in reality,
but by abstraction, in statu rationis, as the meta-
physicians speak; and in consequence of these
distinctions, he denied the incarnation of the
divine nature. To these he added other opinions,
derived from the same source, which were rather
vain, fanciful, and adapted to excite surprise by
their novelty, than glaringly false, or really per-
nicious. These refined notions were far above the
comprehension of good St. Bernard, who was by
no means accustomed to such profound disquisi-
tions, to such intricate researches (r^).
XII. The important science of morals was The gtate of
not now in a very flourishing state, as may be momi and
easily imagined when we consider the genius and
spirit of that philosophy, which, in this century,
reduced all the other sciences under its dominion,
and of which we have given some account in
the preceding sections. The only moral writer
(w) See Du Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 223.
232.— Mabillon, Annal. Benedictin. torn. vi. p. 34«3. 4-15.4-33.
— Gallia Christiana Benedictin. torn. ii. p. 1175. — Matth.
Paris, Histor. Major, p. 56. — Petavii Dogmata Theologica,
torn. i. lib. i. cap. viii. — Longueval, Histoire de 1'Eglise Gal-
licane, torn. ix. p. 147.
VOL. III. II
98 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, among the Greeks, who is worthy of mention, is
PART ii * surnamed the Solitary, whose book, in-
- titled Dioptra, which consists in a dialogue be-
tween the body and the soul, is composed with
judgment and elegance, and contains many
things proper to nourish pious and virtuous sen-
timents.
The Latin moralists of this age may be divided
into two classes, the scholastics and mystics. The
former discoursed about virtue, as they did about
truth, in the most unfeeling jargon, and generally
subjoined their arid system of morals to what
they called their didactic theology. The latter
treated the duties of morality in a quite different
manner ; their language was tender, persuasive,
and affecting, and their sentiments often beautiful
and sublime ; but they taught in a confused and
irregular manner, without method or precision,
and frequently mixed the dross of Platonism with
the pure treasures of celestial truth.
We might also place in the class of moral
writers the greatest part of the commentators and
expositors of this century, who, laying aside all
attention to the signification of the words used
by the sacred writers, and scarcely ever attempt-
ing to illustrate the truths they reveal, or the
events which they relate, turned, by forced and
allegorical explications, every passage of scripture
to practical uses, and drew lessons of morality
from every quarter. We could produce many
instances of this way of commenting besides
Guibert's Moral Observations on the Book of Job,
the Prophecy of Amos, and the Lamentations of
Jeremiah.
Polemic XIII. Both Greeks and Latins were seized with
that enthusiastic passion for dialectic researches,
that raged in this century, and were thereby ren-
dered extremely fond of captious questions and
theological contests, while, at the same time, the
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church.
love of controversy seduced them from the paths CENT.
that lead to truth, and involved them in laby- PA^""IU
rinths of uncertainty and error. The discovery
of truth was not, indeed, the great object they
had in view ; their principal design was to puzzle
and embarrass their adversaries, and overwhelm
them with an enormous heap of fine-spun distinc-
tions, an impetuous torrent of words without
meaning, a long list of formidable authorities, and
a specious train of fallacious consequences, embel-
lished with railings and invectives. The prin-
cipal polemic writers among the Greeks were
Constantinus Harmenopulus, and Euthymius
Zigabenus. The former published a short treatise
De Sectis Haereticorum, i. e. concerning the
Heretical Sects. The latter, in a long and
laboured work, entitled Panoplia, attacked all the
various heresies and errors that troubled the
church ; but, not to mention the extreme levity
and credulity of this writer, his manner of dis
puting was highly defective, and all his arguments,
according to the wretched method that now pre-
vailed, were drawn from the writings of the ancient
doctors, whose authority supplied the place of
evidence. Both these authors were sharply cen-
sured in a satirical poem composed by Zonaras.
The Latin writers were also employed in various
branches of religious controversy. Honorius of
Autun wrote against certain heresies ; and Abelard
combated them all. The Jews, whose credit was
now entirely sunk, and whose circumstances were
miserable in every respect, were refuted by Gilbert
de Castilione, Odo, Petrus Alfonsus, Rupert of
Duytz, Petrus Mauritius, Richardus 5. Sto.
Victore, and Petrus Blesensis, according to the
logic of the times, and Euthymius, with several
other divines, directed their polemic force against
the Saracens.
TJ £/
100 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XIV. The contest between the Greeks and
JL Latins, the subject of which has been already
mentioned, was still carried on by both parties
PART II.
the con- with the greatest obstinacy and vehemence. The
the Grecian champions were Euthymius, Nicetas, and
tweenb
and others of less renown, while the cause of the
Latins was vigorously maintained by Anselm,
bishop of Havelsberg, and Hugo Etherianus, who
distinguished themselves eminently by their eru-
dition in this famous controversy (JT). Many
attempts were made, both at Rome and Constan-
tinople, to reconcile these differences, and to heal
these fatal divisions ; and this union was solicited,
in a particular manner, by the emperors in the
Comnene family, who expected to draw much
advantage from the friendship and alliance of the
Latins, towards the support of the Grecian em-
pire, which was at this time in a declining, nay,
almost in a desperate condition. But as the
Latins aimed at nothing less than a despotic supre-
macy over the Greek church, and as, on the other
hand, the Grecian bishops could by no means be
induced to yield an implicit obedience to the
Roman pontiff, or to condemn the measures and
proceedings of their ancestors, the negotiations
undertaken for the restoration of peace, widened
the breach instead of healing it, and the terms
proposed on both sides, but especially by the
Latins, exasperated, instead of calming, the resent-
ments and animosities of the contending parties.
Matters of XV. Many controversies of inferior moment
less moment . -, J i ^>i i i
controver- were carried on among the Greeks, who were
ted among extremely fond of disputing, and were scarcely
the Greeks. . ,«' , . i« .- ^TT
ever without debates upon religious matters. We
shall not enter into a circumstantial narration of
these theological contests, which are more proper
(<r) Sec Leo Allatius, De perpetua consensione Ecclesiae
Oriental, et Occident, lib. ii. cap. xi. p. 644.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 101
to fatigue than to amuse or instruct, but shall
confine ourselves to a brief mention of those PABTn.
which made the greatest noise in the empire. — -
Under the reign of Emanuel Comnenus, whose
extensive learning was accompanied with an ex-
cessive curiosity, several theological controversies
were carried on, in which he himself bore a prin-
cipal part, and which fomented such discords and
animosities among a people already exhausted
and dejected by intestine tumults, as threatened
their destruction. The first question that exer-
cised the metaphysical talent of this over-curious
emperor and his subtile doctors was this : In what
sense it was or might be affirmed, that an incar-
nate God was at the same time the offerer and the
oblation? When this knotty question had been
long debated, and the emperor had maintained, for
a considerable time, the solution of it that was con-
trary to the opinion generally received, he yielded
at length, and embraced the popular notion of
that unintelligible subject. The consequence of
this step was, that many men of eminent abilities
and great credit, who had differed from the doc-
trine of the church upon this article, were deprived
of their honours and employments (#). What
the emperor's opinion of this matter was, we find
no where related in a satisfactory manner, and
we are equally ignorant of the sentiments adopted
by the church in relation to this question. It is
highly probable that the emperor, followed by
certain learned doctors, differed from the opinions
generally received among the Greeks concerning
the Lord's Supper, and the oblation or sacrifice of
Christ in that holy ordinance.
XVI. Some years after this, a still more warm The Greeks
contest arose concerning the sense of those words J*PV*e ct™-
of Christ, John xiv. 28. " For my Father is greater wo™"?/ 'e
Christ,
(y) Nicetas Choniates, Annal. Lib. vii. sect. v. p. 112. ed.
Venetse.
102 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, than I," and divided the Greeks into the most
" ' bitter and deplorable factions. To the ancient
1 A K 1 II* ^ JL
- explications of that important passage new illus-
trations were now added ; and the emperor him-
self, who, from an indifferent prince, was become
a wretched divine, published an exposition of that
remarkable text, which he obtruded, as the only
true sense of the words, upon a council assembled
for that purpose, and was desirous of having
received as a rule of faith by all the Grecian
clergy. He maintained that the words in ques-
tion related to the flesh that was hid in Christ,
and that was passible, i. e. subject to suffering (z\
and not only ordered this decision to be engraven
on tables of stone in the principal church of Con-
stantinople, but also published an edict, in which
capital punishments were denounced against all
such as should presume to oppose this explication,
or teach any doctrine repugnant to it (a). This
edict, however, expired with the emperor by
whom it was issued out, and Andronicus, upon
his accession to the imperial throne, prohibited
all those contests concerning speculative points of
theology, that arose from an irregular and wanton
curiosity, and suppressed, in a more particular
manner, all inquiry into the subject now men-
tioned, by enacting the severest penalties against
such as should in any way contribute to revive
this dispute (#).
Concerning XVII. The same theological emperor troubled
Mahomet! ^ne church with another controversy concerning
the god of Mahomet. The Greek catechisms
pronounced anathema against the deity worshipped
by that false prophet, whom they represented as a
solid and spherical being (c) ; for so they trans-
(«) Ka7a TT
(a) Nicetas Choniates, Anna!, lib. vii. sect. 6. p. 113.
(6) Nicetas in Andronico, lib. ii. sect. 5. p. 175.
(c)
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church.
lated the Arabian word elsemed, which is applied
in the Koran to the Supreme Being, and which PAKT'n.
indeed is susceptible of that sense, though it also
signifies eternal (d). The emperor ordered this
anathema to be effaced in the catechism of the
Greek church, on account of the high offence it
gave to the Mahometans, who had either been
already converted to Christianity, or were dis-
posed to embrace that divine religion, and who
were extremely shocked at such an insult offered
to the name of God, with whatever restrictions
and conditions it might be attended. The Chris-
tian doctors, on the other hand, opposed with
much resolution and vehemence this imperial
order. They observed that the anathema, pro-
nounced in the catechism, had no relation to the
nature of God in general, nor to the true God in
particular; and that, on the contrary, it was
solely directed against the error of Mahomet,
against that phantom of a divinity which he had
imagined. For that impostor pretended that the
Deity could neither be engendered nor engender ;
whereas the Christians adore God the Father.
After the bitterest disputes concerning this ab-
struse subject, and various efforts to reconcile the
contending parties, the bishops, assembled in
council, consented, though with the utmost dif-
ficulty, to transfer the imprecation of the cate-
chism from the god of Mahomet, to Mahomet
himself, his doctrine, and his sect (e).
XVIII. The spirit of controversy raged among The contro-
the Latins, as well as among the Greeks, and ce™fncotnhe
various sentiments concerning the sacrament of Lord's Sup-
the Lord's Supper were propagated, not only in rferdls0nar
the schools, but also in the writings of the learned, among the
For though all the doctors of the church were Latins>
(d) Reland, De Religione Mohammedica, lib. ii. sect. 3. p.
WL
(e) Nicetae Chron. Annales, lib. vii. p. 113—116.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, now extremely desirous of being looked upon as
PART ii. enemies to the system of Berenger, yet many
of them, and among others (f°) Rupert of
Duytz, differed very little from the sentiments of
that great man ; at least it is certain, that not-
withstanding the famous controversy which had
arisen in the church concerning the opinions of
Berenger, nothing was, as yet, precisely deter-
mined with respect to the manner of Christ's
presence in the eucharist.
Rupert had also religious contests of another
nature with Anselm, bishop of Laon, William
of Champeaux, and their disciples and followers,
who maintained their doctrine when they were no
more. The divine will and the divine omnipotence
were the subjects of this controversy, and the
question debated was, " Whether God really
" willed and actually produced all things that
" exist, or whether there are certain things whose
" existence he merely permits, and whose pro-
" duction, instead of being the effect of his will,
"was contrary to it?" The affirmative of the
latter part of this question was maintained by
Rupert, while his adversaries held that all things
were the effects not only of the divine power, but
also of the divine will. This learned abbot was
also accused of having taught that the angels were
formed out of darkness ; that Christ did not
administer his body to Judas, in the last supper ;
and several other doctrines (g\ contrary to the
received opinions of the church.
AS also that XIX. These and other controversies of a more
concerning private kind, which made little noise in the world,
the immacu- L -ii'ii i r
late concep. were succeeded, about the year 1 1 40, by one of
v°irbthe a more public nature, concerning what was called,
Mwy.
(/) Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 30.
(g) See Mengoz. Epistola, published by Martene, in his
Thesaur. Anecdotor. torn. i. p. 290. — Jo. Mabillon, Annai
Benedict, torn. vi. p. 19, 20. ¥2, 168. 261.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 105
The Immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary (A). C|^T.
Certain churches in France began, about that time, PART n.
to celebrate the festival consecrated to this pre •
tended conception, which the English had observed
before this period in consequence of the exhorta-
tions of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, as
some authors report. The church of Lyons was
one of the first that adopted this new festival,
which no sooner came to the knowledge of St.
Bernard, than he severely censured the Canons
of Lyons on account of this innovation, and
opposed the Immaculate conception of the Virgin
with the greatest vigour, as it supposed her being
honoured with a privilege which belonged to
Christ alone. Upon this a warm contest arose ;
some siding with the Canons of Lyons, and adopt-
ing the new festival, while others adhered to the
sentiments of St. Bernard (t). The controversy,
however, notwithstanding the zeal of the contend-
ing parties, was carried on, during this century,
with a certain degree of decency and moderation.
But, in after times, when the Dominicans were
established in the academy of Paris, the contest
was renewed with the greatest vehemence, and
the same subject was debated on both sides, with
the utmost animosity and contention of mind.
The Dominicans declared for St. Bernard, while
the academy patronized the Canons of Lyons, and
adopted the new festival.
(h) The defenders of this Immaculate conception main-
tained, that the Virgin Mary was conceived in the womb of
her mother with the same purity that is attributed to Christ's
conception in her womb.
(z) Sti. Bernard! Epistola 174. torn. i. p. 170. — Boulay,
Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 135. — Mabillon, Annal. Bened.
torn. vi. p. 327. — Dora. Colonia, Hist. Litt. de la Ville de
Lyon, torn. ii. p. 233.
106 The Internal History of the Church.
CHAPTER IV.
Concerning the Rites and Ceremonies used in the
Church during this Century.
CENT. I. THE rites and ceremonies used in divine
IT. worsnip> both public and private, were now greatly
augmented among the Greeks, and the same
PART
used superstitious passion for the introduction of new
church. ree observances discovered itself in all the eastern
churches. The Grecian, Nestorian, and Jacobite
pontiffs, that were any way remarkable for their
credit or ambition, were desirous of transmitting
their names to posterity by the invention of some
new rite, or by some striking change introduced
into the method of worship that had hitherto pre-
vailed. This was, indeed, almost the only way
left to distinguish themselves in an age, where all
sense of the excellence of genuine religion and
substantial piety being almost totally lost, the
whole care and attention of an ostentatious clergy,
and a superstitious multitude, were employed
upon that round of external ceremonies and ob-
servances, that were substituted in their place.
Thus some attempted, though in vain, to render
their names immortal, by introducing a new
method of reading or reciting the prayers of the
church ; others changed the church music ; others
again tortured their inventions to find out some
new mark of veneration, that might be offered to
the relics and images of the saints ; while several
ecclesiastics did not disdain to employ their time,
with the most serious assiduity, in embellishing
the garments of the clergy, and in forming the
motions and postures they were to observe, and
the looks they were to assume, in the celebration
of divine worship.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 107
II. We may learn from the book De divinis CENT.
officiis, composed by the famous Rupert, or
Robert, of Duytz, what were the rites in use
PART II.
among the Latins during this century, as also the The Latin
reasons on which they were founded. According rltual-
to the plan we follow, we cannot here enlarge
upon the additions that were made to the doc-
trinal part of religion. We shall therefore only
observe, that the enthusiastic veneration for the
Virgin Mary, which had been hitherto carried to
such an excessive height, increased now instead
of diminishing, since her dignity was at this time
considerably augmented by the new fiction or in-
vention relating to her immaculate conception.
For though, as we observed in the preceding
chapter, St. Bernard and others opposed with
vigour this chimerical notion, yet their efforts
were counteracted by the superstitious fury of the
deluded multitude, whose judgment prevailed over
the councils of the wise. So that, about the year
1138, there was a solemn festival instituted in
honour of this pretended conception, though we
know not, with any degree of certainty, by whose
authority it was first established, nor in what place
it was first celebrated
CHAPTER V.
Concerning the Divisions and Heresies that trou-
bled the Church during this Century.
I. THE Greek and eastern churches were in- Fanatic* of
fested with fanatics of different kinds, who gave j^7h!f«t
them much trouble, and engaged them in the the Greek
most warm and violent contests. Certain of these cburcb-
Mabillon, Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p. 327. 412. —
ia Christiana, torn. i. p. 1198.
TART
108 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, fanatics professed to believe in a double trinity,
XII*i rejected wedlock, abstained from flesh, treated
' with the utmost contempt the sacraments of bap--
tism and the Lord's Supper, as also all the various
branches of external worship ; placed the essence
of religion in internal prayer alone, and main-
tained, as it is said, that an evil being, or genius,
dwelt in the breast of every mortal, and could be
expelled from thence by no other method than
by perpetual supplications to the Supreme Being.
The founder of this enthusiastical sect is said to
have been a person called Lucopetrus. His chief
disciple was named Tychicus, who corrupted, by
false and fanatical interpretations, several books
of the sacred writings, and particularly the Gospel
according to St. Matthew (/). It is well known,
that enthusiasts of this kind, who were rather
wrong-headed than vicious, lived among the
Greeks and Syrians, and more especially among
the monks, for many ages before this period, and
also in this century. The accounts, indeed, that
have been given of them, are not in all respects
to be depended upon : and there are several cir-
cumstances which render it extremely probable,
that many persons of eminent piety, and zeal for
genuine Christianity, were confounded by the
Greeks with these enthusiasts, and ranked in the
list of heretics, merely on account of their op-
posing the vicious practices and the insolent ty-
ranny of the priesthood, and their treating with
derision that motley spectacle of superstition that
was supported by public authority. In Greece,
and in all the eastern provinces, this sort of men
were distinguished by the general and invidious
appellation of Massalians, or Euchites (m), as
(1) See Euthymii Triumphus <le Secta Massalianorum in
Jac. Tollii Insignibus Itineris Italic!, p. 106 — 125.
m) Massalians and Euchites are denominations that
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 109
the Latins comprehended all the adversaries of CENT.
the Roman pontiff under the general terms of
Waldenses and Albigenses. It is, however, ne-
cessary to observe, that the names abovemen-
tioned were very vague and ambiguous in the
way they were applied by the Greeks and the
Orientals, who made use of them to characterize,
without distinction, all such as complained of the
multitude of useless ceremonies, and of the vices
of the clergy, without any regard to the differ-
ence that there was between such persons in point
of principles and morals. In short, the righteous
and the profligate, the wise and the foolish, were
equally comprehended under the name of Mas-
salians, whenever they opposed the raging super-
stition of the times, or looked upon true and
genuine piety as the essence of the Christian
character.
II. From the sect now mentioned, that of the
Bogomiles is said to have proceeded, whose miles'
founder Basilius, a monk by profession, was burnt
at Constantinople, under the reign of Alexius
Comnenus, after all attempts to make him re-
nounce his errors had proved ineffectual. By the
accounts we have of this unhappy man, and of the
errors he taught, it appears sufficiently evident,
signify the same thing, and denote, the one in the Hebrew,
and the other in the Greek language, persons that pray. A
sect, under this denomination, arose during the reign of the
emperor Constantius, about the year 361, founded by certain
monks of Mesopotamia, who dedicated themselves wholly to
prayer, and held many of the doctrines attributed by Mo-
sheim to the Massalians of the twelfth century. See August.
De Haeres. cap. Ivii. and Theod. Haerat. Fab. lib. iv. Epipha-
nius speaks of another sort of Massalians still more ancient,
who were mere Gentiles, acknowledged several gods, yet
adored only one, whom they called Almighty, and had orato-
ries in which they assembled to pray and sing hymns. This
resemblance between the Massalians and Essenes induced
Scaliger to think that Epiphanius confounded the former
with the latter.
110 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, that his doctrine resembled, in a striking manner,
PART W. tne religious system of the ancient Gnostics and
.. Manichaeans ; though at the same time, it is pos-
sible that the Greeks may have falsified his tenets
in some respects. Basilius maintained, that the
world and all animal bodies were formed, not by
the Deity, but by an evil demon, who had been
cast down from heaven by the Supreme Being;
from whence he concluded, that the body was
no more than the prison of the immortal spirit,
and that it was, therefore, to be enervated by
fasting, contemplation, and other exercises, that
so the soul might be gradually restored to its
primitive liberty ; for this purpose also wedlock
was to be avoided, with many other circumstances
which we have often had occasion to explain and
repeat in the course of this history. It was in
consequence of the same principles, that this un-
fortunate enthusiast denied the reality of Christ's
body, which, like the Gnostics and Manichseans,
he considered only as a phantom, rejected the law
of Moses, and maintained that the body, upon its
separation by death, returned to the malignant
mass of matter, without either the prospect or
possibility of a future resurrection to life and feli-
city. We have so many examples of fanatics of
this kind in the records of ancient times, and also
in the history of this century, that it is by no
means to be wondered, that some one of them
more enterprising than the rest should found a
sect among the Greeks. The name of this sect
was taken from the divine mercy, which its
members are said to have incessantly implored ;
for the word bogomilus, in the Mysian language,
signifies calling out for mercy from above (n).
(n) See Anna Comnena Alexiados, lib. xv. p. 384-. edit.
Venetae. — Zonaras Annalium, lib. xviii. p. 336. — Jo. Christ.
Wolf, Historia Bogomilorum, published at Witteberg, in 4to.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. Ill
III. The Latin sects were yet more numerous CENT.
than those of the Greeks, and this will not appear XIL
at all surprising to such as consider the state of PART Ir'
religion in the greatest part of the European The Latin
provinces. The reign of superstition, the vices Abuses
of the clergy, the luxury and indolence of the from whence
pontiffs and bishops, the encouragement of impiety theysPruns*
by the traffic of indulgences, increasing from day
to day, several pious, though weak men, who had
the cause of Christ and of his religion at heart,
easily perceived that both were in a most declin-
ing and miserable state, and therefore attempted
a reformation in the church, in order to restore
Christianity to its primitive purity and lustre.
But the knowledge of these good men was not
equal to their zeal, nor were their abilities in any
proportion to the grandeur of their undertakings.
The greatest part of them were destitute both of
learning and judgment, and involved in the
general ignorance of the times, understood but
very imperfectly the holy scriptures, from whence
Christianity was derived, and by which the abuses
that had been mingled with it could only be re-
formed. In a word, few of these well-meaning
Christians were equal to an attempt so difficult
and arduous as an universal reformation ; and the
consequence of this was, that while they avoided
the reigning abuses, they fell into others that
were as little consistent with the genius of true
religion, and carried the spirit of censure and
reformation to such an excessive length, that it
degenerated often into the various extravagances
of enthusiasm, and engendered a number of new
sects, that became a new dishonour to the Chris-
tian cause.
1712. — Sam. Andreae Diss. Bogomilis in Jo. Voigtii Biblio-
theca Historian Haeresiologicae, torn. i. part II. p. 121. Chr.
Aug. Heumanni Dissertat. cle Bogomilis.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. IV. Among the sects that troubled the Latin
ii c^urcn during this century, the principal place is
due to the Catharists, whom we have had already
TheCathari. occasion to mention (o). This numerous faction,
leaving their first residence, which was in Bul-
garia, spread themselves throughout almost all the
European provincev^here they occasioned much
tumult and disorder ; but their fate was unhappy ;
for, wherever they were caught, they were put
to death with the most unrelenting cruelty (p).
Their religion resembled the doctrine of the
Manichaeans and Gnostics, on which account they
commonly received the denomination of the
former, though they differed from the genuine
and primitive Manichaeans in many respects. They
all indeed agreed in the following points of
doctrine : viz. That matter was the source of all
evil ; that the Creator of this world was a being
distinct from the Supreme Deity ; that Christ
was not clothed with a real body, neither could
be properly said to have been born, or to have
seen death ; that human bodies were the pro-
duction of the evil principle ; and that baptism
and the Lord's Supper were useless institutions,
destitute of all efficacy and power. They exhorted
all who embraced their doctrine to a rigorous
abstinence from animal food, wine, and wedlock,
and recommended to them, in the most pathetic
terms, the most severe acts of austerity and mor-
tification. They moreover treated with the utmost
contempt all the books of the Old Testament,
but expressed a high degree of veneration for
the New, particularly for the Four Gospels ;
(o) See Cent. III. Part II. Ch. V. sect. XVIII. but prin-
cipally for that sort of Catharists here mentioned, see above
Cent. XI. Part II. Ch. V. sect. II.
(p) See the accounts given of this unhappy and persecuted
sect by Charles Plessis D'Argentre, in his Collectio judicio-
rum de novis erroribus, torn. i. in which, however, several
circumstances are omitted,
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 113
and, to pass over many other peculiarities in their CENT.
doctrine, they maintained, that human souls, PA"RT*n<
endued with reason, were shut up by an unhappy -
fate in the dungeons of mortal bodies, from whence
they could only be delivered by fasting, mortifica-
tion, and continence of every kind (</).
V. These principles and tenets, though they The C
were adopted and professed by the whole sect, So't
yet were differently interpreted and modified by sects-
different doctors. Hence the Catharists were di-
vided into various sects, which, however, on ac-
count of the general persecution in which they
were all involved, treated each other with candour
and forbearance, disputed with moderation, and
were thus careful not to augment their common
calamity by intestine feuds and animosities. Out
of these different factions arose two leading and
principal sects of the Catharists, which were
distinguished from the rest by the number of their
respective followers, and the importance of their
differences. The one approached pretty nearly
to the Manichsean system, held the doctrine of
two eternal Beings, from whom all things are
derived, the God of light, who was also the Father
of Jesus Christ, and the principle of darkness,
whom they considered as the author of the mate-
rial world. The other believed in one eternal
principle, the Father of Christ, and the Supreme
God, by whom also they held that the first matter
was created ; but they added to this, that the evil
being, after his rebellion against God, and his
fall from heaven, arranged this original matter
according to his fancy, and divided it into four
elements, in order to the production of this visible
(q) Besides the writers which shall be mentioned presently,
see the Disputatio inter Catholicum et Paterinurn, published
hy Martene, in his Thesaur. Anecdotor. torn. v. p. 1703. as
also Bonacursi Manifestatio Haeresis Catharorum in Luc. Da-
cherii Spicilegio, torn. i. p. 208.
VOL. III. I
114 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, world. The former maintained, that Christ being
JL clothed with a celestial body descended thus into
.PART II,
the womb of the Virgin, and derived no part of
his substance from her ; while the latter taught,
that he first assumed a real body in the womb of
Mary, though not from her (r). The sect, which
held the doctrine of two principles, were called
Albanenses, from the name of the place where
their spiritual ruler resided ; and this sect was sub-
divided into two, of which one took the name of
Balazinansa, bishop of Verona, and the other that
of John de Lugio, bishop of Bergamo. The sect
which adhered to the doctrine of one eternal prin-
ciple was also subdivided into the congregation of
Baioli, the capital town of the province, and that
of Concoregio, or Concorezzo. The Albigenses,
who were settled in France, belonged to the church
or congregation of Baioli (s).
VI. In the internal constitution of the church,
that was founded by this sect, there were many
rules and principles of a singular nature, which
(r) See Bern. Moneta, in summa adversus Catharos et
Waldenses, published at Rome in the year 1743, by Thorn.
August. Richini,who prefixed to it a dissertation concerning
the Cathari, that is by no means worthy of the highest enco-
miums. Moneta was no mean writer for the time in which
he lived. See Lib. i. p. 2. et 5. Lib. ii. p. 247, &c.
(s) Raineri Sachoni summa de Catharis et Leonistis in
Martene Thesaur. Anecdot. torn. v. p. 1761. 1768. — Fere-
grinus Prescianus in Muratorii, Antiq. Ital. medii acvi, torn,
v. p. 93. who exhibits, in a sort of table, these different sects,
but by a mistake places the Albigenses, who were a branch
of the Baiolenses in the place of the Albanenses ; this, per-
haps, may be an error of the press. The opinions of these
Baiolenses or Bagnolenses may be seen in the Codex Inqui-
sitiones Tolosanae, which Limborch published with his His-
tory of the Inquisition. The account, however, which we
have in that history (Book I. Ch. VIII.) of the opinions of
the Albigenses, is by no means accurate. A great variety
of causes has contributed to involve in darkness and per-
plexity the distinctive characters of these different sects,
whose respective systems we cannot enlarge upon at present.
PART If.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies, 115
we pass over in silence, as they would oblige us CENT.
to enter into a detail inconsistent with the bre-
vity we propose to observe in this work. The
government of this church was administered by
bishops, and each bishop had two vicars, of whom
one was called the eldest son, and the other the
younger ; while the rest of the clergy and doctors
were comprehended under the general denomi-
nation of deacons (7). The veneration which the
people had for the clergy in general, and more
especially for the bishops and their spiritual sons,
was carried to a length that almost exceeds credi-
bility. The discipline observed by this sect was
so excessively rigid and austere, that it was
practicable only by a certain numbed of robust
and determined fanatics. But that such as were
not able to undergo this discipline might not, on
that account, be lost to the cause, it was thought
necessary, in imitation of the ancient Manichaeans,
to divide this sect into two classes, one of which
was distinguished by the title of the consolati,
i. e. comforted, while the other received only
the denomination of confederates. The former
gave themselves out for persons of consummate
wisdom and extraordinary piety, lived in perpe-
tual celibacy, and led a life of the severest morti-
fication and abstinence, without ever allowing
themselves the enjoyment of any worldly comfort.
The latter, if we except a few particular rules
which they observed, lived like the rest of man-
kind, but at the same time were obliged by a
solemn agreement they had made with the church,
and which, in Italian, they called la convenenza,
to enter before their death, in their last moments,
if not sooner, into the class of the comforted, and
to receive the consolamentum, which was the form
ik, ."> (t) See Sachoni summa de Catharis, p. 1766.
I 2
116 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of inauguration, by which they were introduced
PART'H *n^° ^ia^ fanatical order (it).
VII. A much more rational sect was that which
The Petro- was founded about the year 1110 in Languedoc
and Provence, by Peter de Bruys, who made the
most laudable attempts to reform the abuses
and to remove the superstitions that disfigured
the beautiful simplicity of the gospel, and after
having engaged in his cause a great number of
followers, during a laborious ministry of twenty
years continuance, was burnt at St. Giles', in the
year 1 1 30, by an enraged populace, set on by the
clergy, whose traffic was in danger from the en-
terprising spirit of this new reformer. The whole
system of doctrine, which this unhappy martyr,
whose zeal was not without a considerable mixture
of fanaticism, taught to the Petrobrussians, his
disciples, is not known ; it is however certain,
that the five following tenets made a part of his
system. 1. That no persons whatever, were to be
baptized before they were come to the full use
of their reason. 2. That it was an idle supersti-
tion to build churches for the service of God,
who will accept of a sincere worship wherever it
is offered ; and that therefore such churches as
had already been erected were to be pulled down
and destroyed. 3. That the crucifixes, as instru-
ments of superstition, deserved the same fate.
4. That the real body and blood of Christ were
not exhibited in the eucharist, but were merely
represented, in that holy ordinance, by their
figures and symbols. 5. And, lastly, That the
oblations, prayers, and good works of the living,
could be in no respect advantageous to the
dead
(u) For a further account of this sect, see the writers
mentioned above, and particularly the Codex Inquisitionis
Tolosanae.
(M?) See Petri Venerab, Lib. contra Petrobrussianos in
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 117
VIII. This Innovator was succeeded by an- CENT.
other, who was an Italian by birth, and whose
name was Henry, the founder and parent of
the sect called Henricians. It was, no doubt, a The Henri-
rare tiling to see a person, who was at the same C1
time monk and hermit, undertaking to reform
the superstitions of the times ; yet such was the
case of Henry, who leaving Lausanne, a city of
Switzerland, travelled to Mans, and being banished
thence, removed successively to Poitiers, Bour-
deaux, and the countries adjacent, and at length
to Thoulouse in the year 114-7, exercising his
ministerial function in all these places with the
utmost applause from the people, and declaim-
ing, with the greatest vehemence and fervour,
against the vices of the clergy, and the supersti-
tions they had introduced into the Christian
church. At Thoulouse he was warmly opposed
by St. Bernard, by whose influence he was over-
powered, notwithstanding his popularity, and
obliged to save himself by flight. But being seized,
in his retreat, by a certain bishop, he was carried
before Pope Eugenius III. who presided in person
at a council then assembled at Rheims, and who,
in consequence of the accusations brought against
Henry, committed him, in the year 1 148, to a
close prison, where in a little time after this, he
ended his days (Lr). We have no accurate account
of the doctrines of this reformer transmitted
to our times. All we know of that -matter is,
that he rejected the baptism of infants ; cen-
sured with severity the corrupt and licentious
Bibliotheca Cluniensi, p. 1117.— Mabillon, Annal. Benedict.
torn. vi. p. 34-6. — Basnage, Histoire des Eglises Reformees,
period iv. p. HO.
(x) Gesta Episcoporum Cenomanens. in Mabillon, Analect.
veter. aevi, p. 315. ed. Nov.— Gaufridi Epistola in Lib. vi.
Vita Sti. Bernard!, torn. ii. opp. Bernhard. p. 1207. — Matth.
Histor. Major, p. 71— Mabillon, Pnef. ad Opera Bernhardi,
sect. vi. et Annal. Benedict, torn. vi. p, 34-6. 4-20. 4-34.
1 18 The Internal History of the Church.
CFNT. manners of the clergy ; treated the festivals and
purr ii ceremonies of the church with the utmost con-
tempt ; and held clandestine assemblies, in which
he explained and inculcated the novelties he
taught. Several writers affirm, that he was the
disciple of Peter de Bruys ; but I cannot see
upon what evidence or authority this assertion is
grounded
The horrid IX. While the Henricians were propagating
blasphemy ,1-1,- -ri •nv,
ofTanue- their doctrines in r ranee, a certain illiterate man,
called Tanquelinus, or Tanquelmus, arose in
Brabant about the year 1115, excited the most
deplorable commotions at Antwerp, and drew
after him a most numerous sect. If the accounts
that are given us of this heresiarch by his adver-
saries may be at all depended upon, he must either
have been a monstrous impostor, or an outrage-
ous madman. For he walked in public with the
greatest solemnity, pretended to be God, or, at
least, the Son of God, ordered daughters to be
ravished in presence of their mothers, and com-
mitted himself the greatest disorders. Such are
the enormities that are attributed to Tanquel-
mus, but they are absolutely incredible, and
therefore cannot be true (#). "What seems most
worthy of credit in this matter is, that this new
teacher had imbibed the opinions and spirit of the
Mystics ; that he treated with contempt the ex-
(v) That Henry was the disciple of Peter De Bruys is not
at ail probable : since, not to insist upon other reasons, the
latter could not bear the sight of a cross, and in all likelihood
owed his death to the multitude of crucifixes which he had
committed to the flames: whereas the former, when he
entered into any city, appeared with a cross in his hand,
which he bore as a standard, to attract the veneration of the
people. See Mabillon, Analecta, p. 316.
(z) Epistola Trajectens. Ecclesise ad Tridericum Episco-
pum de Tanchelmo, in Sel. Tengnagelii Collectione Veterurn
Monumentor, p. 368. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. ii.
p. 98. — Argentrc, Collectio Judicior. de novis crroribus>
torn. i. p. 10.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
ternal worship of God, the sacrament of the Lord's CENT.
Supper and the rite of baptism ; and held clan- PART II0
destine assemblies to propagate more effectually
his visionary notions. But as, besides all this,
he inveighed against the clergy, like the other
heretics already mentioned, and declaimed against
their vices with vehemence and intrepidity, it is
probable that these blasphemies were falsely
charged upon him by a vindictive priesthood. Be
that as it may, the fate of Tanquelmus was un-
happy, for he was assassinated by an ecclesiastic
in a cruel manner. His sect, however, did not
perish with him, but acquired strength and vigour
under the ministry of his disciples, until it was at
length extinguished by the famous St. Norbert,
the founder of the order of Praemonstratenses, or
Premontres (a).
X. In Italy, Arnold of Brescia, a disciple of Seditions
Abelard, and a man of extensive erudition and J^1^ m
remarkable austerity, but also of a turbulent and Arnold of
impetuous spirit, excited new troubles and com- Brescia*
motions both in church and state. He was,
indeed, condemned in the council of the Laterari,
A. D. 1139, by Innocent II. and tThereby obliged
to retire into Switzerland ; but upon the death
of that pontiff, he returned into Italy, and raised
at Rome, during the pontificate of Eugenius
III. several tumults and seditions among the
people, who changed, by his instigation, the
government of the city, and insulted the persons
of the clergy in the most disorderly manner. He
fell however at last a victim to the vengeance of
his enemies ; for, after various turns of fortune,
he was seized in the year 1155, by a prsefect of
the city, by whom he was crucified, and after-
wards burned to ashes. This unhappy man seems
(a) Lewis Hugo, Vie de S. Norbert, livr. II. p. 126. —
Clirys. vander Sterre Vito S. Norberti. cap. xxxvi. p. 164% et
Potyc. de Hertoche, ad illam Annotatioaes, p., 387.
120 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, not to have adopted any doctrines inconsistent
XIL with the spirit of true religion ; and the priii-
PART H? .- | 1-11,
ciples upon which he acted were chiefly repre-
hensible from their being carried too far, applied
without discernment and discretion, and executed
with a degree of vehemence which was as criminal
as it was imprudent. Having perceived the
discords and animosities, the calamities and dis-
orders that sprung from the overgrown opulence
of the pontiffs and bishops, he was persuaded that
the interests of the church, and the happiness of
nations in general, required, that the clergy should
be divested of all their worldly possessions, of all
their temporal rights and prerogatives. He, there-
fore, maintained publicly, that the treasures and
revenues of popes, bishops, and monasteries, ought
to be solemnly resigned and transferred to the
supreme rulers of each state, and that nothing was
to be left to the ministers of the gospel but a
spiritual authority and a subsistence drawn from
tithes, and from the voluntary oblations and
contributions of the people (&). This violent
reformer, in whose character and manners there
were several things worthy of esteem, drew after
him a great number of disciples, who derived from
him the denomination of Arnoldists, and, in suc-
ceeding times, discovered the spirit and intrepidity
of their leader, as often as any favourable oppor-
tunities of reforming the church were offered to
their zeal.
The origin xi. Of all the sects that arose in this century
and history T« • i i i i • •
of the Wai. none was more distinguished by the reputation it
acquired, by the multitude of its votaries, and the
(b) See Otto Prising, de gestis Frederici I. lib. ii. cap. xx.
—S. Bernhardus Epist. 195, 196. [torn. i. p. 187. — Boulay,
Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 157. — Muratori, Droits de
1'Empiresur 1'Etat Ecclesiastique, p. 137. — Henr. de Bunau
Vita Frederici I. p. 41. — Chaufepied, Nouveau Diction. Hist.
Crit. torn. ii. p. 4-82.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 121
testimony which its bitterest enemies bore to the CENT.
probity and innocence of its members, than that
of the Waldenses, so called from their parent and
founder Peter Waldus. This sect was known by
different denominations. From the place where
it first appeared, its members were called The
poor men of Lyons (c), or Lyonists, and, from
the wooden shoes which its doctors wore, and a
certain mark that was imprinted upon these shoes,
they were called Insabbatati, or Sabbatati (c?).
The origin of this famous sect was as follows :
Peter, an opulent merchant of Lyons, surnamed
Valdensis, or Validisius, from Vaux, or Waldum,
a town in the marquisate of Lyons, being ex-
tremely zealous for the advancement of true piety
and Christian knowledge, employed a certain
priest (<?), about the year 1160, in translating
from Latin into French the Four Gospels, with
other books of Holy Scripture, and the most re-
markable sentences of the ancient doctors, which
were so highly esteemed in this century. But no
sooner had he perused these sacred books with a
proper degree of attention, than he perceived that
the religion, which was now taught in the Roman
(c) They were called Leonists from Leona, the ancient
name of Lyons, where their sect took its rise. The more
eminent persons of that sect manifested their progress toward
perfection by the simplicity and meanness of their external
appearance. Hence among other things, they wore wooden
shoes, which in the French language are termed sabots, and
had imprinted upon these shoes the sign of the cross, to
distinguish themselves from other Christians ; and it was on
these accounts that they acquired the denominations of sab-
batati and insabbatati. See Du Fresne Glossarium Latin
medii aevi, vi. voce Sabbatati, p. 4. — Nicol. Eumerici Direc-
torium Inquisitorum, part III. N. 112, &c.
(d) See Steph. de Borbone, De septem donis Spiritus
sancti, in Echard et Quetif Bibliotheca Scriptor. Dominica-
nor. torn. i. p. 192. — Anonym. Tractatio de Hocresi Paupe-
rum de Lugduno, in Martene Thesauro Anccdotor. torn. v.
p. 1777.
(c) This priest was called Stephanas de Evisa.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, church, differed totally from that which was ori-
' £ma% inculcated by Christ and his apostles.
1 Struck with this glaring contradiction between
the doctrines of the pontiffs and the truths of the
gospel, and animated with a pious zeal for pro-
moting his own salvation, and that of others, he
abandoned his mercantile vocation, distributed his
riches among the poor (jf ), and forming an asso-
ciation with other pious men, who had adopted
his sentiments and his turn of devotion, he began,
in the year 1 180, to assume the quality of a public
teacher, and to instruct the multitude in the doc-
trines and precepts of Christianity. The arch-
bishop of Lyons, and the other rulers of the
church in that province, opposed, with vigour, this
new doctor in the exercise of his ministry. But
their opposition was unsuccessful ; for the purity
and simplicity of that religion which these good
men taught, the spotless innocence that shone
forth in their lives and actions, and the noble
contempt of riches and honours which was con-
spicuous in the whole of their conduct and con-
versation, appeared so engaging to all such as had
any sense of true piety, that the number of their
disciples and followers increased from day to
day (g). They accordingly formed religious as-
(/) It was on this account that the Waldenses were called
Pauvres de Lyons, or Poor men of Lyons.
(g) Certain writers give different accounts of the origin of
the Waldenses, and supposed they were so called from the
Valleys in which they had resided for many ages before the
birth of Peter Waldus. But these writers have no authority
to support this assertion, and, besides this, they are refuted
amply by the best historians. I don't mean to deny, that
there were in the valleys of Piedmont, long before this period,
a set of men, who differed widely from the opinions adopted
and inculcated by the church of Rome, and whose doctrine
resembled, in many respects, that of the Waldenses ; all that
I maintain is, that these inhabitants of the valleys above-
mentioned are to be carefully distinguished from the Walden-
ses, who, according to the unanimous voice of history, were
originally inhabitants of Lyons, and derived their name from
PART If.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 123
semblies, first in France, and afterwards in Lorn- CENT.
bardy, from whence they propagated their sect XIL
1 1 1 * • f> T^ . 1 T> A « nn i
throughout the otlier provinces of .hurope with
incredible rapidity, and with such invincible for-
titude, that neither fire nor sword, nor the most
cruel inventions of merciless persecution, could
damp their zeal, or entirely ruin their cause
Peter WalcUis, their founder and chief, (jjjT We may venture
to affirm the contrary, with the learned Beza and other writers
of note; for it seems evident from the best records, that
Valdus derived his name from the true Valdenses of Pied-
mont, whose doctrine he adopted, and who were known by
the names of Vaudois and Valdenses, before he or his imme-
diate followers existed. If the Valdenses or Waldenses had
derived their name from any eminent teacher, it would pro-
bably have been from Valdo, who was remarkable for the
purity of his doctrine in the IXth century, and was the con-
temporary and chief counsellor of Berengarius. But the
truth is, that they derive their name from their Valleys in
Piedmont, which in their language are called Vaux, hence
Vaudois, their true name ; hence Peter or (as others call him)
John of Lyons, was called in Latin, Valdus, because he had
adopted their doctrine ; and hence the term Valdenses and
Waldenses used by those, who write in English or Latin, in
the place of Vaudois. The bloody inquisitor Reinerus Sacco,
who exerted such a furious zeal for the destruction of the
Waldenses, lived but about 80 years after Valdus of Lyons,
and must therefore be supposed to know whether or not he
was the real founder of the Valdenses or Leonists ; and yet
it is remarkable that he speaks of the Leonists (mentioned by
Dr. Mosheim in the preceding page, as synonymous with
Waldenses) as a sect that had flourished above 500 years ;
nay, mentions authors of note, who make their antiquity
remount to the apostolic age. See the account given of Sac-
co's book by the Jesuit Gretser, in the Bibliotheca Patrum.
I know not upon what principle Dr. Mosheim maintains, that
the inhabitants of the valleys of Piedmont are to be carefully
distinguished from the Waldenses ; and I am persuaded, that
whoever will be at the pains to read attentively the 2d, 25th,
26th, and 27th chapters of the first book of Leger's Histoire
General e des Eglises Vaudoises, will find this distinction
entirely groundless. — When the papists ask us, where our
religion was before Luther ? we generally answer, in the
Bible ; and we answer well. But, to gratify their taste for
tradition and human authority, we may add to this answer,
and in the valleys of Piedmont.
(h) See the following ancient writers, who have given
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XII. The attempts of Peter Waldus and his
f°H°wers were neither employed nor designed to
1 introduce new doctrines into the church, nor to
The doc- propose new articles of faith to Christians. All
piin^ anT~ tnev aimed at was, to reduce the form of eccle-
views of the siastical government, and the lives and manners
lenses, fofa of t|ie c}ergy an(j people, to that amiable
simplicity, and that primitive sanctity, that cha-
racterised the apostolic ages, and which appear
so strongly recommended in the precepts and in-
junctions of the divine author of our holy religion.
In consequence of this design, they complained
that the Roman church had degenerated, under
Constantine the Great, from its primitive purity
and sanctity. They denied the supremacy of the
Roman pontiff, and maintained that the rulers
and ministers of the church were obliged, by their
vocation, to imitate the poverty of the apostles,
and to procure for themselves a subsistence by
the work of their hands. They considered every
Christian, as in a certain measure qualified and
authorised to instruct, exhort, and confirm the
brethren in their Christian course, and demanded
the restoration of the ancient penitential disci-
pline of the church, i. e. the expiation of trans-
gressions by prayer, fasting, and alms, which the
new-invented doctrine of indulgences had almost
totally abolished. They, at the same time, af-
accounts of the sect in question, to wit, Sachoni Summa con-
tra Valdenses. — Monetae, Summa contra Catharos et Val-
denses, published by Richini. — Tr. di Hseresi Pauperum de
Lugduno, published by Martene, in his Thesaur. Anecdot.
torn. v. p. 1777. — Pilichdorfius, contra Valdenses, t. xxv. B.
B. Max. Patr. — Add to these authors, Jo. Paul Perrin His-
toire de Vaudois, published at Geneva in 1619. — Jo. Leger,
Histoire Generale des Eglises Vaudoises, livr. i. ch. xiv. p.
136. — Usserii, De Successione Ecclesiarum Occidentis, cap.
viii. p. 209. — Jac. Basnage Histoire des Eglises Reformees,
tom.i. period, iv. p. 329. — Thorn. August. Richini Disscrtat.
de Valdensibus, prefixed to his edition of the Summa Mo-
netae, p. 36. — Boulay, Histor. A cad. Paris, torn, ii, p. 292.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
firmed, that every pious Christian was qualified CENT.
and entitled to prescribe to the penitent the kind
and degree of satisfaction or expiation that their
transgressions required ; that confession made to
priests was by no means necessary, since the
humble offender might acknowledge his sins and
testify his repentance to any true believer, and
might expect from such the counsels and admo-
nitions that his case and circumstances demanded.
They maintained that the power of delivering
sinners from the guilt and punishment of their
offences belonged to God alone ; and that indul-
gences, of consequence, were the criminal inven-
tions of sordid avarice. They looked upon the
prayers, and other ceremonies that were instituted
in behalf of the dead, as vain, useless, and absurd,
and denied the existence of departed souls in an
intermediate state of purification, affirming, that
they were immediately, upon their separation from
the body, received into heaven, or thrust down
to hell. These and other tenets of a like
nature composed the system of doctrine propa-
gated by the Waldenses. Their rules of prac-
tice were extremely austere ; for they adopted,
as the model of their moral discipline, the Sermon
of Christ, on the mount, which they interpreted
and explained in the most rigorous and literal
manner, and, of consequence, prohibited and
condemned in their society all wars, and suits
of law, all attempts towards the acquisition of
wealth, the inflicting of capital punishments, self-
defence against unjust violence, and oaths of all
kinds (z).
(t) See the Codex Inquisitionis Tolosanae, published by
Limborch, as also the summa Monetse contra Waldenses,
and the other writers of the Waldensian history. Though
these writers are not all equally accurate, nor perfectly
agreed about the number of doctrines that entered into the
system of this sect, yet they are almost all unanimous in ac-
knowledging the sincere piety and exemplary conduct of
120 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XIII. The government of the church was com-
XII.
PART
T'ir mitted, by the Waldenses, to bishops (&), pres-
byters, and deacons ; for they acknowledged that
The form of these three ecclesiastical orders were instituted by
government Christ himself. But they looked upon it as abso-
among the lutely necessary, that all these orders should re-
Waklenses. , •; .11 xi P ^v v • o •
semble exactly the apostles or the divine oaviour,
and be, like them, illiterate, poor, destitute of
all worldly possessions, and furnished with some
laborious trade or vocation, in order to gain by
constant industry their daily subsistence (/). The
laity were divided into two classes ; one of which
contained the perfect, and the other the imperfect
Christians. The former spontaneously divested
themselves of all worldly possessions, manifested,
in the wretchedness of their apparel, their ex-
cessive poverty, and emaciated their bodies by
frequent fasting. The latter were less austere,
and approached nearer to the method of living
generally received, though they abstained, like the
graver sort of anabaptists in later times, from all
appearance of pomp and luxury. It is, however,
to be observed, that the ¥/aldenses were not with-
out their intestine divisions. Such of them as
lived in Italy differed considerably in their opinions
from those who dwelt in France and the other
European nations. The former considered the
church of Rome as the church of Christ, though
much corrupted and sadly disfigured ; they ac-
knowledged moreover the validity of its seven
sacraments, and solemnly declared that they would
the Waldenses, and show plainly enough that their intention
was not to oppose the doctrines that were universally re-
ceived among Christians, but only to revive the piety and
manners of the primitive times, and to combat the vices of
the clergy, and the abuses that had been introduced into the
worship and discipline of the church.
(k) The bishops were also called majorales, or elders.
(/) The greatest part of the Waldenses gained their live-
lihood by weaving; hence the whole sect in certain places
were called the sect of weavers.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
continue always in communion with it, provided CENT.
they might be allowed to live as they thought xn-
• i i • rfvi " * " "' 1
proper, without molestation or restraint. Hie
latter affirmed, on the contrary, that the church
of Rome had apostatized from Christ, was de-
PART II.
prived of the Holy Spirit, and was, in reality, j
that whore of Babylon mentioned in the Revela-
tions of St. John (m).
XIV. Besides these famous sects, which made Sects of a
a great noise in the world, and drew after them jf£8deimnent
multitudes from the bosom of a corrupt and super- The Pasa-
stitious church, there were other religious factions s'm<
of lesser importance, which arose in Italy, and
more especially in France, though they seem to
have expired soon after their birth (11). In Lom-
bardy, which was the principal residence of the
Italian heretics, there sprung up a very singular
sect, known by the denomination of Pasagi-
nians (o), and also by that of the circumcised.
Like the other sects already mentioned, they had
the utmost aversion to the dominion and disci-
pline of the church of Rome ; but they were, at
the same time, distinguished by two religious
tenets that were peculiar to themselves. The first
was a notion, that the observation of the law of
Moses in every thing except the offering of sacri-
(m) Monetae Summa contra Catharos et Valdenses, p. 406.
416, &c. They seem to have been also divided in their senti-
ments concerning the possession of wordly goods, as appears
from the accounts of Stephanas de Borbone, in Echardi,
Scriptoribus Dominicanis, torn. i. p. 191. This writer divides
the Waldenses into two classes, The poor men of Lyons, and
the poor men of Lombardy. The former rejected and pro-
hibited all sorts of possessions, the latter looked upon
worldly possessions as lawful. This distinction may be also
confirmed by several passages of other ancient authors.
(n) For an account of these obscurer sects, see Stephanus
de Borbone, in Echardi Scriptoribus Dominicanis, torn. i. p.
191.
(o) The origin of the name of Pasagini, or Pasagii, is not
known.
128 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, fices, was obligatory upon Christians, in conse-
i Q1161106 °f which they circumcised their followers,
1 abstained from those meats, the use of which was
prohibited under the Mosaic economy, and cele-
brated the Jewish Sabbath. The second tenet
that distinguished this sect was advanced in oppo-
sition to the doctrine of three persons in the divine
nature ; for the Pasaginians maintained that Christ
was no more than the first and purest creature of
God ; nor will their adopting this opinion seem
so surprising, if we consider the prodigious number
of Arians that were scattered throughout Italy,
long before this period of time (p).
The Capu- XV. A set of fanatics, called Caputiati, from
a singular kind of cap that was the badge of their
faction, infested the province of Burgundy, the
diocese of Auxerre, and several other parts of
France, in all which places they excited much
disturbance among the people. They wore upon
their caps a leaden image of the Virgin Mary, and
they declared publicly, that their purpose was to
level all distinctions, to abrogate magistracy, to
remove all subordination among mankind, and to
restore that primitive liberty, that natural equality
that were the inestimable privileges of the first
mortals. Hugo, bishop of Auxerre, attacked
these disturbers of human society in the proper
manner, employing against them the force of
arms, instead of arguments (^).
The sect of the apostolics, whom St. Bernard
opposed with such bitterness and fury, and who
were so called, as that zealous abbot himself ac-
knowledged, because they professed to exhibit in
(p) See F. Bonacursi Manifestatio ha?resis Catharorum,
in Luc. Dacherii Spicilegio Veter. Scriptor. torn, i, p. 211.
edit. nov. — Gerhard. Bergamensis contra Catbaros et Pasa-
gios, in Lud. Anton. Muratorii, Antiq. Ital. medii aevi, torn,
v. p. 151.
(9) Jac. Le Bceuf, Mcmoires sur 1'Histoire d' Auxerre, torn,
i. p. 317.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
their lives and manners, the piety and virtues of CENT.
the holy apostles were very different from the PA*"'n
audacious heretics now mentioned. They were
a clownish set of men, of the lowest birth, who
gained their subsistence by bodily labour; and yet
no sooner did they form themselves into a sect,
than they drew after them a multitude of adhe-
rents of all ranks and orders. Their religious
doctrine, as St. Bernard confesses, was free from
error, and their lives and manners were irreproach-
able and exemplary. Yet they were reprehensible,
on account of the following peculiarities : 1 . They
held it unlawful to take an oath. 2. They suf-
fered their hair and their beards to grow to an
enormous length, so that their aspect was inex-
pressibly extravagant and savage. 3. They pre-
ferred celibacy before wedlock, and called them-
selves the chaste brethren and sisters. Notwith-
standing which, 4. Each man had a spiritual sister
with him, after the manner of the apostles, with
whom he lived in a domestic relation, lying in
the same chamber with her, though not in the
same bed (7^).
XVI. In the council, which was assembled at Eon, &
Rheims in the year 1148, and at which Pope J^jJ
Eugenius III. presided, a certain gentleman of the fanatic.
province of Bretagne, whose name was Eon, and
whose brain was, undoubtedly, disordered, was
condemned for pretending to be the Son of God.
Having heard, in the form that was used for exor-
cising malignant spirits, these words pronounced :
per Eum, qui venturus est judicare vivos et mor-
tuus, he concluded, from the resemblance that
there was between the word Eum, and his name,
that he was the person who was to come and
judge both quick and dead. This poor man should
(r) St. Bernardus, Sermo Ixv. in Canticum, torn. iv. Opp.
p. 1495. edit. Mabillon.
VOL. III. K
130 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, rather have been delivered over to the physicians
PART ii. *nan placed in the list of heretics. He ended his
days in a miserable prison, and left a considerable
number of followers and adherents, whom perse-*
cution and death in the most dreadful forms could
not persuade to abandon his cause, or to renounce
an absurdity, which one would think could never
have gained credit, but in such a place as Bed-
lam (s). This remarkable example is sufficient
to show, not only the astonishing credulity of the
stupid multitude, but also how far even the rulers
of the church were destitute of judgment, and
strangers to the knowledge of true and genuine
religion.
(s) Matth. Paris. Historia Major, p. 68. — Guil. Neubri-
gensis, Historia rerum Anglicarum, lib. i. p. 50. — Boulay,
Historia Acad. Paris, torn. ii. p. 241.
THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the Prosperous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
I. THOUGH the successors of Gengiskan, the CENT.
mighty emperor of the Tartars, or rather of the XIIL
Mogols, had carried their victorious arms through
PART I.
a great part of Asia, and having reduced China, The state of
India, and Persia, under their yoke, involved in ^£1 north!
many calamities and sufferings the Christian ern. Parts °f
assemblies which were established in these van-
quished lands (# ) ; yet we learn from the best
accounts, and the most respectable authorities,
that both in China, and in the northern parts of
Asia, the Nestorians continued to have a flourish-
ing church, and a great number of adherents.
The emperors of the Tartars and Mogols had
no great aversion to the Christian religion ; nay,
it appears from authentic records, that several
kings and grandees of these nations had either
been instructed in the doctrines of the gospel
by their ancestors, or were converted to Christi-
anity by the ministry and exhortations of the
(a) Gregor. Abulpharais, Historia Dynastiar. p. 281.
Kdi
&
132 The External History of the Church.
CENT. Nestorians (£). But the religion of Mahomet,
wnicn was so adapted to flatter the passions of
men, infected, by degrees, these noble converts,
opposed with success the progress of the gospel,
and, in process of time, triumphed over it so far,
that not the least glimpse or remains of Chris-
tianity were to be perceived in the courts of these
eastern princes.
A papal em- U. Xhe Tartars having made an incursion
to tK Tar"' into Europe in the year 1241, and having laid
ters- waste, with the most unrelenting and savage bar-
barity, Hungary, Poland, Silesia, and the adjacent
countries, the Roman pontiffs thought it incum-
bent upon them to endeavour to calm the fury,
and soften the ferocity, of these new and for-
midable enemies. For this purpose, Innocent IV.
sent an embassy to the Tartars, which consisted
in a certain number of Dominican and Franciscan
friars (c). In the year 1 274, Abaka, the emperor
of that fierce nation, sent ambassadors to the
council of Lyons, which was held under the pon-
tificate of Gregory X (W). About four years
after this, Pope Nicolas III. paid the same
compliment to Coblai, emperor of the whole
Tartar nation, to whom he sent a solemn em-
bassy of Franciscan monks, with a view to render
that prince propitious to the Christian cause.
The last expedition of this kind that we shall
mention at present was that of Johannes a
(b) See Marc. Paul. Venetus, De Regionibus Oriental, lib.
i. c. iv. lib. ii. c. vi. — Haytho the Armenian's Histor. Oriental,
cap. xix. p. 35. cap. xxiii. p. 39. cap. xxiv. p. 41. — Jo. Sims.
Assemanni Biblioth. Orient. Vatic, torn. III. part II. p. 526.
See particularly the Ecclesiastical History of the Tartars,
published in Latin at Helmstadt, in the year 1741, in 4to.
(c) See Luc. Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. iii. p. 116.
149. 175. 256.
(d) Wadding, loc. cit. torn. iv. p. 35. torn. v. p. 128. See
particularly an accurate and ample account of the negotia-
tions that passed between the pontiffs and the Tartars, in the
Historia Ecclesiastica Tartarorum, already mentioned.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 133
Monte Corvino, who was sent in company with CENT.
PART I.
other ecclesiastics to the same emperor, by Nico-
las IV. and who carried letters to the Nestorians
from that zealous pontiff. This mission was far
from being useless, since these spiritual ambassa-
dors converted many of the Tartars to Chris-
tianity, engaged considerable numbers of the
Nestorians to adopt the doctrine and discipline
of the church of Rome, and erected churches in
different parts of Tartary and China. In order
to accelerate the propagation of the gospel among
these darkened nations, Johannes a Monte
Corvino translated the New Testament and the
Psalms of David into the language of the Tar-
tars (e).
III. The Roman pontiffs employed their most Crusades
zealous and assiduous efforts in the support of the renewed-
Christian cause in Palestine, which was now in a
most declining, or rather in a desperate state.
They had learned, by a delicious experience, how
much these Asiatic wars, undertaken from a prin-
ciple, or at least carried on under a pretext of
religion, had contributed to fill their coffers, aug-
ment their authority, and cover them with glory ;
and therefore they had nothing more at heart
than the renewal and prolongation of these sa-
cred expeditions (jf). Innocent III. therefore,
sounded the charge ; but the greatest part of the
European princes and nations were deaf to the
voice of the holy trumpet. At length, however,
after many unsuccessful attempts in different
(e) Odor. Raynaldus, Annal. Ecclesiastic, tom.xiv. ad A.
1278. sect. 17. p. 282. et ad A. 1289. sect. 59. p. 4-19. edit.
Colon. — Pierre Bergeron, Traite des Tartares, chap. xi. p. 61 .
See also the writers mentioned in the Historia Ecclesiastica
Tartarorum.
(/) This is remarked by the writers of the twelfth century,
who had soon perceived the avaricious and despotic views of
the pontiffs, in the encouragement they gave to the crusades.
See Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 174. 365. et passim.
1B4 The External History of the Church.
CENT, countries, a certain number of French nobles
PART i en^ered into an alliance with the republic of
L Venice, and set sail for the east with an army that
was far from being formidable. Besides, the event
of this new expedition was by no means answer-
able to the expectations of the pontiff. The
French and Venetians, instead of steering their
course towards Palestine, sailed directly for Con-
stantinople, and in the year 1203 took that
imperial city by storm, with a design to restore to
the throne Isaac Angel us, who implored their
succour against the violence of his brother
Alexius, who had usurped the empire. The
year following, a dreadful sedition was raised at
Constantinople, in which the emperor Isaac was
put to death, and his son, the young Alexius,
was strangled by Alexius Ducas the ringleader
of this furious faction (g). The account of this
parricide no sooner came to the ears of the chiefs
of the crusade, than they made themselves masters
of Constantinople for the second time, dethroned
and drove from the city the tyrant Ducas, and
elected Baldwin, count of Flanders, emperor
of the Greeks. This proceeding was a source of
new divisions ; for about two years after this the
Greeks resolved to set up, in opposition to this
Latin emperor, one of their own nation, and
elected for that purpose, Theodore Lascaris,
who chose Nice in Bithynia for the place of his
imperial residence. From this period until the
year 1261, two emperors reigned over the Greeks;
the one of their own nation, who resided at Nice ;
and the other of Latin or French extraction, who
lived at Constantinople, the ancient metropolis
of the empire. But, in the year 1261, the face
of things was changed by the Grecian emperor,
Michael Palaeologus, who, by the valour and stra-
(g) The learned authors of the Universal History call
this ringleader, by mistake, John Ducas.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 135
tagems of his general, Caesar Alexius, became CENT.
master of Constantinople, and forced the Latin T™*\
emperor Baldwin II. to abandon that city, and _J 1
save himself by flight in Italy. Thus fell the
empire of the Franks at Constantinople after a
duration of fifty-seven years (/z).
IV. Another sacred expedition was undertaken Another
in the year 1217, under the pontificate of Hono-
rius III. by the confederate anns of Italy and
Germany. The allied army was commanded in
chief by Andrew, king of Hungary, who was
joined by Leopold, duke of Austria, Lewis of
Bavaria, and several other princes. After a few
months absence, Andrew returned into Europe.
The remaining chiefs carried on the war with
vigour, and in the year 1220, made themselves
masters of Damietta, the strongest city in Egypt ;
but their prosperity was of a short duration, for
the year following, their fleet was totally ruined
by that of the Saracens, their provisions cut off,
and their army reduced to the greatest straits and
difficulties. This irreparable loss was followed by
that of Damietta, which blasted all their hopes,
and removed the flattering prospects which their
successful beginnings had presented to their ex-
pectations (i).
(h) See, for a full account of this empire, Du Fresne, His-
toire de 1'Empire de Constantinople sous les Empereurs
Francoise j in the former part of which we find the Histoire
de la Conquete de la Ville de Constantinople par les Fran-
£ois, written by Godfrey de Ville Harduin, one of the French
chiefs concerned in the expedition. This work makes a part
of the Byzantine history. See also Claude Fontenay, His-
toire de PEglise Gallicane, torn. x. p. 216. — Guntheri Mo-
nachi Histor. captae a Latinis Constantinopoleos, in Henr.
Canisii Lectionis Antiquae, torn. iv. p. 1. — Innocentii III.
Epistol. a Baluzio editas, passim.
(i) See Jac. de Vitriaco, Histor. Oriental, et Martin Sanc-
tus. Secret, fidel. crucis inter Bongarsianos de sacris bellis
scriptores, sen gesta Dei per Francos,
The External History of the Church.
CENT. V. The leates and missionaries of the court
continued to animate the languish-
ing zeal of the European princes in behalf of the
An histori- Christian cause in Palestine, and to revive the
thlluilr°f spirit of crusading, which so many calamities and
crusades, disasters had almost totally extinguished. At
their order. length, in consequence of their lively remon-
strances, a new army was raised, and a new expe-
dition undertaken, which excited great expecta-
tions, and drew the attention of Europe, and that
so much the more, as it was generally believed,
that this army was to be commanded by the
emperor Frederic II. That prince had, indeed,
obliged himself by a solemn promise, made to the
Roman pontiff, to take upon him the direction
of this expedition ; and what added a new degree
of force to this engagement, and seemed to
render the violation of it impossible, was the
marriage that Frederic had contracted, in the
year 1223, with Jolanda, daughter of John,
count of Brienne, and king of Jerusalem, by
which alliance that kingdom was to be added to
his European dominions. Yet, notwithstanding
all this, the emperor put off his voyage from
time to time under various pretexts, and did not
set out until the year 1228, when, after having
been excommunicated on account of his delay,
by the incensed pontiff Gregory IX (7t¥), he fol-
(k) This papal excommunication^ which was drawn
up in the most outrageous and indecent language, was so
far from exciting Frederic to accelerate his departure for
Palestine, that it produced no effect upon him at all, and
was, on the contrary, received with the utmost contempt.
He defended himself by his ambassadors at Rome, and showed
that the reasons of his delay were solid and just, and not
mere pretexts, as the pope had pretended. At the same
time, he wrote a remarkable letter to Henry III. king of
England, in which he complains of the insatiable avarice,
the boundless ambition, the perfidious and hypocritical pro-
ceedings of the Roman pontiffs. See Fleury, Histoire
Ecclesiastique, livr. Ixxix. torn. xvi. p. 601. edit. Bruxelles.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 137
lowed with a small train of attendants the troops, CENT.
who expected, with the most anxious impatience, XIIL
, . .r i . V» i -VT Till i. • PART I.
his arrival in 1 alestme. No sooner did he land in
that disputed kingdom than, instead of carrying
on the war with vigour, he turned all his thoughts
towards peace, and, without consulting the other
princes and chiefs of the crusade, concluded, in
the year 1229, a treaty of peace, or rather a truce
of ten years, with Melic-Camel, sultan of Egypt.
The principal thing stipulated in this treaty was,
that Frederic should be put in possession of the
city and kingdom of Jerusalem : this condition
was immediately executed ; and the emperor,
entering into the city with great pomp, and accom-
panied by a numerous train, placed the crown
upon his head with his own hands ; and, having
thus settled matters in Palestine, he returned
without delay into Italy, to appease the discords
and commotions which the vindictive and am-
bitious pontiff had excited there in his absence.
So that, in reality, notwithstanding all the re-
proaches that were cast upon the emperor by the
pope and his creatures, this expedition was by
far the most successful of any that had been yet
undertaken against the infidels (/).
VI. The expeditions that followed this were
less important and also less successful. In the
year 1239, Theobald VI. (m) count of Cham-
pagne and king of Navarre, set out from Mar-
seilles for the Holy Land, accompanied by se-
veral French and German princes, as did also, the
year following, Richard, earl of Cornwal, brother
to Henry III. king of England. The issue of
(/) See the writers that have composed the History of the
Holy Wars, and of the Life and Exploits of Frederic II.
See also Muratori Annales Italiae, and the various authors of
the Germanic History.
fig* (m) Dr.Mosheim calls him, by a mistake, Theobald V.
unless we are to attribute this fault to an error of the press.
138 The External History of the Church.
CENT, these two expeditions was by no means answer-
a^e to t^ie preparations which were made to ren-
der them successful. The former failed through
the influence of the emperor's (72) ambassadors in
Palestine, who renewed the truce with the Maho-
metans ; while, on the other hand, a consider-
able body of Christians were defeated at Gaza,
and such as escaped the carnage returned into
Europe. This fatal event was principally owing
to the discords that reigned between the templars
and the knights of St. John of Jerusalem. Hence
it came to pass, that the arrival of Richard,
which had been industriously retarded by Gre-
gory IX. and which had revived, in some degree,
the hopes of the vanquished, was ineffectual to
repair their loss ; and all that this prince could
do was to enter, with the consent of the allies,
into a truce upon as good conditions as the declin-
ing state of their affairs would admit of. This
truce was accordingly concluded with the sultan
of Egypt in the year 1244, after which Richard
immediately set sail for Europe (o).
The expedu VII. The affairs of the Christians in the east
declined from day to day. Intestine discords and
ill-conducted expeditions had reduced them
almost to the last extremity, when Lewis IX.
king of France, who was canonised after his
death, and is still worshipped with the utmost
devotion, attempted their restoration. It was in
Ifglf3 (n) Frederic II. who had still a great party in Pale-
stine, and did not act in concert with the clergy and the
creatures of his bitter enemy, Gregory IX. from which divi-
sion the Christian cause suffered much.
(0) All these circumstances are accurately related and
illustrated by the learned George Christ. Gebaverus, in his
Historia Richardi Imperatoris, lib. i. p. 34. — It appears how-
ever by the Epistolae Petri de Vineis, that Richard was created
by Frederic II. his lord-lieutenant of the kingdom of Jerusa-
lem, and this furnishes a probable reason why Gregory IX.
used all possible means to retard Richard's voyage.
PART I.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 139
consequence of a vow, which this prince had CENT.
made in the year 1248, when he was seized with
a painful and dangerous illness, that he under-
took this arduous task, and, in the execution of
it, he set sail for Egypt with a formidable army
and a numerous fleet, from a notion that the con-
quest of this province would enable him to carry
on the war in Syria, and Palestine, with more
facility and success. The first attempts of the
zealous monarch were crowned with victory ; for
Damietta, that famous Egyptian city, yielded to
his arms ; but the smiling prospect was soon
changed, and the progress of the war presented
one uniform scene of calamity and desolation.
The united horrors of famine and pestilence,
overwhelmed the royal army, whose provisions
were cut off by the Mahometans, in the year
1 250 ; Robert, earl of Artois, the king's own
brother, having surprised the Saracen army, and,
through an excess of valour, pursued them too
far, was slain in the engagement ; and, a few
days after, the king himself, with two more of
his brothers (p), and the greatest part of his
army, were taken prisoners in a bloody action,
after a bold and obstinate resistance. This valiant
monarch, who was endowed with true greatness
of mind, and who was extremely pious, though
after the manner that prevailed in this age of
superstition and darkness, was ransomed at an
immense price (<?), and after having spent about
Ijgg0 (p) Alphonsus earl of Poitiers, and Charles earl of
Anjou.
Bgg° (q) The ransom, which, together with the restoration
of Damietta, the king was obliged to pay for his liberty, was
eight hundred thousand gold bezants, and not eighty thou-
sand, as Collier erroneously reckons *. This sum, which was
equal then to 500,000 livres of French money, would, in our
days, amount to the value of four millions of livres, that is,
to about 190,000 pounds sterling.
* See Collier's Eccles. Histor. Cent. xiii. vol. i. p. 456.
140 The External History of the Church.
CENT, four years in Palestine, returned into France, in
i the year 1254, with a handful of men (r), the
XIII.
PART
miserable remains of his formidable army.
A second VIII. No calamities could deject the courage
dertakenUby nor damp the invincible spirit of Lewis ; nor
the same did ne look upon his vow as fulfilled by what he
had already done in Palestine. He therefore f*e-
solved upon a new expedition, fitted out a formid-
able fleet with which he set sail for Africa,
accompanied by a splendid train of princes and
nobles, and proposed to begin in that part of the
world his operations against the infidels, that he
might either convert them to the Christian faith,
or draw from their treasures the means of carry-
ing on more effectually the war in Asia. Imme-
diately after his arrival upon the African coast,
he made himself master of the fort of Carthage ;
but this first success was soon followed by a fatal
change in his affairs. A pestilential disease broke
out in the fleet, in the harbour of Tunis, carried
off the greatest part of the army, and siezed, at
length, the monarch himself, who fell a victim
to its rage, on the 25th of August, in the year
1270 (s). Lewis was the last of the European
princes that embarked in the holy war ; the
dangers and difficulties, the calamities and dis-
(r) Of 2800 illustrious knights, who set out with Lewis
from France, there remained about a hundred when he sailed
from Palestine. See Joinville's Hist, de S. Louis IX. p. 81.
(«) Among the various histories that deserve to be con-
sulted for an ampler account of this last crusade, the prin-
cipal place is due to the Histoire de S. Louis IX. du nom,
Roy de France, ecrite par Jean Sr. de Joinville, enrichie de
nouvelles Dissertations et Observations Historiques, par
Charles du Fresne, Paris, 1668, Fol. See also Filleau de la
Chaize, Histoire de S. Louis, Paris, 1688, 2 vol. in 8vo. —
Menconis Chronicon, in Ant. Matthaei Analectis veteris sevi,
torn. iii. p. 172. 179. — Luc. Wadding! Annales Minorum,
torn. iv. p. 294. 307. et passim. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris,
torn. iii. p. 212. 392. &c. — Pierre Claude Fontenay, Histoire
de 1'Eglise Gallicane, torn. xi. p. 337. 4-05. 575.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 141
orders, and tlie enormous expenses that accom- CENT.
panied each crusade, disgusted the most zealous, XIII<
i -i • 1 1 • • n r* PART I*
and discouraged the most intrepid promoters of
these fanatical expeditions. In consequence of
this, the Latin empire in the east declined apace,
notwithstanding the efforts of the Roman pontiffs
to maintain and support it; and in the year 1291,
after the taking of Ptolomais, or Acra, by the
Mahometans, it was entirely overthrown (/). It
is natural to inquire into the true causes that con-
tributed to this unhappy revolution in Palestine ;
and these causes are evident. We must not seek
for them either in the councils or in the valour of
the infidels, but in the dissensions that reigned in
the Christian armies, in the profligate lives of
those, who called themselves the champions of the
cross, and in the ignorance and obstinacy, the
avarice and insolence of the pope's legates.
IX. Christianity as yet had not tamed the fero- Conversion
city, nor conquered the pagan superstitions and of the Prus*
prejudices, that still prevailed in some of the
western provinces. Among others, the Prussians,
a fierce and savage nation, retained still the ido-
latrous worship of their ancestors with the most
obstinate perseverance ; nor did the arguments
and exhortations employed by the missionaries
that were sent among them, from time to time,
produce the least effect upon their stubborn and
intractable spirits. The brutish firmness of these
pagans induced Conrad, duke of Massovia, to have
recourse to more forcible methods than reason and
argument, in order to bring about their conversion.
For this purpose, he addressed himself, in the
year 1230, to the knights of the Teutonic order
of St. Mary, who, after their expulsion from Pa-
(t) Ant. Matthaei Analecta veteris aevi, torn. v. p. 748. —
Jac. Echardi Scriptores Dominican!, torn. i. p. 4-22. — Imola
in Dantem, in Muratori Antiq. Italicae medii aevi, torn. i. p.
sums.
142 The External History of the Church.
CENT, lestine, had settled at Venice, and engaged them,
^7 pompous promises, to undertake the conquest
and conversion of the Prussians. The knights
accordingly arrived in Prussia, under the com-
mand of Herman de Saltza, and after a most
cruel and obstinate war, of fifty years standing,
with that resolute people, obliged them, with diffi-
culty, to acknowledge the Teutonic order for
their sovereigns, and to embrace the Christian
faith (?/). After having established Christianity,
and fixed their own dominion in Prussia, these
booted apostles made several excursions into the
neighbouring countries, and particularly into Li-
thuania, where they pillaged, burned, massacred,
and ruined all before them, until they forced the
inhabitants of that miserable province to profess a
feigned submission to the gospel, or rather to the
furious and unrelenting missionaries, by whom it
was propagated in a manner so contrary to its
divine maxims, and to the benevolent spirit of its
celestial author (w;).
ofthe X. In Spain the cause of the gospel gained
Arabians ground from day to day. The kings of Castile,
in Spam. Leon, Navarre, and Arragon, waged perpetual
war with the Saracen princes, who held still under
their dominion the kingdoms of Valentia, Gra-
nada, and Murcia, together with the province of
Andalusia ; and this war was carried on with such
success, that the Saracen dominion declined apace,
(w) See Matthsei Analecta vet. sevi, torn. iii. p. 18. torn. v.
p. 684- — 689. — Petri de Duisburgh, Chronicon. Prussiae,
published by Hartknochius at Jena, in the year 1 679. —
Christoph. Hartknochius, his History ofthe Prussian Church,
written in the German language, book I. ch. i. p. 33. and
Antiquitates Prussiae, Diss.xiv. p. 201. — Baluzii Miscellanea,
torn. vii. p. 427. 478. — Waddingi, Annales Minor, torn. iv.
p. 4-0. 63. Solignac, Histoire de Pologne, torn. ii. p. 238.
(w) Besides the authors mentioned in the preceding note,
see Ludwcgii Reliquae Manuscriptorum omnis cevi, torn. i. p.
336.
PART I.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 143
and was daily reduced within narrower bounds, CENT.
while the limits of the church were extended on
every side. The princes that contributed princi- .
pally to this happy revolution were Ferdinand,
king of Leon and Castile, who, after his death,
obtained a place in the Kalendar, his father Al-
phonsus IX. king of Leon, and James I. king of
Arragon (#). The latter, more especially, di-
stinguished himself eminently by his fervent zeal
for the advancement of Christianity ; for no
sooner had he made himself master of Valentia, in
the year 1236, than he employed, with the great-
est pains and assiduity, every possible method of
converting to the faith his Arabian subjects, whose
expulsion would have been an irreparable loss to
his kingdom. For this purpose he ordered the
Dominicans, whose ministry he made use of prin-
cipally in this salutary work, to learn the Arabic
tongue ; and he founded public schools at Ma-
jorca and Barcelona, in which a considerable
number of youths were educated in a manner
that might enable them to preach the gospel in
that language. When these pious efforts were
found to be ineffectual, the Roman pontiff Cle-
ment IV. exhorted the king to drive the Maho-
metans out of Spain. The obsequious prince
followed the counsel of the inconsiderate pontiff;
in the execution of which, however, he met with
much difficulty, both from the opposition which
the Spanish nobles made to it on the one hand,
and from the obstinacy of the Moors on the
other
(x) See Job. Ferreras, History of" Spain, vol. iv.
(#) See Geddes, his History of the Expulsion of the Mo-
riscoes, in his Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. i. p. 26.
144 The External History of the Church.
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
CENT. I. THE accounts we have already given of the
con(luests °f tne Tartars, and of the unhappy
issue of the crusades, will be sufficient to give us
PART
The un- a lively idea of the melancholy condition to which
of ^he affairs tne Christians were reduced in Asia; and had
of the the Saracens been infected with the same odious
spirit of persecution that possessed the crusaders,
there would not perhaps have remained a single
Christian in that part of the world. But though
these infidels were chargeable with various crimes,
and had frequently treated the Christians in a
rigorous and injurious manner, yet they looked
with horror upon those scenes of persecution,
which the Latins exhibited as the exploits of
heroic piety, and considered it as the highest and
most atrocious mark of cruelty and injustice to
force unhappy men, by fire and sword, to abandon
their religious principles, or to put them to death
merely because they refused to change their
opinions. After the destruction of the kingdom
of Jerusalem, many of the Latins remained still in
Syria, and retiring into the dark and solitary re-
cesses of mount Liban, lived there in a savage
manner, and lost, by degrees, all sense both of reli-
gion and humanity, as appears in the conduct and
character of their descendants, who still inhabit the
same uncultivated wilds, and who seem almost
entirely destitute of all knowledge of God and
religion (#).
(2) A certain tribe called Derusi, or Drusi, who inhabit
the recesses of the mounts Liban and Antiliban, pretend to
descend from the ancient Franks, who were once masters of
Palestine. This derivation is, indeed, doubtful. It is however
CHAP. ii. Calamitous Events.
II. The Latin writers of this age complain in CENT.
many places of the growth of infidelity, of daring PART \
and licentious writers, some of whom attacked
publicly the doctrines of Christianity, while others
went so far as atheistically to call in question the and atheism
perfections and government of the Supreme Beinp;. "mo.ng the
1 i • i i • i i i Latins.
.These complaints, however they might have been
exaggerated in some respects, were yet far from
being entirely destitute of foundation ; and the
superstition of the times was too naturally adapted
to create a number of infidels and libertines
among men who had more capacity than judg-
ment, more wit than solidity. Persons of this
character, when they fixed their attention only
upon that absurd system of religion, which the
Roman pontiffs and their dependents exhibited as
the true religion of Christ, and maintained by the
odious influence of bloody persecution, were, for
want of the means of being better instructed, un-
happily led to consider the Christian religion as a
fable invented and propagated by a greedy and
ambitious priesthood, in order to fill their coffers,
and to render their authority respectable. The
philosophy of Aristotle, which flourished in all
the European schools, and was looked upon as the
very essence of right reason, contributed much to
support this delusion, and to nourish a proud and
presumptuous spirit of infidelity. This quibbling
and intricate philosophy led many to reject some
of the most evident and important doctrines both
of natural and revealed religion, such as the doc-
trine of a divine providence governing the uni-
verse, the immortality of the soul, the scripture
account of the origin of the world, and other
points of less moment. These doctrines were not
certain that there still remain in these countries descendants
of those, whom the holy war brought from Europe into Pa-
lestine ; though they do ver.y little honour to their ancestors,
and have nothing of Christians but the name.
VOL. III. L
146 The External History of the Church.
^m' ?nty reJected, but the most pernicious errors were
PARTI, industriously propagated in opposition to them,
by a set of Aristotelians, who were extremely
active in gaining proselytes to their impious
jargon (a).
Frederic ii. III. If the accusations brought against Fre-
£puiety.°f deric II. by the Roman pontiff Gregory IX. de-
serve any credit, that prince may be ranked among
the most inveterate and malignant enemies of
(a) See Sti. Thomas Summa contra gentes, and Bernhardi
Monetae Summa contra Catharos et Waldenses. This latter
writer, in the work now mentioned, combats, with great
spirit, the enemies of Christianity which appeared in his
time. In the fourth chapter of the fifth book, p. 416. he
disputes, in an ample and copious manner, against those who
affirmed, that the soul perished with the body ; refutes, in
the eleventh chapter, p. 477. those Aristotelian philosophers,
who held, that the world had existed from all eternity, and
would never have an end ; and, in the fifteenth chapter, p.
554. he attacks those, who despising the authority of the
sacred writings, deny the existence of human liberty, and
maintain that all things, and even the crimes of the wicked,
are the effects of an absolute and irresistible necessity. Add
to these authors, Stephani Tempierii, Episcopi Parisiensis,
Indiculus errorum, qui a nonnullis Magistris Lut.etise publice
privatimque docebantur, Anno 1277. in Bibliotheca Patrum
Maxima, torn. xxv. p. 233 ; as also Boulay, Histor. Acad.
Paris, torn. iii. p. 433. and Gerard duBois, Hist. Eccles. Pa-
ris, torn. ii. p. 501. The tenets of these doctors will, no
doubt, appear of a surprising nature; for they taught, " that
there was only one intellect among all the human race ; that
all things were subject to absolute fate or necessity ; that the
universe was not governed by a divine providence ; that the
world was eternal, and the soul mortal ;" and they main-
tained these and such like monstrous errors, by arguments
drawn from the philosophy of Aristotle. But, at the same
time, to avoid the just resentment of the people, they held
up, as a buckler against their adversaries, that most dan-
gerous and pernicious distinction between theological and
philosophical truth, which has been since used, with the
utmost cunning and bad faith, by the more recent Aristote-
lians of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. <f These
things, said they, (as we learn from Stephen Tempier) are
true in philosophy, but not according to the catholic faith."
Vera sunt hsec secundum philosophum, non secundum fidem
catholicam.
CHAP. ir. Calamitous Events.
the Christian religion, since he was charged by CENT.
Gregory with having said, that the world had
been deceived by three impostors, Moses, Christ,
and Mahomet (£). This charge was answered by
a solemn and public profession of his faith, which
the emperor addressed to all the kings and princes
of Europe, to whom also had been addressed the
accusation brought against him by the pontiff*.
The accusation, however, was founded upon the
testimony of Henry Raspon, landgrave of Thu-
ringia, who declared that he had heard the em-
peror pronounce the abominable blasphemy above-
mentioned (c). It is, after all, difficult to decide
with sufficient evidence concerning the truth of
this fact. Frederic, who was extremely passionate
and imprudent, may, perhaps, in a fit of rage,
have let some such expression as this escape his
reflection, and this is rendered probable enough
by the company he frequented, and the number of
learned Aristotelians that were always about his
person, and might suggest matter enough for such
impious expressions, as that now under considera-
tion. It was this affair that gave occasion, in
after-times, to the invention of that fabulous
account (d), which supposes the detestable book
Concerning the three Impostors, to have been
composed by the emperor himself ; or, by Peter
de Vineis, a native of Capua, a man of great
credit and authority, whom that prince (e) had
(&) Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 408. 459. — Pctr. de
Vineis Epistolarum lib. i.
(c) Herm. Gygantis Flores'Temporum, p. 126. — Chr. Frid.
Ayrmann Sylloge Anecdotor. torn. i. p. 639.
('/) See Casim. Oudini Comment, de Scriptoribus Ecclc-
siasticis, torn. iii. p. 6S. — Alb. Henr. de Sallengre, Memoires
d'Histoire et de Litterature, torn. i. part I. p. 386.
fHf0 (e) The book entitled Liber de in Impostoribus,
sive Tractates de Vanitate Religionum, is really a book
which had no existence at the time that the most noise was
made about it, and was spoken of by multitudes before it
J4S The External History of the Church.
CENT, chosen for his prime minister, and in whom he
"'f placed the highest confidence.
XIII.
PART
had been seen by any one person. Its supposed existence
was probably owing to an impious saying of Simon of Tour-
nay, doctor of divinity in the university of Paris in the thir-
teenth century, which amounts to this,, " That the Jews were
seduced out of their senses by Moses, the Christians by
Jesus, and the Gentiles by Mahomet." This, or some ex-
pressions of a similar kind, were imputed to the emperor
Frederic, and other persons, and that perhaps without any
real foundation ; and the imaginary book, to which they have
given rise, has been attributed by different authors to Fre-
deric, to his chancellor Peter de Vineis, to Alphonso, king
of Castile, to Boccace, Pogge, the Aretins, Pomponace,
Machiavel, Erasmus, Ochinus, Servetus, Rabelais, Giordano,
Bruno, Campanella, and many others. In a word, the book
was long spoken of before any such work existed ; but the
rumour that was spread abroad encouraged some profligate
traders in licentiousness to compose, or rather compile a
bundle of miserable rhapsodies, under the famous title of the
Three Impostors, in order to impose upon such as are fond
of these pretended rarities. Accordingly, the Spaccio della
Bestia Triomphante of Giordano Bruno, and a wretched piece
of impiety called the Spirit of Spinoza, were the ground-work
of materials from whence these hireling compilers, by modi-
fying some passages, and adding others, drew the book
which now passes under the name of the Three Impostors,
of which I have seen two copies in manuscript, but no
printed edition. See La Monnoye's Dissertatione sur le
Livre de in Imposteurs, published at Amsterdam in 1715,
at the end of the fourth volume of the Menagiana. See also
an Answer to this Dissertation, which was impudently ex-
posed to the public eye, in 1716, from the press of Scheur-
leer in the Hague, and which contains a fabulous story of
the origin of the book in question. Whoever is desirous of
a more ample and a very curious account of this matter, will
find it in the late Prosper Merchand's Dictionnaire Histo-
rique, vol. ii. at the article Impostoribus.
149
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the State of Learning and Philosophy
during this Century.
I. THE Greeks, amidst the dreadful calamities, CENT.
discords, and revolutions, that distracted and per- l11'
plexed their unhappy country, had neither that
PAHT
spirit, nor that leisure, that are necessary to the The ftate of
culture of the arts and sciences. Yet, under all amon^he
these disadvantages, they still retained a certain Gret*s-
portion of their former spirit, and did not entirely
abandon the cause of learning and philosophy, as
appears by the writers that arose among them
during this century. Their best historians were
Nicetas, Choniates, Georgius Acropolita, Grego-
rius Pachymeres, and Joel, whose Chronology is
yet extant. "We learn from the writings of
Gregory Pachymeres, and Nicephorus Blemmida,
that the Peripatetic philosophy was not without
its admirers among the Greeks ; though the Pla-
tonic was most in vogue. The greatest part of
the Grecian philosophers, following the example
of the later Platonists, whose works were the
subject of their constant meditation, inclined to
reduce the wisdom of Plato, and the subtilties of
the Stagirite into one system, and to reconcile, as
well as they could, their jarring principles. It is
not necessary to exhibit a list of those authors,
who wrote the lives and discourses of the saints,
or distinguished themselves in the controversy
with the Latin church, or of those who employed
150 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, their learned labours in illustrating the canon law
uu^i'i °^ ^e Greeks. The principal Syrian writer,
which this century produced, was Gregory Abul
Farai, primate of the Jacobites, a man of true
genius and universal learning, who was a judi-
cious divine, an eminent historian, and a good
philosopher (a). George Elmacin, who composed
the history of the Saracens, was also a writer of
no mean reputation.
Tre!sPo?" ^' ^e sciences carried a fairer aspect in the
Sing in western world, where every branch of erudition
thevrest. was cultivated with assiduity and zeal, and, of
consequence, flourished, with increasing vigour,
from day to day. The European kings and
princes had learned, by a happy experience, how
much the advancement of learning and arts con-
(a) See Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Abulpharage; as
also Jos. Sim. Assemanni Biblioth. Oriental. Vatican, torn. ii.
cap. xlii. p. 244.
gfgp13 Abulpbaragius, or Abul Farai, was a native of Ma-
latia, a city in Armenia, near the source of the river Eu-
phrates, and acquired a vast reputation in the east on account
of his extensive erudition. He composed An Abridgment
of Universal History, from the beginning of the world to his
own times, which he divided into ten parts, or dynasties.
The first comprehends the history of the ancient Patriarchs
from Adam to Moses. The second, that qf Joshua and the
other judges of Israel. The third, fourth, fifth, and sixth,
contain the history of the kings of Israel, of the Chaldean
princes, of the Persian Magi, and of the Grecian Monarchs.
The seventh relates to the Roman history ; the eighth, to
that of the Greek emperors of Constantinople. In the ninth
he treats concerning the Arabian Commanders ; and in the
tenth, concerning the Moguls. He is more to be de*
pended upon in his history of the Saracens and Tartars than
in his accounts of other nations. The learned Dr. Edward
Pocock translated this work into Latin, and published his
translation in 1663; together with a supplement which
carries on the history of the oriental princes, where Abul
Farai left it. The same learned translator had obliged the
public, in 1650, with an abridgment of the ninth dynasty
under the following title: "Specimen Historiae Arabum ;
" sive Georgii Abulfaragii Malatiensis de Or igine et Moribus
" Arabum succincta Narratio."
I
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 151
tribute to the grandeur and happiness of a nation ; CENT.
and therefore they invited into their dominions p^"'n
learned men from all parts of the world, nourished
the arts in their bosom, excited the youth to the
love of letters, by crowning their progress with
the most noble rewards, and encouraged every
effort of genius, by conferring upon such as ex-
celled, the most honourable distinctions. Among
these patrons and protectors of learning the em-
peror Frederic II. and Alphonsus X. king of
Leon and Castile, two princes as much distin-
guished by their own learning, as by the en-
couragement they granted to men of genius,
acquired the highest renown, and rendered their
names immortal. The former founded the aca-
demy of Naples, had the works of Aristotle
translated into Latin, assembled about his person
all the learned men whom he could engage by his
munificence to repair to his court, and gave many
other undoubted proofs of his zeal for the ad-
vancement of the arts and sciences (&). The latter
obtained an illustrious and permanent renown by
several learned productions, but more especially
by his famous Astronomical Tables (c). In con-
sequence then of the protection that was given to
the sciences in this century, academies were erected
almost in every city, peculiar privileges of various
kinds were also granted to the youth that fre-
quented them, and these learned societies ac-
quired, at length, the form of political bodies;
that is to say, they were invested with a certain
jurisdiction, and were governed by their own laws
and statutes.
(b) Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 115. Giannone,
Hist, de Naples, torn. ii. p. 497. Add to these the observa-
tions of Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin, medii aevi, torn.
ii. p. 618.
(c) Nic. Antonii Bibliotheca vetus Hispan. lib. viii. c. v.
p. 217. Jo. de Ferreras, Histoire d'Espagne, torn. iv. p.
347.
1<32 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. III. In the public schools or academies that
PART^I were founded at Padua, Modena, Naples, Capua,
L Thoulouse, Salamanca, Lyons, and Cologne, the
The state of whole circle of the sciences was not taught, as in
peanacT" our times. The application of the youth, and
demies. the labours of their instructors, were limited to
certain branches of learning, and thus the course
of academical education remained imperfect. The
academy of Paris, which surpassed all the rest
both with respect to the number and abilities of
its professors, and the multitude of students by
whom it was frequented, was the first learned
society which extended the sphere of education,
received all the sciences into its bosom, and ap-
pointed masters for every branch of erudition.
Hence it was distinguished, before any other aca-
demy, with the title of an university, to denote
its embracing the whole circle of science ; and, in
process of time, other schools of learning were
ambitious of forming themselves upon the same
model, and of being honoured with the same title.
In this famous university, the doctors were di-
vided into four colleges or classes, according to
the branches of learning they professed ; and
these classes were called, in after-times, faculties.
In each of these faculties, a doctor was chosen
by the suffrages of his colleagues, to preside during
a fixed period in the society ; and the title of
dean was given to those who successively filled
that eminent office (cQ. The head of the uni-
versity, whose inspection and jurisdiction ex-
tended to all the branches of that learned body,
was dignified with the name of chancellor, and
that high and honourable place was filled by the
bishop of Paris, to whom an assistant was after-
wards joined, who shared the administration with
him, and was clothed with an extensive autho-
(«/) This arrangement was executed about the year 1260.
See Du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 557. 564.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 153
rity (e). The college set apart for the study of CENT.
divinity was first erected and endowed, in the PART n.
year 1250, by an opulent and pious man, whose
name was Robert de Sorbonne, a particular friend
and favourite of St. Lewis, whose name was
adopted, and is still retained by that theological
society ( /).
IV. Such as were desirous of being admitted The aca-
professors in any of the faculties, or colleges of
this famous university, were obliged to submit to
a long and tedious course of probation, to suffer
the strictest examinations, and to give, during
several years, undoubted proofs of their learning
and capacity, before they were received in the cha-
racter of public teachers. This severe discipline
was called the academical course ; and it was
wisely designed to prevent the number of pro-
fessors from multiplying beyond measure, and
also to hinder such as were destitute of erudition
and abilities from assuming an office, which was
justly looked upon as of high importance. They
who had satisfied all the demands of this aca-
demical law, and had gone through the formid-
able trial with applause, were solemnly invested
with the dignity of professors, and were saluted
masters with a certain round of ceremonies, that
were used in the societies of illiterate tradesmen,
when their company was augmented by a new
candidate. This vulgar custom was introduced,
(e) See Herm. Conringii Antiquitates Academicae, a work,
however, susceptible of considerable improvements. The
important work mentioned in the preceding note, and which
is divided into six volumes, deserves to be principally con-
sulted in this point, as well as in all others that relate to the
history and government of the university of Paris ; add to
this Claud. Hemersei Liber de Academia Parisiensi, qualis
prirao fuit in insula et episcoporum scholis, Lutet. 1637, in
4to.
(/) See Du Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 223. —
Du Fresne's Annotations upon the life of St. Lewis, written
by Joinville, p. 36.
154 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, in the preceding century, by the professors of law
. *n ^e academy °f Bolonia, and, in this century,
L it was transmitted to that of Paris, where it was
first practised by the divinity-colleges, and after-
wards by the professors of physic and of the
liberal arts. In this account of the trial and in-
stallation of the professors of Paris, we may per-
ceive the origin of what we now call academical
degrees, which, like all other human institutions,
have degenerated sadly from the wise ends for
which they were at first appointed, and grow more
insignificant from day to day (g*).
The state of V. These public institutions, consecrated to the
humanity.0* advancement of learning, were attended with re-
markable success ; but that branch of erudition,
which we call humanity, or polite literature,
derived less advantage from them than the other
sciences. The industrious youth either applied
themselves entirely to the study of the civil and
canon laws, which was a sure path to preferment,
or employed their labours in philosophical re-
searches, in order to the attainment of a shining
reputation, and of the applause that was lavished
upon such as were endowed with a subtle and
metaphysical genius. Hence the bitter complaints
that were made by the pontiffs and other bishops,
of the neglect and decline of the liberal arts and
sciences ; and hence also the zealous, but un-
successful efforts they used to turn the youth
from jurisprudence and philosophy, to the study
of humanity and philology (h). Notwithstanding
(g) Besides the writers abovementioned, see Jo. Chr. Itte-
rus, De Gradibus Academicis. — Just. Henn. Bohmeri Praef.
ad Jus Canonicum, p. 14. — Ant. Wood Antiqait. Oxoniens.
torn. i. p. 24. — Boulay, Histor. Academ. Paris, torn. ii. p. 256.
682. 684, &c.
(h) Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 265. where
there is an epistle of Innocent III. who seems to take this
matter seriously to heart. — Ant. Wood Antiq. Oxon. torn. i.
p. 124. — Imola in Dantem in Muratori Antiquit. Ital. rnedii
aevi, torn. i. p. 1262.
PART n.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 155
all this, the thirteenth century produced several CENT.
writers, who were very far from being con- XIIL
temptible, such as Guil. Brito (*'), Gualtherus ,
Mapes (A:), Matthew of Vendosme, Alain de
PIsle (/), Guntherus, Jacobus de Vitriaco, and
several others, who wrote with ease, and were
not altogether destitute of elegance. Among
the historians, the first place is due to Matthew
Paris, a writer of the highest merit, both in point
of knowledge and prudence, to whom we may
add Rodericus Ximenius, Rigordus (m)9 Vin-
cent of Beauvais, Robert of St. Marino (/?),
Martinus, a native of Poland, Gervais of Til-
bury (o), Conrad of Lichtenau, Gulielmus Nan-
gius, whose names are worthy of being preserved
from oblivion. The writers who have laboured
to transmit to posterity the lives and exploits
of the saints, have rather related the superstitions
and miseries of the times than the actions of
these holy men. Among these biographers,
James of Vitri, mentioned above, makes the
greatest figure ; he also composed a History of
the Lombards, that is full of insipid and trifling
stories
(i} See the Histoire de 1' Academic des Inscriptions et des
Belles Lettres, torn. xvi. p. 255.
(k) Jo. Wolfii Lectiones Memorabil. torn. i. p. 4-30.
(1) Called in Latin, Alanus de Insulis.
(m) See the Histoire de 1'Academie des Inscriptions et
des Belles Lettres, torn. xvi. p. 24-3. which also gives an am-
ple account of William of Nangis, p. 292.
(») See Le Boeuf, Memoires pour 1'Histoire d'Auxerre,
torn. ii. p. 4-90. where there is also a learned account of Vin-
cent of Beauvais, p. 494.
Ifip0 (o) Jervais of Tilbury was nephew to Henry II. king
of England, and was in high credit with the emperor Otho IV.
to whom he dedicated a description of the world and a Chro-
nicle, both of which he had himself composed. He wrote
also a History of England, and one of the Holy Land, with
several treatises upon different subjects.
(77) See Schelhornii Amcenitates Litterarisc, torn. xi. p. 32 i.
156 The Internal History of the Church.
CxmT' Y1' R°ger Bacon (</), John Balbi, and Robert
jx> Capito, with some other learned men, whose
number was but inconsiderable, applied them-
PART
of the'o ffek Se^ves to ^e stucty of Greek literature. The
and Oriental Hebrew language and theology were much less
languages, cultivated; "though it appears that Bacon and
Capito, already mentioned, and Raymond Mar-
tin, author of an excellent treatise, entitled,
Pugio Fidei Christiana?, or, The Dagger of the
Christian Faith, were extremely well versed in
that species of erudition. Many of the Spaniards,
and more particularly the Dominican Friars, made
themselves masters of the Arabian learning and
language, as the kings of Spain had charged the
latter with the instruction and conversion of the
Jews and Saracens who resided in their domi-
nions (r). As to the Latin Grammarians, the best
of them were extremely barbarous and insipid, and
equally destitute of taste and knowledge. To be
convinced of this, we have only to cast an eye
upon the productions of Alexander de Villa
Dei, who was looked upon as the most eminent
of them all, and whose works were read in almost
all the schools from this period until the sixteenth
century. This pedantic Franciscan composed, in
Efgp13 (<?) This illustrious Franciscan was, in point of genius
and universal learning, one of the greatest ornaments of the
British nation, and in general of the republic of letters. The
astonishing discoveries he made in astronomy, chemistry,
optics, and mathematics, made him pass for a magician in
the ignorant and superstitious times in which he lived, while
his profound knowledge in philosophy, theology, and the
Greek and Oriental languages, procured him, with more
justice, the title of the admirable or wonderful doctor. Among
other discoveries, he is said to have made that of the com-
position and force of gunpowder, which he describes clearly
in one of his letters ; and he proposed much the same cor-
rection of the Kalendar, which was executed about 300
years after by Gregory XIII. He composed a prodigious
number of books, of which the list may be seen in the
General Dictionary, at the article Bacon.
(r) See Rich. Simon's Lettres Choises, torn, iii. p. 1 12. —
Nic. Antonii Bibliothcca vetus Hispanica.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 157
the year 1240, what he called, a Doctrinale, in CENT.
Leonine verse, full of the most wretched quibbles, XIIL
... i-ii r> I-,-- PART II.
and in which the rules of grammar and criticism , .
are delivered with the greatest confusion and
obscurity, or rather are covered with impenetrable
darkness.
VII. The various systems of philosophy that The state cf
were in vogue before this century, lost their ere- Phllosoi)hy-
dit by degrees, and submitted to the triumphant
doctrine of Aristotle, which erected a new and
despotic empire in the republic of letters, and
reduced the whole ideal world under its lordly
dominion. Several of the works of this philoso-
pher, and more especially his metaphysical pro-
ductions, had been so early as the beginning of
this century translated into Latin at Paris, and
were from that time explained to the youth in the
public schools (6'). But when it appeared, that
Almeric (7) had drawn from these books his
(s) Franc. Patricii Discussiones Peripateticae, torn. i. lib.
xi. p. 14-5. Jo. Launoius, de varia Aristot. fortuna in Acad.
Parisiensi, cap. i, p. 127. ed. Elswich. It is commonly re-
ported, that the books of Aristotle here mentioned, were
translated from Arabic into Latin. But we are told positively,
that these books were brought from Constantinople, and
translated from Greek into Latin. See Rigordus, De gestis
Philippi regis Francorum ad A. 1209. in Andr. Chesnii Script.
Histor. Franc, p. 119.
Elgl0 (t) Almeric, or Amauri, does not seem to have en-
tertained any enormous errors. He held, that every Chris-
tian was obliged to believe himself a member of Jesus Christ,
and attached, perhaps, some extravagant and fanatical ideas
to that opinion ; but his followers fell into more pernicious
notions, and adopted the most odious tenets, maintaining,
that the power of the Father continued no longer than the
Mosaic dispensation ; that the empire of the Son extended
only to the thirteenth century : and that then the reign of
the Holy Ghost commenced, when all sacraments and ex-
ternal worship were to be abolished, and the salvation of
Christians was to be accomplished merely by internal acts
of illuminating grace. Their morals also were as infamous
as their doctrine was absurd, and, under the name of charity,
they comprehended and committed the most criminal acts of
impurity and licentiousness.
158 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, erroneous sentiments concerning the divine na-
XIIL ture, they were prohibited and condemned as
PAxiT II. . . J *.., . T , l T l ,*
pernicious and pestilential, by a public decree of
the council of Sens, in the year 1209 (u). The
logic of Aristotle, however, recovered its credit
some years after this, and was publicly taught in
the university of Paris in the year 1215 ; but the
natural philosophy and metaphysic of that great
man were still under the sentence of condemna-
tion (a>). It was reserved for the emperor Fre-
deric II. to restore the Stagirite to his former
glory, which this prince effected by employing
a number of learned men, whom he had chosen
with the greatest attention and care (#), and who
were profoundly versed in the knowledge of the
languages, to translate into Latin, from the Greek
and Arabic, certain books of Aristotle, and of
other ancient sages. This translation, which was
recommended, in a particular manner, to the
academy of Bolonia by the learned emperor, raised
the credit of Aristotle to the greatest height,
and gave him an irresistible and despotic autho-
rity in all the European schools. This authority
^g° (M) Dr. Mosheim has fallen here into two light mis-
takes. It was at Paris, and not at Sens, and in the year 1210,
and not in 1209, that the metaphysical books of Aristotle
were condemned to the flames. The writers quoted here
by our author are Launoius, De varia Aristotelis fortuna in
A cad. Paris, cap. iv. p. 195. and the same writer's Syllabus
rationum quibus Durandi causa defenditur, torn. i. opp. pars
I. p. 8.
(TV) Nat. Alexander. Select. Histor. Eccles. Capita, torn,
viii. cap. iii. sect. 7. p. 76.
(.r) Petr. de Vineis Epistolar. lib. iii. ep. Ixvii. p. 503.
This epistle is addressed " ad magistros et scholares Bononi-
" enses," i. e. " to the masters and scholars of the academy
" of Bolonia ;" but it is more than probable, that the emperor
sent letters upon this occasion to the other European schools.
It is a common opinion, that this learned prince had all the
works of Aristotle, that were then extant, translated into
Latin about the year 1220 ; but this cannot be deduced from
the letter abovementioned, nor from any other sufficient
testimony that we know of.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 159
was still farther augmented by the translations, CENT.
which were made of some of the books of the
Grecian sage by several Latin interpreters, such
as Michael Scot, Philip of Tripoly, William Fle-
ming, and others ; though these men were quite
unequal to the task they undertook, and had nei-
ther such knowledge of the languages, nor such
an acquaintance with philosophy, as were neces-
sary to the successful execution of such a difficult
enterrise
VIII. The Aristotelian philosophy received the Thomas
very last addition that could be made to its au- ^"othlr
thority and lustre, when the Dominican and Fran- adopt and
ciscan friars adopted its tenets, taught it in JJJ*1 ^!"tc
their schools, and illustrated it in their writings, teiian »y-
These two mendicant orders were looked upon stenu
as the chief depositaries of all learning, both hu-
man and divine ; and were followed, with the
utmost eagerness and assiduity, by all such as were
ambitious of being distinguished from the multi-
tude by their superior knowledge. Alexander
Hales, an English Franciscan, who taught phi-
losophy at Paris, and acquired, by the strength
of his metaphysical genius, the title of the Irre-
fragable Doctor (s), and Albert the Great, a
German of the Dominican order, and bishop of
Ratisbon, a man of vast abilities, and an universal
dictator at this time (#), were the two first emi-
(?/) See Wood's account of the interpreters of Aristotle,
in his Antiquitat. Oxon. torn. i. p. 119. as also Jebb's Preface
to the Opus Majus of the famous Roger Bacon, published at
London, in folio, in the year 1733. We shall give here the
opinion which Bacon had of the translators of Aristotle, in
the words of that great man, who expresses his contempt of
these wretched interpreters in the following manner : " Si
haberem, (says he) potestatem supra libros Aristotelis Latine
converses, ego facerem omnes cremari, quia non est nisi tem-
poris amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris et multiplicatio
ignorantise, ultra id quod valet explicari."
(z) See Lucae Waddingi Annales Minorum, torn. iii. p. 233.
— Du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 200. 673.
(a) Jo. Alb. Fabricii Bibliotheca Latina rnedii aevi, torn, i.
p. 113.
160 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, nent writers who illustrated, in their learned pro-
ductions, the Aristotelian system. But it was
the disciple of Albert, Thomas Aquinas, the
Angelic Doctor, and the great luminary of the
scholastic world, that contributed most to the glory
of the Stagirite (&), by inculcating, illustrating,
and enforcing his doctrines, both in his lectures
and in his writings ; and principally by engaging
one of his learned colleagues to give, under his
inspection, a new translation of the works of the
Grecian sage, which far surpassed the former
version in exactness, perspicuity, and elegance (c).
By these means the philosophy of Aristotle, not-
withstanding the opposition of several divines,
and even of the Roman pontiffs themselves, who
beheld its progress with an unfriendly eye, tri-
umphed in all the Latin schools, and absorbed all
the other systems that had flourished before this
literary revolution.
The limits IX. There were, however, at this time in Eu-
are'extended r°Pe several persons of superior genius and pene-
by several tration, who, notwithstanding their veneration
for Aristotle, thought the method of treating
philosophy, which his writings had introduced,
dry, inelegant, and proper to confine and damp
(b) The Dominicans maintain, that this Angelic Doctor
was the disciple of Albert the Great, and their opinion seems
to be founded in truth. See Antoine Touron, Vie de St.
Thomas, p. 99. The Franciscans, however, maintain as ob-
stinately, that Alexander Hales was the master of Thomas.
See Waddingii Annales Minorum, torn. iii. p. 133.
(c) It has been believed by many, that William de Moer-
beka, a native of Flanders, of the Dominican order, and arch-
bishop of Corinth, was the author of the new Latin transla-
tion of the works of Aristotle, which was carried on and
finished under the auspicious inspection of Thomas Aquinas.
See J. Echard, Scriptores Dominican, torn. i. p. 338. Casim.
Oudinus, Comm. de Scriptor. Eccles. torn. iii. p. 468. Jo.
Franc. Foppens Bibliotheca Belgica, torn. i. p. 416. Others,
however, suppose, though indeed with less evidence, that this
translation was composed by Henry Kosbein, who was also a
Dominican. See Echard, Script. Dominic, torn. i. p. 469.
eminent
men.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 161
the efforts of the mind in the pursuit of truth, CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
and who, consequently, were desirous of enlarg-
ing the sphere of science by new researches and
new discoveries (</). At the head of these noble
adventurers we may justly place Roger Bacon,
a Franciscan friar, of the English nation, known
by the appellation of the admirable doctor, re-
nowned on account of his most important dis-
coveries, and who, in the progress he had made
in natural philosophy, mathematics, chemistry,
the mechanic arts, and the learned languages,
soared far beyond the genius of the times (e}*
(d) Bacon's contempt of the learning that was in vogue in
his time may be seen in the following passage quoted by Jebb,
in his Preface to the Opus Majus of that great man: " Nun-
quam," says he, " fuit tanta apparentia sapientise, nee tantum
exercitium studii in tot facultatibus, in tot regionibus, sicut
jam a quadraginta annis: ubique enim doctores sunt dispersi
...in omni civitate, et in omni castro. et in omni burgo, prae-
cipue per duos ordines studentes (he means the Franciscans
and Dominicans, who were almost the only religious orders
that distinguished themselves by an application to study)
quod non accidit, nisi a quadraginta annis aut circiter, cum
tamen nunquam fuit tanta ignorantia, tantus error... Vulgus
studentium languet et asininat circa mala translata (by these
wretched versions he understands the works of Aristotle,
which were most miserabty translated by ignorant bunglers)
et tempus et studium amittit in omnibus et expensas. Ap-
parentia quidem sola tenet eos, et non curant quid scianr, sed
quid videantur scire coram multitudine insensata." Thus,
according to Bacon, in the midst of the most specious ap-
pearance of science, the greatest ignorance and the grossest
errors reigned almost universally.
(e) That Bacon deserves this high rank in the learned
world appears evidently from his book, entitled Opus Majus,
which was dedicated to the Roman pontiff, Clement IV. and
which Doctor Jebb published at London in 1733, from a
manuscript which still exists in the university of Dublin, en-
riching it with a learned preface and a considerable number
of judicious observations. The other works of Bacon, which
are very numerous, lie as yet for the most part concealed in
the libraries of the curious. For a farther account of this
eminent man, see Wood Antiq. Oxon. torn. i. p. 136. —
Waddingi Annales Minor, torn. iv. p. 264-. torn. v. p. 51. —
Thorn. Gale ad Jambiclum de Mysteriis ^Egyptior. p. 235.
General Hist, and Crit. Dictionary, at the article Bacon.
VOL. III. M
PART ii.
The Internal History of the Church.
Cxn?" With him we may associate Arnold of Villa
Nova, whose place of nativity is fixed by some in
France, by others in Spain, and who acquired a
shining reputation by his knowledge in chemistry,
poetry, philosophy, languages, and physic (/) ;
as also Petrus de Abano, a physician of Padua,
who was surnamed the Reconciler, from a book
he wrote with a design to terminate the dissensions
and contests that reigned among the philosophers
and physicians (g\ and who was profoundly
versed in the sciences of philosophy, astronomy,
physic, and mathematics (/&). It must, however,
be observed, to the eternal dishonour of the age,
that the only fruits which these great men en-
joyed of their learned labours, and their noble, as
well as successful, efforts for the advancement of
the arts and sciences, were the furious clamours
of an enraged and superstitious multitude, who
looked upon them as heretics and magicians, and
thirsted so eagerly after their blood, that they
escaped with difficulty the hands of the public
executioner. Bacon was confined many years to
a loathsome prison ; and the other two were, after
their death, brought before the tribunal of the in-
quisition, and declared worthy of being committed
to the flames for the novelties they had introduced
into the republic of letters.
The study X. The state of theology, and the method of
teaching and representing the doctrines of Chris-
(/) See Nic. Antonii Biblioth. vetus Hispan. torn. if. lib.
ix. c. i. p. 74-. — Pierre Joseph, Vie d'Arnaud de Ville Neuve,
Aix, 1719. — Niceron, Memoires des Hommes illustres, torn.
xxxiv. p. 82. — Nicol. Eymerici Directoriumlnquisitorum, p.
282. where, among other things, we have an account of his
errors.
(g) This book was entitled, Conciliator Differentiarum
Philosophorum et Medicorum.
(h) There is a very accurate account of this philosopher
given by Joh. Maria Mazzuchelli Notizie Storiche e Critiche
intorno alia Vita di Pietro d' Abano, in Angeli Calogerae Opus-
culi Scientifici et Philologici, torn, xxiii. p. i. — liv.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 163
tianity that now prevailed, shall be mentioned in CENT.
their place. The civil and canon laws held the
first rank in the circle of the sciences, and were
studied with a peculiar zeal and application by
almost all who were ambitious of literary glory.
These sciences, however, notwithstanding the assi-
duity with which they were cultivated, were far
from being, as yet, brought to any tolerable de-
gree of perfection. They were disfigured by the
jargon that reigned in the schools, and they were
corrupted and rendered intricate by a multitude
of trivial commentaries that were designed to
illustrate and explain them. Some employed
their labours in collecting the letters of the Ro-
man pontiffs, which are commonly known under
the title of Decretals (z), and which were looked
upon as a very important branch of ecclesiastical
law. Raimond of Pennafort, a native of Barce-
lona, was the most famous of all these compilers,
and acquired a considerable reputation by his
collection of the Decretals in five books, which
he undertook at the desire of Gregory IX. and
which has been since honoured with the name
of that pontiff, who ordered it to be added to the
Decretals of Gratian, and to be read in all the
European colleges (/<;). Towards the conclusion of
this century, Boniface VIII. had a new collection
made, which was entitled, The Sixth Book of
Decretals, because it was added to the five already
mentioned.
(«) See Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 98.
(&) Gerh. a Mastricht, Historia Juris Ecclesiastici, sect.
353. p. 384-. — Jo. Chiflet, De Juris utriusque Architects, cap.
vi. p. 60. — Echard et Quetif, Scriptores Dominicani, torn. i.
p. 106.— Acta Sanctor. Antwerp, torn. i. Januarii ad d. vii. p.
404.
M 2
164
CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
The corrup-
tion of the
clergy.
And of the
Roman pon-
tiff.
The Internal History of the Church.
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the
Church, and its Form of Government during
this Century.
I. BOTH the Greek and Latin writers, pro-
voked, beyond measure, by the flagitious lives
of their spiritual rulers and instructors, complain
loudly of their licentious manners, and load
them with the severest reproaches : nor will these
complaints and reproaches appear excessive to
such as are acquainted with the history of this
corrupt and superstitious age (/). Several emi-
nent men attempted to stem this torrent of licen-
tiousness, which from the heads of the church
had carried its pernicious streams through all the
members ; but their power and influence were
unequal to such a difficult and arduous enter-
prize. The Grecian emperors were prevented
from executing any project of this kind by the
infelicity of the times, and the various calamities
and tumults, that not only reigned in their do-
minions, but even shook the throne on which
they sat ; while the power and opulence of the
Roman pontiffs, and the superstition of the age,
hindered the Latins from accomplishing, or even
attempting, a reformation in the church.
II. The history of the popes presents a lively
' and horrible picture of the complicated crimes
that dishonoured the ministers of the church,
who were peculiarly obliged, by their sacred
office, to exhibit to the world distinguished models
(/) See the remarkable letter of the Roman pontiff, Gre-
gory IX. to the archbishop of Bourges, which was written in
the year 1227, with a design to reprove and reform the vices
which had infested all the various orders of the clergy, and
which is published by Dion. Sammarthanus, in his Gallia
Christiana, torn. ii. in Append, p. 21. — See also Du Fresne,
Annotat. in Vitam Ludovici Sti. p. 99.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
of piety and virtue. Such of the Sacerdotal CENT.
order as were advanced to places of authority in xm-
the church, behaved rather like tyrants than
rulers, and showed manifestly, in all their conduct,
that they aimed at an absolute and unlimited
dominion. The popes, more especially, incul-
cated that pernicious maxim, " That the bishop
" of Rome is the supreme lord of the universe,
" and that neither princes nor bishops, civil go-
" vernors nor ecclesiastical rulers, have any law-
" fill power in church or state, but what they
" derive from him." This extravagant maxim,
which was considered as the sum and substance
of papal jurisprudence, the Roman pontiffs main-
tained obstinately, and left no means unemployed,
that perfidy or violence could suggest, to give
it the force of an universal law. It was in con-
sequence of this arrogant pretension, that they
not only claimed the right of disposing of eccle-
siastical benefices, as they are commonly called,
but also of conferring civil dominion, and of
dethroning kings and emperors, according to
their good pleasure. It is true, this maxim was
far from being universally adopted ; many placed
the authority of councils above that of the pon-
tiffs, and such of the European kings and princes
as were not ingloriously blinded and enslaved by
the superstition of the times, asserted their rights
with dignity and success, excluded the pontiffs
from all concern in their civil transactions, nay,
even reserved to themselves the supremacy over
the churches that were established in their do-
minions (772). In opposing thus the haughty
(m) As a specimen of this, the reader may peruse the
letters of Innocent III. and the emperor Otho IV. which
have been collected by the learned George Christ. Gebaur,
in his History of the Emperor Richard, written in German, p.
611 — 614. Other princes, and more especially the kings of
England and France, displayed, in the defence of their rights
and privileges, the same zeal that animated Otho.
166 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, pretensions of the lordly pontiffs, it was, indeed,
necessary to proceed with mildness, caution, and
. prudence, on account of the influence which
these spiritual tyrants had usurped over the minds
of the people, and the power they had of alarm-
ing princes, by exciting their subjects to re-
bellion.
The power III. In order to establish their authority, both
bfsho^ab *n c^ an^ ecclesiastical matters, upon the firm-
bots, &c. est foundations, the Roman pontiffs assumed to
th"m<mtiffs tnemse^ves the power of disposing of the various
offices of the church, whether of a higher or
more subordinate nature, and of creating bishops,
abbots, and canons, according to their fancy. Thus
we see the ghostly heads of the church, who
formerly disputed with such ardour against the
emperors in favour of the free election of bishops
and abbots, overturning now all the laws that
related to the election of these spiritual rulers,
reserving for themselves the revenues of the richest
benefices, conferring vacant places upon their
clients and their creatures, nay, often deposing
bishops that had been duly and lawfully elected,
and substituting, with a high hand, others in
their room (n). The hypocritical pretexts for
all these arbitrary proceedings were an ardent
zeal for the welfare of the church, and an anxious
concern, lest devouring heretics should get a
footing among the flock of Christ (o). The
first of the pontiffs, who usurped such an extra-
vagant extent of authority, was Innocent III.
whose example was followed by Honorius III.
(n) Many examples of this may be taken from the history
of this century. See Steph. Baluzii Miscellan. torn. vii. p.
443. 466. 470. 488. 491. 493.— Gallia Christiana, torn. i. p.
69. Append. — Luc. Waddingi Annal. Minor, in Diplomat. —
Wood, Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 148. 201,202.
(o) See the Epistle of Innocent IV. in Baluz. Miscellan.
torn. vii. p. 468.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
Gregory IX. and several of their successors. CENT.
But it was keenly opposed by the bishops, who PART n>
had hitherto enjoyed the privilege of nominating
to the smaller benefices, and still more effectually
by the kings of England and France, who em-
ployed the force of warm remonstrances and
vigorous edicts to stop the progress of this new
jurisprudence (p). Lewis IX. king of France,
and now the tutelar saint of that nation, distin-
guished himself by the noble opposition he made
to these papal encroachments. In the year 1268,
before he set out for the Holy Land, he secured
the rights of the Gallican church against the in-
sidious attempts of the Roman pontiffs, by that
famous edict, known in France by the name of
the pragmatic sanction (</). This resolute and
prudent measure rendered the pontiffs more cau-
tious and slow in their proceedings, but did not
terrify them from the prosecution of their pur-
pose. For Boniface VIII. maintained, in the
most express and impudent terms, that the uni-
versal church was under the dominion of the
pontiffs, and that princes and lay patrons, coun-
cils and chapters, had no more power in spiritual
things, than what they derived from Christ's
vicar upon earth.
IV. The legates, whom the pontiffs sent into The autho-
the provinces, to represent their persons, and
execute their orders, imitated perfectly the avarice sates-
and insolence of their masters. They violated
the privileges of the chapters ; disposed of the
smaller, and sometimes of the more important eccle-
siastical benefices, in favour of such as had gained
them by bribes, or such like considerations (r) ;
(p) Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 659. and prin-
cipally torn. iv. p. 911.
(?) Idem. ib. p. 389.
(r) See Baluzii Miscellanea, torn. vii. p. 4-37. 1-75.480,
168 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, extorted money from the people, by the vilest
PART ii. anc^ most iniquitous means ; seduced the unwary
by forged letters and other stratagems of that
nature ; excited tumults among the multitude,
and were, themselves, the ringleaders of the
most furious and rebellious factions ; carried on, in
the most scandalous manner, the impious traffic
of relics and indulgences, and distinguished them-
selves by several acts of profligacy still more
heinous than the practices now mentioned. Hence
we find the writers of this age complaining unani-
mously of the flagitious conduct and the enormous
crimes of the pope's legates (s). Nay, we see
the Roman pontiff Alexander IV. enacting, in
the year 1256, a severe law against the avarice
and frauds of these corrupt ministers (£), which,
however, they easily evaded, by their friends and
their credit at the court of Rome.
The wealth V. From the ninth century to this period, the
nutVofthe wea^tn an^ revenues of the pontiffs had not re-
pontiffs ceived any considerable augmentation ; but at
augmented. ^njg ^me ^ey were vastly increased under Inno-
cent III. and Nicolas III. partly by the events
of war, and partly by the munificence of kings
and emperors. Innocent was no sooner seated
in the papal chair, than he reduced under his
jurisdiction the praefect of Rome, who had hitherto
been considered as subject to the emperor, to
whom he had taken an oath of allegiance in en-
tering upon his office. He also seized upon
Ancona, Spoletto, Assisi, and several cities and for-
(.9) See that judicious and excellent writer Matth. Paris,
in his Histor. Major, p. 313. 316. 549. and particularly p.
637. where we find the following remarkable words : e( Sem-
" per solent legati quales, et omnes nuncii papales regna
" quaB ingrediuntur depauperare, vel aliquo modo pertur-
" bare." See also Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p.
659.
(t) This edict is published by Lami, in his Deliciae Erudi-
, torum, tom. ii. p. 300.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 169
tresses, which had, according to him, been unjustly CENT.
alienated from the patrimony of St. Peter (11). xnr-1
On the other hand, Frederic II. who was ex- \
tremely desirous that the pope should espouse
his quarrel with Otho IV. loaded the Roman
see with the richest marks of his munificence
and liberality, and not only made a noble present
in valuable lands to the pope's brother (w), but
also permitted Richard, count of Fundi, to leave,
by will, all his possessions to the Roman see (.r),
and confirmed the immense donation that had
formerly been made to it by the opulent Matilda.
Such was the progress that Innocent III. made,
during his pontificate, in augmenting the splen-
dour and wealth of the church. Nicolas IV.
followed his example with the warmest emulation,
and, in the year 1278, gave a remarkable proof
of his arrogance and obstinacy, in refusing to
crown the emperor Rodolphus I. before he had
acknowledged and confirmed, by a solemn treaty,
all the pretensions of the Roman see, of which,
if some were plausible, the greatest part were
altogether groundless, or, at least, extremely du-
bious. This agreement, to which all the Italian
princes, that were subject to the emperor, were
obliged to accede, was no sooner concluded, than
Nicolas reduced under his temporal dominion
several cities and territories in Italy, that had
formerly been annexed to the imperial crown,
particularly Romania and Bologna. It was
therefore under these two pontiffs, that the see
of Rome arrived, partly by force, and partly
by artifice, at that high degree of grandeur
(u) See Franc. Pagi Breviar. Romanor. Pontif. torn. iii. p.
161. — Muratorii Antiq. Italicae, torn. i. p. 328.
(to) This brother of the pontiff was called Richard. See
for an account of this transaction, Muratori's Antiquitat.
Italics, torn. v. p. 652.
•~ (<r) Odor. Raynaldus, Continuat. Annal. Baronii, ad a.
1212. sect, ii.
170 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and opulence, which it yet maintains in our
XIII.
p
h
"PART* T T
1 VI. Innocent III. who remained at the head of
Thetyran- the church until the year 1216, followed the steps
catePof in! of Gregory VII. and not only usurped the despo-
nocent in. tic government of the church, but also claimed
several ex- the empire of the world, and thought of nothing
ampies. }ess than subjecting the kings and princes of the
earth to his lordly sceptre. He was a man of
learning and application ; but his cruelty, ava-
rice, and arrogance (z) clouded the lustre of any
good qualities which his panegyrists have thought
; roper to attribute to him. In Asia and Europe,
e disposed of crowns and sceptres with the most
wanton ambition. In Asia, he gave a king to the
Armenians : in Europe, he usurped the same
extravagant privilege in the year 1204, and con-
ferred the regal dignity upon Primislaus, duke of
Bohemia (a). The same year he sent to Johan-
nicius, duke of Bulgaria and Walachia, an extra-
ordinary legate, who, in the name of the pontiff,
invested that prince with the ensigns and honours
of royalty, while, with his own hand, he crowned
Peter II. of Arragon, who had rendered his do-
minions subject and tributary to the church, and
saluted him publicly at Rome, with the title of
King (£). We omit many other examples of this
frenetic pretension to universal empire, which
might be produced from the letters of this arro-
gant pontiff, and many other acts of despotism,
which Europe beheld with astonishment, but,
also, to its eternal reproach, with the ignominious
silence of a passive obedience.
(y] See Raynaldus, loc. cit. ad a. 1278, sect. 4-7.
(z) See Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 206. 230.
ggj0 (a) Other historians affirm, that it was the emperor
Philip, that conferred the royal dignity upon Primislaus, in
order to strengthen his party against Otho.
(b) Muratorii Antiq. Ital. Medii JEvi, torn, vi, p, 116. Jo.
de Ferrara, Histoire d'Espagne, torn, iv. p. 8.
PART
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 171
VII. The ambition of this pope was not satis-
fied with the distribution and government of these
petty kingdoms. He extended his views farther,
and resolved to render the power and majesty of
the Roman see formidable to the greatest Euro-
pean monarchs, and even to the emperors them-
selves. When the empire of Germany was dis-
puted, towards the commencement of this century,
between Philip, duke of Swabia, and Otho IV.
third son of Henry Lion, he espoused, at first,
the cause of Otho, thundered out his excom-
munications against Philip, and, upon the death
of the latter, which happened in the year 1209,
he placed the imperial diadem upon the head of
his adversary. But as Otho was, by no means,
disposed to submit to this pontiff's nod, or to
satisfy to the full his ambitious desires, he incur-
red, of consequence, his lordly indignation ; and
Innocent, declaring him, by a solemn excom-
munication, unworthy of the empire, raised in his
place Frederic II. his pupil, the son of Henry VI.
and king of the two Sicilies, to the imperial throne
in the year 1212 (c). The same pontiff excom-
municated Philip Augustus, king of France, for
having dissolved his marriage with Ingerburg, a
princess of Denmark, and espoused another in her
place ; nor did he cease to pursue this monarch
with his anathemas, until he engaged him to re-
ceive the divorced queen, and to restore her to
her lost dignity (//).
VIII. But of all the European princes none
felt, in so dishonourable and severe a manner, the
despotic fury of this insolent pontiff as John,
surnamed Sans Terre, king of England. This
(c) All this is amply illustrated in the Origines Guelphicae,
torn. iii. lib. vii. p. 24<7.
(d) Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 8. Daniel,
Histoire de la France, torn. iii. p. 475. Gerhard du Bois,
Histor. Eccles. Paris, torn. ii. p. 204 — 257.
The Internal History of the Church,
CENT, prince, opposed vigorously the measures of Inno-
cent, who had ordered the monks of Canterbury
. to choose Stephen Langton, a Roman cardinal of
English descent, archbishop of that see, notwith-
standing the election of John de Gray to that
high dignity, which had been regularly made by
the convent, and had been confirmed by royal
authority (<?). The pope, after having conse-
crated Langton at Viterbo, wrote a soothing letter
in his favour, to the king, accompanied with four
rings, and a mystical comment upon the pre-
cious stones with which they were enriched. But
this present was not sufficient to avert the just
indignation of the offended monarch, who sent a
body of troops to drive out of the kingdom the
monks of Canterbury, who had been engaged by
the pope's menaces to receive Langton as their
archbishop. The king also declared to the pontiff,
that, if he persisted in imposing a prelate upon
the see of Canterbury, in opposition to a regular
election already made, the consequences of such
presumptuous obstinacy would, in the issue, prove
fatal to the papal authority in England. Inno-
cent was so far from being terrified by this me-
nacing remonstrance, that, in the year 1208, he
sent orders to the bishops of London, Worcester,
and Ely, to lay the kingdom under an interdict,
in case the monarch refused to yield and to
receive Langton. John, alarmed at this terrible
menace, and unwilling to break entirely with the
pope, declared his readiness to confirm the elec-
Igp* (e) Dr. Mosheim passes lightly over this rupture
between king John and Innocent III. mentioning in a few
lines the interdict under which England was laid by that
pontiff, the excommunication he issued out against the king's
person, and the impious act by which he absolved the En-
glish from their allegiance. The translator, however, thought
this event of too great importance to be treated with such
brevity, and has, therefore, taken the liberty to enlarge con-
siderably this eighth section, which contains but eleven lines
in the original.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 173
tion made at Rome ; but, in the act that was CENT.
drawn up for this purpose, he wisely threw in
a clause to prevent any interpretation of this
compliance, that might be prejudicial to his rights,
dignity, and prerogative. This exception was
rejected, and the interdict was proclaimed. A
stop was immediately put to divine service ; the
churches were shut ; the administration of all the
sacraments was suspended except that of bap-
tism ; the dead were buried in the highways with-
out the usual rites or any funeral solemnity. But,
notwithstanding this interdict, the Cistertian order
continued to perform divine service, and several
learned and respectable divines, among which were
the bishops of Winchester, and Norwich, protested
against the injustice of the pope's proceedings.
The interdict not producing the effects that
were expected from it, the pontiff proceeded to a
still farther degree of severity and presumption,
and denounced a sentence of excommunication
against the person of the English monarch. This
sentence, which was issued out in the year 1208,
was followed about three years after by a bull, ab-
solving all his subjects from their oath of alle-
giance, and ordering all persons to avoid him, on
pain of excommunication. But it was in the year
1212, that Innocent carried his impious tyranny
to the most enormous length, when, assembling
a council of cardinals and prelates, he deposed
John, declared the throne of England vacant,
and wrote to Philip Augustus, king of France,
to execute this sentence, to undertake the con-
quest of England, and to unite that kingdom to
his dominions for ever. He, at the same time,
published another bull, exhorting all Christian
princes to contribute, whatever was in their
power, to the success of this expedition, pro-
mising such as seconded Philip in this grand en-
terprise, the same indulgences that were granted
PART II.
174 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, to those who carried arms against the infidels in
Palestine. The French monarch entered into
the views of the Roman pontiff, and made im-
mense preparations for the invasion of England.
The king of England, on the other hand, assem-
bled his forces, and was putting himself in a
posture of defence, when Pandulf, the pope's
legate, arrived at Dover, and proposed a confer-
ence, in order to prevent the approaching rupture,
and to conjure the storm. This artful legate ter-
rified the king, who met him at that place, with
an exaggerated account of the armament of Philip
on the one hand, and of the disaffection of the
English on the other; and persuaded him that
there was no possible way left of saving his domi-
nions from the formidable arms of the French
king, but that of putting them under the protec-
tion of the Roman see. John, finding himself in
such a perplexing situation, and full of diffidence
both in the nobles of his court and in the officers
of his army, complied with this dishonourable
proposal, did homage to Innocent, resigned his
crown to the legate, and received it again as a
present from the see of Rome, to which he ren-
dered his kingdoms tributary, and swore fealty
as a vassal and feudatory (jf); In the act by
which he resigned, thus scandalously, his king-
doms to the papal jurisdiction, he declared that
he had neither been compelled to this measure
by fear nor by force ; but that it was his own
voluntary deed, performed by the advice and with
the consent of the barons of his kingdom. He
obliged himself and his heirs to pay an annual
sum of seven hundred marks for England, and
(/*) For a full account of this shameful ceremony, see
Matthew Paris, Historia Major, p. 189. 192. 195. As also,
Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 67. Rapin Thoyras,
Histoire d'Angleterre, torn. ii. p. 304.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 175
three hundred for Ireland, in acknowledgment of CENT.
the pope's supremacy and jurisdiction ; and con- *J
11 1 1 /» 1 • "111
sented that he or such of his successors as should
refuse to pay the submission, now stipulated, to
the see of Rome, should forfeit all their right to
the British crown (g). " This shameful ceremony
" was performed," says a modern historian (A),
" on Ascension-day, in the house of the Tem-
" plars at Dover, in the midst of a great con-
" course of people, who beheld it with confusion
" and indignation. John, in doing homage to
" the pope, presented a sum of money to his re-
" presentative, which the proud legate trampled
" under his feet, as a mark of the king's depend-
" ence. Every spectator glowed with resent-
" ment, and the archbishop of Dublin exclaimed
" aloud against such intolerable insolence. Pan-
" dulf, not satisfied with this mortifying act of
" superiority, kept the crown and sceptre five
" whole days, and then restored them as a special
" favour of the Roman see. John was despised
" before this extraordinary resignation ; but now
" he was looked upon as a contemptible wretch,
" unworthy to sit upon a throne : while he
" himself seemed altogether insensible of his dis-
rrace."
IX. Innocent III. was succeeded in the pon-
tificate by Concio Savelli, who assumed the title in
of Honorius III. ruled the church above ten
years, and whose government, though not sig-
nalized by such audacious exploits as those of his
predecessor, discovered, nevertheless, an ardent
zeal for maintaining the pretensions, and support-
ing the despotism, of the Roman see. It was in
Cadet a jure regni, is the expression used in the
charter of resignation, which may be seen at length in the
Hist. Major of Matthew Paris.
Uil* W See the Complete History of England, by Dr.
Smollett, vol. i. p, 437.
176 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, consequence of this zeal that the new pontiff op-
XIIL posed the measures, and drew upon him the in-
1 dignation of Frederic II. that magnanimous
prince, on whose head he himself had placed, in
the year 1220, the imperial crown. This spirited
prince, following the steps of his illustrious grand-
father, had formed the resolution of confirming
the authority and extending the jurisdiction of
the emperors in Italy, of depressing the small
states of Loinbardy, and reducing to narrower
limits the immense credit and opulence of the
pontiffs and bishops ; and it was with a view to
the execution of these grand projects, that he
deferred the fulfilling of the solemn vow, by which
he had engaged himself to march a formidable
army against the infidels in Palestine. The
pontiff, on the other hand, urged, with importu-
nity, the emperor's departure, encouraged, ani-
mated, and strengthened, by secret succours, the
Italian states that opposed his pretensions, and
resisted the progress of his power by all the ob-
stacles which the most fertile invention could
suggest. These contests, however, had not, as
yet, brought on an open rupture.
The calami- X. In the year 1227, Hugolinus, bishop of
aro8ehfrom Ostia, whose advanced age had not extinguished
the ambition the fire of his ambition, nor diminished the firm-
ix. reg°ry ness and obstinacy of his spirit, was raised to the
pontificate, assumed the title of Gregory IX.
and kindled the feuds and dissensions, that had
already secretly subsisted between the church and
the empire, into an open and violent flame. No
sooner was he placed in the papal chair, than,
contrary to all justice and order, he excommuni-
cated the emperor for putting off his expedition
against the Saracens another year, though that
delay was manifestly owing to a fit of sickness,
which seized that prince when he was ready to
embark for Palestine. In the year 1228, Frede-
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 177
ric at last set out and arrived in the Holy Land ; CENT.
but, instead of carrying on the war with vigour, PABT lfc
as we have had already occasion to observe, he —
entered into a truce with Saladin, and contented
himself with the recovery of Jerusalem. The
pretended vicar of Christ, forgetting (or rather
unwilling to persuade himself) that his master's
kingdom was not of this world, made war upon the
emperor in Apuglia during his absence (*'), and
used his utmost efforts to arm against him all the
European powers. Frederic, having received in-
formation of these perfidious and violent proceed-
ings, returned into Europe in the year 1229,
defeated the papal army, retook the places he had
lost in Sicily and in Italy, and the year following
made his peace with the pontiff, from whom he
received a public and solemn absolution. This
peace, however, was but of a short duration ; nor
was it possible for the emperor to bear the inso-
lent proceedings, and the imperious temper of
Gregory. He therefore broke all measures with
that headstrong pontiff, distressed the states of
Lombardy that were in alliance with the see of
Rome, seized upon the island of Sardinia, which
Gregory looked upon as a part of his spiritual
patrimony, and erected it into a kingdom for his
son Entius. These, with other steps that were
equally provoking to the avarice and ambition of
Gregory, drew the thunder of the Vatican anew
upon the emperor's head in the year 1239. Fre-
deric was excommunicated publicly with all the
circumstances of severity that vindictive rage
could invent, and was charged with the most flagi-
tious crimes, and the most impious blasphemies,
_ 0) Under the feeble reign of Henry III. the pope
drew immense sums out of England for the support of this
impious war, and carried his audacious avarice so far, as to
demand the fifth part of the ecclesiastical revenues of the
whole kingdom.
VOL. III. N
178 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, by the exasperated pontiff, who sent a copy of this
PAR1*1!! terrible accusation to all the courts of Europe.
1 The emperor, on the other hand, defended his
injured reputation by solemn declarations in writ-
ing, while, by his victorious arms, he avenged
himself of his adversaries, maintained his ground,
and reduced the pontiff to the greatest straits. To
get rid of these difficulties, the latter convened,
in the year 1240, a general council at Rome, with
a view to depose Frederic by the unanimous
suffrages of the cardinals and prelates, that were
to compose that assembly. But the emperor dis-
concerted that audacious project by defeating, in
the year 1241, a Genoese fleet, on board of which
the greatest part of these prelates were embarked,
and by seizing, with all their treasures, these
reverend fathers, who were all committed to close
confinement. This disappointment, attended with
others which gave an unhappy turn to his affairs,
and blasted his most promising expectations, de-
jected and consumed the despairing pontiff, and
contributed probably to the conclusion of his
days, which happened soon after this remarkable
event (&).
mocent XL Geoffry, bishop of Milan, who succeeded
Gregory IX. under the title of Celestine IV.
died before his consecration, and, after a vacancy
of twenty months, the apostolic stool was filled
by Sinabald, one of the counts of Fiesque, who
was raised to the pontificate in the year 1243,
(k) Besides the original and authentic authors collected
by Muratori, in his Scriptores rerum Italicarum, and the
German and Italian historians, few or none of whom are ab-
solutely void of partiality in their accounts of these unhappy
contests between the empire and the papacy, see Petrus de
Viniis, Epistol. lib. i. andMatth. Paris, Historia Major. Add
to these Reynaldi Annal. — Muratori Annal. Italian, torn. vii.
et Antiquit. Italic, torn. iv. p. 325. 5 17. It must however be
observed, that this branch of history stands yet in need of
farther illustrations.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
assumed the denomination of Innocent IV. and CENT
yielded to none of his predecessors in arrogance
and fury (/). His elevation, however, offered
at first a prospect of peace, as he had formerly
been attached to the interests of the emperor, and
accordingly the conferences were opened, and a
reconciliation was proposed ; but the terms offered
by the new pope were too imperious and extra-
vagant, not to be rejected with indignation by
the emperor (7/2). Hence it was that Innocent,
not thinking himself safe in any part of Italy, set
out from Genoa, the place of his birth, for Lyons
in the year 1244, and assembling there a council
the following year, deposed, in their presence,
though not with their approbation, the emperor
Frederic, and declared the imperial throne va-
cant (n). This unjust and insolent measure was
regarded with such veneration, and looked upon
as so weighty by the German princes, seduced
and blinded by the superstition of the times, that
they proceeded instantly to a new election, and
raised first, Henry, landgrave of Thuringia, and
after his death, William, count of Holland, to
the head of the empire. Frederic, whose firm
and heroic spirit, supported without dejection
these cruel vicissitudes, continued to carry on
the war in Italy, until a violent dysentery ended
his days in Apulia, the 13th of December, 1250.
Upon the death of his formidable and mag-
nanimous adversary, Innocent returned into
(/) See Matthew Paris, Historia Major, ad a. 1254. p. 771 .
[fig0 (m) These preliminary conditions were: 1st, That
the emperor should give up entirely to the church the in-
heritance which was left to it by Mathilda ; and, C2dly, That
he would oblige himself to submit to whatever terms the pope
should think fit to propose, as conditions of peace.
(w) This assembly is placed in the list of ecumenical, or
general councils ; but it is not acknowledged as such by the
Gallican church.
N 2
180
CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
Alexander
IV.
Urban IV.
The Internal History of the Church.
Italy, (o), hoping now to enjoy with security the
fruits of his ambition. It was principally from this
period, that the two famous factions, called Guelphs
and Ghibelines, of which the latter espoused the
cause of the emperors, and the former that of the
pontiffs, involved all the Italian states in the most
fatal dissensions, though their origin is much
earlier than this century (p).
XII. Raynald, count of Segni, and bishop of
Ostia, was raised to the pontificate after the death
of Innocent, in the year 1254, and is distinguished
in the list of the popes by the name of Alex-
ander IV. During the six years and six months
that he governed the see of Rome, his time was
less employed in civil affairs, than in regulating
the internal state of the church, if we except the
measures he took for the destruction of Conradin,
grandson of Frederic II. and for composing the
tumults that had so long reigned without in-
terruption in Italy. The mendicant friars, in
particular, and among them the Dominicans
and Franciscans, were much favoured by this
pontiff, and received several marks of his peculiar
bounty.
He was succeeded in the Roman see, A. D.
1261, by Urban IV. a native of Troyes, of obscure
birth, who, before his elevation to the pontifi-
cate, was patriarch of Jerusalem, and after that
period was more distinguished by his instituting
the Festival of the body of Christ, than by any
other circumstance in the course of his reign. He
had, indeed, formed several important projects,
but their execution was prevented by his death,
which happened in the year 1264, after a short
(o) Besides the writers already mentioned, see Nicol. de
Currio, Vita Innocentii IV. in Baluzii Miscellan. torn. vii.
p. 353.
(;;) See Muratori Dissertat. de Guelphis et Ghibellinis,
in his Antiq. Jtal. medii sevi, torn. iv. p. COG.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 181
reign of three years. His successor Gui Fulcodi, CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
or Clemens IV. a native of France, and bishop
of Sabino, who was raised to the see of Rome in
the year 1^65, did not enjoy much longer that
high dignity. His name, however, makes a
greater figure in history, and was rendered
famous in many respects, and more especially by
his conferring the kingdom of Naples upon
Charles of Anjou, brother to Lewis IX. king of
France. The consequences of this donation are
well known, and the fate of Conradin, the last de-
scendant of Frederic II. who, after an unfortunate
battle fought against Charles, was publicly be-
headed by the barbarous victor, if not by the
counsel, yet certainly with the consent, of the
Roman pontiff, are well known to such as have
the smallest acquaintance with the history of these
unhappy times.
XIII. Upon the death of Clement IV (</), Gregory x.
there arose warm and vehement contests among
the cardinals concerning the election of a new
pontiff. These debates, which kept the Roman
see vacant during the space of three years, were
at length terminated in favour of Theald, or
Thibald, a native of Placentia, and archbishop
of Liege, who was raised to the pontificate in the
year 1 27 1, and assumed the title of Gregory X (r).
This devout ecclesiastic was in the Holy Land
when he received the news of his election ; and,
as he had been an eye-witness of the miserable
condition of the Christians in that country, he
had nothing so much at heart as the desire of
contributing to their relief. Hence it was, that,
immediately after his consecration, he summoned
a council to meet at Lyons, in the year 1274, in
(q) \Yhich happened in the year 1268.
(r) Ihe records of this election are published hy Luc.
Waddingus, Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 330.
183 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, which the relief and maintenance of the Chris-
^ans *n Palestme> and tne re-union of the Greek
and Latin churches, were the two great points
that were to come principally under deliberation.
This assembly is acknowledged as the fourteenth
general council, and is rendered particularly re-
markable by the new regulations that were intro-
duced into the manner of electing the Roman
pontiff, and more especially by the famous law,
which is still in force, and by which it was
enacted, that the cardinal electors should be shut
up in the conclave during the vacancy of the
pontificate. With respect to the character and
sentiments of the new pope we shall only observe,
that though he seemed to be actuated by a milder
spirit than many of his predecessors, yet he incul-
cated, without the least hesitation, that odious
maxim of Gregory VII. that declared the bishop
of Rome the lord of the world, and, in a more
especial manner, of the Roman empire. It was
in consequence of this presumptuous system, that
in the year 1271, he wrote an imperious and
threatening letter to the German princes, in which,
deaf to the pretensions and remonstrances of
Alphonsus, king of Castile (s), he ordered them to
elect an emperor without delay, assuring them,
that if they did not do it immediately, he would
do it for them. This letter produced the designed
effect ; an electoral diet was assembled at Franc-
fort, and Rodolphus, count of Hapsburg, was
raised to the imperial throne.
) Alphonsus, king of Castile, had been elected em-
peror in the year 1256, by the archbishop of Triers, the duke
of Saxony, the margrave of Brandenburg, and the king of
Bohemia, in opposition to Richard., duke of Cornwall, brother
of Henry III. king of England, who was at the same time
raised to the same dignity by the archbishops of Mentz and
Cologne, the count palatine of the Rhine, and the duke of
Bavaria,
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 183
XIV. Gregory X. was succeeded, in the year CENT.
1276, by Peter of Tarantaise, of the Dominican
order, and bishop of Ostia, who assumed the name
of Innocent V. and died about five months after innocent v.
his election. Ottoboni, a native of Genoa, and john'xxi.
cardinal of St. Adrian, was chosen in his place, Nic°ias in.
took the title of Adrian V (f), and after having
ruled the church during five weeks, was suc-
ceeded by Peter Julian, bishop of Tusculum,
who enjoyed that high dignity about eight
months, and is distinguished in the papal list by
the name of John XXI (?/). The see of Rome
continued vacant for about six months after the
death of the last mentioned pontiff, but was at
length filled in the month of November 1277> ^Y
Joan Cajetan, of the family of Ursins, cardinal of
St. Nicholas, whose name he adopted for his papal
title. This famous pontiff, as has been already
observed, augmented greatly both the opulence
and authority of the bishops of Rome, and had
formed vast projects, which his undaunted courage
and his remarkable activity would have enabled
him, without doubt,, to execute with success, had
not death blasted his hopes, and disconcerted his
ambitious schemes.
XV. He was succeeded in the year 1281, about Martin iv.
six months after his departure from this life, by Nlcolas Iv-
Simon de Brie, who adopted the name of Martin
IV. and was not inferior to Nicolas III. in ambi-
tion, arrogance, and constancy of mind, of which
he gave several proofs during his pontificate.
Michael Palaeologus, the Grecian emperor, was
one of the first princes, who was solemnly ex-
_ (0 WG read in the Latin Adrian VI. which is more
probably an error of the press than a fault of the author.
ffgf3 (u) In the original, Dr. Mosheim observes, that these
three successors of Gregory were elected and carried off by
death in the year 1276; but here he has fallen into a slight
mistake; for John XXI. died the 16th of May, 1277.
184 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, communicated by this audacious priest, and
XIIL that, under the pretext of his having: broken
PART II. 1111 &
the peace that had been concluded between the
Greek and Latin churches, at the council of
Lyons («?)• The same insult was committed
against Peter, king of Arragon, whom Martin
not only excluded from the bosom of the church,
but also deposed from his throne, on account of
his attempt upon Sicily, and made a grant of his
kingdom, fiefs, and possessions to Charles, son
of Philip the Bold (#), king of France. It was
during the execution of such daring enterprises
as these, and while he was meditating still greater
things for the glory of the Roman hierarchy, that
a sudden death, in the year 1285, obliged him to
leave his schemes unfinished. They were, how-
ever, prosecuted with great spirit by his successor,
James Saveli, who chose the denomination of
Honorius IV. but was also stopt short, in the
midst of his career, in the year 1287, having
ruled the church only two years. Jerome d'As-
coli, bishop of Palaestrina, who was raised to the
pontificate in the year 1288, and is known by the
name of Nicolas IV. distinguished himself, dur-
ing the four years that he remained at the head
of the church, by his assiduous application both
to ecclesiastical and political affairs. Sometimes
we see the disputes of sovereign powers left to his
arbitration, and terminated by his decision ; at
other times, we find him maintaining the pre-
tensions and privileges of the church with the
most resolute zeal and the most obstinate perse-
verance ; at other times, again, we see him em-
ploying, with the utmost assiduity, every proba-
ble method of propagating the gospel among the
(M?) This council had been held under the pontificate of
Gregory X.
(x) Philippe le Hardi, as he is called by the French.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 185
Tartars and other eastern nations. But the object CENT.
which, of all others, occupied most the thoughts xm
Jr c5 PART II
of this vigilant and zealous pontiff, was the de- 1
sperate state of the Christians in Palestine, who
were now reduced to the greatest extremities of
misery and weakness. His laborious efforts were
therefore employed for the restoration of their
former grandeur ; they were however employed
in vain, and his death, which happened in the
year 1*292, disconcerted all the projects he had
formed for that purpose.
XVI. The death of this pontiff was followed CeiestineV.
by a vacancy of three years in the see of Rome,
which was owing to the disputes that arose among
the cardinals about the election of a new pope.
These disputes were at length terminated, and
the contending parties united their suffrages in
favour of Peter, surnamed Dr. Murrone, from a
mountain where he had hitherto lived in the
deepest solitude, and with the utmost austerity.
This venerable old man, who was in high renown
on account of the remarkable sanctity of his life
and conversation, was raised to the pontificate in
the year 1294, and assumed the name of Celes-
tine V. But the austerity of his manners, which
was a tacit reproach upon the corruption of the
Roman court, and more especially upon the
luxury of the cardinals, rendered him extremely
disagreeable to a degenerate and licentious clergy ;
and this dislike was so heightened by the whole
course of his administration (which showed that
he had more at heart the reformation and purity
of the church, than the increase of its opulence
and the propagation of its authority) that he was
almost universally considered as unworthy of the
pontificate. Hence it was, that several of the
cardinals, and particularly Benedict Cajetan,
advised him to abdicate the papacy, which he had
accepted with such reluctance, and they had the
186
The Internal History of the Church.
PAR!
Boniface
VIII.
CENT, pleasure of seeing their advice followed with the
XI-r ii. utmost docility. The good man resigned his
. dignity, the fourth month after his election, and
died in the year 1296, in the castle of Fumone,
where his tyrannic and suspicious successor kept
him in captivity, that he might not be engaged,
by the solicitations of his friends, to attempt the
recovery of his abdicated honours. His memory
was precious to the virtuous part of the church,
and he was elevated to the rank of a saint by
Clement V. It was from him that the branch
of the Benedictine order, called Celestines, and
which yet subsists in France and Italy, derived its
origin (#).
XVII. Benedict Cajetan, who had persuaded
the good pontiff now mentioned to resign his
place, succeeded him in it in the year 1 294 ;
and took the name of Boniface VIII. We may
say, with truth, of this unworthy prelate, that he
was born to be a plague both to church and state,
a disturber of the repose of nations, and that his
attempts to extend and confirm the despotism of
the Roman pontiffs were carried to a length that
approached to frenzy. From the moment that
he entered upon his new dignity, he laid claim to
a supreme and irresistible dominion over all the
powers of the earth, both spiritual and temporal,
terrified kingdoms and empires with the thunder
of his bulls, called princes and sovereign states
before his tribunal to decide their quarrels, aug-
mented the papal jurisprudence with a new body
of laws, which was entitled, The Sixth Book of
the Decretals, declared war against the illustrious
family of Colonna, who disputed his title to the
pontificate (2) ; in a word, exhibited to the
(#) Helyot, Histoire des Ordres, torn. vi. p. 180.
llg0 (z) The reasons they alleged for disputing the title
of Boniface to the pontificate were, that the resignation of
Celestinewas not canonical, and moreover, that it was brought
about by fraudulent means.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 187
church, and to Europe, a lively image of the CENT.
tyrannical administration of Gregory VII. whom *IH*
» -.. NT P A K. 1 1 1 •
he perhaps surpassed in arrogance (a). It was
this pontiff that, in the year 1 300, instituted the
famous jubilee, which, since that time, has been
regularly celebrated in the Roman church, at
certain fixed periods. But the consideration of
this institution, which was so favourable to the
progress of licentiousness and corruption, as also
the other exploits of Boniface, and his deplor-
able end, belong to the history of the following
century (&).
XVIII. In the council of Lateran that was New mon-
held in the year 1215, a decree had been passed, asticorders-
by the advice of Innocent III. to prevent the in-
troduction of new religions, by which was meant,
new monastic institutions. This decree, however,
seemed to be very little respected, either by that
pontiff or his successors, since several religious
orders, hitherto unknown in the Christian world,
were not only tolerated, but were moreover di-
stinguished by peculiar marks of approbation and
favour, and enriched with various privileges and
prerogatives. Nor will this tacit abrogation of
the decree of Innocent appear at all surprising
to such as consider the state of the church in this
century. For, not to mention many enormities
that contributed to the suspension of this decree,
we shall only observe, that the enemies of Chris-
tianity, and the heretical sects, increased daily
every where ; and, on the other hand, the secular
(a) There is a history of this pontiff written by Jo. Rubeus,
a Benedictine monk, whose work, which is entitled Bonifa-
cius VHI.e familiaCajetanorum principumRomanus pontifex,
was published at Rome, in the year 1651, in 4to.
(b) In this account of the popes, I have chiefly followed
Daniel Papebroch, Francis Pagi, and Muratori, in his Annales
Italiae, consulting at the same time the original sources col-
lected by the last mentioned author in his Rerum Italicaruni
Scriptores.
188 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, clergy were more attentive to their worldly ad-
p*i?T*n vantages ^an to the interests of the church, and
, spent in mirth and jollity the opulence with which
the piety of their ancestors had enriched that
sacred body. The monastic orders also had al-
most all degenerated from their primitive sanc-
tity, and exhibiting the most offensive and
shocking examples of licentiousness and vice to
public view, rendered by their flagitious lives the
cause of heresy triumphant, instead of retarding
its progress. All these things being considered,
it was thought necessary to encourage the esta-
blishment of new monastic societies, who, by the
sanctity of their manners, might attract the esteem
and veneration of the people, and diminish the
indignation which the tyranny and ambition of the
pontiffs had so universally excited : and who,
by their diligence and address, their discourses
and their arguments, their power and arms, when
these violent means were required, might dis-
cover, persecute, convert, and vanquish the grow-
ing tribe of heretics.
Several of XIX. Of the religious societies that arose in
the monas- t -, . -, ,
tic institu- this century seme are now entirely suppressed,
while others continue to flourish, and are in high
repute at this present time. Among the former
we may reckon the Humiliate (a title expres-
sive of great humility and self-abasement), whose
origin may be traced to a much earlier period
than the present century, though their order was
confirmed and new modelled by Innocent III.
who subjected it to the rule of St. Benedict.
These humble monks became so shockingly licen-
tious in process of time, that, in the year 1571,
Pope Pius V. was obliged to dissolve their
society (c). We may also place in the list of the
suppressed monasteries the Jacobins, who were
(c) Helyot, Hist, ties Ordres, torn. vi. p. 152.
CHAP. ir. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 189
erected into a religious order by Innocent III (Y/), °l^'
and who, in this very century, not long after the PART n.
council of Lyons, were deprived of their charter ; —
the Vallischolares, or scholars of the valley, so
called from their being instituted by the scholares,
i. e. the four professors of divinity in the uni-
versity of Paris, and from a deep vale in the pro-
vince of Champagne in which they assembled and
fixed their residence in the year 1234 (e). This
society, whose foundation was laid about the com-
mencement of this century, was formerly governed
by the rule of St. Augustine, but is now incorpo-
rated into the order of the regular canons of St.
Genivieve. To the same class belong the order
of the blessed Virgin Mary the mother of Christ,
which had its commencement in the year 12(56,
and was suppressed in 1274 (f) ; the Knights of
Faith and Charity, who undertook to disperse the
bands of robbers that infested the public roads in
France, and who were favoured with the peculiar
protection and approbation of Gregory IX (g) ;
the Hermits of St. William duke of Aquitaine (A) ;
not to mention the Brethren of the Sack, the
Bethlehemites, and other orders of inferior note,
that started up in this century, which, of all
others, was the most remarkable for the number
and variety of monastic establishments, that date
their origin from it (j).
(d) Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 161.
(e) Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 15. — Acta
Sanct. Mens. Februar. torn. ii. p. 4-82.
(/) Dion. Sammarthani Gallia Christiana, torn. i. p. 653.
(g) Gallia Christ, torn. i. Append, p. 165. — Martene,
Voyage Litter, de deux Benedictins, ton^xii. p. 23.
(h) Jo. Bollandi De ordine Eremitar, S. Guilielmi Comm.
in actis SS. Februar. torn. ii. p. 472.
(1) Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 815. edit. Watts, where
speaking of the prodigious number of convents that were
founded in England during this century, he expresseth him-
self thus : " Tot jam apparuerunt ordincs in Anglia, ut ordi-
" num confusio videretur inordinata."
190 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XX. Among the convents that were founded
XIIL in this century, and still subsist, the principal
place is due to that of the Servites, i. e. the servants
The con- of the Blessed Virgin, whose order was first in-
stituted, A. D. 1233, in Tuscany, by seven Flo-
rentine merchants, and afterwards made a great
progress under the government of Philip Benizi,
its chief. This order, though subjected to the
rule of St. Augustine, was, nevertheless, erected
in commemoration of the most holy widowhood of
the Blessed Virgin ; for which reason its monks
wear a black habit (&), and observe several rules
unknown to other monasteries. The prodigious
number of Christians, that were made prisoners,
by the Mahometans in Palestine, gave rise, towards
the conclusion of the twelfth century, to the in-
stitution of the order, entitled, The Fraternity of
the Trinity, which, in the following age, received
a still greater degree of stability, under the pon-
tificate of Honorius III. and also of his successor
Clement IV. The first founders of this institu-
tion were John de Matha, and Felix de Valois,
two pious men who led an austere and solitary
life at Cerfroy, in the diocese of Meaux, which
is still the seat of the principal convent of the
order. The monks of this society are called the
Brethren of the Holy Trinity, because all their
churches are solemnly dedicated to that profound
mystery ; they are also styled Mathurins, from
their having a monastery at Paris, erected in a
place where there is a chapel consecrated to St.
Mathurin, and Brethren of the Redemption of
Captives (/), because the grand design of their in-
(&) Besides the ordinary writers of the Monastic History,
see Pauli Florentini Dialog, de origine Ordinis Servorum, in
Lamii Deliciis eruditorum, torn. i. p. 1 — 48.
Igp0 (/) Broughton and some other writers make a di-
stinction between the Order of the Redemption of Captives,
and the Fraternity, or Brethren of the Holy Trinity. They
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 191
stitution was to find out means for restoring CENT.
liberty to the Christian captives in the Holy XIIL
Land, in which charitable work they are obliged
to employ the third part of their revenue. Their
manner of life was, at first, extremely abstemious
and austere ; but its austerity has been from time
to time considerably mitigated by the indulgence
and lenity of the pontiffs
XXI. The religious society that surpassed all The
the rest in the purity of its manners, the extent cant order
of its fame, the number of its privileges, and the
multitude of its members, was that of the Men-
dicant, or begging friars, whose order was first
established in this century, and who, by the tenor
of their institution, were to remain entirely desti-
tute of all fixed revenues and possessions. The
present state and circumstances of the church
rendered the establishment of such an order ab-
solutely necessary. The monastic orders, who
wallowed in opulence, were, by the corrupting in-
fluence of their ample possessions, lulled in a
luxurious indolence. They lost sight of all their
allege, that the latter order was instituted at Rome by St.
Philip Neri, in the year 1548, about 350 years after the first
establishment of the former ; and that the monks who com-
posed it were obliged, by their vow, to take care of the pil-
grims who resorted from all parts of the world to Rome, to
visit the tombs of St. Peter and St. Paul.
(?w) Beside Helyot and the other writers of the monastic
History, see Toussaint de Plessis, Hist, de 1'Eglise de Meaux,
torn. i. p. 172. and 566. Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. ii.
p. 523. Ant. Wood, Antiq. Oxoniens, torn. i. p. 133. In the
ancient records, this society is frequently styled the Order
of Asses, on account of the prohibition of the use of horses,
which made a part of their rule, and which obliged the men-
dicant monks to ride upon asses. See Car. du Fresne's Notes
upon Joinville's Life of St. Lewis, p. 81. But at present,
through the indulgence of the Roman pontiffs, they are per-
mitted to make use of horses when they find them necessary.
An order of the same kind was instituted in Spain, in the
year 1228, by Paul Nolasco, under the title of the Order of
St. Mary for the Redemption of Captives. See the Acta
Sanctorum Januar. torn. ii. p. 980.
192 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, religious obligations, trampled upon the authority
. °f tneir superiors, suffered heresy to triumph un-
restrained, and the sectaries to form assemblies in
several places ; in short, they were incapable of
contributing in any respect to promote the true
interests of the church, and abandoned themselves,
without either shame or remorse, to all manner of
crimes. On the other hand, the enemies of the
church, the various sects which had left its com-
munion, followed certain austere rules of life and
conduct, which formed a strong contrast between
them and the religious orders, and contributed to
render the licentiousness of the latter still more
offensive and shocking to the people. These sects
maintained that voluntary poverty was the lead-
ing and essential quality in a servant of Christ,
obliged their doctors to imitate the simplicity of
the apostles, reproached the church with its over-
grown opulence, and the vices and corruptions of
the clergy that flowed from thence as from their
natural source, and by this commendation of po-
verty and contempt of riches, acquired a high
degree of respect, and gained a prodigious ascend-
ant over the minds of the multitude. All this ren-
dered it absolutely necessary to introduce into
the church a set of men, who, by the austerity of
their manners, their contempt of riches, and the
external gravity and sanctity of their conduct and
maxims, might resemble the doctors, who had
gained such reputation to the heretical sects, and
who might be so far above the allurements of
worldly profit and pleasure, as not to be seduced,
by the promises or threats of kings and princes,
from the performance of the duties they owed to
the church, or from persevering in their subor-
dination to the Roman pontiffs. Innocent III.
was the first of the popes who perceived the
necessity of instituting such an order ; and, accord-
ingly, he gave such monastic societies as made a
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
profession of poverty the most distinguishing CENT.
marks of his protection and favour. They were
also encouraged and patronized by the succeeding
pontiffs, when experience had demonstrated their
public and extensive usefulness. But when it
became generally known, that they had such a
peculiar place in the esteem and protection of the
rulers of the church, their number grew to such
an enormous and unwieldy multitude, and swarmed
so prodigiously in all the European provinces, that
they became a burthen, not only to the people,
but to the church itself.
XXII. The great inconveniency that arose its history,
from the excessive multiplication of the mendi-
cant orders, was remedied by Gregory X. in a
general council which he assembled at Lyons, in
the year 1272. For here all the religious orders,
that had sprung up after the council held at
Rome, in the year 1-215, under the pontificate of
Innocent III. were suppressed, and the extra-
vagant multitude of mendicants, as Gregory called
them, were reduced to a smaller number, and con-
fined to the four following societies, or denomina-
tions, viz. the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the
Carmelites, and the Hermits of St. Augustin (n).
The Carmelite order, which had been instituted
in Palestine during the preceding century, was, in
this, transplanted into Europe, and in the year
1226, was favoured by pope Honorius III. with a
place among the monastic societies, which enjoyed
the protection and approbation of the church.
The Hermits of St. Augustin had for their
(n) Concil, Lugd. II. A. 1274-. Can. xxiii. in Jo.Harduini
Conciliis, torn. vii. p. 715. Importuna potentium inhiatio re-
ligionum (so were the religious orders entitled) multipiicatio-
nem extorsit, verum etium aliquorum prassumptuosa temeri-
tas diversorum ordinum, prsecipue Mendicantium — effrsena-
tam multitudinem adinvenit — Hinc ordines Mendicantes post
dictum concilium (i.e. the council of Lateran held in 1215)
adinventos — perpetuae prohibition! subjicimus.
VOL. IH. O
194. The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, founder Alexander IV. (o) who, observing that
PART ii. tne Hermits were divided into several societies,
some of which followed the maxims of the famous
William, others the rule of St. Augustin, while
others again were distinguished by different deno-
minations, formed the wise project of uniting them
all into one religious order, and subjecting them
to the same rule of discipline, even that which
bears the name of St. Augustin. This project
was put in execution in the year 1256.
Attracts the XXIII. As the pontiffs allowed these four
InTesteem Mendicant orders the liberty of travelling wherever
of the public, they thought proper, of conversing with persons
of all ranks, of instructing the youth and the
multitude wherever they went ; and, as these
monks exhibited, in their outward appearance and
manner of life, more striking marks of gravity and
holiness than were observable in the other mo-
nastic societies, they arose all at once to the very
summit of fame, and were regarded with the
utmost esteem and veneration throughout all the
countries of Europe. The enthusiastic attach-
ment to these sanctimonious beggars went so far,
that, as we learn from the most authentic records,
several cities were divided, or cantoned out, into
four parts, with a view to these four orders : the
first part was assigned to the Dominicans ; the
second, to the Franciscans ; the third, to the
Carmelites ; and the fourth, to the Augustiriians.
The people were unwilling to receive the sacra-
ments from any other hands than those of the
Mendicants, to whose churches they crowded to
perform their devotions, while living, and were
extremely desirous to deposit there also their
remains after death ; all which occasioned griev-
ous complaints among the ordinary priests, to
(o) This edict of Pope Alexander IV. is to be found in the
new edition of the Bullarium Romanum, torn. i. p. 110. — See
also Aeta Sanctor. Mens. Fcbruar. torn. ii. p. 4-72.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 195
whom the cure of souls was committed, and who CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
considered themselves as the spiritual guides of
the multitude. Nor did the influence and credit
of the Mendicants end here ; for we find in the
history of this and of the succeeding ages, that
they were employed, not only in spiritual matters,
but also in temporal and political affairs of the
greatest consequence, in composing the differ-
ences of princes, concluding treaties of peace,
concerting alliances, presiding in cabinet-councils,
governing courts, levying taxes, and other occu-
pations, not only remote from, but absolutely in-
consistent with the monastic character and pro-
fession.
XXIV. We must not however imagine, that
all the Mendicant friars attained to the same mcans*
degree of reputation and authority ; for the power
of the Dominicans and Franciscans surpassed
greatly that of the other two orders, and rendered
them singularly conspicuous in the eyes of the
world. During three centuries, these two fra-
ternities governed, with an almost universal and
absolute sway, both state and church, filled the
most eminent posts ecclesiastical and civil, taught
in the universities and churches with an authority,
before which all opposition was silent, and main-
tained the pretended majesty and prerogatives of
the Roman pontiffs against kings, princes, bishops,
and heretics, with incredible ardour and equal
success. The Dominicans and Franciscans were,
before the Reformation, what the Jesuits have
been since that happy and glorious period, the
very soul of the hierarchy, the engines of the
state, the secret springs of all the motions of the
one and the other, and the authors or directors of
every great and important event both in the reli-
gious and political world. Dominic, a Spaniard
by birth, a native of the village of Calaroga*
descendant of the illustrious house of Guairmn,
o 2
196 The Internal History .of the Church.
CENT, and regular canon of Osma, a man of a fiery
P^RTMI anc^ impetuous temper, and vehemently exaspe-
rated by the commotions and contests which the
heretics of different denominations had excited
in the church, set out for France with a few
companions, in order to combat the sectaries, that
wrere multiplied in that kingdom. This enter-
prize he executed with the greatest vigour, and,
we may add, fury, attacking the Albigenses and
the other enemies of the church with the power
of eloquence, the force of arms, the subtilty of
controversial writings, and the terrors of the in-
quisition, which owed its form to this violent and
sanguine priest. Passing from thence into Italy,
he was honoured by the Roman pontiffs Inno-
cent III. and Honorius III. with the most di-
stinguished marks of their protection and favour ;
and, after many labours in the cause of the
church, obtained from them the privilege of erect-
ing this new fraternity, whose principal design
was the extirpation of error, and the destruction
of heretics. The first rule which he adopted for
the new society was that of the Canons of St.
Augustin, to which he added several austere
precepts and observances. But he afterwards
changed the discipline of the canons for that of
O JT
the monks ; and, holding a chapter of the order at
Bologna in the year 1220, he obliged the brethren
to take a vow of absolute poverty, and to abandon
entirely all their revenues and all their possessions.
He did not live long enough to see the conse-
quences of this reformation, for he died the year
following at Bologna (p). His monks were, at
(p) See Jac. Echard. and Quetif in Scriptoribus Ord. Do-
minic, torn. i. p. 84-. — Acta Sanctor. April, torn. iii. p. 872. —
Nicol. Jansenii Vita S. Dominici, Antwerp, 1622. in 8vo.
Add to these the long list of writers mentioned by Fabricius,
in his BibliothecaLat. Med. JEvi, torn. ii. p. 137. and also An-
tonii Bremondi BullariumOrdinis Dominicani, published some
years ago at Rome.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
first, distinguished by the denomination of preach- CENT.
ing friars, because public instruction was the main
end of their institution ; but were afterwards called A
Dominicans after their founder (r). [i3P Just
before his death, Dominic sent Gilbert de Fresney
with twelve of the brethren into England, where
they founded their first monastery at Oxford in
the year 1221, and soon after, another at London.
In the year 1276, the mayor and aldermen of the
city of London gave them two whole streets by
the river Thames, where they erected a very com-
modious convent, whence that place is still called
Black-friars, for so the Dominicans were called in
England.]
XXV. Francis, the founder of the famous The Fran-
order that bears his name, was the son of a mer- ciscans*
chant of Assisi, in the province of Umbria, and a
young man who led, for some time, a most de-
bauched and dissolute life. Upon his recovery
from a severe fit of sickness, which was the con-
sequence and punishment of his licentious con-
duct, he changed his method of living, and, as
extremes are natural to men of warm imagina-
tions, fell into an extravagant kind of devotion,
that looked less like religion than alienation of
mind. Some time after this (s), he happened to
be in a church, where he heard that passage of
the scriptures repeated, in which Christ addresses
his apostles in the following manner : " Provide
neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses,
(r) The Dominicans are called Fratres Majores in several
of the ancient records ; see Ant. Matthaei Analecta Vet. JEvi,
torn. ii. p. 172. This appellation, however, by which the
Dominicans were set in opposition to the Franciscans, who
call themselves Fratres Miaores, is rather a term of derision
than a real name. In France the Dominicans are called Ja-
cobins, from the street where their first convent was erected
at Paris, in the year 1218, which street was dedicated to St.
James, and is still known by the name of Rue de St. Jaques.
(«) In the year 1208.
198 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, nor scrip for your journey, neither two coats,
XIIL neither shoes, nor yet staves, for the workman is
^ worthy of his meat (/)•" This produced a powerful
effect upon his mind, made him consider a volun-
tary and absolute poverty as the essence of the
gospel and the soul of religion, and prescribe this
poverty as a sacred rule both to himself and to the
few that followed him. Such was the commence-
ment of the famous Franciscan order, whose
founder and chief was, undoubtedly, a pious and
well-meaning man, though grossly ignorant, and
manifestly weakened in his intellect by the disorder
from which he had but lately recovered. Never-
theless the newr society, which appeared to Inno-
cent III. extremely adapted to the present state
of the church, and proper to restore its declining
credit, was solemnly approved and confirmed by
Honorius III. in the year 1223, and had already
made a considerable progress when its devout
founder was called from this life in the year
1226. Francis, through an excessive humility,
would not suffer the monks of his order to be
called Fratres, i. e. brethren, or friars, but Fra-
terculi, i. e. little brethren, or friars-minors («),
by which denomination they still continue to be
distinguished (&>)• The Franciscans came into
(t) Matthew x. 9, 10.
(u) They were called Fratricelli by the Italians, Freres
Mineurs by the French, and Fratres Minores by the Latin
writers.
(ru) Bonaventure wrote a life of St. Francis, which has
passed through several editions. But the most ample and
circumstantial accounts of this extraordinary man are given
by Luke Wadding, in the first volume of his Annal. Minorum,
which contains a complete history of the Franciscan order,
confirmed by a great number of authentic records, and the
best edition of which is that published at Rome in 1731, and
the following years, in eighteen volumes in folio, by Joseph
Maria Fonseca ab Ebora. It is to the same Wadding that
we are obliged for the Opuscula Sti. Francisci, and the Bi-
bliotheca Ordinis Minorum, the former of which was published
in 4to. at Antwerp, in the year 1623, and the latter at Rome,
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
England in the reign of Henry III. and their first CENT.
XIII.
PART H.
establishment was at Canterbury.
XXVI. These two celebrated orders restored
cans.
the church from that declining condition in which The em>-
it had been languishing for many years, by the ces rendered
zeal and activity with which they set themselves ^^
to discover and extirpate heretics, to undertake p0nTifl& by-
various negotiations and embassies for the interests the Dor"ini-
/» T i . T /» -i . cans and
or the hierarchy, and to confirm the wavering Francis-
multitude in their implicit obedience to the Ro-
man pontiffs. These ghostly rulers, on the other
hand, sensible of their obligations to the new
monks, which, no doubt, were very great, not
only employed them in every affair they looked
upon as of high importance, and raised them to
the most eminent stations in the church, but also
accumulated upon them employments and privi-
leges, which, if they enriched them on the one
hand, could not fail to render them odious on the
other (,r), and to excite the envy and complaints
of other ecclesiastics. Such, among many other
extraordinary prerogatives, was the permission
in 4to. likewise, in 1650. The other writers, who have given
accounts of the Franciscan order, are mentioned by Jo. Alb.
Fabricius, in his Bibliotheca Lat. Medii JEvi, torn. ii. p. 573.
(x) The popes were so infatuated with the Franciscans,
that those whom they could not employ more honourably in
their civil negotiations or domestic affairs, they made their
publicans, beadles, &c. See, for a confirmation of this, the
following passages in the Histor. Major, of Matthew Paris :
* Fratres minores et praedicatores (says he) invitos, ut credi-
mus, jam suos fecit dominus papa, non sine ordinis eoruni
laesione et scandalo, teloniarios et bedellos,' p. 634. — * Non
cessavit papa pecuniam aggregare, faciens de Fratribus prse-
dicatoribus et minoribus, etiam invitis, non jam piscatoribus
hominum, sednummorum/ p. 639. Cons. p. 662. 664. — * Erant
Minores et Praedicatores magnatum consiliatores et nuntii,
etiam domini papae secretarii : nimis in hoc gratiam sibi se-
cularem comparantes ;' ad an. 1236. p. 354 — * Facti sunt eo
tempore Praedicatores et Minores regum consiliarii et nuntii
speciales, utsicut quondam mollibus induti in domibus regum
erant, ita tune qui vilibus vestiebantur, in domibus, cameris,
et palatiis essent principum:' ad an. 1239. p. 465.
200 The Internal History of the Church,
CENT, they received from the pontiffs, of preaching to
PAIIT ii. ^e mu^itude, hearing confession, and pronouncing
absolution, without any licence from the bishops,
and even without consulting them ; to which we
may add the treasure of ample and extensive in-
dulgences, whose distribution was committed by
the popes to the Franciscans, as a mean of subsist-
ence, and a rich indemnification for their volun-
tary poverty (z/). These acts of liberality and
marks of protection, lavished upon the Dominican
and Franciscan friars with such an ill-judged pro-
fusion, as they overturned the ancient discipline
of the church, and were a manifest encroachment
upon the rights of the first and second orders of
the ecclesiastical rulers, produced the most un-
happy and bitter dissensions between the Mendi-
cant orders and the bishops. And these dissen-
sions, extending their contagious influence beyond
the limits of the church, excited throughout all
the European provinces, and even in the city of
Rome (z), under the very eye of the pontiffs, the
most dreadful disturbances and tumults. The
measures taken by the popes to appease these tu-
mults were various, but ineffectual ; because their
principal view was to support the cause of their
faithful servants and creatures, the Mendicant
friars, and to maintain them in the possession of
their honours and advantages (#).
(y) See Baluzii Miscellan. torn. iv. p. 490. torn. vii. p. 392.
— It is well known, that no religious order had the distribu-
tion of so many and such ample indulgences as the Francis-
cans. Nor could these goodfriars live and multiply as they did,
•without some such source of profit, since, by their institution,
they were to be destitute of revenues and possessions of every
kind. It was therefore in the place of fixed revenues, that
such fat indulgences were put into their hands.
(z) Baluzii Miscellan. torn. vii. p. 441.
(a) See Jo. Launoii Explicata Ecclesiae Traditio circa Ca-
nonem omnis utriusque Sexus, torn. i. part. I, Opp. p. 24-7. —
Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bibliotheque des Auteurs Eccle-
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, Sec.
XXVII. Among all the controversies which CENT.
were maintained by the Mendicants, whether PART n>
against the bishops, abbots, schools, or other re-
ligious orders, none was so famous, as that
which arose, in the year 1 228, between the Do- the"
minicans and the university of Paris, and was "^
prolonged, with various success, until the year sity of Paris.
1259. The Dominicans claimed, as their un-
questionable right, two theological classes in that
celebrated university, one of which had been taken
from them, and an academical law passed, that
no religious order should have what the Domini-
cans demanded. These latter, however, persisted
obstinately in reclaiming the professorship they
had lost ; while the doctors of the university, per-
ceiving the restless and contentious spirit that
animated their efforts, excluded them from their
society, and formed themselves into a separate
body. This measure was considered as a decla-
ration of war, and, accordingly, the most vehement
commotions arose between the contending par-
ties. The debate was brought before the tribunal
of the Roman pontiff in the year 1 255 ; and the
decision, as might well have been expected, was
in favour of the monks. Alexander IV. ordered
the university of Paris not only to restore the
Dominicans to their former place in that learned
society, but moreover to make a grant to them
of as many classes or professorships as they
should think proper to demand. This unjust and
despotic sentence was opposed by the university
with the utmost vigour, and thus the contest was
renewed with double fury. But the magistrates
of Paris were, at length, so terrified and over-
siastiques, par M. du Pin, torn. i. p. 326. Lenfant, Histoire
du Concile de Pise, torn. i. p. 310. torn. ii. p. 8. — Echardi
Scriptores Dominicani, torn. i. p. 404-. The circumstances
of these flaming contests are mentioned by all the writers,
both of this and the following centuries.
202 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, whelmed with the thundering edicts and formida-
PART ii. kle mandates of the exasperated pontiff, that, in
the year 1259, they yielded to superior force, and
satisfied the demands not only of the Dominican,
but also of the Franciscan order, in obedience to
the pope, and to the extent of his commands (/;).
Hence arose that secret enmity, that silent ill-
will, which prevailed so long between the univer-
sity of Paris and the Mendicant orders, especially
the Dominicans, and which are not yet entirely
extinguished.
The Domi- XXVIII. In this famous debate none pleaded
with™ for? tne cause of the university with greater spirit, and
midabie asserted its rights with greater zeal and activity,
adversary. ^^ Qui}laume fe $^ AmOUr, doctor of the
Sorbonne, a man of true genius, worthy to have
lived in better times, and capable of adorning a
more enlightened age. This vigorous and able
champion attacked the whole Mendicant tribe in
various treatises with the greatest vehemence, and
more especially in a book Concerning the Perils
of the latter Times. He maintained publicly, that
their discipline was in direct opposition to the
precepts of the gospel ; and that, in confirming
and approving it, the popes had been guilty of
temerity, and the church was become chargeable
with error (c). What gave occasion to the re-
markable title of this famous book was the author's
being entirely persuaded that the prophecy of St.
1 Paul, relating to the perilous times that were to
come in the last days (c), was fulfilled in the esta-
(b) See CJES. Egass. du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn,
iii. p. 138. 240. 244. 248. 266, &c.— Jo. Cordesii, or (to men-
tion him by the name he assumes) Jo. Alitophili, Praef. Histor.
et Apologetica ad Opera Guilielmi de S. Amore. — Antoine
Touron, Vie de S. Thomas, p. 134. — Waddingi Annal. Minor,
torn. iii. p. 247. 366. torn. iv. p. 14. 52. 106. 263.— Matth.
Paris/ Histor. Major, ad an. 1228, & Nangis Chronicon.
apud Dacherium ; Spicilegii, torn. iii. p. 38.
(c) 2 Timothy iii. 1.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 203
blishment of the Mendicant friars. This notion CENT.
St. Amour maintained in the warmest manner, PART ^
and proved it, principally from the book called the
Everlasting Gospel, which was explained publicly
by the Dominicans and Franciscans, and ofvwhich
we shall have occasion to speak more fully here-
after. The fury and resentment of the Mendi-
cants were therefore kindled in a peculiar manner
against this formidable adversary, whom they per-
secuted without interruption, until, in the year
1256, Alexander VI. ordered his book to be
publicly burnt, and banished its author out of
France, lest he should excite the Sorbonne to
renew their opposition to these ghostly beggars.
St. Amour submitted to the papal edict, and re-
tired into the Franche Comte, which was the place
of his birth ; but, under the pontificate of Cle-
ment IV. he returned to Paris, where he illus-
trated the tenets of his famous book, in a more
extensive work, and died universally esteemed and
regretted by all ranks and orders of men, except
the Mendicants (e).
(e) The doctors of the university of Paris profess still a
high respect for the memory of St. Amour, esteem his book,
and deny obstinately that he was ever placed in the list of
heretics. The Dominicans, on the contrary, consider him
as a heretic of the first magnitude, if we may use that ex-
. pression. Such of his works as could be found were pub-
lished in 4-to. in the year 1 632, at Paris (though the title
bears Constantiae) by Cordesius, who has prefixed to them a
long and learned preface, in which he defends the reputation
and orthodoxy of St. Amour in a triumphant manner. This
learned editor, to avoid the resentment and fury of the Men-
dicants, concealed his real name, and assumed that of Jo.
Alitophilus. This did not, however, save his book from the
vengeance of these friars, who obtained from Lewis XIII. in
the year 1633, an edict for its suppression, which Touron, a
Dominican friar, has published in his Vie de St. Thomas, p.
164>. — For a farther account of the life of this famous doctor,
see Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iii. p. 366. — Boulay, Hist.
Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 266. — Nat. Alex. Hist. Eccles. Saec.
xiii. cap. iii. art. vii. p. 95. — Rich. Simon. Critique de la
Biblioth. Eccles. de M. Du Pin, torn. r. p. 34-5.
204 The Internal History of the Church.
cants
XXIX. While the pontiffs accumulated upon
PART ii. the Mendicants the most honourable distinctions,
and the most valuable privileges which they had
The pnde £0 bestow, they exposed them still more and more
and arro- i i t r t
gance of to the envy and hatred of the rest of the clergy ;
the Mendi- an(j ^-g na^re(j was considerably increased by the
audacious arrogance that discovered itself every
where in the conduct of these supercilious orders.
They had the presumption to declare publicly,
that they had a divine impulse and commission
to illustrate and maintain the religion of Jesus ;
they treated with the utmost insolence and con-
tempt all the different ranks and orders of the
priesthood ; they affirmed, without a blush, that
the true method of obtaining salvation was re-
vealed to them alone, proclaimed with ostentation
the superior efficacy and virtue of their indulgences,
and vaunted, beyond measure, their interests at
the court of heaven, and their familiar connexions
with the Supreme Being, the Virgin Mary, and
the saints in glory. By these impious wiles, they
so deluded and captivated the miserable and
blinded multitude, that they would not entrust
any others but the Mendicants with the care of
their souls, their spiritual and eternal concerns (f).
We may give as a specimen of these notorious
frauds, the ridiculous fable, which the Carmelites
impose upon the credulous, relating to Simon
Stockius, the general of their order, who died
about the beginning of this century. To this
ecclesiastic, they tell us, that the Virgin Mary
appeared, and gave him a solemn promise, that
the souls of such as left the world with the Car-
melite cloak or scapulary upon their shoulders,
should be infallibly preserved from eternal dam-
(/) See Matth. Paris, ad a. 1246, Histor, Major, p. 607.
630, &c.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 205
nation (g*). And here let it be observed to the CENT.
astonishment of all, in whom the power of super- XIIL
. •Till' T PART II.
stition has not extinguished the plainest dictates
of common sense, that this fiction, ridiculous and
impious as it was, found patrons and defenders
even among the pontiffs (//).
XXX. It is however certain, that the Mendi- Contests
cant orders, though they were considered as the
main pillars of the hierarchy, and the principal
supports of the papal authority, involved the
pontiffs, after the death of Dominic and Francis,
in many perplexities and troubles, which were no
sooner dispelled, than they were unhappily re-
newed ; and thus the church was often reduced
to a state of imminent danger. These tumults
and perplexities began with the contests between
the Dominicans and Franciscans about pre-emi-
nence, in which these humble monks loaded each
other with the bitterest invectives and the severest
accusations, both in their writings and their dis-
course, and opposed each other's interests with all
the fury of disappointed ambition. Many schemes
were formed, and various measures were employed,
for terminating these scandalous dissensions ; but
the root of the evil still remained, and the flame
was rather covered than extinguished (£). Besides
this, the Franciscans were early divided among
themselves, and split into several factions, which
(g) See Jo. Launoii Lib. de Viso Stockii Oper. torn. ii.
part. II. p. 379. — Acta Sanctor. torn. iii. Mensis Maii ad
diem xvi. — Theoph. Rainaudi Scapulare Marianum, torn. vii.
opp. p. 614.
(A) The late pope Benedict XIV. notwithstanding his
pretended freedom from superstition and priestly fraud, has
deigned to appear among the supporters of this gross fiction,
though he defends it with his usual air of prudence and
timidity, in his book De Festis B. Mariae Virg. lib. ii. cap.vi.
p. 472. torn. x. opp. edit. Rom.
(0 See the Alcoran des Cordeliers, torn. i. p. 256. 266.
278, &c. Luc. Waddingi Annales Minor, torn. iii. p. 380.
206 The Internal History of the Church.
CBNT. gathered strength and consistence from day to day,
and not only disturbed the tranquillity of the
i 11 i i ......
. church, but struck at the supreme jurisdiction and
prerogatives of the Roman pontiffs. And who-
ever considers with attention the series of events
that happened in the Latin church from this
remarkable period, will be fully convinced that the
Mendicant orders, whether through imprudence
or design we shall not determine, gave several
mortal blows to the authority of the church of
Rome, and excited in the minds of the people
those ardent desires of a reformation in the
church, which produced, in after-times, such sub-
stantial and such glorious effects.
intestine XXXI. The occasion of these intestine divi-
amongUie si°ns among the Franciscans was a dispute about
Francis- the precise meaning of their rule. Their founder
sloned0^" an^ chief had made absolute poverty one of their
different ex- indispensable obligations. The religious orders
before his time were so constituted, that, though
no single monk had any personal property, yet the
whole community, considered as one collective
body, had possessions and revenues, from whence
each individual drew the means of his subsistence.
But the austere chief of the Franciscans abso-
lutely prohibited both separate and collective pro-
perty to the monks of his order ; and neither the
individual nor the community were permitted to
possess either fund, revenue, or any worldly
goods (&). This injunction appeared so severe to
several of the Friars minors, that they took the
liberty to dispense with it as soon as their founder
was dead ; and in this they were seconded by the
(k) The words of the rule itself relating to this point are as
follow: C. vi. " Fratres sibi nihil approprient,nec domum, nee
locum, nee aliquam rem : sed sicut peregrini et advenae in hoc
saeculo, in paupertate ethumilitatefamulantesDomino, vadant
pro eleemosyna confidenter — (i.e. let them be sturdy beggars)
— Haec est ilia celsitudo altissimae paupertatis, quse vos carissi-
mos meos fratres haeredes et reges regni crelorum instituit."
PART II.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
Roman pontiff, Gregory IX. who in the year CENT.
1231, published an interpretation of this rule, xl1
which mitigated considerably its excessive rigour,
(/). But this mitigation was far from being
agreeable to all the Franciscans ; it shocked the
austere monks of that order, those particularly
who were called the Spiritual (w)> whose melan-
choly temper rendered them fond of every thing
harsh and gloomy, and whose fanatical spirit
hurried them always into extremes. Hence arose
a warm debate, which Innocent IV. decided, in
the year 1245, in favour of those who were for
mitigating the severity of the rule in question.
By this decree of the pontiff it was enacted, that
the Franciscan friars should be permitted to
possess certain places, habitations, goods, and
chatties, books, &c. and to make use of them,
but that the property of all these things should
reside in St. Peter or the Roman church ; so
that without the consent of the Roman pontiff
they might neither be sold, changed, nor trans-
ferred, under any pretext whatsoever. This edict
was considered by the gloomy part of the order
as a most pernicious depravation of their holy
rule ; and was, consequently, opposed and rejected
by them with indignation. Hence many of these
spiritual malcontents retired into the woods and
deserts, while others were apprehended, by Cre-
scentius, the general of the society, and sent into
exile (72).
XXXII. The face of affairs was, however,
soon changed in their favour, when, in the year
(I) This bull was published by Emmanuel Roderic, in his
Collectio Privilegiorum regularium Mendicantium, et non
Mendicantium, torn. i. p. 8.
(m) Luc. Waddingii Annal. Minor, torn. iii. p. 99. they
were also called Zelatores, and Caesarians, from their chief,
Caesarius.
(n) Luc. Waddingii Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 128. and
torn. iii. p. 171.
PART
208 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. 1247, John of Parma was chosen general of the
order. This famous ecclesiastic, who was zea-
lously attached to the sentiments of the Spiritual,
recalled them from their exile, and inculcated
upon all his monks a strict and unlimited obe-
dience to the very letter of the rule that had been
drawn up by St. Francis (o). By this reform, he
brought back the order to its primitive state ;
and the only reward he obtained for his zealous
labours was to be accused as a rebellious heretic at
the tribunal of the Roman pontiff, Alexander IV.
in consequence of which he was obliged to re-
sign his post. He had also the mortification to
see the monks who adhered to his sentiments
cast into prison, which unhappy lot he himself
escaped with great difficulty (^?). His successor,
the famous Bonaventura, who was one of the
most eminent scholastic divines of this century,
proposed steering a middle course between the
two contending factions, having nothing so much
at heart as to prevent an open schism. Never-
theless, the measures he took to reconcile the
jarring parties, and to maintain a spirit of union
in the order, were not attended with that degree
of success which he expected from them ; nor
were they sufficient to hinder the less austere part
of the Franciscans from soliciting and obtain-
ing, in the year 1247, from Alexander IV. a
solemn renewal of the mild interpretation which
Innocent IV. had given of the rule of their
founder (7). On the other hand, the faction that
adhered to the sentiments of John of Parma,
maintained their cause with such success, that, in
an assembly of the order, held in the year 1260,
the explication of Innocent was abrogated and
annulled, especially in those points wherein it
(o) Luc. Waddingii Armal. Minor, torn. iii. p. 171.
(p) Id. ibid. torn. iv. p. 4.
(7) This edict of Alexander IV. is published by Wad-
dingius, Annal. Min. torn. iv. p. 446. among the Records.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 209
differed from that which had been formerly given CENT.
by Gregory IX (?).
XXXIII. This dispute concerning the true
'
sense of the rule of St. Francis was followed by Another
another of equal moment, which produced new ^se^amon
and unhappy divisions among the monks of that the Francis
order. About the commencement of this cen- ceming°the
tury, there were handed about in Italy several Everlasting
pretended prophecies of the famous Joachim, SeTwwf
abbot of Sora in Calabria (r), whom the mul- Joachim.
titude revered as a person divinely inspired, and
equal to the most illustrious prophets of ancient
times. The greatest part of these predictions were
contained in a certain book, entitled, The Ever-
lasting Gospel, and which was also commonly
called, The Book of Joachim ($). This Joachim,
(q) The interpretation of Gregory mitigated the rule of
St. Francis ; but that of Innocent went much farther, and
seemed to destroy its fundamental principles. See Wad-
dingi Annales Minor, torn. iv. p. 123, The lamentable divi-
sions that reigned among the monks of this famous order
are described, in an accurate and lively manner, by Bona-
ventura himself, in a letter, which is extant in the Annales
now cited, tom.iv. p. 58.
EUp0 (r) The resemblance that there is between the words
Sora and Flora has probably led Dr, Mosheim here into a
slight mistake, Sora is not in Calabria, but in the province
of Capua. It must therefore have been Flora, that our
author intended to write, as Spanheim,, Fleury, and other
ecclesiastical historians have done.
(s) The Merlin of the English, the Malachy of the Irish,
and Nostradamus of the French, those pretended sooth-
sayers, who, under the illusory, or feigned persuasion of a
divine impulse, sung, in uncouth verse, the future revolutions
of church and state, are just what we may suppose the Joa-
chim of the Italians to have been. Many predictions of this
latter were formerly handed about, and are still to be seen ;
nay, they have passed through various editions, and have
been illustrated by the lucubrations of several commentators.
It is not to be doubted, that Joachim was the author of
various predictions ; and that he, in a particular manner,
foretold the reformation of the church, of which he might
easily see the absolute necessity. It is however certain,
that the greatest part of the predictions and writings, which
VOL. III. p
210 The Internal History of the Church.
•CENT, whether a real or fictitious person we shall m5t
XIIL pretend to determine, among many other future
PART IT. eventS) foretold the destruction of the church of
Rome, whose corruptions he censured with the
greatest severity, and the promulgation of a new
and more perfect gospel in the age of the Holy
Ghost, by a set of poor and austere ministers,
whom God was to raise up and employ for that
purpose. For he divided the world into three
ages, relative to the three dispensations of religion
that were to succeed each other in it. The two
imperfect ages, to wit, the age of the Old Testa-
ment, which was that of the Father, and the age
of the New, which was under the administration
of the Son, were, according to the predictions of
this fanatic, now past, and the third age, even that
of the Holy Ghost, was at hand. The Spiritual,
i. e. the austere Franciscans, wTho were, for the
most part, well-meaning, but wrong-headed enthu-
siasts, not only swallowed down, with the most
voracious and implicit credulity, the prophecies
and doctrines that were attributed to Joachim,
but applied these predictions to themselves, and to
the rule of discipline established by their holy
founder St. Francis (t) ; for they maintained, that
were formerly attributed to him, were composed by others;
and this we may affirm even of the Everlasting Gospel, the
work, undoubtedly, of some obscure, silly, and visionary
author, who thought proper to adorn his reveries with the
celebrated name of Joachim, in order to gain them credit,
and to render them more agreeable to the multitude. The
title of this senseless production is taken from Revelations
xiv. 6. and it contained three books ; the first was entitled,
Liber Concordize veritatis, t. e. The book of the Harmony
of Truth ; the second, Apocalypsis Nova, or New Revela-
tions ; and the third, Psalterium decem Chordarum, i. e.
The Ten-stringed Harp. This account was taken from a
manuscript of that work, in the library of the Sorbonne, by
Jac. Echard, who has published it in his Scriptores Dominic,
torn. i. p. 202.
{t) This is acknowledged even by Wadding, notwith-
standing his partiality in favour of the spiritual or austere
Franciscans. See his Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 3 — 6.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Churc'h-Governme7it, &c. 211
he delivered to mankind the true gospel, and that
he was the angel whom St. John saw flying in the PART n<
midst of heaven (u).
con-
demned.
XXXIV. At the very time that the intestine Gerhard's
divisions among the Franciscans were at the great-
est height, one of the Spiritual friars, whose name
was Gerhard, undertook the explication of the
Everlasting Gospel attributed to Joachim, in a
book which appeared in the year 1250, under the
title of Introduction to the Everlasting Gospel (w).
(M) Revel, xiv. 6. And I saw another angel fly in the
midst of heaven having the Everlasting Gospel to preach
unto them that dwell on the earth, &c. — See on this subject
Baluzii Miscellan. torn. i. p. 221. 228. 235. 246.— Echardi
Scriptor. Dominic, torn. i. p. 202. — Codex Inquisit. Tholo-
sanse a Limborchio edit. p. 301, 302. 305, &c.
(w;) As the accounts given of this book, by ancient and
modern writers, are not sufficiently accurate, it may not be
improper to offer here some observations that may correct
their mistakes. I . They almost all confound the Everlast-
ing Gospel, or The Gospel of the Holy Ghost, (for so it was
also called, as we are told by Guill. de St. Amour, in his
book De Periculis noviss. Tempor. p. 38.) with the Intro-
duction to the Everlasting Gospel. But these two produc-
tions must be carefully distinguished from each other. The
Everlasting Gospel was attributed to the abbot Joachim,
and it consisted of three books, as has been already ob-
served. But the Introduction to this Gospel was the work
of a certain Franciscan monk, who explained the obscure
predictions of the pretended Gospel, and applied them to
his order. The Everlasting Gospel was neither complained
of by the university of Paris, nor condemned by the Roman
pontiff, Alexander IV., but the Introduction was complained
of, condemned, and burnt, as appears evidently from the
letters of the above-mentioned pontiff, which are to be seen
in Boulay's Histor. Academ. Paris, torn. iii. p. 292. The
former consisted, as productions of that nature generally do,
in ambiguous predictions and intricate riddles, and was con-
sequently despised or neglected ; but the latter was danger-
ous in many respects. 2. It is farther to be observed, that
the ancient writers are not agreed concerning the author of
this Introduction. They are unanimous in attributing it to
one of the Mendicant friars ; but the votaries of St. Francis
maintain, that the author was a Dominican ; while the Do-
minican party affirm as obstinately, that he was a Franciscan.
k is however certain, that the greatest part of the learned
P 2
12 The Internal History of the Church.
ENT. In this book the fanatical monk, among other
PART
jj enormities, as insipid as impious, inculcated the
are of opinion, that the author of the infamous work in
question was John of Parma, general of the Franciscans,
who is known to have been most warmly attached to the
spiritual faction of that order, and to have maintained the
sentiments of the abbot Joachim with an excessive zeal.
See Luc. Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 9. who endea-
vours to defend him against this accusation, though without
success. (See also the Acta Sanctorum, torn. iii. Martii,
p. 157 : for John of Parma, though he preferred the Gospel
of St. Francis to that of Christ, has, nevertheless, obtained
a place among the saints.) The learned Echard is of a dif-
ferent opinion, and has proved, in his Scriptor. Dominican,
torn. i. p. 202, 203. from the curious manuscripts yet pre-
served in the Sorbonne, relating to the Everlasting Gospel,
that Gerhard, a Franciscan friar, was the author of the in-
famous Introduction to that book. This Gerhard, indeed,
was the intimate friend and companion of John of Parma,
and not only maintained, with the greatest obstinacy, the
cause of the spiritual, but also embraced all the sentiments
that were attributed to the abbot Joachim, with such an
ardent zeal, that he chose to remain eighteen years in
prison, rather than to abandon them. See \X7addingii Annal.
Minor, torn. iv. p. 4. 7- The Franciscans, who were called
observantes, i. e. vigilant, from their professing a more rigid
observance of the rule of their founder than was practised
by the rest of their order, place Gerhard among the saints
of the first rank, and impudently affirm, that he was not only
endowed with the gift of prophecy, but also with the power
of working miracles. See Waddingii Annales Min. torn. iii.
p. 213, 214. It is to be observed, 3dly, That whoever may
have been the writer of this detestable book, the whole Men-
dicant order, in the judgment of the greatest part of the
historians of this age, shared the guilt of its composition and
publication, more especially the Dominicans and Franciscans,
who are supposed to have fallen upon this impious method of
deluding the multitude into a high notion of their sanctity,
in order thus to establish their dominion,, and to extend
their authority beyond all bounds. This opinion, however,
is ill-founded, notwithstanding the numbers by which it has
been adopted. The Franciscans alone are chargeable with
the guilt of this horrid production, as appears most evidently
from the fragments of the book itself, which yet remain ; but
we are obliged in justice to observe farther, that this guilt
does not even lie upon all the Franciscans, but only on that
faction of the order, which is known under the title of the
Spiritual. Perhaps we might go still farther, and allege^
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
following detestable doctrine : " That St. Francis, CENT.
" who was the angel mentioned in the Revela-
" tions, xiv. 6. had promulgated to the world the
" true and everlasting gospel of God ; that the
" gospel of Christ was to be abrogated in the
" year 1260, and to give place to this new and
" everlasting gospel, which was to be substituted
" in its room ; and that the ministers of this
" great reformation were to be humble and bare-
" footed friars, destitute of all worldly ernolu-
" ments (#)." When this strange book was
published at Paris in the year 1254, it excited
in the doctors of the church, and, indeed, in all
good men, the most lively feelings of horror and
indignation against the Mendicant friars, who
that the charge ought not to be extended even to all the
members of this faction, but to such alone as placed an idle
and enthusiastic confidence in the abbot Joachim, and gave
credit to all his pretended prophecies. These observations
are necessary to the true understanding of what has been
said concerning the Everlasting Gospel by the following
learned men ; Jo. Andr. Schmidius, Singular. Dissertat.
Helmst. 1700, in 4to. — Usserius, De Successione Ecclesiar.
Occident, c. ix. sect. 20. p. 337. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris,
torn. iii. p. 292. — Natal. Alexander, Histor. Eccles. Saec.
xiii. Artie, iv. p. 78. — Luc. Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iv.
p. 9. — Upon the whole, it may be affirmed, that the book
under consideration is not, as the greatest part of the
learned have imagined, a monument of the arrogance of the
Mendicant orders, but rather a proof of the impious fanati-
cism and extravagance of a handful of Franciscans.
(x) See Guil. de St. Amore, De Periculis noviss. Tempor.
p. 38, 39. who observes, that the book under consideration
was not indeed published before the year 1254, but that the
opinions contained in it had an earlier origin, and were pro-
pagated even in the year 1200. Several of the ancient
writers have given large extracts from this infamous book,
see Herm. Corneri Chronicon, in Eccardi Corpore Histor.
Medii ^vi, torn. ii. p. 850. — Chronicon Egmondanum, in
Ant. Matthaei Analectis Veteris TEvi, torn. ii. p. 517. — Rico-
baldus apud Eccardum, loc. cit. torn. i. p. 1215. — But there
is a great difference between these extracts, which seems to
have arisen from this, that some drew their citations from
the Everlasting Gospel of Joachim, while others drew theirs
from the Introduction of Gerhard, not sufficiently distin-
guishing the one work from the other.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, had already incurred the displeasure of the public
on other accounts. This universal ferment en-
F gaged the Roman pontiff, Alexander IV. though
much against his will, to order the suppression
of this ahsurd book in the year 1 %55 ; he, how-
ever, took care to have this order executed with
the greatest possible mildness, lest it should hurt
the reputation of the Mendicants, and open the
eyes of the superstitious multitude. But the
university of Paris was not satisfied with these
gentle and timorous proceedings ; and conse-
quently its doctors repeated without interrup-
tion their accusations and complaints, until the
extravagant production, that had given such just
and general offence, was publicly committed to the
flames (y).
XXXV. The intestine flame of discord, that
of Nicolas had raged among the Franciscans, and was smo-
to iheruie3 thered, though not extinguished, by the prudent
of st. Fra»- management of Bonaventura, broke out anew
with redoubled fury after the death of that pacific
doctor. The Franciscan monks, who were fond
of opulence and ease, renewed their complaints
against the rule of their founder, as unreasonable
and unjust, demanding what it was absolutely
beyond the power of man to perform. Their
complaints, however, were without effect ; and
their schemes were disconcerted by the Roman
pontiff, Nicolas III. who leaned to the side of the
austere Franciscans ; and, in the year 1279, pub-
lished that famous constitution, which confirmed
the rule of St. Francis, and contained an accu-
rate and elaborate explication of the maxims it
recommended, and the duties it prescribed (#).
By this edict, the pontiff renewed that part of the
(y) See Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 299. —
Jordan! Chronicon, in Muratorii Antiq. Ital. torn. iv. p. 998.
(z) Some affirm, that this famous Constitution was issued
out by Nicolas IV. but their opinion is refuted by Wadding 4
in his Annal. Min. torn. v. p. 73.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-G Governments &c.
rule, that prohibited all kinds of property among CENT.
the Franciscans, every thing that bore the least
resemblance of a legal possession, or a fixed
domain ; but he granted to them, at the same
time, the use of things necessary, such as houses,
books, and other conveniences of that nature, the
property of which, in conformity with the ap-
pointment of Innocent IV. was to reside in the
church of Rome. Nor did the provident pontiff
stop here ; but prohibited, under the severest
penalties, all private explications of this new law,
lest they should excite disputes, and furnish new
matter of contention ; and reserved the power of
interpreting it to himself alone, and to his suc-
cessors in the pontificate (a).
XXXVI. However disposed Nicolas was to Excites new
satisfy the Spiritual, and austere part of the Fran- troubles and
* , L , . ,' exasperates
ciscan order, which was now become numerous the spiri-
both in Italy and France, and particularly in the tual*
province of Narbonne, the constitution above-men-
tioned was far from producing that effect. The
monks of that gloomy faction that resided in Italy,
received the papal edict with a sullen and discon-
tented silence. Their brethren in France, and
more especially in the southern parts of that king-
dom, where the inhabitants are of a warm and
sanguine complexion, testified, in an open and
tumultuous manner, their disapprobation of this
new constitution, and having at their head a
famous Franciscan, whose name was Jean Pierre
d' Olive, they excited new dissensions and troubles
in the order (&). This Pierre d' Olive was a
native of Serignan in Languedoc, who had ac-
(a) This constitution is yet extant in the Jus Canon. Lib.
vi. Decretal. Tit. xii. c. iii. p. 1028, edit. Bohmerianae, and is
vulgarly called the Constitution Exiit, from its beginning
thus : Exiit, &c.
(b) In some ancient records, this ringleader is called Pe-
trus Bctterrensis, i. e. Peter of Beziers, because he resided
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, quired a shining reputation by his writings, and
wnose eminent sanctity and learning drew after
him a great number of followers ; nor is it to be
denied, that there were many important truths
and wise maxims in the instructions he delivered.
One of the great objects, which he never lost
sight of in his writings, was the corruption of the
church of Rome, which he censured with a pecu-
liar freedom and seventy, in a work entitled,
Postilla, or A Commentary on the Revelations,
affirming boldly, that that church was represented
by the whore of Babylon, the mother of harlots,
whom St. John beheld sitting upon a scarlet-co-
loured beast, full of names of blasphemy, having
seven heads and ten horns (c). It is, however, to
be observed, that this severe censor of a corrupt
church was, himself, a most superstitious fanatic
in several respects, having imbibed the greatest
part of those monstrous opinions, which the Spi-
ritual pretended to have received from the abbot
Joachim ; to which he added an impious and ex-
travagant veneration for St. Francis, whom he con-
sidered as wholly and entirely transformed into
the person of Christ (d). In the debate concern-
ing the sense of the rule of this famous chief, he
seemed to adhere to neither of the contending
parties ; for he allowed his followers the bare use
of the necessaries of life ; and being called upon,
at different times, by the authority of his superiors,
to declare his sentiments upon this head, he pro-
for a long time in the convent of Beziers, where he per-
formed the functions of a public teacher. By others, he is
named Petrus de Serignano, from the place of his nativity.
This remark is so much the more necessary, as certain
authors have taken these three denominations for three di-
stinct persons.
(c) Revelations xvii. 3, 4, 5.
(d) Totum Christo configuratum. See the Litera Magi-
strorum de Postilla Fratris P. Job. Olivi, in Baluzii Miscelhm.
torn. i. p. 213. — Waddingi Annales Minor, torn. v. p. 51.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
fessed his assent to the interpretation that had been CENT.
given of the rule in question by Nicolas III. He x
leaned, nevertheless, to the side of those austere [
and Spiritual Franciscans, who not only opposed
the introduction of property among the indivi-
duals of the order, but also maintained, that the
whole community, considered collectively, was
likewise to be excluded from possessions of every
kind. His zeal for these gloomy Franciscans was
great, and he defended their cause with warmth
(e) ; hence he is looked upon as the chief of that
faction, which disputed so often, and so vehe-
mently, with the Roman pontiffs, in favour of the
renunciation of property, in consequence of the
institution of St. Francis (/*).
XXXVII. The credit and authority of Pierre Continua-
d' Olive, whom the multitude considered, not J!°n °,f
/« i i • i i »! i these de-
only as a man or unblemished sanctity, but also bates.
as a prophet sent from above, added new force
and vigour to the Spiritual, and encouraged them
to renew the combat with redoubled fury. But
the prudence of the heads of the order prevented,
for some time, the pernicious effects of these
(e) The real sentiments of Pierre d'Olive will be best
discovered in the last discourse he pronounced, which is yet
extant in Boulay's Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 535. and
in Wadding's Annal. Minor, torn. v. p. 378.
(/) For an account of this famous friar, see not only the
common monastic historians, such as Raynaldus, Alexander,
and Oudinus, but also the following : Baluzii Miscell. torn. i.
p. 213. and in Vitis Pontif. Avenion. torn, ii. p. 752. — Car.
Plessis d'Argentre, Collectio Judiciorum de novis Ecclesiae
Erroribus, torn. i. p. 226. — Wadding, Annal. Minor, torn. v.
p. 52. 108. 121. HO. 236. and more especially p. 378. where
he makes an unsuccessful attempt to justify this enthusiast. —
Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 535. — Schelhornii
Amcenitates Litterariae, torn. ix. p. 678. Histoire Generale
dc Languedoc, par les Moines Benedictins, torn. iv. p. 91 . 1 79.
182. The bones of Pierre d'Olive were raised by the order of
the Roman Pontiff John XXII. and burnt publicly with his
writings, in the year 1325. See Raynald. ad an. 1325.
sect. 20.
218 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, violent efforts, and so over-ruled the impetuous
1"! m°ti°ns °f this enthusiastic faction, that a sort
1 of equality was preserved between the contending
parties. But the promotion of Matthew of Aqua
Sparta, who was elected general of the order in
the year 1287, put an end to these prudential
measures, and changed entirely the face of affairs.
This new chief suffered the ancient discipline of
the Franciscans to dwindle away to nothing, in-
dulged his monks in abandoning even the very
appearance of poverty, and thus drew upon him
not only the indignation and rage of the austerer
part of the Spiritual Franciscans, but also the
disapprobation of the more moderate members of
that party. Hence arose various tumults and
seditions, first in the marquisate of Ancona, and
afterwards in France, which the new general
endeavoured to suppress by imprisonment, exile,
and corporal punishments ; but, finding all these
means ineffectual, resigned his place in the year
1289 ($')• His successor Raymond Goffredi em-
ployed his utmost efforts to appease these trou-
bles. For this purpose he recalled the banished
friars, set at liberty those that had been cast into
prison, and put out of the way several of the
austerer Franciscans, who had been the principal
fomenters of these unhappy divisions, by sending
them into Armenia in the character of missionaries.
But the disorder was too far gone to admit of a
remedy. The more moderate Franciscans, who
had a relish for the sweets of property and
opulence, accused the new general of a partial
attachment to the Spiritual, whom he treated
with peculiar affection and respect, and therefore
employed their whole credit to get him removed
from his office, which, with much difficulty,
they, at length, effected, under the pontificate of
(g) Waddingi Annales Min. torn. v. p. 210, 211. 235.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 219
Boniface VIII. On the other hand, the more CENT.
rigid part of the Spiritual faction renounced all
fellowship, even with such of their own party as ,
discovered a pacific and reconciling spirit; and
forming themselves into a separate body, protested
publicly against the interpretation which Nicolas
III. had given of the rule of St. Francis. Thus,
from the year 1290, the affairs of the Franciscans
carried a dismal aspect, and portended nothing
else than seditions and schisms in an order, that
had been so famous for its pretended disinterested-
ness and humility (h).
XXXVIII. In the year 1294, a certain num-
ber of Italian Franciscans, of the Spiritual party,
addressed themselves to Celestin V. for a per-
mission to form a separate order, in which they
might not only profess, but also observe, in the
strictest manner, that austere rule of absolute
poverty, which St. Francis had prescribed to his
followers. The good pontiff, who, before his
elevation to the head of the church, had led a
solitary and austere life ( j), and was fond of every
thing that looked like mortification and self-de-
nial, granted, with the utmost facility, the
request of these friars, and placed at the head of
the new order, a monk, whose name was Libera-
tus, and who was one of the greatest self-tormen-
(h) Id. Ibid. torn. v. p. 108. 121, 140. and more especially
p. 235. 236.
ffg0 (z) This pope, whose name was Peter Meuron, had
retired very young to a solitary mountain, in order to devote
himself entirely to prayer and mortification. The fame of
his piety brought many to see him from a principle of curio-
sity, several of whom renounced the world, and became the
companions of his solitude. With these he formed a kind of
community, in the year 1254-, which was approved by Urban
IV. in 1264, and erected into a distinct order, called The
Hermits of St. Damien. Upon Meuron's elevation to the
pontificate, and his assuming the name of Celestin V. his
order, which must not be confounded with the new Francis-
can Celestin Hermits, took the title of Celestins.
220 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, tors of all the monastic tribe (&). Soon after
tn*S) Celestin, finding himself unfit for the duties
1 of his high and important office, resigned the
pontificate, in which he was succeeded by Boni-
face VIII. who annulled every act that had been
passed during the short reign of his predecessor,
and suppressed, among other institutions, the
new order, which had assumed the title of the
Celestin Hermits of St. Francis (/). This dis-
grace was, as it were, the signal which drew upon
them the most furious attacks of their enemies.
The worldly minded Franciscans persecuted them
with the most unrelenting bitterness, accused
them of various crimes, and even cast upon them
the odious reproach of Manicheism. Hence
many of these unhappy fanatics retired into
Achaia, from whence they passed into a small
island, where they imagined themselves secure
from the rage of their adversaries, and at liberty
to indulge themselves in all the austerities of that
miserable life, which they looked upon as the per-
fection of holiness here below. But no retreat
was sufficient to screen them from the vigilance
and fury of their cruel persecutors, who left no
means unemployed to perpetuate their miseries.
In the mean time, that branch of the Spiritual
Franciscans that remained in Italy, continued to
observe the rigorous laws of their primitive insti-
tution in spite of Boniface VIII. who used his
utmost efforts to conquer their obstinacy. They
erected societies of their order first in the king-
dom of Naples, afterwards in the Milanese, and in
the marquisate of Ancona ; and, at length spread-
ing themselves through the greatest part of Eu-
rope, they continued in the most violent state of
war with the church of Rome, until the face of
(&) Waddingi Annales, torn. v. p. 324. 338.
(/) Id. Ibid. torn. vi. p. 1. Bullarium Magnum Contin. III.
IV. p. 108, 109.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, £c.
things was changed by the Reformation. In CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
these conflicts they underwent trials and sufferings
of every kind, and multitudes of them perished in
the flames, as miserable victims to the infernal
fury of the Inquisition (m).
(m) The writers that serve generally as guides in this part
of the history of the church, and whom I have been obliged
to consult upon the divisions of the Franciscans, whose
history, as will soon appear, is peculiarly interesting and im-
portant, are far from meriting the encomiums that are due to
perspicuity and exactness. This part of the Ecclesiastical
History of what is called the Middle Age, has not hitherto
been accurately illustrated by any writer, though it be,
every way, worthy of the labours of the learned, and of the
attention of Christians. Its principal merit consists herein,
that it exhibits striking examples of piety and learning strug-
gling against the power of superstition and ignorance, and
against that spiritual tyranny of which they were the princi-
pal supports. Nay, these very rebellious Franciscans, though
fanatical and superstitious in several respects, deserve, never-
theless, an eminent rank among those who prepared the way
for the reformation in Europe, and who excited in the minds
of the people, a just aversion to the church of Rome, Ray-
naldus, Bzovius, Spondanus, in their Annals, Eymericus, in
his Directorium Inquisitorum, and Natalis Alexander, in his
Ecclesiastical History, relate the revolutions that happened
in the Franciscan order, and in the church in general, during
this period : but their accounts are neither so accurate, nor so
ample, as the importance of the events deserved. And as it
is from these authors that the protestant historians have
drawn their materials, we need not be surprised at the de-
fects with which these latter abound. Wadding, who
merits the highest encomiums as a laborious and learned
writer, is yet an uncertain guide, when he treats of the mat-
ters now under consideration. His attachment to one party,
and his fears of the other, lay him under restraints, that pre-
vent his declaring the truth with a noble freedom. He shades
his picture with dexterity. He conceals, dissembles, excuses,
acknowledges, and denies, with such a timorous prudence
and caution, that the truth could not but suffer considerably
under his pen. He appears to have been attached to the
rigid Franciscans, and yet had not the courage to declare
openly, that they had been injured by the pontiffs. He saw,
on the other hand, the tumults and perplexities in which
these rigid Franciscans had involved the church of Rome,
and the strokes they had levelled, with no small success, at
the majesty of the pontiffs: but he has taken all imaginable
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XXXIX. Towards the conclusion of this cen-
^ury arose *n Italy the enthusiastic sect of the
L Fratricelli and Bizochi, which, in Germany and
The Fratri- France, received the denomination of Beguards.
They were condemned by Boniface VIII (/?),
and by several of his successors ; and the inquisi-
tors were charged by these despotic pontiffs to
persecute them until they were entirely extir-
pated, which commission they executed with their
usual barbarity. The Fratricelli, or Little Bre-
thren, were Franciscan monks, who separated
themselves from the grand community of St.
Francis, with a design to observe the laws of their
parent and founder in a more strict and rigorous
manner than they were observed by the other
Franciscans ; and who, accordingly, renounced
every kind of possession and property, both com-
mon and personal, and begged from door to door
pains to throw such a shade upon this part of their conduct,
as conceals its violence from the view of his readers. Such
then being the characters of the writers who have handed
down to us the history of the church in this important pe-
riod, I could follow none of them as a sure or constant guide
in all the events they relate, the judgments they form, or the
characters they describe. I have not, however, been desti-
tute of a clue to conduct me through the various windings of
this intricate labyrinth. The testimonies of ancient authors,
with several manuscripts that have never yet been published,,
such as the Diplomas of the Pontiffs and Emperors, the Acts
of the Inquisition, and other records of that kind, are the
authentic sources from whence I have drawn my accounts of
many things that have been very imperfectly represented by
other historians.
(«) See Trithemius, Annal. Hirsaug. torn. ii. p. 74. though
this author is defective in several respects, and more espe-
cially in his accounts of the origin and sentiments of the
Fratricelli. It is also to be observed, that he confounds,
through the whole of his history, the sects and orders of this
century one with another, in the most ignorant and unskilful
manner. See rather Du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn.
iii. p. ,54-1. where the edict published in the year 1297, by
Boniface VIII. against the Bizochi, or Beguards, is inserted;
as also Jordani Chronicon. in Muratorii Antiq. Italiae. torn.
iv. p. 1020.
CHAP. n. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
their daily subsistence (o). They alleged that CENT.
neither Christ nor his apostles had any possessions, ,
*-• i • ill f A. rC L Hi
either personal or in common ; and that they were
the models, whom St. Francis commanded his
followers to imitate. After the example also of
their austere founder, they went about clothed
with sordid garments, or rather with loathsome
rags, declaimed against the corruption of the
church of Rome, and the vices of the pontiffs and
bishops, foretold the reformation of the church
and the restoration of the true gospel of Christ by
the genuine followers of St. Francis, and declared
their assent to almost all the doctrines, which
were published under the name of the abbot
Joachim. They esteemed and respected Celestin
V. because, as has been already observed, he
was, in some measure, the founder of their society,
by permitting them to erect themselves into a
separate order. But they refused to acknowledge,
as true and lawful heads of the church, his
successor Boniface and the other pontiffs after
(o) The Fratricelli resemble the Spiritual in many of their
maxims and observances : they, however, are a distinct body,
and differ from them in various respects. The Spiritual, for
instance, continued to hold communion with the rest of the
Franciscans, from whom they differed in points of consider-
able moment, nor did they ever pretend to erect themselves
into a particular and distinct order ; the Fratricelli, on the
contrary, renounced all communion with the Franciscans, and
withdrawing their obedience from the superiors of that society,
chose for themselves a new chief, under whom they formed
a new and separate order. The Spiritual d/d not absolutely
oppose their order's possessing certain goods jointly and in
common, provided they renounced all property in these goods,
and confined their pretensions to the mere use of them ;
whereas the Fratricelli rejected every kind of possession,
whether personal or in common, and embraced that absolute
poverty and want which St. Francis had prescribed in his
Rule and in his last Testament. We omit the mention
of other less important differences that might be alleged
here.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, him, who opposed the Fratricelli, and persecuted
YTTT i • i v
*U1' their order
PA™.
(p) The accounts of the Fratricelli, that are given by
ancient and modern writers, even by those that pretend to
the greatest exactness, are extremely confused and uncertain.
Trithemius, in his Annal. Hirsaug. torn. ii. p. 74. affirms that
they derived their origin from Tanchelinus, and thus
ignorantly confounds them with the Catharists, and other
sects that arose in those times. The Franciscans leave no
means unemployed to clear themselves from all relation to
this society, and to demonstrate that such a pestilential and
impious sect, as that of the Fratricelli, did not derive their
origin from the order of St. Francis. In consequence of this
they deny that the Fratricelli professed the Franciscan rule ;
and maintain, on the contrary, that the society which was
distinguished by this title was a heap of rabble, composed of
persons of all kinds and of all religions, whom Hermon
Pongilup, towards the conclusion of this century, gathered
together at Ferrara in Italy, and erected into a distinct order.
See Luc. Wadding, Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 279. This
author employs all his eloquence to defend his order from
the infamous reproach of having given rise to that of the
Fratricelli ; but his efforts are vain, for he acknowledges, nay,
even proves by unquestionable authorities, that this hated sect
professed and observed, in the most rigorous manner, the rule
of St. Francis ; and nevertheless, he denies that they were
Franciscans ; by which he means, and indeed can only mean
that they were not such Franciscans as those who lived in
subjection to the general of the order, and adopted the inter-
pretation which the pontiffs had given of the rule of their
founder. All Wadding's boasted demonstration, therefore,
comes to no more than this, that the Fratricelli were Fran-
ciscans who separated themselves from the grand order of
St. Francis, and rejected the authority of the general of
that order, and the laws and interpretations, together with
the jurisdiction of the Roman Pontiffs ; and this no mortal
ever took it into his head to deny. Hermannus, or, as he is
called by many, Armannus Pongilup, whom Wadding and
others consider as the Parent of the Fratricelli, lived in this
century at Ferrara, in the highest reputation, on account of
his extraordinary piety ; and when he died, in the year 126'P,
was interred with the greatest magnificence and pomp in the
principal church of that city. His memory was, for a long
time, honoured with a degree of veneration equal to that
which is paid to the most illustrious saints, and it was sup-
posed that the Supreme Being bore testimony to his eminent
saactity by various miracles. But as Pongilup had been
CHAP. ir. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 225
XL. As the Franciscan order acknowledged, CENT.
»ri.
PART II.
as its companions and associates, a set of men, XIIL
Tertiaries,
suspected of heresy by the Inquisitors *, on account of the Bocasoti,
peculiar austerity of his life, which resembled that of the Ca- and Be-
tharists, they made, even after his death, such an exact and gu*ns.
scrupulous inquiry into his maxims and morals, that, many
years after he was laid low in the grave, his impiety was de-
tected and published to the world. Hence it was, that, in the
year 1300, his tomb was destroyed, his bones dug up, and
burned by the order of Boniface VIII. and the multitude
effectually cured of the enthusiastic veneration they had for
his memory. The judicial acts of this remarkable event are
recorded by Muratori, in his Antiquit. Italic. Medii vEvi, torn,
v. p. 93 — 147. and it appears evidently from them, that those
learned men, who consider Pongilup as the founder of the
order of the Fratricelli, are entirely mistaken. So far was he
from being the founder of this sect, that he was dead before
it was in being. The truth of the matter is, that this famous
enthusiast was a Catharist, infected with Paulician or Mani-
chean principles, and that he was a member of the sect en-
titled Bagnolists, from a town of that name in Provence,
where they resided. Some modern writers, indeed, have
seen so far into the truth, as to perceive that the Fratricelli
were a separate branch of the rigid and austere Franciscans ;
but they err in this, that they consider them as the same
sect with the Beguards or Beguins, under a different deno-
mination. Such is the opinion adopted by Limborch, in his
Hist. Inquisit. lib. i. cap. xix. p. 69. who appears to have
been very little acquainted with the matters now under con-
sideration ; by Baluzius, in his Miscellan. torn. i. p. 195. et
Vit. Pontif. Avenionens. torn, i, p. 509. by Beausobre, in his
Dissertation concerning the Adamites, subjoined to the Hi-
story of the Wars of the Hussites, p. 380. and by Wadding, in
his Annal. Minor, torn. v. p. 376. But notwithstanding the
authorities of these learned men, it is certain, as we shall
show in its place, that there was a real difference between
the Fratricelli and the Beguards, not indeed with respect to
their opinions, but in their rule of discipline and their man-
ner of life.
The principal cause of the errors that have obscured the
History of the Fratricelli is the ambiguity that there is in
the denomination of their order. Fratricellus, Fraterculus,
or Little Brother, was an Italian nickname, or term of deri-
sion, that was applied in this century to all those who, with-
out belonging to any of the religious orders, affected a
monkish air in their clothing, their carriage, and their man-
* These formidable censors were entitled, Inquisitors of Heretical Pravity.
VOL. III. Q
226 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, who observed the third rule that was prescribed
XIII. " ~
PART II.
XIIL by St. Francis, and were from thence commonly
ner of living, and assumed a sanctimonious aspect of piety
and devotion. See Villani Istorie Florentine, lib. viii. c. 84.
p. 423. — Imola in Dantern, p. 1121. in Muratori Antiq. Ital.
torn. i. And as there were many vagabonds of this kind,
that wandered about from place to place during this century,
it happened that this general term of Fratricelli was applied
to them all, though they differed much from one another in
their opinions and in their methods of living. Thus the Ca-
tharists, the Waldenses, the Apostles, and many other sects
who had invented new opinions in religion, were marked with
this denomination by the multitude : while the writers of
foreign nations, unacquainted with this ludicrous application
of the word, were puzzled in their inquiries after the sect of
the Fratricelli, who had given so much trouble to the Roman
pontiffs, nay, were led into the grossest mistakes, and ima-
gined, at one time, that this order was that of the Catharists,
at another, that it was the sect of the Waldenses, &c. But,
in order to have distinct ideas of this matter, it must be con-
sidered that the word Fraterculus, or Little Brother, bore a
quite different sense from the ludicrous one now mentioned,
when it was applied to the austere part of the Franciscans,
who maintained the necessity of observing, in the strictest
manner, the rule of their founder. Instead of being a nick-
name, or a term of derision when applied to them, it was an
honourable denomination, in which they delighted, and
which they preferred infinitely before all other titles. Fra-
tricelli, or Little Brothers, is a word of the same signification
with Friars-minors 3 and every one knows, that this latter
appellation was adopted by the Franciscans, as an expression
of their extraordinary humility and modesty. In assuming
this title, therefore, these monks did not, properly speaking,
assume a new name, but only translated the ancient name of
their order into the Italian language ; for what the Latins
called Fratres Minores, i. e. Friars-minors, that the Italians
called Fratricelli. Of the many proofs we might draw from
the best authors in favour of this account of the matter, we
shall only allege one, from the Life of Thorn. Aquinas, by
Guilielmus de Thoco in Actis Sanctor. Martii, torn. i. cap.
ii. sect. xxi. " Destruxit (says that biographer) et tertium
pestiferum pravitatis errorem S. Thomas... cuj us sectatores
simul et inventores se nominant fraterculos de vita paupere,
ut etiam sub hoc humilitatis sophistico nomine simplicium
corda seducant. ..Contra quern errorem pestiferum Johannes
Papa XXII. mirandam edidit Decretalem."
Now this very Decretal of John XXII.. against the Fra-
tricelli, which Thoco calls Admirable, is, to mention no
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 227
called Tertiaries (<?) ; so likewise the order of the CENT.
Fratricelli, who were desirous of being considered
other testimonies, a sufficient and satisfactory proof of what"
I have affirmed in relation to that sect. In this Decretal,
which is to be seen in the Extravagantia Joh. XXII. Corporis
Juris Canon, torn. ii. p. 1112. edit. Boehmerianae, the pontiff
expresses himself thus : " Nonnulli profanae multitudinis
viri, qui vulgariter Fratricelli sen Fratres de paupere vita,
Bizochi, sive Beguini, nuncupantur in partibus Italiae, in in-
sula Siciliae publice mendicare solent." The pontiff af-
terwards divides the Fratricelli into monks and Tertiaries,
or (which amounts to the same thing, as we shall show in
its place) into Fratricelli and Beguins. With respect to the
Fratricelli, properly so called, he expresses himself thus :
Plurimi regulam seu ordinem Fratrum Minorum Se pro-
fiteri ad litteram conservare confingunt, prsetendentes se a
sanctae memoriae Coelestino Papa Quinto, praedecessore
nostro, hujus status suae vitae privilegium habuisse. Quod
tamen, etsi ostenderent, non valeret, cum Bonifacius Papa
Octavus ex certis causis rationabilibus omnia ab ipso Cceles-
tino concessa viribus penitus evacuaverit." Here the
pontiff describes clearly those Fratricelli, who, separating
themselves from the Franciscans with a view to observe
more strictly the rule of St. Francis, were erected into a
distinct order by pope Celestine V. And in the following
passage he characterises, with the same perspicuity, the Bi-
zochi or Beguins, who intitled themselves of The Third
Order of the Penitents of St. Francis : " Nonnulli ex ipsis as-
serentes se esse de tertio ordine beati Francisci paenitentium
vocato, prasdictum. statum et ritum eorum sub velamine talis
nominis satagunt palliare."
(q) Besides two very austere rules drawn up by St. Fran-
cis, the one for the Friars-minors, and the other for the Poor
Sisters, called Clarisses, from St. Clara their founder ; this
famous chief drew up a third, whose demands were less ri-
gorous, for such as, without abandoning their worldly affairs,
or resigning their possessions, were, nevertheless, disposed to
enter, with certain restrictions, into the Franciscan order,
and desirous of enjoying the privileges that were annexed
to it. This rule prescribed fasting, continence, hours of
devotion and prayer, mean and dirty apparel, gravity of
manners, and things of that nature ; but neither prohibited
contracting marriage, accumulating wealth, filling civil em-
ployments, nor attending to worldly affairs. All the Fran-
ciscan historians have given accounts of this third rule,
more especially Wadding. Annal.Min.tom. ii. p. 7. — Helyot,
Hist, des Ordres, torn. vii. p. 214. They, that professed this
third rule, were called Friars of the penance of Christ, and
sometimes, also, on account of the meanness of their gar-
ments, Brethren of the Sack, but they were more generally
228
CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
The Internal History of the Church.
as the only genuine followers of St. Francis, had a
great number of Tertiaries, attached to their cause.
These Tertiaries, or half-monks, were called, in
Italy, Bizochi and Bocasoti ; in France, Begu-
ines ; and in Germany, Beguards, or Beghards,
which last was the denomination by which they
were commonly known in almost all places (r).
known by the denomination of Tertiaries. The greatest
part of the religious orders of the church of Rome imitated
this institution of St. Francis, as soon as they perceived the
various advantages that were deducible from it. And hence,
at this day, these orders continue to have their Tertiaries.
(r) The Tertiaries that were connected with the order of
the Fratricelli arose about the year 1 296, in the marquisate
of Ancona and the neighbouring countries, and were called
Bizochi, as we learn from the edict issued out against them,
in the year 1297, by Boniface VIII. and published by Du
Boulay, in his Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 54-1. They
are mentioned under the same title by John XXII. in the
bull already cited. Add to all these authorities, that of the
learned Du Fresne, who, in his Glossar. Latinit. mediae, torn,
i. p. 1188, observes, that this denomination is derived from
Bizochus, which signifies in French une bcsace, i. e. a sack
or wallet, such as beggars in general, and these holy beggars
in particular , were used to carry about with them. The
term Bocasotus, or Vocasotus, as Du Boulay writes it (in
his Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 510.), has no doubt the
same origin, and bears the same signification. It is used by
Jordan, in his Chronicle, from whence we shall cite a re-
markable passage in the following note. The denominations
of Beghards and Beguins, that were given to the Tertiaries
in France and in Italy, are very frequently to be met with in
the Ecclesiastical History of the Middle Age. The accounts,
however, which both ancient and modern writers generally
give of these famous names, are so uncertain, and so differ-
ent from each other, that we need not be surprised to find
the history of the Beghards and Beguins involved in greater
perplexity and darkness, than any other part of the Eccle-
siastical Annals of the Age now mentioned. It is therefore
my present design to remove this perplexity, and to dispel
this darkness, as far as that can be done in the short space
to which I am confined, and to disclose the true origin of
these famous denominations.
The words Beghard or Beggehard, Begutta, Beghinus,
and Beghina, which only differ in their termination, have all
one and the same sense. The German and Belgic nations
wrote Beghard and Begutte, which terminations are ex-
tremely common in the language of the ancient Germans. But
the French substituted the Latin termination in place of the
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 229
They differed from the Fratricelli not in their CENT.
opinions and doctrine, but only in their manner pA*rTnn
German, and changed Beghard into Beghinus and Beghina '
so that those who in Holland and Germany were called
Beghard and Begutte, were denominated in France, Beghini
and Beghinae. Nay, even in Germany and Holland, the
Latin termination was gradually introduced instead of the
German, particularly in the feminine term Begutta, of which
change we might allege several probable reasons, were this the
proper place for disquisitions of that nature. There are many
different opinions concerning the origin and signification of
these terms, which it would be too tedious to mention, and still
more so to refute. Besides, I have done this in a large work
now almost finished, concerning the Beghards and Beghina,
wherein I have traced out with the utmost pains rmd labour,
in records, the greatest part of which have never seen the light,
the history of all the different sects to whom these names have
been given, and have, at the same time, detected the errors
into which many learned men have fallen, in treating this part
of the history of the church*. At present, therefore, setting
aside many opinions and conjectures, I shall confine myself to
a brief inquiry into the true origin and signification of these
words. They are undoubtedly derived from the old German
word beggen, beggeren, which signifies to seek any thing with
importunity, zeal, and earnestness. In joining to this word
the syllable hard, which is the termination of many German
words, we have the term Beggehard, which is applicable to
a person who asks any thing with ardour and importunity.
And as none are so remarkable for asking in this manner as
common beggars, who subsist upon the liberality of the public,
therefore, in the ancient German language, they were called
Beghard, from which the English word beggar is manifestly
derived. Begutta signifies a female beggar. — When Christi-
anity was introduced into Germany, the word beggen, or
beggeren, was used in a religious sense, and expressed the
act of devout and fervent prayer to the Supreme Being.
Accordingly, we find in the Gothic translation of the Four
Gospels attributed to Ulphilas, the word beggen, employed
to express the duty of earnest and fervent prayer. Hence,
when any person distinguished himself from others by the
frequency and fervour of his devotional services, he was called
a Beghard, i. e. a devout man ; and the denomination of Be-
gutta was given, in the same sense, to women of uncommon
piety. And as they who distinguished themselves from others
by the frequency of their prayers, assumed by that means a
more striking air of external devotion than the rest of their
03" * The work here hinted at has not as yet appeared ; though we hope
that those who arc entrusted with the papers of the learned author will
prevent such a valuable production being 4ost to the republic of letters.
230 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of living. The Fratricelli were real monks, sub-
PAK-TH
Jecte^ to tne ru^e °f St. Francis ; while the
fellow Christians ; hence it came to pass that all those who
were ambitious of appearing more religious and devout than
their neighbours, were called Beghardi, or Beguttse.
The observations we have hitherto made with respect to
the origin and signification of the words in question will serve
as a clue to deliver the attentive reader from that labyrinth of
difficulties in which the history of the Beghards and Beghinae
has been involved. They will also enable him to account for
the prodigious multitudes of Beghards and Beguines that
sprung up in Europe in the thirteenth century; and will show
him how it happened, that these denominations were given to
above thirty sects or orders, which differed widely from each
other in their opinions, their discipline, and manner of living.
The first and original signification of the word Beghard (or
Beggert, as it was pronounced by the common people) was
importunate beggar. Therefore, when the people saw certain
persons, not only embracing with resignation, but also with
the most voluntary choice, and under a pretext of devotion,
the horrors of absolute poverty, begging their daily bread
from door to door, and renouncing all their worldly posses-
sions and occupations, they called all such persons Beghards,
or, if they were women, Beghurts, without ever once consi-
dering the variety of opinions and maxims by which they
were distinguished. The sect called Apostles, the rigid
Franciscans, the Brethren of the Free Spirit (of whom here-
after), all embraced this sordid state of beggary; and though
among these orders there was not only the widest difference,
but even the greatest opposition, the Germans called them
indiscriminately Beghards, from the miserable state which
they had all embraced. Nor is this to be wondered at ; the
character which they possessed in common was striking,
while the sentiments and maxims that divided them escaped
the observation of the multitude.
But the word Beghard acquired a second, and a new
signification in this century, being employed, as we have
already observed, to signify a person who prayed with
uncommon frequency, and who distinguished himself from
those about him by an extraordinary appearance of piety.
The force of this term, in its new signification, is the same
with that of the word Methodist, which is at present the
denomination of a certain sect of fanatics in these kingdoms.
Such, therefore, as departed from the manner of living that
was usual among their fellow-citizens, and distinguished
themselves by the gravity of their aspect, and the austerity
of their manners, were comprehended under the general
denomination of Beghards and Beguttes in Germany, and
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
Bizochi, or Beguins, if we except their sordid
habit, and certain observances and maxims, which PART llt
they followed in consequence of the injunctions of —
the famous saint now mentioned, lived after the
manner of other men, and were therefore consi-
of Beguins and Beguines in France. The use of these terms
was, at first, so extensive, that, as we could show by many
examples, they were applied even to the monks themselves ;
but in process of time, they were applied with less extent,
and were confined to those who formed a sort of an interme-
diate order between the monks and citizens, and who resembled
the former in their manner of living, without assuming their
name, or contracting their obligations. The Tertiaries,
therefore, or half-monks of the Dominican, Franciscan, and,
in general, of all the religious orders, were called Beg-
hards ; for though, as lay- citizens, they belonged to the body
politic, yet they distinguished themselves by their monkish
dispositions, and their profession of extraordinary piety and
sanctity of manners. The Fraternity of Weavers, the Brethren
of St. Alexius, the followers of Gerhard the Great, in a word,
all who pretended to an uncommon degree of sanctity and
devotion, were called Beghards, although they procured
themselves the necessaries of life by honest industry, vith-
out having recourse to the sordid trade of begging.
The denominations, therefore, of Beghards, Beguttes, Be-
guins, and Beguines, are rather honourable than otherwise,
when we consider their origin j and they are mentioned as
such, in several records and deeds of this century, whose
authority is most respectable, particularly in the Testament
of St. Lewis, king of France. But, in process of time, these
terms lost gradually, as the case often happens, their pr imitive
signification, and became marks of infamy and derision. For,
among these religious beggars and these sanctimonious pre-
tenders to extraordinary piety, there were many whose piety
was nothing more than the most senseless superstition ; many,
also, whose austere devotion was accompanied with the opi-
nions of a corrupt nature, and entirely opposite to the doctrine
of the church, and (what was still more horrible) many artful
hypocrites, who, under the mask of religion, concealed the
most abominable principles, and committed the most enor-
mous crimes. These were the fools and knaves who brought
the denomination of Beghards into disrepute, and rendered
it both ridiculous and infamous ; so that it was only employed
to signify idiots, heretics, or hypocrites. The denomination
of Lolhards, of which we shall have occasion to speak more
amply hereafter, met with the same fate, and was rendered
contemptible by the persons who masked their iniquity under
that specious title.
CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
A great
difference
between
the Fran-
ciscan Be-
guins and
those of
Germany
and the
Nether-
lands.
The Internal History of the Church.
dered in no other light, than as seculars and lay-
men (Y). It is, however, to be observed, that the
Bizochi were divided into two classes, which derive
their different denominations of perfect and imper-
fect, from the different degrees of austerity that
they discovered in their manner of living. The
perfect lived upon alms, abstained from wedlock,
and had no fixed habitations. The imperfect, on
the contrary, had their houses, wives, and posses-
sions, and were engaged, like the rest of their
fellow-citizens, in the various affairs of life (f).
XLI. We must not confound these Beguins and
Beguines, who derived their origin from an austere
(*) Seethe Actalnquis. Theolos. published by Limborch,
p. 298. 302. 310. 313, and particularly 307. 329. 382. 389,
&c. Among the various passages of ancient writers, which
tend to illustrate the history of the Fratricelli and Beguins,
I shall quote only one, which is to be found in Jordan's Chro-
nicon, published by Muratori, in his Antiq. Ital. medii aevi,
torn. iv. p. 1020. and confirms almost every thing we have said
upon that head : Anno 1294, " Petrus de Macerata et Petrus
de Forosemproneo Apostatse fuerunt ordinis Minorum ethae-
retici. His petentibus eremitice vivere, ut regulam B. Fran-
cisci ad litteram servare possent. Quibus plures Apostatae
adhaeserunt, qui statum communitatis damnabant et decla-
rationes Regulae, et vocabant se Fratres S. Francisci (he ought
to have said Fratricellos) Seculares ; (i. e.the Tertiaries, who
were the friends and associates of the Fratricelli, without
quitting, however, their secular state, or entering into the
monastic order,) Saeculares autem vocaruntBizocios aut Fra-
tricellos vel Bocasotos," (here Jordan is mistaken) in affirm-
ing, that the Saeculares were called Fratricelli; for this latter
name belonged only to the true monks of St. Francis, and
not to theTertiaries. The other circumstances of this account
are exact, and show that the more austere professors of the
Franciscan rule were divided into two classes, viz. into friars
and seculars, and that the latter were called Bizochi. <c li
tlogmatizabant, quod nullus summus Pontifex Reguiam B.
Francisci declarare potuit. Item, quod Angelus abstulit a
Nicolao tertio Papatus auctoritatem . . . Et quod ipsi soli sunt
in via Dei et vera ecclesia,*' &c.
(t) This division is mentioned, or supposed, by several
authors, and more especially in the Acta Inquisit. Tholosanae,
p. 303. 310.312, 313. 319, &c.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
branch of the Franciscan order, with the German CENT.
and Belgic Beguines, who crept out of their ob-
scurity in this century, and multiplied prodi-
giously in a very short space of time (u). Their
origin was of earlier date than this century, but
it was only now that they acquired a name, and
made a noise in the world. Their primitive esta-
blishment was, undoubtedly, the effect of vir-
tuous dispositions and upright intentions. A cer-
tain number of pious women, both virgins and
widows, in order to maintain their integrity and
preserve their principles from the contagion of a
vicious and corrupt age, formed themselves into
societies, each of which had a fixed place of resi-
dence, and was under the inspection and govern-
ment of a female head. Here they divided their
time between exercises of devotion, and works of
(M) In the last century, there was a great debate carried on
in the Netherlands, concerning the origin of the Beghards and
Beguines, of which I have given an ample account in a work
not yet published. In the course of this controversy, the
Beguines produced the most authentic and unexceptionable
records and diplomas, from which it appeared, that, so early
as the eleventh and twelfth centuries, there had been several
societies of Beguines established in Holland and Flanders.
It is true, they had no more than three of these authentic
acts to offer as a proof of their antiquity ; the first was drawn
up in the year 1085, the second in the year 1129, the third
in 1151 ; and they were all three drawn up, at Vilvorden, by
the Beguines, who, at that time, were settled there. See Aub.
Miraei OperaDiplomatico-historica,tom. ii. c. xxvi. p. 94-8. and
torn. iii. p. 628. edit. nov. — Erycius Puteanus, De Beghina-
rum apud Belgas institute et nomine suffragio. This treatise
of Puteanus is to be found with another of the same author,
and upon the same subject, in a work entitled Joseph! Gel-
dolphia Ryckel Vita S. Veggae cum Adnotationibus, p. 65—
227. Duaci, 1 631, in 4to. Now, though we grant that those
writers are mistaken, who place the first rise of the Beguines
in the twelfth or thirteenth century, yet the small number of
authentic records which they have to produce, in favour of
their antiquity, is an incontestable proof of the obscurity in
which they lay concealed before the time in which these
writers place their origin, and may render it almost pro-
bable, that the only convent of Beguines, that existed before
the thirteenth century, was that of Vilvorden in Brabant.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, honest industry, reserving to themselves the li-
XIIL berty of entering into the state of matrimony, as
PART II. , J r . . 5 , *l
also of quitting the convent, whenever they
thought proper. And as all those among the
female sex, who made extraordinary professions
of piety and devotion, were distinguished by the
title of Beguines, i. e. persons who were uncom-
monly assiduous in prayer, that title was given
to the women of whom we are now speaking (w).
The first society of this kind that we read of, was
formed at Nivelle in Brabant, in the year I226(^r) ;
and was followed by so many institutions of
a like nature in France, Germany, Holland,
and Flanders, that, towards the middle of the
thirteenth century, there was scarcely a city of any
note, that had not its beguinage, or vineyard, as
it was sometimes called, in conformity to the style
of the Song of Songs (z/). All these female societies
(a?) All the Beghards and Beguines that yet remain in
Flanders and Holland, where their convents have almost en-
tirely changed their ancient and primitive form, affirm unani-
mously that both their name and institution derive their origin
from St. Begghe, duchess of Brabant, and daughter of Pepin,
mayor of the palace to the king of Austrasia, who lived in the
seventh century. This lady, therefore, they consider as their
patroness, and honour her as a kind of tutelary divinity with
the deepest sentiments of veneration and respect. See Jos.
Geld, a Ryckel, in vita S. Begga? cum Adnotat. Duaci et Lo-
vanii edita; a work of great bulk and little merit, and full of
the most silly and insipid fables. Those who are no well
wishers to the cause of the Beguines adopt a quite different
account of their origin, which they deduce from Lambert le
Begue, a priest and native of Liege, who lived in the twelfth
century, and was much esteemed on account of his eminent
piety. The learned Peter Coens, canon of Antwerp, has de-
fended this opinion with more erudition than any other writer,
in his Disquisitio Historica de Origine Beghinarum et Beghi-
nagiorum in Belgio, Leod. 1672, in 12mo.
ggp (x) Other historians say, in the year 1207.
(y) See Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, ad an. 1243 and
1250, p. 540. 696. — Thomas Can tipratensis in Bono Universal!
de Apibus, lib. ii. cap. li. p. 478. edit. Colvenerii. — Petrus de
Herenthal ,, in his Annals, from which, though they are not yet
published, we have a very remarkable passage cited by Jos.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 235
were not governed by the same laws ; but in the CENT.
greatest part of them, the hours that were not de- xin*
voted to prayer, meditation, or other religious ex- 1
ercises, were employed in weaving, embroidering,
and other manual labours of various kinds. The
poor, sick, and disabled Beguines were supported
by the pious liberality of such opulent persons as
were friends to the order.
XLIL This female institution was soon imita- peghards,
ted in Flanders by the other sex ; and consider- or Lollards-
able numbers of unmarried men, both bachelors
and widowers, formed themselves into communi-
ties of the same kind with those of the Beguines,
under the inspection and government of a cer-
tain chief, and with the same religious views
and purposes ; still, however, reserving to them-
selves the liberty of returning to their former me-
thod of life (2). These pious persons were, in the
style of this age, called Beghards, and by a cor-
ruption of that term usual among the Flemish and
Dutch, Bogards ; from others they received the
denomination of Lollards ; in France they were
distinguished at first by that of Bons Valets, or
Bons Galons, and afterwards by that of Begums :
they were also called the Fraternity of Weavers,
from the trade which the greatest part of them ex-
ercised. The first society of the Beghards seems
to have been that which was established at Ant-
werp in the year 1228, and continues still in a
flourishing state ; though the brethren of whom
it is composed have long since departed from their
Geld, a Ryckel, in his Observationes ad Vitam S. Beggae, sect,
cxcvi. p. 355. The origin and charters of the convents of
Beguines, that were founded during this and the following cen-
tury in Holland and Flanders, are treated in an ample manner
by Aub. Miraeus, in his Opera Historico-diplomatica, John
Bapt. Grammaye, in his AntiquitatesBelgicae, Anton Sanders,
in his Brabantia et Flandria illustrata, and by the other
writers of Belgic history.
(z) Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, ad an. 1253, p. 539, 540.
236
CENT.
XIII.
PART II
Greek wri-
ters.
The Internal History of the Church.
primitive rule of discipline and manners. This
first establishment of the Beghards was followed
. by many more in Germany, France, Holland, and
Flanders ; though, after all their success, their
congregations were less numerous than those of
the Beguines (#). It is worthy of observation,
that the Roman pontiffs never honoured the socie-
ties of the Beghards and Beguines with their so-
lemn or explicit approbation, nor confirmed their
establishments by the seal of their authority.
They however granted them a full toleration, and
even defended them often against the stratagems
and violence of their enemies, who were many in
number. This appears by the edicts in favour of
the Beghards, which the pontiffs granted in com-
pliance with the earnest solicitations of many
illustrious personages, who wished well to that so-
ciety. It did not, however, continue always in a
flourishing state. The greatest part of the con-
vents, both of the Beghards and Beguines, are now
either demolished or converted to other uses. In
Flanders, indeed, a considerable number of the
latter still subsist, but few of the former are to be
found any where.
XLIII. After the accounts hitherto given of
the rulers of the church, and of the monastic and
other religious orders that were instituted or be-
came famous during this century, it will not be
improper to conclude this chapter, by mentioning
(a) See Ryckelii Vita S. Beggse, p. 635. — Ant. Sanderii
Flandria Illustrata, lib. c. xvi. p. 136. — Jo. Bapt. Gramayei
Antiquit. Fland. et in Gandavo. p. 22. — Aub. Miraei Opera
Diplom. Hist. torn. iii. c. clxviii. p. 145. — Helyot, Hist, des
Ordres, torn, vii.p. 248, who is, nevertheless., chargeable with
many errors. — " Gerhardus Antoninus, Pater Minister" (so
the head of the order is called in our times) " Beghardorum
Antwerpiensium in Epistola ad Ryckium de Beghardorum
origine et fatis," in Ryckelii Vita S. Beggae, p. 489. This
author, indeed, from a spirit of partiality to his order, con-
ceals the truth designedly in various places.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 237
briefly the Greek and Latin writers, who, during CENT.
the same period, acquired a name by their learned
productions. The most eminent among the Greeks
were,
Nicetas Acominatus, who composed a work
entitled, The History and Treasure of the Ortho-
dox Faith ;
Germanus, the Grecian patriarch, of whom we
have yet extant, among other productions of less
note, A Book against the Latins, and an Exposi-
tion of the Greek Liturgy ;
Theodorus Lascaris, who left behind him se-
veral treatises upon various subjects of a religious
nature, and who also entered the lists against the
Latins, which was the reigning passion among
such of the Greeks as were endowed with any
tolerable parts, and were desirous of showing their
zeal for the honour of their nation ;
Nicephorus Blemmida, who employed his ta-
lents in the salutary work of healing the divisions
between the Greeks and Latins ;
Arsenius, whose Synopsis of the Canon Law of
the Greeks, is far from being contemptible ;
Georgius Acropolita, who acquired a high
degree of renown, not only by his historical
writings, but also by the transactions and negotia-
tions in which he was employed by the emperor
Michael ;
Johannes Beccus or Veccus, who involved him-
self in much trouble, and made himself many ene-
mies, by defending the cause of the Latins against
his own nation with too much zeal ;
George Metochita, and Constantine Meliteniota,
who employed, without success, their most earnest
efforts to bring about a reconciliation between the
Greeks and Latins ;
George Pachymeres, who acquired a name by
his commentary upon Dionysius, the pretended
ters
288 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, chief of the mystics, and by a history which he
comPosed °f ms own tmie 9 and>
George the Cyprian, whose hatred of the La-
tins, and warm opposition to Veccus abovemen-
tioned, rendered him more famous than all his
other productions (&).
Latin wri- XLIV. The prodigious number of Latin writers
that appeared in this century renders it im-
possible for us to mention them all ; we shall
therefore confine our account to those among
them, who were the most eminent, and whose
theological writings demand most frequently
our notice in the course of this history. Such
are,
Joachim, abbot of Flora in Calabria, who,
though esteemed on account of his piety and
knowledge, was, nevertheless, a man of mean
parts and of a weak judgment, full of enthusiastic
and visionary notions, and therefore considered,
during his life and after his death, by the miserable
and blinded multitude, as a prophet sent from
above. The pretended prophecies of this silly
fanatic are abundantly known, and have been fre-
quently published (c) ;
Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury,
who wrote commentaries upon the greatest part of
the books of scripture (c/) ;
Francis, the founder of the famous society of
Friars-minors, or Franciscans, whose writings were
(b) For a more ample account of all these writers, the
reader may consult the Bibliotheca Grseca of Fabricius.
(c) The life of Joachim was written in Italian by Gregory
di Lauro, and published in 4to. at Naples in the year 1660.
The first edition of his prophecies was printed at Venice, in
the year 1517, and was followed by several new editions, to
satisfy the curiosity of the populace, great and small.
learne
_ Langton was a learned and polite author for the
age he lived in. It is to him we are indebted for the division
of the Bible into chapters. He wrote commentaries upon all
the Books of the Old Testament, and upon St. Paul's Epistles.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 239
designed to touch the heart, and excite pious and CENT.
devout sentiments, but discover little genius, and
less judgment ;
Alan de Plsle, a logician, who made no mean
figure among the disputatious tribe, who applied
himself also to the study of chemistry, and pub-
lished several moral discourses, in which there
are many wise and useful exhortations and pre-
cepts^);
Jacobus de Vitriaco, who acquired a name by
his Oriental History ; and Jacobus de Voragine,
whose History of the Lombards (jf) was received
with applause.
The writers of this century, who obtained the
greatest renown on account of their laborious
researches in what was called philosophical or
dialectical theology, were Albertus Magnus,
Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura, who were,
each of them, truly possessed of an inquisitive
turn of mind, a sublime and penetrating genius,
accompanied with an uncommon talent of sound-
ing the most hidden truths, and treating with
facility the most abstruse subjects, though they
are all chargeable with errors and reveries that
do little honour to their memories (g*). The
(e} Several of the name of Alan lived in this century, who
have been strangely confounded, both by ancient and modern
writers. See Jaq. le Boeuf, Memoires sur FHist. d'Auxerre,
torn. i. p. 300. and Dissert, sur 1'Hist. Civil et Eccles. de Paris,
torn. ii. p. 293.
(f) Jac. Echardi Scriptor.Domin. tom.i. p. 454*. — Bollandi
Praef. ad Acta Sanctor. torn. i. p. 9.
(g) For an account of Albert, see Echard. Script. Dom.
tom.i. p. 162. — For an account of Thomas Aquinas, who was
called the Angel of the Scholastics, among other splendid titles,
see the Acta Sanctorum, torn. i. Martii, p. 655. and Ant. Tu-
ron, Vie de St. Thomas, Paris, 1737, in 4to. — We have also a
circumstantial relation of whatever concerns the life, writings,
and exploits of Bonaventura, the tutelary saint of the Lion-
nois, in France, in the two following books, viz. Colonia, His-
toire Litteraire de la Ville de Lyon, torn. ii. p. 307, and the
240 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, other writers, who trod the same intricate paths
°f metaphysical divinity, were many in number,
and several of them justly admired, though much
inferior in renown to the celebrated triumvirate
now mentioned ; such were Alexander de Hales,
the interpreter of Aristotle, William of Paris (//),
Robert Capito (&'), Thomas Cantipratensis, John
de Peckham, William Durand, Roger Bacon (&),
Richard Middleton, ^gidius de Columna, Ar-
mand de Bello Visu, and several others.
Hugo de St. Caro gained much applause by
the Concordance, which he composed of the Holy
Bible (/).
Guillaume de St. Amour carried on with great
spirit and resolution, but with little success, a
literary and theological war against the Mendi-
cant Friars, who looked upon begging as a mark
of sanctity.
Humbert de Romanis drew up a system of
rules and precepts with a view to put under a
better regulation the lives and manners of the
monastic orders.
Histoire de la Vie et du Culte de S. Bonaventure, par un Re-
ligieux Cordelier, a Lyon, 1747, in 8vo.
(h) See the Gallia Christiana, published by the Benedic-
tines, torn. vii. p. 95.
(i) The learned Anthony Wood has given an ample ac-
count of Robert Capito, in his Antiquitat. Oxoniens. torn. i.
p. 81. 105.
gjg'3 (k) We are surprised to find Roger Bacon thrust here
into a crowd of vulgar literati, since that great man, whose
astonishing genius and universal learning have already been
taken notice of, was, in every respect, superior to Albert
and Bonaventura, two of the heroes of Dr. Mosheim's trium-
virate.
Ifgp2' (1) Hugo de St. Caro, or St. Cher, composed also a
very learned collection of the various readings of the He-
brew, Greek, and Latin manuscripts of the Bible. This work,
which he entitled Correctorium Bibliae, is preserved in ma-
nuscript in the Sorbonne library. We must not forget to
observe also, that his Concordance is the first that ever was
compiled.
CHAP. ur. The Doctrine of the Church.
Guilielmus Peraldus arose in this century to CENT.
the highest degree of literary renown, in conse- „ XIII>
r c ii_ LI- i J J PART "•
quence of a system of morals he published under
the title of Summa Virtutem et Vitiorum (m).
Raymond Martin yet survives the oblivion that
has covered many of his cotemporaries ; and his
Pugio Fidei, or Sword of Faith, which he drew
against the Jews and Saracens, has escaped the
ruins of time.
John of Paris deserves an eminent rank among
the glorious defenders of truth, liberty, and jus-
tice ; since he maintained the authority of the
civil powers, and the majesty of kings and princes,
against the ambitious stratagems and usurpations
of the Roman pontiffs, and declared openly his
opposition to the opinion that was commonly
adopted with respect to the sacrament of the
Lord's supper, and the presence of Christ in that
holy ordinance (n).
CHAPTER III.
Concerning the Doctrine of the Christian Church ,
during this Century.
I. HOWEVER numerous and deplorable the cor- The gene-
ruptions and superstitious abuses were, that had
hitherto reigned in the church, and deformed
the beautiful simplicity of the gospel, they were
nevertheless increased in this century, instead
of being reformed, and the religion of Christ
(m) See Colonia, Histoire Litteraire de la Ville de Lyon,
torn. ii. p. 322.
(n) We may learn his opinion concerning the eucharist
from his treatise, entitled, Determinatio de S. Ccena, and
published in Svo. at London, by the learned Dr. Alix, in the
year 1686. — See also Echardi Scriptor. Dominican, torn. i. p.
501 — Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenionens. torn. i. p. 4.576,
577.
VOL. III. R
PART
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, continued to suffer under the growing tyranny
T n of fanaticism and superstition. The progress of
reason and truth was retarded among the Greeks
and Orientals, by their immoderate aversion to
the Latins, their blind admiration of whatever
bore the stamp of antiquity, the indolence of
their bishops, the stupidity of their clergy, and
the calamities of the times. Among the Latins,
many concurring causes united to augment the
darkness of that cloud that had already been
cast over the divine lustre of genuine Christianity.
On the one hand, the Roman pontiffs could
not bear the thoughts of any thing that might
have the remotest tendency to diminish their
authority, or to encroach upon their prerogatives;
and therefore they laboured assiduously to keep
the multitude in the dark, and to blast every
attempt that was made towards a reformation in
the doctrine or discipline of the church. On
the other hand, the school divines, among whom
the Dominican and Franciscan monks made the
greatest figure on account of their unintelligible
jargon and subtilty, shed perplexity and darkness
over the plain truths of religion by their intricate
distinctions and endless divisions, and by that
cavilling, quibbling, disputatious spirit, that is the
mortal enemy both of truth and virtue. It is
true, that these scholastic doctors were not all
equally chargeable with corrupting the truth ;
the most enormous and criminal corrupters of
Christianity were those who led the multitude
into the two following abominable errors ; that it
was in the power of man to perform, if he pleased,
a more perfect obedience than God required ; and
that the whole of religion consisted in an trxterrrn!
air of gravity, and in certain composed bodily
gestures.
II. It will be easy to confirm this general ac-
count of the state of religion by particular facts.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church 24$
In the fourth council of the Lateran that was held CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
by Innocent III. in the year 1215, and at which
a prodigious number of ecclesiastics were assem-
bled (o), that imperious pontiff, without deign- New arti-
i V T_ 'i P cles of faith
mg to consult any body, published no less than imposed by
seventy laws or decrees, by which not only the J™ocent
authority of the popes arid the power of the
clergy were confirmed and extended, but also
new doctrines, or articles of faith, were imposed
upon Christians. Hitherto the opinions of the
Christian doctors, concerning the manner in
which the body and blood of Christ were pre-
sent in the eucharist, were extremely different;
nor had the church determined, by any clear and
positive decree, the sentiment that was to be
embraced in relation to that important matter.
It was reserved for Innocent to put an end to
the liberty, which every Christian had hitherto
enjoyed, of interpreting this presence in the man-
ner he thought most agreeable to the declarations
of scripture, and to decide in favour of the most
monstrous doctrine that the frenzy of superstition
was capable of inventing. This audacious pontiff
pronounced the opinion, that is embraced at this
day in the church of Rome relating to that point,
to be the only true and orthodox account of the
matter ; and he had the honour of introducing
and establishing the use of the term Transubstan-
tiation, which was hitherto absolutely unknown Q?).
The same pontiff placed, by his own autho-
rity, among the duties prescribed by the divine
laws, that of auricular confession to a priest ;
a confession that implied not only a general
acknowledgment, but also a particular enumera-
tion of the sins and follies of the penitent. Before
(o) At this council there were present 4? 12 bishops,
800 abbots and priors, besides the ambassadors of almost all
the Europeanprinces.
(p) See Edm. Albertinus, De Eucharistia, lib. iii.p. 972.
244- The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. this period several doctors, indeed, looked upon
PART ii. this kind of confession as a duty inculcated by
divine authority ; but this opinion was not pub-
licly received as the doctrine of the church. For
though the confession of sins was justly looked
upon as an essential duty, yet it was left to every
Christian's choice to make this confession men-
tally to the Supreme Being, or to express it in
words to a spiritual confident and director (</).
These two laws, which, by the authority of Inno-
cent, were received as laws of God, and adopted,
of consequence, as laws of the church, occasioned
a multitude of new injunctions and rites, of
which not even the smallest traces are to be found
in the sacred writings, or in the apostolic and pri-
mitive ages ; and which were much more adapted
to establish and extend the reign of superstition
than to open the eyes of the blinded multitude
upon the enormous abuses of which it had been
the source.
The sect of jjj There is nothing that will contribute more
the Flagel- . & . «..,..,.
or to convince us of the miserable state of religion
jn tnjs century, and of the frenzy that almost
generally prevailed in the devotion of these un-
happy times, than the rise of the sect called
Flagellantes, or Whippers, which sprung up in
Italy in the year 1260, and was propagated
from thence through almost all the countries of
Europe. The societies that embraced this new
discipline presented the most hideous and shock-
ing spectacle that can well be conceived ; they
ran in multitudes, composed of persons of both
sexes, and of all ranks and ages, through the
public places of the most populous cities, and also
through the fields and deserts, with whips in their
hands, lashing their naked bodies with the most
astonishing severity, filling the air with their wild
(q) See the book of the learned Daille, Concerning Auri-
cular Confession.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church.
shrieks, and beholding the firmament with an air CENT.
of distraction, ferocity, and horror; and all this
with a view to obtain the divine mercy for them-
selves and others, by their voluntary mortification
and penance (r). This method of appeasing the
Deity was perfectly conformable to the notions
concerning religion that generally prevailed in this
century ; nor did these fanatical Whippers do any
thing more, in this extravagant discipline, than
practise the lessons they had received from the
monks, especially from those of the Mendicant
orders. Hence they attracted the esteem and
veneration, not only of the populace, but also of
their rulers, and were honoured and revered by
all ranks and orders, on account of their extra-
ordinary sanctity and virtue. Their sect, how-
ever, did not continue always in the same high
degree of credit and reputation ; for though the
primitive Whippers were exemplary in point of
morals, yet their societies were augmented, as
might naturally be expected, by a turbulent and
furious rabble, many of whom were infected with
the most ridiculous and impious opinions. Hence
both the emperors and pontiffs thought proper to
put an end to this religious frenzy, by declaring
all devout whipping contrary to the divine law,
and prejudicial to the soul's eternal interests.
IV. The Christian interpreters and commen- The
tators of this century differ very little from those '
of the preceding times. The greatest part ofandex-
them pretended to draw from the depths of truth jJJS^1
or rather of their imaginations) what they called little alter-
e internal juice and marrow of the scriptures, century.1"
(r) Christ. Schotgenii Historic Flagellantium. — Jaques
Boileau, Histoire des Flagellans, chap. ix. p. 253. We have
also alively picture of this fanatical discipline of the Whippers
exhibited in Martene's Voyage Litteraire de deux Benedic-
tins, tom.ii. p. 105. with which the reader may compare Mu-
ratori Antiq. Ital. Medii .^Evi, torn. vi. p. 469.
246 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. i. e. their hidden and mysterious sense ; and this
XIIL they did with so little dexterity, so little plausi-
"P.ARTII»_».|» 1* • T 1 /* 1 • 1 •
bility and invention, that the most of their expli-
cations must appear insipid and nauseous to such
as are not entirely destitute of judgment and
taste. If our readers be desirous of a proof of
the justice of this censure, or curious to try the
extent of their patience, they have only to peruse
the explications that have been given by arch-
bishop Langton, Hugh de St. Cher, and An-
tony of Padua, of the various books of the Old
and New Testament. The Mystic doctors carried
this visionary method of interpreting scripture to
the greatest height, and displayed the most labo-
rious industry, or rather the most egregious folly,
in searching for mysteries, where reason and com-
mon sense could find nothing but plain and evi-
dent truths. They were too penetrating and
quick-sighted not to perceive clearly in the holy
scriptures all those doctrines that were agreeable to
their idle and fantastic system. Nor were their
adversaries, the schoolmen, entirely averse to this
arbitrary and fanciful manner of interpretation ;
though their principal industry was employed
rather in collecting the explications given by the
ancient doctors than in inventing new ones, as
appears from the writings of Alexander Hales,
Guilielmus Alvernus, and Thomas Aquinas him-
self. We must not, however, omit observing,
that the scholastic doctors in general, and more
especially these now mentioned, had recourse
often to the subtilties of logic and metaphysic,
to assist them in their explications of the sacred
writings. To facilitate the study and inter-
pretation of these divine books, Hugh de St.
Cher composed his Concordance (s), and the Do-
minicans, under the eye of their supreme chief,
/•») Echardi Scriptor. Ord. Prapdicator. torn, i, p. 194-.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 247
the learned Jordan, gave a new edition of the CENT.
Latin translation of the Bible, carefully revised
and corrected from the ancient copies (f). The
Greeks contributed nothing that deserves atten-
tion towards the illustration of the Holy Scrip-
tures ; the greatest part of which were expounded
with great learning by Gregory Abulpharaius, that
celebrated Syrian, whose erudition was famous
throughout all the east, and whom we have already
had occasion to mention in the course of this
history (u).
V. Systems of theology and morals were mul- The state
tiplied exceedingly in this century ; and the
number of those writers, who treated of the logy.
divine perfections and worship, and of the prac-
tical rules of virtue and obedience, is too great to
permit our mentioning them particularly. All
such as were endowed with any considerable
degree of genius and eloquence employed their
labours upon these noble branches of sacred
science, more especially the academical and public
teachers, among whom the Dominicans and Fran-
ciscans held the most eminent rank. It is,
indeed, neither necessary to mention the names,
nor to enumerate the productions of these doctors,
since whoever is acquainted with the characters
and writings of Albert the Great, and Thomas
Aquinas, will know every thing that is worthy
of note in the rest, who were no more than their
echos. The latter of these two truly great men,
who is commonly called the Angel of the Schools,
or the Angelic Doctor, sat unrivalled at the head
of the divines of this century, and deservedly
obtained the principal place among those who
digested the doctrines of Christianity into a regular
(t) Rich. Simon, Critique de la Bibliotheque des Auteurs
Eccles. par M. Du Pin.
(u) Jos. Sim. Assemanni Biblioth. Orient. Vatican, torn. ii.
p. 277.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, system, and illustrated and explained them in a
rS/it sci611^0 manner. For no sooner had his system,
or sum of theology and morals, seen the light,
than it was received universally with the highest
applause, placed in the same rank with the
famous Book of Sentences of Peter Lombard,
and admitted as the standard of truth, and
the great rule according to which the public
teachers formed their plans of instruction, and
the youth their method of study. Certain writers,
indeed, have denied that Thomas was the author
of the celebrated system that bears his name (w) ;
but the reasons they allege in support of this
notion are utterly destitute of evidence and soli-
dity (V).
The scho- VI. The greatest part of these doctors followed
tors°forC" Aristotle as their model, and made use of the
the most logical and metaphysical principles of that subtile
philosopher, in illustrating the doctrines of Chris-
tianity, and removing the difficulties with which
some of them were attended. In their philoso-
phical explications of the more sublime truths of
that divine religion they followed the hypothesis
of the Realists, which sect, in this century, was
much more numerous and flourishing than that
of the Nominalists, on account of the lustre and
credit it derived from the authority of Thomas
Aquinas and Albert, its learned and venerable
patrons. Yet, notwithstanding all the subtilty and
(w) See Jo. Launoii Traditio Ecclesise circa Simoniam, p.
290.
(,r) See Natalis Alexander, Histor. Eccles. Saec. xiii.p. 391.
— Echard and Quetif, Scriptor. Ordin. Pnedicator. Ssec. xiii.
torn. i. p. 293. — Ant. Touron, Vie de St. Thomas, p. 60*.
Ijl^p13 * In the original we find Positivi in the margin, which
is manifestly a fault; since the Positivi were quite opposite,
in their method of teaching, to the schoolmen, and were the
same with Bihlici mentioned in the following section. cee
above, Cent. XII. Part II. Ch. III. sect. VIII.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 249
penetration of these irrefragable, seraphic, and CENT.
angelic doctors, as they were commonly styled, they XIIL
often appeared wiser in their own conceit than __£_
they were in reality, and frequently did little
more than involve in greater obscurity the doc-
trines which they pretended to place in the clearest
light. For, not to mention the ridiculous oddity
of many of their expressions, the hideous bar-
barity of their style, and their extravagant and
presumptuous desire of prying into matters that
infinitely surpass the comprehension of short-
sighted mortals, they were chargeable with defects
in their manner of reasoning, which every true
philosopher will, of all others, be most careful to
avoid. For they neither defined their terms
accurately, and hence arose innumerable disputes
merely about words ; nor did they divide their
subject with perspicuity and precision, and hence
they generally treated it in a confused and un-
satisfactory manner. The great Angelic Doctor
himself, notwithstanding his boasted method, was
defective in these respects ; his definitions are
often vague, or obscure, and his plans or divisions,
though full of art, are frequently destitute of
clearness and proportion.
VII. The method of investigating divine truth The num-
by reason and philosophy prevailed so universally, b^r°gf ™m~
and was followed with such ardour, that the Bibiicists »,
number of those, who, in conformity with the
example of the ancient doctors, drew their systems
of theology from the holy scriptures and the
[gp23 * In the margin of the original, instead of Bibiicists,
which we find in the text, Dr. Mosheim has wrote Sententia-
rii, which is undoubtedly an oversight. The Sententiarii, or
followers of Peter Lombard, who is considered as the father
of the scholastic philosophy, are to be placed in the same
class with the philosophical divines, mentioned in the pre-
ceding section, and were quite opposite to the Biblici, both
in their manner of thinking and teaching. See above, Cent.
XII. Part II. chap. III. sect. VIII.
250 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, writings of the fathers, and who acquired on that
PART ii, account the name of Biblicists, diminished from
. day to day. It is true, indeed, that several per-
sons of eminent piety (?/), and even some of the
Roman pontiffs (2), exhorted with great serious-
ness and warmth the scholastic divines, and more
especially those of the university of Paris, to
change their method of teaching theology, and,
laying aside their philosophical abstraction and
subtilty, to deduce the sublime science of salva-
tion from the holy scriptures with that purity and
simplicity with which it was there delivered by
the inspired writers. But these admonitions and
exhortations were without effect ; the evil was
become too inveterate to admit of a remedy, and
the passion for logic and metaphysic was grown
so universal and so violent, that neither remon-
strances nor arguments could check its presump-
tion, or allay its ardour. In justice however to
the scholastic doctors, it is necessary to observe,
that they did not neglect the dictates of the go-
spel, nor the authority of tradition ; though what
they drew from these two sources proves suffi-
ciently that they had studied neither with much
attention or application of mind (#). And it is
moreover certain, that, in process of time, they
(y) See Du Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 9. 129.
180. — Ant. Wood, Antiq. Oxoniens. torn. i. p. 91, 92. 94.
(z) See the famous epistle of Gregory IX. to the professors
in the university of Paris, published in Du Boulay's Histor.
Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 129. The pontiff concludes that
remarkable epistle with the following words : " Mandamus et
stricte praecipimus, quatenus sine fermento mundane scientise,
doceatis Theologicam puritatem non adulterantes verbum
Dei Philosophorum figmentis...sed content! terminis a patri-
bus institutis mentes auditorum vestrorum fructu coelestis
eloquii saginetis, ut hauriant a fontibus salvatoris.
(a) Faydit, Alteration du Dogme Theologique par la Phi-
losophic d'Aristote, p. 289. — Richard Simon, Critique de la
Bibliotheque des Auteurs Eccles. par M. Du Pin, torn. i. p.
170.187.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 251
committed to others the care of consulting the CENT.
sources now mentioned, and reserved to them-
selves the much respected province of philosophy,
and the intricate mazes of dialectical chicane.
And, indeed, independent of their philosophical
vanity, we may assign another reason for this
method of proceeding, drawn from the nature of
their profession, and the circumstances in which
they were placed. For the greatest part of these
subtile doctors were Dominican or Franciscan
friars ; and as the monks of these orders had no
possessions, not even libraries, and led, besides,
wandering and itinerant lives, such of them as
were ambitious of literary fame, and of the honours
of authorship, were, for the most part, obliged
to draw their materials from their own genius and
memory, being destitute of all other succours.
VIII. The opinions which these philosophical Much op-
divines instilled into the minds of the youth ap- f™^™ the
t
peared to the votaries of the ancient fathers highly scholastic
dangerous and even pernicious ; and hence they doctors-
used their utmost efforts to stop the progress of
these opinions, and to diminish the credit and in-
fluence of their authors. Nor was their oppo-
sition at all ill-grounded ; for the subtile doctors
of the school not only explained the mysteries of
religion in a manner conformable to the prin-
ciples of their presumptuous logic, and modified
them according to the dictates of their imperfect
reason, but also propagated the most impious
sentiments and tenets concerning the Supreme
Being, the material world, the origin of the uni-
verse, and the nature of the soul. And when it
was objected to these sentiments and tenets, that
they were in direct contradiction to the genius of
Christianity, and to the express doctrines of scrip-
ture, these scholastic quibblers had recourse, for
a reply, or rather for a method of escape, to
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, that perfidious distinction, which has been fre-
PART ii. quently employed by modern deists, that these
- tenets were philosophically true, and conformable
to right reason, but that they were, indeed, theo-
logically false, and contrary to the orthodox faith.
This kindled an open war between the Biblicists,
or Bible-divines, and the scholastic doctors, which
was carried on with great warmth throughout the
whole course of this century, particularly in the
universities of Oxford and Paris, where we find
the former loading the latter with the heaviest
reproaches in their public acts and in their po-
lemic writings, and accusing them of corrupting
the doctrines of the gospel, both in their public
lessons, and in their private discourse (&). Even
St. Thomas himself was accused of holding opi-
nions contrary to the truth ; his orthodoxy, at
least, was looked upon as extremely dubious by
many of the Parisian doctors (c). He accordingly
saw a formidable scene of opposition arising
against him, but had the good fortune to conjure
the storm, and to escape untouched. Others,
whose authority was less extensive, and their
names less respectable, were treated with more
severity. The living were obliged to confess
publicly their errors ; and the dead, who had per-
severed in them to the last, had their memories
branded with infamy.
The My- IX. But the most formidable adversaries the
sties oppose scholastic doctors had to encounter were the My-
the school- . , .. ,. 11111
men. sties, who, rejecting every thing that had the least
resemblance of argumentation or dispute about
(b) See Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 541. — Boulay,
Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iii. p. 397. 430. 433. 472, &c.
(c) See Jo. Launoii Histor. Gymnas. Navarreni, part III.
lib. iii. cap. cxvi. torn. iv. opp part I. p. 485. — Boulay, Hi-
stor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 204. — Petri Zornii Opuscula Sa-
cra, torn. i. p. 445. — R. Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. ii. p.
266. — Echardi Scriptor. Ordin. Praedicator. torn. i. p. 435.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 253
matters of doctrine and opinion, confined their CENT.
endeavours to the advancement of inward piety, XIIL
and the propagation of devout and tender feelings, Jj^_!lL
and thus acquired the highest degree of popu-
larity. The people, who are much more affected
with what touches their passions than with what
is only addressed to their reason, were attached
to the Mystics in the warmest manner; and this
gave such weight to the reproaches and invectives
which they threw out against the schoolmen, that
the latter thought it more prudent to disarm
these favourites of the multitude by mild and sub-
missive measures, than to return their reproaches
with indignation and bitterness. They accord-
ingly set themselves to flatter the Mystics, and
not only extolled their sentimental system, but
employed their pens in illustrating and defending
it ; nay, they associated it with the scholastic phi-
losophy, though they were as different from each
other as any two things could possibly be. It is
well known that Bonaventura, Albert the Great,
Robert Capito, and Thomas Aquinas contri-
buted to this reconciliation between Mysticism
and Dialectics by their learned labours, and even
went so far as to write commentaries upon Dio-
nysius, the chief of the Mystics, whom these
subtile doctors probably looked upon with a secret
contempt.
X. Both the schoolmen and Mystics of this The state
century treated, in their writings, of the obliga- of Christian
tions of morality, the duties of the Christian life, m
and of the means that were most adapted to pre-
serve or deliver the soul from the servitude and
contagion of vice -, but their methods of handling
these important subjects were, as may be easily
conceived, entirely different. We may form an
idea of mystical morality from the Observations of
George Pachymeres, upon the writings of Diony-
sius, and from the Spiritual Institutes, or Abridg-
CXIIL"
PART ii.
The Internal History of the Church*
ment of Mystic Theology, composed by Humbert
de Romanis, of which productions the first was
written in Greek, and the second in Latin. As
to the scholastic moralists, they were principally
employed in defining the nature of virtue and
vice in general, and the characters of the various
virtues and vices in particular ; and hence the
prodigious number of sums, or systematical col-
lections of virtues and vices, that appeared in
this century. The schoolmen divided the virtues
into two classes. The first comprehended the
moral virtues, which differ, in no respect, from
those which Aristotle recommended to his dis-
ciples. The second contained the theological
virtues, which, in consequence of what St. Paul
says, 1 Corinth, xiii. 13. they made to consist in
Faith, Hope, and Charity. In explaining and
illustrating the nature of the virtues, comprehended
in these two classes, they seemed rather to have
in view the pleasure of disputing, than the design
of instructing ; and they exhausted all their sub-
tilty in resolving difficulties which were of their
own creation. Thomas Aquinas shone forth as a
star of the first magnitude, though, like the others,
he was often covered with impenetrable fogs.
The second part of his famous sum was wholly
employed in laying down the principles of mo-
rality, and in deducing and illustrating the various
duties that result from them ; and this part of his
learned labours has had the honour and misfor-
tune of passing through the hands of a truly pro-
digious number of commentators.
XL It is absolutely necessary to observe here,
that the moral writers of this and the following
centuries must be read with the utmost caution ;
and with a perpetual attention to this circum-
tbis century. stance, that, though they employ the same terms
that we find in the sacred writings, yet they use
them in a quite different sense from that which
An impor-
the manner
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 255
they bear in these divine books. They speak of CENT.
justice, charity, faith, and holiness ; but as these p™^t
virtues are illustrated by these quibbling sophists, 1
they differ much from the amiable and sublime
duties which Christ and his disciples have incul-
cated under the same denominations. A single
example will be sufficient to render this evident
beyond contradiction. A pious and holy man,
according to the sense annexed by our Saviour to
these terms, is one, who consecrates his affections
and actions to the service of the Supreme Being,
and accounts it his highest honour and felicity,
as well as his indispensable duty, to obey his
laws. But, in the style of the moral writers of
this age, he was a pious and holy man, who de-
prived himself of his possessions to enrich the
priesthood, to build churches, and found mona-
steries, and whose faith and obedience were so im-
plicitly enslaved to the imperious dictates of the
Roman pontiffs, that he believed and acted with-
out examination, as these lordly directors thought
proper to prescribe. Nor were the ideas which
these writers entertained concerning justice at all
conformable to the nature of that virtue, as it is
described in the holy scriptures, since in their
opinion it was lawful to injure, revile, torment,
persecute, and even to put to death, a heretic,
i. e. any person who refused to obey blindly the
decrees of the pontiffs, or to believe all the absur-
dities which they imposed upon the credulity of
the multitude.
XII. The writers of controversy in this century The state of
were more numerous than respectable. Nicetas polemic or
Acominatus, who made a considerable figure siTthJo-'
among the Greeks, attacked all the different10^-
sects in his work entitled, The Treasure of the
Orthodox Faith ; but he combated after the Gre-
cian manner, and defended the cause he under-
took to maintain rather by the decrees of councils,
256 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and the decisions of the fathers, than by the dic-
PART1!! tates °^ reason» and tne authority of scripture.
Raymond of Pennafort was one of the first among
the Latins who abandoned the unchristian me-
thod of converting infidels by the force of arms
and the terrors of capital punishments, and who
undertook to vanquish the Jews and Saracens by
reason and argument (</). This engaged in the
same controversy a considerable number of able
disputants, who were acquainted with the Hebrew
and Arabic languages ; among whom Raymond
Martin, the celebrated author of the Sword of
Faith (V), is unquestionably entitled to the first
rank. Thomas Aquinas also appeared with dig-
nity among the Christian champions ; and his
book against the Gentiles (f) is far from being
contemptible : nor ought we to omit mentioning
a learned book of Alan de PIsle, which was de-
signed to refute the objections of both Jews and
Pagans («*). The writers, who handled other
more particular branches of theological contro-
versy, were far inferior to these now mentioned in
genius and abilities ; and tKeir works seemed less
calculated to promote the truth than to render
their adversaries odious.
Thecontro- XIII. The grand controversy between the
hveenbthe Greek and Latin church was still carried on ;
Greeks and and all the efforts that were made, during this
tinned C0 *~ century, to bring it to a conclusion, one wray or
another, proved ineffectual. Gregory IX. employed
the ministry of the Franciscan monks to bring
about an accommodation with the Greeks, and
(d) Echard et Quetif in Scriptoribus Ordinis Prsedicator.
torn. 1. sect. xiii. p. 106.
(e) Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Martini. — Pauli
Colomesii Hispania Orient, p. 209.
(f) Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Delect. Argumentorum et Scrip-
tor, pro veritate Relig. Christian, p. 270.
(g) Liber contra Judseos et Paganos.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 257
pursued with zeal this laudable purpose from the SS??""
year 1232, to the end of his pontificate, but with- PA"RT 'IL
out the least appearance of success (Ji). Inno
cent IV. embarked in the same undertaking, in
the year 1247, and sent John of Parma, with
other Franciscan friars, to Nice for the same
purpose ; while the Grecian pontiff came in person
to Rome, and was declared legate of the Apo-
stolic see (z). But these previous acts of mutual
civility and respect, which could not but excite
the hopes of such as longed for the conclusion of
these unhappy discords, did not terminate in the
reconciliation that was expected. New incidents
arose to blast the influence of these salutary mea-
sures, and the flame of dissension recovered new
vigour. Under the pontificate of Urban IV. the
aspect of things changed for the better, and the
negotiations for peace were renewed with such
success, as promised a speedy conclusion of these
unhappy divisions. For Michael Palaeologus had
no sooner driven the Latins out of Constantinople,
than he sent ambassadors to Rome to declare his
pacific intentions, that thus he might establish
his disputed dominion, and gain over the Roman
pontiff to his side (&). But during the course of
these negotiations, Urban* s death left matters
unfinished, and suspended, once more, the hopes
and expectations of the public. Under the pon-
tificate of Gregory X. proposals of peace were
again made by the same emperor, who, after much
opposition from his own clergy, sent ambassa-
dors to the council that was assembled at Lyons
(h) See Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. ii. p. 279. 296. &
" ird Scriptor. Ordin. Praedicator. toni. i. p. 103. 911. —
Add to these Matth. Paris, Histor. Major, p. 386.
(«) See Baluzii Miscellan. torn. vii. p. 370. 388. 393. 397.
497, 498. — Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iii. and iv. p. 37.
(k) Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 181. 201. 223.
269. 303.
VOL. in. s
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, in the year 1274 (/)> and there, with the solemn
consent of John Veccus, patriarch of Constanti-
nople, and several Greek bishops, publicly agreed
to the terms of accommodation proposed by the
Roman pontiff (ni). This re-union, however, was
not durable ; for the situation of affairs in Greece
and Italy being changed some years after this
convention, and that in such a manner as to
deliver the former from all apprehensions of a
Latin invasion, Andronicus, the son of Michael,
assembled a council at Constantinople, in the
palace of Blachernae, A. D. 1284, in which, by a
solemn decree, this ignominious treaty was de-
clared entirely null, and the famous Veccus, by
whose persuasion and authority it had been con-
cluded, was sent into exile (11). This resolute
measure, as may well be imagined, rendered the
divisions more violent than they had been before
the treaty now mentioned ; and it was also fol-
lowed by an open schism, and by the most un-
happy discords among the Grecian clergy.
(/) See Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 343. 371 . torn.
v. p. 9. 29. 62.— Colonia, Hist. Litter, de la Ville de Lyon,
torn. ii. p. 284.
HfejjF (m) Joseph, and not Veccus, was patriarch of Con-
stantinople, when this treaty was concluded. The former
had bound himself by a solemn oath never to consent to a
reconciliation between the Greek and Latin churches ; for
which reason the emperor, when he sent his ambassadors to
Lyons, proposed to Joseph the following alternative '. that,
if they succeeded in bringing about an accommodation, he
should renounce his patriarchal dignity ; but, if they failed
in their attempt, he was to remain patriarch, advising him,
at the same time, to retire to a convent, until the matter was
decided. The ambassador succeeded, Joseph was deposed,
and Veccus elected in his place ; when, and not before, this
latter ratified the treaty in question by his solemn consent,
to the ignominious article of supremacy and pre-eminence,
which it confirmed to the Roman pontiff.
(ri) Leo Allatiusde perpetua ConsensioneEccIes. Orient.
et Occident, lib. ii. c. xv. xvi. p. 727.— Fred. Spanheim de
perpet. Dissensione Grsecor. et Latin, torn. ii. opp. p. 488,
&c.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church.
'sies of a <
XIII.
XIV. We pass over several controversies of a CENT.
more private kind, and of inferior moment, which r
"A K F 1 1 •
have nothing in their nature or circumstances that
deserves the attention of the curious ; but we The dis-
rnust not forget to observe that the grand dispute Jernfng "iie
concerning the eucharist wTas still continued in presence of
this century, not only in France, but also in several body in -Uw
other places. For though Innocent III. had, in
the council held at the Lateran, in the year 1215,
presumptuously taken upon him to place Transub-
stantiation among the avowed doctrines of the
Latin church, yet the authority of this decree was
called in question by many, and several divines
had the courage to maintain the probability of the
opinions that were opposed to that monstrous
doctrine. Those who, adopting the sentiments
of Berenger, considered the bread and wine in no
other light than as signs or symbols of the body
and blood of Christ, did not venture either to
defend or profess this opinion in a public manner.
Many, also, thought it sufficient to acknowledge,
what was termed a real presence, though they
explained the manner of this presence quite other-
wise than the doctrine of Innocent had defined
it (o). Among these, John, surnamed Pungens
Asinus, a subtile doctor of the university of Paris,
acquired an eminent and distinguished name, and,
without incurring the censure of his superiors,
substituted Consubstantiation in the place of
Transubstantiation towards the conclusion of this
century
(o) Pet. Allix. Praef. ad F. Johannis Determinat. de Sa-
cramento Aitaris, published at London in 8vo, in the year
1686.
(p) The book of this celebrated doctor was published by
the learned Allix abovementioned. See Baluzli Vitae Pontif.
Avenion. torn. i. p. 576. — Dacherii Spicileg. Veter. Scriptor.
torn. iii. p. 58.— Echardi Scrintores Dominican?, torn. i. p.
561.
260 The Internal History of the Church.
CHAPTER IV.
Concerning the Rites and Ceremonies used in the
Church during this Century.
CENT. I. IT would be endless to enumerate the ad-
XIIL ditions that were made in this century to the ex-
PART II. rt T • i • •
ternal part of divine worship, in order to increase
Bites mui- its pomp and render* it more striking. These ad-
llphed' ditions were owing partly to the public edicts of
the Roman pontiffs, and partly to the private in-
junctions of the Sacerdotal and Monastic orders,
who shared the veneration which was excited in
the multitude by the splendor and magnificence
of this religious spectacle. Instead of mentioning
these additions, we shall only observe in general,
that religion was now become a sort of a raree-
show in the hands of the rulers of the church,
who, to render its impressions more deep and
lasting, thought proper to exhibit it in a striking
manner to the external senses. For this purpose,
at certain stated times, and especially upon the
more illustrious festivals, the miraculous dispensa-
tions of the divine wisdom in favour of the church,
and the more remarkable events in the Christian
history, were represented under certain allegorical
figures and images, or rather in a kind of mimic
show (</). But these scenic representations, in
which there was a motley mixture of mirth and
gravity, these tragi-comical spectacles, though they
amused and affected in a certain manner the gaz-
ing populace, were highly detrimental, instead of
being useful, to the cause of religion ; they de-
graded its dignity, and furnished abundant matter
of laughter to its enemies.
(fj) It is probable enough, that this licentious custom of
exhibiting mimic representations of religious objects, de-
rived its origin from the Mendicant friars.^
CHAP. iv. Rites and Ceremonies.
II. It will not appear surprising that the bread, CENT.
consecrated in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper,
became the object of religious worship ; for this
was the natural consequence of the monstrous ?he rites
doctrine of Transubstantiation. But the effects ^relation
of that impious and ridiculous doctrine did not
end here ; it produced all that train of ceremonies
and institutions that are still used in the church
of Rome, in honour of that deified bread, as they
blasphemously call it. Hence those rich and
splendid receptacles, that were formed for the
residence of God under this new shape (r), and
the lamps and other precious ornaments that* were
designed to beautify this habitation of the Deity.
And hence the custom that still prevails of carry-
ing about this divine bread in solemn pomp through
the public streets, when it is to be administered
to sick or dying persons, with many other cere-
monies of a like nature, which are dishonourable
to religion, and opprobrious to humanity. But that
which gave the finishing touch to this heap of ab-
surdities, and displayed superstition in its highest
extravagance, was the institution of the celebrated
annual Festival of the Holy Sacrament, or, as it
is sometimes called, of the body of Christ, whose
origin was as follows : a certain devout woman,
whose name was Juliana, and who lived at Liege,
declared that she had received a revelation from
Ifgp0 (r) This blasphemous language, which Dr. Mosheim
is obliged to use in representing the absurdities of the doc-
trine of Transubstantiation, is nothing in comparison with
the impious figures that were made use of by the abettors of
that monstrous tenet to accommodate it, in some measure, to
the capacities of the multitude. We need not wonder, that
the pagans metamorphosed their Jupiter into a bull, a swan,
and other such figures., when we see the rulers of the Chris-
tian church transforming the Son of God into a piece of
bread ; a transformation so vile, and, even were it not vile,
so useless, that it is inconceivable how it could enter into
the head of any mortal, and equally so, how the bishops of
Rome could confide so far in the credulity of the people, as
to risk their authority by propagating such a doctrine.
PAR
262 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, heaven, intimating to her, that it was the will
XIIL of God, that a peculiar festival should be an-
TI' nually observed in honour of the holy sacrament,
or rather of the real presence of Christ's body in
that sacred institution. Few gave attention or
credit to this pretended vision, whose circum-
stances were extremely equivocal and absurd (s),
and which would have come to nothing, had it
not been supported by Robert, bishop of Liege,
who, in the year 1246, published an order for the
celebration of this festival throughout the whole
province, notwithstanding the opposition which
he knew would be made to a proposal founded
only on an idle dream. After the death of Ju-
liana, one of her friends and companions, whose
name was Eve, took up her cause with uncom-
mon zeal, and had credit enough with Urban
IV. to engage him to publish, in the year 1264,
a solemn edict, by which the festival in question
was imposed upon all the Christian churches
without exception. This edict, however, did not
produce its full and proper effect, on account of
the death of the pontiff, which happened soon
after its publication ; so that the festival under
consideration was not celebrated universally
throughout the Latin churches before the pon-
tificate of Clement V. (7), who, in the council,
held at Vienne in France, in the year 1311, con-
(*) This fanatical woman declared, that as often as
she addressed herself to God, or to the saints in prayer, she
saw the full rnoon with a small defect or breach in it ; and
that, having long studied to find out the signification of this
strange appearance, she was inwardly informed by the Spirit,
that the moon signified the church, and that the defect or
breach was the want of an annual festival in honour of the
holy sacrament.
(t) See Barthol. Fisen. Origo prima Fest.i Corporis Christi
ex Viso Sanctae Virgini Julianas oblate, published in 8vo. at
Liege, in the year 1 61 9. — Dallaeus, De Cultus Religiosi Object.
p. 287- — Acta Sanctor. April, torn. i. p. 437. 903. — And
above all Benedict. Pont, Max. de Festis Christi ct Mariae,
Jib. i. c. xiii. p. 36'0. torn. x. 6pp.
CHAP. iv. Rites and Ceremonies.
firmed the edict of Urban, and thus, in spite of CENT.
all opposition, established a festival, which con-
tributed more to render the doctrine of transub-
stantiation agreeable to the people, than the de-
cree of the council of the Lateran under Inno-
cent III. or than all the exhortations of his lordly
successors.
III. About the conclusion of this century, Bo- The year of
niface VIII. added to the public rites and cere- iudaeedeto
monies of the church, the famous jubilee, which the rites of
is still celebrated at Rome, at a stated period, th
with the utmost profusion of pomp and magni-
ficence. In the year 1299, a rumour was spread
abroad among the inhabitants of that city, that
all such as visited, within the limits of the fol-
lowing year, the church of St. Peter, should ob-
tain the remission of all their sins, and that
this privilege was to be annexed to the perform-
ance of the same service once every hundred
years. Boniface no sooner heard of this than
he ordered strict inquiry to be made concerning
the author and the foundation of this report, and
the result of this inquiry was answerable to his
views ; for he was assured, by many testimonies
worthy of credit (u\ (say the Roman-catholic
I|§|f (u) These testimonies worthy of credit have never
been produced by the Romish writers, unless we rank in that
class, that of an old man, who had completed his 107th year,
and who, being brought before Boniface VIII. declared, (if
we may believe the Abbe Fleury) that his father, who was a
common labourer, had assisted at the celebration of a jubilee,
a hundred years before that time. See Fleury, Hist. Ec-
cles. towards the end of the twelfth century. — It is, however,
a very unaccountable thing, if the institution of the jubilee
year was not the invention of Boniface, that there should be
neither in the acts of councils, nor in the records of history,
nor in the writings of the learned, any trace, or the least
mention of its celebration before the year 1300; this, with
other reasons of an irresistible evidence, have persuaded
some Roman catholic writers to consider the institution of
the jubilee year, as the invention of this pontiff, who, to render
it more respectable, pretended that it was of a much earlier
264 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, historians) that, from the remotest antiquity, this
!! imPortant privilege of remission and indulgence
1 was to be obtained by the services abovemen-
tioned. No sooner had the pontiff received this
information than he issued out an epistolary
mandate, addressed to all Christians, in which he
enacted it as a solemn law of the church, that
those who, every hundredth or jubilee year, con-
fessed their sins, and visited, with sentiments of
contrition and repentance, the churches of St.
Peter and St. Paul at Rome, should obtain thereby
the entire remission of their various offences (w).
The successors of Boniface were not satisfied with
adding a multitude of new rites and inventions,
by way of ornaments, to this superstitious insti-
tution, but, finding by experience that it added
to the lustre, and augmented the revenues of the
Roman church, they rendered its return more
frequent, and fixed its celebration to every five and
twentieth year (#).
date. See Ghilen. et Victorell. apud Bonanni Numism.
Pontif. Rom. torn. i. p. 22, 23.
(to) So the matter is related by James Cajetan, cardinal of
St. George, and nephew to Boniface, in his Relatio de Cente-
simo seu Jubilaeo anno, which is published in his Magna
Bibliotheca Vet. Patrum, torn. vi. p. 426. 440. and in the
Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum, torn. xxv. p. 267. Nor is there
any reason to believe that his account is erroneous and
false, nor that Boniface acted the part of an impostor from
a principle of avarice upon this occasion.
tftij0 N. B. It is ttttt without astonishment, that we hear
Dr. Mosheim deciding in this manner wi£h respect to the
good faith of Boniface, and the relation of his nephew. The
character of that wicked and ambitious pontiff is well known,
and the relation of the cardinal of St. George has been
proved to be the most ridiculous, fabulous, motley piece of
stuff that ever usurped the title of an historical record. See
the excellent Lettres de M. Chais sur les Jubiles (that are
mentioned more at large in the following note), torn. i. p. 53.
(<r) The various writers who have treated of the institu-
tion of the Roman jubilee, are enumerated by Jo. Albert
Fabricius in his Bibliogr. Antiquar. p. 316. Among the au-
thors that may be added to this list, there is one whom we
think it necessary to mention particularly, viz. the Reverend
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 265
CHAPTER V.
Concerning the Divisions and Heresies that trou-
bled the Church during this Century.
I. WE have no account of any new sects that
arose among the Greeks during this century. PARTII.
Those of the Nestorians and Jacobites, which : —
were settled in the remoter regions of the east, Nest01
bites.
Charles Chais, whose Lettres Historiques et Dogmatiques sur
les Jubiles, et des Indulgences, were published at the Hague
in three volumes 8vo. in the year 1751.
^g° These letters of Mr. Chais (minister of the French
church at the Hague, and well known in the republic of let-
ters) contain the most full and accurate account that has
been ever given of the institution of the jubilee, and of the
rise, progress, abuses, and enormities of the infamous traffic
of indulgences. This account is judiciously collected from
the best authors of antiquity, and from several curious records
that have escaped the researches of other writers ; it is also
interspersed with curious and sometimes ludicrous anecdotes,
that render the work equally productive of entertainment and
instruction. In the first volume of these letters, the learned
author lays open the nature and origin of the institution of
the jubilee; he proves it to have been a human invention,
which owed its rise to the avarice and ambition of the popes,
and its credit to the ignorance and superstition of the people,
and whose celebration was absolutely unknown before the
thirteenth century, which is the true date of its origin. He
takes notice of the various changes it underwent with respect
to the time of its celebration, the various colours with which
the ambitious pontiffs covered it in order to render it respect-
able and alluring in the eyes of the multitude ; and exposes
these illusions by many convincing arguments ; whose gra-
vity is seasoned with an agreeable and temperate mixture of
decent raillery. He proves, with the utmost evidence, that
the papal jubilee is an imitation of the Secular Games, that
were celebrated with such pomp in pagan Rome. He points
out the gross contradictions that reign in the bulls of the dif-
ferent popes, with respect to the nature of this institution,
and the time of its celebration. Nor does he pass over in
silence the infamous traffic of indulgences, the worldly pomp
and splendour, the crimes, debaucheries, and disorders of
every kind that were observable at the return of each jubi-
266 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and who equalled the Greeks in their aversion to
PART ii. tfte r*tes and jurisdiction of the Latin church,
were frequently solicited, by the ministry of
Franciscan and Dominican missionaries sent
among them by the popes, to receive the Roman
yoke. In the year 1246, Innocent IV. used his
utmost efforts to bring both these sects under
his dominion; and in the year 1278, terms of
accommodation were proposed by Nicolas IV. to
the Nestorians, and particularly to that branch of
the sect which resided in the northern parts of
Asia (#). The leading men both among the
Nestorians and Jacobites seemed to give ear to
the proposals that were made to them, and were
by no means averse to a reconciliation with the
church of Rome ; but the prospect of peace soon
vanished, and a variety of causes concurred to
prolong the rupture.
tne whole course of this century,
Roman pon- the Roman pontiffs carried on the most barbarous
tiffs with va- anc[ inhuman persecution against those whom
nous sects, , -IT-IT T • •
whom they they branded with the denomination of heretics ;
dfcCThri-"1" *• e* agamst a^ those who called their pretended
nateiy with authority and jurisdiction in question, or taught
heretics!6 of doctrines different from those which were adopted
and propagated by the church of Rome. For the
lee year. He lays also before the reader an historical view
of all the jubilees that were celebrated from the pontificate
of Boniface VIII. in the year 1300, to that of Benedict XIV.
in 1750, with an entertaining account of the most remarkable
adventures that happened among the pilgrims who repaired
to Rome on these occasions. The second and third volumes
of these interesting Letters treat of the indulgences that are
administered in the church of Rome. The reader will find
here their nature and origin explained, the doctrine of the
Roman catholic divines relating to them stated and refuted,
the history of this impious traffic accurately laid down, and
its enormities and pernicious effects circumstantially exposed
with learning, perspicuity, and candour.
(y) Odor. Renaldus, Annal. Eccles. torn. xiii. ad a. 124-7,
sect, xxxii. & torn. xv. ad a. 1303. sect. xxii. & ad a. 1304,
sect, xxiii.— Matth. Paris, Hist. Major, p. 372.
CHAP. v. Divisio?is and Heresies. 267
sects of the Catharists, Waldenses, Petrobrussians, CENT.
&c. gathered strength from day to day, spread p^\lt
imperceptibly throughout all Europe, assembled ,
numerous congregations in Italy, France, Spain,
and Germany, and formed by degrees such a
powerful party, as rendered them formidable to
the Roman pontiffs, and menaced the papal juris-
diction with a fatal revolution. To the ancient
sects new factions were added, which, though
they differed from each other in various respects,
yet were all unanimously agreed in this one point,
viz. " That the public and established religion
" was a motley system of errors and superstition ;
" and that the dominion which the popes had
" usurped over Christians, as also the authority
" they exercised in religious matters, were un-
" lawful and tyrannical." Such were the notions
propagated by the sectaries, who refuted the su-
perstitions and impostures of the times by argu-
ments drawn from the holy scriptures, and whose
declamations against the power, the opulence,
and the vices of the pontiffs and clergy were
extremely agreeable to many princes and civil
magistrates, who groaned under the usurpations
of the sacred order. The pontiffs, therefore, con-
sidered themselves as obliged to have recourse to
new and extraordinary methods of defeating and
subduing enemies, who, both by their number and
their rank, were every way proper to fill them
with terror.
III. The number of these dissenters from the T*e rise of
church of Rome was nowhere greater than injioen
Narbonne Gaul (2), and the countries adjacent, bonne GauL
where they were received and protected in a sin-
gular manner by Raymond VI. earl of Thoulouse,
and other persons of the highest distinction ; and
where the bishops, either through humanity or
(z) That part of France, which, in ancient times, compre-
hended the provinces of Savoy, Dauphine, Provence, and
Languedoc.
268 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, indolence, were so negligent and remiss in the
xin. prosecution of heretics, that the latter, laying
1 aside all their fears, formed settlements, and mul-
tiplied prodigiously from day to day. Innocent
III. was soon informed of all these proceedings ;
and about the commencement of this century, sent
legates extraordinary into the southern provinces
of France, to do what the bishops had left undone,
and to extiqmte heresy, in all its various forms
and modifications, without being at all scrupulous
in using such methods as might be necessary to
effect this salutary purpose. The persons charged
with this ghostly commission were Rainier (#),
a Cistertian monk, Pierre de Castelnau (Z>), arch-
deacon of Maguelone, who became also afterwards
a Cistertian friar. These eminent missionaries
were followed by several others, among whom was
the famous Spaniard Dominic, founder of the
order of preachers, who, returning from Rome
in the year 1206, fell in with these delegates,
embarked in their cause, and laboured both by
his exhortations and actions in the extirpation of
heresy. These spiritual champions, who engaged
in this expedition upon the sole authority of the
pope, without either asking the advice, or demand-
ing the succours of the bishops, and who inflicted
capital punishment upon such of the heretics as
they could not convert by reason and argument,
were distinguished in common discourse by the
title of Inquisitors, and from them the formida-
ble and odious tribunal called the Inquisition,
derived its original.
[fgg0 (a) Instead of Rainier, other historians mention one
Raoul, or Ralph, as the associate of Pierre de Castelnau.
See Fleury, Histoire Ecsles. livr. Ixxvi. sect. xii.
(b) The greatest part of the Roman writers consider
Pierre de Castelnau as the first inquisitor. It will appear
hereafter in what sense this assertion may be admitted.
For an account of this legate, see the Acta Sauctor. torn. i.
Martii, p. 41 1.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 269
IV. When this new set of heresy-hunters (c) CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
The
had executed their commission, and purged the
provinces to which they were sent of the greatest
part of the enemies of the Roman faith, the pon-
tiffs were so sensible of their excellent services, -quisiti<m
that they established missionaries of a like nature, settled.
or, in other words, placed Inquisitors in almost
every city whose inhabitants had the misfortune
to be suspected of heresy, notwithstanding the
reluctance which the people showed to this new
institution, and the violence with which they
frequently expelled, and sometimes massacred,
these bloody officers of the popish hierarchy.
The council held at Thoulouse, in the year 1229?
by Romanus, cardinal of St. Angelo, and pope's
legate, went still farther, and erected in every city
a council of inquisitors, consisting of one priest,
and three laymen (oQ. This institution was, how-
ever, superseded, in the year 1233, by Gregory
IX. who intrusted the Dominicans, or preaching
friars, with the important commission of discover-
ing and bringing to judgment the heretics that
were lurking in France, and in a former epistle
discharged the bishops from the burthen of that
painful office (e). Immediately after this, the
bishop of Tournay, who was the pope's legate in
France, began to execute this new resolution,
by appointing Pierre Cellan, and Guillaume
Ijgf3 (c) The term of Heresy-hunters, for which the trans-
lator is responsible, will not seem absurd, when it is known,
that the missionaries, who were sent into the provinces of
France to extirpate heresy, and the inquisitors who succeeded
them, were bound by an oath, not only to seek for the here-
tics in towns, houses, cellars, and other lurking places, but
also in woods, caves, fields, &c.
(d) See Harduini Concilia, torn. vii. p. 175.
(e) Bernhard Guidonis in Chronico Pontif. MS. ap. Jac.
Echardum Scriptor. Praedicator. torn. i. p. 88. — Percini His-
toria Inquisit. Tholosanae, subjoined to his HistoriaConventus
FF. Praedicat. Tolosae, 1693, in 8vo. — Histoire Generale de
Languedoc, torn. iii. p. 394, 395.
270 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Arnaud, inquisitors of heretical pravity at Thou-
XIIL louse, and afterwards proceeded in every city, where
^ '_ the Dominicans had a convent, to constitute officers
of the same nature, chosen from among the monks
of that celebrated order (f). From this period
we are to date the commencement of the dreadful
tribunal of the inquisition, which in this and the
following ages subdued such a prodigious multi-
tude of heretics, part of whom were converted
to the church by terror, and the rest committed
to the flames without mercy. For the Dominicans
erected, first at Thoulouse, and afterwards at Car-
cassone, and other places, a tremendous court,
before which were summoned not only heretics
and persons suspected of heresy, but likewise all
who were accused of magic, sorcery, Judaism,
witchcraft, and other crimes of that kind. This
tribunal, in process of time, was erected in the
other countries of Europe, though not every where
with the same success (g*).
(/) Echard and Percinus, loc. citat.
(g) The accounts we have here given of the first rise of the
Inquisition, though founded upon the most unexceptionable
testimonies and the most authentic records, are yet very dif-
ferent from those that are to be found in most authors. Cer-
tain learned men tell us, that the Tribunal of the Inquisition
was the invention of St. Dominic, and was first erected by
him in the city of Thoulouse : that he, of consequence, was
the first inquisitor : that the year of its institution is indeed
uncertain ; but that it was undoubtedly confirmed in a solemn
manner, by Innocent III. in the council of the Lateran, in
the year 1215. See Jo. Alb. Fabricius, in his Lux Evangelii
toti orbi exoriens, p. .569. — Phil. Lirnborchi Historia Inqui-
sit. lib. i. c. x. p. 39. and the other writers mentioned by Fa-
bricius. I will not affirm, that the writers who give this
account of the matter have advanced all this without autho-
rity; but this I will venture to say, that the authors, whom
they have taken for their guides, are not of the first rate in
point of merit and credibility. Limborch, whose History of
the Inquisition is looked upon as a most important and capital
work, is generally followed by modern writers in their
accounts of that odious tribunal. But, however laudable that
historian may have been in point of fidelity and diligence,
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
V. The method of proceeding in this court of CENT.
inquisition was at first simple, and almost in every XIIL
., , i • T i PART n.
respect similar to that which was observed in the .
ordinary courts of justice (//.). But this simplicity
was gradually changed by the Dominicans, to
whom experience suggested several new methods
of augmenting the pomp and majesty of their
spiritual tribunal, and who made such alterations
it is certain, that he was but little acquainted with the eccle-
siastical history of the middle age ; that he drew his mate-
rials, not from the true and original sources, but from writers
of a second class, and thus has fallen, in the course of his
history, into various mistakes. His account of the origin of
the inquisition is undoubtedly false : nor does that which is
given by many other writers approach nearer to the truth.
The circumstances of this account, which I have mentioned
in the beginning of this note, are more especially destitute
of all foundation. Many of the Dominicans, who, in our
times, have presided in the court of inquisition, and have
extolled the sanctity of that pious institution, deny, at the
same time, that Dominic was its founder, as also that he
was the first inquisitor, nay, that he was an inquisitor at all.
They go still farther, and affirm, that the court of inquisition
was not erected during the life of St. Dominic. Nor is all
this advanced inconsiderately, as every impartial inquirer into
the proofs they allege will easily perceive. Nevertheless, the
question, Whether or not St. Dominic was an inquisitor ?
seems to be merely a dispute about words, and depends en-
tirely upon the different significations of which the term
inquisitor is susceptible. That word, according to its original
meaning, signified a person invested with the commission and
authority of the Roman pontiff to extirpate heresy and oppose
its abettors, but not clothed with any judicial power. But it
soon acquired a different meaning, and signified a person
appointed by the Roman pontiff to proceed judicially against
heretics and such as were suspected of heresy, to pronounce
sentence according to their respective cases, and to deliver
over to the secular arm such as persisted obstinately in their
errors. In this latter sense Dominic was not an inquisitor;
since it is well known that there were no papal judges of this
nature before the pontificate of Gregory IX. but he was
undoubtedly an inquisitor in the original sense that was
attached to that term.
(k) The records, published by the Benedictines in their
Histoire Gener. de Languedoc, torn, iii. p. 371. show the sim-
plicity that reigned in the proceedings of the inquisition at
its first institution.
272 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, in the forms of proceeding, that the manner of
PART II.
1 taking cognizance of heretical causes became to-
tally different from that which was usual in civil
affairs. These friars were, to say the truth, en-
tirely ignorant of judicial matters ; nor were they
acquainted with the procedures of any other tri-
bunal, than that which was called, in the Roman
church, the Tribunal of Penance. It was, there-
fore, after this, that they modelled the new court
of Inquisition, as far as a resemblance between the
two was possible ; and hence arose that strange
system of inquisitorial law, which, in many respects,
is so contrary to the common feelings of humani-
ty, and the plainest dictates of equity and justice.
This is the important circumstance by which we
are enabled to account for the absurd, imprudent,
and iniquitous proceedings of the inquisitors,
against persons that are accused of holding, what
they call, heretical opinions.
The rights VI. That nothing might be wanting to render
kgdesPgrVant- ^s spiritual court formidable and tremendous,
ed to the in- the Roman pontiffs persuaded the European
lon* princes, and more especially the emperor Fre-
deric II. and Lewis IX. king of France, not only
to enact the most barbarous laws against heretics,
and to commit to the flames, by the ministry
of public justice, those who were pronounced
such by the inquisitors, but also to maintain
the inquisitors in their office, and grant them
their protection in the most open and solemn
manner. The edicts to this purpose issued out by
Frederic II. are well known ; edicts every way
proper to excite horror, and which rendered the
most illustrious piety and virtue incapable of
saving from the cruellest death such as had the
misfortune to be disagreeable to the inquisi-
tors (t). These abominable laws were not, how-
(i) The law of the emperor Frederic, in relation, to the
inquisitors, may be seen in Limborch's History of the Inquisi-
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 273
ever, sufficient to restrain the just indignation of CENT.
the people against these inhuman judges, whose
barbarity was accompanied with superstition and
arrogance, with a spirit of suspicion and perfidy,
nay, even with temerity and imprudence. Ac-
cordingly they were insulted by the multitude
in many places, were driven, in an ignominious
manner, out of some cities, and were put to death
in others ; and Conrad, of Marpurg, the first
German inquisitor, who derived his commission
from Gregory IX. was one of the many victims
that were sacrificed upon this occasion to the
vengeance of the public (A:), which his incredible
barbarities had raised to a dreadful degree of ve-
hemence and fury (/).
tion, as also in the Epistles of Pierre de Vignes, and in
Bzovius Raynaldus, &c. The edict of St. Lewis, in favour
of these ghostly judges, is generally known under the title
of Cupientes; for so it is called by the French lawyers on
account of its beginning with that word. It was issued out
in the year 1229, as the Benedictine monks have proved
sufficiently in their Hist. Generate de Languedoc, torn. iii.
p. 378. 575. It is also published by Catelius, in his Histor.
Comit. Tolosanor. p. 340. and in many other authors. This
edict is as severe and inhuman, to the full, as the laws of
Frederic II. For a great part of the sanctity of good king
Lewis consisted in his furious and implacable aversion to
heretics, against whom he judged it more expedient to em-
ploy the influence of racks and gibbets, than the power of
reason and argument. See Du Fresne, Vita Ludovici a
Joinvillio scripta, p. 11. 39.
(£) The life of this furious and celebrated inquisitor has
been composed from the most authentic records that are
extant, and also from several valuable manuscripts by the
learned John Herman Schminkius. See also Wadding.
Annal. Minor, torn. ii. p. 151. 355. & Echard. Scriptor. Do-
minican, torn. i. p. 487«
Ugl0 (/) The Abbe Fleury acknowledges the brutal bar-
barity of this unrelenting inquisitor, who, under the pretext
of heresy, not only committed to the flames a prodigious
number of nobles, clerks, monks, hermits, and lay-persons
of all ranks, but moreover caused them to be put to death,
the very same day they were accused, without appeal . See
Fleury, Hist. Eccles. livr. Ixxx, sect. xxiv.
VOL. III. T
274 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. VII. When Innocent III. perceived that the
P^TII lab°urs of the first inquisitors were not immediately
„ 1 attended with such abundant fruits as he had
Severer me- fondly expected, he addressed himself, in the year
employed 1207, to Philip Augustus, king of France, and to
against the the leading men of that nation, soliciting them,
by the alluring promise of the most ample indul-
gences, to extirpate all whom he thought proper
to call heretics, by fire and sword (ni). This ex-
hortation was repeated with new accessions of
fervour and earnestness the year following, when
Pierre de Castelnau, the legate of this pontiff,
and his inquisitor in France, was put to death by
the patrons of the people, called heretics (72).
Not long after this, the Cistertian monks, in the
name of this pope, proclaimed a crusade against
the heretics throughout the whole kingdom of
France, and a storm seemed to be gathering
against them on all sides, Raymond VI. earl
of Thoulouse, in whose territories Castelnau had
been massacred, was solemnly excommunicated,
and to deliver himself from this ecclesiastical
malediction, changed sides, and embarked in the
crusade now mentioned. In the year 1209, a
formidable army of cross-bearers commenced
against the heretics, who were comprehended
under the general denomination of Albigenses (o),
(m) Innocentii III. Epistolae, Lib. x. Epist. 4-9.
(fi) Id. ibid. Lib. xi. Ep. 26, 27, 28, 29.— Acta Sanctor.
Mart. torn. i. p. 411.
(o) The term Albigenses is used in two senses, of which
the one is general, and the other more confined. In its
more general and extensive sense it comprehends all the
various kindsjof heretics who resided at this time in Nar-
bonne-GauI, . e. in the southern parts of France. This
appears from the following passage of Petrus Sarnensis,
who, in the Dedication of his History of the Albigenses to
Innocent III. expresses himself thus : Tolosani et aliarum
civitatum, et castrorum hseretici, et defensores eorum gene-
raliter Albigenses vocantur. The same author divides
wards the Albigenses into various sects (Cap. ii. p. 3. & 8.)
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 275
an open war which they carried on with the CENT.
utmost exertions of cruelty, though with various
success for several years. The chief director of
this ghostly war was Arnald, abbot of the Cis-
tertians, and legate of the Roman pontiff; and
the commander in chief of the troops employed
in this noble expedition was Simon, earl of Mont-
ford. Raymond VI. earl of Thoulouse, who, con-
sulting his safety rather than his conscience, was
engaged in the crusade against the heretics, had
obliged to change sides, and to attack their per-
secutors. For Simon, who had embarked in this
war, not so much from a principle of zeal for reli-
gion, or of aversion to the heretics, as from a
desire of augmenting his fortune, cast a greedy
eye upon the territories of Raymond, and his
selfish views were seconded and accomplished by
the court of Rome. After many battles, sieges,
and a multitude of other exploits conducted with
the most intrepid courage and the most abomi-
nable barbarity, he received from the hands of In-
nocent III. at the council of Lateran, A. D. 1215,
the county of Thoulouse and the other lands, be-
of which he considers that of the Waldenses as the least
pernicious. Mali erant Waldenses, sed comparatione alio-
rum haereticorum longe minus perversi. It was not, how-
ever, from the city of Albigia, or Albi, that the French
heretics were comprehended under the general title of Albi-
genses, but from another circumstance, to wit, that the
greatest part of Narbonne-Gaul was, in this century, called
Albigensium, as the Benedictine monks have clearly demon-
strated in their Histoire Generate de Languedoc, torn. iii.
nof xiii. p. 552. The term Albigenses, in its more confined
sense, was used to denote those heretics who inclined to-
wards the Manichaean system, and who were otherwise
known by the denominations of Catharists, Publicans, or
Paulicians, and Bulgarians. This appears evidently from
many incontestable authorities, and more especially from
the Codex Inquisitionis Tolosanse, published by Limborch,
in his History of the Inquisition, and in which the Albi-
genses are carefully distinguished from the other sects that
made a noise in this century.
T 2
276 The Internal History of Ike Church.
CENT, longing to that earl, as a reward for his zeal in
supporting the cause of God and of the church.
About three years after this, he lost his life at the
siege of Thoulouse. Raymond, his valiant adver-
sary, died in the year 1222.
VIII. Thus were the two chiefs of this de-
ton made" plorable war taken off the scene ; but this re-
by the earl of moval was far from extinguishing the infernal
Thoulouse n , . i-i^i '/v>
to the RO- name 01 persecution on the side of the pontiffs,
man pontiff. or calming the restless spirit of faction on that of
the pretended heretics. Raymond VII. earl of
Thoulouse, and Amalric, earl of Montford, suc-
ceeded their fathers at the head of the contending
parties, and carried on the war with the utmost
vehemence, and with such various success as ren-
dered the issue for some time doubtful. The
former seemed at first more powerful than his ad-
versary, and the Roman pontiff Honorius III.
alarmed at the vigorous opposition he made to the
orthodox legions, engaged Lewis VIII. king of
France, by the most pompous promises, to march
in person with a formidable army against the
enemies of the church. The obsequious monarch
listened to the solicitations of the lordly pontiff,
and embarked with a considerable military force in
the cause of the church, but did not live to reap
the fruits of his zeal. His engagements, however,
with the court of Rome, and his furious designs
against the heretics, were executed with the greatest
alacrity and vigour by his son and successor Lewis
the Saint ; so that Raymond, pressed on all sides,
was obliged, in the year 12£9, to make peace upon
the most disadvantageous terms, even by making
a cession of the greatest part of his territories
to the French monarch, after having sacri-
ficed a considerable portion of them, as a peace-
offering to the church of Rome (jy). This treaty
(p) It was in consequence of this treaty (of which the
articles were dra\vn up at Meaux, and afterwards confirmed at
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 277
of peace gave a mortal blow to the cause of heresy, CENT.
and dispersed the champions that had appeared
in its defence. The inquisition was established at
Thoulouse, and the heretics were not only exposed
to the pious cruelties of Lewis, but, what was
still more shocking, Raymond himself, who had
formerly been their patron, became their perse-
cutor, and treated them upon all occasions with the
most inhuman severity. It is true, this prince
broke the engagements into which he had entered
by the treaty above mentioned, and renewed the
war against Lewis and the inquisitors, who abused
their victory and the power they had acquired in
the most odious manner. But this new effort in
favour of the heretics was attended with little or
no effect ; and the unfortunate earl of Thoulouse,
the last representative of that noble and powerful
house, dejected and exhausted by the losses he had
sustained, and the perplexities in which he was
involved, died, in the year 1249, without male
issue. And thus ended a civil war, of which reli-
gion had been partly the cause, and partly the pre-
text, and which in its consequences was highly
profitable both to the kings of France and to the
Roman pontiffs (</).
Paris, in presence of Lewis) that the university of Thoulouse
was founded, Raymond having hound himself thereby to pay
the sum of 4000 silver marcs, in order to the support of two
professors of divinity, two of canon law, two of grammar, and
six of the liberal arts during the space often years. We
must also observe, that what Dr. Mosheim say of the cession
that Raymond made of his lands is not sufficiently clear and
accurate. These lands were not to be transferred till after
his death, and they were to be transferred to the brother of
Lewis IX. who, according to the treaty, was to espouse the
daughter of Raymond. See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. liv. Ixxix.
sect. 50.
(</) Many writers, both ancient and modern, have related
the circumstances of this religious war, that was carried on
against the earls of Thoulouse and their confederates, and also
against the heretics, whose cause they maintained. But none
of the historians, whom I have consulted on this subject, have
278 The Internal History of the Church..
CENT. IX. The severity which the court of Rome em-
ployed in the extirpation of heresy, and the for-
midable arguments of fire and sword, racks and
The Bre- gibbets, with which the popes and their creatures
sisters of reasoned against the enemies of the church, were
the Free not sufficient to prevent the rise of new and
most pernicious sects in several places. Many of
these sects were inconsiderable in themselves, and
transitory in their duration, while some of them
made a noise in the world, and were suppressed
with difficulty. Among the latter, we may reckon'
that of the Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit,
which about this time gained ground secretly
and imperceptibly in Italy, France, and Ger-
many, and seduced into its bosom multitudes of
persons of both sexes, by the striking appearance
of piety that was observed in the conduct of the
members that composed it. How far the councils
of this century proceeded against this new sect, we
treated it with that impartiality which is so essential to the
merit of historical writing. The protestant writers, among
whom Basnage deserves an eminent rank, are too favourable
to Raymond and the Albigenses; the Roman catholic histo-
rians lean with still more partiality to the other side. Of
these latter, the most recent are Benedict, a Dominican
monk,, author of the Histoire des Albigeois, des Vaudois, et de
Barbets, published at Paris, in 1691, in two volumes 12mo.
— J. Bapt. Langlois, a Jesuit, who composed the Histoire des
Croisades contreles Albigeois, which was published in 12mo.
at Rouen, in 1703, to which we must add, Jo. Jac. Percini,
Monumenta Conventus Tolosani Ordinis FF. Prsedicator. in
quibus Historia hujus Conventus distribuitur, et refertur totius
Albigensium facti narratio, Tolosae, 1693, fol. These writers
are chargeable with the greatest partiality and injustice in
the reproaches and calumnies they throw out so liberally
against the Raymonds and the Albigenses, while they disguise,
with a perfidious dexterity, the barbarity of Simon of Mont-
fort, and the ambitious views of extending their dominions
that engaged the kings of France to enter into this war. The
most ample and accurate account of this expedition against
the heretics is that which is given by the learned Benedictines
Claude le Vic and Joseph Vaissette, in their Histoire Generale
•de Languecloc, Paris, 1730, torn. iii. in which, however, there
are several omissions, which render that valuable work de-
fective.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 279
cannot say with any certainty ; because we have CENT.
upon record but a few of the decrees that were xni
issued out upon that occasion. Perhaps the obscu- PART "'
rity of the rising factions skreened it, in a great
measure, from public view. But this was not the
case in the following age ; the Brethren and Sis-
ters above mentioned came forth from their
retreats in proportion as their numbers increased ;
they drew upon them the eyes of the world, and
particularly those of the inquisitors, who com-
mitted to the flames such of these unhappy enthu-
siasts as fell into their hands ; while the coun-
cils, held in Germany and other nations, loaded
them with excommunications and damnatory
edicts.
This new sect took their denomination from
the words of St. Paul (r), and maintained that
the true children of God were invested with the
privilege of a full and perfect freedom from the
jurisdiction of the law (s). They were called,
by the Germans and Flemish, Beghards and Be-
guttes, which, as we have seen already, was a
name usually given to those who made an extra-
ordinary profession of piety and devotion. They
(r) Romans viii. 2. 14-.
(s) The accounts we here give of these wretched fanatics
are, for the most part, taken from authentic records, which
have not been as yet published, from the decrees of synods
and councils held in France and Germany, from the diplomas
of the Roman pontiffs, the sentences pronounced by the in-
quisitors, and the other sources of information to which I
have had access. I have also a collection of extracts from
certain books of these enthusiasts, and more especially from
that which treated of the Nine Spiritual Rocks, and which
was in the highest esteem among the Free Brethren, who con-
sidered it as a treasure of divine wisdom and doctrine. As I
cannot expose here these records to the examination of the
curious reader, I beg leave to refer him to a long and ample
edict issued out against these brethren by Henry I. archbi >
of Cologn, and published in the Statuta Coloniensia, A. 1
. This edict is, in every respect, conformable to those
:d on the samf3 occasion, at T/lentz, Aschafteaburg,
Paderborri, Beziers, Triers, and other places.
280 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, received from others, the reproachful denomina-
i-Airr ii ^on °^ Bicorni, i. e. Idiots. In France they
.'were known by the appellation of Beghins and
Beghines, while the multitude distinguished them
by that of Turlupins, the origin and reason of
which title I have not been able to learn (£). No-
thing carried a more shocking air of lunacy and
distraction than their external aspect and man-
ners. They ran from place to place clothed in
the most singular and fantastic apparel, and begged
their bread with wild shouts and clamours, re-
jecting with horror every kind of industry and
labour, as an obstacle to divine contemplation,
and to the ascent of the soul towards the Father
of spirits. In all their excursions they were fol-
lowed by women, with whom they lived in the
most intimate familiarity (?/). They distributed
among the people books which contained the sub-
stance of their doctrine, held nocturnal assemblies
in places remote from public view, and seduced
many from frequenting the ordinary institutions
of divine worship.
The mysti- X. These brethren, who gloried in the freedom
trSnes of wmcn they pretended to have obtained, through
this sect, the spirit, from the dominion and obligation of
the law, adopted a certain rigid and fantastic
system of mystic theology, built upon pretended
philosophical principles, which carried a striking
resemblance of the impious doctrines of the
(t) Many have written, but none with accuracy and preci-
sion, concerning the Turlupins. See Beausobre's Disserta-
tion sur les Adamites, part II. p. 384-. where that learned
author has fallen into several errors, as usually happens to
him when he treats subjects of this kind. I know not the
origin of the word Turlupin, but I am able to demonstrate,
by the most authentic records, that the persons so called,
who were burnt at Paris and in other parts of France, were
no other than the Brethren of the Free Spirit, who were con-
demned by the Roman pontiffs, and also by various councils.
(a) Hence they were called in Germany, Schwestriones,
as appears by the decrees of several councils.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 281
Pantheists. For they held, " That all things CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
flowed by emanation from God, and were finally
" to return to their divine source ; that rational
" souls were so many portions of the Supreme
" Deity, and that the universe, considered as one
" great whole, was God : that every man, by the
" power of contemplation, and by calling off his
" mind from sensible and terrestrial objects, might
" be united to the Deity in an ineffable manner,
" and become one with the Source and Parent
" of all things ; and that they, who, by long and
" assiduous meditation, had plunged themselves,
"as it were, into the abyss of the Divinity,
" acquired thereby a most glorious and sublime
" liberty, and were not only delivered from the
" violence of sinful lusts, but even from the com-
" mon instincts of nature." From these and
such like doctrines, the brethren under considera-
tion, drew this impious and horrid conclusion,
" That the person who had ascended to God in
" this manner, and was absorbed by contem-
" plation in the abyss of Deity, became thus a
" part of the Godhead, commenced God, was the
" Son of God in the same sense and manner that
" Christ was, and was thereby raised to a glo-
" rious independence, and freed from the obli-
" gation of all lawrs human and divine." It was
in consequence of all this, that they treated with
contempt the ordinances of the Gospel, and every
external act of religious worship, looking upon
prayer, fasting, baptism, and the sacrament of the
Lord's supper, as the first elements of piety
adapted to the state and capacity of children, and
as of no sort of use to the perfect man, whom long
meditation had raised above all external things,
and carried into the bosom and essence of the
Deity (w).
(w>) It may not be improper to place here a certain num-
ber of sentences translated faithfully from several of the
more secret books of these heretics. The following will be
sufficient to give the curious reader a full idea of their impiety.
282 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XL Among these Fanatics there were several
persons of eminent probity, who had entered into
this sect with the most upright intentions, and
Among who extended that liberty of the spirit, which they
tlcTtherT looked upon as the privilege of true believers, no
were some further than to an exemption from the duties of
ghJishedtm~ external worship, and an immunity from the posi-
themseives tive laws of the church. The whole of religion
imnenTpro- was placed by this class of men in internal devo-
bithy'r^at tion, and they treated with the utmost contempt
wereiicen- the rules of monastic discipline, and all other
tious in an
infamous ' Every pious and good man is the only begotten Son of
degree. God, whom God engendered from all eternity :' (for these
heretics maintained, that what the scriptures taught concern-
ing the distinction of Three Persons in the divine nature is
by no means to be understood literally, and therefore ex-
plained it according to the principles of their mystical and
fantastic system).
1 All created things are non-entities/or nothing : I do not
say that they are small and minute, but that they are abso-
lutely nothing.
' There is in the soul of man something that is neither
created, nor susceptible of creation, and that is, rationality,
or the power of reasoning.
1 God is neither good, nor better, nor best : whosoever
therefore calls the Deity good, does as foolishly as he who
calls an object black, which he knows to be white.
* God still engenders his only begotten son, and begets still
the same son, whom he had begotten from eternity. For
every operation of the Deity is uniform and one j and there-
fore he engenders his son without any division.
' What the scriptures say concerning Christ is true of every
good, of every divine man: And every quality of the divine
nature belongs equally to every person whose piety is ge-
nuine and sincere.'
To these horrid passages we may add the following sen-
tences, in which John, bishop of Strasbourg, (in an edict he
published against the Brethren of the Free Spirit, or
Beghards, in the year 1317, the Sunday before the feast of
the assumption of the Virgin Mary) discovers farther the
blasphemous doctrines of this impious sect. ' Deus (say these
Heretics) est formaliter omne quod est. Quilibet homo per-
fectus est Christus per naturam. Homo perfectus est liber
in totum, nee tenetur ad servandum priecepta ecclesice data
a Deo. Malta sunt poedca in evangelic, quse non sunt vera,
et homines credere niagis debent conccptibus ex arnina sua
Deo juncta profectis, quam evangelic,' &c.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 283
external rites and institutions, as infinitely beneath CENT.
the attention of the perfect. Nor were their ex-
hortations and their examples without effect ; for .
about the middle of this century they persuaded
a considerable number of monks and devout per-
sons in Swabia, " to live without any rule, and to
" serve God in the liberty of the spirit, which was
" the most acceptable service that could be pre-
" sented to the Deity («r)". The inquisitors, how-
ever, stopped these poor enthusiasts in the midst
of their career, and committed several of them to
the flames, in which they expired, not only with
the most unclouded serenity, but even with the
most triumphant feelings of cheerfulness and joy.
But there were among these Brethren of the
Free Spirit another class of fanatics very different
from these now mentioned, and much more ex-
travagant, whose system of religion was as danger-
ous, as it was ridiculous and absurd, since it
opened a door to the most licentious manners.
These wretched enthusiasts maintained, that, by
continual contemplation, it was possible to eradicate
all the instincts of nature out of the heaven-born
mind, and to introduce into the soul a certain
divine stupor, and holy apathy, which they looked
upon as the great characteristics of Christian
perfection. The persons who adopted these sen-
timents took strange liberties in consequence of
their pretended sanctity, and showed, indeed, by
their conduct, that they had little regard to ex-
ternal appearances ; for they held their secret
assemblies stark naked, and lay in the same beds
with their spiritual sisters, or indiscriminately,
with other women, without the smallest scruple
or hesitation. This shocking violation of de-
cency was a consequence of their pernicious
(x) See Mart. Crusius, Annal. Suevicorum, part III. lib. ii.
cap. xiv. ad. A. 1261. p. 99. edit, vet.— This author has
taken his materials from Felix Faber, an impartial writer.
284 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, system. They looked upon decency and modesty
as marks of inward corruption, as the characters
„ 1 of a soul that was still under the dominion of the
sensual, animal, and lascivious spirit, and that was
not, as yet, re-united to the divine nature, its cen-
tre and source. And they considered, as at a fatal
distance from the Deity, all such as either felt the
carnal suggestions of nature, or were penetrated
with warm emotions at the view or approach of
persons of a different sex, or were incapable of
vanquishing and suppressing the rising fervour of
lust and intemperance ( y).
There were, moreover, in this fanatical troop,
certain enthusiasts, who far surpassed in impiety
the two classes we have been now mentioning ;
who abused the system and doctrines of the sect,
so as to draw from them an apology for all kinds
(y) Certain writers, whose principal zeal is employed in
the defence of these heretics, and who have accustomed
themselves to entertain a high idea of the sanctity of all
those who, in the middle age, separated themselves from the
communion of the church of Rome, suspect the inquisitors
of having attributed falsely these impious doctrines to the
Brethren of the Free Spirit, with a view to blacken these
pious men, and to render them odious. But this suspicion
is entirely groundless ; and the account of this matter, which
we have given in the text, is conformable to the strictest
truth. The inquisitors have been less fabulous in their
accusations of these heretics than many are apt to imagine.
They acknowledge that the Beghards, though destitute of
shame, were not chargeable, generally speaking, with a breach
of the duties of chastity and abstinence. They were indeed
of opinion, that this firmness and insensibility of heart which
rendered them proof against female charms and deaf to the
voice of nature, was a privilege granted them by the devil.
For they adopted the opinion of honest Neider, (Formicar.
lib. iii. cap. v. p. 346.) and affirmed that it was in the power
of that evil spirit to render men cold, and to extinguish the
warm and lascivious solicitations of nature ; and that Satan
wrought this miracle upon his friends and adherents, in
order to procure them a high reputation of sanctity, and
make them appear superior in virtue to the rest of mankind.
" Credo (saith Neider, who was both a Dominican and an
" inquisitor) quosdam ex eis daemonis opera affectos fuisse,
" ne moverentur ad naturales actus incontinentiae .... Facil*
" limum enim est dsemonibus infrigidare.''
PART II,
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 285
of wickedness; and who audaciously maintained, CENT.
that the divine man, or the believer, who was
intimately united to God, could not sin, let his
conduct be ever so horrible and atrocious. This
execrable doctrine was not, indeed, explained in
the same manner by all the Brethren of the Free
Spirit that were so outrageous as to adopt it.
Some held, that the motions and actions of the
body had no relation at all to the soul, which, by
its union with God, was blended with the divine
nature ; others fell into a notion infinitely inju-
rious to the Supreme Being, and maintained, that
the propensities and passions, that arose in the soul
of the divine man after his union with the Deity,
were the propensities and affections of God him-
self, and were, therefore, notwithstanding their
apparent deformity and opposition to the law,
holy and good, seeing that the Supreme Being
is infinitely exalted above all law and all obliga-
tion (2). It is necessary to observe before we leave
(z) This account will be confirmed by the following pass-
age faithfully translated from the famous book of the Nine
Rocks, written originally in German : te Moreover the divine
man operates and engenders whatever the Deity operates and
engenders. For in God he produced and formed the heavens
and the earth. He is also the father of the eternal word.
Neither could God produce any thing without this divine
man, who is therefore obliged to render his will conformable
to the will of God, that so whatsoever may be agreeable to
the Deity, may be agreeable to him also. If therefore it be
the will of God that I should commit sin, my will must be
the same, and I must not even desire to abstain from sin.
This is true contrition. And although a man, who is well
and truly united to God, may have committed a thousand
mortal sins, he ought not even to wish that he had not com-
mitted them ; nay, he should rather die a thousand deaths
than omit one of these mortal sins." Hence the accusation
brought by the inquisitors against this impious sect, whom
they reproach with maintaining that the " sin of a man
united to God is not sin, since God works in him and with
him whatever he does." Henry Suso, a Dominican monk, and
one of the most celebrated mystic writers, composed in the
following century another Book concerning the Nine Rocks,
which is to be found in the edition of his works published by
286
CKNT.
XIII.
PART II.
The Internal History of the Church.
this subject, that flagitious and impious impostors
mingled themselves sometimes with this sect, and
took the name of Beghards, that by a feigned
piety they might impose upon the multitude, and
deceive the simple into their snares (#).
Laurent. Surius. But this book is entirely different from that
which was in such high esteem among the Beghards, though
it bears the same title. The latter is of much older date,
and was in vogue in Germany, among the Brethren of the
Free Spirit, long before Suso was born. There fell some time
ago into my hands an ancient manuscript, composed in Al-
sace, during the fifteenth century, and containing an account
of various revelations and visions of that age. In this
manuscript I found a piece entitled, Declaratio Religiosi
cujusdam super Revelatione Carthusiano cuidam de Ecclesiae
per gladium reformatione, Leodii, a. 1453, facta ; and almost
in the beginning of this declaration the following passage
relating to the Book of the Nine Rocks : " Homo quidam
devotissimus, licet Laicus, Librum de novem Rupibus con-
scripsit a Deo compulsus, ubi multa ad prsesens pertinentia
continentur de Ecclesiae renovatione et praevia gravi perse-
cutione." These Nine Rocks signified, according to the
fanatical doctrine of this wrong-headed sect, the different
steps by which the divine man ascended to the Deity.
(a) The founder of this famous sect, the place of its origin,
and the precise date of its first appearance, are not known
with any degree of certainty. I have actually in my posses-
sion Eighty-nine Sentences of the Beghards, vulgarly called
Schwestrones, but who style themselves Brethren of the Sect
of the Free Spirit and of Voluntary Poverty, with a refutation
of the said sentences, written at Worms towards the conclu-
sion of this century, by some one or other of the inquisitors.
The 79th of these sentences runs thus : f ' To say that the
truth is in Rhetia, is to fall into the heresy of Donatus, who
said, that God was in Africa, and not elsewhere." From
these words it appears evident, that Rhetia was the place
where the church of the Brethren of the Free Spirit was fixed
and established, and that from this province they passed into
Germany. I am not, however, of opinion, that this sect had
its first rise in that province ; but am rather inclined to think
that Italy was its country, and that, being driven from thence,
it took refuge in Rhetia. Nor is it at all improbable, that
Italy, which saw so many religious factions arise in its
bosom, was also the nursing mother of this blasphemous sect.
We shall be almost fully confirmed in this opinion when we
consider that, in a long letter from Clement V. to Rainier
bishop of Cremona (published by Odor, llaynaldus, Annal.
torn. xv. A. 1311, n. 66. p. 90.) the zealous pontiff exhorts
PART II.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
XII. The famous Amalric, native of Bene, CENT.
and professor of logic and theology at Paris,
whose bones were dug up and publicly burnt in
the year 1209, although he had abjured his errors A
before his death, and a considerable number of
whose disciples and followers were committed to
the flames on account of their absurd and per-
nicious doctrine, was, undoubtedly, of the same
way of thinking with the sect whose opinions we
have been now considering (&). For though the
writers of this barbarous age have given very
different and confused accounts of this man's
opinions, and even attributed some doctrines to
him which he never maintained, it is nevertheless
certain, that he taught, that all things were the
parts of one substance, or, in other words, that
the universe was God, and that not only the
forms of all things, but also their matter or sub-
stance, proceeded from the Deity, and must return
to the source from whence they were derived (c).
From these absurd and blasphemous principles
that prelate to suppress and extirpate, with all his might, the
sect of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, which was settled in
several parts of Italy, and particularly in the province of
Spoleto and the countries adjacent. Such are the terms of
the pontiff's letter : " In nonnullis Italiae partibus, tarn Spo-
letanse provincia3, quam circumjacentium regionum."
(b) This did not escape the notice of the enemies of the
Beghards, or Brethren of the Free Spirit, in Germany, much
less that of the inquisitors, who, in their Refutation of the
89 Sentences of the Beghards mentioned in the preceding
note, express themselves thus : (Sententia 68. ) " Dicere
quod omnis creatura est Deus, hcresis Alexandri* est, qui
dixit, materiam primam et Deum et Hominem, hoc est
mentes, esse in substantia, quod postea quidam David de
Dinanto sequutus est, qui temporibus nostris de hac hseresi
de Francia fugatus est, et punitus fuisset, si deprehensus
fuisset."
lUp0 (c) The account given by Fleury, in his Ecclesiasti-
cal History, of the opinions of Amalric, is very different
from that which is here given by Dr. Mosheim. The former
observes, that Amalric, or Amauri, taught that every Chris-
* The person here mentioned is Alexander, the Epicurean, ef whom Plu-
tarch speaks in his Simposium.
n,
288 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, he deduced that chimerical system of fanatical
devotion, which we have already exposed to
the view of the reader, pretended to demonstrate
the possibility of incorporating or translating the
human nature into the divine, and rejected all
kinds of external worship, as insignificant and
useless. The disciples of this enthusiast were men
of exemplary piety, were distinguished by the
gravity and austerity of their lives and manners,
and suffered death in the most dreadful forms
with the utmost resolution and constancy. One
of the most eminent among these was David of
Dinant, a Parisian doctor, who usually expressed
the fundamental principle of his master in the fol-
lowing proposition : " God is the primary matter
or substance of all things." He composed a work
entitled Quaternarii, with several other produc-
tions, which were chiefly designed to affect and
gain the multitude ; but, after all, was obliged to
save himself by flight (d). The bishops assembled
tian was obliged to believe himself a member of Jesus Christ,
and that without this belief none could be saved, and he ob-
serves also, that his disciples introduced errors still more
pernicious, such as the following : *• That the power of the
" Father had continued only during the Mosaic dispensation,
" that of the Son 1200 years after his entrance upon earth,
" and that, in the thirteenth century, the age of the Holy
" Spirit commenced, in which the sacraments and all ex-
" ternal worship were to be abolished ; that there would be
" no resurrection: that heaven and hell were mere fictions;"
and many more sentiments of that nature, which, as the
learned Spanheim* imagines, were falsely imputed to Amal-
ric, in order to render his memory odious because he had
opposed the worship of saints and images. See Fleury,
Hist. Eccles. livr. Ixxvi. sect. lix. — Dr. Mosheim looks upon
Amalric to have been a Pantheist, and many men of eminent
learning are of this opinion. See among others, Joh. Gerson
apud Jac. Thomasium, and also Brucker's Hist. Philosoph.
torn. Hi. p. 688.
(d) See Marteni Thesaur. Anecd. torn. iv. p. 163. where
there is an account of the heresies, for which several priests
were burnt at Paris in the year 1209- — Natal. Alexander, Hist.
* See Spanhemii Hist. Eccl. Saec. xxii. p. 1 694.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 289
in council at Paris in the year 1209, considered CENT.
the philosophy of Aristotle as the source of all PARTIH.
these impious doctrines, and, on that account, pro-
hibited the reading, or explaining, either in public
or private, the metaphysical, and other produc-
tions of the Grecian sage (61).
XIII. If we may depend upon the accounts ;T"a^hi,in
i L. - v A i • i i,- r i Wllhel-
given by certain writers, Amalric and his fol- mina.
lowers received with the utmost docility and faith
the predictions attributed to Joachim, abbot of
Flora, concerning the reformation that was soon
to be brought about in the church by the power
of the sword ; the approaching Age of the Holy
Ghost, that was to succeed those of the Father
and the Son, and other things of that nature,
which raised the hopes and occupied the thoughts
of the Spiritual Franciscans. Whether these
accounts may be depended upon or not, we shall
not determine. To us they appear extremely
doubtful. It is, however, true, that certain
persons were so far deluded by these pretended
prophecies, as to form new sects with a view to
their accomplishment, and to declare war against
the established church, its system of doctrine, and
its forms of worship. Among other fanatical sec-
taries, there arose one of the most extraordinary
kind ; a Bohemian woman, named Wilhelmina,
who resided in the territory of Milan. This deli-
rious and wrong-headed woman, having studied
with attention the predictions concerning the Age
of the Holy Ghost, was extravagant enough to
persuade herself, and, what is still more amazing,
had influence enough to persuade others, that the
Eccl. Saec. xiii. cap. iii. art. ii. p. 76. — Du Bois, Historia
Eccles. Paris, torn. ii. p. 244-. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris,
torn. iii. p. 24-. 48. 53. — Jac. Thomasius, De Exustione
Mundi Stoica, p. 199.
(e) Launois, De varia Aristot. Fortuna in Acad. Paris, p.
127.
VOL. III. U
290
CENT.
XIII.
PART II.
The sect
called Apo
sties.
The Internal History of the Church.
Holy Ghost was become incarnate in her person,
for the salvation of a great part of mankind. Ac-
cording to her doctrine, " None were saved by
" the blood of Jesus, but true and pious Chris-
" tians ; while the Jews, Saracens, and unworthy
" Christians, were to obtain salvation through the
" Holy Spirit which dwelt in her, arid that, in conse-
" quence thereof, all that had happened to Christ,
" during his appearance upon earth in the human
" nature, was to be exactly renewed in her person,
" or rather in that of the Holy Ghost, which was
" united to her." This mad woman died at
Milan in the year 1281, in the most fragrant
odour of sanctity, and her memory was not only
held in the highest veneration by her numerous
followers and the ignorant multitude, but was also
honoured with religious worship both in public
and in private, Her sect, nevertheless, was dis-
covered by the curious eye of persecution in the
year 1300, and fell into the clutches of the inqui-
sitors, who destroyed the magnificent monument
that had been erected in her honour, had her
bones raised and committed to the flames, and in
the same fire consumed the chief leaders of this
wretched faction, among which there were persons
of both sexes (y ).
XIV. It was upon predictions similar to those
mentioned in the preceding section, that the sect
of the apostles founded its discipline. The mem-
bers of this sect made little or no alterations in
the doctrinal part' of the public religion; what
they principally aimed at, was, to introduce
(f) The Milanese historians, such as Bernard, Corius,
and others, have related the adventures of this odd woman ;
but their accounts are very different from those given by the
learned Muratori, in his Antiq. Italicae Medii Mvi, torn. v.
p. 91 . and which he has drawn from the judicial proceedings
of the court, where the extraordinary case of this female
fanatic was examined. We are informed by the same ex-
cellent author, that a learned writer, named Puricelli, com-
posed a history of Wilhelmina, and of her sect.
PART rr.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 291
among Christians the simplicity of the primitive CENT.
times, and more especially the manner of life that
was observed by the apostles. Gerhard Sagarelli,
the founder of this sect, obliged his followers
to go from place to place as the apostles did, to
wander about clothed in white, with long beards,
dishevelled hair, and bare heads, accompanied
with women whom they called their Sisters.
They were also obliged to renounce all kinds
of property and possessions, and to preach in
public the necessity of repentance, while in their
more private assemblies they declared the ap-
proaching destruction of the corrupt church of
Rome, and the establishment of a purer service,
arid a more glorious church, that, according to
the prophecies of the abbot Joachim, was to arise
from its ruins. No sooner was the unhappy
leader of this faction committed to the flames (g\
than he was succeeded in that character by a bold
and enterprising fanatic, named Dulcinus, a native
of Novara, who published his predictions with
more courage, and maintained them with more
zeal, than his predecessor had done, and who did
not hesitate to declare that, in a short time, the
Roman pontiff Boniface VIII. with the corrupt
priests and the licentious monks, were to perish
by the hand of the emperor Frederic III. son
of Peter, king of Arragon, and that a new and
most holy pontiff was to be raised to the head of
the church. These visionary predictions were, no
doubt, drawn from the dreams of the abbot Joa-
chim, who is said to have declared among other
things, that an emperor called Frederic III. was
to bring to perfection what Frederic II. had
left unfinished. Be that as it may, Dulcinus
appeared with intrepid assurance at the head of
the apostles ; and acting, not only in the cha-
(#) This unhappy man was burnt alive at Parma, in the
year 1300.
292
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, racter of a prophet, but also in that of a general,
PAHT ii ne assembled an army to maintain his cause, and
perhaps to accomplish, at least in part, his pre-
dictions. He was opposed by Raynerius, bishop
of Vercelli, who defended the interests of the
Roman pontiff, and carried on, during the space
of two years and more, a most bloody and dread-
ful war against this chief of the apostles. The
issue of this contest was fatal to the latter, who,
after several battles fought with obstinate courage,
was at length taken prisoner, and put to death at
Vercelli in the most barbarous manner, in the
year 1307, together with Margaret, whom he had
chosen for his spiritual sister, according to the
custom of his sect. The terrible end of Dulcinus
was not immediately followed by the downfal of
his sect, which still subsisted in France, Ger-
many, and in other countries, and stood firm
against the most vehement efforts of its enemies,
until the beginning of the fifteenth century, when
under the pontificate of Boniface IX. it was
totally extirpated (#).
Atrueac- XV. This famous Joachim, abbot of Flora,
heresy°thate whose fanatical predictions turned the heads of so
was imputed many well-meaning people, and excited them to
to Joachim.
(h) I composed in the German language an accurate hi-
story in three books, of this famous sect, which is very little
known in our times, and I have in my hands materials, that
will furnish an interesting addition to that history. That this
sect subsisted in Germany, and in some other countries, until
the pontificate of Boniface IX. is evident from the Chronicle
of Herman Cornerus, published by Jo. George Echard, in
his Corpus Historicum Medii M\\, torn. ii. p. 906. and may
be sufficiently demonstrated by other authentic testimonies.
In the year 1402, a certain member of this apostolic sect,
whose name was William, or Wilhelmus, was burnt alive at
kubeck. See Cornerus, loc. cit. p. 1185. The Germans,
who were accustomed to distinguish by the name of Beg-
hards all those who pretended to extraordinary piety, and
sought, by poverty and begging, an eminent reputation for
sanctity and virtue, gave this title also to the sect of the
Apostles.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
attempt reforming the church by the sword, and CENT.
to declare open war against the Roman pontiffs, PART 'IIm
did not fall under the suspicion of heresy on —
account of these predictions, but in consequence of
a new explication he had given of the doctrine of
a Trinity of persons in the Godhead. He had in
an elaborate work attacked very warmly Peter
Lombard, the master of the sentences, on account
of the distinction this latter writer had made be-
tween the Divine Essence and the three Persons
in the Godhead ; for Joachim looked upon this
doctrine as introducing a fourth object, even an
essence, into the Trinity. But the good man was
too little versed in metaphysical matters to carry
on a controversy of such a subtile nature, and he
was betrayed by his ignorance so far as to advance
inconsiderately the most rash and most exception-
able tenets. For he denied that there was any
thing, or any essence, that belonged in common to
the three persons in the Trinity, or was jointly
possessed by them ; by which doctrine the substan-
tial union between the three Persons was taken
away, and the unity of the Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost was reduced from a natural simple,
and numerical unity, to a moral one only ; that is,
to such an unity as reigns in the councils and opi-
nions of different persons, who embrace the same
notions, and think and act with one accord. This
explication of the Trinity was looked upon by
many as very little different from the Arian system ;
and therefore the Roman pontiff, Innocent III.
pronounced, in the year 1215, in the council of
the Lateran, a damnatory sentence against the
doctrine of Joachim, which sentence, however,
did not extend to the person or fame of the abbot
himself. And, indeed, notwithstanding this pa-
pal sentence, Joachim has at this day a considera-
ble number of adherents and defenders, more espe-
cially among those of the Franciscans, who are
The Internal History of the Church.
CxinT' calle(* Observants. Some of these maintain that
PART ii. ^e book of this abbot was corrupted and inter-
polated by his enemies, while the rest are of opi-
nion that his doctrine was not thoroughly under-
stood by those that opposed it (/').
(f) See Dan. Papebrochius, Disquis. Histor. de Florensi
Ordine, Prophetiis, Doctrina, B. Joachimi, in Actis Sancto-
rum. Maii, torn. vi. p. 486. which contains The Life of
Joachim, and several other pieces of consequence. See also
Natal. Alexander, Hist. Eccles. Ssec. xiii. Diss. ii. p. 331. —
Luc. Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. iv. p. 6.
THE
FOURTEEiNTH CENTURY.
PART I.
THE .EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the Prosperous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
I. SEVERAL attempts were made by the monarchs CENT.
and princes of the west, set on by the instiga- XIV-
tion of the Roman pontiffs, to renew the war
in Palestine against the Turks and Saracens, Fruitless
and to deliver the whole province of Syria from ^,™p£e
the oppressive yoke of these despotic infidels, crusades.
The succession of pontiffs that resided at Avignon
were particularly zealous for the renovation of
this religious war, and left no artifice, no me-
thods of persuasion unemployed, that could have
the least tendency to engage the kings of England
and France in an expedition to the Holy Land.
But their success was not answerable to their zeal ;
and notwithstanding the powerful influence of
their exhortations and remonstrances, something
still happened to prevent their producing the de-
sired effect. Clement V. urged the renewal of
this holy war with the greatest ardour in the years
1307, 1308, and set apart an immense sum of
296 The External History of the Church.
Cxrv"' money, for carrying it on with alacrity and vi-
PART i. gour(tf). John XXII. ordered a fleet often ships
to be fitted out in the year 1319, to transport an
army of pious adventurers into Palestine (b\ and
had recourse to the power of superstition, that is,
to the influence of indulgences, for raising the
funds necessary to the support of this great enter-
prize. These indulgences he offered to such as
contributed generously to the carrying on the war,
and appointed legates to administer them in all the
countries in Europe that were subject to his
ghostly jurisdiction. But, under this fair show of
piety and zeal, John is supposed to have covered
the most selfish and groveling views ; and we find
Lewis of Bavaria, who was at that time emperor,
and several other princes, complaining loudly
that this pontiff made use of the holy war as a pre-
text to disguise his avarice and ambition (c) ; and
indeed the character of this pope was proper to
give credit to such complaints. Under the pon-
tificate of Benedict XII. a formidable army was
raised in the year 1330, by Philip de Valois,
king of France, with a view, as was said, to
attempt the deliverance of the Christians in Pa-
lestine (d) ; but when he was just ready to embark
his troops, the apprehension of an invasion from
England obliged him to lay aside this weighty
enterprize. In the year 1345, Clement V. at the
request of the Venetians, engaged, by the per-
suasive power of indulgences, a prodigious number
of adventurers to embark for Smyrna, where they
composed a numerous army under the command
(a) Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 15. 594-. torn,
ii. p. 55. 57. 374. 391, &c. Ant. Matthaei Analecta Veteris
jEvi, torn. ii. p. 577.
(b) Baluzii Vitge Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 125. torn. ii.
p. 515.
(c) Baluzius, loc. cit. torn. i. p. 175. 786. Matthaei Ana-
lecta Vet. ^Evi, torn. ii. p. 595. 598.
(d) Baluzius, loc. cit. torn. i. p. 200.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 297
of Guido or Guy, dauphin of Vienne ; but the CENT.
want of provisions obliged this army to return
with their general into Europe in a short time after
their departure (tf). This disappointment did
not, however, damp the spirits of the restless
pontiffs ; for another formidable army was as-
sembled in the year 1363, in consequence of the
zealous exhortations of Urban V. and was to be
employed in a new expedition against the infidels,
with John, king of France, at its head ; but
the unexpected death of that prince blasted
the hopes that many had entertained from this
grand project, and occasioned the dispersion of
that numerous body which had repaired to his
standards (jf ).
II. The missionaries that had been sent by the .
Roman pontiffs into China, Tartary, and the adja- in China ty
cent countries, in the preceding century, found ™d Tar-
their labours crowned with the desired success,
and established a great number of Christian
churches in these unenlightened nations. In the
year 1307, Clement V. erected Cambalu (which
at this time was the celebrated metropolis of
Cathay, and is, undoubtedly, the same with Pekin,
the capital city at present of the Chinese empire)
into an archbishopric, which he conferred upon
John de Monte Corvino, an Italian friar, who
had been employed in propagating the gospel in
that country for many years. The same pontiff
sent soon after to assist this prelate in his pious
labours seven other bishops of the Franciscan
order (g). John XXII. exerted in this good
(e) Fragmenta Histor. Romanae, in Muratorii Antiq. Ital.
Medii ^Evi, torn. iii. p. 368.
(/) Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 366. 386.
371. 401.
(g) Waddingus, Annal. Ordin. Minor, torn. vi. ad a. 1305.
sect. xii. p. 69. ad a. 1307, p. 91. 368. torn. vii. p. 53. 221.
torn. viii. p. 235. — J. S. Assemanni Biblioth. Orient. Vatican.
298 The External History of the Church.
CENT, cause the same zeal which had distinguished the
X1V- pontificate of his predecessors. Upon the death
1 of John de Monte Corvino, in the year 1330,
he sent Nicolas of Bentra to fill the vacant arch-
bishopric of Cambalu, and charged him with
letters to the emperor of the Tartars, who, at that
time, was in possession of the Chinese dominions.
In the year 1338, Benedict XII. sent new legates
and missionaries into Tartary and China, in con-
sequence of a solemn embassy (1i) with which he
was honoured at Avignon from the Kan of the
Tartars. During the time that the princes of this
latter nation maintained themselves in the empire
of China, the Christian religion flourished in these
vast regions, and both Latins and Nestorians not
only made a public profession of their faith, but
also propagated it without any apprehension of
danger, throughout the northern provinces of
Asia.
Conversion HI. There remained in this century scarcely
anv European prince unconverted to Christianity,
if we except Jagello, duke of Lithuania, who
continued in the darkness of paganism, and wor-
shipped the gods of his idolatrous ancestors,
until the year 1386, when he embraced the
Christian faith, received in baptism the name of
Vladislaus, and persuaded his subjects to open
their eyes upon the divine light of the gospel.
We shall not pretend to justify the purity of the
motives that first engaged this prince to renounce
the religion of his fathers, as they were accom-
panied, at least, with views of policy, interest,
and ambition. Upon the death of Lewis, king
of Poland, which happened in the year 1382,
Jagello was named among the competitors who
torn. iii. sect. ii. p. 521 — J. Echardi Scriptor. Praedicator.
torn. i. p. 537. — ActaSanctor.tom. i. Januarii, p. 984. — Mo-
shemii Historia Eccles. Tartar.
(h) Baluzii Vitae Pontificum Averiionensium,tom.i. p. 242.
CHAP. i. Prosperous Events. 299
aspired after the vacant throne; and as he was CENT.
a rich and powerful prince, the Poles beheld his p*™\
pretensions and efforts with a favourable eye.
His religion was the only obstacle that lay in his
way to the accomplishment of his views. Hed-
wige, the youngest daughter of the deceased mon-
arch, who, by a decree of the senate, was declared
heiress of the kingdom, was as little disposed to
espouse, as the Poles were to obey, a pagan, and
hence Jagello was obliged to make superstition
yield to royalty (i). On the other hand, the
Teutonic knights and crusaders extirpated by fire
and sword any remains of paganism that were yet
to be found in Prussia and Livonia, and effected,
by force, what persuasion alone ought to have
produced.
We find also in the annals of this century a Many of
great many instances of Jews converted to the become8
Christian faith. The cruel persecutions they Christians
suffered in several parts of Europe, particularly in compSu
France and Germany, vanquished their obstinacy, «on.
and bent their untractable spirits under the yoke
of the gospel. The reports (whether false or true
we shall not determine) that had been industri-
ously spread abroad, of their poisoning the public
fountains, of their killing infants and drinking
their blood, of their profaning, in the most im-
pious and blasphemous manner, the consecrated
wafers that were used in the celebration of the
eucharist, with other accusations equally enor-
mous, excited every wrhere the resentment of the
magistrates and the fury of the people, and
brought the most terrible sufferings that unre-
lenting vengeance could invent, upon that wretched
and devoted nation.
(i) Odor. Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. ad a. 1386. sect. iv.
— Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. ix. p. 71. — Solignac, Hi-
stoire do Pologne, torn. iii. p. 241.
300 The External History of the Church.
IV. The Saracens maintained, as yet, a consi-
derable footing in Spain. The kingdoms of Gra-
nada and Murcia, with the province of Andalusia,
A scheme were subject to their dominion ; and they carried
Ixpu^icm6 on a perpetual war with the kings of Castile, Ar-
of the Sara- ragon, and Navarre, in which, however, they were
Spain?" not always victorious. The African princes, and
particularly the emperors of Morocco, became
their auxiliaries against the Christians. On the
other hand, the Roman pontiffs left no means
unemployed to excite the Christians to unite their
forces against the Mahometans, and to drive them
out of the Spanish territories ; presents, exhorta-
tions, promises, in short, every allurement that
religion, superstition, or avarice could render
powerful, were made use of in order to the exe-
cution of this arduous project. The Christians,
accordingly, united their counsels and efforts for
this end ; and though for some time the difficulty
of the enterprize rendered their progress but in-
considerable, yet even in this century their affairs
carried a promising aspect, and gave them reason
to hope that they should one day triumph over
their enemies, and become sole possessors of the
Spanish dominions
(&) See Jo. de Ferreras, Histoire cle 1'Espagne, torn, iv, v.
vii. — Fragmenta Histor. Romanes, in Muratorii, Antiq. Ital.
Medii ^Evi, torn. iii. p. 319, in which, however, there is a con-
siderable mixture of truth and falsehood. — Baluzii Miscellan.
torn. ii. p. 267.
CHAP. if. Calamitous Events. 301
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
I. THE Turks and Tartars, who extended their
dominions in Asia with an amazing rapidity, and CENT.
directed their arms against the Greeks, as well as
against the Saracens, destroyed wherever they
went the fruits that had sprung up in such a rich The Ch™~
abundance from the labours of the Christian mis-
sionaries, extirpated the religion of Jesus in seve-inAsia-
ral provinces and cities where it flourished, and
substituted the impostures of Mahomet in its
place. Many of the Tartars had formerly pro-
fessed the gospel, and still more had tolerated
the exercise of that divine religion ; but, from the
beginning of this century, things put on a new
face ; and that fierce nation renounced every
other religious doctrine, except that of the Alco-
ran. Timur Beg, commonly called Tamerlane,
their mighty emperor, embraced himself the doc-
trine of Mahomet, though under a form different
from that which was adopted by the Tartars in
general (/). This formidable warrior, after ha-
ving subdued the greatest part of Asia, having
triumphed over Bajazet, the emperor of the
Turks, and even filled Europe with terror at the
(I) This great Tamerlane, whose name seemed to strike
terror even when he was no more, adhered to the sect of the
Sonnites, and professed the greatest enmity against their ad-
versaries the Schiites. See Petit Croix, Histoire de Timur-
Bec, torn. ii. p. 151. torn. iii. p. 228. It is, however, extremely
doubtful, what was, in reality, the religion of Tamerlane,
though he professed the Mahometan faith. See Mosheim,
Hist. Eccles. Tartaror. p. 124.
302 The External History of the Church.
CENT, approach of his victorious arms, made use of his
pARTV*i authority to force multitudes of Christians to
apostatize from their holy faith. To the dictates
of authority he added the compulsive power of
violence and persecution, and treated the disciples
of Christ with the utmost barbarity. Persuaded,
as we learn from the most credible writers of
his life and actions, that it was incumbent upon
the true followers of Mahomet to persecute the
Christians, and that the most ample and glorious
rewards were reserved for such as were most
instrumental in converting them to the Mahome-
tan faith (ni} ; he employed the most inhuman
acts of severity to vanquish the magnanimous
constancy of those that persevered in their at-
tachment to the Christian religion, of whom some
suffered death in the most barbarous forms, while
others were condemned to perpetual slavery (n).
The decline II. In those parts of Asia, that are inhabited
o|tchristia.by the chjnes^ Tartars, Moguls, and other
China and nations as yet less known, the Christian religion
mTartary. ^^ ^j^ j^ groun(Jj J^ seeme(J ^0 be totally
extirpated. It is, at least, certain, that we have
no account of any members of the Latin church
residing in those countries, later than the year
1370, nor could we ever learn the fate of the
Franciscan missionaries that had been sent thi-
ther from Rome. We have, indeed, some records,
from which it would appear that there were
Nestorians residing in China so far down as the
(m) Petit Croix, Histoire de Timur-Bec, torn. ii. p. 329.
torn. iii. p. 9. 137. 243. &c.
(n) Many instances of this we find in a History of Timur-
Bec, wrote by a Persian, who was named Scherfedinns, torn,
ii. p. 376. 384. 386. torn. iii. p. 24-3. torn. iv. p. 111. 115.
117. and published at Delft, in four volumes, 8vo. in the year
1723.— See also Herbelot, Biblioth. Oriental, at the article
Timur, p. 877.
CHAP. IT. Calamitous Events. 303
sixteenth century (o) ; but these records are not
so clear in relation to this matter, as to remove
all uncertainty and doubting. However that may
be, it is evident beyond all contradiction, that the
abolition of Christianity in those remote parts of
the world, was owing to the wars that were carried
on by the Tartars against the Chinese and other
Asiatic nations ; for in the year 1369, the last
emperor of the race of Gengis Kan was driven out
of China, and his throne filled by the Mini family,
who, by a solemn law, refused to all foreigners the
privilege of entering into China.
(o) Nicol. Trigautius, De Christiana Expeditione apud
Sinas, lib. i. cap. xi. p. 116. — Jos. Sim. Assemanni Biblioth.
Orient. Vatican, torn. iii. part L p. 592. & part II. p. 4-45.
536. — Halde, Description de la Chine, torn. i. p. 175.
304,
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy
during this Century.
CENT. !• THE Greeks, though dejected by the foreign
XIV- and intestine calamities in which they were in-
_^ volved, were far from withdrawing their attention
The state and zeal from the cause of literature, as is evi-
aldnttethe ^^ ^Tom t^ie great number of learned men who
Greeks. flourished among them during this period. In
this honourable class were Nicephorus Gregoras,
Manuel Chrysolorus, Maximus Planudes, and
many others, who by their indefatigable applica-
tion to the study of humanity and antiquities, cri-
ticism and grammar, acquired considerable reputa-
tion. To omit writers of inferior note, Theodorus
Metochila, John Cantacuzenus, and Nicephorus
Gregoras, applied themselves to the composition
of history, though with different success. Nor
ought we to pass over in silence Nicephorus
Callistus, who compiled an Ecclesiastical History,
which, notwithstanding its being debased with
idle stories and evident marks of superstition, is
highly useful on account of the light it casts on
many important facts.
The state H- As none of the sages of this century was
of phiioso- advetiturous enough to set up for a leader in phi-
ifs. losophy, such of the Greeks as had a taste for
philosophical researches adhered to Aristotle, as
their conductor and guide ; but we may learn
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 305
from the tracts of Theodorus Metochita in what CENT.
XIV.
PART II.
manner they explained the principles and tenets
of the Stagirite. Plato also had his followers,
especially among those who were fond of my-
sticism, which had for many ages been held in the
highest veneration by the Greeks. In the sub-
lime sciences of mathematics and astronomy Ni-
colas Cabasilas surpassed all his contemporaries.
Barlaam adopted the sentiments and precepts of
the Stoics with respect to the obligations of mo-
rality and the duties of life, and digested them
into a work of his, which is known by the title of
Ethica ex Stoicis
III. In all the Latin provinces, schemes were The state
laid and carried into execution with considerable !^ningtli
success for promoting the study of letters, im- Latins.
proving taste, and dispelling the pedantic spirit of
the times. This laudable disposition gave rise to
the erection of many schools and academies, at
Cologn, Orleans, Cahors, Perusia, Florence, and
Pisa, in which all the liberal arts and sciences,
distributed into the same classes that still subsist
in those places, were taught with assiduity and
zeal. Opulent persons founded and amply en-
dowed particular colleges, in the public univer-
sities, in which, besides the monks, young men of
narrow circumstances were educated in all the
branches of literature. Libraries were also col-
lected, and men of learning animated to aspire to
fame and glory, by the prospect of honourable
rewards. It must be confessed indeed, that the
advantages arising to the church and state, from
so many professors and learned men, did not
wholly answer the expense and care bestowed on
this undertaking by men of rank and fortune : yet
we are by no means to conclude, as many have
rashly done, that all the doctors of this age, who
(17) Henrici Canisii Lectiones Antique, torn. iv. p. 4-0,5.
VOL. III. X
SOtf The Infernal History of the Church.
CENT, rose gradually from the lower to the higher and
XIV.
more honourable stations, were only distinguished
PART II
by their stupidity and ignorance.
The state of IV. Clement V. who was now raised to the
language pontificate> ordered the Hebrew, and other Orien-
tal languages, to be taught in the public schools,
that the church might never want a sufficient
number of missionaries properly qualified to dis-
pute with the Jews and Mahometans, and to
diffuse the divine light of the gospel throughout
the east (r) : in consequence of which appoint-
. ment, some eminent proficients in those tongues,
and especially in the Hebrew, flourished during
this age. The Greek language, which hitherto
had been much neglected, was now revived, and
taught with general applause, first of all by Leon-
tius Pilatus, a Calabrian, who wrote a commen-
tary upon Homer, and a few others (s\ but after-
wards with far greater success, and reputation,
by Manuel Chrysoloras (£), a native of Constan-
tinople. Nor were there wanting some extra-
ordinary geniuses, who, by their zeal and appli-
cation, contributed to the restoration of the
ancient and genuine eloquence of the Latins,
among whom the excellent and justly-renowned
Petrarch held the first place (?/), and Dante
- {/•) See Ant. Wood, Antiq. Oxoniens. torn. i. p. 15G, 159.
(s) See Humph. Hody, De Graecis illustrious, Linguae
Graecae Literarumque Humaniorum Instauratoribus, lib. i. p.
5. Londini, 1742, in 8vo. — Calogera, Opusculi Scientific!,
torn, xxv, p. 258.
(t) Hody, loc. cit. lib. i. p. 10. — Angeli Calogerae loc. cit.
p. 248. — And more especially Christ. Frid. Borneri Lib. de
Graecis Literarum Grsecarum in Italia instauratoribus.
(M) See Jac. Phil. Thomasini Vita Petrarchi in Jo. Gerh.
Meuschen Vitae Claror. Viror. torn. iv. who in his Preface
enumerates all the other writers of his life. Of the cele-
brated poet Dante, several have treated, particularly his
translator Benevenutus of Imola, from whence Muratorius
has borrowed large extracts in his Antiquit. Ital. Medii
i, torn. i. p. 1036. f.
scienccs>
CHAP. r. Learning and Philosophy. 307
Alighieri the second. Full of this worthy de- CENT.
sign, they both acted as if they had received an PART ,,
extraordinary commission to promote the reign of -
true taste and the progress of polite learning ;
and their success was answerable to the generous
ambition that animated their efforts ; for they
had many followers and admirers, not only among
their countrymen, but also among the French and
Germans.
V. The writings of this age furnish us with a of the other
long list of grammarians, historians, lawyers, and
physicians, of which it would be easy to give a ,
circumstantial account : but as it is quite foreign
to our purpose, it will be sufficient to inform our
readers, that there were but few of this vast mul-
titude, whose labours were in any great degree
useful to society. Great numbers applied them-
selves to the study of the civil and canon law,
because it was the readiest way to preferment
both in church and state. Such as have any tole-
rable acquaintance with history, cannot be entirely
strangers to the fame of Bartoius, Baldus, An-
dreas, and other doctors of laws in this century,
who reflected honour on the universities of Italy.
But, after all, it is certain that the jurisprudence
of this age was a most intricate disagreeable study,
unenlivened either by history or language, and
destitute of every allurement that could recom-
mend it to a man of genius. As for the mathe-
matics, they were cultivated by many ; yet, if we
except Doctor Thomas Bradwardine, the acute
and learned archbishop of Canterbury, there were
but few who acquired any reputation worth men-
tioning by this kind of study.
VI. The vast number of philosophers who
rather disgraced than adorned this century, looked p!iy-
upon Aristotle as their infallible oracle and guide ;
though they stript him of all those excellencies
that really belonged to him, and were incapable
x 2
90S The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of entering into the true spirit of his writings.
£reat was the authority of the peripatetic phi-
1 losophy, that, in order to diffuse the knowledge
of it as widely as possible, even kings and em-
perors ordered the works of Aristotle to be trans-
lated into the native language of their respective
dominions. Among the most eminent of this
class was Charles V. king of France, who or-
dered all the writings of the ancients, and espe-
cially those of Aristotle, to be translated into
French by Nicholas Oresme (w). Those, how-
ever, who professed themselves philosophers, in-
stead of being animated by the love of truth,
were inflamed by a rage of disputation, which
led them to perplex and deform the pure, simple
doctrines of reason and religion, by a multitude
of idle subtilties, trifling questions, and ridicu-
lous distinctions. It is needless to enlarge on
the barbarity of their phraseology, in which
they supposed the whole strength of their art
consisted ; as also, on that utter aversion to every
branch of polite learning in which they foolishly
gloried. Those who have a mind to be acquainted
with their methods of argumentation, and what-
^ever else relates to this wrangling tribe, need only
consult John Scotus, or Walter Bulagus. But
though they all followed one common track, there
were several points on which they differed among
themselves.
o- ^II' ^e old disputes between the Realists
and Nominalists, which had lain dormant a long
time, were now revived with unextinguishable
ardour, by an English Franciscan friar of the
severer order, named William Occam, who was a
follower of the great Scotus, and a doctor of divi-
(w) Jo. Launoius, Hist. Gymnas. Navarr. torn. iv. opp.
part I. p. 504. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn iv. p. 379.
— Le Boeuf, J)issert. snr 1'Hist. Eccles. et Civile, Par. torn,
iii. p. 456. 463. s.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 309
nity at Paris. The Greeks and Persians never CENT.
fought against each other with more hatred and xlv*
fury than these two discordant sects, whose angry
disputations subsisted without any abatement, till
the appearance of Luther, who soon obliged the
scholastic divines to terminate their mutual
wranglings, and to listen to terms of accommo-
dation. The Realists despised their antagonists
as philosophers of a recent date, branding them
with the name of Moderns, while, through a great
mistake, they ascribed a very high antiquity to
the tenets of their own party. The Nominalists,
on the other hand, inveighed against them as a
set of doting visionaries, who, despising sub-
stantial matters, were pursuing mere shadows.
The Nominalists had the most eloquent, acute,
and subtile doctors of Paris for their leaders,
among whom, besides Occam, the famous John
Buridan (>r) was very eminent ; nevertheless,
through the countenance given them by succes-
sive popes, the Realists prevailed. For when
Occam joined the party of the Franciscan monks,
who strenuously opposed John XXII. that pope
himself, and his successors after him, left no means
untried to extirpate the philosophy of the Nomi-
nalists, which was deemed highly prejudicial to
the interests of the church (if) ; and hence it was,
that, in the year 1339, the university of Paris, by
a public edict, solemnly condemned and prohibited
the philosophy of Occam, which was that of the
Nominalists (#). But as it is natural for men to
(x) Rob. Guaginus wrote a particular account of this
famous man, as we learn from Jo. JLaunoius, in his Historia
Gymnasii Navarreni, torn. iv. opp. part I. p. 722. see also p.
296, 297. 330. and Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p.
282. 307. 341, &c.
(y) Steph. Buluzii Miscellanea, torn. iv. p. 532.
(z) Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 257. torn. v. p.
708. — Car. Pless. d'Argentre, Collectio Judiciorum de novis
Erroribus, &c. see Mosheim.
!wphphof"
the times,
310 The Internal History of the Church.
^iv" ^°Ve all(^ Pursue wnat is forbidden, the consequence
PART ii. was> tnat tne party of the Nominalists flourished
more than ever.
VIII. Among the philosophers of these times,
there were many who mingled astrology with
their philosophy, i. e. the art of telling fortunes,
by the aspect of the heavens, and the influence of
* e s*ars > an(^» notwithstanding the obvious folly
and absurdity of this pretended science, all ranks
of people, from the highest down to the lowest,
were fond of it even to distraction. Yet, in spite
of all this popular prejudice in favour of their
art, these astrological philosophers, to avoid being-
impeached of witchcraft, and to keep themselves
out of the hands of the inquisitors, were obliged to
behave with great circumspection. The neglect
of this caution was remarkably fatal to Ceccus
Asculanus, a famous peripatetic philosopher, astro-
loger, and mathematician, first of all physician to
pope John XXII. and afterwards to Charles
Sineterra, Duke of Calabria. This unhappy man
having performed some experiments in mechanics,
that seemed miraculous to the vulgar, and having
also offended many, and among the rest his
master, by giving out some predictions, which
were said to have been fulfilled, was universally
supposed to deal with infernal spirits, and burnt
foF it by the inquisitors at Florence, in the year
1337 (#). There is yet extant a commentary of
his upon the Sphere of John de Sacrobusco,
otherwise named Holywood, which shows its
author to have been deeply tainted with super-
stition (/;).
(a) Paul Ant. Appianus wrote a defence of this unhappy
man, which is inserted in Domen. Bernini Storia di tutte
1'Heresi. torn. iii. sect. xiv. cap. iii. p. 210. s. We have also a
further account of him in Jo. Maria Crescimbenus, Commen-
tari della volgar. Poesia, vol. ii.part II. lib. iii. cap. xiv.
(/>) Gabr. Naudaeus, Apologie pourles grands Homines qui
ont ete soupsonnez de Magie, p. 270. s.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. oil
IX. Raymund Lully was the author of a new CENT.
and very singular kind of philosophy, which he XIV*
* i -11 i -i /* i i i • i PART II
endeavoured to illustrate and defend by his volu-
minous writings. He was a native of Majorca, The phih
and admirable for the extent and fecundity of his i°£iiy.C
genius ; yet, at the same time, a strange compound
of reason and folly. Being full of zeal for the
propagation of the gospel, and having performed
many voyages, and undergone various hardships
to promote it, he was slain at Bugia, in Africa,
in the year 1315, by the Mahometans, whom he
was attempting to convert. The Franciscans, to
whose third order it is said he belonged, extol him
to the skies, and have taken great pains to persuade
several popes to canonize him ; w^hile many, on the
contrary, and especially the Dominicans, inveigh
bitterly against him, calling him a harebrained
chemist, a hot-headed fanatic, a heretic, a magi-
cian, and a mere compiler of the works of the more
learned Mahometans. The popes entertained
different opinions of him ; some esteeming him a
harmless pious man, while others pronounced him
a vile heretic. But whoever peruses the writings
of Lully without prejudice, will not be biassed by
either of these parties. It is at least certain, that
he would have been a great man, had the warmth
and fertility of his imagination been tempered
with a sound judgment (c).
(c) See John Salzinger's Preface to Raymund Lully's
Works, which John William, elector palatine, caused to be
collected at a great expense, and to be published, in 1720,
in five folio volumes. Luc. Waddingus, Annal. Minor, torn,
iv. p, 421. torn. v. p. 157. 316. torn. vi. p. 229. Concerning
the famous invention of Lully, see Dan. Georg. Morofius,
Polyhistoire, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 352. s.
The Internal History of the Church.
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Doctors and Government of the
Church during this Century.
CENT. jw THE governors of the church in this period,
PART ii. fr°m tne highest to the lowest orders, were ad-
dicted to vices peculiarly dishonourable to their
sacred character. We shall say nothing of the
iiergy. '"" Grecian and Oriental clergy, who lived, for the
most part, under a rigid, severe, and oppressive
government, though they deserve their part in
this heavy and ignominious charge. But with
regard to the Latins, our silence would be inex-
cusable, since the flagrant abuses that prevailed
among them were attended with consequences
equally pernicious to the interests of religion,
and the well-being of civil society. It is, how-
ever, necessary to observe, that there were even
in these degenerate times, several pious and
worthy men, who ardently longed for a reformation
of the church, both in its head and members, as
they used to express themselves (W). Laudable
as these desires undoubtedly were, many circum-
stances concurred to prevent their accomplish-
ment ; such as the exhorbitant power of the
popes, so confirmed by length of time that it
seemed immoveable, the excessive superstition that
enslaved the minds of the generality, together
with the wretched ignorance and barbarity of the
age, by which every spark of truth was stifled,
as it were, in its very birth. Yet, firm and
lasting as the dominion of the Roman pontiffs
seemed to be, it was gradually undermined and
(d) Matt. Flacius, Catalogo Testium Veritatis, lib. xiii. p.
1697. Jo. Launoius, De Varia Fortuna Aristotelis, p. 217. Jo.
Henr. Hottingeri Historia Eccles. Saec. xiv. p. 754.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 313
weakened, partly by the pride and rashness of the CENT.
popes themselves, and partly by several unexpected PART ^
events.
II. This important change may be dated from pfhp£' Jjn
the quarrel which arose between Boniface VIII. opposite
who filled the papal throne about the beginning papal tyran
of this century, and Philip the Fair, king of '
France. This prince, who was endowed with
a bold and enterprising spirit, soon convinced
Europe, that it was possible to set bounds to the
overgrown arrogance of the bishop of Rome, not-
withstanding many crowned heads had attempted
it without success. Boniface sent Philip the
haughtiest letters imaginable, in which he asserted,
that the king of France, with all other kings
and princes whatsoever, were obliged, by a divine
command, to submit to the authority of the
popes, as well in all political and civil matters,
as in those of a religious nature. The king
answered him with great spirit, and in terms
expressive of the utmost contempt. The pope
rejoined with more arrogance than ever ; and, in
that famous bull, unam sanctam, which he pub-
lished, about this time, asserted that Jesus Christ
had granted a twofold power to his church, or, in
other words, the spiritual and temporal sword ;
that he had subjected the whole human race to
the authority of the Roman pontiff, and that
whoever dared to disbelieve it, were to be deemed
heretics, and stood excluded from all possibility
of salvation (e). The king, on the other hand,
in an assembly of the peers of his kingdom, held
in the year 1 303, ordered William de Nogaret, a
celebrated lawyer (/), to draw up an accusation
(e) This bull is yet extant in the Corpus Juris Canon. Ex-
travagant. Commun. lib. i. tit. De majoritate et obedientia.
(f] Of this celebrated lawyer, who was the most intrepid
and inveterate enemy the popes ever had before Luther, none
The Internal History of the Church.
against the pope, in which he publicly charged
A1V. -I • * 1 1 • • I 1 •
PART ii. nim W1^h heresies, simony, and many other vices,
demanding, at the same time, an oecumenical
council to depose such an execrable pontiff. The
pope, in his turn, passed a sentence of excommu-
nication, that very year, against the king and all
his adherents.
The event HI. Philip, shortly after he received his sen-
warnl*con- tence, held an assembly of the states of the king-
test- dom, where he again employed some persons of
the highest rank and reputation to sit in judgment
upon the pope, and appealed to a general council.
After this, he sent William de Nogaret, with
some others, into Italy, to excite a sedition, to
seize the pope's person, and then to convey him
to Lyons, where the king was determined to
hold the abovementioned council. Nogaret,
being a resolute active man, soon drew over to
his assistance the powerful family of the Colon-
nas, then at variance with the pope, levied a
small army, seized Boniface, who lived 'in perfect
security at Anagni, and as soon as he had got
him into his power, treated him in the most shock-
ing manner, and carried his resentment so far as to
wound him on the head by a blow with his iron
gauntlet. The inhabitants of Anagni rescued him
out of the hands of this fierce and inveterate
enemy, and conducted him to Rome, where he
died soon after of an illness occasioned by the
rage and anguish into which these insults had
thrown him
have given us a fuller account than the Benedictine monks,
Hist. Generale de Languedoc, torn. iii. p. 114. 117. s. Philip
made him chancellor of France for his resolute opposition
against the pope.
(g) See the Acta inter Bonifacium VIII. Bened. XI. Cle-
ment. V. et Philippum Pulchrum, published A. D. 1614, by
Peter Puteanus. — Adr. Baillet, Hist. deDemelez du Boniface
VIII. avec Philippe le Bel, printed at Paris, in 4to. in 1718. —
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 315
IV. Benedict XL who succeeded him, and CENT.
whose name, before his accession to the papal PART'ir.
chair, was Nicolas Boccacini, learned prudence
by this fatal example, and pursued more moderate Th5 ;,papal
J TT 1 1 f 1 ' residence
and gentle measures. He repealed, of his own removed to
accord, the sentence of excommunication that his Avlsnon-
predecessor had thundered out against the king
of France and his dominions ; but never could be
prevailed upon to absolve Nogaret of his treason
against the ghostly majesty of the pontificate.
Nogaret, on the other hand, set a small value
upon the papal absolution, and prosecuted, with
his usual vigour and intrepidity, in the Roman
court, the accusation that he had formerly brought
against Boniface ; and in the name of his royal
master, insisted, that the memory of that pontiff
should be branded with a notorious mark of
infamy. While this was transacting, Benedict
died, A. D. 1304 ; upon which Philip, by his
artful intrigues in the conclave, obtained the see
of Rome for a French prelate Bertrand de Got,
archbishop of Bourdeaux, who was accordingly
elected to that high dignity, on the 5th of June
1 305. This step was so much the more necessary,
i« that the breach between the king and the
court of Rome was not yet entirely healed, and,
as Nogaret was not as yet absolved, might easily
be renewed. Besides, the French monarch, in-
flamed with the desire of revenge, insisted upon
the formal condemnation of Boniface by the court
of Rome, the abolition of the order of Templars,
and other concessions of great importance, which
he could not reasonably expect from an Italian pope.
Hence he looked upon a French pontiff, in whose
zeal and compliance he could confide, as necessary
Jo. Rubeus, in Bonifacio, cap. xvi. p. 137. — The other writers
on this subject are mentioned by Baillct, in his Preface, p. 9.
-—See also Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 4.
316 The Internal History of the Church.
°xi\^' to t^ie executi°n °f his designs. Bertrand as-
PART ii. sumed the name of Clement V. and, at the king's
request, remained in France, and removed the
papal residence to Avignon, where it continued
during the space of seventy years. This period
the Italians call, by way of derision, the Babylonish
captivity (^).
V. There is no doubt, but that the continued
STe papal residence of the popes in France greatly impaired
authority, the authority of the Roman see. For during the
absence of the pontiffs from Rome, the faction of
the Gibellines, their inveterate enemies, rose to a
greater height than ever ; insomuch that they
not only invaded and ravaged St. Peter's patri-
mony, but even attacked the papal authority, by
their writings. This caused many cities to
revolt from the popes ; even Rome itself was the
grand source and fomenter of cabals, tumults,
and civil wars ; insomuch that the laws and
decrees sent thither from France were publicly
treated with contempt by the common people,
as well as by the nobles (7). The influence of
this example was propagated from Italy through
most parts of Europe ; it being evident, from a
vast number of instances, that the Europeans in
general did not pay near so much regard to the
decrees and thunders of the Gallic popes, as
(h) For an account of the French popes, consult chiefly
Steph. Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenionensium, published at
Paris, in two volumes 4to. in the year 1693. The reader may
also peruse, but it must be with the utmost caution, Longue-
val's History of the Gallican Church, and those who con-
tinued that work after his death. See more especially torn. xii.
This Jesuit, and his successors, have shown great industry
and eloquence in the composition of this history ; but they,
for the most part, artfully conceal the vices and enormities
of the Roman pontiffs.
(j) See Baluzii Pontif. Avenion. torn. ii. p. 290, 291. 301.
309. 323, and many other places. — Muratorii Antiq. Ital. torn.
iii. p. 397. 401. 409, &c. — Giannone, Histoire de Naples,
torn. iii. p. 280.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 317
they did to those of Rome. This gave rise to CENT.
various seditions against the pontiffs, which they
could not entirely crush, even with the aid of
the inquisitors, who exerted themselves with the
most barbarous fury.
VI. The French pontiffs, finding they could New
draw but small revenues from their Italian domi- v
nions, which were now torn in pieces by faction, the popes
and ravaged by sedition, were obliged to contrive
new methods of accumulating wealth. For this
purpose, they not only sold indulgences to the
people, more frequently than they had formerly
done, whereby they made themselves extremely
odious to several potentates, but also disposed
publicly of scandalous licences, of all sorts, at an
excessive price. John XXII. was remarkably
shrewd and zealous in promoting this abomin-
able traffic ; for, though he was not the first in-
ventor of the taxes and rules of the apostolical
chancery, yet the Romish writers acknowledge
that he enlarged and rendered them more exten-
sively profitable to the holy treasury (&). It is
certain, that the origin of the tribute paid to the
popes under the name of Annates, and which is
generally affirmed to have been first imposed by
him, is of a much earlier date (/). Besides the
abuses, now mentioned, these Gallic popes having
abolished the right of elections, arrogated to them-
selves a power of conferring all the offices of the
church, whether greater or smaller, according to
their fancy, by which they soon amassed prodigi-
ous wealth. It was also under their government
(k) Jo. Ciampinus, De Vicecancellario Ecclesise Rom. p.
39. — Car. Chais, Lettres sur les Jubiles, torn. ii. p. 673. and
others.
(/) Bernh. van Espen, Jus Eccles. Universale, torn. ii. p.
876. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 911. — Ant.
Wood, Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 213. — Guil. Franc. Ber-
thier.Diss. sur les Annates, torn. xii. Hist, de PEglise Gallic,
p. i.
318 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, that reserves, provisions, expectatives, and other
PART*!! imPositions of tne like odious nature, that had
_I 1 seldom or never been heard of before, became
familiar to the public ear, and filled all Europe
with bitter complaints (772). These complaints
exceeded all bounds, when some of these pontiffs,
particularly John XXII. Clement VI. and Gre-
gory X. openly declared that they had reserved
to themselves all churches and parishes within
their jurisdiction, and were determined, in con-
sequence of that sovereign authority and plenitude
of power which Christ had conferred upon them,
his vicars, to provide for them, and dispose of
them without exception (n). It was by these
and other such mean and selfish contrivances,
which had no other end than the acquisition of
riches, that these inconsiderate pontiffs excited a
general hatred against the Roman see, and there-
by greatly weakened the papal empire, which had
been visibly upon the decline from the time of
Boniface.
The obse- VII. Clement V. was a mere creature of Phi-
ScESt Kp tne Fair> and was absolutely directed and
y. to Phi- governed by that prince as long as he lived.
llp> William de Nogaret, the implacable enemy of
Boniface VIII. notwithstanding he was under
a sentence _of excommunication, had the bold-
ness to prosecute his master's cause, and his
own, against Boniface even in the pope's court ;
an instance of assurance this, not easy to be pa-
ralleled. Philip insisted, that the dead body of
»
(01) Steph. Baluzii Miscellan. torn. ii. p. 479. 518. Ejus
Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. ii. p. 60. 63. 65. 74. 154. 156.
Gallia Christiana Benedictinor. tom.i Append, p. 13. Wood,
Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 148. 201, 202. Boulay, Hist. Acad.
Paris, torn. iv. p. 911.
(n) Baluzii Pontif. Avenion. tom.ii. p. 873. tom.i. p. 285.
31 1 . 681 . s. Ant. Matthaei Analecta Vet. ^Evi, torn. v. p. 349.
s. Gallia Christiana, torn. i. p. 69. 1208. Histoire du Droit
Eccles. Francois, torn. ii. p. 129. s.
PA HT II.
CHAP. u. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 319
Boniface should be dug up and publicly burnt ; CENT.
but Clement averted this infamy by his advice
and intreaties, promising implicit obedience to
the king in every thing else. In order, therefore, to
keep his word, he was obliged to abrogate the
laws enacted by Boniface, to grant the king a
bounty of five years tithes, fully to absolve No-
garet of all his crimes, on condition of his sub-
mitting to a light penance (which, however, he
never performed), to restore the citizens of Anagni
to their reputation and honour, and to call a ge-
neral council at Vienna, in the year 1311, in order
to condemn the Templars, on whose destruction
Philip was most ardently bent. In this council
every thing was determined as the king thought
proper. For Clement, terrified by the melan-
choly fate of Boniface, durst not venture to op-
pose this intrepid and obstinate monarch (o).
VIII. Upon Clement's death, which happened j0i,n
in the year 1314, many fierce contentions arose XXIL Ni-
j.1 l i_ : * {A . • J.1- colas V-
in the conclave about choosing a successor, the*
French cardinals insisting upon a French, and
those of Italy demanding an Italian pope. After
a contest, which continued two years, the French
party prevailed, and, in the year 1316, elected
James de Euse, a native of Cahors, and cardinal
bishop of Porto. He assumed the name of John
XXII. and had a tolerable share of learning,
but was at the same time crafty and proud, weak,
imprudent, and covetous, which is allowed even
by those writers who, in other respects, speak
well of him. He is deservedly censured on ac-
count of his temerity, and the ill success that
attended him, through his own imprudence, in
(o) Besides the common writers already cited, see Guil.
Fran. Berthierii, Discours sur le Pontificat de Clement. V.
torn. iii. Historiae Eccles. Gallic. Colonia Hist. Litter, de
Lyon, torn. i. p. 340. Gallia Christiana Benedict, torn. i. p.
1189. et torn. ii. p. 829.
PART II.
320 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, many of his enterprizes ; but he is more especi-
XIV- ally blamed for that calamitous and unhappy war
into which he entered against Lewis of Bavaria.
This powerful prince disputed the imperial throne
of Germany with Frederic, duke of Austria ; and
they had been both chosen to that high dignity,
in the year 1314, by their respective partisans
among the electors and princes of the empire.
John took it for granted, that the decision of
this contest came under his ghostly jurisdiction.
But, in the year 1322, the duke of Bavaria
having vanquished his competitor by force of
arms, took upon him the administration of the
empire without asking the pope's approbation,
and would by no means allow, that their dis-
pute, already determined by the sword, should
be again decided by the judgment of the pope.
John interpreted this refusal as a heinous insult
upon his authority, and, by an edict issued out in
the year 1324, pretended to deprive the emperor
of his crown. But his impotent resentment was
very little regarded ; nay, he was even accused
of heresy by the emperor, who, at the same time,
appealed to a general council. Highly exaspe-
rated by these and other deserved affronts, the
pontiff presumed, in the year 1327, to declare
the imperial throne vacant a second time, and
even to publish a sentence of excommunication
against the chief of the empire. This new mark
of papal arrogance was severely resented by Lewis,
who, in the year 1328, published an edict at
Rome, by which John was declared unworthy of
the pontificate, deposed from that dignity, and
succeeded in it by one of his bitterest enemies
Peter de Corbieri, a Franciscan monk, who
assumed the name of Nicolas V. and crowned
the emperor at Rome, in a solemn and public
manner. But, in the year 1330, this imperial
pope voluntarily abdicated the chair of St. Peter,
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
and surrendered himself to John, who kept him CENT
in close confinement at Avignon for the rest of
his days. Thus ended the contest between the
duke of Bavaria and John XXII. who, notwith-
standing their mutual efforts to dethrone each
other, continued both in the possession of their
respective dignities
IX. The numerous tribes of the Fratricelli, Joim
Beghards, and Spiritual Franciscans, adhered to
the party of Lewis. Supported by his patronage, heresy.
and dispersed throughout the greatest part of
Europe, they attacked every where the reigning
pontiff, as an enemy to the true religion, and
loaded him with the heaviest accusations, and the
bitterest invectives, both in their writings and in
their ordinary conversation. These attacks did
not greatly affect the pontiff, as they were made
only by private persons, by a set of obscure
monks, who in many respects were unworthy of
his notice ; but, towards the conclusion of his life,
he incurred the disapprobation and censures of
almost the whole Catholic church. For in the
(p) The particulars of this violent quarrel may be learned
from the Records published by Steph. Baluz. in his Vitse
Pontiff. Avenion. torn. ii. p. 512. s. — Edm. Martene, Thesaur.
Anecdotor. torn. ii.p. 64?1. s. — Jo. Georg. Herwart, in Ludo-
vico Imperatore defense contra Bzovium, Monachii, 1618.
in 4-to, et Christ. Gewald. in Apologia pro Ludovico Bavaro,
Ingoldstad. 1618, in 4to, against the same Bzovius, who, in
the Annals he had published, basely aspersed the memory of
the emperor. See also Luc. Waddingus in Annalib. Minor,
torn. vii. p. 77. 106. s. &c. Whoever attentively peruses the
history of this war, will perceive that Lewis of Bavaria fol-
lowed the example of Philip the Fair, king of France. As
Philip brought an accusation of heresy against Boniface, so
did Lewis with respect to John XXII. The French monarch
made use of Nogaret and other accusers against the one
pontiff. Lewis employed Occam and the Franciscans in that
quality against the other. Each of them insisted upon the
assembling a general council, and upon the deposition of the
pontiffs who had incurred their displeasure. I omit other
circumstances that might be alleged to render the parallel
more striking.
VOL. Ill, Y
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, year 1331 and 1332, having asserted, in some
public discourses, that the souls of the faithful, in
their intermediate state, were permitted to behold
Christ as man, but not the face of God, or the
divine nature, before their re-union with the body
at the last day ; this doctrine highly offended
Philip VI. king of France, was opposed by the
pope's friends as well as by his enemies, and
unanimously condemned by the divines at Paris,
in the year 1333. This favourite tenet of the
pope was thus severely treated, because it seemed
highly prejudicial to the felicity of happy spirits
in their unembodied state ; otherwise the point
might have been yielded to a man of his posi-
tive temper, without any material consequence.
Alarmed by these vigorous proceedings, he im-
mediately offered something by way of excuse for
having espoused this opinion ; and afterwards, in
the year 1 334, when he lay at the point of death,
though he did not entirely renounce, he, in some
measure, softened it, by saying he believed that
the unembodied souls of the righteous beheld the
divine essence as far as their separate state and
condition would permit (</). This declaration did
not satisfy his adversaries ; hence his successor,
Benedict XII. after many disputes had been held
about it, put an end to this controversy by an
unanimous resolution of the Parisian doctors, or-
dering it to be received as an article of faith, that
the souls of the blessed, during their intermediate
state, did fully and perfectly contemplate the
(q) See Steph. Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p.
175. 177. 182. 197. 221. 786. £c. — Luc. Dacherii Spicil.
Scriptor. Veter. torn. i. p. 760. ed. Vet.— Jo. Launoii Historia
Gymnas. Navarreni, part. I. cap. vii. p. 319. torn. iv. part. I.
opp. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 235. 250. —
Luc. Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 371. torn. vii. p.
145. — Jac. Echardi Scriptor. Prsedicator. torn. i. p. 599.
608.
PART II.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
divine nature (r). Benedict's publishing this CENT.
resolution could be in no way injurious to the
memory of John ; for when the latter lay upon
his death-bed, he submitted his opinion to the
judgment of the* church, that he might not be
deemed a heretic after his decease (s).
X. John dying in the year 1334, new conten-
tions arose in the conclave between the French x
and Italian cardinals, about the election of a pope ;
but towards the end of the year they chose James
Fournier, a Frenchman, and cardinal of St. Prisca,
who took the name of Benedict XII. The
writers of these times represent him as a man of
great probity, who was neither chargeable with
that avarice, nor that ambition, that dishonoured
so many of his predecessors (/). He put an end
to the papal quarrel with the emperor Lewis :
and though he did not restore him to the com-
munion of the church, because prevented, as it
is said, by the king of France, yet he did not
attempt any thing against him. He carefully
attended to the grievances of the church, redressed
them as far as was in his power, endeavoured to
reform the fundamental laws of the monastic soci-
eties, whether of the Mendicant, or more opulent
orders ; and died in the year 134-2, while he was
laying the most noble schemes for promoting a
(r) Baluzii Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 197. 216.221.
224. 236.
\jjjjF (s) All this pope's heretical fancies about the Beatific
Vision were nothing in comparison with a vile and most
enormous practical heresy that was found in his coffers after
his death, viz. five and twenty millions of florins, of which
there were eighteen in specie, and the rest in plate, jewels,
crowns, mitres, and other precious baubles, all which he had
squeezed out of the people and the inferior clergy during his
pontificate. See Fleury, Hist. Eccles. livr. xciv.sect. xxxix.
(t) See the Fragmenta Histor. Roman, in Muratorii Anti-
quit. Ital. torn. iii. p. 275. — Baluzii Vit. Pont. Avenion. torn,
i. p. 205. 218. 240, &c. Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn,
iv. p. 253.
Y 2
324 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, yet more extensive reformation. In short, if we
PAIIT ii. overl°°k his superstition, the prevailing blemish
of this barbarous age, it must be allowed that he
was a man of integrity and merit.
Clement XI. He was succeeded by a man of a quite
different disposition, Clement VI. a native of
France, whose name was Peter Roger, and who
was Cardinal of St. Nereus and St. Achilles, be-
fore his elevation to the pontificate. Not to insist
upon the most exceptionable parts of this pon-
tiff's conduct, we shall only observe, that he trod
faithfully in the steps of John XXII. in providing
for vacant churches and bishoprics, by reserving
to himself the disposal of them, which showed his
sordid and insatiable avarice ; that he conferred
ecclesiastical dignities and benefices of the highest
consequence upon strangers and Italians, which
drew upon him the warm displeasure of the kings
of England and France ; and lastly, that by re-
newing the dissensions that had formerly subsisted
between Lewis of Bavaria, and the Roman see,
he displayed to the world his excessive vanity and
ambition in the most odious colours. In the year
1345 3 he assailed the emperor with his thundering
edicts ; and when he heard that they were treat-
ed by that prince with the utmost contempt, his
rage augmented, and he not only threw out new
maledictions, and published new sentences of ex-
communication against him, in the year 1346',
but also excited the German princes to elect
Henry VII. son to Charles IV. emperor in his
place. This violent measure would infallibly have
occasioned a civil war in Germany, had it not been
prevented by the death of Lewis, in the year
1347- Clement did not long survive him, for he
died in the year 1352, famous for nothing but his
excessive zeal for extending the papal authority,
and for his having added Avignon, which he pur-
chased of Joan, queen of Naples, to the patrimony
of St. Peter.
CHAP. u. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
XII. His successor Innocent VI. whose name CENT.
was Stephen Albert, was much more remarkable
ft • . n -I . TT -r~1 -i PART II.
for integrity and moderation. He was a Jbrench- -
man, and before his election had been bishop of innocent
Ostia. He died in the year 1362, after having y! l
governed the church ten years. His greatest
blemish was, that he promoted his relations with
an excessive partiality, but in other respects, he
was a man of merit, and a great encourager of
pious and learned men. He kept the monks
closely to their duty, carefully abstained from
reserving churches, and by many good actions,
acquired a great and deserved reputation. He
was succeeded by William Grimoard, abbot of
St. Victor at Marseilles, who took the name of
Urban V. and was entirely free from all the
grosser vices, if we except those which cannot
easily be separated from the papal dignity. This
pope being prevailed on by the intreaties of the
Romans, returned to Rome in the year 1367,
but, in 1370, he came back to Avignon, to re-
concile the differences that had arisen between the
kings of England and France, and died there the
same year.
XIII. He was succeeded by Peter Roger, a Gregory
French ecclesiastic of illustrious descent, who as- XL
sumed the name of Gregory XL a man, who,
though inferior to his predecessors in virtue, ex-
ceeded them far in courage and assurance. In his
time, Italy in general, and the city of Rome in
particular, was distressed with most outrageous
and formidable tumults. The Florentines carried
on successfully a terrible war against the ecclesias-
tical state (u). Upon which, Gregory, in hopes
of quieting the disorders of Italy, and also of re-
(u} See chiefly, Coluzii Salutati Epistola?, written in the
name of the Florentines, part I. p. 47 — 100. p. 1*3. 162.
See also Preefat. ad part. II. p. xviii, the new Florentine edi-
tion by Laur. Mehus.
326 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, covering the cities and territories which had been
taken from St. Peter's patrimony, transferred the
1 r* A * T^ • T
papal seat from Avignon to Home, in the year
1.376. To this he was in a great measure deter-
mined by the advice of one Catharine, a virgin of
Sens, who, in this credulous age, was thought to
be inspired with the spirit of prophecy, and made
a journey to Avignon on purpose to persuade him
to take this step (w). It was not, however, long
before Gregory repented that he had followed her
advice ; for by the long absence of the popes from
Italy, their authority was reduced to such a low
ebb, that the Romans and Florentines made no
scruple to insult him with the grossest abuse,
which made him resolve to return to Avignon ;
but before he could execute his determination, he
was taken off by death, in the year 1378.
XIV- After the death of Gregory XL the
Romish
church.
.
arises in the cardinal s assembled to consult about choosing a
successor, when the people of Rome, fearing lest
the vacant dignity should be conferred on a
Frenchman, came in a tumultuous manner to the
conclave, and with great clamours, accompanied
with many outrageous threatenings, insisted that
an Italian should be advanced to the popedom.
The cardinals, terrified by this uproar, imme-
diately proclaimed Bartholomew de Pregnano,
who was a Neapolitan, and archbishop of Bari,
and assumed the name of Urban VI. This new
pontiff, by his impolite behaviour, injudicious se-
verity, and intolerable arrogance, had made him-
self many enemies among people of all ranks, and
especially among the leading cardinals. These
latter, therefore, tired of his insolence, withdrew
from Rome to Anagni, and from thence to Fondi,
a city in the kingdom of Naples, where they
(w) See Longueval, Hist, de 1'Eglise Gallicane, torn. xiv.
p. 159. 192.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 327
elected to the pontificate, Robert, count of Ge- CENT.
neva, who took the name of Clement VII. and
PAP T II
declared at the same time, that the election of
Urban was nothing more than a mere ceremony,
which they had found themselves obliged to per-
form, in order to calm the turbulent rage of the
populace. Which of these two is to be consi-
dered as the true and lawful pope, is, to this day,
matter of doubt ; nor will the records and writ-
ings, alleged by the contending parties, enable
us to adjust that point with any certainty (V).
Urban remained at Rome : Clement went .to
Avignon in France. His cause was espoused by
France and Spain, Scotland, Sicily, and Cyprus,
while all the rest of Europe acknowledged Urban
to be the true vicar of Christ.
XV. Thus, the union of the Latin church its bad
under one head, was destroyed at the death of sequel
Gregory XI. and was succeeded by that deplor-
able dissension commonly known by the name of
the great western schism (;/). This dissension
was fomented with such dreadful success, and
arose to such a shameful height, that, for the
(x) See the acts and documents in Cses. Egass. de Boulay,
Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 463. s. — Luc. Wadding. Annal.
Minor, torn. ix. p. 12. s. — Steph. Baluzii Vit. Pontif. Ave-
nion. torn. i. p. 442. 998. s. — Acta Sanctor. torn. i. April, p.
728. I have also some documents never yet published,
which throw great light upon this controversy, though they
do not absolutely determine the point in dispute.
(y) An account of this dissension may be seen in Pierre du
Puy, Histoire Generale du Schisme qui a etc en 1'Eglise de-
puis 1'an 1378 jusqu'en Tan 1428, which, as we are in-
formed in the preface, was compiled from the Royal Re-
cords of France, and is entirely worthy of credit. Nor
should we wholly reject Lewis IVIaimbourg's Histoire du
grand Schisme d'Occident, though in general it be deeply
tainted with the leaven of party spirit. A great many do-
cuments are to be met with in Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris,
torn. iv. and v. and also in Edm. Martene Thesaur. Anecdo-
tor. torn. ii. p. 1074. I always pass over the common writers
upon this subject, such as Alexander, Raynald, Bzovius,
Spondanus, and Du Pin.
con-
328 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, space of fifty years, the church had two or three
PART" 1 1 different heads at the same time ; each of the
1 contending popes forming plots, and thundering
out anathemas against their competitors. The
distress and calamity of these times is beyond all
power of description ; for, not to insist upon the
perpetual contentions and wars between the fac-
tions of the several popes, by which multitudes
lost their fortunes and lives, all sense of religion
was extinguished in most places, and profligacy
arose to a most scandalous excess. The clergy,
while they vehemently contended which of the
reigning popes was the true successor of Christ,
were so excessively corrupt, as to be no longer
studious to keep up even an appearance of religion
or decency : and, in consequence of all this, many
plain well-meaning people, who concluded that no
one could possibly partake of eternal life, unless
united with the vicar of Christ, were overwhelmed
with doubt, and plunged into the deepest dis-
tress of mind (#). Nevertheless, these abuses
were, by their consequences, greatly conducive
both to the civil and religious interests of man-
kind ; for, by these dissensions, the papal power
received an incurable wound ; and kings and
princes, who had formerly been the slaves of the
lordly pontiffs, now became their judges and
masters. And many of the least stupid among
the people had the courage to disregard and de-
spise the popes, on account of their odious disputes
about dominion, to commit their salvation to God
alone, and to admit it as a maxim, that the
prosperity of the church might be maintained, and
the interests of religion secured and promoted
without a visible head, crowned with a spiritual
supremacy.
(z) Concerning the mischievous consequences of this
schism, we have a large account in the Histoire du Droit
public Eccles. Francois, torn. ii. p. 166, 193. 202. s.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 329
XVI. The Italian cardinals attached to the CENT.
interests of Urban VI. upon the death of that XIV-
pope, in the year 1 389, set up for his successor, .
at Rome, Peter Thomacelli, a Neapolitan, who Proposals
took the name of Boniface IX. and Clement f
VII. dying in the year 1 394, the French cardi-
nals raised to the pontificate Peter de Luna, a
Spaniard, who assumed the name of Benedict
XIII. During these transactions, various methods
were proposed and attempted for healing this
melancholy breach in the church. Kings and
princes, bishops and divines, appeared with zeal
in this salutary project. It was generally thought
that the best course to be taken in this matter
was, what they then styled the Method of Cession ;
but neither of the popes could be prevailed on,
either by entreaties or threatening^, to give up
the pontificate. The Gallican church, highly in-
censed at this obstinacy, renounced solemnly, in
a council held at Paris, in the year 1 397, all sub-
jection and obedience to both pontiffs ; and, upon
the publication of this resolution, in the year 1 398,
Benedict XIII. was, by the express orders of
Charles VI. detained prisoner in his palace at
Avignon (a).
XVII. Some of the popes, and especially Be- The enor-
nedict XII. were perfectly acquainted with the £e monks,
prevailing vices and scandalous conduct of the especially '
greatest part of the monks, which they zealously Mendi-
endeavoured to rectify and remove : but the dis- cants-
order was too inveterate to admit of a cure. The
Mendicants, and more especially the Dominicans
and Franciscans, were at the head of the monastic
orders, and were, indeed, become the heads of
the church ; so extensive was the influence they
(a) Besides the common historians, and Longueval's Hi-
stoire de 1'Eglise Gallicane, torn. xiv. see the Acts of this
Council, in Boulay's Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 829.
330 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, had acquired, that all matters of importance,
FART ii. both in the court of Rome, and in the cabinets of
, princes, were carried on under their supreme and
absolute direction. The multitude had such a
high notion of the sanctity of these sturdy beggars,
and of their credit with the Supreme Being, that
great numbers of both sexes, some in health,
others in a state of infirmity, others at the point
of death, earnestly desired to be admitted into
the Mendicant order, which they looked upon as
a sure and infallible method of rendering heaven
propitious. Many made it an essential part of
their last wills, that their carcases, after death,
should be wrapped in old, ragged Dominican or
Franciscan habits, and interred among the Mendi-
cants. For such was the barbarous superstition
and wretched ignorance of this age, that people
universally believed they should readily obtain
mercy from Christ at the day of judgment, if they
appeared before his tribunal associated with the
Mendicant friars.
They fall XVIII. The high esteem in which the Mendi-
"enerai cant or^ers were held, and the excessive degree
odium. of authority they had acquired, only served to
render them still more odious to such as had
hitherto been their enemies, and to draw upon
them new marks of jealousy and hatred from the
higher and lower clergy, the monastic societies,
and the public universities. So universal was this
odium, that there were scarcely a province or
university in Europe, in which bishops, clergy,
and doctors were not warmly engaged in opposi-
tion to the Dominicans and Franciscans, who em-
ployed the power and authority they had received
from the popes, in undermining the ancient disci-
pline of the church, and assuming to themselves
a certain superintendence in religious matters.
In England, the university of Oxford made a
resolute stand against the encroachments of the4
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 331
Dominicans (&), while Richard, archbishop of CENT.
XIV.
PART II.
Armagh, Henry Crump, Noris, and others,
attacked all the Mendicant orders, with great
vehemence and severity (c). But Richard, whose
animosity against them was much keener than
that of their other antagonists, went to the court
of Innocent VI. in the year 1356, and there
vindicated the cause of the church against them
with the greatest fervour, both in his writings
and discourse, until the year 1360, in which he
died (d). They had also many opponents in
France, who, together with the university of
Paris, were secretly engaged in contriving means
to overturn their exorbitant power : but John de
Polliac set himself openly against them, publicly
denying the validity of the absolution granted
by the Dominicans and Franciscans to those
who confessed to them, maintaining, that the
popes were disabled from granting them a power
of absolution by the authority of the canon, en-
titled, Omnis utriusque sexus ; and proving from
these premises, that all those, who would be sure
of their salvation, ought to confess their sins to
their own parish priests, even though they had
been absolved by the monks. They suffered little
or nothing, however, from the efforts of these
numerous adversaries, being resolutely protected
against all opposition, whether open or secret,
by the popes, who regarded them as their best
(b) See Ant. Wood, Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 150. 154.
196, &c.
(c) See Wood, Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p. 181, 182, torn,
ii. p. 61, 62. — Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 338.
950. — Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 336. Wad-
dingi Anna!. Minor, torn. viii. p. 126.
(d) See Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. i. p. 164. — I have in
my possession a manuscript treatise of Bartholomew deBrisac,
entitled, " Solutiones opposite Ricardi, Armachani episcopi,
propositionibus contra Mendicantes in curia Romana coram
pontifice et cardinalibus factis, anno 1360."
o32 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, friends, and most effectual supports. Accord-
p fiiJii *n£ty» J°^in XXII. by an extraordinary decree,
_J 1 condemned the opinions of John de Polliac, in the
year 1321 (e).
joim XIX. But among all the enemies of the Men-
dicant orders, none has been transmitted to pos-
terity with more exalted encomiums on the one
hand, or blacker calumnies on the other, than
John Wickliff, an English doctor, professor of
divinity at Oxford, and afterwards rector of Lut-
terworth ; who, according to the testimony of the
writers of these times, was a man of an enter-
prising genius, and extraordinary learning. In
the year 1360, animated by the example of
Richard, archbishop of Armagh, he first of all
defended the statutes and privileges of the univer-
sity of Oxford, against all the orders of the Men-
dicants, and had the courage to throw out some
slight reproofs against the popes, their principal
patrons, which no true Briton ever imputed to
him as a crime. After this, in the year 1367, he
wras deprived of the wardenship of Canterbury-
Hall, in the university of Oxford, by Simon Lang-
ham, archbishop of Canterbury, who substituted
a monk in his place ; upon which he appealed to
Pope Urban V. who confirmed the sentence of
the archbishop against him, on account of the
freedom with which he had inveighed against the
monastic orders. Highly exasperated at this
treatment, he threw off all restraint, and not only
attacked all the monks, and their scandalous irre-
gularities, but even the pontifical power itself,
(e) See Jo.Launoius, De Canone : Omnis utriusque Sexus,
torn. i. part I. opp. p. 271. 274-. 287, £c.— Baluzii Vit. Pon-
tif. Avenion. torn. ii. p. 10. et Miscellaneor. tom.i. p. 153. —
Dacherii Spicil. Scriptor. Veter. torn. i. p. 112. s. — It was
published by Edm. Martene, in Thesauro Anecdotor. torn. i.
p. 1368. See also Baluzii Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p.
132. 182, &c.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 333
and other ecclesiastical abuses, both in his ser- CENT.
mons and writings. From hence he proceeded
to yet greater lengths, and, detesting the wretch-
ed superstition of the times, refuted, with great
acuteness and spirit, the absurd notions that were
generally received in religious matters, and not
.only exhorted the laity to study the scriptures,
but also translated into English these divine books,
in order to render the perusal of them more uni-
versal. Though neither the doctrine of Wickliff
was void of error, nor his life without reproach,
yet it must be confessed, that the changes he
attempted to introduce, both in the faith and disci-
pline of the church, were, in many respects, wise,
useful, and salutary
XX. The monks, whom Wickliff had prin- His adver-
cipally exasperated, commenced a violent prose- sanes'
cution against him at the court of Gregory XI.
who, in the year 1377, ordered Simon Sudbury,
archbishop of Canterbury, to take cognizance of
the affair in a council held at London. Im-
minent as this danger evidently was, Wickliff
escaped it, by the interest of the duke of Lanca-
ster, and some other peers, who had a high regard
for him. And soon after the death of Gregory
XI. the fatal schism of the Romish church com-
menced, during which there was one pope at
Rome, and another at Avignon ; so that of course
the controversy lay dormant a long time. But
no sooner was this embroiled state of affairs tole-
rably settled, than the process against him was
revived by William de Courteney, archbishop
of Canterbury, in the year 1385, and was carried
on with great vehemence in two councils held at
(f} A work of his was published at Leipsic and Francfort,
in 4-to, in the year 1753, entitled, Dialogorum Libri quatuor,
which, though it does not contain all the branches of his
doctrine, yet shows sufficiently the spirit of the man, and his
way of thinking in general.
334 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. London and Oxford. The event was, that of the
av- twenty-three opinions, for which Wickliff had
1 been prosecuted by the monks, ten were con-
demned as heresies, and thirteen as errors (g-).
He himself, however, returned in safety to Lut-
terworth, where he died peaceably in the year
1387. This latter attack was much more dan-
gerous than the former ; but by what means he
got safely through it, whether by the interest of
the court, or by denying or abjuring his opinions,
is to this day a secret (A). He left many fol-
lowers in England, and other countries, who were
styled Wickliffites and Lollards, which last was a
term of popular reproach translated from the Fie-
(g) In the original Dr. Mosheim says, that, of
eighteen articles imputed to Wickliff, nine were condemned
as heresies, and fifteen as errors. This contradiction, which
we have taken the liberty to correct in the text, is perhaps
an oversight of the learned author, who may have confounded
the eighteen heresies and errors that were enumerated and
refuted by William Woodford, in a letter to Arundel, arch-
bishop of Canterbury, with the twenty-three propositions
that had been condemned by his predecessor Courteney at
London, of which ten were pronounced heretical, and thir-
teen erroneous. See the very curious collection of pieces,
entitled Fasciculus Reruni Expetendarum et Fugiendarum
Orthuini Gratii, published first at Cologn by the compiler, in
the year 1535, and afterwards at London in 1690, with an
additional volume of ancient pieces and fragments, by the
learned Mr. Edward Brown. The letter of Woodford is at
full length in the first volume of this collection, p. 191.
(k) We have a full and complete History of the Life and
Sufferings of John Wickliff, published in 8vo. at London, in
the year 1720, by Mr. John Lewis, who also published, in
the year 1731, Wickliff's English Translation of the New
Testament from the Latin Version, called the Vulgate. This
translation is enriched with a learned preface by the editor,
in which he enlarges upon the life, actions, and sufferings, of
that eminent reformer. The pieces, relative to the contro-
versies which were set on foot by the doctrines of Wickliff,
are to be found in the learned work of Wilkins, entitled Con-
cilia Magnae Britanniae et Hibern. torn. iii. p. 1 16. 156. — See
also Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 450. — Ant.
Wood, Antiq. Oxonien. torn. i. p. 183, 186, et passim.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 335
mish tongue into English. Wherever they could CENT.
be found, they were terribly persecuted by the
inquisitors, and other instruments of papal venge-
ance, and, in the council of Constance, in the
year 1415, the memory and opinions of Wickliff
were condemned by a solemn decree : and about
thirteen years after, his bones were dug up, and
burnt.
XXI. Notwithstanding the Mendicants were The im-
thus vigorously attacked on all sides, by such a
considerable number of ingenious and learned ad- cans,
versaries, they could not be persuaded to abate
any thing of their excessive pride, to set bounds
to their superstition, or to desist from imposing
upon the multitude, but were as diligent as ever
in propagating opinions highly detrimental to re-
ligion in general, and particularly injurious to the
majesty of the Supreme Being. The Franciscans,
forgetting, in their enthusiastic frenzy, the vene-
ration they owed to the Son of God, and ani-
mated with a mad zeal for advancing the glory of
their order and its founder, impiously maintained,
that the latter was a second Christ, in all respects
similar to the first ; and that their institu-
tion and discipline was the true gospel of Jesus.
Yet, shocking as these foolish and impious pre-
tensions were, the popes were not ashamed to
patronize and encourage them by their letters
and mandates, in which they made no scruple to
assert, that the absurd fable of the stigmas, or five
wounds impressed upon Francis by Christ him-
self, on mount Alvernus, was worthy of credit,
because matter of undoubted fact (z). Nor was
(i) The story of the marks, or stigmas, impressed on
Francis, is well known, as are also the letters of the Roman
pontiffs, which enjoin the belief of it, and which Wadding
has collected with great care, and published in his Annales
336 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, this all ; for they not only permitted to be pub-
XIV* lished, without any mark of their disapprobation,
PART II. i T i
.. but approved, and even recommended, an im-
pious piece, stuffed with tales yet more impro-
bable and ridiculous than either of the above-
mentioned fictions, and entitled, The Book of
The book the Conformities of St. Francis with Jesus Christ,
of the con- which was composed, in the year 1383, by Bar-
i°s! tholomew Albizi, a Franciscan of Pisa, with
the applause of his order. This infamous tract,
in which the Son of God is put upon a level with
a wretched mortal, is an eternal monument of the
outrageous enthusiasm and abominable arrogance
of the Franciscan order ; and not less so of the
Minorum, torn. viii. et ix. The Dominicans formerly made
a public jest of this ridiculous fable, but, being awed into
silence by the papal bulls, they are now obliged to deride it
in secret, while the Franciscans, on the other hand, continue
to propagate it with the most fervent zeal. That St. Francis
had upon his body the marks or impressions of the five great
wounds of Christ, is not to be doubted, since this is a fact
proved by a great number of unexceptionable witnesses. But,
as he was a most superstitious and fanatical mortal, it is un-
doubtedly evident that he imprinted on himself these holy
wounds, that he might resemble Christ, and bear about in his
body a perpetual memorial of the Redeemer's sufferings. It
was customary in these times, for such as were willing to be
thought more pious than others, to imprint upon their bodies
marks of this kind, that having thus continually before them
a lively representation of the death of Christ, they might
preserve a becoming sense of it on their minds. The words
of St. Paul, Galat. vi. 17. were sufficient to confirm in this
wretched delusion an ignorant and superstitious age, in which
the scriptures were neither studied nor understood. A long
list of these stigmatized fanatics might be extracted from the
Acta Sanctorum, and other records of this and the following
century: nor is this ancient piece of superstition entirely
abolished, even in our times. Be that as it may, the Fran-
ciscan monks, having found these marks upon the dead body
of their founder, took this occasion of making him appear to
the world as honoured by heaven above the rest of mortals,
and invented, for this purpose, the story of Christ's having
miraculously transferred his wounds to him.
CHAP. rr. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 337
excessive imprudence of the popes, in extolling CENT.
•-•**• XIV.
PART II.
and recommending it (/c).
XXII. The Franciscans, who adhered to the
genuine and austere rule of their founder, and The enor-
opposed the popes, who attempted to mitigate
the severity of its injunctions, were not a whit c
wiser than those of the order, who acknowledged
the jurisdiction, and respected the decisions of the
Roman pontiffs. By these antipapal Franciscans,
I mean the Fratricelli^ or Minorites, and the Ter-
tiaries of that order, otherwise called Beghards,
together with the Spirituals, who resided princi-
pally in France, and embraced the opinions of
Pierre d' Olive. These monastic factions were
turbulent and seditious beyond expression ; they
gave incredible vexation to the popes, and for a
long time disturbed, wherever they went, the
tranquillity both of church and state. About
the beginning of this century (/), the less austere
Franciscans were outrageous in their resentment
against the Fratricelli, who had deserted their com-
(k) Concerning Albizi and his book, see Wadding. Annal.
Minor, torn. ix. p. 158. — J. A. Fabricii Biblioth. Lat. Medii
^Evijtora. i. p. 13 1 . — Schelhornii Amoen. Litter, torn. iii. p. 160.
— Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Francis, and the Nouveau
Dictionnaire Hist. Crit. torn. i. at the article Albizi, p. 217.
Erasmus Albert made several extracts from this book, and
published them under the title of the Alcoran of the Francis-
cans, which was frequently printed in Latin, German, and
French j and, in the year 1734, was published at Amsterdam,
in two volumes 8vo. in French and Latin, with elegant cuts.
SUP*" The Conformities between Christ and St. Francis are
carried to forty, in the book of Albizi, but they are multiplied
to 4000 by a Spanish monk of the order of Observants, in a
book published at Madrid, in the year 1651, under the fol-
lowing title, Prodigiosum Naturae et Gratiae Portentum. rl he
Conformities mentioned by Pedro de Alva Astorga, the
austere author of this most ridiculous book, are whimsical
beyond expression. See the Bibliotheque des Sciences et
des Beaux Arts, torn. iv. p. 318.
(/) In the years 1306 and 1307.
VOL. III. Z
338 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, munion (m) ; upon which, such of the latter as
had the good fortune to escape the fury of their
persecutors, retired into France, in the year 1 307,
and associated themselves with the spirituals, or
followers of Pierre d' Olive, in Provence, who had
also formerly abandoned the society. Soon after
this, the whole Franciscan order in France,
Italy, and other countries, was divided into two
parties. The one, which embraced the severe
discipline and absolute poverty of St. Francis,
were called Spirituals ; the other, which insisted
upon mitigating the austere injunctions of their
founder, were styled the Brethren of the Commu-
nity. The latter, being by far the most numerous
and powerful, exerted themselves to the utmost,
to oppress the former, whose faction, as yet, was
but weak, and, as it were, in its infancy ; but,
notwithstanding this, they cheerfully submitted to
these hardships, rather than return to the society
of those who had deserted the rules of their
master. Pope Clement V. having drawn the
leaders of these two parties to his court, took great
pains to compose their dissensions ; nevertheless,
his pacific scheme advanced but slowly, on account
of the inflexible obstinacy of each sect, and
the great number of their mutual accusations.
In the mean while, the Spirituals of Tuscany,
instead of waiting for the decision of his Holiness,
chose themselves a president, and inferior officers ;
while those of France, being in the neighbourhood
of Avignon, patiently expected the papal deter-
mination («).
XXIII. After many deliberations, Clement V.
composing in a general council held at Vienne, in Dauphine,
the differ-
ences (ni) Waddin^i Annales Minor, torn. vi. ad an. 1307, p. 91.
among the („) Waddingi Annal. torn. iv. 1310, p. 172.— Echardi
cVns"015' Corpus Histor. Medii JEvi, torn. i. p. 1480. — Boulay, Hist.
Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 129. — Echardi Scriptor. Prsedicator.
torn. i. p. 508, 509.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 339
where he issued out the famous bull, Exivi tie CENT.
Paradiso (o), proposed an expedient for healing XIV-
the breach between the jarring parties, by wise ^
concessions on both sides. He gave up many
points to the Spirituals, or rigid Franciscans, en-
joining upon the whole order the profession of
absolute poverty, according to their primitive rule,
and the solemn renunciation of all property,
whether common or personal, confining them to
what was necessary for their immediate subsist-
ence, and allowing them, even for that, a very
scanty pittance. He, however, on the other hand,
permitted the Franciscans, who lived in places
where it was extremely difficult to procure by
begging the necessaries of life, to erect granaries
and storehouses, where they might deposit a part
of their alms as a stock, in case of want ; and
ordered that all such granaries and storehouses
should be under the inspection and management of
inspectors and storekeepers, who were to determine
what quantity of provisions should be laid up in
them. And, finally, in order to satisfy the
Brethren of the Community, he condemned some
opinions of Pierre d' Olive (/?). These proceed-
ings silenced the monastic commotions in France ;
but the Tuscan and Italian Spirituals were so
exceedingly perverse and obstinate, that they could
not be brought to consent to any method of
reconciliation. At length, in the year 1313, many
of them, not thinking themselves any longer safe
in Italy, went into Sicily, where they met with a
very friendly reception from King Frederic, the
nobility, and bishops
(o) This bull is inserted in the Jan Canonicum inter Cle-
mentinas, tit. xi. De Verbor. Signif. torn. ii. p. 1095. edit. Boh-
meri.
(p) Waddingi Annal. torn. vi. p. 194. 197. 199.
(q) Waddingi Annal. torn. vi. p. 213, 214. — Boulay, Hist.
Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 152. 165. — Argentre, Collectio Judi-
cior. de Novis Error, torn. i. p. 392. s.
Z 2
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XXIV. Upon the death of Clement V. the
./&..L V *
PART II,
' t tumult, which had been appeased by his autho-
rity, was revived in France with as much fury as
ever. For, in the year 1314, an hundred and
twenty of the Spirituals made a violent attack
upon the Brethren of the Community, drove them
out of the convents of Narbonne and Beziers by
force of arms, and inflamed the quarrel in a yet
higher degree, by laying aside their ancient
habits, and assuming such as were short, strait, and
coarse. They were soon joined by a consider-
able number from other provinces, and the citi-
zens of Narbonne, where Olive was interred,
enlisted themselves in the party. John XXII. who
was raised to the pontificate in the year 1317,
took great pains to heal this new disorder. The
first thing he did for this purpose, was to publish
a special bull, by which he ordered the abolition
of the Fratricelli, or Minorites, and their Tertia-
ries, whether Beguines or Beghards, who were a
body distinct from the Spirituals (r). In the next
place, he admonished the king of Sicily to expel
all the Spirituals, who had taken refuge in his
dominions (s) ; and then ordered the French Spi-
rituals to appear at Avignon ; where he exhorted
them to return to their duty ; and, as the first
step to it, to lay aside their short, strait habits, with
the small hoods. The greatest part of them
obeyed ; but Fr. Bernard Delitiosi, who was the
head of the faction, and twenty-four of the Bre-
thren, boldly refused to submit to the injunction.
In vindication of their conduct, they alleged that
the rules prescribed by St. Francis were the same
with the gospel of Jesus Christ ; that the popes
therefore had no authority to alter them ; that
(r) This law is called Sancta Romana, &c. and is to be
found among the Extravagantes Johannis XXII. tit. vii. De
Religiosis Domibus, torn. ii. Jur. Canon, p. 1112.
(5) Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 265. s.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 341
the popes had acted sinfully in permitting the CENT.
Franciscans to have granaries and storehouses ; PART n.
and that they added to their guilt in not allowing
those habits to be worn that were enjoined by St.
Francis. John, highly exasperated by this oppo-
sition, gave orders that these obstinate Brethren
should be proceeded against as heretics. And
surely nothing could make them appear viler
heretics in the papal eye, than their daring thus
audaciously to oppose the authority and majesty of
the Roman see. As for F. Delitiosi, who was at
the head of this sect, and who is sometimes called
Deli Consi, he was imprisoned, and died in his
confinement. Four of his adherents were con-
demned to the flames in the year 1318, at Mar-
seilles (7), which odious sentence was accordingly
executed without mercy.
XXV. Thus, these unhappy friars, and many The ridicu-
more of their fraternity, who were afterwards cut p°uutses l*j tjie
off by this cruel persecution, suffered merely for
their contempt of the decisions of the pontiffs,
and for maintaining that the institute of St.
Francis, their founder, which they imagined he
had established under the direction of an imme-
diate inspiration, was the very Gospel of Christ,
and therefore not to be altered by the pope's
authority. The controversy, considered in itself,
was rather ridiculous than important, since it did
not affect religion in the least, but turned wholly
on these two points, the form of the habits to be
worn by the Franciscan order, and their granaries
and storehouses. The Brethren of the commu-
(t) Baluzii Vitae Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 116. torn. ii.
p. 34-1, ct Miscellan. torn. i. p. 195, 272. Waddingus,
Aiinal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 267. s. 316. s. Martene, Thesaur.
Anecdotor. tbm. v. p. 175. Martinus Fuldensis, in Eccardi
Corpore Histor. Medii 7Evi, torn. i. p. 1725. et Herm. Cor-
ncrus, ibid. torn. ii. p. 981. Histoire Generale de Langue-
doc, torn. iv. p. 1/9. s. Argentre, Collcctio Judicior. de Novis
Errorib. torn. i. p. 294-. s.
PART II.
840 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, nity, or the less rigid Franciscans, wore long,
XIV- loose, and good habits, with ample hoods ; but
the Spirituals went in strait, short, and very coarse
ones, which they asserted to be precisely the dress
enjoined by the institute of St. Francis, and what
therefore no power upon earth had a right to
alter. And whereas the Brethren of the com-
munity, immediately after the harvest and vintage,
were accustomed to lay up a stock of corn and
wine in their granaries and cellars, the Spiritual
Franciscans resolutely opposed this practice, as
entirely repugnant to the profession of absolute
poverty, that had been embraced by the Fratri-
celli, or Minorites. In order to put an end to
these broils, pope John, this very year, published
a long mandatory letter, in which he ordered the
contending parties to submit their disputes, upon
the two points above-mentioned, to the decision of
their superiors (u).
XXVI. The effects of this letter, and of other
decrees, were prevented by the unseasonable and
tions. impious severity of John XXII. whose cruelty
was condemned and detested even by his adhe-
rents. For the Spiritual Franciscans and their
votaries, being highly exasperated at the cruel
death of their brethren, maintained that John
XXII. by procuring the destruction of these holy
men, had rendered himself utterly unworthy of
the papal dignity, and was the true Antichrist.
They moreover revered their four brethren, who
were burnt at Marseilles, as so many martyrs,
paying religious veneration to their bones and
ashes ; and inveighed yet more vehemently than
ever against long habits, large hoods, granaries,
and storehouses. The inquisitors, on the other
hand, having, by the pope's order, apprehended
(u) It may be seen in the Jus Canon, inter Extravag.
Communes de Verbor. Signif. cap. i. See also Waddingi
Anna! . Minor, torn, vi. p. 273.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 343
as many of these people as they could find, con- CENT.
demned them to the flames, and sacrificed them .
"AK JL I !•
without mercy to papal resentment and fury. So
that from this time a vast number of those zealous
defenders of the institute of St. Francis, viz. the
Minorites, Beghards, and Spirituals, were most
barbarously put to death, not only in France, but
also in Italy, Spain, and Germany (w>).
XXVII. This dreadful flame continued to A new ais-
spread till it invaded the whole Franciscan order, concern*
which, in the year 1321, had revived the old con- the poverty
tentions concerning the poverty of Christ and his of Chnst*
apostles. A certain Beguin, or monk of the third
order of St. Francis, who was apprehended this
year at Narbonne, taught, among other things,
" That neither Christ nor his apostles ever pos-
" sessed any thing, whether in common or per-
" sonally, by right of property or dominion."
John de Belna, an inquisitor of the Dominican
order, pronounced this opinion erroneous ; but
Berengarius Taloni, a Franciscan, maintained it
to be orthodox, and perfectly consonant to the bull,
Exiit qui seminet, of Nicolas III. The judgment
of the former was approved by the Dominicans ;
the determination of the latter was adhered to by
the Franciscans. At length the matter was
brought before the pope, who prudently endea-
voured to put an end to the dispute. With this
view he called into his council Ubertinus de Ca-
(w) Besides many other pieces that serve to illustrate the
intricate history of this persecution, I have in my possession
a treatise, entitled, Martyrologium Spiritualium et Fratricel-
lorum, which was delivered to the tribunal of the inquisition
at Carcassone, A. D. 1454. It contains the names of an
hundred and thirteen persons of both sexes, who, from the
year 1318 to the time of Innocent VI. were burnt in France
and Italy, for their inflexible attachment to the poverty of
St. Francis. I reckon, that from these and other records,
published and unpublished, we may make out a list of two
thousand martyrs of this kind. Compare Codex Inquis.
Tholosanae, a Limborchio editus, p. 298. 302. 319. 327, &c.
344 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, sails, the patron of the Spirituals, and a person of
xiv. , great weight and reputation. This eminent monk
_j _ 1 gave captious, subtile, and equivocal answers to
the questions that were proposed to him. The
pontiff, however, and the cardinals, persuaded that
his decisions, equivocal as they were, might con-
tribute to terminate the quarrel, acquiesced in
them, seconded them with their authority, and
enjoined, at the same time, silence and moderation
on the contending parties (V).
XXVIII. But the Dominicans and Francis-
cans were so exceedingly exasperated against each
other, that they could by no means be brought to
conform themselves to this order. John XXII.
perceiving this, pennitted them to renew the con-
troversy in the year 1322 ; nay, he himself pro-
posed to some of the most celebrated divines of
the age, and especially to those of Paris, the de-
termination of this point, viz. " Whether or no
-" those were to be deemed heretics, who main-
" tained that Jesus Christ and his apostles had no
" common or personal property in any thing they
" possessed ?" The Franciscans, who held an as-
sembly this year at Perugia, having got notice of
this proceeding, unanimously decreed, that those
who held this tenet were not heretics, but main-
tained an opinion that was holy and orthodox,
and perfectly agreeable to the decisions and man-
dates of the popes. They also sent a deputy to
Avignon, to defend this unanimous determination
of their whole order against all opponents what-
ever. The person they commissioned for this pur-
pose was F. Bonagratia, of Bergamo, who also
went by the name of Boncortese (#), one of their
(x) Wadding! Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 361. Steph. Ba-
luzii Miscellan. torn. i. p. 307. Gerh. du Bois, Histor. Ec-
cles. Paris, p. 611. s.
(y) I insert this caution, because I have observed that
some eminent writers, by not attending to this circumstance,
have taken these two names for two different persons.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 345
fraternity, and a man famous for his extensive CENT.
XIV.
PART II.
learning. John XXII. being highly incensed at
this step, issued out a decree in the month of
November, wherein he espoused an opinion dia-
metrically opposite to that of the Franciscans,
and pronounced them heretics, for obstinately
maintaining " that Christ and his apostles had no
" common or personal property in what they
" possessed, nor a power of selling or alienating
" any part of it." Soon after, he proceeded yet
farther, and in another constitution, published in
December following, exposed the weakness and
inefficacy of those arguments^ commonly deduced
from a bull of Nicolas III. concerning the pro-
perty of the Franciscan possessions being trans-
ferred to the church of Rome, whereby the monks
were supposed to be deprived of what we call
right, and were only allowed the simple use of
what was necessary for their immediate support.
In order to confute this plea, he showed that it was
absolutely impossible to separate right and property
from the lawful use of such things as were imme-
diately consumed by that use. He also solemnly
renounced all property in the Franciscan effects,
which had been reserved to the church of Rome,
by former popes, their churches, and some other
things excepted. And whereas the revenues of
the order had been hitherto received and admini-
stered by procurators, on the part of the Roman
church, he dismissed these officers, and abolished
all the decrees of his predecessors, and all the
ancient constitutions relating to this affair (z).
(z) These constitutions are recorded in the Corpus Juris
Canon, and also among the Extravagantes, tit. xiv. de Verbor.
Signific. cap. ii. iii. p. 1121. Concerning the transaction
itself, the reader should chiefly consult that impartial writer,
Alvarus Pelagius, De Planctu Ecclesiae, lib. ii. c. 60. s. 145.
as also Luc. Waddingus, Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 394. s.
Each of them blames John Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn,
iv. p. 191. s.
346 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XXIX. By this method of proceeding, the
PART ii dexterous pontiff entirely destroyed that boasted
expropriation, which was the main bulwark of
The quarrel the Franciscan order, and which its founder had
tbe^raneis- esteemed the distinguishing glory of the society,
cans and ft was therefore natural, that these measures
xxii. should determine the Franciscans to an obstinate
resistance. And such indeed was the effect they
produced ; for, in the year 1 323, they sent their
brother Bonagratia, in quality of legate, to the
papal court, where he vigorously and openly
opposed the latter constitution of John, boldly
affirming that it was contrary to all law, both
human and divine (#). The pope, on the other
hand, highly exasperated against this audacious
defender of the Franciscan poverty, threw him
into prison ; and, by a new edict, which he pub-
lished about the end of the year, enacted, that
all who maintained that Christ and his apostles
had no common or special property in any of
their possessions, should be deemed heretics, and
corrupters of the true religion (&). Finding,
however, that the Franciscans were not terrified
in the least by this decree, he published another
yet more flaming constitution, about the end of
the year 1324, in which he confirmed his former
edicts, and pronounced that tenet concerning the
expropriation of Christ and his apostles, a pesti-
lential, erroneous, damnable, and blasphemous
doctrine, subversive of the catholic faith ; and de-
clared all such as adhered to it, obstinate heretics,
(a) Waddingus, Annal. Minor, torn. vii. p. 2. 22. — Avar.
Pelagius, de Planctu Ecclesiae, lib. ii. s. 167. — Trithemius,
Annal. Hirsaug. torn. ii. p. 157. — Theod. de Nien. in Ec-
cardi Corpore Histor. Med. J£vi, torn. vii. p. 1491.
(b] Waddingi torn. vii. p. 36. — Contin. de Nangis, in Da-
cherii Spicilegio, torn. iii. p. 83. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris,
torn. iv. p. 205. — Benedictinor. Gallia Christiana, torn. ii. p.
1515.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 347
and rebels against the church (c). In consequence
of this merciles-s decree, great numbers of those PART ,,.
who persisted in asserting that Christ and his —
apostles were exactly such Mendicants as Francis
would have his brethren to be, were apprehended
by the Dominican inquisitors, who were implaca-
ble enemies of the Franciscans, and committed to
the flames. The history of France and Spain,
Italy and Germany, during this and the following
century, abounds with instances of this deplorable
cruelty.
XXX. The zealous pontiff pursued this affair The at-
with great warmth for several years successively ; iJ^Fran^.
and as this contest seemed to have taken its rise ciscans
from the books of Pierre d'Olive, he branded
with infamy, in the year 1325, the Postilla, and
the other writings of that author, as pernicious
and heretical (d). The next step he took, was
to summon to Avignon some of the more learned
and eminent brethren of the Franciscan order, of
whose writings and eloquence he was the most
apprehensive, and to detain them at his court ;
and then, to arm himself against the resentment
and indignation of this exasperated society, and
to prevent their attempting any thing to his pre-
judice, he kept a strict guard over them in all
places, by means of his friends the Dominicans.
Michael de Csesenas, who resided in Italy, and
was the head of the order, could but ill dissemble
the hatred he had conceived against the pope,
who therefore ordered him to repair to Avignon,
in the year 1327, and there deprived him of his
(c) This constitution, as well as the two former already
mentioned, is published among the Extrayagantes, tit. xiv.
De Verbor. Signif. Waddingus, tonu vii. p. 36. vigorously
opposes this last, which is pretty extraordinary in a man
so immoderately attached to the cause of the popes as he
was.
(d) Waddingi Annal. torn. vii. p. 47. — Jo. Georg. Ec-
eardi Corpus Histor. Medii M\i, torn. i. p. 592, and 1491.
PART
348 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, office (e). But, prudent as this violent measure
'u might appear at first sight, it served only to in-
— flame the enraged Franciscans more than ever,
and to confirm them in their attachment to the
scheme of absolute poverty. For no sooner did
the bitter and well-known contest between John
XXII. and the emperor Lewis of Bavaria, break
out, than the principal champions of the Fran-
ciscan cause, such as Marsilius of Padua, and
Jo. de Janduno, or Genoa, fled to the emperor,
and under his protection published the most viru-
lent pieces imaginable, in which they not only
attacked John personally, but also levelled their
satires at the power and authority of the popes in
general (jQ. This example was soon followed
by others, particularly by Mich. Cassenas, and
William Occam, who excelled most men of his
time in subtilty and acuteness of genius, and also
by F. Bonagratia, of Bergamo. They made
their escape by sea from Avignon, in the year
1327, went first to the emperor, who was, at that
time, in Italy, and from thence proceeded to
Munich. They were soon joined by many others,
such as Berengarius, Francis de Esculo, and
Henry de Halem, who were highly and deser-
vedly esteemed, on account of their eminent parts
and extensive learning (g-). All these learned
(e} Waddingi Annal. torn vii. p. 69. 74<.
(f) Luc. Dacherii Spicilegium, torn. iii. p. 85. s. Bullar.
Roman, torn. vi. p. 167. Edm. Martene, Thesaur. Anecdotor.
torn. ii. p. 695. 704. Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv.
p. 216. There is a very noted piece on this subject written
by Marsilius of Padua, who was professor at Vienna, which
was published in 8vo. at Francfort, by Franc. Gomarus, 1592,
and is entitled, Defensor pro Ludovico Bavaro adversus
usurpatam Romani Pontificis jurisdictionem.
(g) Waddingi Annal. torn. vii. p. 81. — Martene, Thesaur.
Anecdotor. torn. ii. p. 749. 757. s. 781. — Trithemii Annal.
Hirsaug. torn. ii. p. 167. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn, iv
p. 217. Eccardi Corpus Histor. Medii ^Evi, torn. ii. p. 1034.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 349
fugitives defended the institute of their founder CENT.
in long and laboured treatises, in which they re-
duced the papal dignity and authority within a
very narrow compass, and loaded the pontiffs with
reproaches and invectives. Occam surpassed them
all in the keenness and spirit of his satire ; and
hence his Dialogues, together with his other pro-
ductions, which were perused with avidity, and
transmitted down to succeeding generations, gave,
as it were, a mortal blow to the ambition and ma-
jesty of the Roman pontiffs.
XXXI. On the other hand, the emperor, Lewis of
Lewis of Bavaria, to express his gratitude toJJjJJJ*
these his defenders, not only made the cause of the patron
the Franciscans his own, but also adopted their ^ncis-
favourite sentiment concerning the poverty ofeans.
Christ and his apostles. For among the heresies
and errors of which he publicly accused John
XXII. and for which he deprived him of the
pontificate, the principal and most pernicious
one, in the opinion of the emperor, was his main-
taining that the poverty of Christ did not exclude
all right and property in what he used as a sub-
sistence (Ji). The Fratricelli, < Beghards, Be-
guines, and Spirituals, then at variance with the
pope, were effectually protected by the emperor,
in Germany, against the attempts of the inquisi-
tors ; so that, during his reign, that country was
overrun with shoals of Mendicant friars. There
was scarce a province or city in the empire that
did not abound with Beghards and Beguines ;
that is, monks professing the third rule of St.
Francis, and who placed the chief excellence of the
— Baluzii Miscellan. torn. i. p. 293. 315.— The reader may
also consult those writers who have compiled Indexes and
Collections of Ecclesiastical Historians.
(h) See Processus Ludovici contra Johannem a. 1328. d.
12 Dec. datus, in Baluzii Miscellaneis, torn. ii. p. 522. and
also his Appellatio,, p. 4-94.
350 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Christian life in a voluntary and absolute pover-
ty (*)' ^e I^ominicalls> on tne other hand, as
enemies to the Franciscans, and friends to the pope,
were treated with great severity by his imperial
majesty, who banished them with ignominy out
of several cities
Peace is XXXII. The rage of the contending parties
t7edenlth"e subsided greatly from the year 1329. The pope
Franciscans caused a diet of the Franciscans to be held that
pope^6 Year at Paris> where, by means of Cardinal Ber-
trand, who was president of the assembly, and
the Parisian doctors, who were attached to his
interests, he so far softened the resentment of the
greatest part of the brethren, that they ceased
to defend the conduct of Michael Cassenas and
his associates, and permitted another president,
Gerard Oddo, to be substituted in his room.
They also acknowledged John to be a true and
lawful pope ; and then terminated the dispute
concerning the poverty of Christ in such an
ambiguous manner, that the constitutions and
edicts of Nicholas III. and John XXII. however
contradictory, maintained their authority (/).
But, notwithstanding these pacific and mutual
concessions, there were great numbers of the
Franciscans in Germany, Spain, and Italy, who
would by no means consent to this reconciliation.
After the death of John, Benedict XII. and
Clement VI. took great pains to close the breach,
and showed great clemency and tenderness to-
wards such of their order as thought the insti-
tute of their founder more sacred than the papal
(i) I have many pieces upon this subject that v/ere never
published.
(k) Mart. Diffendbach, De Mortis Genere quo Henricus
VII. obiit, p. 145. and others. — Eccardi Corpus Histor.Medii
j?Evi, torn. i. p. 2103. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv.
p. 220.
(I) Wadding! Annales, torn. vii. p. 94-. — Dacberii Spicile-
gium, torn. iii. p. 91.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
bulls. This lenity had some good effects. Many CENT.
who had withdrawn themselves from the society, PAVr'ir.
were hereby induced to return to it, in which -
number were Francis de Esculo, and others, who
had been some of John's most inveterate ene-
mies (jii). Even those who would not be pre-
vailed on to return to their order, ceased to insult
the popes, observed the rules of their founder in
a quiet and inoffensive manner, and would have
no sort of connection with those Fratricelli and
Tertiaries in Italy, Spain, and Germany, who
contemned the papal authority (n).
XXXIII. The German Franciscans, who were The dis-
protected by the emperor Lewis, held out their gpf^*^116
opposition much longer than any of the rest. Beghards,
But, in the year 1347, their imperial patron being Germany.
dead, the halcyon days of the Franciscan Spiri-
tuals, as also of their associates the Beghards, or
Tertiaries, were at an end in Germany. For in
the year 1345, his successor Charles IV. having
been raised to the imperial throne by the interest
of the pope, was ready, in his turn, to gratify the
desires of the court of Rome, and accordingly sup-
ported, both by his edicts and by his arms, the in-
quisitors who were sent by the Roman pontiff
against his enemies, and suffered them to appre-
hend and put to death all of these enemies that
came within their reach. These ministers of papal
vengeance exerted their power chiefly in the district
of Magdeburg and Bremen, Thuringia, Saxony,
and Hesse, where they extirpated all the Beghards,
as well as the Beguines, or Tertiaries, the associates
of those Franciscans, who held that Christ and
his apostles had no property in any thing. These
severe measures were approved by Charles IV.
(m) Argentre, Collectio Judicior. de Novis Erroribus,
torn. i. p. 343. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 281- —
Waddingi Annal. torn. vii. p. 313.
(;?.) Wadding! Annal. torn. vii. p. 116. 126. — Argentre, 1. c.
torn. i. p. 343, &c.
352 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. who then resided in Italy, at Lucca, from whence,
PART i. tne year 1^69, he issued out severe edicts,
- commanding all the German princes to extirpate
out of their dominions the Beghards and Be-
guines, or, as he himself interpreted the name, the
voluntary beggars (o), as enemies of the church
and of the Roman empire, and to assist the inqui-
sitors in their proceedings against them. By an-
other edict, published not long after, he gave the
houses of the Beghards to the tribunal of the in-
quisition, ordering them to be converted into
prisons for heretics ; and, at the same time, or-
dered all the effects of the Beguines to be sold pub-
licly, and the profits arising from thence to be
equally divided between the inquisitors, the magi-
strates, and the poor of those towns and cities where
such sale should be made (p). The Beghards, being
reduced to great straits, by this, and other man-
dates of the emperor, and by the constitutions of
the popes, sought a refuge in those provinces of
Switzerland that border upon the Rhine, and also
in Holland,. Brabant, and Pomerania (</). But
(o) In high Dutch, Die wilgen Armen.
(p) I have in my possession this edict, with other laws of
Charles IV. enacted on this occasion, as also many of the
papal constitutions, and other records which illustrate this
affair, and which undoubtedly deserve to see the light. It is
certain, that Charles IV. himself, in his edicts and mandates,
clearly characterizes those people, whom he there styles
Beggards and Beguines, as Franciscan Tertiaries, belong-
ing to that party of the order then at variance with the pope.
" They are (to use the emperor's own words, in his edict
issued out at Lucca, and bearing date the 16th of June,
1369) a pernicious sect, who pretend to a sacrilegious and
heretical poverty, and who are under a vow, that they nei-
ther ought to have, nor will have any property, whether
special or common, in the goods they use," (this is the po-
verty of the Franciscan institute, which John XXII. so
strenuously opposed) " which they extend even to their
wretched habits/' — For so the spirituals and their associates
used to do.
(q) See Odor Raynaldus, Annal. Eccles. ad a. 1372. sect.
xxxiv. p. 513. See also the books of Felix Maleolus, written
in the following century against the Beghards in Switzerland.
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 353
the edicts and mandates of the emperor, together CENT.
with the papal bulls and inquisitors, followed P^^'U
them wherever they went, and distressed them in
their most distant retreats j so that, during the
reign of Charles IV. the greatest part of Ger-
many (Switzerland, and those provinces that are
contiguous to it, excepted) was thoroughly purged
of the Beghards, or rebellious Franciscans, both
perfect and imperfect.
XXXIV. But neither edicts, bulls, nor inquisi- Their divi-
tors, could entirely pluck up the roots of this
inveterate discord. For so ardently were many
of the brethren bent upon observing, in the most pr
perfect and rigorous manner, the institute of St. ings, that
Francis, that numbers were to be found in all
places, who either withstood the president of the is split into
society, or at least obeyed him with reluctance, doable
At once, therefore, to satisfy both the laxer and parties.
more rigid party, after various methods had been
tried to no purpose, a division of the order was
agreed to. Accordingly, in the year 1368, the
president consented that Paulutius Fulginas,
who was the chief of the more rigid Franciscans
in Italy, together with his associates, who were
pretty numerous, should live separately from the
rest of the brethren, according to the rules and
customs they had adopted, and follow the insti-
tutes of their founder in the strictest and most
rigorous manner. The Spirituals, and the followers
of Olive, whose scattered remains were yet ob-
servable in several places, joined themselves gra-
dually and imperceptibly to this party. And as
the number of those who were fond of the severer
discipline continually increased in many provinces,
the popes thought proper to approve that insti-
tute, and to give it the solemn sanction of their
authority. In consequence of this, the Franciscan
order was divided into two large bodies, which
subsist to this day ; viz. the Conventual Brethren,
VOL. in. A A
354 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and the Brethren of the Observation. Those who
PART ii. £ave UP t^ie str*ct sense °^ ^ie expressions in
„ _ 1 which the institute of their founder was conceived,
and adopted the modifications that were given of
them by the pontiffs, were called by the former
name ; and the council of Constance conferred the
latter upon those who chose to be determined by
the words of the institute itself, rather than by
any explications of it (r). But the Fratricelli,
together with the Beghards, whom we have fre-
quently had occasion to mention, absolutely rejected
this reconciliation, and persisted in disturbing the
peace of the church during this and the following
century, in the marquisate of Ancona, and in
other places.
New reiigi- XXXV. This century gave rise to other reli-
ous orders . ... /• i • i i /» i
are found- gious societies, some or which were but of short
ed- - duration, and the rest never became famous.
John Colombini, a nobleman of Sienna, founded,
in the year 1368, the order of the Apostolic Clercs ;
who, because they frequently pronounced the
name of Jesus, were afterwards called Jesuates.
This institution was confirmed by Urban V. the
following year, and subsisted till the last cen-
tury, when it was abolished by Clement IX (s).
The brethren belonging to it professed poverty,
and adhered to the institute of St. Augustin.
They were not, however, admitted to holy orders,
but assisted the poor by their prayers, and other
pious offices, and prepared medicines for them,
which they distributed gratis (/). But these sta-
tutes were in a manner abrogated when Clement
dissolved the order.
(r) See Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. viii. p. 209. 298.
326. 336. torn. ix. p. 59. 65. 78, &c.
(s) In the year 1668.
(t) Hipp. Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, torn. iii. p. 4.11. s. —
Franc. Pagi Breviar. Pontif. torn. iv. p. 189. s. — Bonnani,
and others, who have compiled histories of the religious orders
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 355
XXXVI. Soon after the commencement of this CENT.
century, the famous sect of the Cellite Brethren
and Sisters arose at Antwerp ; they were also
styled the Alexian Brethren and Sisters, because The *** of
St. Alexius was their patron ; and they were named Brethren6
Cellites, from the cells in which they were used ^d sisters-
to live. As the clergy of this age took little care iaraes. °
of the sick and dying, and deserted such as were
infected with those pestilential disorders which
were then very frequent, some compassionate and
pious persons at Antwerp formed themselves into
a society for the performance of those religious
offices which the sacerdotal orders so shamefully
neglected. Pursuant to this agreement, they
visited and comforted the sick, assisted the dying
with their prayers and exhortations, took care of
the interment of those who were cut off by the
plague, and on that account forsaken by the
affrighted clergy, and committed them to the
grave with a solemn funeral dirge. It was with
reference to this last office that the common
people gave them the name of Lollards (w). The
(w) Many writers have given us large accounts concerning
the sect and name of the Lollards, yet none of them are to be
commended for their fidelity, diligence, or accuracy on this
head. This I can confidently assert, because I have care-
fully and expressly inquired into whatever relates to the
Lollards -, and from the most authentic records concerning
them, both published and unpublished, have collected copious
materials from whence their true history may be compiled.
Most of the German writers, as well as those of other
countries, affirm that the Lollards were a particular sect,
who differed from the church of Rome in many religious
points ; and that Walter Lollhard, who was burnt in this cen-
tury at Cologn, was their founder. How so many learned
men came to adopt this opinion is beyond my comprehen-
sion. They indeed refer to Jo. Trithemius as the author of
this opinion j yet it is certain that no such account of these
people is to be found in his writings. I shall therefore en-
deavour, with all possible brevity, to throw all the light I
can upon this matter, that they who are fond of ecclesiastical
history may have a just notion of it. w
A A €
356 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, example of these good people had such an ex*
OAXJ>y\r tensive influence, that in a little time societies of
rAri I 11.
— The term Lollhard, or Lullhard, or, as the ancient Germans
write it, Lollert, Lullert, is compounded of the old German
word lullen, lollen, lallen, and the well known termination
hard, with which many of the old High Dutch words end.
Lollen, or fallen, signifies to sing with a low voice. It is yet
used in the same sense among the English, who say, Ml
asleep, which signifies to sing any one into a slumber with a
sweet indistinct voice. See Franc. Junii Etymologicum An-
glicanum, ab Edvardo Lye, Oxon. 1743, fol. under the word
Lollard. The word is also used in the same sense among the
Flemings, Swedes, and other nations, as appears by their re-
spective Dictionaries. Among the Germans, both the sense and
pronunciation of it have undergone some alteration ; for they
say, lallen, which signifies to pronounce indistinctly, or stam-
mer. Lollhard, therefore, is a singer, or one who frequently
sings. For as the word beggen, which universally signifies
to request any thing fervently, is applied' to, devotional re-
quests or prayers ; and, in the stricter sense in which it is
used by the High Dutch, denotes praying fervently to God ;
in the same manner the word lollen, or lullen, is transferred
from a common to a sacred song, and signifies, in its most
limited sense, to sing a hymn. Lollhard, therefore, in the
vulgar tongue of the ancient Germans, denotes a person who
is continually praising God with a song, or singing hymns to
his honour. Hoscemius, a canon of Liege, has well appre-
hended and expressed the force of this word in his Gesta
Pontificum Leodiensium, lib. i. cap. xxxi. in Jo. Chapeavilli
Gestis Pontificum Tungrensium et Leodiensium, torn. ii. p.
350. s. " In the same year (1309), says he, certain strolling
hypocrites, who were called Lollards, or praisers of God,
deceived some women of quality in Hainault and Brabant.'*
Because those who praised God generally did it in verse,
therefore, in the Latin style of the middle age, to praise God
meant to sing to him, and such as were frequently employed
in acts of adoration were called religious singers. And as
prayers and hymns are regarded as a certain external sign of
^ piety towards God., therefore those who aspired after a more
than ordinary degree of piety and religion, and for that purpose
were more frequently occupied in singing hymns of praise to
God than others, were, in the common popular language, called
Lollhards. Hereupon this word acquired the same meaning
with that of the term Beghard, which denoted a person
remarkable for piety ; for in all the old records, from the
eleventh century, these two words are synonymous : so that
all who are styled Beghards are also called Lollards, which
may be proved to a demonstration from many authors, and
particularly from many passages in the writings of Felix
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &e. 357
the same sort of Lollards, consisting both of men CENT.
XIV.
PART II.
and women, were formed in most parts of Ger-
Malleolus against the Beghards ; so that there are precisely
as many sorts of Beggards as of Lollards. Those whom the
monks now call Lay Brothers were formerly called Lollard
Brethren, as is well observed by Barthol. Schobinger, Ad
Joach. Vadianum de Collegiis Monasteriisque Germanise
Veter. lib. i. p. 24?. in Goldasti Scriptor, Rerum Alemannica-
rum torn. iii.
The Brethren of the Free Spirit, of whom we have already
given a large account, are by some styled Beggards, by others
Lollards. The followers of Gerhard Groote, or Priests of
the .Community,, are frequently called Lollard Brethren. The
good man Walter, who was burnt at Cologn, and whom so
many learned men have unadvisedly represented as the
founder of the sect of the Lollards, is by some called a Beg-
gard, by others a Lollard, and by others a Minorite. The
Franciscan Tertiaries, who were remarkable for their prayers
and other pious exercises, often go by the name of Lollards.
The Cellite Brethren, or Alexians, whose piety was very ex-
emplary, did no sooner appear in Flanders, about the begin-
ning of this century, than the people gave them the title of
Lollards, a term much in use at that time. A particular
reason indeed for their being distinguished by this name was,
that they were public singers, who made it their business to
inter the bodies of those who died of the plague, and sang a
dirge over them in a mournful and indistinct tone as they
carried them to the grave. Among the many testimonies that
might be alleged to prove this, we shall confine ourselves to
the words of Jo. Bapt. Gramaye, a man eminently skilled in
the history of his country, in his work entitled, Antwerpia,
lib, ii. cap. vi. p. 16. " The Alexians," says he, " who con-
stantly employed themselves about funerals, had their rise at
Antwerp ; at which place, about the year 1300, some honest
pious laymen formed a society. On account of their extra-
ordinary temperance and modesty, they were styled Mate-
manni (or Moderatists ) and also Lollards, from their attend-
ance on funeral obsequies. From their cells, they were
named Cellite Brethren." To the same purpose is the fol-
lowing passage in his work entitled, Lovanium, p. 18, which
is inserted in the splendid folio edition of the Belgic Antiqui-
ties, published at Louvain, in 1708 : " The Alexians, who
were wholly engaged in taking care of funerals, now began
to appear. They were laymen, who, having wholly devoted
themselves to works of mercy, were named Lollards and
Matemanni (or Moderatists). They made it their sole
business to take care of all such as were sick, or out of their
358 The Internal History of the Church.
CENf. many and Flanders, and were supported, partly
X1V* by their manual labours, and partly by the
PART II. y . , , , r • rni J
_ charitable donations 01 pious persons. 1 he ma-
gistrates and inhabitants of the towns, where these
brethren and sisters resided, gave them peculiar
marks of favour and protection on account of their
great usefulness to the sick and needy. But the
clergy, whose reputation was not a little hurt by
them, and the Mendicant friars, who found
senses. These they attended both privately and publicly, and
buried the dead," The same learned author tells us, that he
transcribed some of these particulars from an old diary written
in Flemish rhyme. Hence we find in the Annals of Holland
and Utrecht, in Ant. Matthaei Analect. Vet. JEvl, torn. i. p.
431, the following words: " Die Lollardtjes die brochten,
de dooden by een, i. e. the Lollards who collected the dead
bodies ;" which passage is thus paraphrased by Matthaeus,
" The managers of funerals, and carriers of the dead, of whom
there was a fixed company, were a set of mean, worthless
creatures, who usually spoke in a canting mournful tone, as
if bewailing the dead ; and hence it came to pass, that a
street in Utrecht, in which most of these people lived, was
called the Loller street." The same reason that changed the
word Beggard from its primitive meaning contributed also
to give, in process of time, a different signification to that of
Lollard, even its being assumed by persons that dishonoured
it. For among those Lollards, who made such extraordinary
pretences to piety and religion, and spent the greatest part
of their time in meditation, prayer, and such-like acts of piety,
there were many abominable hypocrites, who entertained the
most ridiculous opinions, and concealed the most enormous
vices under the specious mask of this extraordinary profes-
sion. But it was chiefly after the rise of the Alexians, or
Cellites, that the name Lollard became infamous. For the
priests and monks, being inveterately exasperated against
these good men, propagated injurious suspicions of them,
and endeavoured to persuade the people, that, innocent and
beneficent as the Lollards seemed to be, they were in reality
the contrary, being tainted with the most pernicious senti-
ments of a religious kind, and secretly addicted to all sorts
of vices. Thus by degrees it came to pass, that any person,
who covered heresies or crimes under the appearance of
piety, was called a Lollard. So that it is certain this was
not a name to denote any one particular sect, but was formerly
common to all persons and all sects who were supposed to
be guilty of impiety towards God and the church, under an
external profession of extraordinary piety.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 359
their profits diminished by the growing credit of CENT.
these new-comers, persecuted them vehemently, PA* T "n
and accused them to the popes of many vices and
intolerable errors. Hence it was that the word
Lollard, which originally carried a good meaning,
became a term of reproach to denote a person,
who, under the mask of extraordinary piety,
concealed either enormous vices or pernicious
sentiments. But the magistrates, by their recom-
mendations and testimonials, supported the Lol-
lards against their malignant rivals, and obtained
many papal constitutions, by which their institute
was confirmed, their persons exempted from the
cognizance of the inquisitors, and subjected en-
tirely to the jurisdiction of the bishops. But as
these measures were insufficient to secure them
from molestation, Charles, duke of Burgundy, in
the year 1472, obtained a solemn bull from Pope
Sixtus IV. ordering that the Cellites, or Lollards,
should be ranked among the religious orders, and
delivered from the jurisdiction of the bishops;
and Pope Julius II. granted them yet greater
privileges in the year 1506. Many societies of
this kind are yet subsisting at Cologn, and in the
cities of Flanders, though they have evidently
departed from their ancient rules (w).
XXXVII. Among the Greek writers of this Greek wri-
century the following were the most eminent.
Nicephorus Callistus, whose Ecclesiastical Hi-
story we have already mentioned ;
Matthaeus Blastares, who illustrated and ex-
plained the canon laws of the Greeks ;
(to) Besides many others, whom it is not proper to mention
here, see JEgid. Geilenius, De admiranda Sacra et Civili Mag-
nitudine Urbis Colonies, lib. iii. Syntagm. li. p. 534?. 598. 603.
— Jo. Bapt. Gramaye, in Antiquit. Belgicis. — Anton. Sande-
rus, in Brabantia et Flandria illustratis. — Aub. Miraeus, in
Operibus Diplomatico-Historicis, and many other writers
of this period in many places of their works. I may add,
that those who are styled Lollards are by many called die
Nollbruder, from Nollen, an ancient German word,
ters.
360 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Barlaam, who was a very zealous champion in
XIV* behalf of the Grecian cause against the Latins ;
PART II. ^ . A . i c
(jregorms Acmdynus, an inveterate enemy of
the Palamites, of which sect we shall give some
account in its proper place ;
Johannes Cantacuzenus, famous for his History
of his Own Time, and his Confutation of the Ma-
hometan Law j
Nicephorus Gregoras, who compiled the Byzan-
tine History, and left some other monuments of
his genius to posterity ;
Theophanes, bishop of Nice, a laborious de-
fender of the truth of Christianity against the Jews,
and the rest of its enemies ;
Nilus Cabasilas, Nilus Rhodius, and Nilus
Damyla, who most warmly maintained the cause
of their nation against all the Latin writers ;
Philotheus, several of whose tracts are yet ex-
tant, and seem well adapted to excite a devotional
temper and spirit ;
Gregory Palamas ; of whom more hereafter.
Latin wri- XXXVIII. From the prodigious number of
ters* the Latin writers of this century we shall only
select the most famous. Among the scholastic
doctors, who blended philosophy with divinity,
John Duns Scotus, a Franciscan, and the great
antagonist of Thomas, held the first rank ; and,
though not entitled to any praise for his candour
and ingenuity, was by no means inferior to any
of his contemporaries in acuteness and subtilty of
genius (x)>
After him the most celebrated writers of this
class were Durandus of St. Portian, who combated
(#) The very laborious and learned Luc. Waddingus
favoured the public with an accurate edition of the works
of Scotus, which was printed at Lyons, 1639, in twelve
volumes folio.— Compare Wood, Antiq. Oxon. torn. i. p.
86. s. but especially Waddingus, Annal. Minor. Fratr. torn,
vi. p. 40. 107. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p. 70,
PART II.
CHAP. HI. The Doctrine of the Church. 361
the commonly received doctrine of the divine co- CENT.
operation with the human will (#), Antonius An- p™\}
draeas, Hervaeus Natalis, Francis Mayronius, Tho- .
mas Bradwardine, an acute ingenious man (s),
Peter Aureolus, John Bacon, William Occam,
Walter Burlaeus, Peter de Alliaco, Thomas of
Strasburg, and Gregory de Rimini (#).
Among the mystic divines, Jo. Taulerus and
Jo. Ruysbrockius, though not entirely free from
errors, were eminent for their wisdom and inte-
grity;
Nicholas Lyranus acquired great reputation by
his Compendious Exposition of the whole Bible ;
Raynerius Pisanus is celebrated for his Sum-
mary of Theology, and Astesanus for his Sum-
mary of Cases of Conscience.
CHAPTER III.
Concerning the Doctrine of the Christian Church
during this Century.
I. ALL those who are well acquainted with the The cor-
history of these times must acknowledge, that reli- ™{f 'j™ of
gion, whether as taught in the schools, or inculcated
upon the people as the rule of their conduct, was
so extremely adulterated and deformed, that there
was not a single branch of the Christian doc-
(y) See Jo. Launoius, in a small treatise, entitled, Sylla-
bus Rationum, quibus Durandi Causa defenditur, torn. i. opp.
— Gallia Christ, tom.ii. p. 723.
(2) Rich. Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. iv. p. 232. et Cri-
tique de la Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesiast. par M. Du
Pin, torn. i. p. 360. Steph. Soucietus, in Observationibus ad
h. 1. p. 703. — Nouv. Diet. Hist. Crit. torn. ii. p. 500. s. He
was archbishop of Canterbury.
(a) For a full account of all these persons, see Histoire
de PEglise Gallicane, torn, xiv. p. 11, 12. s.
The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, trine which retained the least trace of its primitive
lustre and beauty. Hence it may easily be ima-
gined that the Waldenses and others, who longed
for a reformation of the church, and had separated
themselves from the jurisdiction of the bishop of
Rome, though every where exposed to the fury of
the inquisitors and monks, yet increased from day
to day, and baffled all the attempts that were
made to extirpate them. Many of these poor
people having observed that great numbers of
their party perished by the flames and other
punishments, fled out of Italy, France, and Ger-
many, into Bohemia and the adjacent countries,
where they afterwards associated with the Huss-
ites, and other separatists from the church of
Rome.
H* Nicholas Lyranus deservedly holds the
- first rank among the commentators on the Holy
torytheo- Scriptures, having explained the Books, both of
the Old and New Testament, in a manner far
superior to the prevailing taste and spirit of his
age. He was a perfect master of the Hebrew
language, but not well versed in the Greek, and
was therefore much happier in his exposition of
the Old Testament than in that of the New (£).
All the other divines who applied themselves to
this kind of writing were servile imitators of
their predecessors. They either culled choice
sentences from the writings of the more ancient
doctors ; or else, departing from the obvious
meaning of the words, they tortured the sacred
writers to accommodate them to senses that were
mysterious and abstruse. They who are desirous
of being acquainted with this art may have re-
course to Vitalis a Furno, his Moral Mirrour of
(b) Rich. Simon, Histoire des principaux Commentateurs
du Nos, p. 447. et Critique de la Bibliotb. des Auteurs
Eccles. par M. Du Pin, torn. i. p. 352.— Waddingi Annal.
Minor, torn. v. p. 264. s.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church.
the Scriptures (c), or to Ludolphus of Saxony, in CENT.
his Psalter Spiritualized (</). The philosophers
who commented upon the sacred writings some-
times proposed subtile questions, drawn from
what was called, in this century, Internal Science,
and solved them in a dexterous and artful
manner.
III. The greatest part of the doctors of this The didac-
century, both Greek and Latin, followed the rules Uc divines-
of the peripatetic philosophy, in expounding
and teaching the doctrines of religion ; and the
Greeks, from their commerce with the Latins,
seemed to have acquired some knowledge of those
methods of instruction used in the western schools.
Even to this day, the Greeks read, in their own
tongue, the works of Thomas, and other capital
writers of the scholastic class, which in this age
were translated and introduced into the Greek
church by Demetrius Cydonius, and others (e).
Prodigious numbers among the Latins were fond
of this subtile method, in which John Scotus,
Durandus a S. Portain, and William Occam, pe-
culiarly excelled. Some few had recourse to the
decisions of Scripture and Tradition in explaining
divine truths, but they were overborne by the
immense tribe of logicians, who carried all before
them.
IV. This superiority of the schoolmen did not, The adver-
however, prevent some wise and pious men among J^JSr*-118
the Mystics, and elsewhere, from severely censur- vmes^
ing this presumptuous method of bringing before T.^
the tribunal of philosophy matters of pure revela-
tion. Many, on the contrary, were bold enough
to oppose the reigning passion, and to recal the
youth designed for the ministry to the study of
(c) Speculum Morale totius Scripturae.
(d) Psalterium juxta Spiritualem Sensum.
(<?) Rich. Simon, Creance de 1'Eglise Orientale sur la
Transubstantiation,, p. 166.
364 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. the Scriptures and the writings of the ancient
PART ii. fathers. This proceeding kindled the flame of
discord almost everywhere ; but this flame raged
with peculiar violence in some of the more famous
universities, especially in those of Paris and Ox-
ford, where many sharp disputes were continually
carried on against the philosophical divines by
those of the Biblical party, who, though greatly
inferior to their antagonists in point of number,
were sometimes victorious. For the philosophical
legions, headed by Mendicants, Dominicans, and
Franciscans, were often extremely rash in their
manner of disputing ; they defined and explained
the principal doctrines of revealed religion in
such a way as really overturned them, and fell
into opinions that were evidently absurd and im-
pious. Hence it came to pass, that some of them
were compelled to abjure their errors, others, to
seek their safety by flight ; some had their writ-
ings publicly burnt, and others were thrown
into prison (jQ. However, when these com-
motions were quelled, most of them returned,
though with prudence and caution, to their
former way of thinking, perplexed their adver-
saries by various contrivances, and deprived them
of their reputation, their profits, and many of
their followers.
Contentions V. It is remarkable, that the scholastic doctors,
^teofmen or P^l°soP^cal theologists, far from agreeing
lists and" (/) ^ee Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. passim. —
Thomists. In the year 1340, several opinions of the schoolmen, con-
cerning the Trinity and other doctrines, were condemned, p.
266.— In the year 1347, M. Jo. de Mercuria and Nich. de
Ultricuria were obliged to abjure their errors, p. 298. 308. —
In 1348, one Simon was convicted of some horrible errors,
p. 322. — The same fate a. 1354, befel Guido of the Augus-
tine order, p. 329. A. 1362, the like happened to one Lewis,
p. 374. to Jo. de Galore, p. 377. A. 1365, to Dion, Soulle-
chat, p. 382. Oxford also had its share in transactions of
this nature. See Ant. Wood, Antiquit. Oxon. torn. i. p.
153. 183. s.
CHAP. ni. The Doctrine of the Church. 365
among themselves, were furiously engaged in CENT.
disputations with each other concerning many p^^*n
points. The flame of their controversy was, in '_
this century, supplied with plentiful accessions of
fuel by John Duns Scot us, an Englishman, of
the Franciscan order, who was extremely eminent
for the subtilty of his genius, and who, animated
against the Dominicans by a warm spirit of
jealousy, had attacked and attempted to disprove
several doctrines of Thomas Aquinas. Upon
this, the Dominicans, taking the alarm, united
from all quarters to defend their favourite doctor,
whom they justly considered as the common
leader of the scholastics ; while the Franciscans,
on the other hand, espoused with ardour the
cause of Scotus, whom they looked upon as a di-
vine sage sent down from heaven to enlighten
bewildered and erring mortals. Thus these power-
ful and flourishing orders were again divided ; and
hence the origin of the two famous sects, the
Scotists and Thomists, which, to this day, dispute
the field of controversy in the Latin schools.
The chief points about which they disagree are,
the Nature of the divine Co-operation with the
Human Will, the Measure of divine Grace that is
necessary to Salvation, the Unity of Form in Man,
or personal identity, and other abstruse and
minute questions, the enumeration of which is
foreign to our purpose. We shall only observe,
that what contributed most to exalt the reputation
of Scotus, and to cover him with glory, was his
demonstration and defence of what was called the
Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary against
the Dominicans, who entertained different notions
of that matter (g*).
VI. A prodigious number of the people, deno- The My.
minated Mystics, resided and propagated their sties.
(g) See Waddingus, Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 52.
PART II,
366 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, tenets in almost every part of Europe. There
XIV* were, undoubtedly, among them many persons
1 of eminent piety, who endeavoured to wean men
from an excessive attachment to the external part
of religion, and to form them to the love of
God, and the practice of genuine virtue. Such,
among others, were Taulerus, Ruysbrockius, Suso,
and Gerhard of Zutphen (Ji)9 who, it must be
confessed, have left many writings that are ex-
ceedingly well calculated to excite pious dispo-
sitions in the minds of their readers ; though
want of judgment, and a propensity to indulge
enthusiastic visions, is a defect common to them
all. But there were also some senseless fanatics
belonging to this party who ran about, from place
to place, recommending a most unaccountable
extinction of all the rational faculties, whereby
they idly imagined the human mind would be
transfused into the divine essence ; and thus led
their proselytes into a foolish kind of piety, that
in too many cases bordered nearly upon licenti-
ousness. The religious frenzy of these enthu-
siasts rose to such a height, as rendered them
detestable to the soberer sort of Mystics, who
charged their followers to have no connexions
with them (*).
Moral wri- VII. It is needless to say much concerning
those who applied themselves to the study of mo-
rality, seeing their spirit is much of the same
kind with that of the authors whom we have
already mentioned ; though it may be proper to
(A) Concerning these authors, see Petr. Poiret, Biblioth.
Mysticorura; and Godofr. Arnold, Histor. et Descriptio
Theol. Mysticae. Concerning Taulerus and Suso, Echardus
treats expressly in his Scriptor. Prsedicat. torn. i. p. 653. 677.
See also Acta Sanctor. Januar. torn. ii. p. 652.
(i) Joh. Ruysbrockius inveighed bitterly against them, as
appears from his work published by Laur. Surius, p. 50. 378.
as also from his treatise De Vera Contemplatione, cap, xviii.
p. 608.
ters.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 367
mention two circumstances, by which the reader CENT.
may ascertain the true state of this science. The ^iJrn
first is, that about this time more writers than in
any former century made it their business to col-
lect and solve what they styled, cases of con-
science ; by which Astesanus, an Italian, Monal-
dus, and Bartholomew of St. Concordia, acquired a
reputation superior to any of their contempo-
raries. This kind of writing was of a piece with
the education then received in the schools, since
it taught people to quibble and wrangle instead
of forming them to a sound faith and a suitable
practice. A second thing worthy of notice is,
that moral duties were explained, and their prac-
tice enforced, by allegories and comparisons of
a new and whimsical kind, even by examples
drawn from the natures, properties, and actions
of the brute creation. These writers began, for
instance, by explaining the nature and qualities
of some particular animal, and then applied their
description to human life and manners, to cha-
racterize the virtues and vices of moral agents.
The most remarkable productions of this sort are
Nieder's Formicarius ; a Treatise concerning Bees,
by Thomas Brabantinus ; Hugo de St. Victor's
Dissertation upon Beasts ; and a tract of Thomas
Walley's, entitled, The Nature of Brute Animals
moralized.
VIII. The defenders of Christianity in this age Contro-
were, generally speaking, unequal to the glo- vt
rious cause they undertook to support ; nor do
their writings discover any striking marks of ge-
nius, dexterity, perspicuity, or candour. Some
productions, indeed, appeared from time to time,
that were not altogether unworthy of notice.
The learned Bradwardine, an English divine, ad-
vanced many pertinent and ingenious things to-
wards the confirmation of the truth of Christianity
in general, in a Book upon Providence. The
368 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, book intitled, Collyrium Fidei contra Hsereticos :
XIV.
PART II.
av- or, " Eye-salve of Faith against the Heretics,'
shows, that its author, Alvarus Pelagius, was a
well-meaning and judicious man, though he has
by no means exhausted the subject in this per-
formance. Nicholas Lyra wrote against the Jews,
as did also Porchetus Salvaticus, whose treatise
• intitled, " The Triumph of Faith," is chiefly bor-
rowed from the writings of Raymond Martin.
Both these writers are much inferior to Theo-
phanes, whose " Book against the Jews," and his
"Harmony between the Old and New Testament/5
contain many observations that are by no means
contemptible,
state of the JX. During this century there were some
controver- • • n J .,. . ,
sy between promising appearances of a reconciliation be-
tween tne Greeks and Latins. For the former,
apprehending they should want the assistance of
the Latins to set bounds to the power of the
Turks, which about this time was continually in-
creasing, often pretended a willingness to submit
to the Latin canons. Accordingly, A. D. 1339,
Andronicus, the Younger, sent Barlaam as his
ambassador into the west, to desire a reconcilia-
tion in his name. In the year 1349, another
Grecian embassy was sent to Clement VI. for
the same purpose, and in 1356, a third was de-
spatched upon a like errand to Innocent VI.
who resided at Avignon. Nor was this all ; for
in the year 1 367 tne Grecian patriarch arrived at
Rome in order to negotiate this important mat-
ter, and was followed, in the year 1369, by the
emperor himself, John Palaeologus, who under-
took a journey into Italy, and, in order to con-
ciliate the friendship and good-will of the La-
tins, published a confession of his faith, which
was agreeable to the sentiments of the Roman
pontiff. But, notwithstanding these prudent and
pacific measures, the major part of the Greeks
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 369
could not be persuaded by any means to drop the CENT.
controversy, or to be reconciled to the church of
Rome, though several of them, from views of in- .
terest or ambition, expressed a readiness to submit
to its demands ; so that this whole century was
spent partly in furious debates, and partly in
fruitless negotiations
X. In the year 1384, a furious controversy The conten-
arose at Paris, between the university there and [|j^^fren
the Dominican order. The author of it was suy of Paris
John de Montesono, a native of Arragon, a Do- JJ*.^0 Do"
minican friar and professor of divinity, who, pur-
suant to the decisions and doctrine of his order,
publicly denied that the blessed Virgin Mary was
conceived without any stain of original sin ; and
moreover asserted, that all who believed the im-
maculate conception were enemies of the true occasioned
faith. The quarrel occasioned by this proceeding by Monte.
would certainly have been soon compromised, had s°
not John, in a public discourse delivered some
time in the year 1387, revived this opinion with
more violence than ever. For this reason the
college of divines, and afterwards the whole uni-
versity, condemned this, and some other tenets of
Montesonus. For it may be proper to inform
the reader, that the university of Paris, princi-
pally induced thereto by the discourses of John
Dun Scotus, had from the beginning almost of
this century, publicly adopted the doctrine of the
sinless conception of the Holy Virgin (/). Upon
this, the Dominicans, together with their cham-
pion Montesonus, appealed from the sentence of
(k) See Henr. Canisii Lectiones Antiquse, torn. iv.p. 369-
— -Leo Allatius, De Perpetua Consensione Eccles. Orient,
et Occident, lib. ii. cap. xvi. xvii. p. 782. — Luc. Waddingus,
Annal. Minor, torn, viii.p. 29. 40. 107. 201. 289. 303. 312. —
Steph. Baluzii Vitee Pontif. Avenion.tom. i. p. 348. 380. 388.
403. 407. 410. 772.
(/) See Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 52. s.
VOL. III. B B
370 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the university to pope Clement VII. at Avignon,
av' and raised an outcry, that St. Thomas himself was
condemned by the judgment passed upon their
brother. But, before the pope could decide the
affair, the accused friar fled from the court of
Avignon, went over to the party of Urban VI.
who resided at Rome, and thus, during his ab-
sence, was excommunicated. Whether or no the
pope approved the sentence of the university of
Paris, we cannot say. The Dominicans, however,
deny that he did, and affirm, that Montesonus
was condemned purely on account of his flight (ni) ;
though there are many others who assert, that his
opinion was also condemned. And as the Domi-
nicans would not acknowledge the sentence of the
university to be valid, they were expelled in the
year 1389, and were not restored to their ancient
honours in that learned body till the year 1404 (n).
CHAPTER IV.
Concerning the Rites and Ceremonies used in the
Church during this Century.
The aitera- I. WE must confine ourselves to a general and
superficial view of the alterations that were intro-
duced into the ritual of the church during this
o
century, since it cannot reasonably be expected
we should insist largely upon this subject within
the narrow limits of such a work as this. One of
the principal circumstances that strikes us here,
(»z) See Jae. Echardi Scriptor. Praedicator. torn. i. p. 691.
(») Cses. Egass. de Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn. iv. p.
599. 618. 638.-— Steph, Baluzii Vitse Pontif. Avenion. torn. i.
.p. 521. tom. ii. p. 992. — Argentre, Collectio Judicior. de
Novis Errorib. tom. i. p. 61. — Jac. de Longueval, Hist, de
1'Eglise Gallicane, tom. xiv. p. 347.
FAUT
CHAP. iv. Rites and Ceremonies. #71
is the change that was made in the time of ceie- CENT.
brating the jubilee. In the year 1350, Clement
VI. in compliance with the requests of the people
of Rome, enacted that the jubilee, which Boni-
face VIII. had ordered to be held every hun-
dredth year, should be celebrated twice in every
century (o). In favour of this alteration, he
might have assigned a very plausible pretext ;
since it is well known that the Jews, whom the
Roman pontiffs were always ready to imitate in
whatever related to pomp and majesty, celebrated
this sacred solemnity every fiftieth year. But
Urban VI. Sixtus VI. and other popes, who or-
dered a more frequent celebration of this salutary
and profitable institution, would have had more
difficulty in attempting to satisfy those who might
have demanded sufficient reasons to justify this
inconstancy.
II. Innocent V. instituted festivals, sacred to Festivals.
the memory of the lance with which our Saviour's
side was pierced, the nails that fastened him to
the cross, and the crown of thorns he wore at his
death (p). This, though evidently absurd, was
nevertheless pardonable upon the whole, consider-
ing the gross ignorance and stupidity of the times.
But nothing can excuse the impious fanaticism
and superstition of Benedict XII. who, by ap-
pointing a festival in honour of the marks of
Christ's wounds, which, the Franciscans tell us,
were imprinted upon the body of their chief and
founder by a miraculous interposition of the divire
power, gave credit to that grossly ridiculous and
blasphemous fable. Pope John XXII. besides praym.
the sanction he gave to many other superstitions,
(o) Baluzii Vitas Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 247. 287. 312.
887. — Muratorii Anticjuit. Ital. torn. iii. p. 344-. 481.
(p) See Jo. Henr. a Seeien, Diss. de Festo Lanceae et Cla-
vorum Christi. — Baluzii Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 328.
Miscellan. torn. i. p. 417-
372 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, ordered Christians to add to their prayers, those
XIV.
P\RT ii wol*ds wfth which the angel Gabriel saluted the
Virgin Mary.
CHAPTER V.
Concerning the Divisions and Heresies that trou-
bled the Church during this Century.
Controyer- I. DURING some part of this century the Hesy-
byStheCQuL chasts, or as the Latins call them, the Quietists,
ctists. gave the Greek church a great deal of trouble.
To assign the true source of it, we must observe,
that Barlaam, a native of Calabria, who was a
monk of St. Basil, and afterwards bishop of
Gieraci, in Calabria, made a progress through
Greece to inspect the behaviour of the monks,
among whom he found many things highly re-
prehensible. He was more especially offended
at the Hesychasts of mourit Athos, in Thessaly,
who were the same with the Mystics, or more
perfect monks, and who, by a long course of
intense contemplation, endeavoured to arrive at
a tranquillity of mind entirely free from every
degree of tumult and perturbation. These Qui-
etists, in compliance with an ancient opinion of
their principal doctors (who imagine that there
was a celestial light concealed in the deepest re-
tirements of the mind), used to sit every day,
during a certain space of time, in a solitary
corner, with their eyes eagerly and immoveably
fixed upon the middle region of the belly, or
navel ; and boasted, that, while they remained in
this posture, they found, in effect, a divine light
beaming forth from the soul, which diffused
through their hearts inexpressible sensations of
CHAP. v. Divisio?is and Heresies. 373
pleasure and delight (</). To such as inquired
what kind of light this was, they replied, by way PART n,
of illustration, that it was the glory of God, the
same celestial radiance that surrounded Christ
during his transfiguration on the mount. Barlaam,
entirely unacquainted with the customs and man-
ners of the Mystics, looked upon all this as highly
absurd and fanatical, and therefore styled the
monks who adhered to this institution, Massa-
lians and Euchites (r), and also gave them the
(</) We have no reason to be surprised at, and much less
to disbelieve this account. For it is a fundamental rule with
all those people in the eastern world, whether Christians,
Mahometans, or Pagans (who maintain the necessity of
abstracting the mind from the body, in order to hold commu-
nion with God, which is exactly the same thing with the
contemplative and mystic life among the Latins), that the eyes
must be steadily fixed every day for some hours upon some
particular object ; and that he who complies with this precept
will be thrown into an ecstasy, in which, being united to God,
he will see wonderful things, and be entertained with ineffa-
ble delights. See what is said concerning the Siamese Monks
and Mystics by Engelb Kaempfer, in his History of Japan,
torn. i. p. 30. and also concerning those of India, in the
Voyages of Bernier, torn. ii. p. 127. Indeed, I can easily
admit, that they who continue long in the above-mentioned
posture, will imagine they behold many things which no man
in his senses ever beheld or thought of. For certainly the
combinations they form of the unconnected notions that arise
to their fancy while their minds are in this odd and unnatural
state, must be most singular and whimsical ; and that so much
the more, as the rule itself which prescribes the contempla-
tion of a certain object as the means of arriving at a vision of
the Deity, absolutely forbids all use of the faculty of reason
during that ecstatic and sublime interval. This total suspen-
sion of reason and reflection, during the period of contempla-
tion, was not, however, peculiar to the Eastern Quietists ;
the Latin Mystics observed the same rule, and inculcated it
upon their disciples. And from hence we may safely con-
clude, that the many surprising visions, of which these fana-
tics boast, are fables utterly destitute of reason and probability.
But this is not the proper place for enlarging upon prodigies .
of this nature.
8§T (>') The Massalians (so called from a Hebrew word,
which signifies prayer, as Euchites, from a Greek word of the
PART II.
374 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, new name of Umbilicani (s). On the other hand,
IV' Gregory Palamas, archbishop of Thessalonica,
defended the cause of these monks against Bar-
laam (f).
The state II. In order to put an end to this dissension, a
troversy°n~ council was held at Constantinople in the year
between the 1341, in which the emperor himself, Andronicus
andfiJar!818 the younger, and the patriarch, presided. Here
laamites. Palamas and the monks triumphed over Barlaam,
who was condemned by the council ; whereupon
he left Greece, and returned to Italy. Not long
after this, another monk, named Gregory Acin-
dynus, renewed the controversy, and in opposition
to the opinion maintained by Palamas, denied that
God dwelt in an eternal light distinct from his
essence, as also that such a light was beheld by
the disciples on Mount Tabor. The dispute was
now no longer concerning the monk?, but turned
upon the light seen at Mount Tabor, and also
upon the nature and residence of the Deity.
Nevertheless, he was condemned as a follower of
Barlaam, in another council held at Constantinople.
Many assemblies were convened about this affair ;
but the most remarkable of them all was that
held in the year 1351, in which the Barlaamites
and their adherents received such a fatal wound,
in consequence of the severe decrees enacted
against them, that they were forced to yield,
and leave the victory to Palamas. This prelate
maintained that God was encircled, as it were,
with an eternal light, which might be styled his
energy or operation, and was distinct from his na-
ture and essence ; and that he favoured the three
same signification) formed themselves into a sect, during the
fourth century, under the reign of Constantius. Their tenets
resembled those of the Quietists in several respects.
• (s) Ow,£aAo\J/y%of.
(t) For an account of these two famous men, Barlaam and
Gregory Palamas, see. in preference to all other writers, Jo.
Alb. Fabricius, Biblioth. Grcecae, torn. x. p. 1-27. and 454.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 375
disciples with a view of this light upon Mount CENT.
Tabor. Hence he concluded that this divine XIV-
operation was really different from the substance J_ '_
of the Deity ; and further, that no being could
possibly partake of the divine substance or essence,
but that finite natures might possess a share of his
divine light, or operation. The Barlaamites, on
the contrary, denied these positions, affirming,
that the properties and operations of the Deity
were not different from his essence, and that there
was really no difference between the attributes
and essence of God, considered in themselves, but
only in our conceptions of them, and reasonings
upon them (u).
III. In the Latin church the inquisitors, those The seve-
active ministers and executioners of papal justice, ^j"^^
extended their vigilance to every quarter, andinthewes-
most industriously hunted out the remains of those tern wor!d'
sects who opposed the religion of Rome, even the
Waldenses, the Catharists, the Apostolists, and
others ; so that the history of these times abounds
with numberless instances of persons who were
burnt, or otherwise barbarously destroyed, by
these unrelenting instruments of superstitious
vengeance. But none of these enemies of the
church gave the inquisitors and bishops so much
employment of this bloody kind, as the Brethren
and Sisters of the Free Spirit, who went under
(u) See Jo. Cantacuzenus, Historiae, lib.ii. cap. xxxix. p.
263, and Gregor. Pontanus. Nicephorus Gregorus, Historise .
Byzantinae, lib. xi. cap. x. p. 277. and in many other places.
But these two writers disagree in many circumstances. Many
materials relative to this controversy are yet unpublished (see
Montfaucon, Biblioth. Coisliniana, p. 150.174.4-04.) Nor
have we ever been favoured with an accurate and well-di-
gested history of it. In the mean time, the reader may con-
sult Leo Allatius, De Perpetua Consensione Orient, et Occid.
Ecclesia?, lib. ii. cap. xxii. p. 824. — Henr. Canisii Lectiones
Antiquae, torn. iv. p. 361. — Diert Petavius, Dogmat. Theol.
torn. i. lib. i. cap. xii. p. 76. — Steph. dc Altimuru, Panoplia.
c.ontia Schisma Grsecor. p. 381, &c.
376
CENT.
XIV.
PART II
Severe
edicts
against she
Catharists,
Beghards,
Beguines,
&c.
The Internal History of the Church.
the common name of Beghards and Beguines in
Germany and Flanders, and were differently de-
. nominated in other provinces. For as this sort of
people professed an uncommon and sublime sort
of devotion, endeavouring to call off men's minds
from the external and sensible parts of religion,
and to win them over to the inward and spiri-
tual worship of God, they were greatly esteemed
by many plain, well-meaning persons, whose piety
and simplicity were deceived by a profession so
seducing, and thus made many converts to their
opinions. It was on this account that such num-
bers of this turn and disposition perished in the
flames of persecution during this century in Italy,
France, and Germany.
IV. This sect was most numerous in those cities
of Germany that lay upon the Rhine, especially
at Cologn, which circumstance induced Henry I.
archbishop of that diocese, to publish a severe
edict against them, A. D. 1306 (w) ; an exaniple
that was soon followed by the bishops of Mentz,
Triers, Worms, and Strasburg (#). And as there
were some subtile acute men belonging to this
party, that eminently keen logician, John Duns
Scotus (y) was sent to Cologn, in the year
1308, to dispute against them and to vanquish
them by dint of syllogism. In the year 1310, the
famous Margaret Poretta, who made such a shin-
ing figure in this sect, was burnt at Paris with
one of the brethren. She had undertaken to de-
monstrate in an elaborate treatise, " That the soul,
when absorbed in the love of God, is free from
the restraint of every law, and may freely gra-
tify all its natural appetites, without contracting
(to) See Statuta Coloniensia, published in 4to, at Cologn,
A. D. 1554. p. 58.
(x) Johannis, Scriptor. Rerum Moguntinar. torn. iii. p. 298.
— Martene, Thesaur. Anecdotor. torn. iv. p. 250.
(y) Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. vi. p. 108.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 377
any guilt" (s). Pope Clement V. exasperated by CENT.
this and other instances of the pernicious fana- XIV'
ticism that had got among this sect, published in _1 ^1
a general council held at Vienne, A. D. 1311, a
special constitution against the Beghards and
Beguines of Germany. And though the edict
only mentions imperfectly the opinions of this
sect, yet, by the enumeration of them, we may
easily perceive that the Mystic Brethren and Sisters
of the Free Spirit are the persons principally in-
tended (a). Clement, in the same council, issued
another constitution, by which he suppressed an-
other and a very different sort of Beguines (&),
who had hitherto been considered as a lawful and
regular society, and lived everywhere in fixed
habitations appropriated to their order, but were
now corrupted by the fanatics abovementioned.
For the Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit had
insinuated themselves into the greatest part of the
convents of the Beguines, where they inculcated
with great success their mysterious and sublime
system of religion to these simple women. And
these simple women were no sooner initiated into
this brilliant and chimerical system, than they were
captivated with its delusive charms, and babbled,
in the most absurd and impious manner, concern-
ing the true worship of the Deity (c).
V. The Brethren of the Free Spirit, oppressed Neverthe-
by so many severe edicts and constitutions, formed }^^n
and Sisters
(z) Luc. Dacherii Spicil. Veter. Scriptor. torn. iii. p. 63.— °f th*Fref,
Jo. Baleus, De Scriptor. Britan. Centiir. iv. n. 88. p. 367. notbeex-
published in folio, at Basil, A. D. 1557. tirpated.
(a) It is extant in the Corpus Juris Canon, inter Clemen-
tinas, lib. v. tit. iii. De Haereticis, cap. iii. p. 1088.
(b) In Jure Canonico inter Clementinas, lib. iii. tit. xi. De
Religiosis Domibus, cap. i. p. 1075. edit. Bohmer.
(c) For this reason, in the German records of this century,
we often find a distinction of the Beguines into those of the
Right and Approved Class, and those of the Sublime and Free
Spirit ; the former of whom adhered to the public religion,
while the latter were corrupted by the opinions of the Mystics.
3~8 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the design of removing from Upper Germany into
PART 11 ^e 'ower Parts °f tne empire ; and this emigra-
1 tion was so far put in execution, as that West-
phalia was the only province which refused ad-
mission to these dispersed fanatics, and was free
from their disturbances. This was owing to the
O
provident measures of Henry, archbishop of Co-
logn, who, having called a council, A. D. 1322,
seriously admonished the bishops of his province
of the approaching danger, and thus excited them
to exert their utmost vigilance to prevent any of
these people from coming into Westphalia. About
the same time the Beghards (d) upon the Rhine,
lost their chief leader and champion, Walter, a
Dutchman, of remarkable eloquence, and famous
for his writings, who came from Mentz to Co-
logn, where he was apprehended and burnt (e).
(d} By Begbards, here, Dr. Mosheim means parti-
cularly the Brethren of the Free Spirit, who frequently passed
under this denomination.
(e) Jo. Trithemii Annal. Hirsaug. torn. ii. p. 155. — Sclia-
ten, Anna!. Paderborn. torn. ii. p. 250. — This is that famous
Walter, whom so many ecclesiastical historians have repre-
sented as the founder of the sect of the Lollards, and as an
eminent martyr to their cause. Learned men conclude all
this, and more, from the following words of Trithemius. But
that same Walter Lohareus (so it stands in my copy, though
I fancy it ought to have been Lolhardus ; especially as Tri-
themius, according to the custom of his time, frequently
uses this word when treating of the sects that dissented from
the church) a native of Holland, was not well versed in the
Latin tongue. I say, from this short passage, learned men
have concluded that Walter's surname was Lollhard ; from
whence, as from its founder and master, they supposed his
sect derived the name of Lollards. But it is very evident,
not only from this, but from many other passages of Trithe-
mius, that Lollhard was no surname, but merely a term of
reproach applied to all heretics whatever, who concealed the
poison of error under the appearance of piety. Trithemius,
speaking of the very same man, in a passage which occurs
a little before that we have just quoted, calls him the head
of the Fratricelli, or Minorites ; but the term Minorites was
a very extensive one, including people of various sects. This
CHAP. \% Divisions and Heresies. 37!)
The death of this person was highly detrimental CENT.
to the affairs of the Brethren of the Free Spirit, xlv~
i T 1 1 ,1 • *• PART II.
but did not, however, rum their cause, nor extir- _
pate their sect. For it appears from innumerable
testimonies, that these people, for a long time
afterwards, not only held their private assemblies
at Cologn, and in many other provinces of Ger-
many, but also that they had several men among
them of high rank and great learning, of which
number Henry Aycardus, or Eccard, a Saxon,
was the most famous. He was a Dominican,
and also the superior of that order in Saxony ; a
man of a subtile genius, and one who had ac-
quitted himself with reputation as professor of
divinity at Paris (,/). In the year 1330, pope
John XXII. endeavoured to suppress this obsti-
nate sect by a new and severe constitution, in
which the errors of the sect of the Free Spirit are
marked out in a more distinct and accurate manner
than in the Clementina ($•). But his attempt
was fruitless, the disorder continued, and was
combated both by the inquisitors and bishops
in most parts of Europe to the end of this
century.
VI. The Clementina, or constitution of the The per.
council of Vienne against the Beguines, or those
Walter embraced the opinions of the Mystics, and was the its tragical
principal doctor among those Brethren of the Free Spirit, conclusion
who lived on the banks of the Rhine.
(/) See Echardi Scriptor. Prsedicator. torn. i. p. 507. —
Odor. Raynaldus, Annal. torn. xv. ad a. 1329. sect. Ixx. p.
389.
(g) This new constitution of John XXII. was never pub-
lished entire. It began with the following words : In agro
Dominico j and was inscribed thus, Contra singularia dubia,
suspecta, et temeraria, quae Beghardi et Beghinae praedicant
et observant. We are favoured with a summary of it by
Herm. Cornerus, in Chronico. in Eccardi Corpore Histor.
Medii Mvi, torn. ii. p. 1035, 1036. It is also mentioned by
Paul Langius, in Chronico Citizensi, in Jo. Pistorii Scripton
Rerum German, torn. i» p. J206.
3$0 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, female societies, who lived together in fixed habi-
raAXIV- tations, under a common rule of pious discipline
I AK I IT* i * * 1 •
and virtuous industry, gave rise to a persecution
of these people, which lasted till the reformation
by Luther, and ruined the cause both of the
Beguines and Beghards in many places. For
though the pope, in his last Constitution, had
permitted pious women to live as nuns in a state
of celibacy, with or without taking the vow, and
refused a toleration only to such of them as were
corrupted with the opinions of the Brethren of
the Free Spirit ; yet the vast number of enemies
which the Beguines and Beghards had, partly
among the mechanics, especially the weavers, and
partly among the priests and monks, took a handle
from the Clementina to molest the Beguines in
their houses, to seize and destroy their goods, to
offer them many other insults, and to involve the
Beghards in the like persecution. The Roman
pontiff, John XXII. afforded the Beguines some
relief under these oppressions, in the year 1324, by
means of a special constitution, in which he gave
a favourable explication of the Clementina, and
ordered that the goods, chatties, habitations, and
societies of the innocent Beguines should be pre-
served from every kind of violence and insult ;
which example of clemency and moderation was
afterwards followed by other popes. On the
other hand, the Beguines, in hopes of disappoint-
ing more effectually the malicious attempts of
their enemies, and avoiding their snares, embraced
in many places the third rule of St. Francis, and
of the Augustines. Yet all these measures in
their favour could not prevent the loss both of
their reputation and substance ; for from this
time they were oppressed in several provinces by
the magistrates, the clergy, and the monks,
who had cast a greedy eye upon their trea-
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 381
sures, and were extremely eager to divide the CENT.
VII. Some years before the middle of this
century, while Germany and many other parts
T7 j- x VI, l VL- the *-Jagel-
lirurope were distressed with various calamities, iants a£
the Flagellants, a sect forgotten almost every Pears again-
where, and especially in Germany, made their
appearance anew, and, rambling through many
provinces, occasioned great disturbances. These
new Flagellants, whose enthusiasm infected every
rank, sex, and age, were much worse than the
old ones. They not only supposed that God
might be prevailed upon to show mercy to those
who underwent voluntary punishments, but pro-
pagated other tenets highly injurious to religion.
They held, among other things, " That flagella-
" tion was of equal virtue with baptism, and the
" other sacraments : that the forgiveness of all
" sins was to be obtained by it from God, with-
" out the merits of Jesus Christ ; that the old
" law of Christ was soon to be abolished, and
" that a new law, enjoining the baptism of blood,
"to be administered by whipping, was to be
" substituted in its place," with other tenets
more or less enormous than these ; whereupon
Clement VII. thundered out anathemas against
the Flagellants, who were burnt by the inquisitors
in several places. It was, however, found as
(h) I have collected a great number of particulars relat-
ing to this long persecution of the Beguines. But the most
copious of all the writers who have published any thing upon
this subject (especially if we consider his account of the per-
secution at Basil, and Mulbergius, the most inveterate enemy
of the Beguines), is Christianus Wurstisen, or Urstisius, in
his Chronicum Basiliense, written in German, lib. iv. cap. ix.
p. 201. published in folio, at Basil, 1580. There are now in
my hands, and also in many libraries, MSS. tracts of this
celebrated Mulbergius, written against the Beguines in the
following century.
382 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, difficult to extirpate them, as it had been to
XIV.
PART IT suPPress ^e other sects of wandering fanatics (/').
VI 1 1. Directly the reverse of this melancholy
The sect of sect was the merry one of the Dancers, which, in
s'the year 1373, arose at Aix-la-Chapelle, from
whence it spread through the district of Liege,
Hainault, and other parts of Flanders. It was
customary among the fanatics for persons of both
sexes, publicly as well as in private, to fall a
dancing all of a sudden, and, holding each others
hands, to continue their motions with extraordi-
nary violence, till, being almost suffocated, they
fell down breathless together ; and they affirmed,
that during these intervals of vehement agita-
tion, they were favoured with wonderful visions.
Like the Flagellants, they wandered about from
place to place, had recourse to begging for their
subsistence, treated with the utmost contempt
both the priesthood and the public rites and wor-
ship of the church, and held secret assemblies.
Such was the nature, and such the circumstances
of this new frenzy; which the ignorant clergy of
this age looked upon as the work of evil demons,
who possessed, as they thought, this dancing tribe.
Accordingly, the priests of Liege endeavoured to
cast out the devils, which rendered these fanatics
so merry, by singing hymns and applying fumiga-
tions of incense ; and they gravely tell us, that the
evil spirit was entirely vanquished by these power-
ful charms
(i) See Baluzii Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 160. 316.
319. et Miscellan. torn. i. p. 50. — Matthsei Analecta Vet. JEvi,
torn. i. p. 50. torn. iii. p. 241. torn. iv. p. 145. — Herm. Gygis
Flores Tempor. p.. 139.
(k) See Baluzii Pontif". Avenion. torn. i. p. 485. — Ant.
Matthaei Analecta Vet JEvi, torn. i. p. 51. where we find the
following passage in the Belgic chronicle, which gives but an
obscure account of the sect in question : A. 1374. Gingen de
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies.
IX. The most heinous and abominable tribe CENT.
of heretics that infected this century (if the enor-
mities with which they stand charged be true),
were the Knights Templars, who had been esta- The
blished in Palestine about two hundred years TempiaM
before this period, and who are represented as ene- extirpated.
mies and deriders of all religion. Their princi-
pal accuser indeed was a person whose testimony
ought not to be admitted without caution. This
accuser was Philip the Fair, who addressed his
complaints of the Templars to Clement V. who
was himself an avaricious, vindictive, and tur-
bulent prince. The pope, though at first unwil-
ling to proceed against them, was under a neces-
sity of complying with the king's desire ; so that
in the year 13(>7, upon an appointed day, and
for some time afterwards, all the knights, who
were dispersed throughout Europe, and not in
the least apprehensive of any impending evil,
were seized and imprisoned. Such of them as
refused to confess the enormities of which they
were accused, were put to death ; and those who,
by tortures and promises, were induced to ac-
knowledge the truth of what was laid to their
charge, obtained their liberty. In the year 1311,
the whole order was extinguished by the council
of Vienne. A part of the rich revenues they pos-
sessed was bestowed upon other orders, especially
on the knights of St. John, now of Malta, and the
rest confiscated to the respective treasuries of the
sovereign princes in whose dominions their pos-
sessions lay.
X. The Knights Templars, if their judges be The intoie-
worthy of credit, were a set of men who insulted rable "?-
i J . /» >r 'i i -i • • i piety of the
the majesty or Crod, turned into derision the Knights
Templars
Ifancers,and then in Latin, Gens impacata cadit, cruciatasal- is assigned
vat. The French convulsionists (or prophets), v/ho in our as the
age were remarkable for the vehemence and variety of their
agitations, greatly resembled these brethren and sister r-,ty.
dancers.
384 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, gospel of Christ, and trampled upon the obligation
°^ a^ ^aws numan an<^ divine. For it is affirmed
that candidates, upon their admission to this
order, were commanded to spit, as a mark of con-
tempt, upon an image of Christ ; and that, after
admission, they were bound to worship either
a cat, or wooden head covered with gold. It
is farther affirmed, that among them, the odious
and unnatural act of Sodomy was a matter of
obligation ; that they committed to the flames
the unhappy fruit of their lawless amours ; and
added to these, other crimes too horrible to be
mentioned, or even imagined. It will indeed be
A reflec- readily allowed that in this order, as in all the
ce°rniCn°g" other religious societies of this age, there were
the crimes shocking examples of impiety and wickedness ;
but that the whole order of the Templars was
thus enormously corrupt, is so far from being
proved, that the contrary may be concluded even
from the acts and records, yet extant, of the tri-
bunals before which they were tried and examined.
, If to this we add, that many of the accusations
advanced against them, flatly contradict each other,
and that many members of this unfortunate order
solemnly avowed their innocence, while languish-
ing under the severest tortures, and even with
their dying breath ; it would seem probable, that
king Philip set on foot this bloody tragedy, with
a view to gratify his avarice, and glut his resent-
ment against the Templars (/), and especially
(/) See the Acts annexed to Putean's Histoire de la Con-
demnation des Templiers, and other writings of his, relating
to the history of France, published in 4to, at Paris, 1654. An-
other edition of this book was printed in 8vo, at Paris, 1685.
Another at Brussels, 1713, two volumes in 8vo. The fourth,
and most valuable of all, was published in 4to, at Brussels,
1751, enlarged by the addition of a great number of proofs,
by which every diligent and impartial reader will be con-
vinced that the Templars were greatly injured. See also
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 385
against their grand master, who had highly of-
fended him. PART „,
Nicolai Gurtleri Historia Templariorum. Amstelod. 1703, in
8vo. If the reader has an opportunity, he would do well to
consult Steph. Baluzius, Vit. Pontif. Avenion. torn. i. p. 8.
11, 12, &c. Gerh. du Bois, Histor. Eccles. Paris, torn. ii. p.
540. The principal cause or' king Philip's indelible hatred
against the Templars was, that in his quarrel with Boniface
VIII. the knights espoused the cause of the pope, and fur-
nished him with money to carry on the war ; an offence this,
which Philip could aever pardon.
VOL. nr. c c
THE
FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
PART I.
THE EXTERNAL HISTORY OP THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the Prosperous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
CENT. I. THE new subjects, that were added to the
* i kingdom of Christ in this century, are altogether
unworthy of that sublime title, unless we prosti-
The Moors tute it by applying it to those who made an
converted in external, though insincere, profession of Chris-
Spainby tianity. Ferdinand, surnamed the Catholic, by
the conquest of Granada, in the year 1492, en-
tirely overturned the dominion of the Moors, or
Saracens in Spain. Some time after this happy
revolution, he issued out a sentence of banishment
against a prodigious multitude of Jews, who, to
avoid the execution of this severe decree, dissem-
bled their sentiments, and feigned an assent to
the Gospel of Christ (a) ; and it is well known
that to this very day, there are both in Spain and
Portugal a great number of that dispersed and
wretched people, who wear the outward mask of
Christianity, to secure them against the rage of
(a) Jo. de Ferreras, Hist. Generale d'Espagne, torn. viii.
p. 123. 132, &c.
CHAP. r. Prosperous Events. 387
persecution, and to advance their worldly in- CENT.
terests. The myriads of Saracens, that remained PA^'j
in Spain after the dissolution of their government,
were at first solicited by exhortations and entrea-
ties to embrace the Gospel. When these gentle
methods proved ineffectual to bring about their
conversion, the famous Ximenes, archbishop of
Toledo, and prime minister of the kingdom,
judged it expedient to try the force of the
secular arm, in order to accomplish that salutary
purpose. But even this rigorous measure was
without the desired effect: the greatest part of
the Mahometans persisted, with astonishing obsti-
nacy, in their fervent attachment to their volup-
tuous prophet (&).
II. The light of the Gospel was also carried in The Samo-
this century among the Samogetae and the neigh-
bouring nations, but with less fruit than was ex- verted.
pected (c). Towards the conclusion of this age,
the Portuguese, who cultivated with ardour and
success the art of navigation, had penetrated as
far as Ethiopia and the Indies. In the year 1492,
Christopher Columbus, by discovering the islands
of Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica, opened a
passage into America (cT), and after him, Ameri-
cus Vesputius, a citizen of Florence, landed on the
continent of that vast region (e). The new Argo-
nauts, who discovered these nations that had been
hitherto unknown to the inhabitants of Europe,
judged it their duty to enlighten them with the
knowledge of the truth. The first attempt of
(b) Esprit Flechier. Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, p. 89.
— Geddes, History of the Expulsion of the Moriscoes, in
his Miscellaneous Tracts, torn. i. p. 8.
(c) Jo. Henry Hottinger, Hist. Ecclesiast. Saec. xv. p.
856. i
(d) See Charlevoix, Histoire de lisle de St. Domingo,
torn. i.p. 64.
(e) See the Life of Americus Vesputius, written in Ita-
lian, by the learned Angeli Maria Bandini.
C C 2
PART I.
388 The External History of the Church.
CENT, this pious nature was made by the Portuguese
among those Africans, who inhabit the kingdom
of Congo, and who, together with their monarch,
were converted all of a sudden to the Roman
faith in the year 1491 •(,/)• But wnat must we
think of a conversion brought about with such
astonishing rapidity, and of a people which all at
once, without hesitation, abandon their ancient
and inveterate prejudices ? Has not such a con-
version a ridiculous or rather an afflicting aspect?
After this religious revolution in Africa, Alex-
ander VI. gave a rare specimen of papal pre-
sumption, in dividing America between the Por-
tuguese and Spaniards, but showed at the same
time his zeal for the propagation of the Gospel,
by the ardour with which he recommended to
these two nations, the instruction and conversion
of the Americans, both in the isles and on the
continent of that immense region Q>*). In con-
sequence of this exhortation of the pontiff, a great
number of Franciscans and Dominicans were sent
into these countries to enlighten their darkness,
and the success of their missions is abundantly
known
(f) Labat, Relation de 1'Ethiope Occidentale, torn. ii. p.
366. — Jos. Franc. Lafitau, Histoire des Decouvertes ct Con-
quetes des Portugais dans le Nouveau Monde, torn. i. p. 72.
(g) See the Bull itself, in the Bullarium Romanum, torn.
i. p. 4-66.
(h) See Thorn. Maria Mamachius, Orig. et Antiquitat.
Christianor. torn. ii. p. 326. where we have an account of
the gradual introduction of the Christian religion into Ame-
rica. — See also Wadding. Annal. Minor, torn. xv. p. 10.
CHAP. n. Calamitous Events. 389
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Calamitous Events that happened
to the Church during this Century.
I. IN the vast regions of the eastern world,
Christianity lost ground from day to day, and P^R^ I(
the Mahometans, whether Turks or Tartars,
united their barbarous efforts to extinguish its J
bright and salutary lustre. Asiatic Tartary, Mo- anity in the
gol, Tangut, and the adjacent provinces, where East<
the religion of Jesus long flourished, were
now become the dismal seats of superstition, which
reigned among them, under the vilest forms.
Nor in these immense tracts of land were there
at this time any traces of Christianity visible,
except in China, where the Nestorians still pre-
served some scattered remains of their former
glory, and appeared like a faint and dying taper in
the midst of a dark and gloomy firmament. That
some Nestorian churches were still subsisting in
these regions of darkness is undoubtedly certain,
for in this century the Nestorian pontiff, in Chal-
dea, sent missionaries into Cathay and China,
who were empowered to exercise the authority of
bishops over the Christian assemblies, which lay
concealed in the remoter provinces of these great
empires, (f). It is, at the same time, almost
equally certain, that even these assemblies did not
survive this century.
II. The ruin of the Grecian empire was a new Constant!.
source of calamities to the Christian church in the J^1,^60
greatest part of Europe and Asia. When the Turks, Turks.
headed by Mahomet II. an accomplished prince
and a formidable warrior, had made themselves
(i) This circumstance was communicated to the author in
a letter from the learned Mr. Theophilus Sigifred Bayer,
one of* the greatest adepts in eastern history and antiqui-
ties, that this or any other age has produced.
390 The External History of the Church.
CENT, masters of Constantinople, in the year 1453 ; the
PAST i cause °f Christianity received a blow, from which
L it has never, as yet, recovered. Its adherents in
these parts had no resources left, which could
enable them to maintain it against the perpetual
insults of their fierce and incensed victors ; nor
could they stem that torrent of barbarism and
ignorance that rushed in with the triumphant arms
of Mahomet, and overspread Greece with a fatal
rapidity. The Turks took one part of the city
of Constantinople by force of arms ; the other
surrendered upon terms (/<:). Hence it was, that in
the former, the public profession of the Gospel
was prohibited, and every vestige of Christianity
effaced ; while the inhabitants of the latter were
permitted to retain their churches and monasteries
during the whole course of this century, and to
worship God according to the precepts of the
Gospel, and the dictates of their consciences. This
precious liberty was, indeed, considerably dimi-
nished under the reign of Selim I. and the Chris-
tian worship was loaded with severe and despotic
restrictions (/). The outward form of the Chris-
tian church was not, indeed, either changed or de-
stroyed by the Turks ; but its lustre was eclipsed,
its strength was undermined, and it was gradually
extenuated to a mere shadow under their tyrannic
empire. The Roman pontiff Pius II. wrote a warm
and urgent letter to Mahomet II. to persuade that
prince to profess the Gospel ; but this letter is
equally destitute of piety and prudence (nT).
jgg° (k) In this account Dr. Mosheim has followed the
Turkish writers. And indeed their account is much more
probable than that of the Latin and Greek historians, who
suppose that the whole city was taken by force, and not by
capitulation. The Turkish relation diminishes the glory of
their conquest, and therefore probably would not have been
adopted, had it not been true.
(1) Demet Cantemir, Histoire de 1'Empire Ottoman, torn,
i. p. 11.46.54,55.
(m) Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Mahomet II.
391
PART II.
THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH.
CHAPTER I.
Concerning the State of Letters and Philosophy
during this Century.
I. THE Grecian and Oriental Muses languished CENT.
under the despotic yoke of the Mahometans, xv-
their voices were mute, and their harps un- PA1"
strung. The republic of letters had a quite Learning
different aspect in the Latin world, where the ^sht"
liberal arts and sciences were cultivated with Latins.
zeal and spirit, under the most auspicious encou-
ragements, and recovered their ancient lustre and
glory. Several of the popes became their zealous
patrons and protectors, among whom Nicholas V.
deserves an eminent and distinguished rank ;
the munificence and authority of kings and
princes were also nobly exerted in this excellent
cause, and animated men of learning and genius
to display their talents. The illustrious family of
the Medicis in Italy (n\ Alphonsus VI. king
of Naples, and the other Neapolitan monarchs of
the house of Arragon (o), acquired immortal
(n) We have a full account of the obligations which the
republic of letters has to the family of Medicis, in a valuable
work of Joseph Bianchini de Prato, Del gran Duchi de To-
scana della nealle Casa de Medici, Protettori delle Lettere
et delle Belle Arti, Ragionamenti Historici, published in
folio at Venice, in 174-1.
(o) See Giannone, Histoire Civile du Royaume de Naples,
torn. iii. p. 500. 628. — Anton. Panormitani, Dicta et Facta
Memorabilia Alphonsi I. denuo edita a Jo. Gerh. Meusche-
nio, Vit. Erud. Viror. torn. ii. p. 1.
392 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, renown by their love of letters, their liberality to
PART" H t^ie ^earned, and their ardent zeal for the advance-
1 ment of science. Hence, the academies that were
founded in Germany, France, and Italy, the libra-
ries that were collected at a prodigious expense,
and the honours and rewards that were proposed
to the studious youth, to animate their industry
by the views of interest and the desire of glory.
To all these happy circumstances, in favour of
the sciences, was now added an admirable disco-
very, which contributed as much as any thing else
to their propagation, I mean the art of print-
ing, first with wooden and afterwards with metal
types, which was invented about the year 1440,
at Mentz, by John Guttemberg. By the suc-
cours of this incomparable art, the productions
of the most eminent Greek and Latin writers,
which had lain concealed, before this interesting
period, in the libraries of the monks, were now
spread abroad with facility, and perused by many,
who could never have had access to them under
their primitive form (p). The perusal of these
(p) Dr. Mosheim decides here, that Guttemberg of
Mentz was the first inventor of the art of printing; but this
notion is opposed with zeal by several men of learning.
Among the many treatises that have been published upon
this subject, there is none composed with more erudition and
judgment than that of professor Schoepflin, of Strasbourg, in
which the learned author undertakes to prove that the art of
printing, by the means of letters engraven on plates of wood,
was invented at Haerlem, by Coster j that the method of
printing, by moveable types, was the discovery of John Gut-
temberg, a discovery made during his residence at Stras-
bourg ; and that the still more perfect manner of printing with
types of metal cast in a mould was the contrivance of John
Schoefter, and was first practised at Mentz. This learned
work, in which the author examines the opinions of Mar-
chand, Fournier, and other writers, was published in the
year 1760, at Strasbourg, under the following title : Jo.Da-
nielis Schoepflini Consil. Reg. ac Franciae Historiogr. Vindi-
ciee Typographic^ *, &c.
C3- * So this note stands in the first edition of this History, in 4 to.
since that time, the very learned and ingenious Mr. Gerard Meerman,
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 393
noble compositions purified the taste, excited the CENT.
emulation of men of genius, and animated them
with a noble ambition of excelling in the same
way (q).
II. The downfal of the Grecian empire eontri- The calami.
buted greatly to the propagation and advance- oTee^con-
ment of learning in the west. For, after the duce to the
reduction of Constantinople, the most eminent of menToT
the Greek literati passed into Italy, and were le^™ffh
from thence dispersed into the other countries of Latins.
Europe, where, to gain subsistence, these venerable
exiles instructed everywhere the youth in Grecian
erudition, and propagated throughout the western
world the love of learning, and a true and elegant
taste for the sciences. Hence it was, that every
noted city and university, possessed one or more
of these learned Greeks, who formed the studious
youth to literary pursuits (r). But they received
no where such encouraging marks of protection
and esteem as in Italy, where they were honoured
in a singular manner in various cities, and were
more especially distinguished by the family of
Medicis, whose liberality to the learned had no
bounds. It was consequently in Italy that these
ingenious fugitives were most numerous ; and
hence that country became, in some measure, the
centre of the arts and sciences, and the general
(<y) iVlich. Mattaire Annales Typographici. — Prosp. Mar-
chand, Histoire de 1'Imprimerie. Haye, 1740.
(r) Jo. Henr. Maii Vita Reuchlini, p. 11. 13. 19. 28. 152,
153. 165.— Gasp. Barthius ad Statium, torn. ii. p. 1008. —
Boulay, Hist. Acad. torn. v. p. 692.
pensionary of Rotterdam, has published his laborious and interesting account
of the origin and invention of the art of printing, under the fallowing title,
" Origines Typographicae," which sets this matter in its true light, by
making certain distinctions unknown to the writers who have treated this
subject before him. According to the hypothesis of this learned writer (an
hypothesis supported by irresistible proofs), Laurent. Coster, of Haerlem,
invented the moveable wooden types. — Genfleish and Guttemberg carved
metallic types at Mentz, which, though superior to the former, were still
imperfect, because often unequal.— Schoeffer perfected the invention at
Strasburg, by casting the types in an iron mould, or matrix, engraved with a
puncheon. Thus, the question is decided.— Laurent. Coster is evidently the
inventor of printing ; the others only rendered the art more perfect.
394- The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, rendezvous of all who were ambitious of literary
PART ii oiT
, - , III.
The greatest part of the learned men, who
Philology, adorned at this time the various provinces of Italy,
iPa°ngS^esd were principally employed in publishing accurate
cultivated, and elegant editions of the most eminent Greek
and Latin authors, illustrating these authors with
useful commentaries, in studying them as their
models, both in poetry and prose, and in casting
light upon the precious remains of antiquity, that
were discovered from day to day. In all these
branches of literature, many arrived at such
degrees of excellence, as it is almost impossible to
surpass, and extremely difficult to equal. Nor
were the other languages and sciences neglected.
In the university of Paris, there was now a public
professor, not only of the Greek, but also of the
Hebrew tongue (/) ;. and in Spain and Italy the
study of that language, and of Oriental learning
and antiquities in general, was pursued with the
greatest success (iT). John Reuchlinus, otherwise
called Capnion, and Trithemius, who had made a
vast progress, both in the study of the languages
and of the sciences, were the restorers of solid
learning among the Germans (w). Latin poetry
(s) For a further account of this interesting period of the
history of learning, the reader may consult the learned
Work of Humphr. Hody, De Graecis Illustrious Literarum
Instauratoribus, published in 8vo, at London, in 174-2, by
Mr. Samuel Jebb j as also the most accurate and entertaining
treatise of Mr. Christian Frederic Borner, De doctis Homini-
bus Graecis Literarum Grsecarum in Italia Instauratoribus,
published in 8vo, at Leipsic, in the year 1750. To which
may be added, Sana. Battierii Oratio de Instauratoribus
Graecarum Literarum, published in the Museum Helveticum,
torn. iv. p. 163.
(t) R. Simon, Critique de la Bibl. Eccles. par Du Pin, torn.
i. p. 502. 512. — Boulay, Histor. Paris, torn. v. p. 85C2.
(u) Pauli Colomesii Italia Orientals, p. 4. et Hispania
Oriental is, p. 2 12.
(u>) R. Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. i. p. 262. torn, iv. p.
131.14-0.
CHAP. -i. Learning and Philosophy. 395
was revived by Antonius Panormitanus, who ex- CENT.
J xv.
PART II.
cited a spirit of emulation among the favourites
of the Muses, and had many followers in that
sublime art (>) ; while Cyriac of Ancona, by his
own example, introduced a taste for coins, medals,
inscriptions, gems, and other precious monuments
of antiquity, of which he himself made a large
collection in Italy (y).
IV. It is not necessary to give here a peculiar The state oi
and minute account of the other branches of lite- {^"SJ"
rature that flourished in this century ; neverthe- Platonic
less, the state of philosophy deserves a moment's Phllos°Phy-
attention. Before the arrival of the Greeks in
Italy, Aristotle reigned unrivalled there, and cap-
tivated, as it were by a sort of enchantment, all
without exception, whose genius led them to philo-
sophical inquiries. The veneration that was shown
him degenerated into a foolish and extravagant
enthusiasm ; the encomiums with which he was
loaded surpassed the bounds of decency ; and
many carried matters so far as to compare him
with the respectable precursor of the Messiah (2).
This violent passion for the Stagirite was however
abated, or rather was rendered less universal,
by the influence which the Grecian sages, and
particularly Gemestius Pletho, acquired among
the Latins, many of whom they persuaded to
abandon the contentions and subtile doctrine of
the Peripatetics, and to substitute in its place
the mild and divine wisdom of Plato.v It was in
(x) Bayle's Dictionary, at the article Panormit.
(y) See the Itinerarium of Cyriac of Ancona, published
at Florence in the year 1742, in Svo, by Mr. Laurence Me-
hus, from the original manuscript, together with a Preface,
Annotations, and several letters of this learned man, who
may be considered as the first antiquarian that appeared in
Europe. — See also Leon. Aretini Epistolae. torn. ii. lib. ix. p.
149.
(z) See Christ. Aug. Heumanni Acta Philosophorum, torn,
iii. p. 34-5.
396 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the year 1439, about the time of the famous
*v- council of Florence, that this revolution happened
JrAKTII. , . ^ , ., » ~ -i «-n •
in the empire of philosophy. Several illustrious
personages among the Latins, charmed with the
sublime sentiments and doctrines of Plato, had
them propagated among the studious youth, and
particularly among those of a certain rank and
figure. The most eminent patron of this divine
philosophy, as it was termed by its votaries, was
Cosmo de Medicis, who had no sooner heard the
lectures of Pletho, than he formed the design of
founding a Platonic Academy at Florence. For
this purpose, he ordered Marsilius Ficinus, the
son of his first physician, to be carefully instructed
in the doctrines of the Athenian sage, and, in
general, in the language and philology of the
Greeks, that he might translate into Latin the
productions of the most renowned Platonists.
Ficinus answered well the expectations, and
executed the intentions of his illustrious patron,
by translating successively into the Latin language
the celebrated works of Hermes Trismegistus,
Plotinus, and Plato. The same excellent prince,
encouraged by his munificence, and animated
by his protection, many learned men, such as
Ambrose of Camaldoli, Leonardo Bruno, Pogge,
and others, to undertake works of a like nature,
even to enrich the Latin literature with transla-
tions of the best Greek writers. The consequence
of all this was, that two philosophical sects arose
in Italy, who debated for a long time (with the
warmest animosity in a multitude of learned and
contentious productions) this important question,
which of the two was the greatest philosopher,
Aristotle or Plato (a) ?
(a) Boivin, dans 1'Histoire de FAcademie des Inscriptions
et des Belles Lettres, torn. iv. p. 381 . — Launois, De varia For-
tuna Aristotelis, p. 225. — Leo. Allatius, De Georgiis, p. 391.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 397
V. Between these two opposite factions, certain CENT.
eminent men, among both Greeks and Latins,
thought proper to steer a middle course. To this _J
class belong Johannes Picus de Mirandola, Bes- The
sarion, Hermolaus Barbaras, and others of less
renown, who, indeed, considered Plato as the
supreme oracle of philosophy, but would by no
means suffer Aristotle to be treated with indif-
ference or contempt, and who proposed to re-
concile the jarring doctrines of these two famous
Grecian sages, and to combine them into one
system. These moderate philosophers, both in
their manner of teaching, and in the opinions they
adopted, followed the modern Platonic school,
of which Ammonius was the original founder (&).
This sect was, for a long time, held in the utmost
veneration, particularly among the Mystics ; while
the scholastic doctors, and all such as were in-
fected with the itch of disputing, favoured the
Peripatetics. But, after all, these reconciling
Platonists were chargeable with many errors and
follies ; they fell into the most childish supersti-
tions, and followed, without either reflection or
restraint, the extravagant dictates of their wanton
imaginations.
— La Croze, Entretiens sur divers Sujets, p. 384. — Joseph
Bianchini, in his account of the protection granted to the
learned by the house of Medicis, which we have mentioned
note (w). — Bruckeri Historia Critica Philosophise, torn. iv. p.
62.
IfSp0 It was not only the respective merit of these two
philosophers, considered in that point of light, that was de-
bated in this controversy : The principal question was, which
of their systems was most conformable to the doctrines of
Christianity ? And here the Platonic most certainly deserved
the preference, as was abundantly proved by Pletho and
others. It is well known, that many of the opinions of Ari-
stotle lead directly to Atheism.
(6) See Bessarion's Letter in the Histoire de 1' Academic
des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres, torn. v. p. 456. — Tho-
masius, De Syncretismo Peripatetico, in Orationibus ejus, p.
340.
398 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. VI. Their system of philosophy was, however,
0A*I\r much less pernicious than that of the Aristotelians,
their adversaries, who still maintained their supe-
The foi- riority in Italy, and instructed the youth in all
Aristotle tne public schools of learning. For these subtile
maintain doctors, and more especially the followers of
riority!lpe Averroes (who maintained that all the human race
were animated by one common soul) sapped im-
perceptibly the foundations of both natural and
revealed religion, and entertained sentiments very
little, if it at all, different from that impious pan-
theistical system, which confounds the Deity with
the universe, and acknowledges but one self-
existent being, composed of infinite matter and
infinite intelligence. The most eminent among
this class of sophists was Peter Pomponace, a native
of Mantua, a man of a crafty turn, and an arro-
gant enterprising spirit, who, notwithstanding
the pernicious tendency of his writings (many of
which are yet extant) to undermine the principles,
and to corrupt the doctrines of religion (c), was
almost universally followed by all the professors
of philosophy in the Italian academies. These
intricate doctors did not, however, escape the
notice of the inquisitors, who, alarmed both by
the rapid progress and dangerous tendency of
their metaphysical notions, took cognizance of
them, and called the Aristotelians to give an
account of their principles. The latter, tempering
their courage with craft, had recourse to a mean
and perfidious stratagem to extricate themselves
out of this embarrassing trial. They pretended to
establish a wide distinction between philosophical
and theological truth ; and maintaining that their
sentiments were philosophically true, and con-
formable to right reason, they allowed them to
be esteemed theologically false, and contrary to
(c) See the very learned Brucker's Historia Critica Philo-
sophies, torn, iv. p. 158.
CHAP. i. Learning and Philosophy. 399
the declarations of the Gospel. This miserable and CENT.
impudent subterfuge was condemned and prohi- ^^m
bited in the following century, by Leo X. in a
council held at the Lateran.
VII. The Realists and Nominalists continued The con-
their disputes in France and Germany with more ^*™l
vigour and animosity than ever ; and finding the Realists
reason and argument but feeble weapons, they had ""
recourse to mutual invectives and accusations, tinued.
penal laws, and even to the force of arms ; a
strange method, surely, of deciding a metaphysical
question. The contest was not only warm, but
also universal in its extent ; for it infected, almost
without exception, all the French and German
academies. In most places, however, the Realists
maintained a manifest superiority over the Nomi-
nalists, to whom they also gave the appellation
of Terminists (</). While the famous Gerson
and the most eminent of his disciples were living,
the Nominalists were in high esteem and credit
in the university of Paris. But, upon the death
of these powerful and respectable patrons, the face
of things was entirely changed, and that much
to their disadvantage. In the year 1473, Lewis
XL by the instigation of his confessor the bishop
of Avranches, issued out a severe edict against
the doctrines of the Nominalists, and ordered
all their writings to be seized, arid secured in a
sort of imprisonment, that they might not be
perused by the people (e). But the same monarch
mitigated this edict the year following, and per-
mitted some of the books of that sect to be de-
(d) See Brucker's Historia Critica Philosophise, torn. iii.
p. 904?. — Jo. Salaberti Philosophia Nominalium Vindicata,
cap. i. Baluzii Miscellan. torn. iv. p. 531. — Argentre, Collectio
Documentor, de Novis Erroribus, torn. i. p. 220.
(e) Naude's Additions a 1'Histoire de Louis XI. p. 203. —
Du Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. v. p. 678. 705. 708. —
Launoy's Histor. Gymnas. Navarr. torn. iv. opp. part. I. p.
201. 378.
400 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, livered from their confinement (/). In the year
PART ii 1481> ne went mucn farther; and not only
L granted a full liberty to the Nominalists and their
writings, but also restored that philosophical sect
to its former authority and lustre in the univer-
sity (g).
CHAPTER II.
Concerning the Doctors and Ministers of the
Church, and its Form of Government during
this Century.
The vices I. THE most eminent writers of this century
ofthecier- unanimously lament the miserable condition to
which the Christian church was reduced by the
corruption of its ministers, and which seemed to
portend nothing less than its total ruin, if Pro-
vidence did not interpose, by extraordinary means,
for its deliverance and preservation. The vices
that reigned among the Roman pontiffs, and,
indeed, among all the ecclesiastical order, were so
flagrant, that the complaints of these good men
did not appear at all exaggerated, or their appre-
hensions ill-founded ; nor had any of the corrupt
advocates of the clergy the courage to call them
to an account for the sharpness of their censures
and of their complaints. Nay, the more eminent
rulers of the church, who lived in a luxurious
indolence, and in the infamous practice of all
kinds of vice, were obliged to hear with a placid
countenance, and even to commend, these bold
censors who declaimed against the degeneracy
of the church, declared that there was almost
(f) Boulay, loc. cit. torn. v. p. 710.
(g) The proofs of this we find in Salabert's Philosophia
Nominal. Vindicata, cap. i. p. 101. — Sec also Boulay, loc.
cit. torn. v. p. 739. 747.
CHAP. ir. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
nothing sound, either in its visible head, or in its CENT.
members, and demanded the aid of the secular
arm and the destroying sword to lop off the parts
that were infected with this grievous and deplor-
able contagion. Things, in short, were brought
to such a pass, that they were deemed the best
Christians, and the most useful members of society,
who, braving the terrors of persecution, and
triumphing over the fear of man, inveighed with
the greatest freedom and fervour against the court
of Rome, its lordly pontiff, and the whole tribe of
his followers and votaries.
II. At the commencement of this century, The great
the Latin church was divided into two great we,s.tern,
. o scmsm to-
factions, and was governed by two contending merited and
pontiffs, Boniface IX. who remained at Home, and contmueiU
Benedict XIII. who resided at Avignon. Upon
the death of the former, the cardinals of his party
raised to the pontificate, in the year 1404, Cosmat
de Meliorati, who assumed the name of Innocent
VII. (//), and held that high dignity during the
short space of two years only. After his de-
cease, Angeli Corrario, a Venetian cardinal, was
chosen in his room, and ruled the Roman faction
under the title of Gregory XII. A plan of
reconciliation was however formed, and the con-
tending pontiffs bound themselves, each by an
oath, to make a voluntary renunciation of the
papal chair, if that step were necessary to pro-
mote the peace and welfare of the church ; but
they both violated this solemn obligation in a
scandalous manner. Benedict XIII. besieged
(h) Besides the ordinary writers, who have given us an
account of the transactions that happened under the pontifi-
cate of Innocent VII. see Leon. Aretin. Epistol. lib. i. ep. iv.
v. p. 6. 19. 21. lib. ii. p. 30. et Colluc. Salutat. Fpistol. lib.ii.
ep. l.p. 1. 18. edit. Florent. — We have also an account of
the pontificate of Gregory, in the Epistles of the same Are-
tin, lib. ii. iii. p. 32. ep. vii. p. 39. 41. 51. lib. ii. ep. xvii. p.
54. 56. 59. — Jo. Lami Deliciae Eruditorum, torn. x. p. 494.
VOL. III. D D
402 The Internal History of the Church.
GENT, in Avignon by the king of France, in the year
pA^Tfi 1^^» saved himself by flight, retiring first into
'" Catalonia, his native country, and afterwards to
Perpignan. Hence eight or nine of the cardinals
who adhered to this cause, seeing themselves de-
serted by their pope, went over to the other side,
and, joining publicly with the cardinals of Gre-
gory XII. they agreed together to assemble a
council at Pisa on the 25th of March, 1409, in
order to heal the divisions and factions that had so
long rent the papal empire. This council, however,
which was designed to close the wounds of the
church, had an effect quite contrary to that which
was universally expected, and only served to open
a new breach, and to excite new divisions. Its
proceedings, indeed, were vigorous, and its mea-
sures were accompanied with a just severity. A
heavy sentence of condemnation was pronounced
the 5th day of June, against the contending pon-
tiffs, who were both declared guilty of heresy,
perjury, and contumacy, unworthy of the smallest
tokens of honour or respect, and separated ipso
facto from the communion of the church. This
step was followed by the election of one pontiff in
their place. The election was made on the 25th
of June, and fell upon Peter of Candia, known in
the papal list by the name of Alexander V. (*) ;
but all the decrees and proceedings of this fa-
mous council were treated with contempt by the
condemned pontiffs, who continued to enjoy the
privileges and to perform the functions of the
papacy, as if no attempts had been made to re-
move them from that dignity. Benedict assem-
bled a council at Perpignan ; and Gregory, an-
(z) See Lenfant's Histoire du Concile de Pise, published
in ito, at Amsterdam, in the year 1724. — Franc. Pagi Bre-
viar. Pontif. Romanor. torn. iv. p. 350. — Bossuet, Defensio
Decreti Gallicani de Potestate Ecclesiastica, torn. ii. p. 17,
&c.
CHAP. ir. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 403
other at Austria near Aquileia, in the district of CENT.
Friuli. The latter, however, apprehending the PAHT „
resentment of the Venetians (&), made his escape
in a clandestine manner from the territory of
Aquileia, arrived at Caieta, where he threw him-
self upon the protection of Ladislaus, king of
Naples, and, in the year 1412, fled from thence to
Rimini.
III. Thus was the Christian church divided Thc c°"n-
into three great factions, and its government H^ce as'
violently carried on by three contending chiefs, *embied by
who loaded each other with reciprocal maledic-
tions, calumnies, and excommunications. Alexan- ™und-
der V. who had been elected pontiff at the council
of Pisa, died at Bologna, in the year 1410; and
the sixteen cardinals, who attended him in that
city, immediately filled up the vacancy, by choos-
ing, as his successor, Balthasar Cossa, a Neapoli-
tan, who was destitute of all principles, both of
religion and probity, and who assumed the title
of John XXIII. The duration of this schism in
the papacy was a source of many calamities, and
became daily more detrimental both to the civil
and religious interests of those nations where the
flame raged. Hence it was that the emperor
Sigismund, the king of France, and several other
European princes, employed all their zeal and
activity, and spared neither labour nor expense,
in restoring the tranquillity of the church, and
uniting it again under one spiritual head. On
the other hand, the pontiffs could not be per-
suaded by any means to prefer the peace of the
church to the gratification of their ambition ; so
that no other possible method of accommodating
this weighty matter remained than the assembling
of a general council, in which the controversy
_ ) He had offended the Venetians by deposing their
patriarch Antony Panciarini, and putting Anthony du Pont,
the bishop of Concordia, in his place.
D D 2
404 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, might be examined, and terminated by the judg-
PABT'H men^ anc^ decision °f tne universal church. This
_J L council was accordingly summoned to meet at
Constance, in the year 1414, by John XXIII.
who was engaged in this measure by the entreaties
of Sigismund, and also from an expectation that
the decrees of this grand assembly would be fa-
vourable to his interests. He appeared in person,
attended with a great number of cardinals and
bishops, at this famous council, which was also
honoured with the presence of the emperor Sigis-
mund, and of a great number of German princes,
and with that of the ambassadors of all the Euro-
pean states, whose monarchs or regents could not
be personally present at the decision of this im-
portant controversy (/).
The design jy ^he great purpose that was aimed at in
and issue of • /> i • i
this grand the convocation of this grand assembly was the
council. healing of the schism that had so long rent the
papacy : and this purpose was happily accom-
plished. It was solemnly declared, in the fourth
and fifth sessions of this council, by two decrees,
that the Roman pontiff was inferior and subject
. / to a general assembly of the universal church;
and the authority of councils was vindicated and
maintained, by the same decrees, in the most
(/) The Acts of this famous council were published in six
volumes in folio, at Francfort, in the year 1700, by Herman
von der Hardt. This collection, however, is imperfect, not-
withstanding the pains that it cost the laborious editor.
Many of the Acts are omitted, and a great number of pieces
stuffed in among the Acts, which by no means deserve a
place there. The History of this council by Lenfant is
composed with great accuracy and elegance. It appeared
in a second edition at Amsterdam, in the year 1728, in two
volumes, quarto; the first was published in 1714. The sup-
plement that was given to this history by Bourgeois de
Chastenet, a French lawyer, is but an indifferent perform-
ance. It is entitled, Nouvelle Histoire du Concile de
Constance, ou Ton fait voir combien la L7rance a contribue a
1'Extinction du Schisme.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
effectual manner (wz). This vigorous proceeding c?j[yT'
prepared the way for the degradation of John PART'n.
XXIII. who, during the twelfth session, was
unanimously deposed from the pontificate (n), on
account of several flagitious crimes that were laid
to his charge, and more especially on account of
the scandalous violation of a solemn engagement
he had taken about the beginning of the council,
to resign the papal chair, if that measure should
appear necessary to the peace of the church ;
which engagement he broke some weeks after by
a clandestine flight. In the same year (1415),
Gregory XII. sent to the council Charles de
Malatesta to make, in his name, and as his proxy,
a solemn and voluntary resignation of the ponti-
ficate. About two years after this, Benedict
XIII. was deposed by a solemn resolution of the
council (0), and Otto de Colonna raised, by the
unanimous suffrages of the cardinals, to the high
dignity of head of the church, which he ruled
under the title of Martin V. Benedict, who
resided still at Perpignan, was far from being
disposed to submit either to the decree of the
council which deposed him, or to the determin-
ation of the cardinals, with respect to his suc-
cessor. On the contrary, he persisted until the
day of his death, which happened in the year
1423, in assuming the title, the prerogatives, and
the authority of the papacy. And when this
obstinate man was dead, a certain Spaniard,
named Giles Munois, was chosen pope in his
(m) For an account of these two famous decrees, which
set such wise limits to the supremacy of the pontiffs,, see Na-
talis Alexand. Hist. Eccl. Saec. xv. Diss. iv. — Bossuet, De-
fens. Sententiae Cleri Gallican. de Potest. Ecclesiast. torn. ii.
p. 2. 23. Lenfant, Dissert. Historique et Apolo^etique pour
Jean Gerson, et le Concile de Constance, which is subjoined
to his History of that Council.
(n} On the 29th of May, 1415.
(o) On the 26th of July, 14-17.
403 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, place by two cardinals, under the auspicious pa-
PAKT ii. tronage of Alphonsus, king of Sicily, and adopted
the title of Clement VIII. ; but this sorry pontiff,
in the year 1429, was persuaded to resign his pre-
tensions to the papacy, and to leave the govern-
ment of the church to Martin V.
John HUSS. V. If, from the measures that were taken in
this council to check the lordly arrogance of the
Roman pontiffs, we turn our eyes to the proceed-
ings that were carried on against those that were
called heretics, we shall observe in this new scene
nothing worthy of applause, but several things, on
the contrary, that are proper to excite our indig-
nation, and which no pretext, no consideration,
can render excusable. Before the meeting of this
council, there were great commotions raised in
several parts of Europe, and more especially in
Bohemia, concerning religious matters. One of
the persons that gave occasion to these disputes
was John Huss, who lived at Prague in the
highest reputation, both on account of the sanc-
tity of his manners, and the purity of his doctrine,
who was distinguished by his uncommon erudition
and eloquence, and performed, at the same time,
the functions of professor of divinity in the uni-
versity, and of ordinary pastor in the church of
that famous city (p). This eminent ecclesiastic
declaimed with vehemence against the vices that
had corrupted all the different ranks and orders
of the clergy ; nor was he singular in this respect ;
Ifgg0 (p) A Bohemian Jesuit, who was far from being fa-
vourable to John Huss, and who had the best opportu-
nity of being acquainted with his real character, describes
him thus : " He was more subtile than eloquent, but the
gravity and austerity of his manners, his frugal and exem-
plary life, his pale and meagre countenance, his sweetness
of temper, and his uncommon affability towards persons of
all ranks and conditions, from the highest to the lowest,
were much more persuasive than any eloquence could be."
See Bohus. Balbinus, Epitom. Rer. Bohem. lib. iv, cap. v. p.
431.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 407
such remonstrances were become very common, CENT.
and they were generally approved of by the wise PART'H.
and good. Huss, however, went still farther ;
and, from the year 1408, used his most earnest
and assiduous endeavours to withdraw the univer-
sity of Prague from the jurisdiction of Gregory
XII. whom the kingdom of Bohemia had hitherfo
acknowledged as the true and lawful head of the
c5
church. The archbishop of Prague, and the
clergy in general, who were warmly attached to
the interests of Gregory, were greatly exasperated
at these proceedings. Hence arose a violent
quarrel between the incensed prelate and the
zealous reformer, which the latter inflamed and
augmented, from day to day, by his pathetic ex-
clamations against the court of Rome, and the
corruptions that prevailed among the sacerdotal
order.
VI. Such were the circumstances that first ex- The reasons
cited the resentment of the clergy against John %£££££
Huss. This resentment, however, might have ment of the
been easily calmed, and perhaps totally extin- ^earfn^t
guished, if new incidents of a more important John HUBS.
kind had not arisen to keep up the flame, and
increase its fury. In the first place, he adopted
the philosophical opinions of the Realists, and
showed his warm attachment to their cause, in
the manner that was usual in this barbarous age,
even by persecuting to the utmost of his power,
their adversaries, the Nominalists, whose number
was great, and whose influence was considerable
in the university of Prague (<?). He also multi-
(q) See the Literae Nominalium ad Regem Franciae Lu-
dovicum VT. in Baluzii 'Miscellan. torn. iv. p. 534-. where we
read the following passage : <e Legirnus Nominates expulsos
de Bohemia eo tempore, quo haeretici voluerunt Bohemicum
regnum suis haeresibus inficere. — Quum dicti heretici non
possent disputando superare, impetraverurit ab Abbisseslao
(Wenceslao) Principe Bohemiae, ut gubernarentur studia
408 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, plied the number of his enemies in the year 1408,
PA* T ii. ^7 procuring, through his great credit, a sentence
— in favour of the Bohemians, who disputed with
the Germans concerning the number of suffrages,
that their respective nations were entitled to in
all matters that were carried by election in the
university of Prague. That the nature of this
contest may be better understood, it will be
proper to observe, that this famous university was
divided, by its founder Charles IV. into four
nations, to wit, the Bohemians, Bavarians, Poles,
and Saxons, of which, according to the original
laws of the university, the first had three suf-
frages ; and the other three, who were compre-
hended under the title of the German nation, only
one. This arrangement, however, had not only
been altered by custom, but was entirely inverted
in favour of the Germans, who were vastly supe-
rior to the Bohemians in number, and assumed to
themselves the three suffrages, which, according
to the original institution of the university, be-
longed, undoubtedly, to the latter. Huss, there-
fore, whether animated by a principle of patriot-
ism, or by an aversion to the Nominalists, who
were peculiarly favoured by the Germans, raised
his voice against this abuse, and employed, with
success, the extraordinary credit he had obtained
at court, by his flowing and masculine eloquence,
in depriving the Germans of the privilege they
had usurped, and in reducing their three suffrages
to one. The issue of this long and tedious con-
test (r) was so offensive to the Germans, that a
Pragensia rituParisiensium. Quo edicto coacti sunt supra-
dicti Nominates Pragam civitatem relinquere, et se transtu-
lerunt ad Lipzicam civitatem, et ibidem erexerunt universi-
tatem solemnissimam."
Ifil0 (r) Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, who was bribed
by both of the contending parties, protracted instead of
abridging this dispute, and used to say with a smile, that he
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 409
prodigious number of them, with John Hoffman, CENT.
the rector of the university, at their head (<s), re- *V"ir
tired from Prague, and repaired to Leipsic, where 1
Frederic, surnamed the Wise, elector of Saxony,
erected for them, in the year 1409, the famous
academy which still subsists in a flourishing state.
This event contributed greatly to render Huss
odious to many, and, by the consequences that
followed it, was certainly instrumental in bringing
on his ruin. For no sooner had the Germans
retired from Prague, than he began, not only to
inveigh with greater freedom than he had for-
merly done against the vices and corruptions of
the clergy, but even went so far as to recommend,
in an open and public manner, the writings and
opinions of the famous Wickliff, whose new doc-
trines had already made such a noise in England.
Hence an accusation was brought against him, in
the year 1410, before the tribunal of John XXIII.
by whom he was solemnly expelled from the com-
munion of the church. He treated, indeed, this
excommunication with the utmost contempt, and,
both in his conversation and his writings, laid
open the disorders that preyed upon the vitals of
the church, and the vices that dishonoured the
conduct of its ministers (f) ; and the fortitude
and zeal he discovered in this matter were almost
universally applauded.
VII. This eminent man, whose piety was truly J°hn Huss
fervent and sincere, though his zeal, perhaps, was
rather too violent, and his prudence not always
had found a good goose, which laid every day a considerable
number of gold and silver e^gs. This was playing upon the
word Huss, which, in the German language, signifies a goose.
Hgp13 (s) Historians differ much in their accounts of the
number of Germans that, retired from the university of
Prague upon this occasion. ./Eneas Sylvius reckons 5000,
Trithemius and others 2000, Dubravius 24,000, Lupatius
44,000, Lauda, a contempory writer, 36,000.
(t) See Laur. Byzinii Diarium Belli Hussitici, in Ludwig's
Reliquiae Manuscriptorum, torn. vi. p. 127.
410 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, equally circumspect, was summoned to appear
PART'II Before tne council of Constance. Obedient to this
1 order, and thinking himself secured from the
rage of his enemies by the safe conduct which
had been granted him by the emperor Sigismund,
both for his journey to Constance, his residence
in that place, and his return to his own country,
John Huss appeared before the council, to de-
monstrate his innocence, and to prove that the
charge of his having deserted the church of Rome
was entirely groundless. And it may be affirmed
i with truth that his religious opinions, at least in
matters of moment and importance, were con-
formable to the established doctrine of the church
in this age (z/). He declaimed, indeed, with ex-
traordinary vehemence against the Roman pon-
tiffs, the bishops, and monks : but this freedom
was looked upon as lawful in these times, and it
was used every day in the council of Constance,
where the tyranny of the court of Rome, and the
corruption of the sacerdotal and monastic orders,
were censured with the utmost severity. The
enemies, however, of this good man, who were
very numerous both in the kingdom of Bohemia,
and also in the council of Constance, coloured the
accusation that was brought against him with
such artifice and success, that by the most scan-
dalous breach of public faith, he was cast into
prison, declared a heretic, because he refused to
obey the order of the council, which commanded
him to plead guilty against the dictates of his
(u) It was observed in the preceding section, that
John Huss adopted with zeal, and recommended in an open
and public manner, the writings and opinions of Wicklifte ;
but this must be understood of the writings and opinions of
that great man in relation to the papal hierarchy, the despo-
tism of the court of Rome, and the corruption of the clergy;
for, in other respects, it is certain that he adhered to the
most superstitious doctrines of the church, as appears by two
sermons he had prepared for the council of Constance.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. . 411
conscience, and was burnt alive the 6th of July, CENT.
1415 ; which dreadful punishment he endured PA^'ir
with unparalleled magnanimity and resignation, 1.
expressing in his last moments the noblest feelings
of love to God, and the most triumphant hope
of the accomplishment of those transporting
promises with which the gospel arms the true
Christian at the approach of eternity. The same
unhappy fate was borne with the same pious forti-
tude and constancy of mind by Jerome of Prague,
the intimate companion of John Huss, who came
to this council with the generous design of sup-
porting and seconding his persecuted friend.
Terrified by the prospect of a cruel death, Jerome
at first appeared willing to submit to the orders
of the council, and to abandon the tenets and
opinions which it had condemned in his writings.
This submission, however, was not attended with
the advantages he expected from it, nor did it
deliver him from the close and severe confinement
in which he was kept. He therefore resumed his
fortitude, professed anew, with an heroic constancy,
the opinions which he had deserted for a while
from a principle of fear, and maintained them in
the flames, in which he expired on the 30th of
May, 1416 (w).
Many learned men have endeavoured to investi- The true
gate the reasons that occasioned the pronouncing c»uses .of
, • TT J I, ' theSe V1°-
such a cruel sentence against Huss and his asso- ient Pro-
ciate ; and as no adequate reasons for such a codings
severe proceeding can be found, either in the life STiiuss
or opinions of that good man, they conclude, *J prjaer°™e
that he fell a victim to the rage and injustice of
his unrelenting enemies. And indeed this con-
w) The translator has here inserted into the text
the large note (a) of the original, which relates to the cir-
cumstances that precipitated the ruin of these two eminent
reformers ; and he has thrown the citations therein contained
into several notes.
412 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, elusion is both natural and well-grounded ; nor
xv- will it be difficult to show how it came to pass,
AITTN^ ^at ^e reveren(j fathers of the council of Con-
stance were so eagerly bent upon burning, as a
heretic, a man who neither deserved such an inju-
rious title, nor such a dreadful fate. In the first
place, John Huss had excited, both by his dis-
course and by his writings, great commotions in
Bohemia, and had rendered the clergy of all ranks
and orders extremely odious in the eyes of the
people. The bishops, therefore, together with
the sacerdotal and monastic orders, were very
sensible that their honours and advantages, their
credit and authority, were in the greatest danger
of being reduced to nothing, if this reformer
should return again to his country, and continue
to write and declaim against the clergy with the
same freedom that he had formerly done. Hence
they left no means unemployed to accomplish
his ruin ; they laboured night and day, they form-
ed plots, they bribed men in power, they used, in
short, every method that could have any ten-
dency to rid them of such a formidable adver-
sary (,r). It may be observed, secondly, that in
the council of Constance, there were many men
of great influence and weight, who looked upon
themselves as personally offended by John Huss,
(x) The bribery and corruption that was employed in
bringing about the ruin of John Huss are manifest from the
following remarkable passages of the Diarium Hussiticum of
Laur. Byzinius, p. 135. (see Ludewigi Ileliquia?, torn, vi.)
" Clerus perversus praecipue in regno Bohemias et Marchi-
onatu Moravian, condemnationem ipsius (Hussi) contributione
pecuniarum, et modis aliis diversis procuravit et ad ipsius
consensit interitum." And again, p. 150. " Clerus perver-
sus regni Bohemia? et Marchionatus Moraviae, et prsecipue
Episcopi, Abbates, Canonici, plebani, et religiosi, ipsius fideles
ac salutiferas admonitiones, adhortationes, ipsorum pompam,
symoniam, avaritiam, fornicationem, vitaeque detestandas
abominationem detegentes, ferre non valendo, pecuniarum
contributione ad ipsius extmctionera faciendo procurarunt."
CHAP. IT. Doctors, Church-Government, £c. 413
and who demanded his life as the only sacrifice CENT.
that could satisfy their vengeance. Huss, as has
11*1 1 11
been already mentioned, was not only attached
to the party of the Realists, but was peculiarly
severe in his opposition to their adversaries. And
now he was so unhappy, as to be brought before
a tribunal which was principally composed of
the Nominalists, with the famous John Gerson at
their head, who was the zealous patron of that
faction, and the mortal enemy of Huss. Nothing
could equal the vindictive pleasure the Nomina-
lists felt from an event that put this unfortunate
prisoner in their power, and gave them an oppor-
tunity of satisfying their vengeance to the full ;
and accordingly, in their Letter to Lewis, king of
France (#), they do not pretend to deny that Huss
fell a victim to the resentment of their sect, which
is also confirmed by the history of the council of
Constance. The animosities that always reigned
among the Realists and Nominalists were at this
time carried to the greatest excess imaginable.
Upon every occasion that offered, they accused
each other of heresy and impiety, and had con-
stantly recourse to corporal punishments to de-
cide the matter. The Nominalists procured the
death of Huss, who was a Realist ; and the Real-
ists, on the other hand, obtained, in the year
1479, the condemnation of John de Wesalia,
who was attached to the party of the Nominal-
ists (2). These contending sects carried their
blind fury so far as to charge each other with
(y) See Baluzii Miscell. torn. iv. p. 534. in which we find
the following passage : " Suscitavit Deus Doctores Catholi-
cos, Petrum de Allyaco, Johannem de Gersono, et alios
quamplures doctissimos homines Nominales, qui convocati
ad Concilium Constantiense, ad quod citati fuerunt heeretici,
et nominatim Hieronymus et Johannes — dictos hsereticos
per quadraginta dies disputando superaverant."
(*) See the Examen Magistrate et Theologicale Mag. Job.
de Wesalia, in Ortuini Gratii Fascicule Rerum expetend. et
fugiendar. Colon. 15S5, fol. 163.
414 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the sin against the Holy Ghost (#), and exhibited
PAR'T'II *^e most miserable spectacle of inhuman bigotry
1 to the Christian world. The aversion which
John Huss, and Jerome his companion, had
against the Germans, was a third circumstance
that contributed to determine their unhappy fate.
This aversion they declared publicly at Prague,
upon all occasions, both by their words and ac-
tions ; nor were they at any pains to conceal it
even in the council of Constance, where they ac-
cused them of presumption and despotism in the
strongest terms (&). The Germans, on the other
hand, remembering the affront they had received
in the university of Prague, by the means of John
Huss, burned with resentment and rage both
against him and his unfortunate friend ; and as
their influence and authority were very great in
the council, there is no doubt that they employed
them, with the utmost zeal, against these two
formidable adversaries. Besides, John Hoffman,
(a) In the Examen mentioned in the preceding note, we
find the following striking passage, which may show us the
extravagant length to which the disputes between the Nomi-
nalists and Realists were now carried : " Quis nisi ipse Dia-
bolus seminavit illam zizaniam inter Philosophos et inter
Theologos,, ut tanta sit dissensio, etiam animorum inter di-
versa opinantes? Adeo ut si universalia quisquam realia ne-
gaverit, existimetur in Spiritum Sanctum peccavisse, immo
summo et maximo peccato plenus creditor contra Deum,
contra Christianam religionem, contra justitiam, contra
omnem politiam graviter deliquisse. Unde haec caecitas
mentis nisi a Diabolo, qui phantasias nostras illudit?" We
see by this passage, that the Realists charged their adversa-
ries (whose only crime was the absurdity of calling universal
ideas mere denominations) with sin against the Holy Ghost,
with transgression against God, and against the Christian
religion, and with a violation of all the laws of justice and
civil polity.
(b] See Theod. de Niem, Invectiva in Joh. XXIII. in
Hardtii Actis Concilii Constant, torn. ii. p. 450. " Impropera-
bat etiam in publico Alemannis, dicendo, quod essent prae-
sumptuosi et vellent ubique per orbem dominari — Sicque
factum fuisset saepe in Bohemia, ubi volentes etiam dominari
Alemanni violenter exinde repulsi et male tractati fuissent."
PART II.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 415
the famous rector of the university of Prague, CENT.
whom Huss had been the occasion of expelling xv-
from that city, together with the Germans, and
who was in consequence thereof become his most
virulent enemy, was consecrated bishop of Misnia,
in the year 1413, and held in this council the
most illustrious rank among the delegates of the
German church. This circumstance was also
most unfavourable to Huss, and was, no doubt, in
the event detrimental to his cause.
The circumstances now mentioned, as contri-
buting to the unhappy fate of this good man, are,
as we see, all drawn from the resentment and pre-
judices of his enemies, and have not the least
colour of equity. It must, however, be confessed,
that there appeared one mark of heresy in the
conduct of this reformer, which, according to
the notions that prevailed in this century, might
expose him to condemnation with some shadow
of reason and justice ; I mean, his inflexible ob-
stinacy, which the church of Rome always consi-
dered as a grievous heresy, even in those whose
errors were of little moment. We must consider
this man, as called before a council, which was
supposed to represent the universal church, to
confess his faults and to abjure his errors. This
he obstinately refused to do, unless he was pre-
viously convicted of error ; here, therefore, he
resisted the authority of the catholic church, de-
manded a rational proof of the justice of the sen-
tence it had pronounced against him, and in-
timated, with sufficient plainness, that he looked
upon the church as fallible. All this certainly
was most enormously criminal and intolerably
heretical, according to the general opinion of the
times. For it became a dutiful son of the church
to renounce his eye-sight, and to submit both
his judgment and his will, without any excep-
tion or reservation, to the judgment and will
416 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of that holy mother, under a firm belief and
PA*T*II entire persuasion of the infallibility of all her deci-
1 sions. This ghostly mother had, for many ages
past, followed, whenever her unerring perfection
and authority were called in question, the rule
which Pliny observed in his conduct towards the
Christians : " When they persevered, (says he,
" in his letter to Trajan (c),) I put my threats into
" execution, from a persuasion, that, whatever
" their confession might be, their audacious and
" invincible obstinacy deserved an exemplary pu-
" nishment."
Thecoun- VIII. Before sentence had been pronounced
V decree0"' a»a^nst J°nn Huss and Jerome of Prague, the
against the famous Wickliff, whose opinions they were sup-
™tin?s .posed to adopt, and who was long since dead,
and ashes of * n j r> i- L i r i • i i
was called from his rest before this ghostly tri-
bunal, and his memory was solemnly branded
with infamy by a decree of the council. On the
4th day of May, in the year 1415, a long list of
propositions, invidiously culled out of his writ-
ings, was examined and condemned, and an order
was issued out to commit all his works, together,
with his bones, to the flames. On the 1 4th of June
following, the assembled fathers passed the famous
decree, which took the cup from the laity in the
celebration of the eucharist ; ordered " that the
" Lord's Supper should be received by them only
" in one kind, i. e. the bread, " and rigorously pro-
hibited the communion in both kinds. This decree
was occasioned by complaints, that had been made
of the conduct of Jacobellus de Misa, curate of
the parish of St. Michael at Prague, who, about
a year before this, had been persuaded by Peter
of Dresden to administer the Lord's Supper in
both kinds, and was followed in this by several
(c) Plin. Epist. lib. x. ep. 97. " Perseverantes duel jussj.
Neque enim dubitabam, qualecumque csset quod fateren-
tur, perviCaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere
puniri."
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 41
churches (d). The council, being informed of CENT.
this matter by a certain Bohemian bishop, thought
* .-.. i PI* PART II.
proper to oppose with vigour the progress 01 this _
heresy ; and therefore they enacted the statute,
which ordered " the communion to be admini-
" stered to the laity but in one kind," and which
obtained the force and authority of a law in the
church of Rome.
IX. In the same year, the opinion of John The sen-
Petit, a doctor of divinity at Paris (tf), who main- ^"cnecifathe
tained that every individual had an undoubted gainst
right to take away the life of a tyrant, was Petit-
brought before the council, and was condemned
as an odious and detestable heresy ; but both the
name and person of the author were spared, on
account of the powerful patrons, under whose pro-
tection he had defended that pernicious doctrine.
John, duke of Burgundy, had, in the year 1407,
employed a band of ruffians to assassinate Lewis,
duke of Orleans, only brother of Charles VI.
king of France. While the whole city of Paris
was in an uproar, in consequence of this horrible
deed, Petit justified it in a public oration, in pre-
sence of the Dauphin and the princes of the blood,
affirming, that the duke had done a laudable
action, and that it was lawful to put a tyrant to
death, " in any way, either by violence or fraud,
" and without any form of law or justice ; nay,
" even in opposition to the most solemn contracts
" and oaths of fidelity and allegiance." It is,
however, to be observed, that by tyrants, this
doctor did not mean the supreme rulers of nations,
but those more powerful and insolent subjects,
who abused their wealth and credit to bring about
measures that tended to the dishonour of their
(d) Byzinii Diarium Hussiticum, p. 124.
Efgf0 (e) Some historians have erroneously represented
Petit as a lawyer. See Dr. Smollet's History of England,
vol. ii. p. -162. in 4to.
VOL. III. E E
418 The Internal History of the Church.
°xvT sovereign and the ruin of their country (y1). The
PART ii. university of Paris pronounced a severe and rigo-
- rous sentence against the author of this pernicious
opinion ; and the council of Constance, after
much deliberation and debate, condemned the
opinion without mentioning the author. This de-
termination of the council, though modified with
the utmost clemency and mildness, was not ratified
by the new pontiff Martin V. who dreaded too
much the formidable power of the duke of Bur-
gundy, to confirm a sentence which he knew
would be displeasing to that ambitious prince
The hopes X. After these and other transactions of a like
nLtioxfin" nature> it was now time to take into consideration
the church a point of more importance than had yet been
frustrated. pr0p0se(jj even ^he reformation of the church in
its head and in its members, by setting bounds to
the despotism and corruption of the Roman pon-
tiffs, and to the luxury and immorality of a licen-
tious clergy. It was particularly with a view to
this important object, that the eyes of all Europe
were fixed upon the council of Constance, from
an universal persuasion of the necessity of this re-
formation, and an ardent desire of seeing it hap-
pily brought into execution. Nor did the assem-
bled fathers deny, that this reformation was the
principal end of their meeting. Yet this salutary
work had so many obstacles in the passions and
interests of those very persons by whom it was to
This appears manifestly from the very discourse of
Petit, which the reader may see in Lenfant's History of the
Council of Pisa, torn. ii. p. 303 *. See also August. Leyseri
Diss. qua memoriam Joh. Burgundi et doctrinam Joh. Parvi
de caede perduillium vindicat. Witteberg. 1735, in 4to.
(g) Boulay, Histor. Acad. Paris, torn. v. p. 113. et passim.
— Argentre, Collectio Judicior. de Novis Erroribus, torn. i.
part. II. p. 184. — Gersonis Opera a Du Pinio edita, torn. v.
JBayle, Diction, torn. iii. p. 2268.
C3- * See also the same author's Histery of the Council of Constance,
book iii. sect. xix.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
be effected, that little could be expected, and still CENT.
less was done. The cardinals and dignified clergy, PAj^i,
whose interest it was that the church should _
remain in its corrupt and disordered state, em-
ployed all their eloquence and art to prevent its
reformation ; and observed, among other artful
pretexts, that a work of such high moment and
importance could not be undertaken with any pro-
spect of success, until a new pontiff was elected.
And, what was still more shocking, the new pon-
tiff Martin V. was no sooner raised to that high
dignity, than he employed his authority to elude
and frustrate every effort that was made to set
this salutary work on foot ; and made it appear
most evidently, by the laws he enacted, that
nothing was more foreign from his intention than
the reformation of the clergy, and the restoration
of the church to its primitive purity. Thus this
famous council, after sitting three years and six
months, was dissolved on the 22d day of April,
1418, without having effected what was the chief
design of their assembling, and put off to a future
assembly of the same kind, which was to be sum-
moned five years after this period, that pious
design of purifying a corrupt church, which had
been so long the object of the expectations and
desires of all good Christians.
XL Five years and more elapsed without a A council
council being called. The remonstrances, how- ^sse.™bled at
& , Basil, where
ever, of those whose zeal for the reformation of the refbrma-
the church interested them in this event, pre-
vailed, at length, over the pretexts and stratagems again at-
that were employed to put it off from time to
time ; and Martin V. summoned a council to
meet at Pavia, from whence it was removed to
Sienna, and from thence to Basil. The pontiff
did not live to be a witness of the proceedings of
this assembly, being carried off by a sudden death
on the 21st day of February, in the year 1431,
E E 2
PART II.
420 The Intwnal History of the Church.
CENT, just about the time when the council was to meet.
XV- He was immediately succeeded by Gabriel Con-
dolmerus, a native of Venice, and Bishop of
Sienna, who is known in the papal list by the title
of Eugenius IV. This pontiff approved of all
the measures that had been entered into by his
predecessor, in relation to the assembling of the
council of Basil, which was accordingly opened
the 23d of July, 1431, under the superintendence
of Cardinal Julian Cassarini, who performed the
functions of president, in the place of Eugenius.
The two grand points that were proposejl to
the deliberation of this famous council were, the
union of the Greek and Latin churches, and the
reformation of the church universal, both in its
head and in its members, according to the resolution
that had been taken in the council of Constance.
For that the Roman pontiffs, who were considered
as the head of the church, and the bishops, priests,
and monks, who were looked upon as its members,
were become excessively corrupt ; and that, to
use the expression of the prophet in a similar case,
the whole head was sick, and the whole heart
faint, was a matter of fact too striking to escape
the knowledge of the obscurest individual. On
the other hand, as it appeared by the very form
of the council (/*), by its method of proceeding,
and by the first decrees that were enacted by its
authority, that the assembled fathers were in
earnest, and firmly resolved to answer the end and
(h) By the form of the council. Dr. Mosheim un-
doubtedly means the division of the cardinals, archbishops,
bishops, abbots, &c. [into four equal classes, without any regard
to the nation or province by which they were sent. This pru-
dent arrangement prevented the cabals and intrigues of the
Italians, whose bishops were much more numerous than
those of other nations, and who, by their number, might
have had it in their power to retard or defeat the laud-
able purpose the council had in view, had things been other-
wise ordered.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
purpose of their meeting. Eugenius IV. was CENT.
much alarmed at the prospect of a reformation, PAUT'II(
which he feared above all things, and beholding !
with terror the zeal and designs of these spiritual
physicians, he attempted twice the dissolving of
the council. These repeated attempts were vigo-
rously and successfully opposed by the assembled
fathers, who proved by the decrees of the coun-
cil of Constance, and by other arguments equally
conclusive, that the council was superior, in point
of authority, to the Roman pontiff. This contro-
versy, which was the first that had arisen between
tine council and the pope, was terminated in the
month of November 1433, by the silence and
concessions of the latter, who, in the month fol-
lowing, wrote a letter from Rome, containing his
approbation of the council, and his acknowledg-
ment of its authority (t).
(?) The history of this grand and memorable council is yet
wanting. The learned Stephen Baluzius (as we find in the
Histoire de 1* Academic des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettres,
torn. vi. p. 544), and after him Mr. Lenfant, promised the
world a history of this council ; but neither of these valuable
writers performed their promise *. The acts of this famous
assembly have been collected with incredible industry, in a
great number of volumes, from various archives and libra-
ries, at the expense of Rudolphus Augustus, duke of Bruns-
wick, by the very learned and laborious Herman van der
Hardt. They are preserved, as we are informed, in the
library at Hanover, and they certainly deserve to be drawn
from their retreat, and published to the world. In the mean
time, the curious may consult the abridgment of the Acts of
this council, which were published in 8vo, at Paris, in the
year 1512, and which I have made use of in this history, as
also the following authors : ^Eneae Sylvii Lib. duo de Con-
cilio Basiliensi. — Edmun. Richerius, Histor. Concilior. Ge-
neral, lib. iii. cap. i. — Henr. Canisii Lectiones Antiquae, torn,
iv. p. 447.
Cj* * Dr. Mosheim has here been guilty of an oversight ; for Lenfant
did in reality perform his promise, and composed the History of the Coun-
cil of Basil, which he blended with his History of the War of the Hussites,
on account of the connexion that there was between these two subjects ; and
also because his advanced age prevented his indulging himself in the hope of
being able to give a full and complete History of the Council of Basil apart.
422 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. XII. These preliminary measures being finish-
xv- ed, the council proceeded with zeal and activity
1 to the accomplishment of the important purposes
The de- for which it /was assembled. The popes legates
actTof the were admitted as members of the council, but
council of not before they had declared, upon oath, that they
would- submit to the decrees that should be enacted
in it, and more particularly that they would ad-
here to the laws that had been made in the
council of Constance, in relation to the supremacy
of general councils, and the subordination of the
pontiffs to their authority and jurisdiction. Nay,
these very laws, which the popes beheld with such
aversion and horror, were solemnly renewed by
the council the £6th of June, in the year 1434,
and, on the 9th of the same month, in the follow-
ing year, the Annates, as they were called, were
publicly abolished, notwithstanding the opposi-
tion that was made to this measure by the legates
of the Roman see. On the 25th of March, 1436,
a confession of faith was read, which every pontiff
was to subscribe on the day of his election, the
number of cardinals was reduced to twenty-four,
and the papal impositions, called Expectatives,
Reservations, and Provisions, were entirely an-
nulled. These measures, with others of a like
nature, provoked Eugenius to the highest degree,
and made him form a design, either for removing
this troublesome and enterprising council into
Italy, or of setting up a new council in opposition
to it, which might fix bounds to its zeal for the
reformation of the church. Accordingly, on the
7th of May, in the year 1437, the assembled
fathers having, on account of the Greeks, come to
a resolution of holding the council at Basil,
Avignon, or some city in the duchy of Savoy, the
intractable pontiff opposed this motion, and main-
tained that it should be transferred into Italy.
Each of the contending parties persevered, with
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
the utmost obstinacy, in the resolution they had
taken, and this occasioned a warm and violent pARTn.
contest between the pope and the council. The -
latter summoned Eugenius to appear before them
at Basil the 26th day of July 1437, in order to
give an account of his conduct ; but the pontiff,
instead of complying with this summons, issued
out a decree, by which he pretended to dissolve
the council, and to assemble another at Ferrara.
This decree, indeed, was treated with the utmost
contempt by the council, which, with the con-
sent of the emperor, the king of France, and
several other princes, continued its deliberations at
Basil, and, on the 28th of September, in this same
year, pronounced a sentence of contumacy against
the rebellious pontiff, for having refused to obey
their order.
XIII. In the year 1438, Eugenius in person The coun-
opened the council, which he had summoned to rala hei?"
meet at Ferrara, and at the second session thun- by Euge-
dered out an excommunication against the fa- m
thers assembled at Basil. The principal business
that was now to be transacted in the pontiff's
council was the proposed reconciliation between
the Greek and Latin churches ; and, in order to
bring this salutary and important design to a
happy issue, the emperor, John Palaeologus, the
Grecian patriarch, Josephus, with the most emi-
nent bishops and doctors among the Greeks, ar-
rived in Italy, and appeared in person at Fer-
rara. What animated, in a particular manner,
the zeal of the Greeks in this negotiation, was the
extremity to which they were reduced by the
Turks, and the pleasing hope, that their reconcilia-
tion with the Roman pontiff would contribute
to engage the Latins in their cause. Be that as
it may, there was little done at Ferrara, where
matters were carried on too slowly, to afford any
prospect of an end of their dissensions : but the
424 The Internal History of the Church,
CENT, negotiations were more successful at Florence,
p \RTII wn^tner Eugenius removed the council about the
_J 1 beginning of the year 1439, on account of the
plague that broke out at Ferrara. On the other
hand, the council of Basil, exasperated by the im-
perious proceedings of Eugenius, deposed him
from the papacy on the 25th of June, in the year
1439 ; which vigorous measure was not approved
of by the European kings and princes. It may
be easily conceived what an impression this step
made upon the affronted pontiff; he lost all pa-
tience ; and devoted, for the second time, to hell
and damnation the members of the council of Ba-
sil by a solemn and most severe edict, in which
also he declared all their acts null, and all their
proceedings unlawful. This new peal of papal
thunder was held in derision by the council of
Basil, who, persisting in their purpose, elected
another pontiff, and raised to that high dignity
Amadeus, duke of Savoy, who then lived in the
most profound solitude at a delicious retreat, called
Ripaille, upon the borders of the Leman Lake,
and who is known in the papal list by the name
of Felix V.
The church XIV. This election was the occasion of the
wuifr* r€;vival °f tnat deplorable schism, which had for-
schism. merly rent the church, and which had been ter-
minated with so much difficulty, and after so
many vain and fruitless efforts, at the council of
Constance. Nay, the new breach was still more
lamentable than the former one, as the flame was
kindled not only between two rival pontiffs, but
also between the two contending councils of Basil
and Florence. The greatest part of the church
submitted to the jurisdiction, and adopted the
cause of Eugenius ; while Felix \vas acknow-
ledged, as lawful pontiff, by a great number of
academies, and, among others, by the famous
university of Paris, as also in several kingdoms
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 425
and provinces. The council of Basil continued
its deliberations, and went on enacting laws, and PAKT u.
publishing edicts, until the year 1443, notwith- -
standing the efforts of Eugenius and his adhe-
rents to put a stop to their proceedings. And,
though in that year the members of the council
retired to their respective places of abode, yet
they declared publicly that the council was not
dissolved, but would resume its deliberations at
Basil, Lyons, or Lausanne, as soon as a proper
opportunity was offered.
In the meantime, the council of Florence, with
Eugenius at its head, was chiefly employed in
reconciling the differences between the Greeks
and Latins ; which weighty business was commit-
ted to the prudence, zeal, and piety, of a select
number of eminent men on both sides. The most
distinguished among those whom the Greeks chose
for this purpose was the learned Bessarion, who
was afterwards raised to the dignity of cardinal
in the Roman church. This great man, engaged
and seduced by the splendid presents and pro-
mises of the Latin pontiff, employed the whole
extent of his authority, and the power of his elo-
quence, nay, he had recourse even to promises and
threatenings, to persuade the Greeks to accept
the conditions of peace that were proposed by
Eugenius. These conditions required their con-
sent to the following points : — " That fche Holy
" Spirit proceeded from the Son, as well as from
" the Father ; that departed souls were purified
" in the infernal regions, by a certain kind of fire,
" before their admission to the presence and vision
" of the Deity ; — that unleavened bread might
" be used in the administration of the Lord's
" Supper;" — and lastly, which was the main and
principal thing insisted upon by the Latins, that
the Roman pontiff was the supreme judge, the
true head of the universal church. Such were the
426 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, terms of peace to which the Greeks were obliged to
p \RT ii SUDmu^ all except Mark of Ephesus, whom neither
_I _ 1 entreaties nor rewards could move from his purpose,
or engage to submit to a reconciliation founded upon
such conditions. And indeed this reconciliation,
which had been brought about by various strata-
gems, was much more specious than solid, and had
by no means stability sufficient to assure its dura-
tion. We find, accordingly, that the Grecian de-
puties were no sooner returned to Constantinople,
than they declared publicly, that all things had
been carried on at Florence by artifice and fraud,
and renewed the schism, which had been so im-
perfectly healed a little time before. The council
of Florence put an end to its deliberations on the
26th of April, in the year 1442 (&), without hav-
ing executed any of the designs that were proposed
by it, in a satisfactory manner. For, besides the
affair of the Greeks, they proposed bringing the
Armenians, Jacobites, and more particularly the
Abyssinians, into the bosom of the Roman church ;
but this project was attended with as little success
hla/edunder ^ ^ °tner-
thepontuu XV. Eugenius IV. who had been the occasion
<:ateof Ni- Of £ne new schism in the see of Rome, died in
the month of February, 1447, and was succeeded,
in a few weeks, by Thomas de Sarzano, bishop of
(&) The History of this Council, and of the frauds and
stratagems that were practised in it, was composed by that
learned Grecian, Sylvester Sgyropulus, whose work was
published at the Hague, in the year 1660, with a Latin trans-
lation, a preliminary discourse, and ample notes by the
learned Robert Creighton, a native of Great Britain. This
History was refuted by Leo Allatius, in a work entitled,
Exercitationes in Creightoni Apparatum, Versionem et
Notas ad Historiam Concilii Florentini scriptam a Sguro-
polo, Roma?, 1674-, 4*to. See the same author's Perpetua
Consensio Ecclesiae Oriental, et Occident, p. 875. as also
Mabillon, Museum Italicum, torn. i. p. 243.— Spanhemius,
De perpetua DKssensione Eccles. Orient, et Occident, torn.
ii. opp. p. 4-91. — Hermann, Historia concertat. de pane
azymo7 part. II. cap. v. p. 12*.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
Bologna, who filled the pontificate under the de- CENT
nomination of Nicolas V. This eminent prelate
had, in point of merit, the best pretensions possible
to the papal throne. He was distinguished by
his erudition and genius ; he wras a zealous patron
and protector of learned men ; and, what was
still more laudable, he was remarkable for his
moderation, and for the meek and pacific spirit
that discovered itself in all his conduct and
actions. Under this pontificate, the European
princes, and more especially the king of France,
exerted their warmest endeavours to restore tran-
quillity and union in the Latin church, and their
efforts were crowned with the desired success.
For, in the year 1449, Felix V. resigned the
papal chair, and returned to his delicious hermi-
tage at Ripaille, while the fathers of the council
of Basil, assembled at Lausanne (/), ratified his
voluntary abdication, and, by a solemn decree,
ordered the universal church to submit to the
jurisdiction of Nicolas as their lawful pontiff.
On the other hand, Nicolas proclaimed this
treaty of peace with great pomp on the 18th of
June, in the same year, and set the seal of his ap-
probation and authority to the acts and decrees
of the council of Basil. This pontiff distinguished
himself in a very extraordinary manner, by his
love of learning, and by his ardent zeal for the
propagation of the liberal arts and sciences, which
he promoted in Italy, with great success, by the
encouragement he granted to the learned Greeks,
who came from Constantinople into that coun-
try (ni). The principal occasion of his death
(/) The abdication of Felix V. was made on the 9th of
April, 1449, and it was ratified the 16th day of the month,
by the assembled fathers at Lausanne.
(m) See Dom. Georgii Vita Nicolai V. ad fidem veterum
ATonumentorum : to which is added, a treatise, entitled,
Disquisitio de Nicolai V, erga litteras et litteratos viros pa-
trocinio, published in 4to, at Rome, in the year 174<2.
428 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, was the fatal revolution that threw this capital of
xv* the Grecian empire into the hands of the Turks ;
PART II. , , . . .
- this melancholy event preyed upon his spirits, and
at length ended his days on the 24th of March,
in the year 1455.
XVI. His successor Alphonsus Borgia, who
was a native of Spain, and is known in the papal
list by the denomination of Calixtus III. was re-
markable for nothing but his zeal in animating the
Christian princes to make war upon the Turks ;
his reign also was short, for he died in the year
1458. ^Eneas Sylvius Piccolomini, who suc-
ceeded him in the pontificate that same year,
Pius II. under the title of Pius II. rendered his name
much more illustrious, not only by his extensive
genius, and the important transactions that were
carried on during his administration, but also by
the various and useful productions with which
he enriched the republic of letters. The lustre
of his fame was, indeed, tarnished by a scanda-
lous proof which he gave of his fickleness and
inconstancy, or rather perhaps of his bad faith ;
for after having vigorously defended against the
pontiffs, the dignity and prerogatives of general
councils, and maintained with peculiar boldness
and obstinacy the cause of the council of Basil
against Eugenius IV. he ignominiously renounced
these generous principles upon his accession to
the pontificate, and acted in direct opposition
to them during the whole course of his admi-
nistration. Thus, in the year 1460, he denied
publicly that the pope was subordinate to a
general council, and even prohibited all appeals
to such a council under the severest penalties.
The year following, he obtained from Lewis XI.
king of France, the abrogation of the Pragmatic
Sanction, which favoured, in a particular manner,
the pretensions of the general councils to supre-
CHAP. ii. Doctors^ Church-Government, &c. 429
macy in the church (n). But the most egregious CENT.
instance of impudence and perfidy that he exhi-
xv.
PART II.
(n) There was a famous edict, entitled the Prag-
matic Sanction, issued out by Lewis IX. who, though he is
honoured with a place in the Kalendar, was yet a zealous
assertor of1 the liberty and the privileges of the Gallican
church, against the despotic encroachments and pretensions
of the Roman pontiffs. It was against their tyrannical pro-
ceedings, and intolerable extortions,, that this edict was
chiefly levelled -, and though some creatures of the court of
Rome have thrown out insinuations of its being a spurious
production, yet the contrary is evident from its having been
registered, as the authentic edict of that pious monarch, by
the parliament of Paris, in the year 1461, by the states of the
kingdom assembled at Tours in the year 1483, and by the
university of Paris; in 1491. — See for a further account of this
edict, the excellent History of France, begun by the Abbe
Velly, and continued by M. Villaret, vol. vi. p. 57.
The edict which Dr. Mosheim has in view here is the
Pragmatic Sanction that was drawn up at Bourges, in the
year 1438, by Charles VII. king of France, with the consent
of the most eminent prelates and grandees of the nation,
who were assembled at that place. This edict, which was
absolutely necessary in order to deliver the French clergy
from the vexations they suffered from the encroachments of
the popes, ever since the latter had fixed their residence at
Avignon, consisted of twenty-three articles, in which, among
other salutary regulations, the elections to vacant benefices
were restored to their ancient purity and freedom* ; the
Annates and other pecuniary pretensions and encroachments
of the pontiffs abolished, and the authority of a general
council declared superior to that of the pope. This edict
was drawn up in concert with the fathers of the council of
Basil, and the twenty-three articles it contains were taken
from the decrees of that council ; though they were admitted
by the Gallican church with certain modifications, which the
nature of the times, and the manners of the nation rendered
expedient. Such then was the Pragmatic Sanction, which
Pope Pius II. engaged Lewis XI. (who received upon that
$3" * That is to say, that these elections were wrested out of the hands of
the popes, who had usurped them; and that, by the Pragmatic Sanction, every
church had the privilege of choosing its bishop, and every monastery its abbot
or prior. By the concordate, or agreement, between Francis I. and Leo X.
(which was substituted in the place of the Pragmatic Sanction) the nomination
to the bishoprics in France, and the collation of certain benefices of the higher
class, were vested in the kings of France. An ample and satisfactory accoun t
of this convention may be seen in bishop Burnet's excellent History of the
Reformation, vol. iii. p. 3. and in a book entitled, Histoire du Droit publ
Ecclesiastique Francis, published in 8vo, in 1737, and in 4to, in 1752
430
CENT.
XV.
PART II,
Paulus II.
The Internal History of the Church.
bited to the world was in the year 1463, when he
published a solemn retractation of all that he had
. written in favour of the council of Basil, and
declared, without either shame or hesitation, that,
as ^Eneas Sylvius, he was a damnable heretic ;
but, as Pius II. he was an orthodox pontiff. This
indecent declaration was the last circumstance,
worthy of notice, that happened during his pon-
tificate ; for he departed this life in the month of
July, in the year 1464 (o).
XVII. Paul II. a Venetian by birth, whose
name was Peter Bard, was raised to the head of
the church in the year 1464, and died in the year
1471- His administration was distinguished by
some measures, which, if we consider the genius
of the times, were worthy of praise ; though it
must, at the same time be confessed, that he did
many things, which were evidently inexcusable,
not to mention his reducing the jubilee circle
to twenty-five years ; and thus accelerating the
return of that most absurd and superstitious cere-
mony. So that his reputation became at least
occasion, for him and his successors, the title of Most Chris-
tian) to abolish,, by a solemn declaration,, the full execution
of which was, however, prevented by the noble stand made by
the university of Paris in favour of the Pragmatic Sanction.
Lewis also perceiving that he had been deluded into this
declaration by the treacherous insinuations of Geoffry, bishop
of Arras (whom the pope had bribed with a cardinal's cap,
and large promises of a more lucrative kind), took no sort
of pains to have it executed, but published, on the contrary,
new edicts against the pecuniary pretensions and extortions
of the court of Rome. So that in reality the Pragmatic
Sanction was not abolished before the Concordate, or agree-
ment, which was transacted between Francis I. and Leo X. in
the year 1517, and was forced upon the French nation in
opposition to the united efforts of the clergy, the university,
the parliament, and the people. See, for a farther account
of this matter, Du Clos, Histoire de Louis XL vol. i. p. 115
—132.
(o) Besides the writers of Ecclesiastical History, see Nou-
veaux Diction. Histor et Critique, torn. ii. at the article Enee
Sylvius, p. 26.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 4-31
dubious in after-times, and was viewed in different CENT.
lights by different persons (p\ The following xv>
O J TTTT 1 T -17TTT 1 PART II.
pontiffs, Sixtus IV. arid Innocent Vlll. whose
names were Francis Albescola and John Baptist
Sibo, were neither remarkable for their virtues nor
their vices. The former departed this life in the
year 1484, and the latter in 1492. Filled with
the most terrible apprehensions of the danger that
threatened Europe in general, and Italy in parti-
cular, from the growing power of the Turks, they
both attempted putting themselves into a posture
of defence, and warmly "exhorted the European
princes to put a stop to the progress of that
warlike people. But many obstacles arose, which
prevented the execution of this important design,
and rendered the exhortations of these zealous
pontiffs without effect. The other undertakings
that were projected or carried on, during their
continuance at the head of the church, are not
of importance sufficient to require particular
notice.
XVIII. In the series of pontiffs that ruled the Alexander
church during this century, the last, in order of VL
time, was Alexander VI. a Spaniard by birth,
whose name was Roderic Borgia. The life and
actions of this man show, that there was a Nero
among the popes, as well as among the emperors.
The crimes and enormities that history has im-
puted to this papal Nero, evidently prove him
to have been not only destitute of all religious
and virtuous principles, but even regardless of
decency, and hardened against the very feeling
of shame. And, though it may be possible, that
(p) Paul II. has had the good fortune to find, in one of the
most eminent and learned men of this age (the famous cardi-
nal Luirini), a zealous apologist. See among the productions
of that illustrious prelate, the piece entitled, " Pauli II. Vita
ex Codice Anglica? Bibliothecae desumpta, prsemisis ipsius
vindiciis adversus Platinam, aliosque obtrectatores, Roma?,
1740L" in 4to.
43£ The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, the malignity of his enemies may have forged
PABT ic, ^se accusations against him, and, in some in-
stances, exaggerated the horror of his real crimes ;
yet there is upon record, an authentic list of
undoubted facts, which, both by their number
and their atrocity, are sufficient to render the
name and memory of Alexander VI. odious and
detestable in the esteem even of such as have the
smallest tincture of virtuous principles and feel-
ings. An inordinate affection for his children
was the principal source from whence proceeded a
great part of the crimes he committed. He had
four sons of a concubine with whom he had lived
many years. Among whom was the infamous
Caesar Borgia. A daughter, named Lucretia,
was likewise among the fruits of this unlawful
commerce. The tenderness of the pontiff for
this spurious offspring was excessive beyond all
expression ; his only aim was to load them with
riches and honours ; and in the execution of this
purpose, he trampled with contempt upon every
obstacle, which the demands of justice, the dic-
tates of reason, and the remonstrances of religion,
laid in his way (q*). Thus he went on in his
profligate career until the year 1503, when the
poison, which he and his son Caesar had mingled
for others who stood in the way of their avarice
and ambition, cut short, by a happy mistake, his
own days (r).
(q) The life of this execrable tyrant has been written in
English by Mr. Alexander Gordon, whose work was trans-
lated into French, and published at Amsterdam in 1732.
The same subject has, however, been handled with more
moderation by the ingenious and learned author of the His-
toire du Droit Publ Eccles. Francois, to which History are
subjoined the lives of Alexander VI. and Leo. X.
(r) Such is the account which the best historians have
given of the death of Alexander VI. Voltaire, notwithstand-
ing, has pretended to prove that this pontiff died a natural
death.
CHAP. IT. DoctyrSy Church-Government, Sec. 433
XIX. The monastic societies, as we learn from CENT.
a multitude of authentic records, and from the xv*
testimonies of the best writers, were, at this time, _
so many herds of lazy, illiterate, profligate, and The monks.
licentious Epicureans, whose views in life were
confined to opulence, idleness, and pleasure. The
rich monks, particularly those of the Benedic-
tine and Augustine orders, perverted their reve-
nues to the gratification of their lusts ; and re-
nouncing in their conduct all regard to their
respective rules of discipline, drew upon them-
selves a popular odium by their sensuality and
licentiousness (.s). This was matter of affliction
to many wise and good men, especially in France
and Germany, who formed the pious design of
stemming the torrent of monkish luxury, and
excited a spirit of reformation among that dege-
nerate order (7). Among the German reformers,
wrho undertook the restoration of virtue and tem-
perance in the convents, Nicholas de Mazen, an
Austrian abbot, and Nicholas Dunkelspuhl, pro-
fessor at Vienna, held the first rank. They
attempted, with unparalleled zeal and assiduity,
the reformation of the Benedictines throughout
all Germany ; and succeeded so far, as to re-
store, at least, a certain air of decency and virtue
in the monasteries of Swabia, Franconia, and
Bavaria (11). The reformation of the same order
was attempted in Fance by many, and particu-
larly by Guido, or Guy Juvenal, a learned man,
whose writings, upon that and on other sub-
(s) See Martini Senging, Tuitiones Ordinis S. Benedicti,
seu Oratio in Concilio Basiliensi, a. 14-33, contra vitia Be-
nedict, recitata, in Bernh. Pesii Biblioth. Ascetica, torn. viii.
p. 517.
(£) See Leibnitii Praef. ad torn. ii. Scriptor. Brunsvic. p.
40.
(M) For an account of these reformers, See Martin Kropf
Bibliotheca Mellicensis, seu de Vitis et Scriptis Benedicti-
nor. Mellicensium, p. 143. 163. 203. 206.
VOL. III. F F
434 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, jects, were received with applause (a?). It isy
xv- however, certain, that the greatest part of the
^ monks, both in France and elsewhere, resisted,
with obstinacy, the salutary attempts of these
spiritual physicians, and returned their zeal with
the worst treatment that it was possible to show
them.
The Men- XX. While the opulent monks exhibited to
dicants. ^ worj(j scandalous examples of luxury, igno-
rance, laziness, and licentiousness, accompanied
with a barbarous aversion to every thing that
carried the remotest aspect of science, the Men-
dicants, and more especially the Dominicans and
Franciscans, were chargeable with irregularities
of another kind. Besides their arrogance, which
was excessive, a quarrelsome and litigious spirit,
an ambitious desire of encroaching upon the
rights and privileges of others, an insatiable zeal
for the propagation of superstition, and the itch
of disputing and of starting absurd and intricate
questions of a religious kind, prevailed among
them, and drew upon them justly the displeasure
and indignation of many. It was this wrangling
spirit that perpetuated the controversies which
had subsisted so long between them and the
bishops, and, indeed, the whole sacerdotal order ;
and it was their vain curiosity, and their inordi-
nate passion for novelty, that made the divines,
in the greatest part of the European academies,
complain of the dangerous and destructive errors
they had introduced into religion. These com-
plaints were repeated, without interruption, in
all the provinces where the Mendicants had any
credit ; and the same complaints were often pre-
sented to the court of Rome, where they exercised
sufficiently both the patience and subtilty of the
pontiffs and their ministers. The different pon-
(oA SeeLiron, Singularites Historiques et Litteraires, torn,
iii. p. 49.
CHAP. ir. Doctors, Church -Government) £c. 4"5
tiffs that ruled the church during this century CENT.
xv.
PART IT.
were differently affected towards the Mendicants ;
some patronized them, others opposed them ; .
and this circumstance frequently changed the face
of things, and, for a long time, rendered the
decision of the contest dubious (>). The perse-
cution that was carried on against the Beguins
became also an occasion of increasing the odium
that had been cast upon the begging monks,
and was extremely prejudicial to their interests.
For the Begums and Lollards, to escape the fury
of their inveterate enemies, the bishops and
others, frequently took refuge in the third order of
the Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians ;
hoping that, in the patronage and protection of
these powerful and respected societies, they should
find a secure retreat from the calamities that
oppressed them. Nor were their hopes entirely
disappointed here ; but the storm that hitherto
pursued them fell upon their new patrons and
protectors, the Mendicants ; who, by affording
a refuge to a sect so odious to the clergy, drew
upon themselves the indignation of that sacred
order, and were thereby involved in difficulties
and perplexities of various kinds (?/).
XXI, The more austere and rebellious Fran- The fate <>f
ciscans, who, separating themselves from the the Fratri-
church, renounced their allegiance to the Roman °e
pontiffs, and were distinguished by the appellation
of Fratricelli, or Minorites, continued, together
with their Tertiaries, the Beghards, to carry on
an open war against the court of Rome. Their
head-quarters were in Italy, in the marquisate of
Ancona, and the neighbouring countries ; for it
(x) See Launoii Lib. deCanone : Omnis Utriusque Sexus,
opp. torn. i. part. 1. p. 287. — Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, torn.
v. p. 189. 196. 204. 522. 558- 601. 617. 752.— Ant. Wood,
Antiq. Oxon. torn. i. p. 210. 212. 224.
(y) See the preceding century.
F F 2
'•'3 The Internal History of the Church.
SNT. was there that their leader and chief ruler resided.
^v- They were persecuted about the middle of this
^_ century, with the greatest severity, by pope Ni-
colas V. who employed every method he could
think of to vanquish their obstinacy, sending
for that purpose successively against them the
Franciscan monks, armed hosts, and civil magi-
strates, and committing to the flames many of
those who remained unmoved by all these means
pf Conversion (#). This heavy persecution was
carried on by the succeeding pontiffs, and by
none with greater bitterness and vehemence than
by Paul II. though it is said, that this pope
chose rather to conquer the headstrong and stub-
born perseverance of this sect by imprisonment
and exile than by fire and sword (<?). The Fra-
tricelli, on the other hand, animated by the pro-
tection of several persons of great influence, who
became their patrons on account of the striking
appearance of sanctity which they exhibited to the
world, opposed force to force, and went so far as
to put to death some of the inquisitors, among
whom Angelo of Camaldoli fell a victim to their
vengeance (£). Nor were the commotions raised
by this troublesome sect confined to Italy ; other
countries felt the effects of their petulant zeal ; and
Bohemia and Silesia (where they preached with
warmth their favourite doctrine, " that the true
(») Mauritius Sartius, De Antiqua Picentum Civitate Cu-
promontana, in Angeli Calogerae Raccolta di Opusculi Sci-
entifici, torn, xxxix. p. 39. 81. 97. where we have several
extracts from the Manuscript Dialogue of Jacobus de Mar-
ehia, against the Fratricelli.
(a) Ang. Mar. Quirini Vita Pauli II. p. 78. — Jo. Targi-
onus, Praef. ad Claror. Venetor. Epistolas ad Magliabechium,
torn, i. p. 43. where we have an account of the books that
were written against the Fratricelli by Nicholas Palmerius
and others under the Pontificate of Paul II. and which are
yet in manuscript.
(£) See the Acta Sanctor. torn. ii. Maii. p. 356.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c.
" imitation of Christ consisted in beggary, and
" extreme poverty") became the theatre of the PART i
spiritual war (c). The king of Bohemia was well • - —
affected to these fanatics, granted them his pro-
tection, and was on that account excommunicated
by Paul II (d). In France, their affairs were far
from being prosperous ; such of them as fell into
the hands of the inquisitors were committed to the
flames (e\ and they were eagerly searched after in
the province of Tholouse and the adjacent coun-
tries, where great numbers of them lay concealed,
and endeavoured to escape the vigilance of their
enemies ; while several of their scattered parties
removed to England and Ireland (,/*)• The
dreadful series of calamities and persecutions that
pursued this miserable sect was not sufficient to
extinguish it entirely ; for it subsisted until the
times of the Reformation in Germany, when its
remaining votaries adopted the cause and em-
braced the doctrine and discipline of Luther.
XXII. Of the religious fraternities that were New or.
founded in this century, none deserves a more ^"thr^n
honourable mention than the Brethren and Clerks and Clerks
of the Common Life (as they called themselves), ^n LuT"
who lived under the rule of St. Augustine, and
were eminently useful in promoting the cause of
religion, learning, and virtue. This society had
been formed in the preceding age by Gerard de
Groote, a native of Deventer (g\ and a man
(c) Jo. Georgii Schelhornii Acta Historica Eccles. part. I.
p. 66. 283.
(d) Quirini Vita Pauli II. p. 73.
(e) I have in manuscript, in my possession, the acts or de-
crees of the inquisition against John Gudulchi de Castellione
and Francis de Archata, both of them Fratricelli, who were
burnt in France, in the year 14-54?.
(/) Wood, Antiqq. Oxoniens. torn. i. p. 232.
(g) The life of this famous Dutchman, Gerard Groote, was
written by Thomas a Kempis, and is to be found in his works.
It stands at the head of the lives of eleven of his contempora-
ries, which were composed by this eminent writer.
PART II.
4£8 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, remarkable for his fervent piety and extensive
[V- erudition ; it was not, however, before the present
century that it received a proper degree of con-
sistence, and, having obtained the approbation of
the council of Constance, flourished in Holland,
the Lower Germany, and the adjacent provinces.
It was divided into two classes, the Lettered Bre-
thren, or Clerks, and the Illiterate, who, though
they occupied separate habitations, lived in the
firmest bonds of fraternal union. The Clerks
applied themselves with exemplary zeal and assi-
duity to the study of polite literature, and to the
education of youth. They composed learned
works for the instruction of their contemporaries,
and erected schools and seminaries of learning
wherever they went. The Illiterate Brethren, on
the other hand, were employed in manual labour,
and exercised with success the mechanic arts.
Neither of the two classes were under the restraint
of religious vows ; yet they had all things in com-
mon, and this community was the great bond of
their union. The Sisters of this virtuous society
lived much in the same manner, and employed
the hours that were not consecrated to prayer and
reading in the education of young girls, and in
branches of industry suitable to their sex. The
schools, that were erected by the Clerks of this
fraternity, acquired a great and illustrious reputa-
tion in this century. From them issued forth those
immortal restorers of learning and taste that gave
a new face to the republic of letters in Germany
and Holland, such as Erasmus of Rotterdam,
Alexander Hegius, John Murmelius, and several
others (/f). The institution of the order of the
(h) Accounts of this order have been given by Aub.
Mireus, in his Chronicon ad a. 1384, and by Helyot, in his
History of the Religious Orders, tom.iii. But, in that which
I have here given, there are some circumstances taken from
ancient records not yet published. I have in my possession
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 4-39
Jesuits seemed to dimmish the credit of these CENT.
xv.
PART II.
excellent schools, which, from that period, began
to decline, and of which there are, at this time,
but very few remaining. The Brethren of the
Common Life were frequently called Beghards
and Lollards, appellations that had been given to
so many different sects, and were obliged to sus-
tain the insults and opposition of the clergy and
monks, who had an inexpressible aversion to every
thing that bore the remotest aspect of learning or
taste (i).
XXIII. Of the Greeks who acquired a name The Greek
by their learned productions, the most eminent writers-
were,
Simeon of Thessalonica, the author of several
treatises, and, among others, of a book against the
Heresies that had troubled the church ; to which
we may add his writings against the Latins, which
are yet extant (/r) ;
Josephus Bryennius, who wrote a book concern-
ing the Trinity, and another against the Latins ;
Macarius Macres, whose animosity against the
Latins was carried to the greatest height ;
George Phranza, whose historical talent makes
a figure in the compilation of the Byzantine
historians ;
several manuscripts, which furnish materials for a much
clearer and more circumstantial account of the institution and
progress of this order than can be derived from the books
that have hitherto appeared on that subject.
(i) We read frequently, in the records of this century, of
schools erected by the Lollards, and sometimes by the Beg-
hards,, at Deventer, Brunswic, Koningsberg, and Munster,
and many other places. Now these Lollards were the Clerks
of the Common Life, who, on account of their virtue, industry,
and learning, which rendered them so useful in the education
of youth, were invited by the magistrates of several cities to
reside among them.
(k} Jo. Alb. Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. xiv. p. 49. — Rich.
Simon, Critique de la Bibliotheque Eccles. par M. Du Pin,
torn. i. p. 400.
440 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Marcus Ephesus, who was an obstinate enemy
PART IT
to ^e council of Florence (/)
Cardinal Bessarion, the illustrious protector
and supporter of the Platonic school, a man of
unparalleled genius and erudition ; but much
hated by the Greeks, because he seemed to lean
to the party of the Latins, and proposed an union
of the two nations to the prejudice of the for-
mer (m) ;
George Scholarius, otherwise called Gennadius,
who wrote against the Latins, and more especially
against the council of Florence, with more learn-
ing, candour, and perspicuity than the rest of his
countrymen (;z) ;
George Gemistius -Pletho, a man of eminent
learning, who excited many of the Italians to the
study, not only of the Platonic philosophy in par-
ticular, but of Grecian literature in general ;
George of Trapesond, who translated several of
the most eminent Grecian authors into Latin, and
supported the cause of the Latins against the
Greeks by his dexterous and eloquent pen ;
George Codinus, of whom we have yet remain-
ing several productions relating to the Byzantine
history.
XXIV. The tribe of Latin writers that adorned
or dishonoured this century is not to be numbered.
We shall therefore confine ourselves to the enu-
meration of those who wrote upon theological
matters, and even of these we shall only mention
(/) Rich. Simon, 1. c. torn. i. p. 431.
(m) For an account of Bessarion, and the other learned men
here mentioned, see Bornerus and Hody, in their histories of
the Restoration of Letters in Italy, by 'the Greeks that took
refuge there, after the taking of Constantinople : add to these
the Bibliotheca Grseca of Fabricius.
(n) Rich. Simon, Croyance de FEglise Orientale sur la
Transubstantiation, p. 87. & Critique de M. Du Pin, torn. i.
p. 4-38.
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 441
the most eminent. At their head we may justly CENT.
place John Gerson, chancellor of the university
i "PAH 'PIT
of Paris, the most illustrious ornament that this |
age can boast of; a man of the greatest influence
and authority, whom the council of Constance
looked upon as its oracle, the lovers of liberty as
their patron, and whose memory is yet precious
to such among the French as are at all zealous
for the maintenance of their privileges against
papal despotism (o). This excellent man pub-
lished a considerable number of treatises that
were admirably adapted to reform the corruptions
of a superstitious worship, to excite a spirit of
genuine piety, and to heel the wounds of a divided
church ; though, in some respects, he does not
seem to have understood thoroughly the demands
and injunctions of the gospel of Christ. The
most eminent among the other theological writers
were,
Nicholas de Clemangis, a man of uncommon
candour and integrity, who lamented, in the most
eloquent and affecting strains, the calamities of
the times, and the unhappy state of the Christian
church (p) ;
Alphonsus Tostatus, bishop of Avila, who
loaded the Holy Scriptures with an unwieldy and
voluminous Commentary, and composed also other
works, in which there is a great mixture of good
and bad ;
(o) See Du Pin, Gersonianorum Libri iv. which are pre-
fixed to the edition of the works of Gerson, which we owe to
that laborious author, and which was published at Antwerp
in five volumes folio, in the year 1706. See also Jo. Launoii
Historia Gymnasii Regii Navarreni, part. III. lib. ii. cap. i.
p. 514. torn. iv. p. I. opp. — Herm. von der Hardt. Acta Con-
cil. Constant, torn. i. part. IV. p. 26.
(p} See Launoii Histor. Gymnas. Navarr. part. III. lib. ii.
cap. iii. p. 555. — Longueval, Hist de 1'Eglise Gallicane, torn,
xiv. p. 436. The works of Clemangis \vere published, some
pieces excepted, at Leyden, with a Glossary, in the year
1631, by Lydius.
442 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Ambrose of Camalduli, who acquired a high
PART ii. Degree of reputation by his profound knowledge
of the Greek language, and his uncommon ac-
quaintance with the Grecian literature, as also by
the zeal and industry he discovered in the attempts
he made to effectuate a reconciliation between the
Greeks and Latins ;
Nicholas de Cusa, a man of vast erudition, and
no mean genius, though not so famed for the so-
lidity of his judgment, as may appear from a work
of his entitled, Conjectures concerning the Last
Day (?) ;
John Nieder, whose writings are very proper
to give us an accurate notion of the manners and
spirit of the age in which he lived, and whose
voyages and transactions have rendered him fa-
mous ;
John Capistran, who was in high esteem at the
court of Rome, on account of the ardour and
vehemence with which he defended the jurisdic-
tion and majesty of the pontiffs against all their
enemies and opposers (r);
John Wesselus and Jerome Savanarola, who may
justly be placed among the wisest and worthiest
men of this age. The former, who was a native
of Groningen, and on account of his extraordinary
penetration and sagacity was called the Light of
the World, propagated several of those doctrines
which Luther afterwards inculcated with greater
evidence and energy, and animadverted with
freedom and candour upon the corruptions of the
Roman church (Y). The latter was a Dominican
and a native of Ferrara, remarkable for piety,
(q) Bayle, Reponse aux Questions d'un Provincial, torn. ii.
cap. cxvii. p. 517. — The works of Nicholas were published in
one volume, at Basil, in the year 1565.
(r) Lenfant, Histoire de la Guerre des Hussites, torn. ii.
p. 254-.— Waddingi Annales Minorum, torn. ix. p. 67.
(s) Jo. Henr. Maii Vitae Reuchlini, p. 156.
PART II,
CHAP. ii. Doctors, Church-Government, &c. 443
eloquence, and learning ; who touched the sores CENT.
of the church with a heavier hand, and inveighed
against the pontiffs with greater severity. This
freedom cost him dear ; he was committed to the
flames at Florence in the year 1498, and bore his
fate with the most triumphant fortitude and sere-
nity of mind (£);
Alphonsus Spina, who wrote a book against the
Jews and Saracens, which he called Fortalitium
Fidei.
To all these we must join the whole tribe of the
scholastic writers, whose chief ornaments were,
John Capreolus, John de Turrecremata, Antoni-
nus of Florence, Dionysius a Ryckel, Henry
Gorcomius, Gabriel Biel, Stephen Brulifer, and
others. The most remarkable among the Mystics
were Vincentius Ferrerinus, Henr. Harphius,
Laurentius Justiriianus, Bernardinus Senensis, and
Thomas a Kempis, who shone among these with a
superior lustre, and to whom the famous book,
Concerning the Imitation of Christ, is commonly
attributed (it).
(t) B. Jo. Franc. Budei Parerga Historico-Theologica.
The life of Savanarola was written by J. Francis Picus, and
published in two volumes 8vo, at Paris, with various Anno-
tations, Letters, and original pieces by Quetif, in the year
1674. The same editor published also at Paris, that same
year, the Spiritual and Ascetic Epistles of Savanarola, trans-
lated from the Italian into Latin. See Echard, Scriptor.
Praedicator. torn. i. p. 884.
(u) The late Abbe Langlet de Fresnoy promised the
world a demonstration that this famous book, whose true
author has been so much disputed among the learned, was
originally written in French by a person named Gersen, or
Gerson, and only translated into Latin by Thomas a Kem-
pis. See Granetus in Launoianis, part. II. torn. iv. part. II.
opp. p. 414, 415. The history of this famous book is given
by Vincentius Thuillierius, in the Opera Posthuma Mabil-
loni et Ruinarti, torn. iii. p. 54.
444 The Internal History of the Church.
CHAPTER III.
Concerning the State of Religion, and the Doc-
trine of the Church, during this Century.
CENT. I. THE state of religion was become so corrupt
'II. am(>ng the Latins, that it was utterly destitute
of any thing that could attract the esteem of the
The corrupt truly virtuous and judicious part of mankind.
state of reli- ^ .' . r L'VL "L • J-
gion. Ihis is a fact, which even they whose prejudices
render them unwilling to acknowledge it will
never presume to deny. Among the Greeks and
Orientals, religion had scarcely a better aspect
than among the Latins ; at least, if the difference
was in their favour, it was far from being consi-
derable. The worship of the Deity consisted in
a round of frivolous and insipid ceremonies. The
discourses of those who instructed the people in
public were not only destitute of sense, judgment,
and spirit, but even of piety and devotion, and
were in reality nothing more than a motley mix-
ture of the grossest fictions, and the most extrava-
gant inventions. The reputation of Christian
knowledge and piety was easily acquired ; it was
lavished upon those who professed a profound
veneration for the sacred order, and their ghostly
head the Roman pontiff, who studied to render the
saints (i. e. the clergy, their ministers) propitious
by frequent and rich donations, who were exact
and regular in the observance of the stated cere-
monies of the church, and who had wealth enough
to pay the fines which the papal quaestors had an-
nexed to the commission of all the different de-
grees of transgression ; or, in other words, to pur-
chase indulgences. Such were the ingredients of
ordinary piety ; but such as added to these a
certain degree of austerity and bodily morti-
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 445
fication were placed in the highest order of CENT.
worthies, and considered as the peculiar favourites PA^*ir
of Heaven. On the other hand, the number of
those who were studious to acquire a just notion
of religious matters, to investigate the true sense
of the sacred writings, and to model their lives
and manners after the precepts and example of
the Divine Saviour, was extremely small, and such
had much difficulty in escaping the gibbet, in an
age where virtue and sense were looked upon as
heretical.
II. This miserable state of things, this enor- Defenders
mpus perversion of religion and morality through- J^8*"18
out almost all the western provinces, were ob- raised^by
served and deplored by many wise and good men, ?""
who all endeavoured, though in different ways, places.
to stem the torrent of superstition, and to re-
form a corrupt church. In England and Scot-
land, the disciples of WicklifF, whom the mul-
titude had stigmatized with the odious title of
Lollards, continued to inveigh against the de-
spotic laws of the pontiffs, and the licentious man-
ners of the clergy (w). The Waldenses, though
persecuted and oppressed on all sides, and from
every quarter, raised their voices even in the
remote valleys and lurking places whither they
were driven by the violence of their enemies, and
called aloud for succour to the expiring cause of
religion and virtue. Even in Italy, many, and
among others the famous Savanarola, had the
courage to declare, that Rome was become the
image of Babylon ; and this notion was soon
adopted by multitudes of all ranks and conditions.
But the greatest part of the clergy and monks,
persuaded that their honours, influence, and
riches would diminish in proportion to the in-
crease of knowledge among the people, and would
(to) See Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Britann. et Hibern.
torn. iv. — Wood, Antiqq. Ox on. torn. i. p. 202. 204- .
446 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, receive inexpressible detriment from the downfal
PART n °^ superstition, opposed, with all their might,
every thing that had the remotest aspect of a re-
formation, and imposed silence upon these impor-
tunate censors by the formidable authority of fire
and sword.
Commo- in. The religious dissensions that had been
hernia." °" excited in Bohemia by the ministry of John Huss
and his disciple Jacobellus de Misa were doubly
inflamed by the deplorable fate of Huss and Je-
rome of Prague, and broke out into an open war,
which was carried on with the most savage and
unparalleled barbarity. The followers of Huss,
who pleaded for the administration of the cup to
the laity in the holy sacrament, being persecuted
and oppressed in various ways by the emissaries
and ministers of the court of Rome, retired to a
steep and high mountain in the district of Bechin,
in which they held their religious meetings, and
administered the sacrament of the Lord's Supper
under both kinds. This mountain they called
Tabor, from the tents which they at first erected
there for their habitation ; and in process of time
they raised a strong fortification for its defence,
and adorned it with a well-built and regular city.
Nor did they stop here ; but forming more grand
and important projects, they chose for their chiefs
Nicholas of Hussinet, and the famous John Ziska,
a Bohemian knight, a man of the most undaunted
courage and resolution ; and proposed, under the
standards of these valiant leaders, to revenge the
death of Huss and Jerome upon the creatures of
the Roman pontiff, and obtain a liberty of wor-
shipping God in a more rational manner than
that which was prescribed by the church of Rome.
After the death of Nicholas, which happened in
the year 1420, Ziska commanded alone this war-
like body, and had the satisfaction to see his army
increase from day to day. During the first tu-
Rasa.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 447
mults of this war, which were no more than a CENT.
prelude to calamities of a much more dreadful PA^'ni
kind, Wenceslaus, king of Bohemia, departed this
life in the year 1419 (,r).
IV. The emperor Sigismund, who succeeded The Hussite
,..,, /» T* i • i i l war carried
him in the throne of Bohemia, employed, not only on b
edicts and remonstrances, but also the terror of and
penal laws, and the force of arms to put an end
to these lamentable divisions ; and great numbers
of the Hussites perished, by his orders, in the
most barbarous manner. The Bohemians, irri-
tated by these inhuman proceedings, threw off
his despotic yoke in the year 1420, and, with
Ziska at their head, made war against their sove-
reign. This famous leader, though deprived of
his sight, discovered, in every step he took, such
an admirable mixture of prudence and intrepi-
dity, that his name became a terror to his ene-
mies. Upon his death, which happened in the
year 1424, the plurality of the Hussites chose for
their general Procopius Rasa, a man also of un-
daunted courage and resolution, who maintained
their cause, and carried on the war with spirit
and success. The acts of barbarity that were
committed on both sides were shocking and ter-
rible beyond expression ; for, notwithstanding the
irreconcileable opposition that there was between
the religious sentiments of the contending parties,
they both agreed in this one horrible point, that
it was innocent and lawful to persecute and extir-
pate with fire and sword the enemies of the true
r) This prince had no sooner begun to execute
the decrees of the council of Constance against the Huss-
ites than the inhabitants of Prague took fire at this pro-
ceeding, raised a tumult, murdered the magistrates who
published the order, and committed other outrages which
filled the court of Wenceslaus with consternation, and so
affected that pusillanimous monarch, that he was seized with
an apoplexy, of which he died in a few days.
448 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, religion, and such they reciprocally appeared to
PART'H. ^e ^n eacn other's eyes. The Bohemians main-
tained, that Huss had been unjustly put to death
at Constance, and consequently revenged, with
the utmost fury, the injury that had been done
him. They acknowledged it, nevertheless, as an
incontestable principle, that heretics were worthy
of capital punishment ; but they denied obsti-
nately that Huss was a heretic. This pernicious
maxim, then, was the source of that cruelty that
dishonoured the exploits of both the parties in
this dreadful war ; and it is, perhaps, difficult to
determine wrhich of the two carried this cruelty
to the greatest height.
The Caiix- V. All those who undertook to avenge the
death of the Bohemian martyr set out upon the
same principles; and, at the commencement of
the war, they seemed to agree both in their reli-
gious sentiments and in their demands upon the
church and government from which they had
withdrawn themselves. But as their numbers
increased, their union diminished ; and their army
being prodigiously augmented by a confluence of
strangers from all quarters, a great dissension
arose among them, which in the year 1420 came
to an open rupture, and divided this multitude
into two great factions, which were distinguished
by the titles of Calixtines and Taborites. The
former, who were so called from their insisting
upon the use of the cup, or chalice, in the celebra-
tion of the eucharist, were mild in their proceed-
ings, and modest in their demands, and showed no
disposition to overturn the ancient system of church-
government, or to make any considerable changes
in the religion that was publicly received. All
that they required may be comprehended under
the four articles which follow. They demanded,
first, that the word of God should be explained to
the people in a plain and perspicuous manner,
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 449
without the mixture of superstitious comments or CENT.
inventions ; secondly, that the sacrament of the
Lord's Supper should be administered in both
kinds ; thirdly, that the clergy, instead of em-
ploying all their attention and zeal in the acqui-
sition of riches and power, should turn their
thoughts to objects more suitable to their profes-
sion, and be ambitious of living and acting as be-
came the successors of the holy apostles ; and,
fourthly, that transgressions of a more heinous
kind, or mortal sins, should be punished in a man-
ner suitable to their enormity. In this great fac-
tion, however, there were some subordinate sects,
who were divided upon several points. The admi-
nistration of the Lord's Supper was one occasion
of dispute. Jacobellus de Misa, who had first pro-
posed the celebration of that ordinance under both
kinds, was of opinion, that infants had a right to
partake of it, and this opinion was adopted by
many ; while others maintained the contrary doc-
trine, and confined the privilege in question to
persons of riper years ( ?/).
VI. The demands of the Taborites, who de-
rived their name from a mountain well known in
sacred history, were much more ample. They not
only insisted upon reducing the religion of Jesus
to its primitive simplicity ; but required also that
the system of ecclesiastical government should be
reformed in the same manner, the authority of
the pope destroyed, the form of divine worship
changed : they demanded, in a word, the erec-
tion of a new church, a new hierarchy, in which
Christ alone should reign, and all things should
be carried on by a divine direction and impulse.
In maintaining these extravagant demands, the
principal doctors among the Taborites, such as
Martin Loquis, a Moravian, and his followers,
went so far as to flatter themselves with the chi-
(#) Byzinii Dianum Hussiticum. p. 130.
VOL. III. G G
450 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, merical notion, that Christ would descend in
xv* person upon earth, armed with fire and sword, to
1 extirpate heresy, and purify the church from its
multiplied corruptions. These fanatical dreams
they propagated every where, and taught them
even in a public manner with unparalleled con-
fidence and presumption. It is this enthusiastic
class of the Hussites alone, that we are to look
upon as accountable for all those abominable acts
of violence, rapine, desolation, and murder, which
are too indiscriminately laid to the charge of the
Hussites in general, and to their two leaders
Ziska and Procopius in particular (z). It must
indeed be acknowledged, that a great part of
the Hussites had imbibed the most barbarous
sentiments with respect to the obligation of exe-
(z) From the following opinions and maxims of the Ta-
borites, which may be seen in the Diarium Hussiticum of
Byzinius, we may form a just idea of their detestable barba-
rity : " Omnes legis Christi adversarii debent puniri septem
plagis novissimis, ad quarum executionem fideles sunt pro-
vocandi. — In isto tempore ultionis Christus in sua humilitate
et miseratione non est imitandus ad ipsos peccatores, sed in
zelo et furore et justa retributione. In hoc tempore ultionis,
quilibet fidelis, etiam presbyter, quantumcunque spiritualis,
est maledictus, qui gladium suum corporalem prohibet a san-
guine adversariorum legis Christi. sed debet manus suas
lavare in eorum sanguine et sanctificare." From men, who
adopted such horrid and detestable maxims, what could be
expected but the most abominable acts of injustice and
cruelty ? For an account of this dreadful and calamitous
war, the reader may consult (besides the ancient writers,
such as Sylvius, Theobaldus, Cochlseus, and others) Len-
fant, Histoire de la Guerre des Hussites, which was published
at Amsterdam, in two volumes, in 4to, in the year 173] . To
this history it will, however, be advisable to add the Diarium
Belli Hussitici of Byzinius, a book worthy of the highest
esteem, on account of the candour and impartiality with
which it is composed, and which Mr. Lenfant does not seem
to have consulted. This valuable production has been pub-
lished, though incomplete, in the sixth volume of the Reli-
quiae Manuscriptorum of the very learned John Peter Lud-
wig. See also Beausobre's Supplement to the Histoire de
la Guerre des Hussites, Lausanne, 1745, in 4to.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 451
cuting vengeance upon their enemies, against CENT.
whom they breathed nothing but bloodshed and
fury, without any mixture of humanity or com-
passion.
VII. In the year 1433, the council of Basil The com-
endeavoured to put an end to this dreadful war, SoSa'"
and for that purpose invited the Bohemians to terminated.
their assembly. The Bohemians accepting this
invitation, sent ambassadors, and among others
Procopius their leader, to represent them in that
council. But, after many warm debates, these
messengers of peace returned without having ef-
fected any thing that might even prepare the way
for a reconciliation so long and so ardently de-
sired. The Calixtines were not averse to peace ;
but no methods of persuasion could engage the
Taborites to yield. This matter, however, was
transacted with more success by ^Eneas Sylvius
and others, whom the council sent into Bohemia
to renew the conferences. For these new legates,
by allowing the Calixtines the use of the cup in
the holy sacrament, satisfied them in the point
which they had chiefly at heart, and thereby re-
conciled them with the Roman pontiff. But the
Taborites remained firm, adhered inflexibly to
their first principles ; and neither the artifice nor
eloquence of Sylvius, nor the threats, sufferings,
and persecutions to which their cause exposed
them, could vanquish their obstinate perseverance
in it. From this period, indeed, they began to
review their religious tenets, and their ecclesiasti-
cal discipline, with a design to render them more
perfect. This review, as it was executed with
great prudence and impartiality, produced a very
good effect, and gave a rational aspect to the reli-
gion of this sect, who withdrew themselves from
the war, abandoned the ^doctrines, which, upon
serious examination, they found to be inconsistent
with the spirit and genius of the gospel, and ba-
G G 2
PART II.
tutors.
152 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, nished from their communion all those whose dis-
ordered brains, or licentious manners, might ex-
pose them to reproach (#). The Taborites, thus
new-modelled, were the same with those Bohe-
mian Brethren (or Picards, i. e. Beghards, as
their adversaries called them) who joined Luther
and his successors at the Reformation, and of whom
there are at this day many of the descendants and
followers in Poland, and other countries.
VIII. Among the greatest part of the inter-
preters of scripture that lived in this century, we
find nothing worthy of applause, if we except
their zeal and their good intentions. Such of
them as aimed at something higher than the cha-
racter of bare compilers, and ventured to draw
their explications from their own sense of things,
did little more than amuse, or rather delude,
their readers, with mystical and allegorical fancies.
At the head of this class of writers is Alphon-
sus Tostatus, bishop of Avila, whose voluminous
commentaries upon the sacred writings exhibit
nothing remarkable but their enormous bulk.
Laurentius Valla is entitled to a more favourable
judgment, and his small collection of Critical and
Grammatical Annotations upon the New Testa-
ment is far from being destitute of merit, since it
pointed out to succeeding authors, the true me-
thod of removing the difficulties that sometimes
present themselves to such as study with attention
the divine oracles. It is proper to observe here,
that these sacred books were, in almost all the
kingdoms and states of Europe, translated into
the language of each respective people, particu-
(«) See Adriani Regenvolschii Historia Eccles. Provinciar.
Sclavonicar. lib. ii. cap. viii. p. 165. — Joach. Camerarii Hi-
storica Narratio de Fratrum Ecctesiis in Bohemia, Moravia, et
Polonia, Heidelb. 1605, in 4to. — Jo. Lasitii Historia Fratrum
Bohemicorum, which I possess in manuscript, and of which
the eighth book was published in 8vo, at Amsterdam, in the
year 1(349.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 453
larly in Germany, Italy, France, and Britain. CENT.
This circumstance naturally excited the expecta- p^^'n
tions of a considerable change in the state of reli-
gion, and made the thinking few hope, that the
doctrine of the church would be soon Reformed by
the light that could not but arise from consulting
the genuine sources of divine truth.
IX. The schools of divinity made a miser- The scho-
able figure in this century. They were filled with ]va.^ ^
teachers, who loaded their memory, and that of moralists
their disciples, with unintelligible distinctions and
unmeaning sounds, that they might thus dispute
and discourse with an appearance of method, upon
matters which they did not understand. There
were now few remaining of those who proved
and illustrated the doctrines of religion by the
positive declarations of the holy scriptures, and
the sentiments of the ancient fathers, and who,
with all their defects, were much superior to the
vain and obscure pedants of whom we now speak.
The senseless jargon of the latter did not escape
the just and heavy censure of some learned and
judicious persons, who looked upon their method
of teaching as highly detrimental to the interests
of true religion, and to the advancement of
genuine and solid piety. Accordingly, various
plans were formed by different persons, some of
which had for their object the abolition of this me-
thod, others its reformation, while, in the mean-
time, the enemies of the schoolmen increased from
day to day. The Mystics, of whom we shall have
occasion to speak more largely hereafter, were
ardently bent upon banishing entirely this, scho-
lastic theology out of the Christian church.
Others, who seemed disposed to treat matters
with more moderation, did not insist upon its
total suppression, but were of opinion, that it was
necessary to reform it, by abolishing all vain and
useless subjects of debate, by restraining the rage
454 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, of disputing that had infected the seminaries of
' theology, and by seasoning the subtilty of the
schoolmen with a happy temperature of mystic
sensibility and simplicity. This opinion was
adopted by the famous Gerson, who laboured
with the utmost zeal and assiduity in correcting
and reforming the disorders and abuses that the
scholastic divines had introduced into the semi-
naries (#), as also by Savanarola, Petrus de Al-
liaco, and Nicholas Cusanus, whose treatise con-
cerning Learned Ignorance is still extant.
PH"h°lPre!.y ^* ^e litigious ner^ °f schoolmen found a
storers of new class of enemies equally keen in the restorers
ture anaera" °^ el°<luence an^ letters, who were not all, how-
ever, of the same opinion with respect to the man-
ner of treating these solemn quibblers. Some
of them covered with ridicule, and loaded with
invectives, the scholastic doctrine, and demanded
its suppression, as a most trifling and absurd
system, that was highly detrimental to the culture
and improvement of the mind, and every way
proper to prevent the growth of genius and true
science. Others looked upon this system as sup-
portable, and only proposed illustrating and po-
lishing it by the powers of eloquence, thus to
render it more intelligible and elegant. Of this
class was Paulus Cortesius, who wrote, with this
view, a commentary on the Book of Proverbs,
in which, as we learn from himself, he forms a
happy union between eloquence and theology, and
clothes the principal intricacies of scholastic divi-
nity with the graces of an agreeable and perspi-
cuous style (c). But, after all, the scholastic
(b) Rich. Simon, Lettres Choisies, torn. ii. p. 269. and
Critique de la Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, M. Du Pin, torn.
i. p. 491. — Thomasii Origines Histor. Philos. p. 56. and
principally Gersonis Methodus Theologiam Studendi, in
Launoii Historia Gymnas. Navarreni, torn. iv. opp. part. I. p.
330.
(c) This work was published in folio at Rome, in the year
1512, and at Basil, in 1513.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 455
theology, supported by the extraordinary credit CENT.
and authority of the Dominicans and Franciscans, PART *n
maintained its ground against its various op
posers, nor could these two religious orders, who
excelled in that litigious kind of learning, bear the
thoughts of losing the glory they had acquired by
quibbling and disputing in the pompous jargon of
the schools.
XL This vain philosophy, however, grew daily And also
more contemptible in the esteem of the judicious
and the wise, while at the same time the Mystics
gathered strength, and saw their friends and
abettors multiply on all sides. Among these there
were, indeed, certain men of distinguished merit,
who are chargeable with few of the errors and
extravagances that were mingled with the disci-
pline and doctrine of that famous sect, such as
Thomas a Kempis, the author of the Germanic
theology, so highly commended by Luther, Lau-
rentius, Justinianus, Savanarola, and others.
There are, on the other hand, some writers of
this sect, such as Vincentius Ferrerius, Henricus
Harphius, and Bernhard Senensis, in whose produc-
tions we must carefully separate certain notions
which were the effects of a warm and irregular
fancy, as also the visions of Dionysius, whom
the Mystics consider as their chief, from the
noble precepts of divine wisdom with which they
are mingled. The Mystics were defended against
their adversaries, the Dialecticians, partly by
the Platonics, who were every where held in high
esteem, and partly by some, even of the most
eminent scholastic doctors. The former consi-
dered Dionysius as a person whose sentiments
had been formed and nourished by the study of
Platonism, and wrote commentaries upon his
writings ; of which we have an eminent ex-
ample in Marcilius Ficinus, whose name adds
a lustre to the Platonic school. The latter
456 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, attempted a certain sort of association between the
LV'' scholastic theology and that of the Mystics ; and,
'_ in this class, were John Gerson, Nicholas Cusanus,
Dionysius the Carthusian, and others.
The state XII. The controversy with the enemies of
orcoIftTo! Christianity was carried on with much more
versiai di- vigour in this than in the preceding ages, and
several learned and eminent men seemed now to
exert themselves with peculiar" industry and zeal
in demonstrating the truth of that divine religion,
and defending it against the various objections of
its adversaries. This appears from the learned book
of Marcilius Ficinus, Concerning the Truth of
Christianity, Savanarola's Triumph of the Cross,
the Natural Theology of Raymund de Sabunde,
and other productions of a like nature. The
Jews were refuted by Perezius and Jerome de St.
Foi, the Saracens by Johannes de Turrecremata,
and both these classes of unbelievers were opposed
by Alphonsus de Spina, in his work, entitled,
The Fortress of Faith. Nor were these pious
labours in the defence of the Gospel at all unsea-
sonable or superfluous ; on the contrary, the state
of things at this time rendered them necessary.
For, on the one hand, the Aristotelian philoso-
phers in Italy seemed, in their public instructions,
to strike at the foundations of all religion : and,
on the other hand, the senseless subtilties and
quarrels of the schoolmen, who modelled religion
according to their extravagant fancies, tended to
bring it into contempt. Add to all this, that
the Jews and Saracens lived in many places pro-
miscuously with the Christians, who were there-
fore obliged, by the proximity of the enemy, to
defend themselves with the utmost assiduity and
zeal.
The schism XIII. We have already taken notice of the
theLatins fruitless attempts that had been made to heal the
and Greeks unhappy divisions that separated the Greek and
healed.
CHAP. in. The Doctrine of the Church. 457
Latin churches. After the council of Florence, CENT.
xv.
PART II.
and the violation of the treaty of pacification by
the Greeks, Nicolas V. exhorted and entreated
them again to turn their thoughts towards the
restoration of peace and concord. But his ex-
hortations were without effect ; and in about the
space of three years after the writing of this last
letter, Constantinople was besieged and taken by
the Turks. And from that fatal period to the
present time, the Roman pontiffs, in all their
attempts to bring about a reconciliation, have
always found the Grecian patriarchs more obstinate
and intractable than they were when their em-
pire was in a flourishing state. Nor is this circum-
stance so difficult to be accounted for, when all
things are duly considered. This obstinacy was
the effect of a rooted aversion to the Latins and
their pontiffs, that acquired from day to day, new
degrees of strength and bitterness in the hearts of
the Greeks ; an aversion, produced and nourished
by a persuasion, that the calamities they suffered
under the Turkish yoke might have been easily
removed, if the western princes and the Roman
pontiffs had not refused to succour them against
their haughty tyrants. And accordingly, when
the Greek writers deplore the calamities that fell
upon their devoted country, their complaints are
always mingled with heavy accusations against
the Latins, whose cruel insensibility to their un-
happy situation they paint in the strongest and
most odious colours.
XIV. We pass over in silence many trifling The intes-
controversies among the Latins, which have no '-"^j^
sort of claim to the attention of our readers. But contests of
we must not omit mentioning the revival of that the Latins*
famous dispute concerning the kind of worship
that was to be paid to the blood of Christ,
which was first kindled at Barcelona, in the year
1351, between the Franciscans and Dominicans,
PART i.
458 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, and had been left undecided by Clement VI.
^h*s controversy was now renewed at Brixen, in
the year 1462, by Jacobus a Marchia, a celebrated
Franciscan, who maintained publicly, in one of
his sermons, that the blood which Christ shed
upon the cross did not belong to the divine na-
ture, and of consequence was not to be considered
as an object of divine and immediate worship.
The Dominicans rejected this doctrine ; and
adopted with such zeal the opposite side of the
question, that James of Brixen, who performed
the office of inquisitor, called the Franciscan be-
fore his tribunal, and accused him of heresy. The
Roman pontiff Pius II. having made several ineffec-
tual attempts to suppress this controversy, was at
last persuaded to submit the matter to the exa-
mination and judgment of a select number of able
divines. But many obstacles arose to prevent a
final decision, among which we may reckon as the
principal, the influence and authority of the con-
tending orders, each of which had embarked with
zeal in the cause of their respective champions.
Hence, after much altercation and chicane, the
pontiff thought proper to impose silence on both
the parties in this miserable dispute, in the year
1464- ; declaring, at the same time, that " both
" sides of the question might be lawfully held,
" until Christ's vicar upon earth should find lei-
" sure and opportunity for examining the matter,
" and determining on what side the truth lay."
This leisure and opportunity have not as yet been
offered to the pontiffs (e).
(d) Luc. Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn. viii. p. 58. — Jac.
Echardi Scriptor. Praedicator. torn. i. p. 650.
(e) Waddingi Annal. Minor, torn, xiii, p. 206. — Nat.
Alexander, Hist. Eccles. Saec. xv. p. 17.
CHAP. iv. Rites and Ceremonies. 459
CHAPTER IV.
Concerning the Rites and Ceremonies that were
used in the Church during this Century.
I. THE state of religious ceremonies among the CENT.
Greeks may be learned from the book of Simeon of
Thessalonica, concerning Rites and Heresies
from which it appears, that the substance of reli- Rit^of the
gion was lost among that people ; that a splendid church.
shadow of pomp and vanity was substituted in its
place by the rulers of the church ; and that all
the branches of divine worship were ordered in
such a manner as to strike the imaginations, and
captivate the senses, of the multitude. They
pretended, indeed, to allege several reasons for
multiplying, as they did, the external rites and
institutions of religion ; and casting over the
whole of divine worship such a pompous garb of
worldly splendour. But in these reasons, and in
all the explications they give of this gaudy ritual,
there is much subtilty and invention, without the
least appearance of truth or good sense to render
them plausible. The origin of these multiplied
rites, that cast a cloud over the native beauty and
lustre of religion, is often obscure, and frequently
dishonourable. . And such as, by force of ill-applied
genius, and invention, have endeavoured to derive
honour to these ceremonies from the circumstances
that gave occasion to them, have failed egregiously
in this desperate attempt. The deceit is too pal-
pable to seduce any mind that is void of prejudice,
and capable of attention.
(/) J. A. Fabricius gives us an account of the contents of
this book in his Biblioth. Graeca, vol. xiv. p. 5i.
460 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. II. Though the more rational and judicious of
*y*| the Roman pontiffs complained of the overgrown
Jr A xv 1. 1 1 • _. _ •*• _ •/"»•! i
multitude of ceremonies, festivals, temples, and
Rites in- the like, and did not seem unwilling to have this
theLatiii enormous mass somewhat diminished, they never-
church, theless distinguished, every one his own pontificate,
by some new institution, and thought it their duty
to perpetuate their fame by some new edict of this
nature. Thus Calixtus III. to immortalize the
remembrance of the deliverance of Belgrade from
the victorious arms of Mahomet II. who had been
obliged to raise the siege of that city, ordered,
in the year 1456, the festival in honour of the
Transfiguration of Christ (which had been cele-
brated in some places by private authority before
this period) to be religiously observed throughout
all the western world. And Sixtus IV. in the
year 1476, granted Indulgences, by an express
and particular edict, to all those who should
devoutly celebrate an annual festival in honour
of the immaculate conception of the blessed
Virgin, with respect to which none of the Roman
pontiffs before him had thought proper to make
any express declaration or any positive appoint-
ment (£*). The other additions that were made to
the Roman ritual, relating to the worship of the
Virgin Mary, public and private prayers, the
traffic of Indulgences, and other things of that
nature, are of too little importance to deserve an
exact and circumstantial enumeration. We need
not such a particular detail to convince us, that
in this century religion was reduced to mere show,
to a show composed of pompous absurdities and
splendid trifles.
(g) See Raph. Volaterrani Comment. Urbani, lib. viii. p.
289. — ^Eneas Sylvius, De Statu Europae sub Frederico III.
cap. x. in Freheri Scriptor. Rerum Germanicar. torn. ii. p.
104.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 461
CHAPTER V.
Concerning the Heresies, Sects, and Divisions , that
troubled the Church during this Century.
I. NEITHER the severe edicts of the pontiffs CENT.
and emperors, nor the barbarity and vigilance of xv<
i i • • S 11 , • ,1 PART II
the unrelenting inquisitors, could extirpate the
remains of the ancient heresies, or prevent the Manichae-
rise of new sects. We have already seen the *ns
Franciscan order at open war with the church of
Rome. In Bosnia, and the adjacent countries,
the Manichaeans, or Paulicians, who were the
same with the sect named in Italy Catharists,
propagated their doctrines with confidence, and
held their religious assemblies with impunity. It
is true, indeed, that the great protector of the
Manichaeans, Stephen Thomascus, king of Bosnia,
abjured their errors, received baptism by the mi-
nistry of John Carvaialus, a Roman cardinal, and,
in consequence thereof, expelled these heretics
out of his dominions. But it is also certain, that
he afterwards changed his mind ; and it is well
known, that towards the conclusion of this cen-
tury, the Manichaeans inhabited Bosnia, Servia,
and the neighbouring provinces. The Waldenses
also still subsisted in several European provinces,
more especially in Pomerania, Brandenburg, the
district of Magdeburg and Thuringia, where they
had a considerable number of friends and fol-
lowers. It appears, however, by authentic records,
which are not yet published, that a great part of
the adherents of this unfortunate sect in the
countries now mentioned, were discovered by the
inquisitors, and delivered over by them to the
civil magistrates, who committed them to the
flames.
462 The Internal History of the Church.
II. The Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit
(who were called in Germany, Beghards,- or
Schwestriones, and in France, Turelupins, and
PART II.
Beghards, whose distinctive character was a species of mysti-
Schwestn- . _i,i i i r \ •» T i J •
ones, Pi- cism that bordered upon frenzy) wandered about in
Adamites'1 a secre^ an<^ disguised manner in several parts of
France, Germany, and Flanders, and particularly
in Swabia and Switzerland, where they spread the
contagion of their enthusiasm, and caught the un-
wary in their snares. The search, however, that
was made after them was so strict and well-con-
ducted, that few of the teachers and chiefs of this
fanatical sect escaped the hands of the inquisi-
tors (Ji). When the war between the Hussites
and the votaries of Rome broke out in Bohemia,
in the year 1418, a troop of these fanatics, with a
person at their head, whose name was John,
repaired thither, and held secret assemblies, first
at Prague, and afterwards in different places,
from whence they, at length, retired to a certain
island, where they were less exposed to the notice
of their enemies. It was, as we have already had
occasion to observe, one of the leading principles
of this sect, that the tender instincts of nature,
with that bashfulness and modesty that generally
accompany them, were evident marks of inherent
corruption, and showed that the mind was not
(h) Felix Malleolus (whose German name is Haemmerlein)
in his account of the Lollards, which is subjoined to his book
Contra validos Mendicantes, i. e. against the sturdy Beggars,
Oper. plag. c. 2. a. has given us a list, though a very imperfect
one, of the Beghards that were committed to the flames in
Switzerland and the adjacent countries during this century.
This author, in his books against the Beghards and Lollards,
has (either through design, or by a mistake founded on the
ambiguity of the terms) confounded together three different
classes of persons, who were usually known by the appellation
of Beghards and Lollards; as, 1st, the Tertiaries, or third
order of the more austere Franciscans ; 2dly, the Brethren
of the Free Spirit ; and, 3dly, the Cellite or Alexian friars.
Many writers have fallen into the same error.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 463
sufficiently purified, nor rendered conformable to CENT.
the divine nature, from whence it derived its
origin. And they alone were deemed perfect by
these fanatics, and supposed to be united to the
Supreme Being, who could behold, without any
emotion, the naked bodies of the sex to which
they did not belong, and who, in imitation of what
was practised before the fall by our first parents,
went stark-naked, and conversed familiarly in this
manner with males and females, without feeling
any of the tender propensities of nature. Hence
it was that the Beghards, (whom the Bohemians,
by a change in the pronunciation of that word,
called Picards) when they came into their religious
assemblies, and were present at the celebration of
divine worship, appeared absolutely naked, with-
out any sort of veil or covering at all. They had
also constantly in their mouths a maxim, which,
indeed, was very suitable to the genius of the
religion they professed, viz. that they were not
free (/. e. sufficiently extricated from the shackles
of the body) who made use of the garments,
particularly such garments as covered the thighs
and the parts adjacent. These horrible tenets
could not but cast a deserved reproach upon this
absurd sect ; and though nothing passed in their
religious assemblies that was contrary to the rules
of virtue, yet they were universally suspected of
the most scandalous incontinence, and of the most
lascivious practices. Ziska, the austere general of
the Hussites, gave credit to these suspicions, and
to the rumours they occasioned ; and, falling upon
this miserable sect in the year 1421, he put some
to the sword, and condemned the rest to the
flames, which dreadful punishment they sustained
with the most cheerful fortitude, and also with
that contempt of death that was peculiar to their
sect, and which they possessed in a degree that
464 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, seems to surpass credibility (z). Among the vari-
PART'H ous ^es ^7 which these extravagant enthusiasts
' were distinguished, that of Adamites was one, and
it was given them on account of their being so
studious to imitate the state of innocence in which
the first man was originally created. The ignomi-
nious tenn of Beghards, or Picards, which was at
first peculiar to the small sect of which we now
treat, was afterwards applied to the Hussites, and
to all the Bohemians who opposed the tyranny of
the Roman church. All these were called by their
enemies, and indeed by the multitude in general,
Picard Friars.
The white HI- A new sect» which made a great noise,
Brethren, and infected the multitude with the contagion of
their enthusiasm, arose about the beginning of
this century. A certain priest, whose name is
not known, descended from the Alps (&), arrayed
(i) See Jo. Lasitii Historia Fratrum Bohemorum, MS. lib.
ii. sect. Ixxvi. who proves, in a satisfactory and circumstantial
manner, that the Hussites and the Bohemian Brethren were
entirely distinct from these Picards, and had nothing at all
in common with them. The other authors that have written
upon this subject are honourably mentioned by Isaac de
Beausobre in his Dissertation sur les Adamites de Boheme,
which is subjoined to Lenfant's Histoire de la Guerre des
Hussites. This learned author is at vast pains in justifying
the Picards, or Bohemian Adamites, whom he supposes to
have been the same with the Waldenses, and a set of men
eminent for their piety, whom their enemies loaded with the
most groundless accusations. But this is manifestly endea-
vouring to wash the ^Ethiopian white. For it may be demon-
strated, by the most unexceptionable and authentic records,
that the account 1 have given of the matter is true. The re-
searches I have made, and the knowledge they have procured
me of the civil and religious history of these times, entitle me
perhaps to more credit in such a point as this, than the labo-
rious author from whom I differ, whose acquaintance with the
history of the middle age was but superficial, and who was,
by no means, exempt from prejudice and partiality.
ffgg^ (k) Theodoric de Niem tells us, that it was from
Scotland that the sect came, and that their leader gave himself
out for the prophet Elias. Sigonius and Platina inform us,
that this enthusiast came from France; that he was clothed in
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 465
in a white garment, and accompanied with a pro- CENT.
digious number of persons of both sexes, who, after
the example of their chief, were also clothed in
white linen, from whence they were distinguished
by the name of Fratres Albati, i. e. White Brethren.
This enthusiastic multitude went in a kind of pro-
cession through several provinces, following a cross,
which their leader held erected like a standard, and,
by the striking appearance of their sanctity and
devotion, captivated to such a degree the minds of
the people wherever they went, that persons of all
ranks and orders flocked in crowds to augment
their number. The new chief exhorted his fol-
lowers to appease the anger of an incensed Deity,
emaciated his body by voluntary acts of mortifica-
tion and penance, endeavoured to persuade the
European nations to renew the war against the
Turks in Palestine, and pretended, that he was
favoured with divine visions, which instructed him
in the will and in the secrets of Heaven. Boni-
face IX. apprehending that this enthusiast or im-
postor concealed insidious and ambitious views (/),
white, carried in his aspect the greatest modesty, and se-
duced prodigious numbers of people of both sexes, and of all
ages; that his followers (called penitents), among whom were
several cardinals and priests, were clothed in white linen
down to their heels, with caps, which covered their whole
faces, except their eyes ; that they went in great troops of
ten, twenty, and forty thousand persons, from one city to
another, calling out for mercy and singing hymns ; that
wherever they came they were received with great hospitality,
and made innumerable proselytes ; that they fasted, or lived
upon bread and water during the time of their pilgrimage,
which continued generally nine or ten days. See Annal.
Mediol. ap. Muratori. — Niem. lib. ii. cap. xvi.
^g13 (I) What Dr. Mosheim hints but obscurely here, is
further explained by Sigonius and Platina, who tell us, that
the pilgrims, mentioned in the preceding note, stopped at
Viterbo, and that Boniface, fearing lest the priest who headed
them, designed by their assistance to seize upon the pontifi-
cate, sent a body of troops thither, who apprehended the
false prophet, and carried him to Rome, where he was burnt,
VOL. III. H H
466 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT, had him seized and committed to the flames ; upon
xv- which his followers were dispersed, and his sect
^1 entirely extinguished. Whether a punishment so
severe was inflicted with reason and justice is a
point that has been debated, and yet remains un-
certain ; for several writers of great credit and
authority maintain the innocence of the sectary,
while others assert that he was convicted of the
most enonnous crimes (m).
Flanders, and more especially at Brussels, which
owed its origin to an illiterate man, whose name
was jjEgidius Cantor, and to William of Hildenis-
sen, a Carmelite monk, and whose members were
distinguished by the title of Men of Understanding.
There were many things reprehensible in the doc-
trine of this sect, which seemed to be chiefly de-
rived from the theology of the Mystics. For they
pretended to be honoured with celestial visions ;
denied that any could arrive at a perfect knowledge
of the Holy Scriptures, without the extraordinary
succours of a Divine illumination ; declared the
approach of a new revelation from heaven, more
complete and perfect than the Gospel of Christ ;
maintained, that the resurrection was already ac-
complished in the person of Jesus, and that no
other resurrection was to be expected ; affirmed,
that the inward man was not defiled by the out-
ward actions, whatever they were ; that the pains
of hell were to have an end, and that, not only all
mankind, but even the devils themselves, were to
return to God, and be made partakers of eternal
felicity. This sect seems to have been a branch of
that of the Brethren and Sisters of the Free Spirit ;
(m) See Lenfant,, Hist, du Concile de Pise, torn. i. p. 102.
— Poggia, Historia Florentina, lib. iii. p. 122. — Marc. Anton.
Sabellicus in Enneadibus Rhapsodiae Historical, Ennead. ix.
lib. ix. torn, ii. opp. p. 839. published in folio at Basil in the
year 1560.
CHAP. v. Divisions and Heresies. 467
since they declared, that a new dispensation of CENT.
grace and spiritual liberty was to be promulgated
to mortals by the Holy Ghost. It must, however,
be acknowledged, on the other hand, that their ab-
surdities were mingled with several opinions, which
showed, that they were not totally void of under-
standing ; for they maintained, among other things,
" First, That Christ alone had merited eternal
life and felicity for the human race, and that there-
fore men could not acquire this inestimable privi-
lege by their own actions alone ; Secondly, That
the priests, to whom the .people confessed their
transgressions, had not the power of absolving
them, but that it was Christ alone in whom this
authority was vested ; and, Thirdly, That volun-
tary penance and mortification were not necessary
to salvation." These propositions, however, and
some others, were declared heretical by Peter
d'Ailly, bishop of Cambray, who obliged William
of Hildenissen to abjure them (72), and opposed
with the greatest vehemence and success the pro-
gress of this sect.
V. The sect of the Flagellantes, or Whippers, A new sect
continued to excite commotions in Germany, more 1
especially in Thuringia and the Lower Saxony ;
but these fanatics were very different from the an-
cient heretics of the same name, who ran wildly
in troops through various provinces. The new
Whippers rejected not only the sacraments, but
also every branch of external worship, and placed
their only hopes of salvation in faith and flagella-
tion ; to which they added some strange doctrines
concerning the evil spirit, and other matters, which
are not explained with sufficient perspicuity in the
records of antiquity. The person that appeared
at the head of this sect in Thuringia was Conrad
(ri) See the records of this transaction in Stcph. Baluz.
Miscellan. torn. ii. p. 277.
468 The Internal History of the Church.
CENT. Schmidt, who, with many of his followers, was ap-
PART'II. Pr^hended and committed to the flames (o), in the
1 year 1414, by Henry Schonefield, who was, at
that time, inquisitor in Germany, and rendered
his name famous by his industry and zeal in the
extirpation of heresy, Nicholas Schaden suffered at
Quedlingburg for his attachment to this sect.
Berthold Schade, who was seized at Halberstadt
in the year 1481, escaped death, as appears most
probable, by abjuring their doctrine (p), and we
find in die records of these unhappy times a nu-
merous list of the Flagellantes, whom the German
inquisitors devoted to the flames.
(o) Excerpta Monachi Pirnensis, in Jo. Burch. Menkenii
Scriptor. Rerum Germanicar. torn. ii. p., 1521. — Chron.;Mona-
ster. in Anton. Matthaei Analect, Vet. JEvi, torn. v. p. 71. —
Chron. Magdeb. in Meibomii Scriptor. Rerum German, torn,
ii. p. 362. — From sixteen articles of faith adopted by this
sect, which were committed to writing by a certain inquisitor
of Brandenborch, in the year 1411, and which Conrad Schmidt
is said to have taken from the papers of Walkenried, we may
derive a tolerable idea of their doctrine, of which the sub-
stance is as follows : " That the opinions adopted by the
Roman church, with respect to the efficacy of the sacraments,
the flames of purgatory, praying for the dead, and several
other points, are entirely false and groundless ; and that the
person who believes what is contained in the Apostles' Creed,
repeats frequently the Lord's Prayer and the Ave Maria,
and at certain times lashes his body severely, as a voluntary
punishment of the transgressions he has committed, shall ob-
tain eternal salvation."
(p) See the account of this matter, which is given by the
learned Jo. Ernst Kappius, in his Relat. de Rebus Theologicis
Antiquis et Novis, a. 1747. p. 475.
END OF VOL. III.
London : Printed bv Thomas Davison, Whitefriars.