^
CATHOLIC
TO DR. LITTLEDALE'S
"PLAIN REASONS."
BY
H. I. D. RYDER,
OP THE ORATORY.
Dilexisti omnia verba praecipitationis, lingua dolosa.
REV. JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST TO
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE LIBRARY, 1926
LONDON : BURNS & GATES, LIMITED.
NEW YORK, CINCINNATI, CHICAGO: BENZIGER BROTHERS.
NOTICE TO SECOND EDITION.
I WISH to draw attention to the following corrections,
which I believe are the only ones of importance. Page
42, "A Council of Constantinople, A.D. 382," for The
Second General Council, A.D. 381. Page 43, see Ap-
pendix, Note B. Page 102-3. the withdrawal of a stric-
ture upon a note of Dr. Littledale's.
My Appendix contains notes on the Galileo case ; on
Pope Julius, Socrates, and Sozomen ; on the theophanies
of the Old Testament ; on the Tridentine Decree con-
cerning Holy Scripture ; on Canon Jenkins' tract, " The
Devotion of the Sacred Heart ;" on a fresh charge of
Dr. Littledale's against St. Alfonso ; on Pope Zosimus
and Celestius; on "The Church Quarterly's" attack
upon Cardinal Newman; and on a misquotation by
Dr. Littledale of the Tax-Tables.
NOTICE TO THIRD EDITION.
SEE corrections and notes at pp. 42, 59, 79, and 146.
An Index Rerum has been supplied me by a learned
and untiring friend.
NOTICE TO FOURTH EDITION.
As it is considered inadvisable to load this volume
with any fresh matter, it may be as well to refer
such of my readers as are interested in the pro-
gress of the controversy between Dr. Littledale
and myself to a correspondence in the " Guardian"
for November 2, 9, 16, and 23, 1881, and to my
Reply to Dr. Littledale's " Additions and Correc-
tions" in the "Tablet" for July 8, 1882.
NOTICE TO SIXTH EDITION.
SEE note p. 79 ; addition of passage from Stephen Lang-
ton, p. 82 ; and note and correction, p. 83.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
TAG*
INTRODUCTION . i*
PART I.
THE PRIVILEGE OF PETER AND HIS SUCCESSORS
IN THE ROMAN SEE.
§ I. Scripture Texts I
§ 2. St. Peter and St. Paul 9
§ 3. What, according to Dr. Littledale, the privilege of
Peter really was . .10
§ 4. Papal Prerogative and the Creeds . . . .II
§ 5. Papal Infallibility and the Fathers . . . .12
§ 6. Dr. Littledale and St. Jerome 21
% 7. Dr. Littledale's Disproofs of Papal Infallibility . . 26
(i). The Fallibility of the Church .... 26
(2). The Jewish Church . . . . ' . .27
(3). Fall of Pope Liberius . . . . . .27
(4). Condemnation of Pope Honorius ... 28
(5). The Deposition of Popes 30
(6). Infallibility in the past 31
(7). The Council of Trent and Leo X. ... 32
(8). The Sixtine Bible 33
(9). The Condemnation of Galileo . . 33
(10). Infallibility in the future 36
(n). Obscurity of the Vatican definition ... 36
(12). The anti- Vatican dilemma 37
| 8. The Pope's supremacy of jurisdiction, and the Fathers . 38
VI CONTENTS.
PAGB
§ 9. Dr. Littledale's objections to Papal supremacy . • 45
(i). Honorary titles 45
(2). St. Peter's connection with Rome ... 48
(3). Papal Prerogative and Conciliar Canons . . 49
(4). The Pope and Canon law 55
§ 10. Communion with Rome 56
§ ii. St. Firmilian, St. Cyprian, and Pope St. Stephen . 58
§ 12. St. Meletius and the Holy See 59
§ 13. St. Augustine and the Holy See — the case of Apiarius 60
§ 14. Pope St. Celestine and the Council of Ephesus . . 63
§ 15. Pope St. Leo and Chalcedon 64
§ 1 6. St. Leo and St. Hilary of Aries 65
§ 17. Pope Vigilius and the Fifth Council .... 68
§ 1 8. St. Gregory the Great and the title of "Universal
Bishop" 70
§19. Gerbert and Pope John XV 71
§ 20. Breaks and uncertainty in the succession in the Roman
See 72
§ 21. The Roman Catholic Church not the whole Church . 75
§ 22. England and Papal Prerogative 76
§ 23. A Catena of English Authorities on Papal Prerogative . 79
§ 24. Development 83
PART II.
CHARGES AGAINST THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN
COMMUNION WITH THE SEE OF PETER.
CHARGE I.
Creature- Worship 86
§ I. The Theology of Creature- Worship ... .86
§ 2. Cultus of the Saints according to the Fathers . . 89
§ 3. The Cultus of Mary 92
(i). Theology of the Cultus, with Catena ... 92
(2). Summary of Evidence 103
(3). Imperfect development of the Cultus of Our Lady
in the Early Church 104
CONTENTS. Vll
MO*
(4). Scripture objections to the Cultus of Mary . 106
(5). Patristic objections to the Cultus of Mary . . 108
§ 4. I mage- Worship Ill
(i). The Theology of Image-Worship . . . in
(2). The Seventh Council and the Council of Frankfort 115
(3). Devotion to particular shrines and images . .118
(4). The Early Fathers and Image- Worship . .120
§ 5. Alleged excess in the Worship of Mary . . .124
CHARGE II.
Uncertainty and error in Faith . . . . » .132
§ i. Dependence upon One 132
§ 2. The Immaculate Conception . . . . .134
§ 3. Communion under One Species . . . .138
§ 4. Disregard of the Dogma of the Incarnation , .143
§ 5. The Cultus of the Sacred Heart . . . . 147
§ 6. The Church and the Bible 152
CHARGE III.
Uncertainty and Unsoundness in Morals . . . . 159
§ I. Probabilism and St. Alfonso Liguori . . . . 159
§ 2. Cardinal Bellarmine .171
§ 3. Condemnation of Private Judgment . . . . .172
CHARGE IV.
Untrust worthiness « . .175
§ I. The Nicene and Sardican Canons . . . -175
§ 2. The Sixth Canon of Nicgea 175
§ 3. The Baptism of Constantine . . . . .176
§ 4. St. Peter's Letter 177
§ 5. The False Decretals . - 177
§ 6. The Cyprianic Interpolations 1 88
§ 7. Roma locuta est ....... 189
§ 8. Forged Greek Catena . , . . . .190
§ 9. Cardinal Baronius . . . , . . .190
§ 10. Cardinal Newman 194
§11. Some other Controversialists 196
§ 12. Faith not to be kept with Heretics ." . . .198
Vlll CONTENTS.
CHARGE V.
PAGE
Cruelty and Intolerance 202
§ i. The General Character of the Imputation . . 202
§ 2. Urban II. and the Excommunicate .... 204
§ 3. Pius IV. and Lucca 206
§ 4. Pius V. and Queen Elizabeth . 207
§ 5. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew .... 208
§ 6. Jacques Clement, Ravaillac, and sundry . . . 209
§ 7. The Inquisition , 209
§ 8. Busembaum's Teaching . . . . . .211
§ 9. Toleration . .211
CHARGE VI.
Uncertainty and Error in the Sacraments . . . .213
§ i. Intention . 213
§ 2. Penance— Satisfaction . . . . . .217
§ 3. Indulgences — Purgatory . . . . . .220
§ 4. The Roman Penitentiary . . . . , .223
§ 5. The Mass Honorarium ...... 239
§ 6. Marriage Dispensations ...... 239
CHARGE VII.
Lack of the Four Notes of the Church 240
§ i. Unity of Faith and Charity 240
§ 2. Sanctity 242
§ 3. Catholicity 248
§ 4. Apostolicity 252
Conclusion . 253
APPENDIX 260
INDEX ... 281
12208
INTRODUCTION.
DR. LIITLEDALE has brought out, under the auspices of
the Christian Knowledge Society, a little manual entitled
11 Plain Reasons against Joining the Church of Rome."
With considerable ingenuity, in the brief space of some
two hundred pages, he manages to pack most of the
hardest things that have been said against Catholics, and
especially against Popes. He has neglected no source
of information, from the pages of Fathers and historians
to the fly-leaf of modern gossip. It is the work of one
whose heart is in his work and whose hand has not for«
got its cunning. The form he has chosen is that of the
modern Primer, in which it is the dainty privilege of an
age impatient of toil to imbibe so much of its knowledge
of science and of history. It is a form which, for all its
rigid condensation, admits of keen momentary flashes of
rhetoric, such as the sober solid work might almost seem
to yield spontaneously, as sparks fly up under the steady
blows of the pickaxe, and which are so doubly telling as
the eloquence of reserve. When applied to history, how-
ever, this form is specially exposed to the danger of sub-
stituting rhetorical selection for scientific condensation.
X INTRODUCTION.
•
Dr. Littledale's theory, as I understand it, may be thus
summed up. All that answers to the name " Church of
Christ," at present in being, are certain scattered orga-
nisms with more or less of local life and action. There
is no such thing as " ecclesiastical infallibility" (p. 132),
but only an assurance that the Church is " indefectible in
the long run." It is a "legal fact'7 — whatever that may
mean — that General Councils are not general, "no
matter how many bishops have sat in them, till they
have been accepted by the main body of Christendom."
In some subtle deference to this " in the long run >; inde-
fectibility, and acceptance " of the main body of Chris-
tendom," each member of the Church is to exercise, his
private judgment as to what is scriptural or sufficiently
patristic, and to cleave thereto despite the assumptions
of authority. The Church of England, as contrasted
with the Church of Rome, presents exceptional advan-
tages for carrying out this ideal of Church-life ; whereas
the Roman Church means tyranny, uncertainty and un-
soundness in faith and morals, repudiation of Scripture
and antiquity, an absolute void, or at least a complete
uncertainty, as to orders and jurisdiction, and a con-
spicuous absence of the notes of the Church, Unity,
Sanctity, Apostolicity, Catholicity. I readily admit that
no Anglican who can be prevailed upon to accept
Dr. Littledale's " Plain Reasons " as truths, will see his
way towards bettering himself either morally or spiritually
in what he would call the " Roman Communion." It is
hardly likely that the Catholicism of any one who has sat
at Dr. Littledale's feet will any more be troublesome, for
the dangerous substance will have become thoroughly
INTRODUCTION. xi
disintegrated by the stream of what I may call ecclesi-
tical scepticism to which it is exposed. Ritualism so
qualified makes very fair Protestantism ; and this perhaps
is the key to what at first is so very astonishing, the
appearance of Dr. Littledale in the livery of the S.P.C.K.
What, one is tempted to ask, can a society supposed to
represent the sober middle majority of High and Low-
Church, the staple of moderate Church of Englandism,
have to do with an ultra-Ritualist who denounces the
Reformers as ruffians, and celebrates daily with wafer and
chasuble, unless, indeed, under all these offensive trap-
pings the true Protestant is recognised? This being
supposed, however, one can understand that the outward
incongruity may lend a zest to the alliance. We know
that this same society has before now availed itself of
the services of an apostate priest, but such genuine
apostates are not to be met with every day. It is not
always possible for it to feather its arrows from the
wing of its soaring quarry ; but here is one so like a
Roman priest, whose daily idolatry has such a Roman
flavour, that Protestants, when pressing Dr. Littledale
into their service, are not without a triumphant sense
of turning our own arms against us.
Dr. Littledale is persuaded that the only valid grounds
for a change of religion involve an affirmative answer to
the following questions : — " i. Shall I know more about
God's will and word than now I do ? 2. Shall I be
more likely to obey that will as He has been pleased to
declare it ? 3. Shall I have a surer warrant than now that
I shall have access to those means of grace which God
has ordained for the spiritual profit of His people ? " On
Xll INTRODUCTION.
the contrary, these questions in no way represent what
should be the motives of a convert. Their position here
implies a complete ignorance of the point at issue, an
assumption that what is in dispute is not the esse but
the bene esse in the Church of Christ. They are pre-
cisely the questions a man in doubt as to his vocation
to a religious order would put to himself. No priest
would dream of receiving a convert on such simply in-
adequate subjective grounds. The real questions an
Anglican who is seriously considering the point of his
conversion to Rome must put to himself are very
different. They are such as these : — i. Does the Christian
idea require that any existing organisation be identified
with the Church of Christ? 2. What are the notes of
Christ's Church ? 3. Do I find these in the Anglican
or in the Roman Communion ? To an Anglican who is
not merely in pursuit of spiritual improvement, but who
is actually craving for some assurance that he is a
member of Christ's Holy Catholic Church, Dr. Little-
dale's arguments will appear some of them irrelevant,
some suicidal. He will have an uncomfortable suspicion,
at least, that " in the long run " infallibility is an exorbit-
ance, which will practically allow heresies to run on as
long as they like, and would prove as unpractical a
theory now as it would have done had it prevailed
at Nicaea or Chalcedon. Again, when he is told
(p. 177) that, as regards "the grace of duly trans-
mitted orders with their accompanying privileges of
valid sacraments," " the Roman doctrine of intention "
(viz., that, whatever the faith of "the minister, an inten-
tion to do and not merely to simulate what the Church
INTRODUCTION. Xlll
does, is necessary) has created " the greatest possible
doubt as to the validity of every sacramental office or
act performed in the Roman Church;" it can hardly
escape an honest inquirer that this was the very doctrine
of intention in which the English clergy had been edu-
cated, for centuries before the Separation, in the Scotist
and Thomist schools of Oxford ; that, in fact, till the
Tridentines Salmeron and Catharinus, the contrary
doctrine (even at this moment tolerated by Rome) had
hardly found a voice.* Again, if Papal jurisdiction,
owing to broken succession or violation of the canons,
or what not, is long since extinct, or if Papal jurisdic-
tion has never extended to England, with what dismay
must an Anglican inquirer regard the various interven-
tions of Papal (pretended) jurisdiction in the gravest and
most vital concerns of the English Church ; the many
acts demanded of the Holy See for which the only title
of validity pretended was the Pope's " plenitudo potes-
tatis " ? Take what view he will of the independence of
* Even more extravagant is the assertion (p. 189) that our practice
of conditionally baptizing converts from Anglicanism entails the
irregularity of both ministers and recipients, whereby all their sub-
sequent sacramental action is invalidated, even though the latter
may have been ignorant of any previous baptism. I. Irregularity is
an impediment prohibent not diriment or invalidating. 2. Irregu-
larity "ex delicto," as this is, requires a knowledge of the criminality,
and so cannot affect persons in bonafide. 3. It is an open question
amongst theologians whether even the culpably rash administration
of conditional baptism involves irregularity.
The practice in question, based as it is upon the grave doubts
arising from that ostentatiously inadequate use of the necessary
matter of baptism, so long and so extensively prevalent in the Estab-
lishment, is in perfect accord with the tradition of the Church.
XIV INTRODUCTION.
episcopal jurisdiction, of its inherence in the ancient
sees ; however confident he may be of the persistence of
jurisdiction somewhere or other in the Church of Eng-
land, yet merely on the ground of past Papal interven-
tions, to say nothing of the disturbing element of Pro-
testant state interference, it will be impossible for him
"even to guess" where that jurisdiction lies, and to
what it extends. The history of any local Church, if
you venture to pick out the threads of Papal jurisdiction
which cross and recross it in every direction, becomes a
mere tangle, in which it is impossible to appreciate the
conveyance of any authority. There is nothing, of
course, in this line of Dr. Littledale's which need shock
the ordinary Church of England Protestant ; but I ear-
nestly recommend the question of its propriety to the
consideration of the English Church Union.
The scope of this " Reply " is twofold, i. To show
that these " Plain Reasons " for not joining the Church
fail either as statements of fact or as deductions from
fact. 2. To show that amongst unfair controversialists
Dr. Littledale is unfair in a pre-eminent degree, although
we have every right to try him by a very high standard
indeed, seeing that he comes forward emphatically as the
representative of Anglican honesty as contrasted with
the dishonesty of Rome. He ventures to speak thus
(p. 100): — " Things have come to this pass, that no state-
ment whatever, however precise and circumstantial, no
reference to authorities however seemingly frank and
clear, to be found in a Roman controversial book, or
to be heard from the lips of a living controversialist, can
be taken on trust, without a rigorous search and veri-
INTRODUCTION.
fication. The thing may be true, but there is not &o
much as a presumption of its proving so when tested.
The degree of guilt varies, no doubt, from deliberate
and conscious falsehood with fraudulent intent, down
through reckless disregard as to whether the thing be
true or false, to mere overpowering bias causing mis-
representation ; but truth, pure and simple, is almost
never to be found, and the whole truth in no case what-
ever." I cannot allow myself to exchange this sort of
compliment with Dr. Littledale, even though he is par-
ticularly fond, in his controversy with us, of imputing
the first degree of falsehood, as, for instance, when he
tells us that Pope St. Nicholas I. " solemnly and pub-
licly lied." We may be content to leave " conscious
falsehood " and " fraudulent intent " to their own forum,
where we can make no claim to sit in judgment. All
that I pretend to prove is, that Dr. Littledale has re-
peatedly asserted the thing that is not, with the evidence
that it is not staring him in the face, and in cases, too,
involving the gravest imputations upon the character
of an adversary. If I establish this charge beyond the
shadow of exception, I submit that the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge has no more right to
patronise the controversial efforts of such an author,
than a mercantile firm has to recommend a man for the
post of cashier, who — though they think him to mean
honestly — they know, steals.
I have thought it well to bring out a " Reply " in
detail, covering the whole of my adversary's ground, and
as nearly as possible in the same form as the "Plain
Reasons," hoping that it may serve as a manual on the
Xvi INTRODUCTION.
Catholic side. It will anyhow be useful as supplying a
considerable number of passages on such subjects as
the Papacy and the cultus of our Lady in a short com-
pass. I have not followed Dr. Littledale's arrangement,
as I have failed to discover that this has been carried
out upon any fixed principle ; one detects certain pun-
gent transitions of offensiveness, and that is all.
I divide my "Reply" into two parts. The first will
be directly engaged in vindicating the privilege of St.
Peter and his successors in the Roman See, both as
regards teaching and government ; the second part will
meet the various charges brought against the Catholic
Church in communion with the See of Peter.
My references throughout will be to Dr. Littledale's
first edition, whilst noticing the principal variations he has
introduced in editions two and three. I do so, because I
can in nowise regard mere emendations introduced with-
out note or explanation into the text as retractations ;
moreover, the course which the variations pursue is
sometimes highly instructive.
Amongst various modern Catholic works, to none of
which, as I trust, I have failed to acknowledge my obli-
gations in their proper place, I will content myself
with mentioning here Mr. Allnatt's invaluable publica-
tion, " Cathedra Petri," of which I have made a very
free, though not a blind, use. My references to the
" Councils " are invariably to Collet's edition of Labbe
and Cossart, Venice, 1729.
CATHOLIC CONTROVERSY.
PART I.
THE PRIVILEGE OF PETER AND HIS SUCCESSORS
IN THE ROMAN SEE.
§ 1. Scripture Texts.
DR. LITTLEDALE (p. 15) says that " the Ultramontane
interpretation put on the three great texts, ... St. Matt.
xvi. 1 8, that St. Peter is the Rock and foundation of the
Church; St. Luke xxii. 31, 32, that St. Peter was in-
fallible, and charged with guiding the faith of the other
-Apostles; and St. John xxi. 15, 17, that he was given
jurisdiction over the Apostles and the whole Church, is
contrary to the 'unanimous consent of the Fathers;' . . .
so it is not lawful for any Roman Catholic, in the face of
the Creed of Pius IV. (which forbids the interpretation
of Scripture otherwise than in accordance with such con-
sent), to maintain the Ultramontane view of these three
texts." Even in the very act of appealing to the "unani-
mous consent of the Fathers," Dr. Littledale's courage
seems somewhat to have failed him ; for he immediately
subjoins that in regard to Matt. xvi. 18, the Fathers
" agree, by a great majority, that either Christ Himself, or
St. Peter's confession of Christ, is the Rock and founda-
tion of the Church." This modification b farther carried
out in the admission that " St. Epiphanius, doctor, St.
A
2 SCRIPTURE TEXTS.
Basil the Great, St. Ambrose and St. Jerome, doctors,
take it both ways," i.e., admit as an alternative meaning
that St. Peter is the Rock, leaning, however, more to the
view that Christ is the Rock. Anyhow, this is some-
thing short of the unanimity required by Pope Pius,
and before unanimity can be contradicted it must be
obtained.
I shall now proceed to examine Dr. Littledale's great
majority. But before doing so, it must be clearly under-
stood that we in no wise reject the application of the
"Rock" to Christ, or to faith in Christ. We maintain
that such interpretation does not at all militate against
its application directly to St. Peter ; not indeed to his
-person, but to his office, in which, both as regards himself
and his successors, he represents Christ and supports
his brethren. Peter is no other foundation beside the
one ultimate foundation, Christ; but he is the first visible
stone of the visible Church, immediately resting upon
and representing the invisible Rock, Christ This is
precisely the doctrine of St. Leo : " ' For thou art Peter,'
that is, whereas I am the inviolable Rock ; I the corner-
stone, who made both one; I the foundation, besides
which no one can lay another ; yet thou also art a Rock,
because thou art consolidated by My might, that what
things alone are Mine by My power may be common to
thee by participation with Me" (Serm. iv. in Natal. Ordin.
c. 2, ed. Bailer.). Thus I strike off one of the ten
Fathers to whom Dr. Littledale appeals (p. 16) as ex-
plaining the Rock to be Christ and not St. Peter.
I will now proceed to consider the remaining nine.
i. Origen. This Father, in as many as four passages,
declares that St. Peter is the Rock. For example : " See
what is said by the Lord to that great foundation of the
Church and most solid Rock upon which Christ founded
His Church" (in Exod. Horn. v. n. 4).*
* Cf. in Joan. torn. iv. p. 95 ; in Matt. tr. xiv. n. 5, torn. iii. p.
620 j in Rom. lib. v. c. 10, torn. iv. p. 568.
SCRIPTURE TEXTS. 3
2. St. Hilary, in three passages, e.g., " Oh, in thy
designation by a new name, happy foundation of the
Church and the Rock, worthy of the building of that
which was to unloosen the infernal laws and the gates
of hell, and all the bars of death" (in Matt. xvi.
7)*
3. St. John Chrysostom, in not less than six passages,
e.g., "When I name Peter I name that unbroken Rock,
that firm foundation" (Horn. iii. de Poenit. n. 4).t
4. St. Augustine in one passage, e.g., "Peter, who had
confessed Him the Son of God, and in that confession
had been called the Rock upon which the Church should
be built " (in Ps. Ixix.). Although preferring to interpret
the Rock of Christ, he admits (Retract, i. n. 2) that either
interpretation is allowable.
5. St. Cyril of Alexandria, in two passages, e.g.,
"Allusively to the name from the rock, He changes his
name to Peter ; for on him He was about to found His
Church " (in Joan. i. n. 2).J
Dr. Littledale's imposing list of ten is now reduced to
four — St. Gregory the Great, St. Isidore of Pelusium,
Venerable Bede, and St. Gregory VII. Upon these I
remark that the passage which Dr. Littledale quotes
from St. Gregory the Great, and which I believe to be
the only place in St. Gregory's works where the text is
quoted, is from a commentary on the Seven Penitential
Psalms, a work which may be fairly classed amongst
the " Dubia." The Benedictine editor, though inclined
to attribute it to St. Gregory I., admits that the question
of the authorship is a very difficult one. As to St
* Cf. Tract, in Ps. cxxxi. n. 4 ; in Ps. cxli. n. 8 ; de Trin. vi.
n. 20.
t Cf. In illud, Hoc scitote, n. 4 ; Ad eos qui scandalizati sunt,
n. 17 ; in illud, Vidi Dom. Horn. iv. n. 3 ; Horn, de dec. mil. talent,
n. 3 ; in Matt. Horn. 54, n. 2.
J Cf. in Isai. lib. iv. p. 593, torn. iii. See Allnatt's " Cathedra
Petti"
4 SCRIPTURE TEXTS.
Gregory VII., an Anglican must be surely very hard
pressed who can admit into his list of Fathers a writer
of the eleventh century, who, glorious champion of the
Faith as he was, has left behind him nothing but a very
moderate collection of letters, mostly of a practical
character. Of the whole list, St. Isidore of Pelusium
and Venerable Bede, who, by the way, is not as yet a
doctor except by diploma of Dr. Littledale, are the only
Fathers to whom his appeal can be made with any
show of propriety.
Without going beyond Dr. Littledale's own list, we
have a large majority of the Fathers who assert precisely
what, according to him, first, all the Fathers, secondly.
a large majority of the Fathers, have denied, viz.,
that St. Peter was the rock upon which Christ founded
His Church. Our majority might be vastly increased
were it supplemented, as it might be, from Mr. Allnatt's
collection, already referred to. I will content myself
with two out of many authorities. Tertullian de Prae-
script, c. xxii. : " Was anything hidden from Peter, the
Rock whereon the Church was to be built?" and St.
Cyprian (Ep. Ixxi. ad Quint.): "Peter, whom the Lord
chose as first, and upon whom He built His Church."
The overwhelming majority is in our favour, and so we
are told that we are contradicting unanimity ! It is, as
we shall see, Dr. Littledale's way.
"As to Luke xxii. 31, 32," says Dr. Littledale (p. 17),
"no father whatever" (the italics are his own) " explains it
in the modern Ultramontane fashion, which is not even
found till Cardinal Bellarmine invented it about A.D.
1621." Dr. Littledale's account (p. 15) of this "Ultra-
montane fashion " is " that Peter was infallible and.
charged with guiding the faith of the Apostles." Now
this is a most infelicitous rendering of Ultramontane
doctrine. All theologians, whether Gallican or Ultra-
montane, admit that after Pentecost St. Peter was in-
fallible, and that all the other Apostles were infallible
REV. JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST TO
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE LIBRARY, 1
SCRIPTURE TEXTS. 5
too, and did not require any other guidance for their
faith than that of the Holy Spirit. If St. Peter struck
the keynote of the apostolic teaching, it was for the
guidance rather of the other brethren outside the Apos-
tolic College, lest the disciples of the different Apostles
should set up the dicta of one against those of another,
and so schism and error should arise.
And now, is it true that this text is quoted by no
Father whatsoever in behalf of an unfailing office and
privilege inherent in St. Peter and his successors of
confirming his brethren in the faith ? There are degrees
of indiscretion, and even that very indiscreet writer,
Janus, might have taught Dr. Littledale a lesson. Janus
•maintains, not that the Ultramontane interpretation was
introduced in the seventeenth century by Bellarmine,
but that it was first taught in the seventh century by
Pope Agatho in his great letter read at the Sixth
Council (Janus, Eng. trans, p. 93). Neither does he
deny its subsequent appearance in such writers as
John VI., Patriarch of Constantinople (an. 715), St.
Theodore the Studite, and Theophylact. But Janus'
position is respectable only in comparison with Dr.
Littledale's. St. Agatho was preceded, even in his explicit
application of the text to St. Peter's successors, by St.
Leo (Serin, iv. c. 3, 4), St. Gelasius, Pelagius II., and St.
Gregory the Great (see Cardinal Hergenrother's Anti-
Janus, Eng. trans, p. 60). It is explicitly referred to St.
Peter himself, implicitly at least to his successors, by St.
Ambrose : " Peter ... is set over the Church ; ... for
to him He said : but thou, when thou art converted, con-
firm thy brethren (in Ps. xliii. n. 40). To whom, by His
authority, He gave the kingdom, his faith could He not
confirm?" (De Fide, lib. iv. n. 56); by St. John Chry-
sostom on the words, " In those days Peter rose up in
the midst of the disciples" (Acts i. 15) : " Both as being
ardent and as intrusted by Christ with the flock, . . .
he first acts with authority in the matter, as having all
O SCRIPTURE TEXTS.
put in his hands ; for to him Christ had said, ' And thou,
being converted, confirm thy brethren'" (Horn. Hi. in
Act. Apost.) ; by St. Cyril of Alexandria : " ' Confirm thy
brethren/ that is, become the support and teacher of those
who come to Me by faith" (in Luc. xxii. Maii Bibl. Nov. torn.
ii. p. 420). That there can be no exclusion in the above
passages of St. Peter's successors, see the words of the
Council of Aries (an. 314) regarding Rome, "the place
in which the Apostles daily sit in judgment " (Ep. Syn. ad
Sylvest. ap. Labbe, torn. i.). See, too, the words of the
Legate Philip at Chalcedon (Act. Hi.) of Peter, "who
even until now, and always, lives and judges in his suc-
cessors ; " and many other testimonies to the same effect
(Cath. Pet. pp. 55, 57, and 61).
As Cardinal Bellamiine has always been accounted
sufficiently well read in the Fathers, we can hardly give
what Dr. Littledale calls his "invention " credit for much
originality. I am the less disposed to do so, as Bellar-
mine was certainly acquainted with the writings of Pighius
and Catharinus, since he quotes them both frequently.
Now both these writers, the former (an. 1538) (Hierarch.
Eccles. lib. iv. c. 8), the latter (an. 1551) (in Galat. ed.
Venice, p. 276), derive Papal infallibility in quite its pre-
sent " Ultramontane fashion " from this text. Moreover,
St. Thomas of Villanova, with whose writings Dr. Little-
dale professes some acquaintance (see p. 15, note),
has written, " Neither for the person of Peter only
did He pray; for that in some sort failed in Christ's
Passion, but for the See of Peter. For this from the
first moment of the Church's birth never fell away
from the faith, but, as the Lord said, being converted,
confirmed his brethren" (Cone. iii. de. Nat. Virg. p. 505).
I think the originality of Dr. Littledale's "invention"
has been sufficiently proved. Indeed, I hardly know
how it could be bettered,, unless in some future edition
he should assert that the Ultramontane application of the
text was "invented" by Cardinal Manning about A.D.
SCRIPTURE TEXTS. 7
1870. The new statement would be much more telling,
and quite as true as the old one.
As to John xxi. 15, 17, it is against the unanimous
consent of the Fathers, Dr. Littledale says, to interpret
it as giving jurisdiction over the Apostles and the whole
Church; and the "great majority" regard it as "no
more than the reinstatement of St. Peter in that apos-
tolic office from which he had been degraded by his
denial of Christ." Dr. Littledale appeals to St. Gregory
Nazianzen, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, and St. Cyril
of Alexandria. But numbers of the Fathers interpret
the text as giving to St. Peter precisely this jurisdiction,
and, amongst them, three out of Dr. Littledale's four
authorities. St. Ambrose says that Christ left St. Peter
" as it were, the vicar of His love ; . . . and now he is not
ordered, as at first, to ' feed His lambs/ . . . but ' His
sheep,' that the more perfect might govern the more
perfect" (in Luc lib. x. n. 175 and 329).
St. Augustine : " I am held in the communion of the
Catholic Church by ... the succession of priests from
the very chair of the Apostle Peter, to whom the Lord
after the resurrection committed His sheep to be fed,
even to the present episcopate" (Ep. cont. Manich.
Fund. n. 5).
St. Cyril of Alexandria : " Over the Church He sets
Peter as Shepherd " (in Matt. xvi. Maii Bibl. Nov. torn.
Hi. p. 131).
St. John Chrysostom on the text says : " He puts into
his hands the presidency over the brethren, . . . the
presidency over His own sheep ; . . . and if any one
should say, How then did James receive the throne of
Jerusalem ? this I would answer, that He appointed this
man (Peter) teacher not of that throne, but of the
world " (in Joan. Horn. Ixxxviii. n. i).
St. Eucherius of Lyons (or more probably St. Bruno
of Asti, op. torn. ii. Rome, p. 294, in Joan.) : "Peter . . .
is Shepherd of shepherds ; ... he feeds the lambs, he
8 SCRIPTURE TEXTS.
feeds also the sheep ; ... he rules both subjects and
prelates."
St. Gregory the Great : " By the voice of the Lord the
care of the whole Church is committed to Peter, the
head of the Apostles ; for to him it was said, Peter,
lovest thou me? Feed My sheep '; (Lib. iv. Ep. 32).
What Father ever suggests that St. Peter " had been
degraded " from his apostolic office so as to require
reinstatement ? All admit that his sin, whatever it was,
was absolutely forgiven when he " wept bitterly." What-
ever renewal may be implied in the text is a renewal of
the office of Rock and confirmer of the brethren. It
may be regarded as introducing a development of that
office in distinguishing the two classes of confirmandi,
and as enunciating that highest characteristic of St
Peter's vicariate, the representation of Christ's love.
Even those Fathers who do not attribute the word
" Rock " precisely to St. Peter derive exactly the same
Petrine prerogatives from the other texts. St. Gregory
the Great writes to Eulogius (Ep. xl. ed. Ben. torn. ii.
p. 888). "Who knows not that Holy Church is estab-
lished in the solidity of the Prince of the Apostles, who
hath expressed the firmness of his mind in his name,
being called Peter, from the rock, to whom it was said
by the Voice of Truth, * To thee will I give the keys of
the kingdom of heaven ; ' to whom again it was said,
'And thou, when thou art converted, confirm thy
brethren ; ' and again, * Simon, son of John, lovest thou
me?'" Venerable Bede (Horn, in Die SS. Petri et Pauli) :
" Blessed Peter in a special manner received the keys of
the kingdom of heaven and the headship of judiciary
power, that all believers throughout the world might un-
derstand that all those who in any way separate themselves
from the unity of His faith and communion can neither
be absolved from the bonds of their sins nor enter the
gate of the heavenly kingdom."
St. Peter Damian heads the list (note p. 16) of " famous
ST. PETER AND ST. PAUL. 9
Roman Catholic divines who deny, expressly or indirectly,
that St. Peter is the Rock." I submit that Papal prero-
gative is sufficiently safe in his hands. He says (Opusc. v.
ap. torn. iii. ed. Bass. p. 77) : "The Roman Church (in
contrast to all others) He alone founded, who built it
upon the Rock of the new springing faith, who gave the
rights of empire upon earth and in heaven to the blessed
Keyward of eternal life." And again (Prec. et Carm. ap.
torn. iv. p. 25), addressing St. Peter : " Tu petram verae
fidei. Tu basim sedificii Fundas, in qu& Catholica Fixa
surgit Ecclesia."
St. Thomas of Villanova (Serm. Fer. vi. post Dom. 2
quadrag., ed. Ven. p. 201) argues that the Church need
not fear the fate of the Synagogue, " For it is written,
' This is the blood of the new and eternal covenant ; '
and again, ' Upon this Rock I will build My Church, and
the gates of hell shall not prevail against it ; ' and again,
4 1 have prayed for thee, Peter, that thy faith fail not.' "
Of no writer in this list, with the exception of Tos-
tatus, can it be said that he denies the attribution of the
Rock to St. Peter.
If Dr. Littledale had tried ever so little to ascertain
the truth on these matters, could he have possibly accom-
plished so many misstatements in so brief a space ?
§ 2. St. Peter and St. Paul.
Whatever may have once been the extent of St
Peter's privileges, says Dr. Littledale (p. 136), "St. Peter
is after a time divinely restricted to the Apostleship of
the Circumcision, that is, the Church of the Jews by
birth, as we read Gal. ii. 7, 8, ' When they had seen that
to me was committed the gospel of the uncircumcision,
as to Peter was that of the circumcision (for he who
wrought in Peter to the apostleship of the circumcision
wrought in me also among the Gentiles).' " It is hardly
10 PETRINE PRIVILEGE ACCORDING TO DR. LITTLEDALE.
necessary to say that this interpretation directly con-
tradicts the whole current of ecclesiastical tradition.
There is indeed patristic authority for the opinion that
St. Paul shared in a special way with St. Peter in the
princedom of the Church, in the foundation and govern-
ment of the See of Rome, and so of the whole Church.
But the primacy or headship was not divided ; St. Paul
was St. Peter's divinely appointed coadjutor for the
special behoof of Gentile converts, but with a subor-
dinate jurisdiction. This is the utmost that antiquity
accords to St. Paul. As Dr. Dollinger argues (First
Age of the Church, vol. i. pp. 28-31, Eng. trans.) : "There
were not two Churches, one of the circumcision, one of
the uncircumcision ; but there was one olive-tree, into
which the Gentiles were grafted ; " . . . therefore " the
Apostle to whom Israel is specially intrusted by God is
necessarily the head of the Apostolic College and the
whole Church." But even if we suppose a Pauline as
well as a Petrine prerogative, of that power and dignity
the Pope remains the sole possible inheritor. (See
Bellarmine, de Rom. Pont. lib. i. cap. 27.)
§ 3. What according to Dr. Littledale the
Privilege of Peter really was.
Something special, Dr. Littledale admits (p. 140), was
really given to St. Peter (Matt. xvi. 19). There is really
a sense in which the words, " To thee will I give the
keys of the kingdom of heaven," apply " to St. Peter
alone," and it is this : " St Peter was granted the incom-
municable and unrepeatable privilege and glory of being
the first to unlock the door of the kingdom of heaven to
both Jews (Acts ii. 14-41) and Gentiles (Acts x. 34-48) ; "
a possession, Dr. Littledale truly remarks, as untransfer-
able as " a monopoly of continuing to discover America. '*
The authority he gives for this ingenious theory is
PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND THE CREEDS. 1 1
Tertullian (De Pudic. xxi.). My first remark is, that
the treatise " De Pudicitia" is one of the works un-
doubtedly written after Tertullian's perversion to Mon-
tanism. Still there is often much valuable instruction
even in this class of Tertullian's writings. When, how-
ever, we turn to the reference and examine Tertullian's
argument, we find that Dr. Littledale has done a very
clumsy thing indeed. Tertullian, in the place referred to,
is formally maintaining that there is no forgiveness for
grave sin committed after baptism, and he supposes his
Catholic opponent to urge Matt. xvi. 19, the gift of the
keys. He answers that this was a merely personal gift to
St. Peter, which he used and exhausted in admitting Jews
and Gentiles into the Church. His one object in limit-
ing the privilege of the keys to an incommunicable
privilege is to bar the existence of any absolving power
in the Church, and to effect this purpose he feels that it
is quite sufficient to tie St. Peter's hands. An excellent
text surely for those who maintain that the Pope is the
one immediate source of jurisdiction, the original deposi-
tory of the power of the keys, from whom all others must
receive it, but hardly acceptable, one should fancy, to Dr.
Littledale's Ritualist supporters.
§ 4. Papal Prerogative and the Creeds.
"There is nothing," urges Dr. Littledale (p. 4), "of
distinctive Romanist doctrine in the Apostles', Nicene,
and Athanasian Creeds." Neither, I reply, is there any-
thing there about bishops, or general councils, or the
Holy Eucharist, or the Bible. A creed was never meant
to be an exhaustive corpus of doctrine. Its main idea
was that of a symbol or watchword, expressing and en-
forcing adhesion to the Church, and opposition to its
enemies. Its contents, as well as the prominence and
emphasis given to this or that doctrine, varied with the
12 PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS.
exigencies of controversy. There is one document,
however, which has all the character of a symbol and is
very distinctly Roman — the Formulary of Pope Hor-
misdas, a profession of faith concluding with a promise
of allegiance. It was signed in 519 by the Eastern
emperor, patriarchs, and bishops, and confirmed in 869
by the eighth General Council. It is computed to have
received the signatures of as many as 2500 bishops. It
is perhaps the most symbolic expression of the belief of
united East and West in the rightfulness of Papal prero-
gative. " Forasmuch as the statement of our Lord Jesus
Christ, when He said, ' Thou art Peter, and upon this
Rock I will build My Church,' &c., cannot be set aside,
this which is said is proved by the results ; for in the
Apostolic See religion has always been preserved without
spot. ... In which (See) is the perfect and true solidity
of the Christian religion. ... In the Apostolic See the
Catholic religion has always been kept undefiled, and its
holy doctrine proclaimed. Desiring, therefore, not to
be in the least degree separated from the faith and doc-
trine of that See, we hope that we may deserve to be in
the one communion with you which the Apostolic See
preaches, in which is the entire and true solidity of the
Christian religion ; promising also that the names of
those who are cut off from the communion of the
Catholic Church that is not consentient with the Apos-
tolic See shall not be recited during the Holy Mysteries."
§ 5. Papal Infallibility and the Fathers.
The Church's unity is at once a unity of faith and a
unity of hierarchical obedience. The Roman Pontiff
has ever been regarded in the Church as the centre of
both unities. In other words, the Pope has ever held,
and been acknowledged to hold, the supreme office of
teaching and governing the whole Church, an office con-
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS. 1 3
noting in its highest function, on the one hand, a divine
assurance of the truth of his definitive exposition of the
faith, or infallibility ; on the other, the right of universal
jurisdiction The truth that the Pope is the centre of
faith has from the beginning found expression in the
acceptance of communion with Rome as a test of ortho-
doxy, and the acknowledgment that the Pope's confir-
mation is the all-sufficient and essential seal of orthodox
instruction. This truth has in our day found its fullest
expression in the definition of the Vatican Council :
"The Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, i.e.,
when, exercising the office of pastor and doctor of all
Christians, of his supreme authority he defines a doc-
trine of faith or morals to be held by the whole Church,
is possessed of that infallibility with which the Divine
Redeemer has willed His Church to be endowed in
defining a doctrine of faith or morals ; whence it follows
that such definitions of the Roman Pontiff are of them-
selves, and not in virtue of the consent of the Church,
irreformable."
Besides the broad historical lines which have ever
marked out the Roman Church as the seat of ecclesi-
astical authority, we meet with a succession of utterances,
more or less explicit, on the part of Popes, Councils, and
Fathers, which show most unmistakably the influence
of the doctrine defined at the Vatican Council. The
presence of this doctrine in the mind of the Church
in varying moments of realisation accounts for and
harmonises the many accents of the early Church which
have come down to us; whereas for those who deny
Papal infallibility these expressions are almost meaning-
less, and startling, extravagant, and incoherent, as the
words of one talking in his sleep. Several of such
passages are given in the above section on the Petrine
texts and elsewhere. I subjoin here the following : —
14 PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS.
Sac. i.
ST. CLEMENT OF ROME (A.D. 96) thus concludes an
exhortation to peace and submission addressed to the
Church of Corinth during the lifetime of St. John : — " If
any disobey the words spoken by God through us, let
them know that they will entangle themselves in trans-
gression and no small danger, but we shall be clear
of this sin" (Newly Discovered Fragment, Ep. ad Cor.).
Of this letter St. Irenaeus says, " The Church which is
at Rome wrote a most powerful letter to the Corinthians,
gathering them together to peace and repairing their
faith, and announcing the tradition which it had so
recently received from the Apostles" (Adv. Haer. lib.
iii. c. 3).
Sue. ii.
ST. IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH (A.D. 114*): — "Ye have
taught others. I would therefore that those things may be
firmly established which teaching you have commanded.
... I do not as Peter and Paul command you " (Ep.
ad Rom. n. 3, 4).
ST. IREN/EUS (A.D. 202): — "But as it would be very
long to enumerate in such a volume as this the succession
of all the Churches; pointing out that tradition — which
the greatest and most ancient and universally known
Church constituted at Rome by the two most glorious
Apostles Peter and Paul derives from the Apostles, and
that faith announced to all men which through the
succession of the bishops has come down to us — we
confound all those who in any way through caprice or
vainglory, or blindness, or perverse opinion gather other
than it behoveth. For with this Church, on account of
her supremacy, it is necessary that every Church, that
is, the faithful everywhere, should be in communion,
* As a rule, where the date of the document quoted has not been
ascertained, the date given is that of the author's death.
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS. 15
" propter potentiorem principalitatem," " convenire," in
which Church has ever been preserved by the faithful
everywhere that tradition which is from the Apostles "
(Adv. Ha*, loc. at.).
Sac. in.
ST. CYPRIAN (A.D. 258) speaks of "the Romans, . . ,
unto whom heresy can have no access" (Ep. 55).
Sac. iv.
ST. AMBROSE (A.D. 379) says of his brother Satyrus,
who had been cast away on a strange shore, " He called
the bishop to him, and not accounting any grace true
which was not of the true faith, he inquired of him
whether he was in communion (conveniret, St. Irenaeus1
word) with the Catholic bishops, that is, with the Roman
Church" (De Excess. Frat. n. 47, torn. ii. p. 1126).
ST. ASTERIUS (circ. A.D. 400): — "Through Peter,
therefore, become the true and faithful teacher of the
faith, the Church is preserved incapable of fall and
unswerving " (Horn, in S. A. Pet. et Paul, ed. Combefis,
p. 128). See, too, the testimonies of St. Jerome and
St. Augustine, given elsewhere.
Sac. v.
THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF EPHESUS (A.D. 431): —
" To no one is it doubtful, nay, in all ages has it been
recognised, that the holy and most blessed Peter, Prince
and head of the Apostles, the pillar of the faith, the
foundation of the Catholic Church, received from our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour and Redeemer of the
human race, the keys of the kingdom, and that to him
was given the power of binding and loosing sins : who
even unto this day lives and judges in his successors "
{Philip the Legate, Act. iii. Labbe, torn. iii. p. 1153).
ST. PETER CHRYSOLOGUS (A.D. 450) : — "Blessed Peter,
who lives and presides in his own See, gives the truth of
faith to those who ask it " (Ep. ad Eutych).
1 6 PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS.
THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON (A.D. 451) :—
" St. Peter is the Rock and foundation of the Catholic
Church and the foundation of the Orthodox faith " (Act.
iii. Labbe, torn. iv. p. 1306). " Peter hath spoken through
Leo" (Act ii. p. 1235).
COUNCIL OF TARRAGON (A.D. 464) : — "Even if there
were no" necessity of ecclesiastical discipline, we should
be bound to have recourse to that privilege of thy See, in
virtue of which, when he had received the keys of the
kingdom after the Saviour's resurrection, the unique pro-
nouncement of the most blessed Peter throughout the
whole world provided for the illumination of all : of
whose Yicar the rule (principatus) for its eminence
must be at once feared by all and loved. Wherefore we,
first worshipping in thee the God whom thou servest
without reproach, have recourse to the faith praised by
the mouth of the Apostle, thence seeking replies where
nothing is prescribed falsely, nothing presumptuously,
but all with pontifical deliberation " (Ep. ad Hilar. Pap.
n. i, ed. Thiel).
Sac. vi. •
FORMULA OF POPE HORMISDAS. (See above, p. 12.)
Sac. vn.
ST. MAXIMUS, MARTYR (A.D. 662) : — " All the ends of
the earth, and everywhere those who confess the Lord
truly with a right faith, fasten their eyes as on a sun of
everlasting light upon the Holy Roman Church, her con-
fession, and her faith, -awaiting the ray of the doctrine of
Fathers and Saints flashing therefrom, as the divinely in-
spired six Holy Councils * have declared it, giving forth
most explicitly their symbol of the faith. From the
beginning, when the Incarnate Word of God came
down, all the Christian Churches obtained and possess
* The sixth is, in all probability, Lateran J.
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS. I 7
as their one firm basis and foundation that greatest
Church which is there. So that she against whom,
according to the Saviour's promise, the gates of hell
shall in nowise prevail, and which holds the keys of the
orthodox and right faith in Him, may to those who
approach with real piety open the treasure of piety, and
may shut and fasten every heretical mouth speaking un-
righteousness loftily" (Opusc. Theol. ed. Combefis, torn..
ii. p. 72). Again: " For if the Roman See refuses to
recognise Pyrrhus (Patriarch of Constantinople), as one
being not only bad, but of ill sentiment and faith, it
is quite clear that every one who anathematises those
who have condemned Pyrrhus anathematises the Roman
Church, that is, the Catholic Church. . . . If he (Pyrrhus)
wishes not to be or to be called a heretic, ... let him
hasten to make satisfaction for all things to the Roman
See ; for when she is satisfied, all everywhere will pro-
nounce him pious and orthodox. But he is merely
talking idly when he thinks to persuade or draw to him-
self such as I am, and does not make satisfaction to and
implore the most Blessed Pope of the Church of the
Romans, that is, the Apostolic See, which, by the Incar-
nate Word of God Himself, and by all the Holy Synods,
and according to the sacred canons and definitions, hath
received and holds, throughout all the Holy Churches
of God in the universe, empire and authority, and the
power to bind and loose ; for with him binds and looses
even in heaven the Word who rules over the powers of
heaven. And if he deem that others should be satisfied
and implores not the most Blessed Pope of Rome, he
does as one who, being charged with homicide or some
other crime, hastens not to manifest his innocence to
him who, according to law, has the right of passing
judgment, but only uselessly and unprofitably tries to
prove the innocence of his action to other private per-
sons who are without any power of acquitting him of
the charge'' (Deflor ex Ep. ad Pet. Illustr. 1. c. p. 76).
u
1 8 PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS.
STEPHEN OF DORA, representing the Church of Jeru-
salem, at the Lateran Council (A.D. 649): — "We have
sought to fly and announce these matters (the Mono-
thelite heresy) to the all-ruling (rjj VO.GW agxpuffy) pre-
siding cathedra, the one, I mean, which is the pre-
eminent and head amongst you, for the healing of all
our wounds, since the exercise of this right is a
wont from of old in accordance with apostolical and
canonical authority, forasmuch as manifestly the truly
great Head of the Apostles has not only been honoured,
one above all, by the intrustment of the keys of the
kingdom, to open to true believers, and, as is just, to
shut to those who disbelieve the gospel of grace, but
he was the first enjoined to feed the sheep of the whole
Catholic Church. ' Peter,' He said, « lovest thou Me ?
Feed My sheep ; ' and again, having peculiarly and pro-
perly a firmer and more immutable faith than any in our
Lord, he deserved to be able to turn to and confirm his
troubled spiritual brethren and associates, as formally
invested by the God who for us took flesh with His
authority (rb xD^og) and sacerdotal power.
" All which Sophronius of blessed memory, whilome
Patriarch of the holy city of Christ our God, knowing
well, . . . applied himself to send forthwith our lowliness
on this so great business with his own communication
to this apostolical and great throne." He goes on to say
that Sophronius, having led him up Mount Calvary, did
there bind him with indissoluble bonds (ffwedqee (te dsff/^oTf
aXuro/f), as he should answer the terrible Judge who had
been crucified in that holy place, never to rest until
he had performed his mission " to the apostolic throne,
where are the foundations of orthodox instruction"
(evse(3uv doypdruv at xzijirfde;), which he, Sophronius, was
debarred from " by the incursion of the Saracens." These
may be regarded as the dying words of the Church of Jeru-
salem (Labbe, torn. vii. p. 108).
THREE AFRICAN COUNCILS (A.D. 646) : — " No one can
REV, JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST TO
3T, MARY'S COLUSQE LIPSAST, 1
PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS. 19
doubt that there is in the Apostolic See a great un-
failing fountain pouring forth waters for all Christians.
By the ancient discipline it is ordained that whatsoever
be done, even in provinces remote and afar off, shall
neither be treated of nor accepted unless it be first
•brought to the knowledge of your august See, so that a
just sentence may be confirmed by its authority, and the
other Churches may thence receive the original preach-
ing as from its native source, and that the mysteries of
saving faith may remain in incorrupt purity throughout
the various regions of the world " (Ep. Syn. ap. Lat. I.
Labbe, vii. p. 131).
SERGIUS, METROPOLITAN OF CYPRUS (A.D. 643), to
Pope Theodore : " O Holy Head ! Christ our God
hath destined thy Apostolic See to be an immovable
foundation : pillar of the Faith ! For thou art, as the
Divine Word truly said, Peter, and on thee as a foun-
dation-stone have the pillars of the Church been fixed "
(Lat. I. Sess. ii., Labbe, torn. vii. p. 125).
POPE AGATHO (A.D. 680), Letter read at Sixth Coun-
cil, proclaims " the evangelical and apostolical recti-
tude of the faith which is founded upon the firm Rock
of this Church of the Blessed Peter, Prince of the
Apostles, which, by his favour and protection, remains
unsullied by any error ; " and exhorts the wanderers to
return to the orthodox faith, " that they may not alienate
themselves from our communion, that is, Blessed Peter's
the Apostle, whose office" (i.e., of confirming his brethren
— he had quoted the text just before) " we, though un •
worthy, fulfil, and the formula of whose tradition we.
enunciate" (Labbe, torn. vii. p. 798).
Sczc. ix.
ST. THEODORE OF STUDIUM (A.D. 826) addresses the
Pope : " O Apostolic Head ! O Shepherd of the sheep
of Christ, set over them by God ! O doorkeeper of the
Kingdom of Heaven ! O Rock of the faith upon which
2O PAPAL INFALLIBILITY AND THE FATHERS.
the Catholic Church is built ! For Peter thou art, who
adornest and governest the See of Peter " (Ep. lib. ii. ep.
xii.) ; and again, " The See in which Christ has deposited
the keys of faith " (Ep. Ixiii.) ; and again, " From thence
let the certainty of faith be received " (Ep. Ixiii. ap
Sirmond. varia, torn. v.).
POPE ST. NICHOLAS I. (A.D. 860) : — "The whole body
of the faithful from this' Holy Roman Church, which is
the head of all the Churches, seeks instruction, demands
the integrity of the faith, and those who are worthy and
redeemed by the grace of God do entreat the absolution
of their sins" (Ep. ad Phot. Labbe, torn. x. p. 539).
Sczc. XL
POPE ST. LEO IX. (A.D. 1053), after quoting Luke
xxii. 31, 32, proceeds : " Shall there be any one so de-
mented as to dare to think that the prayer of Him with
whom to will is to be able can in aught be made void ?
Have not the inventions of all the heretics been reproved
and convicted both by the same Peter and his successors,
and the hearts of the brethren confirmed in the faith of
Peter, which hitherto hath not failed, nor to the end shall
fail ? " (Ep. ad Mich. Cserular.).
Sczc. xn.
ST. BERNARD (A.D. 1153) : — "I think it right that the
wounds of faith should there, in the first place, be healed
where faith can know no defect " (Prol. Opusc. xi. cont.
Abelard).
These are only a few passages out of many that might be
quoted. The general outcome of their teaching is that the
Roman Church — i.e., the Pope in his official capacity, the
normal expression of which is the assent of the Roman
clergy — is the supreme expounder of the divine craga3o<r/£,
which is in a special manner a deposit of the Roman
Church. The Pope's definitive judgment is irretractable
DR. LITTLEDALE AND ST. JEROME. 2T
in the immutable subject-matter of faith and morals; and
so in defining such points he must possess " that (active)
infallibility with which the Divine Redeemer willed that
His Church should be endowed." I do not pretend that
this doctrine was articulately present in the mind of each
one of the Fathers I have quoted. But I maintain that
there is at least no evidence that any other system was ;
and that in this system, and in no other, are fully verified
those patristic appreciations which have been uttered in
so many tones and under such various circumstances.
The eleventh and twelfth centuries had nothing really
new to learn from philo-Roman forgeries, which only
afforded a few more texts to enforce an ancient theme.
The condemnation of Pope Honorius in the seventh
•century did not stint either the magnificats of Popes or
the encomiums of Fathers, nor pluck one feather from
the mighty wings that were gathering the Christian world
beneath their fostering shadow.*
§ 6. Dr. Littledale and St. Jerome.
"The most direct and cogent passage in favour of
Papalism in the whole of the Fathers," says Dr. Little-
dale (p. 194), "is this from St. Jerome, in an epistle to
Pope Damasus, written A.D. 376: — 'I speak with the
successor of the Fisherman and the disciple of the Cross.
I, following no chief save Christ, am counted in com-
munion with your Blessedness, that is, with the chair of
Peter. On that Rock I know the Church is built ; whoso
«ats the Lamb outside this house is profane.' " The
passage from the next letter, Ep. xvi., might be added:
"" I cry out, if any one is joined with the chair of Peter,
he is mine."
I am very glad that Dr. Littledale can appreciate the
thoroughness of this testimony. But he goes on to say
that " it is as unfair to quote " it " without mentioning
* For English authorities see below, § 23.
22 DR. LITTLEDALE AND ST. JEROME.
his later change of view, as it would be to bring up
schoolboy mistakes against a man when writing in the
maturity of his age and powers."
His instances of change are, first, that A.D. 393, in his
work against Jovinian (lib. i. p. 279, ed. Vallarsi), St.
Jerome says: " But thou say'st the Church is founded on
Peter, although the same is also done in atwt her passage "
(the italicised words are omitted by Dr. Littledale) "on all
the Apostles, and they all receive the keys of the kingdom
of heaven, and the strength of the Church is stablished
on them all equally." Perfectly true, we reply : the Apos-
tles as Apostles, as inspired teachers and writers, were
equal, and their equality had to be enforced against
Jovinian, who was trying to set aside St. Paul's doctrine
by appealing to St. Peter. St. Jerome's words are most
true, and they only want their immediate context for the
doctrine to be complete : " Nevertheless one was chosen
amongst the twelve in order that by the institution of a
head all opening for schism might be avoided." I would
ask of what use would be a mere headship of honour,
without authority, towards quelling schism ? In this
very same .book (p. 248), St. Jerome exclaims in refer-
ence to some words of St Peter, " Oh, word worthy
of the Apostle and Rock of Christ ! " So far, then, he
has proved faithful enough to the " schoolboy mistake,"
which he committed, by the by, in his thirty-fourth year.
Second instance of change. — Twenty-seven years later,
in an epistle of St. Jerome's to Evangelus or Evagrius,
" written A.D. 420 or thereabouts," for Vallarsi, as Dr.
Littledale bids us observe, has put it quite among the
last of the epistles, we read : " Wherever a bishop is,
whether at Rome or Gubbio, at Constantinople or at
Reggio, at Alexandria or at Thanis, he is of the same
dignity and of the same priesthood ; the power of
wealth or the lowness of poverty does not make a bishop
higher or lower, but all are successors of the Apostles.
. . . But you say that at Rome a priest is ordained on
DR. LITTLEDALE AND ST. JEROME. 23
the testimony of a deacon. Why do you quote to me
the custom of a single city ? Why do you urge a solitary
instance (paiicitatem\ whence pride has arisen, against the
laws of the Church?" I must begin by observing that
the passage in italics is a very palpable mistranslation.
The immediate context — Dr. Littledale's b£te noire —
makes it quite clear that " paucifatem " does not mean
the solitary instance of the Roman Church, but the few-
ness of the deacons as compared with the priests. " All
that is rare is on that account the more desired. Flea-
bane among the Indians is more prized than pepper.
Their fewness (paucitas) ennobles the deacons, whilst
their numerousness degrades the priests." And so the
pride (supercilium) is not that of the Roman Church in
regard to the rest of Christendom, but of its deacons
towards its priests. Neither, though it is of no consider-
able moment, should I be inclined to translate " vindi-
care in leges ecclesise," " to urge against the laws of the
Church," but rather " to claim as a law of the Church."
The analogous phrase, " vindicare in libertatem," " to
claim as free," is sufficiently common in Cicero.
The meaning of the letter is evidently this : some
one who had witnessed the behaviour of the Roman
deacons — be it remembered that the Diaconi Regionarh
were important functionaries as well as ecclesiastical
ministri — contended that deacons were superior to
priests. St. Jerome's argument is this : The sacerdotium,
which in its fulness in the Episcopate constitutes its
possessor a successor of. the Apostles, makes all the
difference betwixt priests and deacons. All bishops, so
far as the " sacerdotium " is concerned, are equal, whether
metropolitans in the centres of wealth and influence, or
suffragans in remote villages, and deacons are an utterly
inferior order, whatever accidental importance may accrue
to them from their wealth and position. I can detect
no word here which contradicts the " schoolboy mis-
take."
24 DR. LITTLEDALE AND ST. JEROME.
Dr. Littledale has coolly assigned to this letter the date
420, that of St. Jerome's death, " or some other very
late period of his life," " because it stands nearly last in
Vallarsi's great edition." Unfortunately for this conjec-
ture, Vallarsi (Praef. p. Ixiv.) tells us that the reason this
letter was so placed was because " neither on grounds ot
intrinsic probability, nor on the concordant testimony of
the learned, was it possible to assign a certain date." It
occupies a position at the end of the volume because,
as far as date is concerned, it may be regarded as
amongst the " Dubia." Vallarsi himself thinks that it
probably was written after 386, and Tillemont, who
thinks he has identified Evagrius as the Bishop of
Antioch, insists that it could not have been later than
392, the date of Evagrius's death, and may well have
been before 387, at the time when Evagrius was only a
priest. Its subject and style naturally connect it with
the celebrated letter to Eustochium (Ep. xxii. A.D. 384),
in which the abuses of the Roman clergy and laity are
painted in such vivid colours. It must be remembered
that when in Rome, St. Jerome was the Pope's champion
against considerable numbers of his rebellious clergy.
In this letter to Evagrius, the deacons' worst behaviour
is spoken of as taking place " in the bishop's absence."
It was written doubtless soon after his return to Pales-
tine (A.D. 386), when Roman memories were fresh in
his mind ; so much for Dr. Littledale's arguments for
change. Here follow my proofs of constancy. In A.D.
402 (Adv. Ruffin. lib. i. p.. 461), St. Jerome asks, "What
does he call his faith ? that which is the strength of the
Roman Church, or that which is in the volumes of
Origen ? If he answer, ' The Roman,' then are we
Catholics who have borrowed nothing of Origen's error."
Again, A.D. 414 (Ad Demetriad. ep. cxxx. n. 16, p.
992), after recording the triumph of Pope Anastasius
over Eastern heresy, he gives this solemn direction to
his spiritual daughter just six years before his death :
DR. LITTLEDALE AND ST. JEROME. 25
" I think that I ought to give you this warning, that you
hold fast the faith of Holy Innocent, who is both the
successor and the son, of the Apostolic chair, and of the
aforesaid man ; nor, however prudent and wise you may
seem to yourself, receive any strange doctrine."
Was there ever an old man more constant to the
tradition of his youth? When the shadows of earth
were fleeing, and the light of eternity orbing itself
beneath his earnest gaze, and the fierce pulsations of an
energy which no ascetic discipline could wholly tame,
nor strife of almost endless controversy exhaust, were
steadying beneath the Great Master's hand, he had no
more precious legacy to bequeath to those he loved
than that faith of his youth which Dr. Littledale has
ventured to denounce as a schoolboy mistake !
Since the above appeared in the "Tablet" of Feb-
ruary 28. 1880, Dr. Littledale, in his third edition, has
very much remodelled his treatment of St. Jerome, in ac-
cordance with this criticism, but, as usual, without the
slightest acknowledgment, i. He makes the addition
to the passage from the work against Jovinian about
the "institution of a head," with the deprecating remark
that this did not involve "any need of agreeing with
the Pope." As though having a head could prevent a
schism if you cut it off. 2. The attempt to make the
letter to Evagrius St. Jerome's last word is abandoned.
It is enough, he says, that it is long subsequent to
the letter to Damasus. 3. The translation given above
of the " paucitatem " is adopted, and for the charge
against Roman pride, founded on a mistranslation, is
substituted the mild suggestion that a local custom,
even in Rome, need not involve a general rule. No
notice whatever is taken of the passages from the "Adv.
Rufin." and the " Ep. ad Demetriad." because it was
necessary to retain the conclusion that St. Jerome had
repented of his Papalism as a "schoolboy mistake,"
although somehow the premisses had gone to pieces.
26 DR. LITTLEDALE'S DISPROOFS OF PAPAL INFALLIBILITY.
§ 7. Dr. Littledale's Disproofs of Papal
Infallibility.
i. The Fallibility of the Church.
The Pope is not infallible, Dr. Littledale maintains, for
the very sufficient reason that " there is in Scripture no
promise of infallibility to the Church at any given time "
(p. 132). " The Church is indefectible in the long-run,
though the teaching voice may be fallible at any given
time." In support of this view he has the audacity
to appeal to an article of Cardinal Newman in the
"Rambler" for July 1859, in which the Cardinal con-
trasts favourably the orthodoxy of the general run of the
laity with that of the general run of the bishops during
a certain period of the Arian controversy, observing
that " the Ecclesia Docens is not at every time the active
instrument of the Church's infallibility." But there is
all the difference between saying that the mass of those
who form the teaching body may be at a certain time
notably and culpably inoperative, whilst their flocks
may energetically retain what they have indeed origin-
ally received from the Ecclesia Docens, but which the
particular generation of their teachers is neglecting to
inculcate, and saying that the Ecclesia Docens, speaking
as the Pope ex cathedra or as an (Ecumenical Council,
can ever define falsely. It is hardly necessary to say
that it was in the former sense only that Cardinal New-
man was speaking.
Dr. Littledale is very severe upon the a priori argu-
ment that the God who gave the revelation must have
provided an infallible interpreter. No doubt the a
priori argument, .as applied to the dealings of God with
His creatures, admits of being pushed to extremes ; but
here, I submit, its use is absolutely legitimate. A reve-
lation, of the divinely authorised exponents of which, it
can never be said that they have spoken definitively
FALL OF POPE LIBERIUS. 27
and truly, is a revelation that each one may interpret at
his pleasure. What practical effect upon the minds of
the present generation can an " in the long-run indefec-
tibility " of truth exercise ? Questions may run on as
long as the questioner pleases, and modern Arians and
Eutychians have as much right to contest the finality of
Nicaea and Chalcedon as Dr. Littledale the finality of
the Vatican Council. It is not essential to a revelation
that first announced itself by miracles to continue to
explain itself miraculously, but an authority which ceases
to speak authoritatively is absurd.
2. The Jewish Church.
" One very plain disproof," Dr. Littledale thinks, " of
the Roman a priori argument " is the Jewish Church,
" which no one pretends ever had an infallible living
voice," though it wanted one more than we do. My
answer is threefold — i. The Jews did not want an
infallible voice as much as we do, because they were
comparatively without intellectual life. There was no
"fides quaerens intellectum " with them. 2. They were
meant to be in a worse condition than we. They
inhabited the twilight ; we are in the perfect day. 3. So
far from no one pretending that the Jews ever had
an infallible living voice, if Dr. Littledale had a fuller
acquaintance with Catholic theology, he would know
that their possession of such a voice in the high-priest
and Sanhedrim is maintained by various theologians of
name ; amongst others, by Becanus, Analog. 1. vi. qu. 2,
cap. 12, and Amort, Demonstrat. Critic, p. 4, qu. 8.
3. Fall of Pope Liberius.
3. " Liberius subscribed an Arian creed and anathema-
tised St. Athanasius as a heretic." Dr. Littledale must
be aware that the character of the creed subscribed to by
Liberius is a matter of complete uncertainty. The more
common opinion, supported by Tillemont and Constant,
28 CONDEMNATION OF POPE HONORIUS.
is that the creed signed by Liberius was the first Sirmian, a
creed not positively unorthodox, but, so far as it omitted
to assert the Nicene formula, favouring the " pravitas
hseretica" (see Coustant, Ep. R. P. p. 442, note). Peta-
vius, in an appendix to his edition of Epiphanius, opines
that it was the second, the strictly Arian creed, but only
in a mutilated state, the really offensive part having
been suppressed before it was presented to the Pope.
Others, with Pagi and Hefele, contend that it was the
third Sirmian, another creed which only sinned by
omission. The statement that Liberius " anathematised
St. Athanasius as a heretic " is a purely gratuitous asser-
tion. At the most, he withdrew from his communion as
a disturber of the peace of the Church and commu-
nicated with his enemies. By so doing he grievously
scandalised the faithful, but there was certainly neither
definition nor anathema.* But more than this, even if
there had been a definition in every other respect com-
plete, it would have lacked one admitted requirement
for an ex cathedra pronouncement, I mean freedom.
The Pope was manifestly before the eyes of all Chris-
tendom under coercion, and, as St. Athanasius says,
threatened with death. As soon as he was stti juris he
reverted to his previous orthodox course.
4. Condemnation of Pope Honorius.
11 Pope Honorius was unanimously condemned by the
Sixth General Couricil as a heretic for having publicly
sided with the Monothelite heresy, and officially taught it
in pontifical letters. . . . And Gregory II. wrote to assure
the Spanish bishops that Honorius was certainly damned."
The truth of this charge, and its effectiveness against Papal
infallibility, may be tested by the answers to be given to
the following three questions : — i. Did the CEcumenical
* The only evidence that any formal act of separation from St.
Athanasius took place is the sixth Hilarian fragment, rejected by Dr.
Hefele as spurious.
CONDEMNATION OF POPE HONORIUS. 29
Sixth Council, /.*., the assembled Fathers and Pope Leo
II. , who confirmed it, combine to declare as a dogmatic
fact that Honorius' letters to Sergius contained heresy ?
2. Did Honorius define anything in faith or morals
to be held by the whole Church ? 3. Did his letters
contain heresy? (i.) No such dogmatic fact as the
heresy of the Honorian letters was defined by the Sixth
Council and Leo II., inasmuch as no such statement
appears either in the definition or in the Papal confir-
mation. It is true that the letters are produced and
spoken of (Actio xiii.) in equivalent terms as heretical ;
but they are merely used as t\\e pieces justifaatives of a
criminal trial. They were brought in to afford practical
evidence of a conspiracy (wilful or otherwise) with heresy.
That they were generally thought by the Fathers to go
farther than this, and to exhibit themselves Monothelite
doctrine, would seem highly probable ; but they were
subjected to no final dogmatic scrutiny, and appear no
more. Whereas, to take an example of a quite oppo-
site treatment, the "Three Chapters" at the Fifth
Council were made the subject-matter of the definition
and of Vigilius' confirmation. (2.) Honorius' letters
define nothing. In no less than four places in the two
letters the Pope deprecates all idea of definition on one
side or the other,* and he makes not the slightest effort
* " We must not wrest what they say into Church dogmas."
"We leave the matter to grammarians." "We must not define
either one or two operations." "We must not defining pronounce
one or two operations." As to the "I confess one will of Christ
the Lord," of which so much has been made, it certainly defines
nothing. It is merely a recognition — though in language under
the circumstances inadequate and misleading, and, after the Mono-
thelite condemnation, no longer admissible — of the moral unity of
Christ's two wills, which, in virtue of the supreme direction (^ye-
fiovia) of the Divine will, may be called one — the Divine. Just as St.
Athanasius (Cont. Apollinar. lib. ii. c. 10) asserted " the will was of
the Godhead only," without prejudice to his maintaining the two
natural wills (5vo tfeX^ctra). See De Incarn. cont. Arian. c. 21, a
work unhesitatingly ascribed to him by the Benedictines.
30 THE DEPOSITION OF POPES.
to impose his letters on the assent of the Church, or even
to publish them. (3.) It is almost critically demon-
strable that such Monothelitish phraseology as he uses
he uses with an orthodox meaning.
No Pope ever wrote to the Spanish bishops, or to any
one else, to the effect that Honorius was "damned"
Gregory II. had never any occasion to touch upon the
Honorian matter, but Leo II., in his letter to the Spanish
bishops, in which he gives an account of the procedure
of the Sixth Council, refers to Honorius as, amongst
others, "seterna damnatione mulctati," which simply
means involved in a final anathema. See the expression
in the Professio in the " Liber Diurnus," " nexu per-
petui anathematis." The Church has never allowed
herself to define any one's eternal damnation, and still
less supposed herself empowered to inflict it
5. The Deposition of Popes.
11 The Western Church has deposed " various Popes,
says Dr. Littledale (p. 143). I answer : i. That it has
always been maintained by Catholic theologians that for
heresy the Church may judge the Pope, because, as most
maintain, by heresy he ceases to be Pope. There is no
variance on this head amongst theologians that I know of,
except that some, with Turrecremata and Bellarmine, hold
that by heresy he ipso facto ceases to be Pope ; whilst
others, with Cajetan and John of St. Thomas, maintain
that he would not formally cease to be Pope until Jie was
formally deposed. 2. The privilege of infallible teach-
ing only belongs to an undoubted Pope ; and on the
claims of a doubtful, disputed Pope the Church has the
right of judging. No single example can be produced of
a Pope whose orthodoxy and succession was undoubted
upon whom the Church pretended to sit in judgment.
As to Dr. Littledale's instances, John XII., bad as he
was, was deposed by no legitimate Council, but by an Im-
perialist gatheringunder the EmperorOtho. Benedict IX.
INFALLIBILITY IN THE PAST. fll
was deposed violently from his See by the Roman people,
recovered it soon after, and was quietly removed at a
time when there were two if not three other claimants for
the Papacy. Both Benedict IX. and Gregory VI. were
simoniacs, and therefore justly liable to be dealt with as
intruders. (See Pagi in an. 1044.)
Gregory XII. and John XXIII. were rival claimants,
and in that respect open to the judgment of the Church.
Gregory was allowed to resign at Constance, his previous
deposition at Pisa being practically ignored, though with-
out prejudice to the claims of Pisa, on the great practical
principle which had become the cry at Constance " Non
via facti sed via cessionis," not the way of a contestation
of rights, but the way of renunciation.* John, though
admitted to be Pope by the great mass of Christendom,
had promised renunciation, and was under charge of
heresy. When he appeared determined to break his
engagement, he was deposed, and afterwards confirmed
his deposition by resignation.
During a contested Papacy the state of things approxi-
mates to that of an interregnum. The exercise of active
infallibility is suspended. This is the normal condition
of the Church according to Dr. Littledale ; with us, it is
a paralytic seizure which has been permitted now and
again to afflict the Church for a brief space, in order that
we may know the more how to appreciate the vigour of our
normal ecclesiastical life. The possibility of the existence
of a disputed Pope cannot affect the privileges of one who
is undisputed.
6. Infallibility in the Past.
" Papal infallibility . . . has been entirely useless in the
past," says Dr. Littledale (p. 145). Why so? Because
there has not been any line of great theological writers
* It is only fair to note that Gregory was allowed to exercise to
the full his Papal prerogative in reinitiating the Council and
approving the A eta.
32 THE COUNCIL OF TRENT AND LEO X.
in the chair of Peter, and because the schools of Pans
and of Oxford have been more famous than those of Rome.
But what has this to do with it? You might as well argue
against the authority of the judge on the ground of the
superior legal eloquence usually displayed by the bar. The
Popes have ordinarily been far too busy framing and
administering the laws of the Church, and applying the
rule of faith to emergent questions on which they have
pronounced the last word, to write treatises on canon
law or courses of theology. How many kings, I wonder,
or prime ministers, have been great authors ? Infallibility
not useful in the past ! Why, what but the ingrained
conviction of the truth involved in the " Roma locuta
est " has preserved the unity of the Church through such
a multitude of heretical storms from Berengarius to Jan-
senius ? — just as a belief in the Pope's divinely appointed
headship had saved the Catholic Church in all lands from
the degradation of secular masterdom until the Reformers
erected state slavery into an article of faith.
That the Popes have not settled a number of important
theological questions offhand does not, as Dr. Littledale
imagines, disprove infallibility; it simply shows, what
Catholics have all along maintained, that infallibility does
not mean inspiration, or any faculty inherent in the Pope
which he can call into operation at will ; but that, on the
contrary, it means an assistance external and conditional,
which secures that when the Pope decides a point of
faith or morals ex cathedra he shall decide it truly. This
is the whole of what is meant by infallibility, although,
of course, we rightly presume that numberless preventions
and inspirations will, in the ordinary course of God's
providence, encompass His Vicar.
7. The Council of Trent and Leo X.
The Council of Trent did not notice Leo X.'s Bull
against Luther by no means because it did not accept
it, but for these very good reasons : — i. Because Leo
THE CONDEMNATION OF GALILEO. 33
dealt with a number of propositions extracted from
Luther's books, whilst the object of the Council was to
decide matters on a broad theological basis. 2. The
Lull was minatory and penal, whereas the idea of the
Council was conciliation. With this idea the Church
has often consented, not, indeed, to call in question, but
to restate in a new form and with fresh authority her old
decisions.
8. The Sixtine Bible.
The mistakes in Sixtus V.'s edition of the Bible only
prove, what it never entered into an Ultramontane's
heart to deny, that a Pope may issue an edition of the
Bible, and inaugurate it as the standard edition in the
most emphatic manner, without any security against mis-
takes. The Tridentine Decree (sess. iv.), which in-
fallibly declared the Vulgate authentic, i.e., a sufficient
rendering of the original, neither guaranteed any exist-
ing recension from minor errors, nor secured such im-
munity for the future.
9. The Condemnation of Galileo.
There can be no doubt that the Congregations both of
the Inquisition and the Index censured as false and
unscriptural Galileo's doctrine of the movement of the
earth round the sun. The practical question is, are we
in the dilemma of having to reject either the earth's
movement or the Pope's infallibility as defined by the
Vatican Council? The decree of the Index against
Galileo is not formally a Papal document ; it neither runs
in the Pope's name nor bears any pledge of his authority.
The simplest and fairest way of deciding the question is
to see how the condemnation was taken at the time it
was pronounced. If we find anything approaching a
consensus of writers, who are at once Ultramontanes and
anti-Copernicans, to the effect that this condemnation
was no final irreformabk decision, then we may be satis-
34 THE CONDEMNATION OF GALILEO.
fied that its error involves no breakdown of infallibility.
The decrees of the Inquisition and of the Index against
Copernicanism were respectively in the February and
March of 1616 ; the Inquisitional process against Galileo
in 1633. In 1651 the Jesuit Riccioli speaks of the ne-
cessity of respecting the censure "until the judges, either
by themselves recognising, or being shown by others, the
truth of the demonstration, withdraw it" (Almagest Nov.
torn. ii. p. 489). In 1661 the Grand Penitentiary Fabri,
after pointing out that the Copernicans have not as yet
been able to produce a demonstration, continues, " But if
haply one should be some time excogitated by you (which
I should hardly fancy), the Church will in no wise hesitate
to declare that those passages (of Scripture) are to be
understood in a figured and improper sense " (quoted in
a letter of Auzout to the Abbe Charles, 1664, Memoires
de 1'Acade'mie des Sciences, Paris, 1729, torn. vii. part
2). Exactly the same sentiment is attributed by Father
Grassi, S.J., to Cardinal Bellarmine, Ep. Castelli ap.
Galilei Opere, torn. ix. p. 174.* See, to the same effect,
Fromond of Louvain, Antaristarchus, chap. v. p. 28,
Antwerp, 1634, and the Cistercian Caramuel, TheoL
Moral. Fundam. lib. i. p. 104, Lyons, 1676. On the
other hand, there was not wanting a minority though
small and insignificant, of maximisers, who insisted that
the decision was final. This judgment of the Index,
then, was not regarded by the " major et sanior pars " of
the community as a final expression of Papal authority
commanding the assent of the faithful, therefore the
doctrine of Papal infallibility cannot be regarded as
affected by the truth or falsity of the censure on
Galileo.
But the whole matter has been settled, and all chance
of escape, Dr. Littledale thinks, cut off for us by a Brief
of Pius VI., dated 1786, addressed to the Jansenist
* These three passages are quoted in the articles on Galileo in
the " Revue Catholique," torn, i,, Louvain, 1869.
THE CONDEMNATION OF GALILEO. 35
Bishop of Chiusi, who had been guilty of approving
certain Jansenistic catechisms condemned by the Index.
The Brief speaks of the Bishop as having violated " the
dogmatic judgments pronounced by the See of Peter,"
which statement Dr. Littledale, following Canon Jenkins'
" Privilege of Peter," takes as equivalent to a declara-
tion that all decisions of the Index are dogmatic ex
cathedra judgments. Any one, however, who recollects
the significance of the Pistoja movement, of which the
Bishop of Chiusi was one of the leaders, will understand
that the " dogmatic judgments " of which the Pope is
speaking are nothing less than the whole line of Jan-
senist condemnations, several of which were undoubtedly
<l dogmatic judgments pronounced by the See of Peter."*
It was the tactics of the Italian Jansenists to try and
fight the battle over again upon small practical issues,
and this condemnation of the Jansenistic catechisms
was part of the battle-ground upon which they hoped to
reverse the ancient defeats, which it was necessary they
should seem to have accepted. They thought the Gali-
leo case gave them a handle for pooh-poohing the Index,
and the Pope recognised that this was not only an act
of insubordination against lawful authority, but by im-
plication and intention, a violation of the dogmatic
judgments upon Jansenism. I may add, that the ex-
tremest advocate of the authority of the Roman Congre-
gation has never claimed for their decrees, as such, the
character of a Papal ex cathedra judgment, t Father
Faure, S.J., who was such a favourite with Pius VI. that
the Pope always kept his works beside him, though him-
self an anti-Copernican, lays great stress upon the fact
that Copernicanism was never condemned by any Pon-
tifical Bull or any decree of a General Council. (See
Annot. to Notae in Enchirid. St. August. Romas, 1775.)
* This is sufficiently clear from the context of the Brief of 1786 ; but yet
more so from a second Brief of February 1787, in answer to the Bishop's
question, how he had transgressed the " dogmatic judgments." See
too " Istoria dell' Assemblea," Part i. Sess. iv.
•f See Appendix, Note A.
36 OBSCURITY OF THE VATICAN DEFINITION.
Whatever may be thought of the advisability of the
steps taken by the authorities of the Index and In-
quisition in the Galileo matter, the idea of their action
is sufficiently clear and intelligible. It was simply to
protect the natural sense of the Scripture text, entering
as it did into the very framework of the believer's imagi-
native apprehension, from the sallies of scientific hypo-
thesis. They never pretended finally to settle the abso-
lute truth of the matter.
10. Infallibility in the future.
As infallibility was no help in the past, Dr. Littledale
concludes, not unnaturally, that it will be no help in the
future. We. from its supreme usefulness in the past, may
well augur its continued usefulness in the future. But
of course it will continue to fulfil the Catholic idea of"
infallibility, and not its Protestant caricature. It will
neither usurp the functions of common sense nor of
theological inquiry, whilst deciding such questions as are
necessary for preserving the integrity of the faith inviolate
amidst hostile criticism and theological disputation.
With characteristic recklessness, Dr. Littledale (p. 150)
falls back upon Chillingworth's shallow scepticism of
" an infallible mean." What is the good of an infallible
teacher without an infallible hearer ? Of course this
strikes at the root of all certainty, not only in matters of
religion, but throughout the whole sphere of knowledge.
As well ask what is the good of objective truth unless
we are infallibly certain that we cannot misuse our
faculties. It is something, anyhow, that a mistake can
only arise from such a cause, that there is an external
reality to which in our better moments, when our senses
are clear, we may attain.
ii. Obscurity of the Vatican Definition.
The Vatican definition is hopelessly obscure. "At
this moment," urges Dr. Littledale, " in spite of the
definition, Roman theologians are at hopeless variance
THE ANTI-VATICAN DILEMMA. 37
on three questions raised by this decree: — z. When
does the Pope speak ex cathedra ? 2. How is the fact
to be known publicly ? 3. What is that infallibility in
kind and degree mentioned?" I answer, that no con-
ceivable enactment of a general principle, as long as
it is couched in human language, can preclude all ques-
tion as to the particular instance. But is it, therefore,
useless? Is an act of Parliament necessarily useless
because in its application questions may arise which it
has not answered by anticipation ? (i.) The first ques-
tion is answered by the Vatican Council thus : When
" he defines a doctrine of faith and morals to be held by
the whole Church," and this question is in debate amongst
no Catholic theologians ; though, of course, the further
question maybe asked, "When does he define?" &c.,
which resolves itself into Dr. Littledale's second question.
(2.) The fact is known publicly when the Pope either
declares in words or equivalently implies that he is so
defining. (3.) The exclusion of all error from the sub-
stance of the proposition of faith or morals so defined.
The only possible scope for discussion amongst Catholics
here is in cases in which it is doubted whether the de-
finitive character of a document is sufficiently expressed.
The very question is an appeal to fresh interpretative legis-
lation. As long as human minds and human language
are what they are, this uncertainty must be possible ; but
are we, therefore, in a paroxysm of a priori criticism,
because infallibility cannot bar every sort of dispute, and
procure on the spot in every case unbroken peace, to
forget that it has built up peace in the past, and promises
to build up peace in the future ?
1 2. The Anti- Vatican Dilenuna,
Dr. Littledale has found a notable dilemma by which
the Vatican definition is to be hoist as with its own
petard. It is as follows : Either the Pope defined his
infallibility, and thereby acted invalidly as judge in his
38 THE POPE'S SUPREMACY.
own cause, or the Council did so ; and in this latter case,,
by the act of definition, the substance of which was a
confession of fallibility, acknowledged the uncertainty of
the definition. I wonder what manner of man he may
be who thinks this clever ! First, there is no dilemma,
for the division is not exhaustive. Neither the Pope by
himself nor the Council by itself passed the definition,
but the Council and Pope together — a combination the
infallible authority of which has always been explicitly
acknowledged by Catholics — passed it. But though Dr.
Littledale's logical prank is thus quashed"^^ initio^ it may
be amusing to see how, under tolerance of his initial
absurdity, he may proceed to play it. The Church, he
contends, by defining that the Pope by himself, without
her assent, is infallible, confesses her own fallibility.
How, in the name of logic ? Because I acknowledge
that you can stand alone, does it follow that I can't ?
Assuredly the Vatican Council has not defined that ail
the other bishops together, the Pope apart, can define
an error in faith and morals.
§ 8. The Pope's Supremacy of Jurisdiction
and the Fathers.
Jurisdiction is the moral power or right of exercising
a variety of functions towards others, of pronouncing
judgment and enforcing obedience. It is either ordinary,
i.e., in virtue of office, or delegated by a superior ad hoc.
Christ, who hath all power in heaven and upon earth,
gave jurisdiction to all His Apostles. " Go ye and teach
(make disciples of) all nations." But in the gift of the
keys (Matt. xvi. 19) and the charge of the flock (John
xxi. 15-17), to use St. Jerome's words, one was chosen
amongst the twelve, in order that by the institution of a
head all opening for schism might be avoided. The
other Apostles exercised a jurisdiction derived imme-
diately from Christ, but submitted by him quoad exer-
THE POPE'S SUPREMACY 39
citium to the superintendence of St. Peter, so that
wherever the interests of faith and charity demanded,
the divinely appointed Head might interfere authorita-
tively. Each of the other Apostles was inspired, con-
firmed in grace, and his jurisdiction, though subordinate,
was universal ; that is to say, not confined, as a bishop's
is, to this or that particular diocese or province. Hence
it is obvious that the necessity for a head was a hundred
times more cogent in post-apostolic than in apostolic
times, and that anything the Fathers say about the office
of St. Peter towards the other Apostles presumably
holds good for his successors, even where this is not
precisely stated. As the Apostles went to their reward,
neither inspiration nor confirmation in grace became
the inheritance of the bishops who succeeded them ;
and the one See in which the apostolic universality of
jurisdiction persevered was the See of Rome. In that
See, indefectibility of faith and infallibility of teaching
remained, whilst the personal charismata of inspiration
and confirmation in grace ceased.
Our thesis, then, is that the successor of St. Peter in
the Roman See has by Divine institution a supreme and
immediate jurisdiction throughout the Church. He can
make such reservation of the powers of his subordinates
as he may think advisable, and he has the armoury of
spiritual penalties and the treasury of spiritual favours
at his disposal. This is the Catholic, or, as Protestants
still affect to call it, the Ultramontane thesis. As a
counter-thesis Dr. Littledale advances (pp. 135-142)
that the Pope has no authority whatsoever outside his
own patriarchate, which is confined to ten provinces in
Central and Southern Italy, with the islands of Sicily,
Sardinia, and Corsica ; but beyond these narrow limits
merely possesses the right of " an honorary presidency
such as the Duke of Norfolk enjoys amongst English
peers;" and that the Papacy is of "purely human
authority and origin " (note, p. 142).
4O THE POPE'S SUPREMACY.
Before criticising the arguments by which this counter-
thesis is supported, and the objections of Dr. Littledale
against the Catholic thesis, I shall present certain further
patristic authorities for Papal jurisdiction, whilst re-
minding my readers that many of the passages already
quoted for infallibility bear emphatic testimony to Rome's
jurisdiction.
Sac. in.
TERTULLIAN (A.D. 240) De Pudic. c. i, is a witness
that Pope Zephyrinus claimed the right of acting as
" Bishop of bishops," whilst his then opposition to the
Pope is deprived of all weight by his manifest heresy.
With this compare the still earlier passages from Clement
and Irenaeus, already quoted.
ST. CYPRIAN : — " The Church, which is one, and was
by the voice of the Lord founded upon one, who also
received the keys thereof" (Ep. Ixxiii. ad Jubaian).
"The chair of Peter and the ruling (principalem)
Church, whence the unity of the priesthood has its
source" (Ep. Iv. ad Cornel.). Compare with this St.
Ignatius' " Church which presides," and St. Irenaeus'
" propter potentiorem principalitatem." As to the force
of the word " principalitas," the original Greek of
Irenaeus, lib. iv. c. 38, n. 3, " principalitatem habebit in
omnibus Deus," is " cr^wrsu?/ l\> vaffiv 6 ©soc." And in two
other passages where the Greek of Irenaeus is preserved
(ap. Philosophum. x. 21, and ap. Theodoret Haeret
Fab. i. 15), the Greek word answering to " principalitas"
is Avfavria, "absolute sway." * Fr. Schneeman has shown
that in the thirteen places in Irenaeus in which " prin-
cipalitas " or its equivalent " principatus " is used, it is
always in the sense of power or rule.f Tertullian (De
Anima, c. 13^ defines "principalitas" "qui cui praeest,"
and applies it to the relation of the soul to the body.
* See Fr. Addis, "Anglicanism and the Fathers," p. 12.
t See "Cathedra Petri," p. 71, note, and p. 72.
REV. JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST TO
ST. MARY'S COLLEGE LIBRARY, 1926
THE POPE'S SUPREMACY. 4*
S(ZC. IV.
ST. HILARY OF POICTIERS (A.D. 347) : — "This will be
seen to be best, and by far the most fitting thing, if to
the Head, that is, to. the See of the Apostle Peter, the
priests of the Lord report from every one of the pro-
vinces" (Fragm. ii. n. 9, ed. Ben. p. 1290).
ST. OPTATUS OF MILEVIS (A.D. 370): — "Thou canst
not deny that thou knowest that in the city of Rome to
Peter first the episcopal chair was given, in which sat
the first of all the Apostles, Peter; ... in which one
chair unity might be preserved by all (compare St. Irenaeus),
lest the other Apostles should arrogate each one his
own, and that he might be convicted at once of being
a schismatic and a sinner who against that one chair
should set another. And so in that one chair, which is
the first endowment "(" dos," mark of the Church)," Peter
sat first." He then enumerates all the Popes down to
the Pope of his day. " With whom, along with us, the
whole world, by the intercourse of literce formates.
agrees in one bond of communion (De Schism. Donat.
lib. ii. c. 2, 3, p. 31, ed. Du Pin.). "Of the aforesaid
prerogatives the chair is, as we have said, the first, which
we have proved is ours through Peter, and this mark
carries with it the Angel (lawful bishop or jurisdiction).
. . . Recognise, then, though late, that you are impious
children, branches broken from the tree, tendrils torn
from the vine, a stream cut off from its source. For a
stream that is small and does not spring from itself
cannot be a fountain source, nor a lopped branch be a
tree, since a tree flourishes resting on its own roots, but
a branch which is cut off withers. Seest thou not,
now, brother Parmenianus, . . . that thou hast fought
against thyself? whereas it has been proved that we are
in the Catholic Church, . . . and through the chair of
Peter, which is ours, the other prerogatives are ours also "
(c. 9> P- 37)-
4.2 THE POPE'S SUPREMACY.
ST. AMBROSE WITH THE COUNCIL OF AQUILEIA (A.D.
381) calls the Roman Church "the Head of the whole
Roman world, . . . whence flow unto all the rights of
venerable communion" (ap. Coustant, p. 554).
A COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (Ep. Syn. ad Damas
et Syn. Rom., A.D. 382): — "Ye have summoned us as
your own members (uc, oixnTa ^eXjj) by the letters of the
most religious emperor" (ap. Coustant, p. 562).
POPE ST. SIRICIUS (A.D. 385): — " The aforesaid rule
let all priests observe who do not wish to be plucked
from the solidity of the Apostolic Rock upon which
Christ built His whole Church, . . . and be deprived of
the whole ecclesiastical dignity which they have used
unworthily, by the authority of the Apostolic See " (Ep.
i. ad Himer. n. 3, n).
" To none of the Lord's priests is it allowable that
they should be ignorant of the statutes of the Apostolic
See and the venerable decisions of Councils " (Ib. n. 20,
ap. Coustant, pp. 627-637).
POPE ANASTASIUS I. (A.D. 400) : — " Certainly care shall
not be wanting on my part to guard the faith of the
Gospel as regards my peoples, and to visit by letter, as
far as I am able, the parts of my body throughout the
divers regions of the earth " (Ep. i. ad Joan. Hieros. n.
5, ap. Coustant, p. 728).
Sac.
v.
ST. CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA (A.D. 444) addresses Pope
Celestine as " Archbishop of the Universe," a title adopted
by the Fourth Council (Horn, in Deip. p. 384, ed.
Aubert).
PHILIP, THE LEGATE AT THIRD GENERAL COUNCIL : —
" You have united your holy members by your holy ac-
clamations to your holy Head " (Labbe, Act ii. torn. iii.
p. 1150).
FOURTH GENERAL COUNCIL : — " Over whom (the
THE POPE'S SUPREMACY. 43
Fathers of the Council) thou (Leo) didst rule as a Head
over the members, in those who filled thy place " (Ep.
Syn. ad Leon. Labbe, torn. iv. p. 1775).
ST. LEO THE GREAT (A.D. 461) claims to be "not only
the prelate of this See (Rome), but the Primate of all
Bishops" (Serm. iii. de Natal. Ord. c. 4). "The Prince
of the whole Church " (Serm. iv. c. 4) ; and again, " Our
care is extended throughout all the Churches, this
being required of us by the Lord, who committed the
Primacy of the apostolic dignity to the most Blessed
Apostle Peter" (Ep. v. ad Episc. Illyr. c. 2).
SOZOMEN (A.D. 440) : — " It is a sacerdotal law that the
things done contrary to the judgment (y^w) of the Bishop
of the Romans be looked upon as null " (paraphrase from
Pope Julius' Letter, H. E. lib. iii. c. 10); and again, of Pope
Julius,* to whom St. Athanasius and the other Bishops de-
posed by the Arians had appealed : — " And as, on account
of the dignity of his throne, the care of all belongs to him,
he restored to each his own Church." (Ibid. c. 8.)
POPE ST. GELASIUS (A.D. 496): — "The canons them-
selves willed the appeals of the whole Church to be referred
to the examination of this See. From it they decreed also
that no appeal whatever ought to be made, and thereby,
that it judged of the whole Church and itself passed under
the judgment of none. . . . Timothy of Alexandria, Peter
of Antioch, Peter, Paul, John, not one, but many, bearing
the name of the priesthood, were deposed by the sole
authority of the Apostolic See " (Ep. ad Faust. Labbe, v.
pp. 295-297). Again, "The first See both confirms every
Synod by its authority, and guards it by its continual rule,
by reason, to wit, of its supremacy, which, received by the
Apostle Peter from the mouth of the Lord, the Church
nevertheless seconding it, both always has held and re-
tains. . . . We will not pass over in silence what every
Church throughout the world knows, that the See of the
Blessed Apostolic Peter has the right to absolve from
what has been bound by the sentence of any prelates
* See Appendix, Note B.
44 THE POPE'S SUPREMACY.
whatsoever, in that it has the right of judging of the
whole Church" (Ep. xiii. pp. 326-328).
Sac. vi.
ST. AVITUS OF VlENNE (A.D. 523): " You knOW
that it is the law of the Councils that, if any doubt have
arisen in matters which regard the state of the Church,
we are to have recourse to the Chief Priest of the Roman
Church, like members adhering to our Head" (Ep. xxxvl
Galland. torn. x. p. 726).
Sac. vii.
ST. ISIDORE HISPAL. (A.D. 636) : — " In so far do we
recognise ourselves as presiding in the Church of Christ,
as we confess that we do reverently, humbly, and de-
voutly render due obedience in all things to the Roman
Pontiff as the Vicar of God, to whom whosoever insolently
goeth contrary, him we decree to be as a heretic, alien
from the community of the faithful " (Ep. ad Claud,
ducem.).*
Sac. xii.
ST. BERNARD to Pope Eugenius III. : — " Who art
thou? The High Priest, the Supreme Bishop. . . .
Thou art he to whom the keys of heaven are given, to
whom the sheep are intrusted. There are indeed other
doorkeepers and other shepherds of the flocks ; but thou
art more glorious in proportion as thou hast also in a
different fashion inherited before others both these
names. The former have their flocks assigned to them,
each one his own. To thee all are intrusted, one flock
for the one. Not merely for the sheep, but for all the
shepherds also thou art the one shepherd. . . . The
power of others is limited by definite bounds ; thine
* The authenticity of this epistle, disputed by Ceillier, is main-
tained by Natalis Alexander and by St. Isidore's editor, Arevalo.
The latter combats very successfully each point of adverse criticism.
OBJECTIONS TO PAPAL SUPREMACY. 45
extends over those who have received authority over
others. Canst thou not, when a just reason occurs, shut
up heaven against a bishop, depose him from the epis-
copal office, and deliver him over to Satan. Thus thy
privilege is immutable, as well in the keys committed
to thee as in the sheep intrusted to thy care " (De
Consid. lib. ii. c. 8).
What substantial change is there from the doctrine of,
say, the sixth or seventh centuries, the days of united
Christendom, to the doctrine of the twelfth, when, as
Anglicans try to persuade themselves, the False Decretals
had transformed the discipline of the Church ? What
more does St. Bernard say of Papal prerogative than he
might have learned from the lips of St. Isidore or St.
Gelasius ?
One thing at least we may assure ourselves of from
these passages, that Dr. Littledale's theory of the human
institution of the Papacy, of the Pope's merely honorary
precedency over other bishops, of the strict limitation
of his authority to a portion of Italy and certain islands,
was not shared by the Fathers of the Church. (For
English authorities see below.)
§ 9. Dr. Littledale's Objections to Papal
Supremacy.
i. Honorary Titles.
Dr. Littledale says these are merely so many " lauda-
tory epithets," and " go no farther towards conferring, or
even confirming, a Divine charter of privilege," " than a
vote of thanks in Parliament, or a number of newspaper
panegyrics in our own day, bestowed upon a victorious
general, goes towards making him a royal duke." It
would be absurd indeed to suppose that we were quoting
the Fathers as conferring, or even as officially confirming,
a Papal prerogative conferred, as Fathers and Popes are
46 OBJECTIONS TO PAPAL SUPREMACY.
never tired of affirming, by the mouth of Christ Himself.
They are quoted as the best representatives of the con-
sciousness of the Church, whose knowledge is indisput-
able, and whose motives are above suspicion, and as
authorities likely to carry some weight with all who pray
" May my soul be with the saints." Many of these
passages are in the language of grave and precise asser-
tion, and as unlike " newspaper panegyrics" as can well
be. That these ascriptions of dignity and authority are
no mere idle compliments — a suspicion which one would
have thought the character of the authors might have pre-
cluded— is proved by the fact that although the Popes
acted up to the highest of the titles given them, and
dwelt upon them upon every occasion, they were nevei
either withdrawn or modified, but, on the contrary, con-
stantly repeated. When a Spanish entertainer puts his
estate entirely at his guest's disposal, we know that it is
a mere compliment, which would not survive for a
moment the slightest attempt on the guest's part to take
action upon it ; but these patristic compliments have
repeatedly survived the ordeal. Now and again, indeed,
a Father resists the Pope, and the resistance takes
various shapes, according to the circumstances and
character of the individual ; but one quality it invariably
lacks, and that is the quiet dignity of the Anglican con-
troversialist, who takes his stand upon the assumption
that the Pope is merely a Patriarch, and really must let
bishops outside his patriarchate alone.
Nothing can better illustrate the difference between
mere titles of honour and such as convey the recognition
of a right or office than the consideration Dr. Littledale
forces upon us (p. 193) of the titles bestowed now and
again upon Antioch and Jerusalem. The first is styled
" the throne of Peter, the eldest and genuinely apostolical
Church," by a Council of Constantinople, A.D. 382, and
the second by the same Council was entitled " Mother
of all the Churches." These titles, as far as words go,
OBJECTIONS TO PAPAL SUPREMACY. 47
express no authority whatever ; they are merely records
of historical facts. In the case of Antioch, that it " once
possessed him (Peter) in transitu" to use the words of
Innocent I., whom Rome enjoyed "susceptum apud se
et consummatum " ("Ep. ad Alex. Antioch. Constant, p.
851): in the case of Jerusalem, that the earliest Christian
Church was established there. It certainly did not mean
that Peter and the other Apostles obtained their mission
and jurisdiction from St. James and the elders of the
Church at Jerusalem. Jerusalem is the natural mother,
the historical starting-point, not the supernatural mistress
and queen, of Christendom. It is the cradle, and not
the throne of the king ; the object of tender memories,
not of present homage. If we look at the history of
that Church, we find that at the time of Nicaea it was
subject to the Metropolitan of Caesarea ; and though
the Council recognises that honour is due to it, and
grants it a quasi-patriarchal dignity, it is careful to
provide that the Metropolitan's rights should remain
intact. At Ephesus, Juvenal of Jerusalem tried hard
to establish an independent possession of five provinces
of the Antiochene patriarchate, but was sternly re-
pressed by St. Cyril. He continued the struggle
under Imperial favour, and finally a compromise was
made at Chalcedon, and Jerusalem contented with the
three Palestines. Here then are titles of honour repre-
senting no authority, and a contest for mere territory
ending in a compromise in the interests of peace and
convenience. Can anything be less like the history
of the Roman See? (See Natalis Alexander, saec. v.
diss. xiv.)
As to the enthusiastic encomium of St. John
Chrysostom on St. John as " the pillar of all the
Churches," and as having "the keys of the kingdom
of heaven," this is true of all the Apostles, and especially
of St. John, apostle, evangelist, and prophet. Unfor-
tunately, however, for Dr. Littledale, St. Chrysostom
48 ST. PETER'S CONNECTION WITH ROME.
leaves us m no doubt of his view of the relative position
of St. Peter and St. John. " Peter, the leader of that
choir, the mouth of the Apostles, the head of that family,
the governor of the whole world, the foundation of the
Church" (Horn, in illud, hoc scitote, torn. vi. p. 282).
Of St. John he says, " He yields everywhere the primacy
to Peter" (Horn. 65 in Matt., and Horn. 50 the same is
said of the other Apostles ; see too Horn. 88 in Joan,
already quoted, p. 6).
2. St. Peter's Connection with Rome.
"It is only a guess," says Dr. Littledale (p. 15) . . .
"that St. Peter was ever at Rome at all; it is only a
guess that he was ever Bishop of Rome." The following
passages (see "Cathedra Petri," Append, p. 114) from
Protestant authorities may stand as a sufficient com-
mentary upon Dr. Littledale's "only a guess." Chamier,
whose words are quoted with approval by Cave, says,
'•'All the Fathers with great unanimity have asserted
that Peter did go to Rome, and that he did govern that
Church" (Panstrat. Cath. de Rom. Pont. lib. xiii. c. 4).
Grotius says in his note on i Peter v. 13, " Ancient and
modern interpreters differ about this * Babylon.' The
ancients understood it of Rome, where that Peter was no
true Christian will doubt." Pearson wrote a treatise on
the subject, in which he proves that St. Peter was Bishop
of Rome, and that the Popes are his legitimate suc-
cessors (Op. posth. London, 1688). Archbishop Brain-
hall also says, " That St. Peter had a fixed chair at
Antioch, and after that at Rome, is what no man who
giveth any credit to the ancient Fathers and Councils
and historiographers of the Church can either deny or
will doubt" (Works, ed. Oxon. p. 628).
Dr. Littledale's attempt to reduce the express ante-
Nicene testimony for St. Peter's Roman episcopate to
the passage from the spurious Clementines was met
by Mr. Arnold in the "Contemporary" for May 1880,
PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONC1LIAR CANONS. 49
by the production of the following passage from St.
Cyprian, who says that "Cornelius was chosen Bishop
of Rome when the place of Fabian (his immediate pre-
decessor), that is, when the place of Peter and the rank
of the sacerdotal chair was vacant." Dr. Littledale, in
the same number, shelters himself under his use of the
adverb " expressly," which he declares to have been
" emphatic," and persists that St. Cyprian's testimony is
not "express." It is not "express" in the sense of
formal, categorical, inasmuch as St. Cyprian does not
use the precise words " St. Peter was Bishop of Rome ; "
but it is express in the sense of unequivocal, as im-
peratively demanding for its truth the fact of St. Peter's
Roman episcopate, which is all that we are really con-
cerned with. With this passage we may compare the
following from Tertullian (De Prsescript. c. 36) : — " The
Apostolic Churches, in which the very chairs of the
Apostles to this very day preside over their own places."
In reality, such indirect reference to the fact, as long as
it is unmistakable, is often stronger than a categorical
statement would be, because it implies that it is uncon-
tradicted. And that such a claim in patristic times
should remain absolutely uncontradicted, though it was
every one's interest to sift it to the utmost, and the in-
terest of numbers to deny it if possible, is in itself tanta-
mount to a proof.
3. Papal Prerogative and Conciliar Canons.
Papal universal jurisdiction is opposed by the canons
of Councils, insists Dr. Littledale, and here he evidently
thinks is his strongest point against Rome. The Popes,
it would seem, have appealed to patristic panegyric whilst
violating Church law. The relations between the Pope
and the Church are, he considers, the creation of certain
disciplinary canons of General Councils, and it is to
these canons, and nothing else, to which we must refer if
we wish to know the extent of the Pope's lawful prero-
D
50 PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONCILIAR CANONS.
gative. Now there are few documents so difficult to
estimate as laws, especially when they are couched in the
sententious form of a canon. The canons of Nicaea and
Sardica were not, as some critics seem to imagine, uttered
in a vacuum. They supposed a vast deal more than
they created, and it is absolutely necessary to know
something of the system under which they came into
being if we are to appreciate their force and bearing.
Dr. Littledale's view may be thus summed up. The
Council of Sardica gave the Pope the power of receiving
the appeals of bishops. The decree, however, was
rejected by the Eastern and African Churches, and
repealed by the ninth canon of Chalcedon, " which
instituted a system of appeals in which the name of the
Roman See does not so much as appear" (p. 190);
whilst the twenty-eighth canon claimed to give to
Constantinople like privileges to those of Rome, and
declared the latter to be of merely human origin, which
declaration Pope Leo not repudiating, may be supposed
to have consented to. I shall hope gradually to do
justice to all these statements.
The Popes, and the Church with them, have always
maintained that they have received their jurisdiction
from Christ Himself, which jurisdiction was, therefore,
incapable of abrogation or restriction by any authority
whatsoever. " The Holy Roman Church has been raised
above the other Churches, not by any synodal decrees,
but from the evangelical voice of our Lord and Saviour
has it obtained the primacy " (Cone. Rom. Decret. in
Script. Can. A.D. 496). The Council of Milevis (416)
had already spoken of " the authority of your Holiness,
derived as it is from the authority of the Holy Scriptures."
No doubt the Popes have often appealed to both ancient
custom and canon as well as to their Divine right, but
never to the derogation of the last. Custom and canon
represent a recognition on the part of the Church which
is a precedent for continuing to recognise. It also often
PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONCILIAR CANONS. 5 I
represents a standard of practical expediency, and
limitations of right to which Popes have acceded, and
which experience has shown to be for the advantage of
order. The basis of Divine right was never forfeited or
lost sight of. Christ Himself appealed to precedent for
the title of " Son of God," but He did not the less claim
it as a privilege.
As to the canons of Sardica, it is disputed how far they
were accepted in the East before they were embodied in
the canons of the Council in Trullo (A.D. 691). The
arguments for their earlier acceptation are strong enough
to have convinced writers of such opposite schools as
Natalis Alexander and the Ballerini. They are principally
these : — i. The friends of St. John Chrysostom appeal
on his behalf to the Sardican canons against those of
Antioch. 2. The Synod of Constantinople of 382 appeals
to one of those canons in its letter to Damasus. 3.
The Sardican canons appear in the collection of John
Scholasticus, Patriarch of Constantinople, in the sixth
century.
They appear amongst the canons of the Council in
Trullo, which the Greeks accounted oecumenical, and
again m Photius' Novocanon (see Ball, de Ant Coll. Can.
pars. L c. vi 14, and Nat Alex, in ssec. iv. diss. xxvii.)
In Africa the Sardican canons in the fourth century
were not accepted, but this was out of sheer ignorance.
The Africans did not identify the Council of Sardica,
but confused it with an Arian assembly which met at
Philippopolis.
The Council of Chalcedon, if it had not the Sardican
canons on its codices, which the Ballerini have shown
to be highly probable, assuredly never rejected or abro-
gated one of them. No one, so far as I know, before
Dr. Littledale, ever dreamed of such an absurdity. The
9th canon, by which he supposes the Sardican decrees
in question were repealed at Chalcedon, is quite in-
capable of effecting any such catastrophe. The last
52 PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONCILIAR CANONS.
half, with which alone we are concerned, runs as
follows : — " But if a cleric hath a dispute with his own
bishop or with another not his own, let him be judged
by the Synod of the province. But if a bishop or cleric
hath a dispute with the Metropolitan of the province,
let him have recourse either to the Primate (Primas,
"Eja^og) of the diocese or to the see of the royal city
of Constantinople." I observe, first, that this canon does
not pretend to arrange for appeals from outside the
Constantinopolitan patriarchate, as is clear from the
enactment of Justinian, Novel, i. 123, c. 22, and the
unanimous testimony of the Greek canonists that there
must be no appeal from one patriarchate to another,*
whereas the appellation to Rome asserted at Sardica is
world-wide. 2. This ninth canon is not concerned with
appeals proper. Its main object is to discourage secular
litigation on the part of clerics. It contemplates two
litigants, and, on the principle that no one should be
judge in his own cause, provides, in cases where such a
conjunction would take place, an alternative tribunal
There is nothing in it to suggest "causae majores," such
as those involving the deposition of a bishop, where it
would be natural to call for the Pope's interference, and
so his name is not mentioned. The limitation of the
canon to the Constantinopolitan patriarchate is farther
established by the identification of the primate or exarch
with the Bishop of Heraclea, once Metropolitan of the
Bishop of Constantinople, but at the time of Chalcedon
having become his contented vicegerent. Flavian of
Constantinople had only just before himself appealed to
Leo from the Latrocinium of Ephesus. If this canon had
been meant to abrogate those of Sardica and bar appeals
to Rome, is it conceivable that Leo would have swallowed
such a camel in the 9th canon whilst straining at a very
gnat by comparison in the 28th ?
Dr. Littledale's idea of a Church government resident in
* See Christ. Lupus Schol. in Can. ix. Chalced.
PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONCILIAR CANONS. 53
conciliar canons, which exercise a dictatorial authority and
must hopelessly invalidate every action which in any de-
gree contravenes their letter, until they are slain by con-
trary canons of an equal or superior force, is in no way
borne out by Church history, and is a violation of com-
mon sense. The Church would have long since arrived
at a dead-lock if the principle " fieri non debet, factum
valet" had not found a place in her economy. She could
not have existed as many years as she has centuries unless
she had been governed by one who, in the plenitude of
his authority, could at once defend the rights in possession
of ancient laws and at the same time, to use the words of
St. Gelasius (ap. Labbe, torn. v. p. 313), "might attemper
such of them as the necessity of the times and the wel-
fare of the Churches required to be relaxed."
The Ephesine decree which forbids one bishop to
invade the rights of another, Dr. Littledale quotes as
invalidating all action of the Pope beyond his own patri-
archate ; and he considers that the Pope has accepted
such invalidation, inasmuch as he swears, or once swore,
to observe the eight Holy Councils unmutilated. Now,
in his extreme anxiety to prove his charge of felo de se
against the Holy See, he quite forgets how terribly this
charge lies against Constantinople, which, in the teeth
of the Ephesine canon, had in the interval between the
Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon gradually absorbed
Heraclea (the seat of its old metropolitan), Ephesus, and
Caesarea; whereas Rome can answer that she had always
rested her claim to interfere, wherever the interests of
faith or order required it, upon hyper-patriarchal right,
and that the subordination of one right to another did
not make a wrong.
As to the 28th canon, Dr. Littledale tries to make a
point out of the fact that St. Leo does not object to it
on account of its attribution of an ecclesiastical origin
to Roman privilege, but on what Dr. Littledale, oddly
enough, calls the "purely technical ground" that the
54 PAPAL PREROGATIVE AND CONCILIAR CANONS.
Fathers at Chalcedon could not, in the teeth of Nicaea,
rank Constantinople above Alexandria and Antioch. But
what could be more natural than that Leo should have
addressed his objection to the direct scope of the canon,
instead of attacking a reason which might possibly admit
of an orthodox interpretation, and which could not well
be supposed to gainsay the explicit acknowledgment in
the Synodical Letter that he was the " very one com-
missioned with the guardianship of the vine by the
Saviour"? The 28th canon undoubtedly deals profes-
sedly with patriarchal rights only, and not with those
of the primacy. Now, of the Roman patriarchate, as of
the other patriarchates, it may be admitted that its limits
were matters of ecclesiastical arrangement ; inasmuch as
it was found convenient for both Pope and bishops, that
Papal authority, which in its supreme function was pre-
sent in every part of the vineyard, should, under certain
special and inferior aspects, be localised in such or such
extent of patriarchate. Again, if we include under the
name " Fathers " " Peter and those that were with him,"
there is no difficulty in admitting that, as the 28th canon
runs, the Fathers " bestowed the precedency on the chair
of old Rome " by making it the chair of Peter, just as
they might have done with Byzantium had it presented
the same advantages of convenience. This leaves a
quite sufficient ground on which to base the Constantino-
politan argument for the second place.
The canon as a canon had simply no legal existence.
St. Leo formally rejected it, and so, even according to
the Greek canonists (see the passage from Sozomen
quoted above), it was simply null. The Greek Patriarch
Anatolius, though with no intention, it would seem, of
altering his practice, wrote to excuse himself for the
share he had taken in the canon, and declared that
" the whole ground and confirmation of what had been
done was reserved to your Blessedness." The entire
Western Church repudiated it, and the Greeks them-
THE POPE AND CANON LAW. 55
selves, until the rebellion of Photius, did not venture
to insert it in their codices. Gradually the practice it
embodied was allowed for peace's sake, and also because
it was based on a ground of growing convenience in
the relative importance of Constantinople (cf. Graveson
Hist. Eccles. torn. i. p. 102, ed. Mansi). The Greek
Church had no canonical sanction for their position
from the fifth century to the thirteenth, unless it were
the tacit assent of the Holy See.
4. The Pope and Canon Law.
Dr. Littledale makes a bold appeal (p. 140) to Roman
canon law against the Roman See, and he seems deter-
mined not to be put out of conceit with it. The Petrine
texts, he urges, "Thou art Peter," and the rest, make no
mention of any successors, but, since the privilege they
convey is a personal one, it must die with the person
named. Now it is obviously absurd to erect a system of
positive law into the test of a charter issued when
that system had no existence. A scripture grant must be
tested by the interpretation of the Fathers, not by the
dicta of canonists. If the canonists have laid down any
principle inconsistent with such a charter so interpreted,
so much the worse for them. If Dr. Littledale has
really discovered an instance, he will have made a
valuable contribution towards the reform of the canon
law. As it is, he has only made a blunder. He has
misunderstood the term "privilegium personale " to be
a privilege granted to a person, whereas "personale" so
understood would be no distinction of privilege at all,
since all privileges are granted to persons. " Privilegium
personale," in canon law, is distinguished from "privi-
legium reale " by reason of the final cause, or object. In
the former this is purely personal, i.e., regarding the person
in favour of whom the privilege is granted; e.g., money
is granted to a father for his sustenance ; when the
father dies, it cannot be claimed 6v an uncle — unless his
56 COMMUNION WITH ROME.
name is mentioned in the deed — on the ground that he
occupies the position of nearest kin. A real privilege,
on the contrary, is when the cause of granting the
privilege is distinct from the person to whom it is
granted, as when a tenure is granted to a certain official
in order to carry out the duties of his office, then if the
office be perpetual, the privilege is presumably handed
down. Any one who will consult a manual of canon
law may assure himself of Dr. Littledale's mistake; e.g.,
Maschat. Instit. Canonic, pars. ii. lib. v. tit. 33. If Dr.
Littledale had used the term " personal privilege " in its
proper sense as explained above, he would be convicted
of having begged the point which he undertook to
prove ; for, of course, a personal privilege expires with
the person. La Marca, who is an authority Anglicans
are very fond of quoting, is much to our purpose (Tract,
de Singulari Primatu Petri) : — " Since a Head was con-
stituted in the Church of Christ to remove the occasion
of schism, as Jerome remarks, therefore was Peter's
privilege a real one, to the perpetual advantage of the
Church, and not personal, since the form of the Church,
which must needs be perpetual, was set forth in the
Apostolic College with its Head."
§ 10. Communion with Rome.
Communion with the Holy See has ever been counted
a necessity in this sense : — i. That no one might sepa-
rate himself from Rome, or, if separated by Rome's
act for whatever cause, relax in his efforts for restoration.
2. That where the state of separation was complete, you
thereby lacked the one seal of orthodoxy and pledge of
jurisdiction, and had no longer any share in Christ's
promise to His Church that the gates of hell should not
prevail against it. I speak of a complete separation,
because it is clear from history that a suspension of
immediate communion with Rome did not necessarily
COMMUNION WITH ROME. 5 1
involve a separation from the whole of the Church in
communion with Rome, i.e., a, rupture of all communion,
even mediate. In this way, when the contest was one
on a point of discipline or disputed succession, Rome,
whilst refusing her letters of communion to the party
she deemed in the wrong, did not therefore refuse her
communion to those who communicated with it. For
instances of such partial excommunications, see Constant,
Ep. R. P. p. 250; Morinus Exercit. Eccles. xvi. pp.
137, 138; a Bennettis, Priv. R. P. torn. iii. p. 543, and torn.
v. p. 289; and Natalis Alexander, Saec. iv. Diss. 34, p.
381. For the reverse process, the gradual restoration to
the grace of full communion, see St. Leo, Ep. 38 ad
Anatol., in which he restores certain penitent partisans
of Dioscorus to the communion of their own Churches,
as a first step in the process of restoration. Pope St.
Boniface (A.D. 422), ap. Constant, p. 1037, speaking of
the Roman Church, says: — "It is certain that this
Church is to the Churches scattered over the world as
the head to its members; from which if any one cut
himself off, he becomes an outcast from the Christian
religion, since he has begun to be external to its frame-
work." With this compare the passages already quoted
from Irenaeus,Optatus, Jerome, Hormisdas, and Maxirnus.
One fact brings out most strikingly the unique char-
acter of Roman communion, and that is, that whilst the
Holy See repeatedly enforced her commands by threats
of excommunication, even in her dealings with orthodox
bishops, the idea of retaliation was almost unknown.
Excommunication is obviously a game two can play at,
but to excommunicate the Pope was simply a monstrosity
reserved for a ruffian like Dioscorus or a scamp like
Photius.* When Pope St. Victor, in the second century,
* The Council of Chalcedon (Ep. ad Imperatores, Labbe, torn,
iv. p. 1352) expresses its horror that Dioscorus should have, as the
climax of his villanies, ventured to "bark against the Apostolic See
itself, and tried to frame letters of excommunication against the most
58 ST. FIRMILIAN, ST. CYPRIAN, AND POPE ST. STEPHEN.
withdrew his communion, with what looks like unjust
precipitation, from the Asiatics, St. Irenaeus expostulates
with him and entreats his charity, but neither questions
his right nor hints at retaliation. St. Firmilian, in the
third century, though beside himself with passion, never
implies that the Pope can be excommunicated except
equivalently by his own act in separating himself from
so many.
§ ii. St. Firmilian, St. Cyprian, and Pope
St. Stephen.
St. Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, ob-
jects Dr. Littledale (p. 182), was excommunicated by
Pope St. Stephen, and yet presided at the great Council
of Antioch in 264 against Paul of Samosata, and both he
and St. Cyprian died excommunicate so far as Rome
could make them so (p. 166). According to the more
probable opinion, neither St. Firmilian nor St. Cyprian
were ever excommunicated in any sense (see Coustant,
Ep. R. P. 252-256; Natalis Alexander, Saec. iii. Diss.
12 ; Graveson, Hist. Eccles. ed. Mansi, coll. i. p. 42, &c. ;
a Bennettis, Priv. R. P. torn. ii. p. 264, &c.). It is certain
that all that can be proved on Stephen's part is a threat
of excommunication. Firmilian's own letter indeed cer-
tainly does speak in the present and past tense, "pacem
rumpentem," " excidisti," but the whole letter is in such
a strain of passionate invective as to make it quite use-
less as a vehicle of minute evidence. St. Cyprian, both
as regards himself and Firmilian, does not say more than
this, that Stephen " abstinendos putat," "ab illorum com-
munione discessurum." St. Augustine's phrase is "ex-
communicandos esse censeret;" and elsewhere he insists
holy Pope Leo." (For Photius, see Vit. Ignat. Labbe, torn. x. p. 728.)
The only exception that occurs to me is when the well-meaning but
feeble Mennas, under pressure from Justinian, allowed for a brief
period the name of Vigilius to be removed from the diptychs.
ST. MELETIUS AND THE HOLY SEE. 59
that Cyprian " remained with Stephen in the peace of
unity ; " and again, that Cyprian and Stephen, " though
they quarrelled somewhat fiercely, yet it was in a
brotherly fashion, so that no ill of schism arose between
them." St. Jerome says of Cyprian that "he remained
in their communion who gainsayed his opinion" (see
Coustant, 1. c., and Allies' "Per Crucem ad Lucem ").
The very utmost that can be reasonably supposed is
such partial suspension of the full rights of communion
as I have spoken of above.
§ 12. St. Meletius and the Holy See.
"St. Meletius of Antioch," says Dr. Littledale (p. 182),
" who was formally put out of communion by the Pope,
was nevertheless chosen to preside over the second
General Council in 381, and actually did so till his
death." One wonders that it did not strike Dr. Little-
dale as anomalous, that Bishops* who tell the Pope and
his Synod in their letter of 382, "Ye have summoned us
as your own members," should have been so lately under
the presidency of an excommunicate. See too the
Pope's letter to the Eastern Bishops,f "most honoured
sons, &c." (Theod. lib. v. cc. 9, 10). Meletius' history
is as follows. The Holy See, along with the rest of
the West and the Egyptians, acknowledged Paulinus as
Bishop of Antioch, who, although elected subsequently
to Meletius, had been chosen by the distinctively Catholic
party, the adherents of the late Bishop Eustathius ; where-
as Meletius had been elected by a party the majority at
least of which were Arians. Meletius, upon his election,
boldly enounced the Nicene faith, and underwent a
lengthened persecution at the hands of the disappointed
and enraged Arians. The taint of his election, as
compared with the orthodox prestige of Paulinus, pre-
* "Very nearly the same Bishops" : Hefele, Eng. tr., torn. ii. p. 378.
t Damasus' letter was not an answer to the Synod, but for pro-
bable date see Coustant, p. 570.
60 ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE HOLY SEE.
vented the former being acknowledged as Bishop of
Antioch either by Rome or Alexandria; but there was
no other excommunication. Rome freely communicated
with those who communicated with Meletius. More-
over, as time went on, he was explicitly acknowledged
as an orthodox bishop by various of the Western
Churches, and by Alexandria, and finally entered into
terms of communion with his rival Paulinus. In the
Synod of Antioch of 379, it was Meletius who first of all
received and signed the letters of the Roman Synod,
which letters so signed were received and laid up in the
Roman archives. Thus before the date 381, at which
Dr. Littledale asserts Meletius presided as an excom-
municate over the Second Council, he had been admitted
even to immediate communion with Rome, although his
right to the See of Antioch was not admitted to the
prejudice of Paulinus, nor was it insisted upon by him-
self, and he soon after entered into terms of communion
with his rival (see Tillemont, St. Melece. Act. 13, 15,
and Ballerini, de Vi ac Rat. Prim. R. P., Append, i).
§ 13. St. Augustine and the Holy See -The Case
of Apiarius.
Apiarius was a wicked priest of Sicca, whose cause
was taken up, most imprudently, as it would seem, by
Pope Zozimus, after he had been condemned by his own
bishop. He was understood to have appealed to Rome.
Whether he had done so formally or not is uncertain.
The African bishops maintained that he could give no
proof of his appeal. Anyhow, he was taken under the
protection of the Pope's representatives in Africa, and
his reinstatement or a fresh trial demanded. There
are two letters extant on the subject from African
Synods. The first, in 419, to Pope Boniface (Zozimus'
immediate successor), is signed amongst others by St.
Augustine. It relates that Apiarius has begged pardon,
ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE HOLY SEE. 6 1
and been given a licence (epistolium) to exercise his
priestly office anywhere but in his own diocese. It
informs the Pope that their copies of the Nicene canons
do not contain what he had quoted — really from the
Sardican canons — concerning appeals to Rome; that
they were sending for authentic MSS., and hoped the
Pope would do the same; meanwhile they would stand
by his enactments. They expressed their confidence
that whatever might prove to be the case with the
Nicene canons, they will never under his Holiness's
auspices be called upon to suffer as they had suffered
from the arrogant bearing (typhus) of the Papal "exe-
cutores," and trusted that, unless the Nicene canons
were against them, they might be left to go on as usual.
The second letter, in 425, to Celestine, relates the
breaking down of Apiarius, and his public confession of
the justice of his former sentence, just as the African
bishops, in deference to Rome, were proceeding to a
fresh trial. They inform the Pope that authentic MSS.
from Alexandria and elsewhere do not bear out his
reading ; therefore, they say, " We earnestly entreat thee
not to admit to a hearing very easily thtfse who come
from hence." They again deprecate the ostentatious
arrogance of the Papal " executores," and beg the Pope
to send no more of them. They end by expressing their
confidence in the " goodness and moderation of your
Holiness." I shall speak elsewhere of the mixture of the
Sardican and Nicene canons. I am only here concerned
with Dr. Littledale's comment upon these letters, or
rather upon the first of them — that of 419 — to which St.
Augustine's name is attached. His account (p. 101) is
that this letter informed the Pope that the Africans had
discovered his "attempted fraud" from authentic MSS.
from Greece, Syria, and Egypt, and then told him that
" nothing should make them tolerate such insolent con-
duct on his part" The real fact is that in this letter the
Africans acknowledge that the authentic MSS. are still
62 ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE HOLY SEE.
to seek, and neither in this letter nor in the second,
when they have learned that their reading is right, do
they ever go beyond the language of entreaty (u impendio
deprecamur "). The "typhus" or arrogance of which
they complained was that of the " executores," whose
ostentation and peremptoriness at once hurt and scan-
dalised them. Of Dr. Littledale's travesty I can only
say that it is worthy of a place in a comic history of the
Church yet to be written. In order to justify it he
inserts in his third edition these words in a footnote :
" Non sumus jam istum typhum passuri," by which his
offence is rendered considerably graver; the African
Fathers having said nothing of the kind, although these
six words actually occur in what they do say. The
whole passage is as follows : " Sed credimus adjuvante
misericordia Domini Dei nostri quod tua sanctitate
Romanse Ecclesiae praesedente non sumus jam istum
typhum passuri." That the " typhus " which they believe
they will not be called upon any more to suffer is the
institution and behaviour of the "executores" is evident
from the following passage in the second letter : " Exe-
cutores . . . nolite mittere . . . ne fumosun typhum
saeculi in ecclesiam Dei . . . videamur inducere." For
the two letters in extenso see Coustant, Ep. R. P. pp.
1010 and 1058.
St. Augustine could not, with any show of consistency,
have contested the principle of appeals to Rome and
Roman interference. In his 43rd letter (A.D. 398) he
had suggested an appeal to Rome as a course that had
been open to the Donatists in 311 when their schism
first began.* Again, in 423, whilst the Apiarius dispute
was going on, St. Augustine has nothing to urge against
the appeal and threatened restoration of the bishop
Antonius, save entreaty, and a suggestion that it may
force him to resign (see Coustant, p. 1051).
In 416 St. Augustine and the bishops of Africa refer
* See Allies' " Per Cruc. ad Luc.," vol. i. p. 341.
POPE ST. CELESTINE AND THE COUNCIL OF EPHESUS. 63
the question of Pelagianism to Pope St. Innocent. The
Pope in his answer praises the bishops for following ''the
regulation of the Fathers, which they, in pursuance of
no human but a divine sentence, have decreed, viz., that
whatever was being carried on, although in the most
distant and remote provinces, should not be terminated
before it was brought to the knowledge of this See, by
the full authority of which the just sentence should be
confirmed, and that thence all the other Churches might
derive what they should order, whom they should absolve,
whom avoid." He had previously referred to St. Peter,
" from whom the very episcopate and all the authority
of this title spring." St. Augustine's comment (Ep. 186)
is as follows : — " He answered to all as it becomes the
Prelate of the Apostolic See."
§ 14. Pope St. Celestine and the Council of
Bphesus.
"The Third General Council of Ephesus," says Dr.
Littledale (p. 191), "disregarded the synodical deposi-
tion of Nestorius by Pope Celestine and allowed him to
take his seat as Patriarch of Constantinople." This is
quite curiously untrue, even for Dr. Littledale. i. Pope
Celestine never deposed Nestorius until he did so by
the hands of the Council of Ephesus. What he did was
to prescribe his deposition if within ten days of his noti-
fication he did not abjure his heresy. He did not, how-
ever, send this ultimatum directly to Nestorius, but put
it into St. Cyril's hands, whom he constituted his vicar
in the matter, as he says repeatedly in so many words
(see Ep. 14 and 15, ap. Coustant). Some time seems to
have passed before Cyril could formally serve the notice,
and it was nearly a year before he was able to bring the
heretic to trial and subsequent deposition. 2. Nestorius
never took his seat in any capacity whatsoever at the
Council of Ephesus : although in their neighbourhood, he
64 POPE ST. LEO AND CHALCEDON.
obstinately refused to face his judges. 3. Some such
scruple as Dr. Littledale suggests did actually occur to
St. Cyril, and he writes to St. Celestine to ask whether,
" considering the time granted has elapsed," the previous
sentence may be regarded as passed, or whether the
Synod may give him another chance of escape by ab-
juration. The Pope answers to the effect that he leaves
the whole matter to Cyril's discretion, and trusts that he
will be as charitable as he can (see Ep. 16, ap. Cou-
stant). Each act of the Council is introduced by a
reference to Cyril as the Pope's vicar, and the Fathers
declare that they depose Nestorius, " necessarily com-
pelled thereto by the canons and by the letter of our
most Holy Father and fellow-servant Celestine, bishop
of the Roman Church." It would be hard to cram more
misstatement into a single sentence than Dr. Littledale
has done here.
§15. Pope St. Leo and Chalcedon.
" The Fourth General Council," says Dr. Littledale,
"accepted the tome of Pope St. Leo on the express ground
that it agreed in doctrine with St. Cyril of Alexandria
at Ephesus." In accepting St. Leo's tome the Council
certainly expressed its sense of St. Leo's perfect agree-
ment with St. Cyril's teaching, />., with the Church's
teaching, at Ephesus. Agreement with the explicit
teaching of the Church must surely ever be a note, a
sine qua non, of all orthodox teaching, and this " examen
elucidationis " bringing out the correspondence between
the different portions of the Church's teaching is part of
the duty of a General Council. The shepherd judges the
sheep, "I know my sheep;" but there is a sense in
which the sheep judge the shepherd, " My sheep know
me." If the shepherd were inconsistent with himself he
would not be the shepherd. Repeatedly, for the sake
of bringing out this consistency, have even the decrees
ST. LEO AND ST. HILARY OF ARLES. 65
of General Councils universally accepted been submitted
to a "judicium elucidationis." The true ground of this
Council's acceptance of St. Leo's tome it has itself
expressed in words which will bear repeating : " St. Peter
is the Rock and foundation of the Catholic Church;"
"Peter hath spoken through Leo."
§ 16. St. Leo and St. Hilary of Aries.
Dr. Littledale (p. 191) brings this case forward as an
instance of tyrannical interference on the part of a Pope,
resisted by a saint. St. Hilary had tried and deposed a
certain Bishop Chelidonius, who appealed to Rome. St.
Hilary resisted the appeal, and the reinstatement which
the Pope after a fresh trial had commanded. St. Leo
obtained an order from the Emperor Valentinian III. to
the effect that the bishops of Gaul and other bishops
should attempt nothing against ancient custom, and that
the authority of the Apostolic See should be supported
by the secular power, so that a bishop refusing to appear
in answer to a Papal summons should be compelled to
obey by the governor of the province. Dr. Littledale
says that Chelidonius was one of St. Hilary's suffragans ;
that Leo knew therefore that St. Hilary was quite in his
right, and that he (the Pope) had no business to interfere
in another province. His demand for imperial action
he characterises as " an appeal to brute force and sheer
Erastianism."
In reality it is quite a matter of dispute amongst the
learned whether Chelidonius was in any sense a subject
of St. Hilary's. Tillemont (St. Hilaire, art. xiv.) says
that Baronius, Papebroch, and Quesnel consider that he
was a bishop of the province of Vienne, which was at
this time, by concession of the Holy See, under the jurisdic-
tion of Aries ; but he adds : " Je ne voy rien qui nous
empeche de suivre le sentiment des plus habiles de ce
temps, qui est que Quelidoine estoit evesque de Besan^on.
66 ST. LEO AND ST. HILARY OF ARLES.
et me'me metropolitaine comme le soutient M. de Marca."
Tillemont indeed shrinks from the natural conclusion
urged by the Ballerini (Observ. in im partm Dissert11 v.
Quesnel, St. Leo, Op. torn, ii.), viz., that St. Hilary having
interfered where he had no jurisdiction, his action was
null ab mitio, and takes refuge in a series of conjectures ;
thus — Besangon may not then have been a metropolitan
Church, and so it would fall within the province of Lyons,
whose bishop, St. Eucherius, may have yielded his
judiciary right to St. Hilary ; or if Besangon was then
metropolitan, then St, Hilary may have had some right
over it in virtue of being the oldest Metropolitan, or
because Aries was the seat of the civil prefecture. But
as long as these remain mere conjectures, we can hardly
blame St. Leo for regarding St. Hilary's proceedings as
null and void. Natalis Alexander (Ssec. v. c. iv. art. 8),
whilst following Quesnel as to the position of Cheli-
donius' See within the jurisdiction of Aries, admits that
in his attempt to ordain a successor to the sick Projectus
— a part of the case against him before Leo — St. Hilary
had really been interfering in a province not his own ; in
fact, had been doing precisely what Dr. Littledale charges
the Pope with doing. The truth is, St. Hilary, instead
of being the grave stickler for law and precedent in the
teeth of usurpation that Dr. Littledale represents him, was,
for all his sanctity, so far as ecclesiastical restrictions
went, " a chartered libertine." In fact, wherever he dis-
covered an abuse, he never seems to have stopped to
ask himself how far it was his place to set it right, but
down he swept upon it with a force of Imperial police.
This was always at his service, for the prefects loved
him heartily — to their great credit be it said — for he
was no accepter of persons, and sometimes rated them
soundly in public. Even granting, against the great
weight of probability, that the subjects of St. Hilary's
proceedings were within his jurisdiction, he had no
excuse for trying to bar the appeal. The canons of
ST. LEO AND ST. HILARY OF ARLES. 67
Sardica, as the Ballerini have shown, were in all the
old Gallican collections, to say nothing of the " ancient
custom," to which St. Leo appeals. See too Pope St.
Innocent ad Victric. Rothomag. n. 6 : — " Si majores
causse in medium fuerint devolutse, ad sedem Apostolicam
recurrendum sicut Synodus statuit, et beata consuetude."
We have only to turn to the "Vita Hilarii " by a
disciple, the great authority on the Hilarian side, to see
that it was no question with the Bishop of Aries of
canon or canonical interpretation. His plea may be
thus condensed : "The man deserved it. Let me go on
as usual ; I protest against having the matter all over
again and my procedure ignored. Don't make a scandal,
and I will be careful not to be troublesome for the
future." This is how I understand the almost untrans-
latable bit of Latin I give below.* I can well understand
how the Roman instinct of decorum must have been out-
raged by opposition at once so irregular and so pertina-
cious ! St. Hilary had been simply acting " papaliter,"
with the very best intentions, but without any Papal
prerogative to justify him, and the Pope could not do
otherwise than repel and punish him. The breach ap-
pears not to have been fully healed during St. Hilary's
life, but after his death it seems to have come home to
St. Leo that his adversary was, after all, a holy man, for
he speaks of him as " sanctae memoriae," and readily
sanctions the succession of his disciple Ravennius.
As to the invocation of the secular arm to enforce
religious discipline, its prudence in a variety of cases
* " Apostolorum ac martyrum occursu peracto, Beato Leoni Papa
illico se prsesentat, cum reverentia impendens obsequium, et cum
humilitate deposcens ut ecclesiarum statum more solito ordinaret :
astruens aliquos apud Gallias publicam merito excepisse sententiara
et in urbe sacris altaribus interesse. Rogat atque constringit ut si
suggestionem suam libenter excepit, secrete jubeat emendari ; et se
ad officia non ad causam venisse ; protestandi ordini non accusandi
quse sunt acta suggerere. Porro autem si aliud velit se non futurum
molestum " (Vita ap. Op. S. Leon, ed. Bal. ii. p. 333).
68 POPE VIGILIUS AND THE FIFTH COUNCIL.
may be questioned, but the right to do so has always
been claimed, and from time to time exercised, ever
since the conversion of Constantine made it a possibility.
Identically the same appeal as St. Leo's was made in
378 by the Roman Synod to the Emperors Gratian and
Valentinian, />., that offenders against the canons wha
should refuse their summons might be forced to obey
by the prefects (Ep. vi. Damas. ap. Constant, p. 527).
St. Hilary was certainly the last person in the world
who had any right to complain of the secular arm.
Dr. Littledale has made this incident the plea for
solemnly degrading St. Leo from his rank of Saint and
Doctor, which he enjoys, it appears, " durante bene-
placito." Only four pages before (p. 188) he figures as
St. Leo the Great, but here he is "Leo, a man devoured
with ambition, and by no means particular as to the
means of acquiring power so that it be got somehow."
§ 17. Pope "Vigilius and the Fifth Council.
Dr. Littledale (p. 191) says, "The Fifth General
Council refused to permit a decree sent by Pope
Vigilius to be read; decided against its ruling, and
struck his name, as contumacious, out of the registers
of the Church." There is no record of any such sending
on the part of the Pope, or rejection on the part of the
Council. The Fifth Council began its sittings on May
5, 553. Vigilius, who was then in Constantinople, was
invited to preside, but declined on the formal plea of
ill-health ; but really, as he made no secret of acknow-
ledging, because he was afraid that the Oriental bishops*
under the influence of the irrepressible Justinian, would
so word their condemnation of the three chapters as to
compromise the dignity of the Council of Chalcedon and
wound orthodox susceptibilities in the West. He did
not enter any caveat to their proceedings, but insisted
that he preferred registering his own independent judg-
POPE VIGILIUS AND THE FIFTH COUNCIL. 69
by himself. On May 14 he issued his "Consti-
tutum," in which he condemned the first chapter from
Theodore of Mopsuestia, partially excused the second
from Theodoret, and defended the third, the Epistle
of Ibas, "ex verbis rectissimo ac piissimo intellectu per-
spectis," that is, interpreted favourably in accordance with
the man's character. This " Constitutum " does not
appear in the acts of the Fifth Council, but there is no
record of its rejection, although in their definition they
simply condemn all three chapters, neither did Vigilius
make any attempt to enforce it; the intimation of penalties
<it the end is reserved for those who shall attempt any-
thing against Chalcedon. The statement that the Fifth
Council struck out the name of Vigilius from the dip-
tychs rests upon a single MS. discovered by Baluze. Its
-authenticity is denied by the Ballerini, and by Constant
in an unpublished essay (see Ballerini, Defens. Dissert.
Noris. in Syn. v. c. 6). Even if its genuineness be ac-
cepted, it falls short of Dr. Littledale's statement. The
Emperor notifies that he will strike out Vigilius' name,
but that the bishops are to keep in union with the Holy
See. They answer that the Emperor has acted con-
sistently, and that they will keep in union. There is no
record that such an act ever took place. In its defini-
tion the Fifth Council is careful to urge that the Pope
had really committed himself to their view. The notion
mat Vigilius was banished for resistance to the Fifth
Council is rejected by Cardinal Noris and the Ballerini,
and it is certainly hard to reconcile it with the fact that his
''confirmation " of the Council — or rather of the outcome
of the Council, for of the Council Vigilius says nothing —
is dated December 9 of the same year, 553. The words
attributed to Justinian, viz., that the Pope was to be
-excommunicated whilst communion was to be kept with
the Holy See, could indicate nothing less than his depo-
sition, and at any attempt at this there has never been
a hint. Vigilius was, no doubt, inconsistent in his view
70 ST. GREGORY THE GREAT.
of the policy of dealing with the three chapters, but
there is nothing to argue any change of theological view.
It must be remembered that the chapters affected Nes-
torianism, whereas Vigilius' antecedents all tended to
incline him in the opposite direction. There is no real
inconsistency in saying that the Epistle of Ibas is, accord-
ing to strict theological language, Nestorian, and at the
same time, when interpreted kindly and fairly by what
may be presumed to have been the author's intention, it
is orthodox. Whilst we cannot but regret in Vigilius a
course of conduct at once impulsive and vacillating, we
should remember that through it all this quondam protdge*
of the Eutychian Empress Theodora, from the moment
that he became the legitimate successor of St. Peter,
fought pertinaciously for the very shadow of Chalcedon,
and for freedom from the uncanonical influence of the
Imperial Court.
§ 18. St. Gregory the Great and the Title of
" Universal Bishop."
Dr. Littledale (p. 144), against the definition of the
Vatican Council that the Pope has universal immediate
jurisdiction, urges St. Gregory's rejection of the title
"universal bishop." But surely the Council of Chalce-
don, which accorded that title to the Pope, ought to have
more weight with Dr. Littledale than even St. Gregory.
Anyhow, its action should suggest that there is a true
sense in which the title might be accepted, as well as a
false sense in which it must be rejected. St. Gregory
rejected it — so he himself says — because he took it to
involve a claim of being the one bishop (solus conetur
appellari episcopus — Lib. v. Ep. 21 ad Const. Aug.).
It is at least demonstrable that in his rejection of this
title he does not deny his universal jurisdiction, and
acquiesce in Dr. Littledale's thesis that it is limited to
the Roman patriarchate. The "servus servorum Dei'*
GERBERT AND POPE JOHN XV. 7 1
— the title of St. Gregory's choice — has written, "As to
what they say of the Church of Constantinople, who
doubts that it is subject to the Apostolic See? This is
constantly owned by the most pious Emperor and by our
brother the Bishop of that city " (Lib. ix. Ep. 1 2) ; and
again, " If any fault is found amongst bishops, I know
not any one who is not subject to it (the Apostolic See) ;
but when no fault requires otherwise, all are * secundum
rationem humilitatis' equal" (Lib. ix. Ep. 59). See too
lib. iv. ep. 7, and lib. vii. ep. 64, in which he establishes
his vicariate in Illyria and Gaul.
§ 19. Gerbert and Pope John XV.
Dr. Littledale has chosen for his motto an indignant
passage from a letter of Gerbert, Archbishop of Rheims,
afterwards Pope Silvester II., to Segwin of Sens, in which
he speaks of the Pope as regularly subject to the Church's
judgment. Of this sentiment I can only say, that if it be
meant, as it seems, to apply to the offences (other than that
of heresy) of an undoubted Pope, it is opposed to the cur-
rent of patristic and medieval teaching. It must be re-
membered, however, in Gerbert's excuse, that the Papacy
in the tenth century had been so much obscured by
simoniacal intrusion and contention, which laid it legiti-
mately open to the judgment of the Church, that some
exaggeration on this point was not unnatural. When
Gerbert proceeds to say that if the Pope excommunicates
a man for not believing contrary to the Gospel, this will
not cut the victim of the excommunication off from
Christ, he asserts a truth all Catholics believe, though he
does so violently, offensively, and needlessly. As to the
particular dispute, Gerbert had been elected Archbishop
of Rheims in the place of Arnulf, who had been de-
posed for his crimes by a national council without the
Pope's cognisance and assent. There was here, at least,
a -prima facie ground for the Pope's interference. The
72 BREAKS IN THE ROMAN SUCCESSION.
Gallic bishops had committed an outrage upon recognised
Papal right, which they only attempted to justify on the
plea that their repeated efforts to have recourse to the
Pope had been baffled by the Prefect Crescentius.
Gerbert's subsequent action presents a remarkable con-
trast to the passionate protest of his letter to Segvvin.
The letter was written in 994. He afterwards consents
to plead his cause before the Papal Legate, submits to
the suspension pronounced upon all who had taken part
in the deposition of Arnulf, and relinquishes the See of
Rheims. In 998 we find him receiving the pallium from
Pope Gregory V. as Archbishop of Ravenna. One of
Gerbert's first acts, when as Silvester II. he became Pope
(A.D. 999), was formally to reinstate Arnulf in the Arch-
bishopric of Rheims. He reminds him that he was de-
prived for certain excesses, "quibusdam excessibus ;" but
that, "as thy abdication lacked the assent of Rome, we have
thought well to come to thy succour, that it may be
understood that thou canst be restored by the office of
Roman mercifulness. For that high power belongs to
Peter, unto which no hap of mortal man is equal to
attaining." As Aimoin, a contemporary authority, makes
the statement that Arnulf was restored by Gregory V.,
Cossart is inclined to regard this document, although in-
scribed Silvester and published as his by Sirmond, as
really his predecessor's. On the other hand, there is no
evidence that the reinstatement was actually carried out
by Gregory, and there is internal evidence, as Cossart
notices, of the Silvestrine authorship in the evident de-
sire of the Pope, whilst restoring Arnulf, to justify the
action previously taken against him (Labbe, torn. xi.
pp. 999-1038).
§ 20. Breaks and Uncertainty in the Succession
in the Roman See.
Breaks of one sort or another have doubtless occurred
from time to time, intervals of contention between rival
BREAKS IN THE ROMAN SUCCESSION. ?J
claimants, and of uncanonical intrusion. The ultimate
decision, however, of the Roman Church and the assent of
Christendom has always been accounted sufficient to
supply any defect caused by canonical impediment.
Even on the extreme supposition that all the Cardinals
met to elect should be irregular, a titulus coloratus^ with
the assent of the Church, makes their act valid, except
so far as the irregularity is made manifest, and so is open
to amendment. "The very fact that the Papacy is an
intermittent office," urges Dr. Littledale (p. 142), " be-
coming continually vacant, and then filled and conferred
by a merely human election, proves its merely human
authority and origin." Not so surely, unless the election
by lot of Matthias proved the same of the Apostolate.
What the election of the Pope by his brethren does
prove is, that no mere break invalidates the succession,
since it moves by a succession of breaks. If it be
insisted that the election of Matthias was not "merely
human," I answer, Neither is that of the Popes. Both
are divine, as involving the same appeal to God, "Show
which of these Thou hast chosen." Both are human, as
conducted by men after a human method. Providence
as easily finds room amid the interaction of human wills,
as in the falling of lots.
It may be urged that there are certain irregularities
which, though secret, would invalidate a Pope's election,
and so all his Papal acts ; such as simony in his election
(see Constit. Julii II. in Lat. v. sess. v.*); or heresy
held at any previous time (see Constit. Pauli IV., " Ex
Apostolatus officio"t). It must be remembered that,
after all, some such invalidating possibilities are inherent
throughout the whole sacramental system. If a man is
not baptized, he is not validly ordained \ if not ordained,
he is no valid subject for the Episcopate or the Papacy.
One can only fall back upon God's providence over His
Church and His promise that the gates of hell shall
* Labbe, xix. 768. t Bullar. Rom. A.D. 1559.
74 BREAKS IN THE ROMAN SUCCESSION.
not prevail against her. Whatever may have been the
secret irregularity of a Pope's election or his previous
unorthodoxy, it must either be made manifest to the
Church, so that she perceives that he is not her legitimate
pastor and looks for another, or if he define, he defines
truly. As to the validity of the other Papal acts done
by a simoniacal or otherwise illegitimate Pope — which
it is the object of these Papal acts to invalidate — when-
ever they are not capable of being recognised as the
outcome of illegitimate authority, and so of being
formally amended, they are certainly indirectly and
virtually redintegrated by the recognition of legitimate
authority. Neither of these Bulls referred to above have
the least pretence to be ex cathedra in the Vatican
sense of the term, i.e., to be definitions in faith and
morals ; they are simply laws making what they assert,
and prevailing just so long as they are not repealed or
let fall into desuetude. The latter is clearly modelled
upon the former, and the only difference between them
is that Julius treats of what he calls the heresy of
simony in the electing, Paul of heresy in general previous
to election. We find that Julius' Constitution was sub-
mitted by Leo X. to the Fathers of the Fifth Lateran,
five of whom suggested emendations, although overruled
by the majority (see Labbe, 1. c.).
With this same Bull of Paul IV. Dr. Littledale (p.
194) attempts to deal the Papacy a crushing blow. On
ihe authority of the Capitate of Rome, an infidel and
republican newspaper, he asserts that Pius IX. was in
his youth a Freemason, or tantamount to a heretic,*
whence it follows, in virtue of Paul's Bull, that he was
never Pope, and that none of his acts, nominatim the
establishment of the Catholic hierarchy in this country,
were valid. Without going into any question as to the
force of the clauses in Paul's Bull, which I conceive^
* An assumption : Freemasonry, though forbidden, has nevet
been pronounced heresy by the Church.
THE ROMAN CHURCH NOT THE WHOLE CHURCH. 75
if they were ever acted on, to have long ago become
obsolete, it is quite sufficient to remark that the assertion
of an infidel paper, even when repeated by a Protestant
minister, would not have been deemed by Paul IV.
equivalent to the proof of anything, except perhaps of
a common parentage of a very unpleasant character;
not to lay stress upon a fact of which Dr. Littledale
tells us nothing, viz., that the statement was officially
contradicted at the time in the Osservatore Romano.
In his third edition (p. 221) it occurs to Dr. Little-
dale that I have introduced (" Contemporary Review,''
February 1879) a new element of uncertainty by quoting
the common opinion that a Pope by manifest heresy ceases
to be Pope, and by defining heresy, were that possible,
would unpope himself. On the contrary, this theory
eliminates' all uncertainty in requiring that the heresy
should be manifest. A Pope can cease to be Pope, and
so capax definiendi, only by an act that shall make all
doubt of his heresy impossible.
§ 21. The Roman Catholic Church not the Whole
Church.
If all that is meant by this ill-sounding proposition is
that there are numbers of baptized persons who so far
belong to the Catholic Church, although not in com-
munion with Rome, or, again, that there are others whose
state yet more closely approximates to Church member-
ship, in that they have other valid sacraments besides
baptism, and a public Catholic ritual, it is sufficiently
undeniable. All that we insist upon is, that disunion with
Rome of itself breaks a bond essential to that fulness of
Church life to which Christ's promise assures security of
faith and permanence of jurisdiction. There is nothing
inconsistent in speaking of the Church being divided,
although the principle of life remains with one only of
the divisions. As long as in a Church which has broken
76 ENGLAND AND PAPAL PREROGATIVE.
communion with Rome a certain organic form persists,
and the corruption of formal heresy or of solidarity with
heretics has not set in, it is as it were a dislocated limb,
that may be reset and the Church " restoratively united,"
to use the expression of Gregory IX., quoted by Dr
Littledale. Beyond this the simile of the physical body
cannot be carried. The Church, in union with the See
of Peter, though grieved and scandalised at the defection
of schismatics, cannot be regarded as organically maimed
thereby. The restorative virtue which should operate
in their behalf is operative without them.
§ 22. England and Papal Prerogative.
Dr. Littledale (pp. 184-189) considers that the Pope
had no jurisdiction in England; that he was barred by
the Ephesine canon from claiming any or from accepting
it if offered ; that the British and Celtic Churches were
wholly independent of Rome ; that St. Gregory did not
give St. Augustine his mission but his consecrator,
Vigilius of Aries ; that St. Gregory irrevocably lost what-
ever rights upon England he might be supposed to have,
by his concession of the election and confirmation of the
English metropolitans to the local Provincial Synods ;
that no cession to the Pope of English Church liberties
ever took place ; that what cession there may conceivably
have been was due to the False Decretals, and therefore
worth nothing ; that anyhow such cession was barred by
the Ephesine canon, and so the present Roman Catholic
hierarchy in this country is schismatical. I shall now
proceed to examine point by point this amazing piece of
English Church history.
As to this Ephesine canon, it forbids a bishop's intru-
sion into another province " which has not been from the
first under himself and his predecessors." But it has
always been the Pope's contention that every part of the
vineyard has ever been "under himself and his prede-
ENGLAND AND PAPAL PREROGATIVE. 77
cessors." Again, though conversion does not of itself
give any right of jurisdiction, it at least secures that the
country in question could not have already belonged to
any other diocese or province. As to the British Church,
it certainly was not independent of Rome, for we know
that British bishops took part in the Councils of Aries
and Sardica, and were committed to the assertions there
made of Papal prerogative. Again, we have the following
testimony of Prosper of Aquitaine, Pope Celestine's
secretary: — "Pope Celestine sent Germanus (Bishop of
Auxerre) as his vicegerent (vice sua) to drive out the
heretics and guide the Britons to the Catholic faith."
To show that the early Irish Church, to whose mission-
aries so many of the Northern Saxons owed their conver-
sion, was not independent of Rome, it may be sufficient
to quote the appeal of their great patriarch, St. Colum-
banus, to Pope Boniface IV. : " Wherefore use, O Pope,
the pipe and well-known cry of the Good Shepherd, and
stand between thy sheep and the wolves, so that, casting
away their fears, thy sheep may in everything know thee
the first Pastor" (ap. Galland. xii. 352).
St. Augustine was ordained by Vigilius of Aries, but,
as Venerable Bede tells us, in obedience to the Pope's
order, "juxta quod jussa Sancti Patris Gregorii accepe-
rant" (Hist. 1. i. c. 27). Gregory's own words are,
"data a me licentia" (Epist Iviii. ep. 30). The Gallic
ordination was thus in virtue of an act of the same
jurisdiction that sent the missionaries to England and
which issued in the Papal mandate to Augustine (Bede,
1. i. c. 29) : " Your brotherhood will, moreover, have
subject to you not only the bishops which you or the
Bishop of York may ordain, but all the bishops of
Britain, by authority of our God and Lord Jesus Christ" '
Dr. Littledale's acknowledgment that Gregory conceded
" by special grant " " the election and confirmation of
* See Lingard's Hist, and Arxtiq. of the Anglo-Saxon Church,
vol. i. c. 2.
7 8 ENGLAND AND PAPAL PREROGATIVE
English metropolitans and bishops to the Local Synods,"
is nothing less than an acknowledgment that the Popes
exercised jurisdiction in England. According to no
principles, either of civil or ecclesiastical law, can an
act of grace be construed into a renunciation of right.
The summumjusy in virtue of which the concessions can
be revoked at will, is inalienable. The fact that there is
no formal concession of Church liberties to the Pope
extant is obviously entirely in our favour. England
found itself on its conversion in a system in which the
supremacy of the Pope was accepted. Canon Bright,
although belonging to a class of writers committed, more
or less, by the exigencies of their position to the depa-
palisation of history, honestly recognises that Gregory,
despite his protest against "the title of Universal Bishop,"
" always acted on that theory respecting his own office,
which had been gradually developing itself from the
early part of the fifth century, and was to develop itself
yet more in after times. . . . This system Gregory
inherited, believed in it firmly, acted on it persistently." *
It would have been odd if his converts believed other-
wise, and the whole course of their Church history is a
proof that they did not.
As to the False Decretals, they were not known for
nigh upon two centuries after England had accepted the
Pope's supremacy, and therefore certainly did not influ-
ence her in doing so. Moreover, Anglicans are bound
to tell us what these new rights were with which they
suppose the False Decretals invested the Pope before
they attempt to depreciate the force of our later testi-
monies. Lingard t gives the following enumeration
of only one class of such acts : — " Gregory the Great
divided the Anglo-Saxon territory into two provinces ;
Vitalian placed all the Anglo-Saxon Churches under the
jurisdiction of Theodore ; Agatho limited the number of
* Early English History, c. ii. p. 62.
t Hist, and Antiq. of the Anglo-Saxon Church, vol. i. c. 3, p. 118.
ENGLISH AUTHORITIES ON PAPAL PREROGATIVE. 79
bishops to one metropolitan and eleven suffragans; Leo
II. established a second metropolitan at York ; Adrian
a third at Lichfield, and confirmed to the Church of
Canterbury 'that precedence of rank and authority which
it has since possessed down to the present day." In
676 St. Wilfrid appeals from the metropolitan Theodore
to the Pope, and the rightfulness of the appeal was un-
questioned, although the execution of the Papal decision
in his favour was long deferred, owing to the hostility of
the Court. At the Council of Cloveshoe in 747, Pope
Zachary enforces the reformation of abuses under threat
of excommunication.
23. A Catena of English Authorities on Papal
Prerogative.
ST. ALDHELM (A.D. 709) : — " If, then, to Peter the keys
of the heavenly kingdom have been delivered by Christ,
of whom the poet sings —
' Celestial keyward, opener of heaven gates,'
who, I ask, despising the principal statutes and doctrinal
mandates of his Church, enters rejoicing the gate of the
heavenly paradise ? . . . To conclude everything in the
casket of one short sentence. In vain of the Catholic
faith do they vainly boast who follow not the teaching
and rule of St. Peter. For the foundation of the Church
and ground of the faith laid primarily in Christ and then
in Peter, unrocked by the stress of tempests, shall not
waver, the Apostle so pronouncing (i Cor. iii. u) ; other
foundation no one can lay beside that which is laid,
which is Jesus Christ. But to Peter has the Truth thus
sanctioned the Church's privilege (Matt, xvi.), 'Thou
art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church.' "
VENERABLE BEDE (A.D. 735) says of Pope Gregory:
" And whereas he bore the Pontifical power* over all the
* The rendering of the Anglican editor, Dr. Giles, but better
" was the Primate all over." For the force of " Pontificatus " here,
see Collect in Fest. Cath. Antioch. " Deus qui beato Petro ....
ligandi atque solvendi pontificium tradidisti," and Bede's Horn, in
Fest. SS. Pet. et Paul, "principatum judiciarise potestatis."
80 ENGLISH AUTHORITIES ON PAPAL PREROGATIVE.
world, and was placed over the Churches already reduced
to the faith of truth, he made our nation, till then given up
to idols, the Church of Christ" (Hist. Eccles. lib. ii. c. i).
ALCUIN (A.D. 798) : — " Lest he be found to be a schis-
matic or a non-Catholic, let him follow the most approved
authority of the Roman Church, that whence we have
received the seeds of the Catholic faith there we may
find the exemplars of salvation, lest the members be
severed from the head, lest the Key-bearer of the
heavenly kingdom exclude such as he shall recognise
as alien from his teaching " (Ep. 75).
LANFRANC (A.D. 1072) : — "When our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ said to Blessed Peter, 'Thou art Peter,' &c.,
He might have added, had He so pleased, ' The same
power I grant to your successors ; ' but His not having
done so has in naught detracted from our reverence for
the successors of St. Peter. Wilt thou gainsay this? wilt
thou urge objections ? Verily is it ingrained in the con-
sciences of all Christians that, in respect to St. Peter's
successors no less than to himself, they must tremble at
their threats and yield joyful acclamation to their lofty
graciousness when they indulge ; and in all ecclesiastical
matters then, at last, a dispensation is valid when it has
been approved by the judgment of the successors of the
Blessed Peter. How comes about what here is operative
unless it be the plenitude of the Divine liberality through
Jesus Christ, poured out by Blessed Peter upon his
vicars?" (Orat. in Cone. ap. Guil. Malmesb. lib. i. de
Gest. Pont. Angl.).
ST. ANSELM (A.D. 1092) apostrophises the Pope : —
" Since Divine Providence has chosen your Holiness to
whom to commit the guardianship of Christian life and
faith and the government of His Church, to no one else can
recourse be more fitly had, if aught against the Catholic
faith should arise in the Church, that it may be corrected
by his authority ; nor if any reply be made to error, can
it with more security be shown to any one that it may
be examined by his prudence" (De Fide Trin. ed. Ben,
ENGLISH AUTHORITIES ON PAPAL PREROGATIVE. 8 I
p. 41 ; cf. lib. iii. ep. xl, and lib. iv. ep. ii.). "It is
certain that he who does not obey the ordinances of the
Roman Pontiff, which are issued for the maintenance of
the Christian religion, is disobedient to the Apostle Peter,
whose vicar he is, nor is he of that flock which was given
to him (Peter) by God. Let him then find some other
gates of the kingdom of heaven, for by those he shall
not go in, of which the Apostle Peter holds the keys "
(lib. iv. ep. xiii.).
ST. AELRED (A.D. 1167): — " Brethren, let no one
seduce you with vain words. Let no one say to you, Lo
here is Christ or there, since Christ ever abides in the
faith of Peter, which the Holy Roman Church has es-
pecially received from Peter, and retains in that Rock,
which is Christ. ... Of this Church Peter was the first
Prince, to whom it was said, 'Upon this Rock I will
build My Church ; ' and again, ' Feed My sheep ; ' and
again, ' To thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of
heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth shall
be bound too in heaven,' and the rest. This is the
Church which the Holy Apostle calls of the first-born, the
plenitude of whose power in the person of its Prince
passing over from the East to the West by the authority
of the Holy Spirit established itself in the Roman
Church. . . . This is the Roman Church, with whom
he who communicates not is a heretic. To her it
belongs to advise all, to judge of all, to provide for all,
to whom in Peter that word was addressed, ' And thou,
some time converted, confirm thy brethren.' Whatsoevei
she decrees I receive ; I approve what she approves ;
what she condemns I condemn" (In cap. xv. Isai.
Serm. 23).
ST. THOMAS OF CANTERBURY (A.D. 1170): — "Who
doubts that the Roman Church is the head of all the
Churches and the source of Christian doctrine? Who is
ignorant that to Peter were given the keys of the kingdom
of heaven ? In the faith and teaching of Peter doth noi
F
82 ENGLISH AUTHORITIES ON PAPAL PREROGATIVE.
the structure of the whole Church rise until we all attain
in Christ unto the perfect man, unto the unity of faith,
and the knowledge of the Son of God ? . . . Whosoever
he be who waters or who plants, God giveth to no one
increase save to him who shall plant in the faith of Peter
and acquiesce in his teaching. Verily to him are referred
the chiefest judgments of the people, that they may be
examined by the Roman Pontiff; and disposed under
him are the judges of Holy Church, inasmuch as they
are called to a part of his solicitude" (Ep. 97 ad Episc.
Angl.); and again, " Only an unbeliever or one who goeth
worse wrong, a heretic, or a schismatic, refuses obedience
to the Apostolic commands" (Ep. 122 ad Gilb. Londin).
STEPHEN LANGTON (1208) (Wilkins Concil. vol. i. p.
520) : — " We have received the government of the Church
of Canterbury from the mandate of our Superior " (the
Pope). St. Thomas, he argues, at the beginning of his
exile resigned his archbishoprick, but Pope Alexander,
"inasmuch as he possessed the plenitude of power," gave
it him back "independently of the royal assent or any
election of the monks." But King Henry never at-
tempted to gainsay this, although a schism gave him the
opportunity. How much worse then for John to dispute
the appointment of an undisputed Pope.
GROSTETE, BISHOP OF LINCOLN (1253) : — "Whosoever
receives the power of any office from the primary source,
and hands it over to others, as, e.g., a bishop receiving
from our Lord the Pope and handing on to lesser
directors of souls, will he not act more efficaciously
towards lightening the burthen of our Lord the Pope, to
whom belongs, under Heaven, the Supreme care of all
Churches and of all souls, if he pass on to his inferiors in
order that they may share his burthen and that of my
Lord the Pope part of his power without taking from his
own— since he can and ought to do this according to the
teaching of the Scripture — than by taking from and
diminishing his own? . . . There is therefore nothing
that can be truly alleged for the diminution of the epis-
DEVELOPMENT. 83
copal power which the bishop has by the canon law,
which has the same from our Lord the Pope, and from
Jesus Christ through him, unless our Lord the Pope, to
whom belongs the plenitude of power, curtail of the
episcopal power something which the canon law grants
usually, on account of some gain to the Church known
to him, and not to be questioned by others, and which
affords large compensation for this curtailment " (Letter
127, Rolls Publication).
This was the doctrine concerning Papal prerogative
that prevailed in England from the seventh to the
sixteenth century. It was against the abandonment of
this doctrine, and exchanging the supremacy of the Pope
for the supremacy of the king, that Fisher and More
protested, and sealed their protest in their blood. *
§ 24. Development.
I am not maintaining that each one of the writers I
have appealed to had the precise doctrine of the Pope's
immediate universal jurisdiction denned at the Vatican
Council articulately before his mind. All that I insist
upon is, that from the beginning so much was acknow-
ledged, that there really was no logical standpoint short
of the Vatican definition. From the first the Papal
power was in itself so strong, and each step of its
inevitable development was left so completely without
provision of counterpoise, that, philosophically con-
sidered, it meant nothing less than it ultimately asserted.
Striking as are the positive statements regarding Papal
power made by Fathers and Councils, yet still more
significant is the fact that no one of these authorities
ventures to assign it any limit, although from the first it
was a power as persistently aggressive as the sea. It
should be impossible for those who believe that Church
* The supposed Convocation speech of Blessed Fisher quoted
here in previous editions, and which has been unhesitatingly ac-
cepted by Protestant as well as Catholic writers, is not genuine.
See Fr. Bridget's recent "Life of Blessed John Fisher."
84 DEVELOPMENT.
history is the record of a divinely ordered life, and not
of a congenital corruption, to regard the growth " quoad
externum" of Papal power as other than a legitimate
dynamic development, the result of an impulse given to
the Church by its Creator and first mover.
Start any element in a constitution with the prestige
that it cannot go wrong and has a mission to set every-
thing else right ; under the condition of affairs essential
to a Church militant, it will, little by little, surely gather
all the reins of government into its own hand. Of course
such a development may be retarded, on the one hand,
by the character and circumstances of the possessor of such
authority, or, on the other, accelerated by such accidents
as the severance of the East, or the influence of the
feudal system with its passion for stereotyping powers in
material forms ; but the development itself was an intrinsic
necessity. That it met an external necessity, a Protes-
tant writer like Dr. Milman is able honestly to confess,
"On the rise of a power both controlling and conserva-
tive hung, humanly speaking, the life and death of Chris-
tianity— of Christianity as a permanent, aggressive,
expansive, and, to a certain extent, uniform system." *
"As to development," says Dr. Littledale (p. 152),
"there are two or three things to be said." I will only
here concern myself with what he says about the theory
of development itself. "It is only a modern excuse put
forward by private persons in the attempt to get out of a
difficulty. But the authoritative assertion of the Roman
Church is that its teaching now is exactly what it has
been from the beginning." Then follow quotations from
the Tridentine and Vatican Councils, which do not, as
Dr. Littledale imagines, reject development, but both
the theory of accretions, which is the opposite of
development, and that of purely human amplifications.
It must be remembered that General Councils are
not in the habit of ventilating theological theories,
* Lat. Christ, bk. iii. c. vii.
DEVELOPMENT. 85
'however unexceptionable, but of teaching truths of
faith. As to the theory being modern, although I
suppose it had never been brought out before so syste-
matically and in such detail as in Cardinal Newman's
" Essay," it is certainly laid down in principle by St.
Vincent of Lerins (cap. xxiii. ed. Oxf.). "But per-
^.dventure some will say, Shall we have no. advancement
of religion in the Church of Christ ? Surely let us have
the greatest that may be ; for who is either so envious of
men or hateful of God which would labour to hinder
that? but yet in such sort that it may be truly an
increase in faith, and not a change ; since this is the
nature of an increase, that in themselves severally things
grow greater ; but of a change, that something be turned
from one thing which it was to another thing which it
was not." His examples are the change from childhood
to manhood, from the seed to the plant, in which
qualities are observed in the after-phase which lay
hidden in the previous, and in which I would add the
proportion is sometimes considerably altered. Cardinal
Newman's " Essay " is mainly occupied with laying down
the criteria for distinguishing between such doctrinal
germination and corruption. Which is it, I wonder,
that has taken place in Dr. Littledale since 1868, when
in his tract " Innovations" (p. 6) he thus speaks of what
he now denounces as a modern excuse ? " ' Growth,' as
Thomas Scott, the great Evangelical leader, once said,
* Growth is the only evidence of life ; ' and if Chris-
tianity be a living power, it must grow and in a sense
change as time goes on. That is what Dr. Newman
expressed long ago under the name of development"
PART II.
CHARGES AGAINST'THE CHURCH IN COMMUNION
WITH THE SEE OF PETER.
Charge /. — Creature- Worship.
§ 1. The Theology of Creature- Worship.
To withdraw one tittle of God's rights and bestow it
upon another, however exalted, is to forsake the living
God. The question is, What is that worship which we
must give to God only and to give which to others in-
volves apostasy? It is, according to St. Thomas and all
theologians, that homage called " latria" which, involving
as it does a recognition of its immediate object as the
beginning and end of all things, as the ultimate scope,
therefore, of all our worship, must needs belong to God
alone. Other worship, that of dulia, though never given
to God except supereminently in the act of latria, is also
due to Him as our supreme Lord and Master; and, as a
recognition of His supreme sovereignty, of course can never
be shared with another. Yet this mastership, with its
rights of reverence, is in various degrees communicated to
creatures. We are bidden to be subject to all power,
to pay reverence to all creatures, to hold in honour all
beauty, and goodness, and truth, and so especially those
creations of spiritual beauty, the holy ones of God, and
first amongst these that highest of God's spiritual crea-
THE THEOLOGY OF CREATURE-WORSHIP. 87
tions, His Immaculate Mother. Not that this lower
worship is without reference to God, whom we recognise
as the " glory of the Saints," and to whom all their glory
is referred. Ever are the elders crowned, and ever do
they lay their crowns before the throne.
Dr. Littledale says (p. 1 8) that "we have only four
examples in the New Testament of acts of reverence
being done to saints, and in all these cases they were
promptly rejected and forbidden, showing that they were
offensive to the saints, as savouring of disloyalty to that
God whom they love and serve." The instances are
Cornelius's falling down at St. Peter's feet (Actsx. 25, 26),
the people of Lycaonia and Barnabas and Paul (Acts xiv.
13, 14),, and St. John and the angel twice (Rev. xix. 10,
and Rev. xxii. 8, 9), " whereas Christ never refused nor
blamed an act of worship offered to Himself."
We may let drop the second instance as clearly a re-
jection of nothing short of divine honours. As regards
the other cases, Dr. Littledale observes in a note to p.
19, that it cannot be supposed that either Cornelius or
St. John meant to offer divine homage, nor indeed, I
may add, that St. John, at least, could have offered any
worship which it was sinful to offer, or in any way re-
pugnant to the injunction of the Holy Spirit, written
long before, Col. ii. 18 — "Let no man beguile you in
worshipping of angels."
It must be remembered that angels in Holy Scripture
sometimes present themselves as angels, i.e., as mes-
sengers or ministering spirits, sometimes as represen-
tatives and images (dtopdvtia) of Him from whom they
are sent and in whose person they speak. In the latter
case they were worshipped with a relative latria, or
made the vehicle of a divine worship, as when Abraham
prostrated himself before the three angels, and, as St.
Augustine says, "seeing three, adored one." We may
very reasonably conceive that St. John had taken an
angel messenger for a theophany, and that the angel
88 THE THEOLOGY OF CREATURE-WORSHIP.
would not allow him to worship in the porch when his
mission was to conduct him within the shrine. Again,
it is quite conceivable that the angel may have refused,
what it was quite right for the saint to offer, viz., a service
of dulia or reverence, and this in honour of Him who,
being so much higher than the angels, had assumed
man's lower nature. The case of Cornelius admits of a
precisely similar treatment. It was St. Peter's mission
to present the first-fruits of the Gentiles to his Master,
and he was eager to fulfil it ; moreover, the humility of
a saint while on earth is ever fearful.
That there is a lawful worship of the creature, Christ
himself testifies. Rev. iii. 9 — "To the Angel of the
Church of Philadelphia write ... I will make them
come and adore (vcoffxvvqauffiv) before thy feet."
As to our Lord never having refused an act of wor-
ship, the statement cannot be borne out. He certainly
did refuse an act of worship when he met the " Good
Master" with " There is none good but God ;" and again
when he said to St. Mary Magdalene " Touch me not,"
thereby showing that the act may be refused without im-
plying any condemnation of the principle.
Many acts of adoration are recorded as offered to
creatures in the Old Testament — -the three angels who
appeared to Abraham in the plain of Mambre ; the
angel from whom Jacob asked a blessing ; the angel who
appeared to Moses in the bush ; the bowing to the pillar
of the cloud ; the prostration before the ark, and the
worship of the angel by Josue. It is not necessary to
decide how many of these were acts of dulia, how
many of " relative latria" The one makes for the wor-
ship of saints, the other for the worship of images.*
That the angels and saints exercise in our regard a
subordinate mediatorship of prayer and good works
appears, among other places, in Dan. x. 21, Tobias xii.
12, and Rev. viii. 3. The Catholic doctrine on the
subject perfectly harmonises with these texts, those con.
* See Appendix, Note C.
CULTUS OF THE SAINTS. 89
cerning the one object of worship, and the one mediator
quoted by Dr. Littledale (p. 17). Dr. Littledale seeks
no harmony, but is contented to array Scripture against
Scripture, Fathers against Fathers. So is it ever with
heresy in its unconcern for "all the counsel of God,"
crying, like the false mother before Solomon, "Let it
be neither thine nor mine, but divide it."
On the passages from the Fathers quoted by Dr.
Littledale (p. 23) I remark, that St. Irenaeus and the
Council of Laodicea are directly combating the angel-
worship of the Gnostics, the Spiritualists of their day.
The passage from St. Clement of Alexandria merely
asserts that angels and men had not different Gods, as
in the Gnostic scheme, but one only. St. Athanasius,
in his conflict with the Arians, was almost constrained
to emphasise exclusively the incommunicableness of the
Divine worship. Origen (cont. Cels. vii. 13) actually
explains that, had his opponent meant to charge him
with worshipping real angels, "Gabriel, Michael, &c.,"
he (Origen) would have had to distinguish the senses
of the word "worship" (^a-Trgug/v), but as he means de-
mons he must simply deny. In an exquisite passage
(Horn. i. in Ezech. n. 7) he addresses the newly bap-
tized : " Thou wert yesterday under the demon, now
thou art under the angel." Then, invoking the angel,
he cries, "Come, angel, and receive him ... as the
good physician." St. John Chrysostom sufficiently
vindicates his Catholic creature- worship in the passage
quoted in the ensuing section.
•§ 2. Cultus of the Saints According to the Fathers.
The distinction between the worship of latria, supreme
worship, and the worship of dulia, inferior worship,
has always been substantially recognised, although
there is nothing in the etymology of the two words
to indicate the distinction between service paid to
90 CULTUS OF THE SAINTS.
the saints and the supreme worship of God, which th*
words are used to express. The first use of the term
dulia in contrast with latria is attributed to St. Au-
gustine. The words KDOGX.WWK; (adoratio) and Oeeowtic*
(servitium) are commonly used by the Greek Fathers
instead of dulia to express the cultus of the saints.
The distinction is very precisely expressed by St, Cyril
of Alexandria (c. Julian vi. pp. 203, 204) — "The holy
martyrs we neither call gods nor are wont to worship
them, to wit, with latria, but only relatively and reverently;
but we the rather crown them with the highest reverence,
because they have wrestled honourably for the truth, and
have so preserved sincerity of faith as to be unsparing
even of their life, and to bid adieu to the fear of death,
and nobly to triumph over every danger, and set up to
mankind, as it were, certain images of their marvellous
manfulness, their own brave doings. There is nothing
unreasonable then, rather, doubtless, it was even neces-
sary, that those who had such splendid achievements to
exult in should be crowned with never-ending honours. '*
He appeals to the Greek cultus of their heroes and quotes
Plato (Repub. v. c. 15) : " For the future we will reverence
men who have died thus, as men who have become genii,
and will worship their graves."
For the intercession of the saints, out of numberless
passages that might be quoted, these two may serve.
St. Augustine (in Ps. 85, n. 24) : " Our Lord Jesus Christ
yet intercedes for us (Rom. viii. 34) ; all the martyrs who
are with Him intercede for us. Nor ever do their inter-
cessions cease until our groanings have passed away."
St. Jerome (Adv. Vigilant, n. 6) : " If the Apostles and
the martyrs, whilst yet in the flesh, could pray for others
whilst they had still cause for anxiety on their own
account, how much more after their crowns, their vic-
tories, and their triumphs ? " The practice of direct in-
vocation is urged on the faithful by St. John Chrysostom
(Horn, de SS. Berenice et Prosdoce, n. 7, ed. Ben. torn*
CULTUS OF THE SAINTS. 91
rii. p. 645) : " Not only on this festal day, but on other
days, let us cleave unto them, let us entreat them, and
pray them to become our patrons. Not only when
living have they a great confident claim upon God, but
even when dead, nay, the more by far when dead, for
they are bearing now the stigmata of Christ, and show-
ing these stigmata, there is nothing they cannot win of
the King." And by St. Asterius Amas. (Encom. SS.
Mart. ed. Combefis, torn. i. p. 194) : " Forasmuch as
our prayer is the less fitted to prevail with the Lord in
times of necessity and distress, inasmuch as our prayer
is not so much a deprecation as a memorial of sins,
therefore let us fly to our fellow-servants, the well-beloved
of the Lord."*
Dr. Littledale quotes St. Gregory Nyssen's statement,
" that nothing created could be worshipped by man," as
though it was meant to preclude even inferior worship,
whereas we know that St. Gregory was an ardent saint-
worshipper. In his sermon De xl. Martyr. (Op. torn,
ii. p. 206) he speaks of the miracles wrought at their
invocation and by their relics; rejoices that he possesses
a portion of the inestimable treasure, and praises St. Basil
for his saint-worship as " ay/oj ruv ay'iuv dspaKtvrqi;" a
holy servant of the holy ones. For the cultus of saints'
bodies and relics we have St. Jerome (c. Vigilant, n. 5) :
" Are we guilty of sacrilege when we enter the basilicas
of the Apostles ? Was the Emperor Constantine sacri-
legious who brought the holy relics of Andrew, Luke,
and Timothy to Constantinople, at whose coming the
demons yelled, and whom the indwellers of Vigilantius
acknowledged ? And at the present time is he, Augustus
Arcadius, to be called sacrilegious for translating the
bones of the Blessed Samuel from Judea into Thrace ?
are all those bishops to be accounted not merely sacri-
* For inscriptions of the third century containing the direct in-
vocation of martyrs, see "Roma Sotterranea " (Northcote and
Brownlow), vol. i. p. 290.
92 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
legious, but fools, for carrying a worthless thing, some
crumbled ashes, in silk and gold ? are the crowds through-
out all the Churches foolish who ran out to meet the
holy relics, and received them with as great a joy as
though they beheld the prophet living among them,
so that from Palestine to Chalcedon swarming crowds
chanted with one voice the praises of Christ?" And
Theodoret(De Cur. Affect. Graec. Disp. viii.): "How many
were made free of their desire who asked faithfully,
clearly testify the gifts indicative of their cures. Some
have hung up representations of eyes, some of feet,
fashioned of gold or silver. . . . These indicate that
disease has been driven out, as evidence of which, these
things are hung up by those who received their health,
and their (the saints') power witnessed! that theirs is the
true God." Compare, too, St. Augustine's account of
the miracles wrought by St. Stephen's relics, and those
of St. Gervase and St Protase (De Civ. Dei, lib. xxii.
c. viii.).
That there are, and have always been, false or doubt-
ful relics is nothing to the point. This must have been
inevitable in any case ; but, granting the existence of any
degree of carelessness at certain times and in certain
localities, the authorities of the Church might well hesi-
tate to undertake an antiquarian investigation of almost
hopeless arduousness, to the great disturbance of much
traditional local piety. The doubtful relic, even granting
its falsity, is still, as an image, capable of transmitting
the cultus of the saint to its object
§ 3. The Cultus of Mary.
T. Theology of the Cultus, with Catena.
Devotion to the Blessed Virgin is the natural correla-
tive of her dignity of Mother of God, and of her special
position in regard to us, involved in her relations to
THE CITLTUS OF MARY. 93
Him in whom we, who died in Adam, live again. Mary
appears in the earliest patristic writings, in Justin, Ter-
tullian, and Irenseus, as the Mother of God made man,
and so as the Mother of the living, the second Eve, by
whom reparation is made for the fault of the first, and
through whose free co-operation with Christ we are put
in possession of our lost birthright. The same tradition
is carried on after Nicsea by St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St.
Ephrem Syrus, St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, and St.
Augustine (see Cardinal Newman's Letter to Dr. Pusey,
p. 35 et seq.). The following florilegium of the patristic
cultus of our Lady is given by the Cardinal (ib. p. 71
et seq.)\ "She was alone, and wrought the world's salva-
tion and conceived the redemption of all," says Ambrose.
" She had so great grace, as not only to preserve virginity
herself, but to confer it upon those whom she visited."
" The rod out of the stem of Jesse," says Jerome, " and
the Eastern gate through which the High Priest alone
goes in and out and yet is ever shut." "The wise
woman," says Nilus, who " hath clad believers, from the
fleece of the Lamb born of her, with the clothing of
incorruption, and delivered them from their spiritual
nakedness." " The mother of life, of beauty, of majesty,
the morning star," according to Antiochus. " The
mystical new heavens," "the heavens carrying the
Divinity," " the fruitful vine," " by whom we are trans-
lated from death to life," according to St. Ephrem. " The
manna which is delicate, bright, sweet, and virgin, which
as though coming from heaven has poured down upon
all the people of the Churches a food pleasanter than
honey," according to St. Maximus. ..." Hail, Mother
clad in light, of the light that sets not," says Theodotus,
or some one else at Ephesus ; " hail, all undented Mother
of holiness ; hail, most pellucid fountain of the life-giving
stream." And St. Cyril too at Ephesus, " Hail, Mar}',
Mother of God, majestic common measure of the whole
world, the lamp unquenchable, the crown of virginity,
94 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
the staff of orthodoxy, the indissoluble temple, the
dwelling of the illimitable, Mother and Virgin, through
whom he in the Holy Gospels is called blessed who
cometh in the name of the Lord, . . . through whom
the Holy Trinity is sanctified, . . . through whom
Angels and Archangels rejoice, devils are put to flight,
. . . and the fallen creature is received up into the
heavens," &c., &c.
"He who confesses not," says St. Maximus (Relat. de
Dogm. inter Max. et Theod. torn. i. p. Ixiv. ed. Combefis),
" that our all -praise -surpassing, most holy, inviolate,
and by all intelligent natures to be venerated Lady, truly
became the natural mother of God,* ... let him be
anathema from the Father and the Son and the Holy
Spirit and from every super-celestial virtue, and from the
choir of the holy Apostles and prophets, and from the
countless multitude of the most holy martyrs, and from
every spirit made perfect in justice now and forever and
ever. Amen." And St. Sophronius : "With thee is the
Lord ; who shall dare to strive against thee ? From thee
is God; who does not yield to thee at once, rejoicing
rather to render thee the primacy of excellence ? " (De
Annunc. n. 2i).f
These are evidences of patristic cultus; but, it
may be urged, This is rather praise than prayer,
there is a dearth of " help me," " protect me,'* nay, or
" intercede for me;" although it is hard to conceive
that this is not repeatedly implied in what has been
already quoted. It may be convenient to take a period
when the doctrine of both East and West had articulated
itself clearly in favour of the present Roman Catholic
practice of the invocation of our Lady and the Saints,
and then see how far we can trace it back in earlier
times. My starting-point shall be the eighth century.
* Already defined under anathema by the Third and Fifth
Councils.
t See Hurter, Mariologia, Theol. Dogm. Thes. civ.
THE CULTUS OF MARY. 95
THE SEVENTH COUNCIL (A.D. 787) frequently exhorts
us to seek "the intercession of our inviolate Lady, the
natural mother of God, the ever Virgin Mary, and of the
holy Angels."
POPE GREGORY II. (A.D. 726), in his letter to the Em-
peror Leo the Isaurian, lays down carefully the Church's
doctrine on this point as well as upon that of holy
images : " Thou sayest that we worship stones and walls and
pictures. It is not, Emperor, as thou sayest, but that our
memory may be stimulated, and that our stupid inexpert
heavy mind may be roused and borne on high by those
whose names and titles and images these are. Not that
these are gods, as thou sayest ; far be it ; for we put not
our hope in them. And if it be an image of the Lord,
we say, 'O Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, succour and
save us;'* but if of His Holy Mother, we say, * Holy
Mother of God, Mother of the Lord, intercede with thy
Son, our true God, that He save our souls ; ' but if of a
martyr : ' Holy Stephen, who didst shed thy blood for
Christ, who as protomartyr hast a claim to plead boldly,
intercede for us" (Labbe, torn. viii. p. 658).
ST. JOHN DAMASCEN (circa A.D. 740) calls the Blessed
Virgin "Domina Angelorum," queen of angels (Serm.
in Nat. B. M. V. Op. torn. ii. ed. Lequien); and in
his sermon De Dormit. B. V. M. ibid. p. 864, thus
apostrophises her : " Thou too fulfilling the office of
Mediatrix, and made the ladder of God coming down to
us to assume our feeble nature, and couple and unite it
with Himself, and so render man's mind capable of seeing
God, didst unite what was severed. . . . Wherefore let
* Wordsworth testifies to the wholesome naturalness of this
" relative latria" in his "Boatmen's Hymn :" —
" Saviour, for our warning seen
Bleeding on that precious Rood,
If, while through the meadows green
Gently wound the peaceful flood,
We forgot Thee, do not Thou
Disregard Thy suppliants now."
g6 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
us all hasten, old and young, ... to honour our Lady,
our nature's Queen. . . . Let us say, * O maiden's glory,
O mother's pride, Mother that knewest not man, O
miracle with which the prophets sent of God were
smitten, and whose glory overpowereth the holy angels,
be propitious to the prayers of thy servants who implore
thy aid. . . . O thou Mary whose intercession suffers no
repulse nor prayer refusal ; thou that art nearest to the
pure Godhead, coming nighest to the Holy Trinity;
lifted up above the ranks of the Cherubim, more exalted
than the squadrons of the Seraphim ; through thee, as
long as we shall remain in this fleeting world, may we
obtain aid to perform good works and be delivered
from our evil deeds, and after our passage hence may we
attain to the most high and everlasting God, to the glory
of the kingdom of heaven, and to an habitation in the
land of the living."
ST. COSMAS OF JERUSALEM (circa A.D. 740), Hymn ii.
Bib. Max. Pat. Lugd. 1677, torn. xii. : — "Every tongue fails
to celebrate worthily, even heavenly minds grow dim in
thy praises, O Deipara ; yet in thy goodness receive our
homage, for thou knowest our God-inspired desire. Thou
art the champion of Christians, we magnify thee." And
Hymn v. : — " With pure hearts and undefiled lips we
magnify the Immaculate and wholly pure Mother of
Emmanuel, through her and from her offering divine
worship to her Son." Prayer — "Open unto us the gate
of mercy, Blessed Deipara. Let not, therefore, us who
hope in thee go astray ; deliver us from our calamities,
for thou art the Salvation of the race of man." " Vast
are the multitudes of my sins, O Deipara ; to thee I fly,
thou holy one, craving salvation. Visit my soul in its
sickness and ask of thy Son and God that He give me
remission of all the evil I have done, O thou uniquely
holy, uniquely blessed." " All my hope I place in thee.
Mother of light, keep me under thy protection."
ST. GREGORY THE GREAT (A.D. 604) in i Reg. c i. n.
THE CULTUS OF MARY. 97
5, says of Mount Ephraim : — " Under the name of
this mountain the most Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother
of God, may be designated. She was indeed a mountain
which transcended all heights of created election in the
dignity of her election. And is not Mary a lofty moun-
tain, who, that she might attain to the conception of
the eternal Word, lifted the summit of her merits above
the choirs of the Angels? Of the exceeding dignity of
this mountain Isaias, prophesying, saith, ' There shall
be prepared in the last days a mountain, a house of
the Lord upon the top of the mountains/ A mountain
upon the top of the mountains was she, because the
loftiness of Mary hath shone above all the saints ; . . .
A mountain upon the top of the mountains she had not
bc-en, unless her divine fruitfulness had raised her above
the heights of the angels." *
Ep. 52, lib. ix. he informs Secundinus that he has
sent him two pictures of Christ and the Blessed Virgin,
and SS. Peter and Paul. Of the former he says : "We
prostrate not ourselves before it as a divinity, but we adore
Him whom through the image we recall to mind, as born,
or suffering, or seated on His throne." t Ep. 6, we have
an account of an ardent convert from Judaism who takes
violent possession of a synagogue in which he sets up a
cross and a picture of the Madonna. St. Gregory orders
the removal of the cross and the picture " with that
reverence which is their due." Again, Dial. 1. iv. c. 17.
he relates the story of Musa, a little girl to whom our
Lady appeared, and warned her to be very good, and
she would fetch her in a few days. As the time drew
near the child fell sick, and on the thirtieth day our
* The genuineness of this commentary, disputed by Gussanville,
is defended by Cave. It is supposed by Du Pin and Thomassin
to have been put together from notes by a disciple, and to this the
Benedictines incline.
t This letter is in sundry places corrupt, but these words ate
quoted by Gregory II. and Adrian I.
G
98 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
Lady appeared. The child dies with the words, " Behold,
Lady, I come ; behold, Lady, I come."
THE SACRAMENTARY OF POPE GELASIUS (A.D. 492-
496) contains several prayers in which our Lady's inter-
cession is invoked. The following for vespers of the
Annunciation may serve as a specimen : — "We beseech
Thee, O Almighty God, that the glorious intercession of
the Blessed and ever-glorious Virgin Mary, Mother of
God, may protect us and bring us to eternal life." (See
Muratori, Liturg. Rom. et Vet. p. 643.)
ST. BASIL OF SELEUCIA (A.D. 458), one of the Fathers of
Chalcedon (in Deip. Combefis, Biblioth. Pat. pp. 590-595) :
— " What shall we say of the Deipara, who in splendour
outshines all the martyrs as much as the sun's bright-
ness doth the twinkling rays of the stars ? " " Hail, full of
grace, most flourishing Paradise of Chastity, in which the
tree of life was planted which shall yield unto all the
fruits of salvation, from which the four-mouthed fountain
of the Gospels pours forth its streams of mercy to
believers. Hail, full of grace, Mediatrix betwixt God
and man, through whom the middle wall of enmity was
removed, earth is wed with heaven, and is made one
with it." "Who does not admire the power of the
Deipara and her eminence above all the saints whom
we honour? For if God gave such grace to His servants
that they not only healed the sick by their touch, but
even by their shadow, how great a power must He be
conceived to have bestowed upon His Mother ! A much
greater than upon His servants ; that is evident. What
wonder that yet amongst men and walking upon the
earth the saints were operative, when after death the
tarth cannot hide their power? For although stones
conceal their bodies, yet in necessity they can save, if
only recourse is had to them duly. But if He grants to
these the power of working miracles, what in reward for
her nurture will He not grant to His Mother, and with
what gifts has He not adorned her, and deservedly ! For
THE CULTUS OF MARY. 99
if that sun by whose light we are illumined from without
so fills us with brightness, how much more He who is
the sun's Lord, that luminary of brightness and splendour,
dwelling in the most chaste Virgin, hath filled her with
divine light! If Peter was called ' Blessed] and had
intrusted to him the keys of the kingdom of heaven foi
acknowledging Christ as the Son of the living God, how
should she by all not be pronounced ' more Blessed '
who merited to bring forth Him whom he confessed !
If Paul was called a vessel of election because he carried
the august name of Christ and preached it throughout
the world, what a vessel was God's Mother, who did
not merely as the golden vase hold manna, but carried
in her womb that Bread of Heaven, that Bread, I say,
which is given to the faithful for their nourishment and
support ! "
ST. PROCLUS, secretary to St. John Chrysostom, and,
A.D. 437, his successor (Orat. v. Combefis, Auctar. Nov.),
says that Mary is above all the prophets and holy
men of old. "They have nothing that can be compared
to Mary the Mother of God, for Him whom they saw in
figure she bore incarnate in her womb. . . . Run through
all created things, O man, in thy thought, traverse earth,
and cast thine eyes over the sea, examine diligently the
air, let thy soul search out the heavens, intellectually
weigh all the invisible powers, and see if any other such
wonder can be found in the whole of creation. For the
heavens indeed are telling the glory of God ; the angels,
in fear, render service ; the archangels worship trembling ;
the Cherubim shudder, overpowered by His glory ; the
Seraphim hover round and dare not draw near, quivering
as they cry, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of Sabaoth. The
heavens and the earth are full of His glory. . . . Marvel
at the Virgin's conquest, in that Him whom all creation
extols with fear and trembling, she alone, in a man-
ner unspeakable, hath received within . her chamber."
"Through her all women are blessed. . . . Eve is
100 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
healed. . . . Mary is worshipped (<rec>a-/.uviTr(xi) as be*
comes the mother, the handmaid, the cloud, the bride-
chamber, the ark of the Lord. . . . Therefore we say,.
' Blessed art thou amongst women,' who alone hast found
a remedy for Eve's sorrow, hast alone wiped away the
tears of that mourner, didst carry the price of the
world's redemption, didst receive the treasure of the
pearl in trust."
ST. PETER CHRYSOLOGUS (A.D. 449), Serm. 74, cannot
speak of the Mary, the sister of Martha, at the raising of
Lazarus, without reminding us that she is fitly present,
because she bears the name of Mary, "without whom
death could not be chased away nor life restored ; " and
again (Serm. 143) : "To each of the other children of
men grace gave itself by part, but to Mary the whole
fulness of grace gave itself at once."*
ST. JEROME says that Mary is the hundredfold yield
of the divine field, compared with whom others, nomi-
natim St. Elizabeth and Zachary, are "much inferior"
(Dial. cont. Pelag. i. s. 16). We see the place our Lady
occupied in St. Jerome's devotion in his consolatory
letter to Paula (Ep. xxxix.). He puts these touching
words into her daughter's mouth : " In thy place I have
Mary the mother of the Lord ;" and again (Ep. xxii.), to
Eustochium : " What a day will that be when the Mother
of the Lord comes to meet thee, accompanied by her
choirs of virgins ! "
ST. AUGUSTINE (Serm. cxci. s. 4) makes Mary the very
well-spring of the interior life of nuns. " From Mary's
unspoiled virginity holy virgins are born ; you who,
despising the world's marriage, have chosen to be virgins
even in your flesh, celebrate with solemn joy the birth
from a virgin this day. . . . She, then, whose footsteps
you are following, abode not with any man in order to
conceive, and, when she was bearing the child, remained
a virgin. Imitate her as much as you can. . . . That
* See Morris, "Jesus the Son of Mary," vol. ii. p. 167.
THE CULTUS OF MARY. 1O1
\vhich you wonder at in the flesh of Mary do within the
recesses of your soul."
ST. AMBROSE (lib. ii. De Virg.) : "Let the virginity and
life of the Blessed Mary be drawn before you as if in a
picture, from whom, as in a mirror, is reflected the face
of Chastity, and Virtue's figure. . , . In learning, the prime
stimulus is to be found in the nobleness of the teacher.
Now what has more nobleness than God's mother ?
What brighter than she whom Brightness selected?
What chaster than she who, without the contact of a
body, gave birth to a body ? "
ST. EPHREM SYRUS (A.D. 379) thus presents Mary in
her character of "advocate" at the foot of the Cross :
"Adam was naked and beautiful, his thrifty wife wrought
and made for him a garment of shame ; the garden which
he had polluted saw it and bewailed it. Mary begged for
the garment that adorned the thief, and she cheered him
by the promise (" This day," &c.). The garden (i.e. Para-
dise) saw him and embraced him in Adam's stead" (vol.
iii. p. 572 d. ap. Morris /. ^.).
ST. GREGORY NYSSEN (A.D. 395) relates that our Lady
appeared to St. Gregory of Neocaesarea in a shape " more
than human," and bade St. John the Evangelist disclose to
him " the mystery of godliness," which he did in the
form of a profession of faith, which the saint ever after
made use of. (See Card. Newman's Letter, p. 79.)
ST. GREGORY NAZIANZEN (A.D. 329-389), Orat. xxiv.
sec. n, relates how St. Justina, when her chastity was
endangered, betook herself to our Lady, "suppliantly
beseeching the Virgin Mary to give succour to a mai-
den in peril." St. Gregory's view that the Cyprian who
was Justina's persecutor after his conversion became St.
Cyprian of Carthage is of course untenable, but this in
no way derogates from his evidence as to the sentiment
of his day.
ST. IREN^EUS (A.D. 135-202): — "As she (Eve), having
indeed Adam for a husband, but as yet being a virgin,
IO2 THE CULTUS OF MARY.
becoming disobedient, became the cause of death to her*
self and to the whole human race, so also Mary having
the predestined man, and being yet a virgin, being obed-
ient, became both to herself and to the whole human
race the cause of salvation" (Adv. Haer. iii. 22, n. 4), and
(v. 19, n. i) "though the one had disobeyed God, yet
the other was drawn to obey God ; so that of the virgin
Eve the Virgin Mary might become the advocate." The
advocate, intercessor of Eve and of Eve's children — ist,
by her participation in the act of redemption ; 2d, by her
continued pleading in their behalf. No doubt the first
sense is the primary one in this passage, but the second
is not excluded. Dr. Littledale has tried (see note to
p. 67, 3d ed.) to limit the meaning of advocate to that
of consoler, in the sense that women who lamented be*
cause of Eve may now rejoice because of Mary. His
argument is that the Greek, which is lost, is generally
supposed to have been UaoaxXyros. But Dr. Littledale
should have told his readers that comforter in its ordinary
sense is by no means the proper word for Paraclete,
which is, after all, as much a technical legal word as the
Latin advocatus^ and has precisely the same meaning of
advocate or patron. It is the word used of. Christ,
" advocatum habemus," we have an advocate, mediator.
Moreover, the word and its> derivatives are used three
times by Irenaeus, and each time in this same sense of
advocacy: lib. iii. c. 18, n. 7, " advocationem prsebentes
peccato," patronising sin; lib. iv. c. 34, n. 8, "si aliquis
Judaeis advocationem prsestans," if any one taking up the
cause of the Jews ; lib. iii. c. 23, n. 8, " qui contradicunt
saluti Adae . . . advocates se serpentis et mortis osten-
dunt," those who gainsay the salvation of Adam show
that they are the advocates of the serpent and death
(cf. Massuet. in Iren. diss. ii. art. 6). Dr. Littledale has
authority in the Benedictine Latin Glossary to Irenaeus.
for taking "advocabat plangentes" (iii. 9, 3), as 'He
consoled the mourners ; ' although there seems to be no.
SUMMARY OF EVIDENCE. 103
reason here for bringing in any variation upon the
normal sense of ' invite ' (vocare ad). Granting, however,
such a use of " advocare," the point is that it would not
tend to give " advocata " in the sense of consoler, but only
in the sense of consoled.
2. Summary of Evidence.
The Blessed Virgin is the highest and holiest of God's
creatures, and therefore the most worthy of our honour.
She is the most powerful of intercessors with God, there-
fore her cultus must be the most beneficial to man. St
Ephrem and St. Gregory Nyssen give instances of her
intercession. St. John Damascen and St. Cosmas give
direct prayers to Mary; the Sacramentary of Gelasius
indirect prayers. St. Gregory Nazianzen puts a direct
invocation of Mary in the mouth of the Virgin Martyr, SL
Justina. A Father of Chalcedon vehemently encourages
her invocation by enlarging on her immense superiority
to all the other saints, precisely as to her power of bene-
faction. In St. Gregory the Great's time, Mary's picture
is with the crucifix shown to be the very insignia of a
Christian church. That this had been more or less the
case from the beginning is proved by the frescoes of the
Madonna and Child in the Catacombs, ascribed by the
best authorities to the first, second, and third centuries.
Before any division of East and West, the Church of the
eighth century, as represented by St John Damasceu
and St. Cosmas, is as direct and free in its invocation of
Mary as the Catholic Church of the nineteenth. Our
Lady's cultus has ever been, to say the least of it, equally
pronounced in the scrupulously conservative Greek
Church as in the Latin ; witness the collection of prayers
from the Greek office-books in Cardinal Newman's
"Letter," Note D. Indeed, if we admit the position of
our Lady as presented to' us by the early Fathers, and
the principle of the invocation of saints, established as
it is over and over again in the cultus of martyrs, and
IO4 CULTUS OF OUR LADY IN THE EARLY CHURCH.
witnessed to so abundantly in passages already quoted,
the cultus of Mary is a logical necessity. If we found
no traces of it whatever, we should stand aghast as
though before some stately edifice which cast no shadow
under a brilliant sun. That there was some cultus of
Mary during the first four centuries has been sufficiently
established ; we have now to answer the question why
this did not assume larger proportions and assert itself
more prominently than it did.
3. Imperfect Development of the Cultus of Our Lady in the
Early Church.
This is to be attributed, primarily, to the fact that the
system with which Christianity found itself in immediate
conflict was polytheism, and the truth which it was above
all necessary to inculcate was the unity of the object of
worship. On this account the direct worship of Christ
and of the Holy Ghost as Almighty God was to a certain
extent in abeyance during the first three centuries ; at
least it was not given anything approaching the promi-
nence it assumed in the ensuing centuries. How many
instances, I would ask, of direct invocation of Christ or
of the Holy Ghost as Almighty God are to be found in
the New Testament or in the writings of the Fathers of
the first three centuries? For example, is there one
such invocation in the works of Justin or Tertullian or
Gregory Thaumaturgus or Cyprian?* "It required
century after century," says Cardinal Newman, " to spread
it out (the doctrine of Christ's Divine personality), and to
imprint it energetically on the worship and practice of the
Catholic peoples as well as on their faith. Athanasius was
the first and the great teacher of it" f It was prac-
tically impossible to present to a polytheistic world a
Trinity of Divine persons without seeming polytheis-
tically to divide the object of Divine worship; and to a
* See "Home and Foreign Review," April 1864, pp. 658, 659.
t Letter to Dr. Pusey, p. 92.
CULTUS OF OUR LADY IN THE EARLY CHURCH. 105
rorld which had lost the tradition of the relations between
Creator and creature, a subordinate worship, in which
the Creator should be worshipped in His creature, could
only very gradually be made intelligible. Especially was
the worship of the " Mother of God," the " Queen of
Heaven " — a title which almost seemed to reintroduce
the banished dynasty of Olympus — open to difficulty
and abuse, such as we see was the case with the Colly-
ridians Combated by St. Epiphanius. Naturally, then,
and inevitably, it was only when the Divine cultus of
Christ was established in perfect harmony with the wor-
ship of one only God that it was safe to give free scope
to the worship of His Mother. At the same time it
must be remembered that the writings of the early
Fathers took for the most part the form of doctrinal
exposition or of apology, and that neither is the natural
field of devotion. When we come to the sermons, e.g.,
those of St. John Chrysostom and St. Augustine, we
are met with various panegyrics of the Blessed Virgin,
the false attribution of which to the Fathers whose
names they bear is very generally admitted. But what
does this come to ? For the most part the adverse
criticism falls upon certain forms of expression, certain
presentations of doctrine, or references to events, which
are recognised as belonging to a subsequent date. Any
one who knows what is the fate of sermons, even in our
own day, will hesitate to regard much of this criticism
as conclusive, at least in regard to the result of com-
plete disappropriation. How many sermons of popular
preachers of the present day have been broken up in
sermon cases, and received variations, both in idea and
phraseology, from their new enunciators, which nothing
but the modern distinction between print and manuscript
has kept out of the text. Of course this is no excuse
for uncritical quotation, but it does suggest, I conceive,
a reasonable caveat against assuming that St. John
Chrysostom and St. Augustine never panegyrised our
106 SCRIPTURE OBJECTIONS TO THE CULTUS OF MARY.
Lady, because their panegyrics, as they stand, must needs
be relegated to the list of spuria or dubia. Any-
how, my hypothesis is far more reasonable than that
which supposes a sudden birth of Marian devotion
between Chrysostom and Damascen, nay, in the quarter
of a century between Chrysostom and Proclus, and this
in a Church which was a model of conservatism.
4. Scripture Objections to the Cultus of Mary.
1. Luke ii. 41-50. Our Lady is "rebuked," Dr. Little-
dale thinks, for her search of Him. For what conceiv-
able fault ? I would ask. Nothing short of a command-
ment no longer to exercise a mother's part towards Him
could have justified her in not seeking. Was it that she
sought Him amongst her kinsfolk instead of at once
betaking herself to the Temple ? But she thought He had
left the Temple. Who would conceive a fault here
unless he thought himself compelled to look for matter
for a rebuke? There is no more rebuke on the one side
than on the other. " Son, why hast Thou done so to us ?
Thy father and I have sought Thee sorrowing/' is at
least as much a rebuke as " Why is it that you sought
Me ? Knewest thou not that about those things that are
My Father's I must needs be?" This — not to speak
of the mystic lesson of detachment conveyed to us
in our Lord's words — is the natural antithesis of affec-
tion, in which only Protestant dulness could suspect a
quarrel
2. Matt. xii. 46-50 ; Mark iii. 31-36. Christ's answer,
when told that His Mother and brethren desired to
speak with Him, extolling as higher than any casual
relationship the spiritual relationship of good works;
and Luke ii. 27, 28, when Christ replies to the woman
who extols the blessedness of His Mother, " Yea, rather
blessed are they that hear the word of God and keep it."
On both occasions He commends spiritual nearness to
Himself as something higher than any other. The com-
REV. JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST
8T. MARY'S COLLEGE LIBRARY, X926
SCRIPTURE OBJECTIONS TO THE CULTUS OF MARY. 107
parison is one of relations, not of persons, and the per-
fection of both relationships might culminate in the one
person, as indeed was the case; for was she not "the
handmaid of the Lord" as well as His Mother? and did
she not " keep all these things and ponder them in her
heart " ? If in Christ's " yea rather " He be supposed to
deprecate His Mother's cultus, He must no less be sup-
posed to deprecate His own, for the woman in the
crowd primarily extolled Him, and His Mother only
for His sake. Doubtless He would turn men's minds
from the external greatness of His Mother's prerogative
as of His own, to fix them rather upon His and His
Mother's truer glory, as when He said, " Callest thou
Me good ? " *
3. John ii. 4. When our Lady pleads " they have no
wine," Christ answers, "What is there between Me and
thee ? Mine hour is not yet come." These are mysterious
words, but can we be surprised that the mystic lessons
given by Jesus to Mary are hard to understand ? One
thing is clear, that she did not -ask for anything she
should not have asked for, because He granted it ; nor
inopportunely, except in that sense in which we are
all bidden to pray "in season and out of season." St.
Cyril of Alexandria says that Christ wrought the miracle
then which He was Himself unwilling to work, in order
to show " reverence to His mother ; " and that " she,
having great authority for the working of the miracle,
got the victory, persuading the Lord as being her son,
as was most fitting." (See Cardinal Newman's Letter, C.
p. 140.) And Mary knew that she had " got the victory,"
that there was no rejection of prayer in Christ's words,
or tone, or look ; and she said to the waiters, " Whatso-
ever He shall say unto you, do ye." He called her
"woman" (yvvat), a name which, in its ordinary use, is
expressive at once of tenderness and respect, t a name
* See Dr. Ward's Essays, Devotional and Scriptural, pp. 218-225.
t This is abundantly recognised by Protestant critics. Tritler
108 PATRISTIC OBJECTIONS TO THE CULTUS OF MARY.
with which Christ addressed her in their hour of closest
union, when she stood at the foot of His Cross. It is
a name, as Fr. Coleridge remarks, which may well have
been used advisedly, for a reason "kindred to that for
which He called Himself so constantly the Son of Man.
He was the second Adam, ' the Father of the world to
come,' as she was the Mother." The other words,
'What is there between Me and thee? Mine hour is not
yet come,' express the mystic violence of prayer, like the
cry of the angel with whom Jacob wrestled, ' Let me
go ; ' or God's words to Moses, ' Leave me alone, that
My wrath may be kindled against them.' The hour of
prayer is the penultimate hour immediately preceding
God's hour of grace.*
5. Patristic Objections to the Cultus of Mary.
j. Tertullian, Origen, Basil, Chrysostom, and Jerome
conceive that Mary fell into slight sin now and again.
Cyril of Alexandria thinks she was violently tempted by
interior temptations during our Lord's Passion; whereas
Gregory the Great, Ambrose, Augustine, and others sup-
port the view which gradually prevailed in the Church
that our Lady was simply sinless. Dr. Littledale tries to
argue that the Fathers who could attribute any sort of
sin to Mary must on that account be opposed to her
cultus ; but that is absurd, for Chrysostom and Basil
and Jerome, e.g., were, as we have seen, ardent advocates
of the cultus of the martyrs, all of whom had committed
sin, and some of them grievous sin. Neither can the
attribution of such sin be taken as necessarily implying
a disbelief in her Immaculate Conception ; for original sin
implies a total absence of the supernatural life of grace,
whereas venial sin does not. Cardinal Newman (Letter,
^ap. Wolf in Joan.) paraphrases it as "sestimatissima femina," or
Lady. Kuinoel (Comment, in Nov. Test.) has collected a number
of passages from the classics to prove the point.
* See Fr. Coleridge, Public Life of Our Lord, vol. i. pp. 159-161
PATRISTIC OBJECTIONS TO THE CULTUS OF MARY. 109
Note C.) thus accounts for the inadequate view of
Mary's sinlessness taken by several of the Fathers : — "In
the broad imperial world the conception entertained of
womankind was not high ; it seemed only to perpetuate
the poetical tradition of the ' varium et mutabile semper.'
Little then was known of that true nobility which is ex-
emplified in the females of the Gothic and German races,
and in those of the old Jewish stock, Miriam, Deborah,
Judith, Susanna, the forerunners of Mary. When, then,
Chrysostom imputes vainglory to her, he is not imputing
to her anything worse than an infirmity, the infirmity of
a nature inferior to man's and intrinsically feeble ; as
though the Almighty could have created a more excel-
lent being than Mary but could not have made a greater
woman." Graeco-Roman rhetoric, I may add, which
furnished the form to so much of the patristic writings,
never sought its topics in the exalted ideal of the
Greek tragedy, where it would have met with the stately
figure of an Antigone or an Alcestis ; it sought its topics
in common life or in that art which was least removed
from common life, and, until Christianity came, enthu-
siasm was a transport and not a way of life. Chrysostom
and Basil drew their commonplaces, new TO ywaiov, from
the pages of Homeric scholiasts, and Hecuba and An-
dromache, as the representatives of womankind, were
ever holding back their hero from the paths of dangerous
glory to which a higher duty impelled him, whilst the
loftiest of their female virtues were hardly more than a
foil to set off manliness. If any one is inclined to doubt
the power of a paganised imagination amongst the saints
and martyrs of the early Church, let him recollect the
countless quaint disguises under which our Lord appears,
as Orpheus, Hercules, &c., in the frescoes of the Roman
Catacombs. Then, as Cardinal Newman points out, there
were special reasons for the obscuration of the tradition
of Mary's sinlessness in the homes of Chrysostom and
Basil. " It is not surely wonderful if in Syria and Asia
110 PATRISTIC OBJECTIONS TO THE CULTUS OF MARY.
Minor, the seat in the fourth century of Arianism and
Semi-Arianism, the prerogatives of the Mother were ob-
scured, together with the essential glory of the Son, or if
they who denied the tradition of His divinity forgot the
tradition of her sinlessness."
2. St. Hilary of Poictiers (in ?s. cxviii. n. 12) urges
Dr. Littledale (p. 56), speaks of the "fire" of the day
of judgment, and of "the severity of the judgment" into
which even "the Virgin who conceived God is to come."
I answer that, as gold is tried in the fire, yet, if quite pure,
loses nothing; so, St. Hilary does not say that our Lady
will suffer, but that she will pass through that fire of
judgment through which all must pass, as he, with other
Fathers, understood to be represented by the flaming
sword barring Paradise. Both St. Ambrose (in Ps. cxviii.
Serm. 20, n. 12) and St. Hilary (n. 13) contemplate an
innocence that need not fear. St. Ambrose instances
St. John the Evangelist and St. Peter, and lays down
generally (n. 13) that " whosoever hath here the fire of
charity, there will not be able to be afraid of the fire
of the sword." Much the same idea is expressed in
Cardinal Newman's " Dream of Gerontius." It is only
because Gerontius' soul is not quite pure, that ..." the
keen sanctity which, with its influence like a glory clothes
and circles round the Crucified, has seized, and scorched,
and shrivelled it."
3. St. Epiphanius condemned the Collyridians, who
worshipped Mary as a goddess, offering her sacrifice ;
and Dr. Littledale (p. 56) tries to make a point of the
Saint's wholesale condemnation of this cultus, as though,
had he held the present Marian doctrine, he would have
said, "Worship, but do not offer sacrifice." But the
Collyridian cultus was in itself bad, being based upon
the heretical assumption that Mary was something more
than human, therefore none of its acts could be innocent.
In laying the blame upon "excessive adoration of that
Holy Virgin," St. Epiphanius equivalently admits that
IMAGE-WORSHIP. I T t
there may be an adoration not excessive, such as a
cultus of dulia or hyperdulia, including direct invocation
but rejecting sacrifice, which yet, as compared with
latria, is no worship at all (Epiph. Op. torn. i. p. 1064).
§ 4. Image-Worship.
i. The Theology of Image- Worship.
Dr. Littledale asserts (p. 26) "that all that part (of the
first commandment) which forbids the making of graven
images for the purpose of religious honour is suppressed
in every popular Roman catechism" The italics are his
own. This statement was so simply untrue, or, what was
more to the purpose, was so immediately and completely
disposed of by the production of a number of our Catholic
catechisms with the clause in question, that in Dr.
Littledale's second edition the passage is, without how-
ever a word of acknowledgment, let drop, and the follow-
ing substituted — "No Roman Catholic catechism teaches
that there is either danger or sin in any making or using
of images for religious honour short of actual paganism;"
a most ambiguous sentence in Dr. Littledale's mouth,
as any one may see who will compare what he says
about the doctrine of "intelligent and shrewd heathens"
being identical with that of Roman Catholic controversi-
alists. So read, it involves a quasi-justification of Roman
Catholic catechisms, inasmuch as they all stop short of
Roman Catholic idolatrous doctrine. Having found,
however, that several Roman Catholic catechisms have
abridged what is with us the first commandment, so as
to leave out the part about graven images, in his third
edition Dr. Littledale makes his sentence run thus: —
" Many Roman catechisms omit the second command-
ment, while no" &c. Dr. Littledale would seem to have
adopted the view that, in order to attain the truth re-
garding the Holy Catholic Church, you have only to
112 IMAGE- WORSHIP.
provide a sufficient block of accusation, and gradually
beneath the blows of controversy the figure of truth,
which Dr. Littledale knows must be lurking there, will
come to light. I can only say that there is something
still to be done to Dr. Littledale's statement before the
truth is beaten out of it. It is not true that " no Roman
Catholic catechism teaches that there is either danger
or sin in any making or using of images for religious
honour short of actual paganism," .i.e., direct worship
of idols as gods. The catechism of the Council of
Trent (i. 8) enumerates several. "In what principal
ways can the Deity be offended through images ? Mainly
in two ways. As regards this precept, it is clear that the
majesty of God may be vehemently offended : the one if
idols and images are worshipped as God, or it is believed
that there is in them any divinity or virtue on account of
which they are to be worshipped, or that anything is to be
asked of them ^ or that faith is to be put in the images them-
selves" The other principal way which the catechism
goes on to mention is anthropomorphism.
As regards the first commandment, embracing as it
does the Anglican first and second, I conceive that the
second part is only forbidding a subdivision of the matter
forbidden by the first part, as thus — (i.) Thou shalt not
have other gods beside Me ; (2.) Thou shalt not make
lor worship, or worship, any images of those other gods.
The matter forbidden by the second is not outside the
matter forbidden by the first. This is the view of Paley
(Sermon on Exod. xx. 5) : — "The first and second com-
mandment may be considered as one, inasmuch as they
relate to one subject, or nearly so. For many ages and
by many Churches they were put together and con-
sidered as one commandment. The subject to which
they both relate is false worship, or the worship of false
gods. This is the single subject to which the prohibition
of both commandments relates, the single class of sins
which is guarded against" (vol. iii. p. 320, London, 1825).
IMAGE- WORSHIP. 1 13
It follows, then, that an abbreviation which omits the
second part, as in some of our catechisms, and, as Dr.
Littledale tells us, in the Shorter Lutheran, is quite
natural and legitimate.
No doubt it is true that the Jews were not allowed to
use images in their religious worship at their own dis
cretion. Everything regarding their religious worship
was prescribed, and the slightest deviation, any going
beyond the letter of their rule in this direction, would
create a suspicion that the Jew was hankering after the
idolatrous worship of the nations round about him. But
the fact that God made an image for them in the cloud
and the brazen serpent, showed that the use of images
was not in itself wrong or prohibited. So far as such
prohibition was implied in the first commandment, we
know that it no more continued obligatory under the
Christian dispensation than the ceremonial observance
of the seventh day. We have evidence of this in the
frescoes in the Roman Catacombs of the Madonna and
Child, and again of our Lady as an Orante in the exercise
of her intercessory power. A specimen of the former is
attributed by the highest authority — the Cavaliere de
Rossi — to the first or second centuries (see Roma
Sotterranea, Northcote and Brownlow, vol. ii. pp. 134-
143). Dr. Arnold (Letter xlii., Life by Stanley) urges that
" the second commandment is in the letter utterly done
away with by the fact of the Incarnation. To refuse, then,
the benefit which we might derive from the frequent use
of the crucifix, under pretence of the second command-
ment, is a folly ; because God has sanctioned one con-
ceivable similitude of Himself when He declared Him-
self in the person of Christ."
One other abiding prohibition is certainly implied in
this commandment, and that is, to make idols for heathen
worship, with which offence certain manufacturers in
this Protestant country were loudly and widely charged
some years ago, with how much truth I do not know.
114 IMAGE-WORSHIP.
Dr. Littledale has entirely distorted the doctrine of
St. Thomas concerning the worship of the cross, by
omitting his explanation that the cross as an image is
only the conduit of latreutic adoration, or, as others
prefer to express it, the material image has an analogous
use in adoration with that of the imaginative image —
say of the crucifixion — in our own minds, forming as it
were one object with its prototype ; or again, more pre-
cisely, it is laid down that no interior act of adoration
finds its object in the image ; although this is the object,
for the sake of its prototype, of exterior acts when it is
kissed and embraced, whilst the interior act passes en-
tirely on to the exemplar. In this way Vasquez (2* 2*
Disp. 108), Coninck (De Incarn. disp. 25, dub. 7), the
Theologians of Wurtzburg(DeIncarn. sec. 3, art. 4,n. 515),
understand St. Thomas, who says (2* 2* qu. 81, art. 3),
" Religious worship is not given to images considered
in themselves as such or such things, but according as
they are images leading up to the incarnate God. The
movement of the soul towards the image, as an image,
does not stay in it, but passes on to that of which it is
the image, and therefore the fact that religious worship
is given to the images of Christ does not introduce dis-
tinctions into the character of latria or the virtue of
religion." So taken, St. Thomas's doctrine would seem
to harmonise perfectly with that of the Seventh Council,
which, when denying that latria proper is due to the
images of Christ, clearly admits this relative latria when
insisting that images transmitted the whole worship
given them to their exemplars. Other writers, e.g.,
Bellarmine (lib. ii. de Imag. cap. 21), and Suarez (2* 2*
disp. 54, sec. 5), deny that the above is an adequate
explanation of image-worship, and insist that a certain
lower but interior worship really rests upon the image,
though, of course, in virtue of its prototype. It is true
that the subject has been a field for much scholastic
discussion, but the difference has been rather one of
THE SEVENTH GENERAL COUNCIL. 115
philosophical analysis and nomenclature than of theology.
On this point all are agreed, that no act, either of latria
ordulia, can find its adequate object in an image, although
images must invariably be treated with reverence, at
least, as belonging to the order of sacred utensils.
2. The Seventh General Council and the Council of
Frankfort.
The Seventh General Council defined that an adora-
tion of honour (r///,7jr/xjj </r|offxui?jc'/$), but not latria^ was
clue to holy images, whether of Christ, the Blessed Virgin,
angels or saints. Dr. Littledale objects that this second
Council of Nicaea was no General Council, and that its
doctrine was repudiated by the great Western Council of
Frankfort. Now, Dr. Littledale has laid it down as his
one test of oecumenicity — of the validity of a General
Council — its acceptance by the Church. I contend, then,
that, on his own ground, he is bound to accept this
Second Council of Nicaea as the Seventh General
Council, for though it was long before it was universally
recognised as such, yet such has been the fate, in
varying degrees, of other admittedly General Councils,
such as the Second and Fifth. Anyhow, the whole
Church, East and West, ended in the conclusion that
the doctrine concerning holy images defined at Nicaea
was true, and that the Council was oecumenical. No
doubt as to either point had prevailed for centuries
before the Western schism. As regards the Council
of Frankfort, there can be no doubt that, opposed
though it was to the general character of the discipline
established at Nicaea, it never condemned the doctrine
there defined. What it did condemn was the opinion
falsely attributed to the Metropolitan of Cyprus, for
which it held the Fathers of Nicsea responsible, viz.,
that latria — direct divine worship — the same as that
given to the Trinity, was to be given to images (see
Cone. Franc, can. 2). In one of its chapters sent to
lib THE SEVENTH GENERAL COUNCIL.
Pope Adrian it says, " We permit the images of saints,
whosoever may choose to make them, either inside the
church or out, for the love of God and His saints, but
we in no ivise compel those to worship them who do not
choose." * There is much to excuse the suspicion with
which the Gallic prelates regarded the action of the
Greek Church. This had exhibited a long succession
of contradictory movements, anon tearing down its
icons, anon caressing them, and thrusting them upon
every one's worship, with an Oriental fervour with which
the Church of Gaul, not possessing any traditional art,
could not at all sympathise. Both the Gallic and Saxon
Churches were absolutely committed to the principle of
the Greek definition. The cultus of the Cross, of the
Book of the Gospels, and of relics, a cultus including
genuflections and prostrations, had prevailed amongst
them from the earliest times. See the passages from
Jonas of Orleans and the Irish monk Dungal in defence
of the "adoration" of the Cross against the iconoclastic
Claudius of Turin. t See, too, the extracts from the Life
of Alcuin and the works of Bede and Aldhelm.t Dungal
taunts his iconoclastic opponent with having to listen
"to the frequent chanting in the church of the 'Crucem
tuam adoramus Domine.' " In another passage he thus
enunciates a doctrine identical with that of the Nicene
Council : — " God alone is to be adored and worshipped,
as it becomes the Lord and Creator of all things to be
adored and worshipped by His creature, inasmuch as in
Him alone we believe and hope, and to Him we daily
sacrifice. But the good and holy creature of God, that
is to say, a holy angel, a holy man, or the holy Cross>
according to the degree of their worthiness we adore
and worship, that is, we humbly honour and embrace for
God's sake, and in God, but in a widely different fashion
* Natalis Alexander, ssec. viii. diss. vi. sec. 8.
•f Natalis Alexander, ssec. vii. diss. vii.
tLingard, Ang.-Sax. Church, vol. i. chap. 10.
THE SEVENTH GENERAL COUNCIL. I I 7
from that in which we worship and adore Him." How
perfectly just are the strictures of Anastasius Bibliothe-
•carius upon the attitude of the Gallic gainsayers Of"
Nicasa (Praef. in Act. Syn. vii.) : — " Just as if the Book of
the Gospels was not the work of man's hand, which they
daily kiss and worship, . . . and in like manner the
figure of the Holy Cross, which Christians everywhere
profess to worship. Wherefore it is well to note that if
we worship every gold or silver or wooden cross, which
is really not that very same cross upon which our salva-
tion was wrought out, but the figure and image of that
one, why should we not worship the figure and image of
Him who wrought that same salvation in the midst of
the earth? For more venerable is He who wrought the
salvation than the wood upon which He wrought the
salvation ; and, therefore, the image of Christ, who
wrought the salvation, is more worthy of adoration than
the image of that Cross which only bore the salvation."
Although the Holy See made common cause with
the Seventh Council, and it was recognised within the
ensuing century as oecumenical by the vast majority of
Catholics, yet the Pope did not give it that public
•confirmation as an CEcumenical Council which involved
his enforcing its statutes as a condition of communion.
He saw that there was no real difference of faith between
Nicaea and Frankfort, and left the Gallic Church to
modify its devotional discipline in accordance with its
religious sentiment. The gradual extinction of such
difference as really existed between Gaul and England
on the one hand, and Italy and the East on the other,
may be attributed more perhaps to the rise in the former
countries of religious art than to anything else. As
regards the Eastern struggle, which resulted in the
triumph of the image-worshippers at Nicaea, Archbishop
Trench (Mediaeval History, chap, vii.) remarks that
" no one will deny that, with rarest exceptions, all the
religious earnestness, all which constituted the quicken-
Il8 DEVOTION TO PARTICULAR SHRINES AND IMAGES.
ing power of a Church, was ranged upon the other (the
Nicene) side. Had the iconoclasts triumphed, when
their work showed itself at last in its true colours, it would.
have proved to be the triumph, not of faith in an invisible
God, but of frivolous unbelief in an incarnate Saviour."
3. Devotion to Particular Shrines and Images.
Dr. Littledale (p. 28) insists that the existence of such
particular devotions in the Catholic Church establishes
the charge of " idolatry in the strictest sense." Why?
I would ask. Is there anything idolatrous in the con-
sciousness that a special representation, say, of Christ's
sufferings, has more power to excite your devotion than
another, and your consequent preference of it ? And
is not the mere fact of a tradition of devotion to a par-
ticular image, or the belief that special favours have been
shown to worshippers at a particular shrine, whether in
reward of saintly founders or saintly worshippers, itself
an incentive to devotion? And the fact of the con-
course of devout worshippers is the reason why the Holy
See attaches special indulgences to the image or shrine
in question, because it is there that they will be most
abundantly used and bear most fruit. Was there ever a
time, either in the East or West, when there was not a
special devotion to certain holy places, and a belief that
there the rain of God's blessings was more abundant
than elsewhere ? The devotion to particular pictures
and images is on precisely the same principle ; for such
an image itself constitutes and indicates a place where
God is believed to have shown great mercies, the recol-
lection of which is likely to excite the very sentiments
that would merit a repetition of those favours. If such
special devotion is idolatrous, then surely the Greek
Church in its immemorial devotion to its favourite icons>
and especially to the great icon of St. Luke's Madonna,
is peculiarly obnoxious to the charge.
DEVOTION TO PARTICULAR SHRINES AND IMAGES. I I 9
In order to prove his point, Dr. Littledale introduces
as a type of pagan idolatry, of " idolatry in its strictest
sense," a philosophical apologist, a pagan sceptic, anxious
to avoid the charge of superstition, who explains that he
does not believe there is anything divine in his idol.
What is really to the point is not to learn what account
such an one would give of his tenets, or even what he
really held, but what form of idolatry was attributed as
a crime by the early Christians to their pagan contem-
poraries. I venture to say that no single passage from
the Fathers can be produced which describes it as any-
thing less than the attribution of a divine personality to
the image itself, or at least a divine virtue. The idolatry
recorded in Scripture consists of a distinct identification
of the idol with the divinity it represented, as when
Dagon lay prostrate and mutilated before the ark, and
the Philistines exclaimed : " Let not the ark of the God
of Israel remain among us, for His hand is hard upon
us and upon Dagon our God" (i Kings i. 5) ; and, again,
Dan. iv., the king says, "Does not Bel seem to you a
living god? seest thou not how much he eats and drinks
daily ; and Daniel, smiling, saith he is clay within and
brass without, and he eateth not at all." The most
refined form of idolatry contemplated by the Fathers was
that ascribed by St. Augustine to Trismegistus (De Civit.
Dei, 1. viii. c. 23) : — " The visible and palpable images he
asserted to be as it were the bodies of the gods ; that
there were in them certain active spirits, who to a certain
extent were able to injure or to gratify those who offered
them divine honours and the service of worship ; that
these invisible spirits were by a peculiar art wedded to
visible material corporal substances, and the idols dedi-
cated and submitted to those spirits ; and this, he said,
was to make gods, and that man had received that great
and wonderful power of making gods." For this same idea
of imprisoned divinity see Chrys. in Geneth. ap. .Theo-
doret, Eranist. i.; for the coarser idea of absolute identifi-
120 THE EARLY FATHERS AND IMAGE-WORSHIP.
cation, see Athanasius, Orat. cont. Gent. sect. 13, "They
burn that, part of which they worship;" and Cyril of
Alexandria, cont. Jul. lib. vi. p. 194, " He is not ashamed
to make sticks and stones gods" (ap. Nat. Alex. ssec.
viii. diss. vi. sec. i).
4. The Early Fathers and Image- Worship.
I admit that the early Fathers were shy of the use of
images, even more than they were of the cultus of the
saints. In the face of an idolatrous world, they were
naturally afraid lest even the most pious and orthodox
use of images might open the way to or suggest a
suspicion of idolatry. This much was inevitable. I will
now notice in more or less detail the various passages
collected by Dr. Littledale, from p. 31 to p. 34.
1. The Carpocratians, denounced by Irenaeus (cont.
Haer. i. 25), are said to pay " Gentile," i.e., divine honours
to the images of Christ, and to worship them in con-
junction with an assemblage of Pagan worthies. Thus
the saint's denunciation cannot be shown to fall upon a
worship such as Catholics use.
2. Minucius Felix, when (Octav. xxix.) he protests
against worshipping crosses, must be understood to rebut
the charge in the sense in which it was made, viz., of
yielding the Cross divine honours.
3. The passages from Origen (cont. Cels. vi. 14, and
viii. 17) are a protest against anthropomorphism, against
the idea that you "can fashion likenesses of Divinity."
4. Lactantius (Div. Inst. ii. 19) must be understood
as denouncing a religion of image-worship, that is, a
worship of images that stops in images, of which an
image is the centre.
5. The thirty-sixth canon of Elvira, forbidding religious
pictures in churches, seems clearly directed against an-
thropomorphism, not the worshipping what is painted,
but the painting what is worshipped, i.e., the Divinity,
" ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur."
THE EARLY FATHERS AND IMAGE-WORSHIP. 121
6. The passage from Eusebius of Csesarea (Hist,
ficcles. vii. 18), whilst implying that the use of holy
images was foreign to his own Church, at least testifies
to a very ancient tradition in their favour. For he not
only mentions having seen the statue of Christ supposed
to have been erected by the woman cured of an issue of
blood, but also testifies to his knowledge of the existence
of pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul and of Christ, the
work of early Christians. He says that they naturally
brought into Christianity a custom common amongst the
Gentiles (IQvixfj ouvqdeicf). There is nothing here of the
reproach conveyed in Dr. Littledale's italicised render-
ing "according to the heathen custom;" many Gentile cus-
toms have been laudably naturalised in the Church.
7. St. Epiphanius' action in tearing down from the
Church door the veil painted with the figure " as it were
of Christ or some saint " may probably indicate that a
scrupulous avoidance of Church pictures was customary
in Palestine and Cyprus. Elsewhere it was otherwise.
A similar door-veil, with the figure of St. Stephen wrought
upon it, is mentioned as part of the adornment of his
oratory at Uzalis in Africa, in a report of the miracles of
St. Stephen, drawn up by order of the Bishop Evodius,
St. Augustine's friend (see lib. ii. c. 4, n. 2, Append, op.
Aug. ed. Ben.). St. Paulinus too, so celebrated by the
praises of St. Augustine and St. Jerome, adorned his
patron's shrine at Nola with many sacred paintings of
Christ and the saints, although for the most part of
an emblematic character (Ep. xxxiii. and Vita, c. 34,
ed. Muratori).
8. The words used by St. Ambrose of St. Helena
(De Obit. Theod.) are continually quoted by Catholics
as expressing the theology of the adoration of the Cross :
" She adored the King truly, not the wood." The words
are evidently a record and justification of an act on the
part of St. Helena corresponding to our Good Friday
adoration. She doubtless knelt down and kissed the
122 THE EARLY FATHERS AND IMAGE- WORSHIP.
Cross. If she did not, what need of the explanation that
it was " the King, not the wood " ? Were I to suggest that
she chanted the " O crux, ave spes unica," or " Adore-
mus crucem tuam Domine," I could hardly be con-
victed of a serious anachronism, for within a century of
St. Helena St. Paulinus sang : —
" Nunc ad te veneranda Dei crux verto loquelas
O crux magna Dei pietas, crux gloria cceli,
Crux seterna salus hominum, crux terror iniquis."
And in Epistle xxxi. (A.D. 403), after describing the " In-
vention," he goes on to say that once every year the
Cross is exposed to the adoration of the faithful, as well as
at other times for the benefit of pilgrims from a distance,
(quam episcopus urbis ejus quotannis, cum Pascha
Domini agitur, adorandam populo princeps ipse vener-
intium promit).
St. Ambrose (/. <r.) goes on to praise St. Helena for
promoting the adoration of the Cross by setting it in
the royal crown, " ut crux Christi in regibus adoretur."
The words from St. Ambrose's Epistle xviii. (ad
Valentin.), to the effect that Pagan apologists " talk about
God and worship an image," in no way prove that
Christians cannot use images in worshipping God.
9. Dr. Littledale quotes what he calls " a very valuable
testimony " from St. Augustine, Enarr. in Ps. xcvl 2, and
contends that the Saint therein puts exactly the same
"get off" from the charge of idolatry in the mouth of a
Pagan apologist that Catholics use, and rejects it as
futile. The passage from St. Augustine containing the
Pagan apology is printed in parallel columns with one
in which the Council of Trent, sess. xxv., expounds her
doctrine concerning holy images. There can be no-
doubt that the two explanations are substantially the
same. The Pagan apologist says, "I do not worship
that, but I bow down before what I see and serve him
whom I do not see ;'•' and the Council of Trent, " Through
THE EARLY FATHERS AND IMAGE-WORSHIP. 12$
the images which we kiss ... we adore Christ." So
far Dr. Littledale may be congratulated on his par-
allelism, but why does he not continue his quotation a
sentence or so further? St. Augustine's most pertinent
question "Who is He?" which occurs in his quotation,
should have warned him of what was coming. Dr.
Littledale ends his quotation with the words "they think
themselves very clever as not worshippers of idols," as
though the Saint had said, " You try to escape from the
charge of idolatry in vain ; the 'get off' common to you
and modern Papists is no get off at all;" whereas what
St. Augustine really says is this, " They think themselves
very clever because they do not worship idols, And
they worship devils" (quia non colunt idola sed colunt
dsemonia) ; and then goes on to show that this is far
worse and more dangerous ; for the Pagan had answered
to the question " Who is He ? " " some invisible power
which presides over that image." Augustine's retort
comes to this, " You fall out of the frying-pan into the
fire, you have disproved the charge of idolatry indeed,
but at the cost of admitting the far more grievous
imputation of demon-worship." Supposing the Pagan
had been able to answer, with the Council of Trent,
" We adore Christ . . . whose likeness the image bears,"
who does not see that Augustine's words convey a perfect
acquittal, being equivalent to "You have succeeded in
showing that you are not idolaters, but worshippers of
Christ"? "A very valuable testimony," surely, but not
for Dr. Littledale.
As to the passage from De Mor. Eccles. I. xxxiv. 75,
76, in which St. Augustine acknowledges the existence
in the Church of " many who are worshippers of tombs
and pictures," and reprobates them, the context goes on,
" I have known many who drink to most luxurious excess
over the dead." No doubt he is condemning the mingled
debauchery and superstition of certain wakes and me-
morial celebrations, relics of Paganism ; the character of
I 24 ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY.
the passage as a whole hardly looks like a reflection upon
anything resembling the modern Catholic usage.
Amongst authorities for the use of holy images these
may be cited : — Tertullian (De Pudic. c. 10), who thus
taunts his Catholic opponents, " Perhaps your shepherd
will stand your friend whom you paint on your chalices."
Theodoret (Relig. Hist. n. 26), who says that such was
the devotion in Rome to St. Simeon Stylites that the
shops were full of his images. St. Cyril of Alexandria
(in Ps. cxiii. 16, Maii. Bib. Pat. Nov. torn. iii. p. 431),
"Though we make images of holy men, it is not to adore
them, but that by looking at them we may be excited to
emulation. And for this do we make an image of Christ,
that we may be lifted up as on wings unto His love."
St. John Chrysostom (Horn, in S. Barlaam Martyr, n. 3,
inter, op. S. Basil, ed. Ben. torn, iii.), " Arise, O noble
painters of deeds of combat, adorn with your arts the
maimed form of this leader, light up with the colours of
your industry the crowned warrior whom I have painted
so dully."
§ 5. Alleged Excess in the Worship of Mary.
Dr. Littledale has not hesitated, as we have seen, to
appeal to the crudest form of Protestant sentiment,
making as though he would bring every sort of cultus of
our Lady under the ban of idolatry. But he does not
forget that, besides the ordinary English Protestant, he
is also writing for Ritualists, who have in their own way
a cultus of the saints, and of St. Mary amongst the rest ;
who ask, many of them, some directly, others in some
sidelong fashion, that Mary would pray for them. He
knows — who better ! — that here and there a Ritualist lamp
is lit before her image, and her Son's Cross is kissed and
pressed to brow and heart ; and so a tiny platform is
provided, from which, under Dr. Littledale's precentor-
ship, even Ritualists may denounce the Mariolatry of
ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY. 12$
Rome. .The objection now is to the quantity rather than
the quality. Mary-worship — an excellent thing when
kept within strict bounds — has been unfortunately
allowed to overflow the Roman Church so as really to
oust the worship of her Son. She is everywhere, has
so many festivals, when her image — modern tawdry
thing — breaks the perspective of solemn cathedrals,
and is evidently the great centre of attraction. Then
so much of the devotion is in such deplorably bad
taste, so florid, so un-English, and the expressions
used so extravagant, as in fact to assert that she is her
Son's superior. They would like to give Mary her due ;
they have no objection to the " six-and-thirty modern
churches in or round London dedicated in her honour;"
though why they are not haunted by the many texts
which speak of " my house," it is hard to see. But
they are shocked that she should have more festivals in
the year than our Lord has ; that there should be more
churches dedicated to her than to her Son or to the
Blessed Trinity. They want something like a decent
proportion to be observed. A proportion ! But what
proportion, I would ask, can there be betwixt the Creator
and the creature, although the highest and holiest of
creatures ? Suppose for one moment the interests and
honour of Jesus and Mary to be other than identical, the
slightest diversion, the slightest alienation, of devotion,
though but for one Ave's space in a lifetime, would be
blasphemous. If we are not worshipping Christ when we
pay the "worship of honour" to His Mother, then let
there be no talk of proportion, no compromise, but away
with the saints and angels and their Queen at once and
for ever. If Ritualists cannot see how to worship Jesus
in Mary, they must not worship Mary at all. All honour,
however stinted with conditions, however coldly qualified,
would be at least so much taken from the Creator, since
thereby we should be giving Him something less than He
claims, who claims all. Once understand that the Son
126 ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY.
is worshipped in the Mother in a manner most perfect
and well-pleasing to Him, and the fear of excess in the
quantity of devotion becomes an absurdity. The truth
is that Ritualists, in order to defend the slender, hesitat-
ing cultus they are yielding to God's Mother and the
saints, need a principle which must justify the fullest
Catholic practice. In order properly to appreciate this
principle, we should compare the presentation of the
object of worship in the Old and New Testaments. The
object is of course the same in each, but in the latter
the mysterious unimaginable God condescends to make
for Himself an image in our human nature, an image
which He takes up into and makes one with Himself;
and which therefore He demands should be worshipped
with one and the same act of latria with which we
worship His Divinity. Moreover, He so becomes in-
carnate as with our human nature to take also to Himself
a Mother and a home, the type and original of that
society of the Church which, in its ideal perfection as
realised in heaven, is a society of grace, of those who
all in their degree are Christ's mother, and sisters, and
brothers. This life of grace is a certain participation of
the Divine life in which the Scripture phrase is verified,
"Ye are gods." After all " Divus, Diva," the name
which shocks Dr. Littledale so much, is scriptural
name for the saint made perfect, and is so used again
and again by the early Fathers. It is this divinisation,
this capacity of reflecting the brightness of the eternal
light, which is the formal object of the cultus of the
saint. Because, after all, it is a reflection in a created
mirror, a mirror not hypostatically one with its object,
the worship is of dulia rather than latria; but within
this limit there can be no excess, no insubordination, for
the light that we worship is virtually one, whether we
worship it in itself or in its reflection. The evening sun
is the more, not the less, admired because our admiration
dwells upon the golden and purple clouds which are its
ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY. 127
pomp and circumstance; and the God who dwells in
light inaccessible has deigned to weave a rainbow about
his throne — the Iris of Apocalyptic vision — which is the
glory of the saints.
As to a partition of our devotion amongst the saints
according to a theological appreciation of their merits,
as suggested in Dr. Littledale's grotesque criticism upon
"Roman Inconsistency" (p. 24), I can only say that the
whole idea of devotion would be thereby destroyed. Devo-
tion must be free, following the natural lines of individual
and national character and experience. Although of course
the theological position of our Lady puts her cultus in a
category of its own, still even here the absolute freedom,
within certain theological lines, of devotion is strikingly
illustrated. There was doubtless a cultus of Mary from
the beginning, inseparable from her recognition as the
great advocate, the second Eve, the Mother of God ; but
it is undeniable that the first cultus of the saints which
asserts itself with precision and emphasis in the early
Church is the cultus of the martyrs — although no Chris-
tian ever thought of putting these on an equality with
God's Mother — and, in each place, of its local martyr.
In the fierce hand-to-hand conflict in which they were
engaged, the early Christians eagerly ranged themselves
each under his natural leader, some glorious fellow-
citizen of whose victory he had himself been a witness,
and whose relics he still recognised as a source of fre-
quent benediction. But gradually as the glorious army
of those who had suffered and died for Christ was
recruited from all parts of the Church, men's minds and
hearts were led on and up, through the brightest of those
dazzling ranks, to one who, as she was the Virgin of
virgins, so also assuredly was the Martyr of martyrs;
for what sufferings could compare with hers who had
stood beneath the Cross of her dying Son ! And so as
each new height of sanctity gave a measure for con-
ceiving of her matchless excellence, the conception of
128 ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY.
our Lady's glory in the reflex mind of the Church became
at once higher and more homely, and the thought and
love of her more and more a necessary part of the daily
life of the faithful.
The great end of our cultus of the saints is the detach-
ment of our hearts from earth, that our conversation may
be in heaven, and so whithersoever the tide of devotion
may set, though to the least in the kingdom of heaven, it
will doubtless be given freest vent by the Church, and
encouraged by indulgences. This freedom, too, which is
of the essence of devotion, extends also to its language.
Theology has its formulas, its common language ; devo-
tion has no common language, unless it be kisses and
tears. Its language may be theological or childish,
reserved or effusive, paradoxical or measured. It may,
of course, offend against some theological principle, and
so necessarily demand theological correction ; but short
of this, it claims the amplest latitude of indulgence for
the form in which it pours out its intense appreciation
of all those looks, and tones, and lights, those aspects
and half- truths, which come so keenly home, and are a
very food to those who love. It is thus that we interpret
various expressions in the devotional language of holy
persons ; as, for instance, that one which Dr. Littledale
objects to so intensely, and which is certainly the
strongest of all his quotations from the " Glories of
Mary." "At the command of the Virgin all things
obey, even God" Surely this would have been no rash
comment upon our Lord's first miracle wrought at Mary's
prayer. It expresses fitly the Church's experience of
the might of that prayer, but it in no way implies that
the self-imposed duty of filial subjection fulfilled by
Christ upon earth continues in heaven. Is not precisely
the same comment made by the inspired writer upon
Josue's staying the sun, " And God obeyed the voice
of a man " ? Does not Dr. Littledale believe that God
obeys the priest's voice when he uses the words of con-
ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY. 129
secration Christ has put into his mouth ? and can He do
otherwise than hear His Mother's prayer, which must be
so true a reflection of the desire of His own most Sacred
Heart ? The other passages from St. Alfonso only repre-
sent what must surely be regarded as a truism, if Mary
be given to us as our intercessor at all, viz., that we gain
more in approaching Jesus through her than in approach-
ing Him without her. What do those who go furthest
on this theme intend? Is it ever that she should be
instead of Him ? Is she a shut and not an open door
between ourselves and Him? If she is never to be
absent from our prayers, if they are all to be offered as
at our mother's knee, is not Jesus in her arms, and is
not He the one burden of all our intercourse ? Mediate
invocation is, after all, more immediate than any other if
it more quickly brings Christ closer ; in any other sense
it is a mistake.
It is something monstrous that an age, which protests
against anything like definite theological formulary or
article of faith, should affect precision in devotion. We
may do what we like, it would seem, with God and His
saints, ring all the changes from doubt to denial; but
one thing we may not do, love them, and express our
love in the language most natural to our various habits
and temperaments.
It is sufficiently obvious that unless the whole atmo-
sphere of religion made it practically impossible, unless
it carried in itself its own antidote, the cultus of Mary, in
its immense extension, might make such substitution of
Mary for Jesus, as Dr. Littledale dreams of, a practical
danger. But has any priest with the cure of souls,
amongst the many dangers which threaten his flock both
from within and from without, ever had any practical
cognisance of the substitution of the image for its
object, or of the Mother for her Son ? What is the gist
of all those Month of May devotions, those Marian con-
fraternities, but to bring souls to the feet of Christ in
I
130 ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY.
the Sacrament of Penance, and to the feast of His love
in the Holy Eucharist? Superstitious abuses of the
quaintest and most unlikely character do from time to time
appear in the field of our poor fallen nature even within
the precincts of the Church ; but have we met with a
single instance of one who, increasing in devotion to Mary,
did not also indefinitely increase in devotion to her Son ?
Even in mere volume of devotion, in the multiplication
of intense acts of direct worship, the Blessed Sacrament,
with its Mass — the one service of obligation — its com-
munions, and Benediction, outweighs, even on Dr.
Littledale's gross principle of computation, all devotions
to our Lady and the saints put together ; and this, in
spite of the prayers mainly of thanksgiving for the
graces given her, attached to certain masses, and of her
Litany sung at Benediction. When Dr. Littledale brings
forward Bellarmine's admission that "it is not easy to
make distinction " — so far as external acts of adoration
go — between the worship of God and other worships,
almost all such acts being common except sacrifice, as
though it was an acknowledgment that we had given to
the saints what should have been reserved for God, he
does not see that the great mass of these external acts
— indeed it might be fairly maintained of all except
sacrifice — are common, not merely to the cultus of God
and His saints, but even, in addition, to the cultus of
our earthly friends and patrons. Were such a distinction
of external acts of any serious importance, we ought
neither to bow to our friends nor kneel to our sovereign.
A Catholic is tempted to compare the grudging wonder
with which Protestants regard the honours paid to the
saints, to the ignorant rusticity of those who mistake a
rich uniform for the insignia of empire, and exalt the
servant above his master on the score of a stripe or two
of gold lace.
Before leaving the subject of creature- worship, it may
be as well to notice formally, what has been already
ALLEGED EXCESS IN THE WORSHIP OF MARY. 131
answered indirectly, Dr. Littledale's express statement
{p. 21) that "not one syllable can be discovered in the
Old or New Testament which gives the least ground or
suggestion " of the practice of the invocation of saints,
" nor can the smallest evidence or trace of it be found
for nearly four hundred years after Christ." I answer
that it is impossible to deny that, when both the Old and
New Testaments * speak of the saints and angels praying
for us, presenting our prayers to God, and rejoicing in
our spiritual good, they at least contain very strong
grounds and suggestions for our thanking the saints and
angels and asking for their continued assistance. But
more than this, according to Butler's well-known principle
(see Cardinal Newman's Letter to Dr. Pusey, p. 92), such
worship is an obligation of reason arising out of the re
vealed relations in which these benefactors stand toward
us, and requires no further to be prescribed.
The practice was restrained more or less, inevitably,
by circumstances of time and place, as the early Christians
had to reckon with the scandal of the Jews, the mis-
interpretation of the Polytheists, and the yet more
offensive abuses of the Gnostics. For all that, some of
the earliest inscriptions in the Catacombs, as I have
noticed, contain direct invocations of martyrs ; and
Origen, though in conflict with the Gnostic angel-worship,
admitted that we praise and bless (Eu^wD/*i> xcti /aaxa-
$'i£o{Mv) the angels (Cont. Cels. viii. p. 57).t Thus there is
not wanting distinct evidence and trace of the usage
before it was so strongly advocated by the Fathers of the
fourth and fifth centuries, such as St. Chrysostom and St.
Paulinus, who, if Dr. Littledale were right, must have
invented it. Neither did Peter Lombard, in the twelfth
century, regard the knowledge of our prayers on the part
of the saints and angels as doubtful. His words (Sent.
* Dan. xii. 7 ; Zach. i. 12 ; 2 Mace. xv. 12 ; Tobias xii. 12 ;
Luke xv. 10 ; Apoc. v. 8, and viii. 3.
+ See too the yet stronger passages quoted above.
132 UNCERTAINTY AND ERROR IN FAITH.
iv. dist 45), "It is not incredible," apply, not to their
knowing, but to his theory as to how they know. Dr.
Littledale's words, " It is a very perilous thing to fly in
the face of His Holy Word on the mere chance that a
guess of ours may be correct," must mean one of two
things : either that " His Holy Word " may possibly be
wrong, or that " His Holy Word " is synonymous with
Dr. Littledale's interpretation — an interpretation in its
certainty presenting a striking contrast to the Church's,
"guess."
Charge 2. Uncertainty and Error in Faith.
§ 1. Dependence upon One.
The Roman Church, says Dr. Littledale (p. 7), has,
by the Vatican decree of infallibility, brought things to
such a pass that " the faith of Roman Catholics depends
now on the weakness or caprice of a single man, who
may himself be unsound in the faifh, wicked, or mad, as
several Popes have been. . . . Another Pope may invent
some other new tenet (like the Immaculate Conception)
and declare it part of the Gospel; or may deny, and
order others to deny, some ancient and universally
received Christian doctrine, . . . and 'thus no Roman
Catholic can any longer tell what his religion may be at
any future time."
I observe, first, that it is scarcely fair not to notice
that the theory of Papal infallibility defined at the Vatican
Council — viz., that in virtue of Christ's promise to St.
Peter the Pope is preserved from defining anything
untrue in faith and morals — if it be true, renders the
faith of Catholics quite independent of " the weakness
or caprice of a single man." 2. That the infallibility-
of a General Council, or of a majority of the Episcopate
with the Pope, the alternative theory, does, as well as
the infallibility of a single man, require some super-
UNCERTAINTY AND ERROR IN FAITH. 133
natural security. The history of General Councils shows
that they present a very wide and sensitive surface to
the action of secular influences, and so to the intrusion
of human error. At most the difference of the two
difficulties is one of degree only and not of kind. 3.
The notion that a Roman Catholic's act of faith is
conditional, that he holds the different articles "durante
Papae beneplacito," is simply untrue. If the Pope were
{ex hypothesi adversariorum) to define the contrary or
contradictory of an undoubted article of faith, we are
perfectly certain that the Church, in virtue of the
passive infallibility — bestowed in the unconditional pro-
mise, "The gates of hell shall not prevail against it" —
would not and could not receive it, and that the
seemingly canonical definition would turn out to be
manifestly irregular, either on the score of coercion, or
madness, or because its Papal utterer was no Pope when
he uttered it. Of course there is an extravagance in any
such hypothesis, for such startling sensational providence
is not God's wont in the ordering of His Church, and it
is improbable in the highest degree that any such ex-
tremity will be allowed. I only notice it in order to
bring out the unconditional character of a Catholic's
faith. On this point there was never any discordance,
that I ever heard of, in the Catholic Church. St.
Vincent of Lerins, commenting on the "If any one shall
announce to you other than what has been received let
him be anathema," says, "Separated, severed, excluded ;
though Peter, though Andrew, though John, though the
whole Apostolic choir should preach another Gospel than
that which has been preached " (Common, c. 13); and
St. Maximus, when asked what he would do if Rome
took the Monothelite side, answered, "The Holy Spirit
anathematises even angels that should bring in some new
thing beside what has been delivered" (Dial, cum Pyrrho);
and Pope St. Agatho (Letter to the Sixth Council, a p.
Labbe, vii. p. 662), after rejecting, on the part of the
134 THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION.
Holy See, the policy of a guilty silence as something
equivalent to a positive advocacy of evil, " Woe unto me
if I shall hide the truth which I ought to have delivered
out to the money-changers," goes on to quote the
Apostle's words, " But though we or an angel from heaven
should preach to you otherwise than we have preached,
let him be anathema."
When upon any question which arises upon a point of
faith or morals the Pope pronounces a final decision,
then, according to the doctrine of the Vatican Council,
he is infallible. Protestants, who have no conception of
the structural unity of a body of theological doctrine,
and to whom almost everything is a matter of possible
question, fail to see how sharply defined is the outline
of each question that comes before the Pope, by previous
definitions. It is for the most part a question whether
a certain brick is to be laid at this or that angle, in
the very limited space that is open to it, or rejected
altogether.
A Roman Catholic knows that " at any future time '*
he will hold every one of the articles of faith he holds at
present, with the possible addition of certain others,
which, as they grow out of the twilight of doubt into the
light of certainty, beneath the articulation of the Church,
will present themselves as the natural complement and
explication of those he already possesses. With regard
to the articulation of this truth or that, it may fairly be
said that we do not know " what we shall be," but such
criticism is sufficiently audacious when proceeding from
those who are utterly unable to tell us what they are.
Ask any chance hundred of Anglican clergymen, not
what their Church will teach in the next century, but
what it actually teaches now.
§ 2. The Immaculate Conception.
Of the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the
Blessed Virgin — that is, of her immunity, through the
THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION. 135
merits of her Son from the very first moment of the
union of her soul with her body, from all stain of original
sin — Dr. Littledale says that it is implicitly contradicted
by St. Augustine, explicitly denied by St. Bernard and
St. Thomas Aquinas, and " openly disputed as false by
orthodox Roman Catholics for many centuries," and " so
therefore" cannot be maintained by any Roman Catholic
without offending against Pope Pius' creed, which obliges
us not to interpret Scripture " otherwise than according
to the unanimous consent vi the Fathers." * i. To begin
with the passage from Pope Pius' creed : its meaning is
just this and nothing more, viz., that where the Fathers
are unanimous in their interpretation of a particular
passage, we must not maintain any interpretation which
is inconsistent with the one they have agreed in (see
Barbosa de Trident, deer, de S. Script).t Dr. Littledale
apparently gives it the ridiculous sense of a prohibition
to maintain any interpretation of Scripture for which
the unanimous consent of the Fathers cannot be cited,
Avhence it would follow that we must never prefer one
Father's interpretation to another's. 2. If Dr. Little-
dale's facts be admitted, they come to no more than
this : that a doctrine has been defined as an article of
faith which, though notoriously accepted as a truth by
the vast majority of Catholics for centuries, was implicitly
rejected by one Father, formally rejected by two Fathers
or quasi-Fathers, and long doubted of or even denied
by many orthodox Catholics. 3. Dr. Littledale's facts
require, as usual, some discounting. The passage in
which St. Augustine is supposed implicitly to have
rejected the Immaculate Conception is as follows : —
*' Mary sprung from Adam, died because of sin ; Adam
died because of sin ; and the Flesh of the Lord sprung
from Mary, died to blot out sin " (Enarr. in Ps. xxxiv. 3).
There is nothing more here than a statement of what
has always been the explicit teaching of the Church,
* See Appendix, Note D.
f He appeals to Banes, Azor, Vasquez, and Becanus.
136 THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION.
viz., that through sin death came into the world, and so
those who died died as a natural consequence of sin,
except Christ, who, by His conception de Spirit* Sancto,
had not contracted the debt of sin and death, but chose
the latter freely in order to effect the work of our
redemption. There is nothing to imply that the cause
of our Lady's death was the fact that sin had once
possessed her person. Our Lord, in virtue of His Divine
personality and through His conception by the Holy
Ghost, contracted neither culpa, nor debitum culp& nor
debitum mortis ; the Blessed Virgin, although preserved
in her conception from all stain of original sin, yet as a
child of Adam, by natural generation, contracted the
debitum culpa, i.e., was only preserved from the common
lot by a special decree applying to her beforehand the
merits of the redemption, without which, conception in
sin was her due. From which ratio peccati attaching to
her she also contracted the debitum mortis. This, which
is certainly the more common opinion, harmonises per-
fectly with the teaching of St. Augustine.* In another
passage (De Nat. et Grat c. 36) St. Augustine speaks
thus : " Except, therefore, the Holy Virgin Mary, about
whom, on account of .the honour of the Lord, I will not
allow the question to be entertained, when sins are under
discussion ; for how do we know what increase of grace,
was bestowed on her, to enable her to overcome sin in
every way, who merited to conceive and bring forth Him
who, as is plain, had no sin ? — with the exception, there-
fore, of this Virgin, if we could gather all those male and
female saints while they were living here below and ask
them whether they were without sin, what answer do
we think that they would give?" Here it must be
remembered that the Saint is meeting Pelagius' argu-
ment against original sin, grounded on the sinlessness
of the saints, of whom he gives a list. What St.
Augustine says is that they would all plead guilty to
* Father Harper, "Peace Through the Truth," pp. 329-337.
THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION. 137
that sinfulness which is a manifestation of original sin,
except the Blessed Virgin, in connection with whom no
sin whatever is to be so much as mentioned. When we
recollect that St. Augustine was one of the supporters of
the great patristic tradition of the second Eve, it seems
reasonable to suppose that he held her to be free from
all personal taint as of actual so of original sin, although
she incurred the debitum peccati as a child of Adam.
The form in which the Immaculate Conception was
implicitly taught in the early Church was the tradition
of Mary as the second Eve ; for Eve was immaculate,
and the second but far higher and holier Eve could not
be less than immaculate. Of this tradition I have
already spoken in treating of the cultus of our Lady.
I will content myself here with two passages from the
Nisibine hymns of St. Ephrem, with Father Addis' com-
mentary. " In hymn 27, strophe 8, St. Ephrem speaks
thus : 'Truly it is Thou, and Thy Mother only, who are
fair altogether. For in Thee there is no stain, in Thy
Mother no spot. But my sons (it is the Church of
Edessa which is speaking) are far from resembling this
twofold fairness (duabus pulchritudinibus)? Elsewhere
Ephrem places first amongst fallen men, infants who die
in baptismal innocence; so that it must be freedom from
original, not actual, sin which he ascribes to Mary. So
{ii. 327, a): ' Two were made simple, innocent, perfectly
like each other, Mary and Eve ; but afterwards one
became the cause of our death, the other of our life.'" *
The passage from St. Bernard (Ep. clxxiv.) certainly
contains no rejection, explicit or implicit, of the doctrine
of the Immaculate Conception. He objects to the Feast
of the Conception on the understanding, as he says him-
self in so many words, that it is the celebration of the
active conception, and is equivalent to claiming for St.
Anne a virginal divine child-bearing, our Blessed Lady's
exclusive privilege. The same substitution of the ques-
* Anglican Misrepresentations, p. 33,
138 COMMUNION UNDER ONE SPECIES.
tion of the active for that of tne passive conception is
sufficiently manifest in St. Thomas, but in one place he
seems to have committed himself, as far as words go,
against the doctrine.
The Protestant notion that the doctrine of the Im-
maculate Conception involved an attribution to the
Blessed Virgin of our Lord's character of sinlessness,
shows a painful ignorance that Christ's sinlessness is not
a mere freedom from sin, but an utter incapacity of sin
in right of His Divine Person, which sinlessness no
creature can share with Him, whereas Mary's freedom
from sin is a privilege bestowed by God's free gift.
§ 3. Communion under One Species.
Dr. Littledale regards what he ventures to call the
practice of half-communion as nothing less than a defec-
tion in faith. He insists (p. 62) that the Roman Church
in administering communion under the one species of
bread, violates a distinct and absolute Divine command :
"Drink ye all of this" (Matt. xxvi. 27), and "Except ye
eat the Flesh of the Son of Man, and drink His Blood,
ye have no life in you" (John vi. 54).
As to the texts themselves apart from ecclesiastical
tradition on the subject, High Churchmen of Dr. Little-
dale's school will not be inclined to dispute that the
Scriptures record the institution in one rite of a sacrament
and a sacrifice ; and that when Christ said, " Do this in
memory of Me," either the whole of the company were
constituted priests or He was only addressing those of
them who were so constituted. But it is to precisely
the same persons, so far as Scripture evidence goes, that
He says, " Drink ye all of this ; " therefore it is not neces-
sary to interpret these words as a precept obliging all
and each to receive under the species of wine. To the
argument that the Apostles were priests, Dr. Littledale
replies that the Roman Church does not treat her priests,
COMMUNION UNDER ONE SPECIES. 139
when not celebrating, as Christ treated the Apostles, f.e.9
communicate them sub utr&quc. This leaves the original
argument precisely as it was ; all that it does is to raise
a new issue as to whether the Roman Church commits a
fresh offence in not administering to her non-celebrating
priests sub utr&que. But such priests are, for the time,
as distinctly excluded from the precept by the form, " Do
this," as are the laity.
As to John vi. 54. it is admitted on all hands that it
does not imply that the actual reception of Holy Com-
munion is a sine qua non of eternal salvation for every
one. The necessity is what is called "de necessitate
praecepti," not "de necessitate medii," except in the
indirect sense that it must be implicitly in voto. What
it means, in common language, is that the Holy Eucharist
is an integral part of the Christian dispensation, which
no one can reject and live. Any argument from the
words " and drink His Blood," for the application of the
precept of reception sub utraque — which all had to accept
as an institution — to universal individual practice, is pre-
cluded by the general character of this sixth chapter.
The form of the passages from i Cor. xi. doubtless
implies that communion was habitually administered
sub utrdqne. It would have been utterly unnatural and
confusing if the Apostle had used words suggesting a
possible change of discipline which was in none of his
readers' minds. He spoke of the communion according
to the manner then prevailing, but this need not imply
that the manner itself was a necessity any more than
when Christ said, " Go and teach all nations, baptizing
(i.e., dipping) them in the name," &c. He implied, whilst
enjoining a sacrament that was necessary, in the terms
of its common use, that such common use was un-
alterable. Thus it is clearly impossible to show from
Scripture that the administration or not under both
species lies outside the discretion of the Church.
When we turn to the use of the early Church we find
140 COMMUNION UNDER ONE SPECIES.
that beyond a doubt such discretion has been used
Sick persons and prisoners were frequently communi-
cated under the one species of bread ; such, too, was
the practice amongst the Egyptian solitaries ; children,
again, were communicated under the species of wine.
It is nothing to the purpose to put this aside as though
no valid argument could be drawn from exceptional
cases ; the whole question is, Did the decision lie within
the Church's discretion or not ? To insist upon the
necessity in these cases is futile — for, first, no necessity
can justify the deliberate mutilation of a sacrament, if
mutilation it be ; and, second, there is no pretence that
necessity prescribed the act in each case. It was a
change of ritual founded upon reasons of grave con-
venience. As a desperate escape, Dr. Littledale suggests
that as the Greeks sometimes steeped the consecrated
bread in the consecrated wine, the same may have
occurred in the instances quoted. But even granting
this, which is quite gratuitous, how, I would ask, would
the eating a piece of moistened bread satisfy the precept,
" Drink ye all of this " ? After all there would be only
one species communicated in, the species of bread ;
especially when, as Thomassin points out, the bread was
carefully dried at a fire before use (Thomassin, De 1'Unite'
de 1'Eglise, torn. ii. p. 544). Thus, in fact, communion
under both species was abandoned by the Greek Church
some four or five centuries before the Latin, and for the
same reasons ; the difficulty of preserving the species of
wine from corruption and irreverence, and of supplying
the necessities of frequent communion. Of the pre-
valence of the custom of frequent private communion
under the one species of bread throughout considerable
portions of the East, and this over and above the cases
of persecution, sickness, and solitude already mentioned,
see St. Basil, Ep. 289, ap. Thomassin, ibid. p. 513.
Whatever benefit in the way of a longer continuance in
the communicant of the sacramental species is lost in
COMMUNION UNDER ONE SPECIES. £41
the communion under one kind, is made up a thousand-
fold by the increased opportunity of communion.
The Council of Constance, sess. xiii., at the beginning
of the fifteenth century, only sanctioned what had long
been the prevailing practice, when it ordained that no
one might reprobate the Church's use, nor introduce
communion under both species without her autho-
risation (pro libito suo). It is manifest that to charge
the Church with sacrilege or heresy is nothing less than
heresy, and well deserving of the pains of heresy what-
ever they may be ; and persons who are committing an
act of rebellion against the present discipline of the
Church upon heretical motives have always been ac-
counted heretics. Gelasius condemned those who refused
the cup on the Manichaean ground that wine was evil
and of the evil one, as St. Leo had done before him ; so
that his decree in no way bears upon the present usage :
so too the passage ap. Ivo. pars. ii. 89, is against super-
stitious abstinence.* In the thirteenth century we find St.
Thomas noting the practice of communion under one
kind with approval (III. qu 80, act. 12), " Provide in
quibusdam Ecclesiis observatur ut populo sumendus non
detur." In his earlier work on the Sentences, he says,
" Populo sanguis non datur." St. Bonaventure says the
same, and adds, " Neither would it be right on account
of the danger of spilling and error ; " and a somewhat
earlier writer, Alexander Hales (Summa, torn. iv. p. 406),
says of communion under one species, " Sicut fere ubique
* The 28th canon of the Council of Clermont, though it of course
supposes the sub utr&que discipline, is directed against the Greek
custom which was creeping in of giving ordinarily the dipped bread.
It says that, with certain exceptions, the communicant must receive
"the Body separately and the Blood likewise separately," not as
Dr. Littledale renders it " the Body and Blood separately and alike "
(see La Marca, Dissert, in Syn. Clar.) La Marca goes on to say
that our present use began to spread rapidly soon after the establish-
ment of the Latin Kingdom at Jerusalem, in which place the ase had
prevailed from Apostolic times.
142 COMMUNION UNDER ONE SPECIES.
fit a laicis in Ecclesia."* The words of the Angelic
Doctor, the Doctor of the Blessed Sacrament, whose
eucharistic hymns Ritualists are never tired of trans-
lating, should have some weight with them, and might
be accepted, one would think, as some security that
the change of discipline was not dictated by levity or
irreverence, but by grave convenience. The history of
Wickliffites, Hussites, and Anglicans gives unmistakable
evidence that a pertinacious stickling for what they call
the " unmutilated " rite is only too apt to be accompanied
by a failing sense of the real presence.
Dr. Littledale urges that the doctrine of concomitance,
viz., that Christ is whole and entire under each portion
of each species — a doctrine essential to the validity and
licitness of communion under one kind — is "at best a
guess," grounded on a doubtful reading of a single text, i
Cor. xi. 27 ; and a guess, it would appear, demonstrably
wrong, if Dr. Littledale's words as to " a perfectly clear
text which makes the other way," viz. i Cor. x. 16,
have any real meaning. As to the "perfectly clear
text," "the cup of blessing which we bless, is it not
the communion of the Blood of Christ? The bread
which we break, is it not the communion of the Body of
Christ?" — making the other way, I can only say, that no
doctrine of concomitance is possible which does not
begin with the assertion contained in the text. It is
precisely because the Blood is in the chalice that, in
virtue of concomitance under that same species of wine,
there is with the Blood the Body, Soul, and Divinity.
Taken in Dr. Littledale's exclusive sense, this text would
preclude all communication of Christ's Soul and Divinity
even in a communion under both kinds. So little true
is it that the doctrine of concomitance depends upon a
doubtful reading of i Cor. xi. 27: "Therefore whoso-
ever shall eat this bread or f drink the chalice of the
Lord unworthily, shall be guilty of the body and of the
* Ap. Thomassin, 1. f. p. 674. t And.
DISREGARD OF THE DOGMA OF THE INCARNATION. 143
"blood of the Lord " — that in treating of concomitance
the text is sometimes not even mentioned. Concomi-
tance is simply an axiom of the natural reason applied
to an article of faith. It is the assertion that no kind of
separation being any more possible in Christ, it follows
that where He is at all there He is wholly. To deny or
to doubt of the doctrine of concomitance involves nothing
less than the heresy of the denial, or doubt, of Christ's
real presence under the sacramental species.
§ 4. Disregard of the Dogma of the Incarnation.
On this subject Dr. Littledale thus expresses himself
{p. 81) : — " In truth there is not such zeal for the Incarna-
tion itself in the Roman Church as to inspire confidence
in its own permanent hold of that article of the Faith."
In proof he quotes Gury's "Compendium of Moral
Theology" (vol. i. pp. 124, 125) as asking the question,
" Is explicit belief in the mysteries of the Trinity and the
Incarnation matter of necessity?" and answering that
the more probable opinion is the negative ; from which
Dr. Littledale draws the conclusion that a Catholic is
"at liberty to believe no more than, say, Judas Mac-
cabseus." Now I have before me the edition mentioned
by Dr. Littledale as from the Propaganda press of 1872.
It is really that of 1873, as we iearn fr°m tne editor that
there was no Propaganda edition between 1862 and 1873.
I am in a condition then to assert that Dr. Littledale
never found in F. Gury the question which he has had
the audacity to print between inverted commas. F.
Gury's question is this : " Is explicit faith in the mystery
of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation necessary with
the necessity of a means" (necessitate medii) ? Now, it
is conceivable that Dr. Littledale may be simply ignorant
of the force of the distinction "de necessitate medii" as
.contrasted with that of "de necessitate prsecepti," but
this does not: justify him in concluding that it is meaning-
144 DISREGARD OF THE DOGMA OF THE INCARNATION.
less, and may just as well be left out as not By
"necessary with the necessity of a means" is meant,
necessary from the nature of the case as a means to an
end. Faith is necessary for justification, whether outside
or inside the visible Church. It is a necessary con-
stituent of justification, so that it could not be made up
for * even if it could be shown that it was lacked inno-
cently. Now, belief in God, the rewarder of the good
and the punisher of the bad, is admitted by all to be
the minimum of the explicit faith which is thus necessary.
Beyond this, theologians ask whether, since the Christian
dispensation, an explicit faith in the Trinity and the
Incarnation is also thus absolutely necessary as a
means to justification, and it is the negative answer to
this question which Gury thinks the more probable.
" Necessary with the necessity of a precept" means
morally necessary in virtue of a Divine command. It
involves the strictest necessity of obedience, but still a
moral necessity, as in the case of all positive law; a
necessity, where obedience is possible, i.e., where the
law is known and the person capable. That explicit
faith in the Trinity and in the Incarnation is necessary
with the necessity of a precept — and therefore necessary
in the only sense in which the question is treated of by
Dr. Littledale — neither Gury nor any other theologian
doubts for a moment. But he thinks that here innocent
invincible ignorance would not bar justification, so that
absolution given to such an one would be more probably
valid than not, though it could not be lawfully given except
in extremity, where instruction was impossible. Gury
could hardly have precluded more scrupulously than he
has done the opinion which Dr. Littledale imputes to him,
that " a Catholic is at liberty to believe no more, say,
than Judas Maccabseus."
Since the above appeared in the "Tablet" of January
31, 1880, Dr. Littledale, in his second and third editions,
• At least "de potestate Dei ordinaria."
DISREGARD OF THE DOGMA OF THE INCARNATION. 145
instead of Gury's true context, "with the necessity of
a means," substitutes the following "(/>., so as to be
indispensable to salvation);" an explanation perfectly
calculated to elude the force of the distinction. There
is no dispensing with an explicit belief in the Trinity and
the Incarnation, any more than there is with an explicit
belief in a Creator and Judge. The question is, whether
such explicit belief in the two first-named doctrines is
so far a necessary constituent of the act of justifying faith,
since the promulgation of Christianity, that an innocent
believer in God, who has sincerely repented of his sins,
but has without his own fault remained to the end of his
life in ignorance of these doctrines, necessarily fails of
justification, and so of salvation. Is this the doctrine
Dr. Littledale and his party would like to advocate, or be
supposed to advocate, that he should denounce the oppo-
site as un-Christian ? It is simply untrue that any Catholic
writer out of a lunatic asylum ever taught that explicit
belief in the Pope was necessary "necessitate medii."
Dr. Littledale cannot be excused here of a gross and
wanton ignorance of a very ancient and commonly used
distinction amongst Anglicans as well as Catholics ;
" usitata distinctio," the Protestant John Forbes calls it
(Theol. Mor., lib. i. c. 2). Stillingfleet uses it (Grounds
of Pro t. Religion, part i. c. ii. p. 51), and Bramhall, in
words which are very applicable, exclaims against an
adversary, "Doth he know no distinction of things
necessary to be known, that some things are not so
necessary as other? Some things are necessary to be
known necessitate medii — to obtain salvation ; some things
are necessary to be known only necessitate pracepti, because
they are commanded" — and concludes with the taunt,
" Art thou a master in Israel and knowest not these
things ?" (Schism Guarded, part i. p. 492, vol. ii. Oxford,
1842).
Of an addition which Dr. Littledale has allowed him-
self to make in his third edition I must speak much
E
146 DISREGARD OF THE DOGMA OF THE INCARNATION.
more severely. It is as follows : After " Judas Maccabasus
did," we read in the text, "Or than the Jesuits exacted
from their Chinese converts at the beginning of the last
century," and to this is appended a still more outrageous
note : "They did to death in 1710, in the Inquisition of
Macao, Cardinal Tournon, the Papal legate sent by
Clement XL to stop their paganisation of Christianity.
Cartwright, 'The Jesuits,' c. xii." Now, observe, the
charge to be substantiated is the Roman Church's dis-
regard of a fundamental doctrine of Christianity, viz.,
the Incarnation ; whereas the instance urged is of the
precise contrary, viz., of that Church's censuring even
her choicest missionaries for over leniency in allowing a
practice which savoured of paganism. Their opponents
have certainly not shown that the Jesuits neglected
to teach the Incarnation in its fulness; the question
turned upon whether a certain practice prevailing amongst
the Chinese of honouring their ancestors was to be re-
garded as a civil and so permissible, or as a religious
and so superstitious and unpermissible, act. The Jesuits
took the first view, the Dominicans the second, and the
Holy See decided against the former. I am not prepared
to say that the Jesuit missionaries submitted as promptly
as they ought to have done to the decision of authority ;
but it was a case to try the holiest. They fully believed
that the best interests of the Chinese mission were at
stake, and it is scarcely wonderful that, in their anxiety to
carry out their cause to the last, they should hardly have
realised that it was over, and that authority had pro-
nounced finally. As to the charge of murdering the
legate, the facts are these: Cardinal Tournon died
when in the hands of certain Portuguese officials who
had made common cause with the Chinese government
against one whom they regarded as a disturber of a
lucrative intercourse. There is simply no ground for
implicating a single Jesuit in the matter, beyond the
fact that the cardinal was a judge who had decided an
THE CULTUS OF THE SACRED HEART. 147
important case against them. Is this, I would ask,
enough to justify a charge of murder against men who
were preaching Christ at the risk of their lives ? As to
the cardinal being killed by Jesuits in the Inquisition, it
is something like saying that Lord Penzance was slain
by Ritualists in Exeter Hall, and certainly requires some
explanation. The Dominicans were the Inquisitors, and
they were the opponents of the Jesuits, and had every
reason to be satisfied with the cardinal who had just
pronounced in their favour.
Dr. Littledale and his friends for him have protested
against creating a prejudice against his book on a single
count. I think no one will complain that my counts are
either few or slender ; but I wish to express my convic-
tion that this one page, if properly appreciated (ed. iii.
p. 73), should make any honest reader throw the book
into the fire, and console himself with the thought that
Dr. Littledale was no fair representative of any one but
himself, and perhaps not even of himself.
§ 5. The Cultus of the Sacred Heart.
"The modern worship of the Sacred Heart is," Dr.
Littledale says (p. 121), " sheer heresy, condemned by the
two General Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, which
forbade any worship being paid to a divided Christ."
The condemnation at Ephesus, Chalcedon, and, I may
add, Constantinople (II. ), of the worship of a divided
Christ, is simply a condemnation of Nestorianism — of
a worship terminating in a twofold personality. The
Catholic doctrine on the subject is as follows : — " The
object of the worship yielded to the Incarnate Word is the
whole Christ ; hence as Christ possesses a double nature,
human and divine, a partial object of that worship is the
humanity including His body ; and inasmuch as the body
consists of various members, each of these members con-
stitutes a partial object : but the formal object, the where*
148 THE CULTUS OF THE SACRED HEART.
fore of the direction of such and so great a worship uport
them, is the Divinity of the Word whose own they are in
virtue of the hypostatic union. . . . The faithful do not
adore the Heart of Jesus separating or prescinding from
•the Divinity, when they worship it as it is, the Heart of
Jesus — the Heart of the Person of the Word to which it is
inseparably united. . . . The reason why the faithful in
worshipping Christ specially direct their worship to His
most Sacred Heart, rather than to any other member of
His most Sacred Body, such as the eyes or ears, &c., is
not an arbitrary one, but very consonant to reason ; for
the heart is the natural symbol of that infinite love with
which Christ loved us even unto death — even unto the
shedding of His blood, and which was the inexhaustible
fountain of all those graces with which He enriched us "
(Hurter, Theol. Dogm. Tract, vii. n. 430). Thus we
see that the symbolic character of the Sacred Heart
is not the formal object or reason of its being worshipped
at all, which can be nothing else than the Divine persona-
lity with which it, together with the rest of the humanity,
is united ; whereas this symbolic character is precisely the
reason of the special prominence and articulation given
to its worship. The devotion to the Sacred Heart prac-
tised in that great devotion of the Middle Ages, that to
the Five Wounds, was of precisely the same theological
character as the modern cultus. The wounded hands
and feet and Heart as they really existed were the partial
objects of the worship of Christ, and were specially
selected as symbolising Christ's zeal and beneficence.
You may as well charge St. Mary Magdalene with divid-
ing Christ when she kissed His feet, as the modern
devotee of the Sacred Heart. Neither can it at all be
maintained that the formal and direct cultus of the
Sacred Heart had no existence before its enunciation in
the seventeenth century. In the "Vitis Mystica," a
series of meditations on the Passion, of the twelfth
century, published amongst the works of St. Bernard,
THE CULTUS OF THE SACRED HEART. 149
ve read : " But because we are once come to the most
sweet Heart of Jesus, and it is good for us to be here,
let us not easily suffer ourselves to be drawn away from
Him of whom it is written, ' They that depart from Thee
are written on the ground.' But what of those that
approach Thee ? Do Thou teach us. Thou hast said
to those that approach Thee, * Rejoice, for your names
are written in heaven.' Let us put these together, and
if it be so with those who are written in heaven, how
shall it be with those who. are written upon the earth?
verily they shall mourn ; but who would not willingly
rejoice? Let us approach unto Thee, and we will exult
and rejoice, remembering Thy Heart. Oh, how good and
pleasant a thing is it to dwell in that Heart ! A goodly
treasure, a goodly pearl, is Thy Heart, O good Jesus,
which in the trenched field of Thy body we shall find.
Who would throw away this pearl? Nay, rather would
I give all things, and exchange all the thoughts and
affections of my mind, and purchase it for me, casting all
my thought upon the Heart of my Lord Jesus, and that
Heart without fail will nourish me " (c. iii. 8).
Again, in the early part of the sixteenth century, the
Carthusian Lansperg, in his " Divini Amoris Pharetra "
(ed. 1572, p. 76), exhorts the faithful most earnestly to
a devotion to the Sacred Heart as " the treasury and
door of all graces, through which we approach unto God
and God unto us." In order to keep that Heart before
our minds, he suggests that we should have a figure of it
made, on which we may satisfy our devotion. " Most
expedient is it, and a great act of piety, devoutly to
honour the Heart of the Lord Jesus, to which in all
thy necessities thou mayst fly, whence too thou mayst
draw all comfort and all succour. For when the hearts
of all mortals shall have forsaken thee, be assured this
most faithful Heart will neither betray nor forsake thee."
This serves as the introduction to an act of consecration
to the Sacred Heart, beginning, " O most noble, most
150 THE CULTUS OF THE SACRED HEART.
kind, most sweet Heart of my most faithful Lover, Jesus.
Christ, my God and my Lord, draw to Thyself and
absorb, I beseech Thee, my heart and all my thoughts and
affections, and all my powers of soul and body, and all
that I am and can, unto Thy glory and most holy plea-
sure. To Thy Heart I commend and resign myself
wholly."
After this we may, perhaps, be in a condition to
appreciate a certain "curious fact" with which Dr.
Littledale supplies us in a note (p. 137, ed. 3), viz.,
" that Father la Colombiere, the inventor of the cult,"
" borrowed it " from a book of Goodwin's, Cromwell's
chaplain, " which he met with during his two years' stay
in England." Father la Colombiere was a director of
Blessed Margaret Mary, and one of the first promoters
of the cult of the Sacred Heart, though he did not invent
it ; the " curious fact," I am afraid, Dr. Littledale did in-
vent, or borrowed from a genius yet more audacious than
his own. There are just two grains of truth in his state-
ment, viz., that Goodwin wrote a book on the Heart of
Christ, entitled " The Heart of Christ in Heaven towards
Sinners on Earth," * and that Father la Colombiere was
two years in England; the rest is pure conjecture, and
of the unlikeliest. It is certainly more "curious" than
natural that a seventeenth-century French Jesuit, attached
to the English Royalist party, should have deliberately
preferred to draw his inspiration on a point of mystical
theology from a Puritan and a Roundhead instead of
from the far more copious sources within his own Church.
Moreover, we have a recorded revelation of Blessed
Margaret Mary's in 1673 ; she was in intimate com-
munication with Father La Colombiere on the subject in
* Not " Saints," as Dr. Littledale has it. This tract, the first
edition (1642) of which I have before me, has no suggestion of any
cultus of the Sacred Heart. Its object is to encourage penitents with;
the thought that Christ still retains in heaven the human heart where*
with He loved sinners on earth, but it does not go further.
THE CULTUS OF THE SACRED HEART. 1 5 1
1675, until his mission to England; and in one of his
retreats preached before the English Court he recounts
that revelation. Nothing can be clearer than that the
devotion of the Blessed Margaret Mary to the Sacred
Heart was a direct outcome of her devotion to the Blessed
Sacrament. (See Pere Croiset, La Devotion au Sacre"
Coeur, c. i.). There is, of course, practically no limit to
the " curious facts " that may be produced by reckless
conjecture.*
As an instance of the Holy See contradicting itself
on a point of faith, Dr. Littledale (p. 8, note) asserts
that the Quietist propositions condemned by Innocent
XL in 1687, especially i, 2, 4, 5, 20, 21, 25, 43, 61, and
62, are reproduced in Blessed Margaret Mary Alacoque's
"La Devotion au Cceur de J£sus," published in 1698;
which Quietism was virtually approved by the Holy See
when it beatified Blessed Margaret Mary in 1864. Per-
haps, if Dr. Littledale had trusted himself to explain what
he understands to be that doctrine of Quietism which he
supposes to have been alternately condemned and ap-
proved by the Holy See, the public might be better able
to appreciate the justice of his charge. As it is, I would
observe, first, that the work which Dr. Littledale speaks
of as the Saint's, was the work of Father Croiset, S.J.,
and is published as " par un P. de la Compagnie de Je'sus,"
although understood, I believe justly, to represent her
doctrine. Secondly, that not all the propositions of
Molinos are condemned by Innocent as in all respects
false, but some only as being " suspect of heresy,"
regard being had to their context. Now, if we read
through these propositions we shall see that with
regard to the spiritual life, their teaching is that the
only state which is pleasing to Almighty God, nay,
the only state which does not offend Him, is one in
which the soul is absolutely passive ; and again, that
the purgative and illuminative ways are to be entirely
rejected in favour of the unitive, thus destroying the
* See Appendix, Note E.
152 THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE.
very idea" of Christian asceticism. This doctrine issued,
if not in Molinos, at least in his disciples, in the gravest
irregularities. Nothing in the least degree resembling
such doctrine appears in the teaching of the humble and
mortified sister of the Visitation, who, even in her state
of ecstasy, fulfilled the humblest duties of obedience, and
who might have taken her motto from the Office of St.
Cecilia, " Sicut apis argumentosa Domino deserviebat."
When she spoke of the prayer of quiet, it was as a tran-
sient condition, the outcome of generous effort, and the
reward of victory. Her language on this point in no
way differs from the ordinary language of Catholic
mystics.
§ 6. The Church and the Bible.
Scripture, says Dr. Littledale (p. 3), is admitted by
the Roman Church to be " the chief source of all our
knowledge, as Christians, of the nature and will of
Almighty God." "The chief source of all our know-
ledge," &c., through the instruction of the Church, — I
grant ; " of our knowledge," through our own study in
independence of the Church's instruction, — I deny.
Nothing can be more emphatic than the teaching of the
Fathers of the advantage of the one and of the danger
of the other. The following passages are taken from
the work of Mgr. Malou, " L'Ecriture Sainte," torn. i.
pp. 255-285 : — St. John Chrysostom bids his congrega-
tion read up the passages which he will interpret for
them in the Church (Horn. i. on Matt. n. 6, t. vii. p. 13),
and (Horn. ix. in Ep. ad Col. n. 2, t. xi. p. 392) he says
to the fathers of families, " You must learn from me only,
your wives and children from you." St Augustine (cont.
Ep. Fund. c. 5, t. viii. col. 153): "I would not believe
the Gospel unless the authority of the Catholic Church
moved me thereto." And of the light which the Church
and Scripture throw upon one another, he says that
THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 153
although authority for this or that point "is not pro-
duced from the canonical Scriptures, still the Scriptural
truth is retained by us in the matter when we do that
which the whole Church approves whom the authority
of the same Scripture commends. So that inasmuch as
Holy Scripture cannot deceive, let whosoever fears de-
ception on the obscurity of this question consult the
Church, which Holy Scripture, without any ambiguity,
points out to him" (Cont. Crescon. lib. i. c. 33, n. 39, t.
ix. col. 407). St. John Chrysostom : " It is clear the
Apostles did not deliver everything in epistles, but
much without writing ; and that also is worthy of faith.
Wherefore we account the tradition of the Church also
worthy of faith : it is the tradition ; ask no more" (Horn,
iv. in Ep. ii. ad Thess. cap. ii. t. xi. p. 582). St Jerome
(in Isai. i. 6, c. 13, t. iv. p. 236) : "The leaders of the
Church enter the gates of the mysteries of God, and,
having the key of knowledge, understand the mysteries
of the Scriptures, and open them to the people intrusted
to them." " A man sustained by faith, hope, and chanty
does not require the Scriptures except for the instruction
of others ; so it is that many, by means of these three,
live even in the desert without books."
Of the dangers of independent study, St. Augustine
says : " They are deceived by many and manifold
obscurities and ambiguities who read rashly, mistaking
one thing for another, and what they wrongly look for
in certain places they find not, to such an extent do
certain obscure sayings involve in deepest darkness " (De
Doct Christ, lib. ii. c. 6, t. iii. pars. i. col. 21). St. Jerome,
in a well-known passage, denounces the grotesque and
mischievous results of promiscuous Bible-reading (Ep.
liii. ad Paulin. n. 16).*
St. Irenaeus (Cont. Haer. lib. iv. c. 26, n. i, p. 262)
* " Hanc (artem) garrula anus, hanc clelirus senex, hanc sophista
verbosus, hanc universi prsesumunt, lacerant, decent antequam
discant."
J54 THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE.
had long before told Christians how to escape these
dangers. " There where are the charismata of the Lord,
it is necessary that we should learn the truth, amongst
those with whom is that Church succession which is
from the Apostles, and that which is assuredly sound
and blameless teaching. For they preserve our faith
both in the one God who made all things . . . and
without danger expound to us the Scriptures."
Origen (in Cant. Cant. Prol. t. iii. p. 26), and St.
Jerome (Prol. in Jerem. t. v. p. 3), speak with approval
of the rule prevailing amongst the Jews that certain
portions of Scripture — the beginning of Genesis, the
beginning and end of Ezechiel, and the Canticle of
Canticles — should be forbidden to all under thirty ; and
Gregory Nazianzen exclaims that a similar rule ought to
prevail amongst Christians, curtailing promiscuous Scrip-
ture-reading (Orat. xxxii. n. 32, p. 600, t. i. p. 35, and
Orat. ii. n. 48).
When St. John Chrysostom urges us, as he does, to the
study of the Scriptures, not only is it not independent
study, but it is not study of the Bible at all in the
modern sense. He speaks primarily of the Gospels and
Acts and of the Psalms, and then of the Epistles, but
by no means with the same insistence.
The principle of the Eible Societies, viz., a wholly
undirected reading by every one of the entire Bible, is
utterly repudiated by the Fathers ; and the Popes who
condemned these societies only followed strictly in the
lines of the early Church, with an additional justification
in their experience of the Biblical aberrations of Pro-
testantism. The Society's Bibles are " poisonous pas-
tures ;; (to use Leo XII. 's words, which give such offence
to Dr. Littledale), although all but a fraction of their
contents is the Word of God ; because they represent the
principle of heresy in their rejection of the Church's
canon and interpretation, not to speak of particular
errors ; and the poison thus contained is certainly none
THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 155
the less dangerous because conveyed in what is, sub-
stantially, the Bread of Life.
Of the passages which Dr. Littledale has quoted from
the Fathers on behalf of promiscuous independent Bible-
reading, I would observe that, with two exceptions, they
do not present even a superficial difficulty. The excep-
tions are (p. 83), — i. A passage given as from " St. Chry-
sostom, Horn. xlix. on St. Matt. ii. 3," which speaks of
the Scriptures being the one way of finding out the true
Church, and its being useless to look for other proof.
2. A passage from St. Isidore of Pelusium (Ep. iv. 67-
91), which declares the Scriptures to be such " that the
learned and the ignorant, women and children, may
alike teach themselves from it." I have something to
say on both these passages.
St. Chrysostom, " Horn. xlix. on St. Matt. ii. 3." The
careless reference, which has passed unamended through
three editions, tells its own tale at once, — an old one
indeed to all who have concerned themselves with the
" Plain Reasons," — that Dr. Littledale's quotations are,
as a rule, second-hand and unverified. He troubles him-
self with their accuracy as little as a man does with the
geological formation of a stone he picks up to throw at
a dog. But there is something really cynical in the care-
less anachronism which exhibits a forty-ninth homily on
the beginning of a second chapter. St. Chrysostom has
no homily on Matt. ii. 3. The passage does not appear
in any of St. Chrysostom's homilies on St. Matthew, nor
in any other homily of that Father, but the passage has
been found nevertheless, although, with Dr. Littledale's
leave, I must amend the reference, thus, " Pseudo-Chry-
sostom, Opus Imperfectum in St. Matt. Horn. xliv. e
cap. 24." This work, say the Benedictines, is not, and
cannot by any possibility be, Chrysostom's ; Erasmus
rejected it, so did Usher and CaVe ; it is abandoned by
critics of every school. But not only is it not Chry-
sostom's, but, as the Benedictines point out, the author
156 THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE.
is clearly an Arian, nay, an Anomoean. Even the few
defenders in an uncritical age of the Chrysostomic attri-
bution admitted that the work was overlaid with the
faces hareticorum.
It is simply impossible that any one with the most
rudimentary critical sense could compare the mystical
strain of this homily with the grave literalness of the
genuine homily on the same text, and believe the two to
be by the same author, and that author Chrysostom.
In the passage from St. Isidore the phrase "may
alike teach themselves" (ftddoiev) is a gross mistranslation,
rendered the less excusable as the same word is rightly
rendered a line or so below, "are able to learn" (/jLaw&uvovreg).
Dr. Littledale has corrected this in his second edition
into " may alike learn" according to his invariable
wont, without a word to indicate that there is a cor-
rection.
Independent universal Scripture-reading has always
resulted in the tyranny of certain texts. One lives by
the eye alone, and he adopts anthropomorphism ; another
is a metaphysician, and to him everything is spiritual and
the history becomes mere allegory. The pessimist is led
to argue like Marlowe's Faustus : " Stipendium peccati
mors est, ha ! Stipendium," &c., " Si peccasse negamus,
fallimur et nulla est in nobis veritas ; " " why, then, belike
we must sin and so consequently die ; aye, we must die
an everlasting death : " the optimist sees only that " God
is love." I admit fully that Bible-reading has been the
great source of practical piety amongst English sectarians ;
but none the less its exclusive first-hand use has been the
source of every Protestant aberration from Calvinism
down to "Eternal Hope." The only security for the
whole Bible being taught is its embodiment in an in-
fallible ecclesiastical tradition, and its dispensation ac-
cording to a living "rule of faith," which shall regulate
the focus for its many distances and resolve its discords.
This is what we should expect a priori from the general
THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE. 157
character of the sacred volume. The Bible was evidently
never meant for a complete course of religious instruction.
It is in no sense a whole, but a collection of fragments,
of Sybilline leaves ; and to regard it as a whole involves
an arbitrary selection, in which violence is done to what-
ever does not harmonise with what you are pleased to
consider the leading idea. If all the particles are to be
preserved, if they are to coalesce in a symmetrical whole,
it must be when the ideal context is partly hermeneutically
educed, partly supplemented by ecclesiastical tradition.
This is altogether confirmed by experience ; for Catholics
alone are faithful to the whole of Scripture ; have no pet
texts to which all else must give way : whereas Protestants
have always had their special attractions and aversions,
from Luther's " stramineous " Epistle of St. James to the
"Church Times," which charged an opponent with
Calvinism for suggesting that " strait is the gate," &c.,
might be regarded as throwing light upon the partial
success of the Church.
Dr. Littledale complains that Rome — the local Church
of Rome — has done nothing for Biblical studies. Biblical
criticism is one thing, and the ascetic study of Scripture
which the Fathers urge by precept and example another ;
neither do they always advance hand in hand. As
regards the first, we must recollect Sixtus V.'s great
edition of the Septuagint, for the merits of which see
Tischendorf, "Introd. ad Vet. Test." Proleg. vii. <tf^.,and
the recent labours of Vercellone on the Vulgate. As to
commentaries of the character of a Lapide, Rome has
always been most fruitful. If there have not been
"full commentaries on the entire Bible" published in
Rome of late, at any rate there is no portion of Scrip-
ture on which commentaries have not appeared in
Rome, almost continuously, from the introduction of
printing.
No doubt the portentous mischief resulting from the
almost idolatrous misuse of their Bibles by Protestants
158 THE CHURCH AND THE BIBLE.
has, very naturally, tended to disincline the ordinary
Catholic layman even from its legitimate use, and this to
his very great disadvantage. That such abstention in
no way accords with the natural Catholic instinct is
proved by facts such as Janssen brings out (Geschichte
des Deutschen Volkes, vol. i. p. 43), when he tells us
that in little more than half a century between the inven-
tion of printing and Luther's outbreak no less than fifteen
editions of the whole Bible, to say nothing of portions,
had been issued in German, five in Flemish. " In Italian
eleven complete editions of the Bible appeared before
the year 1500, and were reprinted eight times more
before the year 1567, with the express permission of the
Holy Office. More than forty editions are reckoned
before the appearance of the first Protestant version
in Italian." See Mr. Allnatt's "Which is the True
Church?" p. 40, for this and other valuable informa-
tion concerning the Catholic versions of the Bible in
different countries.
As regards the use of the Bible amongst the Catholic
clergy, Dr. Littledale is utterly at sea. There is not a
seminary in the Church in which Scripture does not
enter largely into every treatise of theology; in which
Scripture lectures do not form an important feature in
the curriculum ; and in which Scripture is not presented
as the main source of religious instruction and sacred
eloquence ; a daily conference on Holy Scripture is part
of the rule of the Sulpician seminaries. Hardly a year
passes without commentaries upon some portion of
Scripture appearing, principally in Latin ; and the poorest
priest's library is almost sure to contain one or more of
them. Of the Spanish clergy, who rank lowest in Dr.
Littledale's list, for neglect of Scripture, it was specially
noted at the Vatican Council that their acquaintance with
Holy Writ was perfect.
UNCERTAINTY AND FAILURE IN MORALS. 159
Charge 3. Uncertainty and Failure in Morals.
1 1. Probabilism and St. Alfonso Liguori
Dr. Littledale tells us (p. n) that "all Roman Catholic
confessors are now bound to follow in the confessional "
the teaching of St. Alfonso Liguori, "since he has been
raised to the rank of a doctor of the Church." "As a
saint," he continues, "according to Roman doctrine,
there can be no error in his writings ; but as a doctor,
not only is there no error, but it is necessary to submit to
his teaching (Benedict XIV., de Canonizatione, iv. 2, xi.
1 1)." No authority could have greater weight with Catho-
lics than Benedict XIV. ; but "fas et ab hoste doceri;:?
Dr. Littledale's own words about ourselves are ringing
in my ears, "No reference to authorities, however seem-
ingly frank and clear, . . . can be taken on trust." And
so I turn to Benedict XIV., de Canoniz. lib. iv. par. 2,
cap. xi. I find that he treats of the qualities of a doctor
of the universal Church from No. 8 to the end of the
chapter. Nothing even remotely resembling Dr. Little-
dale's statement occurs therein. The highest apprecia-
tion of the doctrine of doctors is (No. 14) in a quotation
from a decree of Boniface VIII., where we read that for
one to be raised to such rank it should be verified that
by his doctrine " the darkness of errors was dispersed,
light thrown upon obscurities, doubts resolved, the hard
knots of Scripture unloosed." There is nothing here to
suggest that our obligation in regard to the teaching of
doctors differs at all in kind from our obligation in
regard to the teaching of saints who are not doctors ;
and if we turn back to lib. ii. cap. xxxiv. we shall see
what that is and what it is not. " It can never be said
that the teaching of a servant of God has been approved
by the Holy See ; at the most it can be said, when the
revisers have reported that nothing has been found in
his works contrary to the decree of Urban VIII., and
l6o PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
the judgment of the revisers has been approved by the
Sacred Congregation, and confirmed by the Supreme
Pontiff, that it was not reproved. Wherefore the afore-
said doctrine may be with due reverence impugned,
without incurring any note of temerity, if the modest
objection be supported by good reasons ; and this even
after the servant of God, the author, has been ranked
among the blessed or the saints. It is a famous saying
of the monk Nicholas, in his Epistle to Peter of Celle,
which is 9, lib. 9, among the Letters of Peter of Celle : —
'That St. Bernard, whom you say I have mulcted of due
reverence, . . . was long ago reckoned in the number
of the saints, and of late canonised in the Church, and
exempted from the judgment of men.' He is exempt,
I say, so that we may not doubt of his glory, but not
that we may not dispute his word." It may be as well
to let St. Alfonso decide the question of a doctor's
rights for himself. Does he, or does he not, claim the
right, from time to time, of differing with the great Doctors
of the Church, St. Thomas and St. Bonaventure? Any
one who will take the trouble to run his eye through
a volume of his " Moral Theology " will find several
instances ; here is one (lib. iv. Tract i. cap. 2, dub. 3,
art i. n. 104): "St. Thomas and Hales take the nega-
tive ; . . . but Lessius and Hadrian do rightly take the
affirmative."
Now, as to the character of St. Alfonso as a teacher.
i. He is a casuist, and by his example at least teaches
casuistry; and Dr. Littledale (p. 10) tells us what
casuistry is. It is " a system for dealing with separate
cases of sins." " It has come about in this way," partly
from a desire " to make religion a very easy thing, partly
to provide excuses for many evil things constantly said
and done to promote the interests of Romanism itself."
Now, observe this is not an account, true or false, of an
abuse into which casuistry may have fallen in the hands
of certain theologians, but it is an account of casuistry
PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI. l6l
in se, the casuistry of St. Antoninus and St. Charles
Borromeo, as well as of St. Alfonso, of Probabiliorists
as well as of Probabilists. There would seem to be
something inherently wrong in " dealing with separate
cases " instead of cleaving to " God's law." But is not
every sin a separate case ; and does not the confessional
imply a dealing with separate cases ; and have not
Ritualists found the necessity of issuing a manual for
treating such cases systematically, i.e., a Manual of
Casuistry? we say nothing of earlier Anglican writers
like Taylor and Sanderson. The ordinary English Pro-
testant need have no difficulty in understanding what
casuistry is, if he will recollect that the confessional is a
court in which the penitent is accuser and accused, and
the confessor judge. Does not every legal trial involve
a point, nay, many points, of casuistry? Is not the
question, whether or not the particular case falls under
a law, the bone of contention betwixt eager men, skilful
expounders, or unscrupulous wresters, as it may happen,
of the law, but whose employment neither in theory nor
in practice is accounted dishonourable ? God's law is un-
changeable and stainless, " Lex Dei immaculata ;" but in
its application to the various circumstances and accidents
of life there must always be a sphere of speculative
probability falling more or less short of certainty. " Life,
like a dome of many-coloured glass, stains the white
radiance of eternity."
2. St. Alfonso is a Probabilist and a teacher of Proba-
bilism. This system of casuistry, bad enough in itself,
is now, Dr. Littledale says, "governed by a principle
called Probabilism, the simple meaning of which is this,
that if something be plainly forbidden by God's law of
morals, and if you have a mind to do it, you may do it,
in the teeth, not only of the Bible, but of most of the
chief writers on morals, if only you can get an opinion
of one casuistical writer in your favour, even though it
be plainly weaker and less probable than that of those
l62 PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
who bid you obey God's law." Observe the monstrous
assumption, that a probable opinion can exist in the
teeth of a plain prohibition of the Bible or " God's law
of morals." As though there was any room for proba-
bility within the pale of certainty, or as if the slenderest
probability could exist in the teeth of such opposition,
whereas upon such probability even the extremest Pro-
babilist dares not pretend to act !
The theory of Probabilism is simply this : (i.) A doubt-
ful law, /.<?., doubtful in its application to the particular
case in question, does not ordinarily bind. (2.) Such
application is doubtful when, after the best consideration
and advice, there remains solid ground for the opinion
favouring liberty. The origin of Probabilism as distin-
guished from Probabiliorism — which latter is the theory
imposing an obligation of following every seeming pre-
ponderance of likelihood on the side of law — is (i) an
anxiety not to impose by way of obligation anything
beyond that which Christ has clearly imposed ; and (2)
the belief that in appealing to probability you are ap-
pealing to something more absolute, more stable, more
publici juris, less open to the tyranny of private pre
possession, than would be the case in appealing to mere
preponderance. Confessors — who have been always
practically Probabilists— when beyond that region within
which God's law speaks plainly, exhort and encourage
to what may appear the higher and safer road, but they
dare not oblige. The lines of legal obligation and heroic
sanctity do not always coincide, and the confessor is not
only director and physician, but also primarily judge,
and as judge he must not go beyond the law, whilst in
his other two relations his action is entirely subordinate
to the spiritual interests of his penitent
If St. Alfonso be a Probabilist, he is at least so
moderate a Probabilist that it is disputed amongst his
disciples whether he be a Probabilist at all and not
rather an ^qui-Probabilist, /".<?., one who requires an
PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI. 1 63
equal probability in the two opinions to justify the
adoption of the one favouring liberty. The JEqui-
Probabilists appeal with some effect to this passage
(Theol. Mor. lib. i. Tract i. n. 56): "If the opinion which
makes for the law should seem to be certainly the more
probable, we are bound to follow it." He here seems
to imply that solid probability cannot, under certain
circumstances at least, exist in the face of a notable
probabiliority.
Dr. Littledale (/. c. note) refers to Gury (Compend.
Theol. Mor. vol. i. p. 39) in proof that he has rather
understated than not the enormities of Probabilism.
Here he grossly misrepresents and even misquotes Gury.
What Gury says (see ed. Ballerini, torn. i. p. 58) about
the "doctus," " mediocriter doctus," and "rudis," is a
commonplace in every system of morals ; it belongs to
Probabiliorism as much as to Probabilism. It comes
to this : the trained theologian, if conscious that he is
sufficiently dispassionate, may trust himself to appreciate
the intrinsic arguments as well as the extrinsic autho-
rities for an opinion, and what he concludes to be true
he may regard as probable ; one less trained must content
himself with reckoning authorities ; whilst a third, who
is wholly ignorant, must take the best advice he can,
and trust the judgment of any one whom he has reason
to regard as well informed. A single author against the
rest may be sufficient to constitute a probable opinion, if
he be quite beyond exception (omni exceptione major),
not, as Dr. Littledale renders it, "of exceptional supe-
riority;" and if, moreover — as further conditions which
Dr. Littledale completely ignores — he has not only
solved the arguments of the supporters of the opposite
opinion, but has introduced what is practically a new
argument. On what principle, one is tempted to ask,
can Dr. Littledale object to so modest an exercise, in
an uncertain matter, of private judgment?
Amongst various instances of immoral doctrine, St
164 PROBABILISM AXD ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
Alfonso teaches, Dr. Littledale says — (i.) "That the actual'
assassins of a man are not equally guilty with their
instigator, whom he admits to incur excommunication"
(Theol. Mor. iv. 394). On the contrary, St. Alfonso
never attempts to compare the guilt of the two parties.
What he says is, that the employers (" mandantes ")-
alone are excommunicate, because so runs the particular
decree of excommunication in question, and we must not
extend the penalty beyond the letter. He accounts for
the actual assassins not being included in the decree by
the very sufficient reason that, in the case contemplated
by the decree, the assassins were infidels and so not
possible subjects for excommunication. (2.) " If A
murder B, in order that C may be suspected, and thereby
suffer loss of any kind, A is not bound to make C any
compensation, unless he be a worthy person" (iv, 587).
Now there is nothing on the subject of homicide at
Dr. Littledale's reference No. 587, but at No. 586 the
question is put, and you are referred for the solution to
No. 636 ; and there St. Alfonso maintains that, however
A may have intended the murder to be imputed to C, if
in fact he has done nothing to cause that imputation, he
cannot be regarded as " efficax causa damni," and so as
obliged to compensation. Of course the presumption is
entirely against the murderer. It is a thousand to one
that he has done something to cause the imputation;
but if he has not, following the case out speculative, you
cannot impute to him what ex hypothesi he did not do.
The little clause, "unless the person be worthy," is a.
gratuitous and absurd importation by Dr. Littledale from
No. 587, where a quite other question is discussed, viz.,
that of the obligation of one who has prevented another
by unfair means from obtaining a benefit. He is bound,
the Saint says, to compensate in proportion to the ex-
pectations frustrated, provided only the intended subject
was worthy of the benefit. This clause Dr. Littledale has.:
inserted in the question of imputed murder asked in No.
1ROBABILISM AND ST. AL1ONSO LIGUORI. 165
$86 and discussed in No. 636, whilst omitting the vital
point that A is supposed to have had nothing to do with
the imputation upon C beyond creating the fact imputed,
viz., the murder, and mentally intending it should be
imputed. (3.) " That if a clerical adulterer be caught
by the husband, he may lawfully kill the husband, and
does not incur irregularity thereby, provided his visit
was secret, so that he had a reasonable expectation of
escaping detection, though, if he had openly braved the
clanger, he does incur irregularity" (iv. 398). This is
perhaps the most monstrous of all Dr. Littledale's
enormities. For, taking his words as they stand, they
have one meaning and one only, viz., that the offender
in question may lawfully proceed to cut the throat of the
man he has so basely injured, if by so doing he may
reasonably hope to escape detection. No other danger
save that of detection does Dr. Littledale so much as
hint at, as entering the case. The circumstance, more-
over, of the culprit being a cleric naturally suggests that
this singular license is accorded to him that he may save
the honour (!) of his cloth. The truth is as follows: —
St. Alfonso is considering the question of irregularity
(a condition of legal inability to perform clerical func-
tions) ; and irregularity is incurred, as is most reasonable,
not by accidental or justifiable, but only by culpable,
homicide. St. Alfonso's condition, which Dr. Littledale
quietly omits from the case, is that the homicide in
question is committed by the cleric in the strictest self-
defence when every other alternative of escape with life
had been closed. The question is, whether the act of
homicide, in se inculpable being an act of self-defence, did
or did not contract culpability, and so the penalty of
irregularity, from the illicit act, the adultery, with which
it was connected. St. Alfonso takes a middle course
betwixt the affirmative and negative, distinguishing thus :
The irregularity would be incurred, supposing the adultery
"\vas so far open as to constitute an affront naturally
1 66 PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
entailing the violence which ensued, and so forming one
act with it ; not so if the violence was an unforeseen
accident. The difference to the culprit practically comes
to this : if the irregularity is incurred for the homicide,
he is suspended ipso facto ; if it is not incurred, he cannot
be suspended until after sentence pronounced upon the
adultery, /".*., when his case no more belongs to the
forum sacramentale but to the forum externum.
Dr. Littledale's charges (4), (5), and (6), all fall under
one category, St. Alfonso's allowance, under certain cir-
cumstances, of equivocation, even supported by an oath.
What Dr. Littledale omits to tell us is that such equivo-
cation is only admitted in defence of an undoubted right
which the questioner is seriously invading. The right
to plead "not guilty," acknowledged in our law, St.
Alfonso maintains to be, under certain circumstances, a
natural right. Where the questioner has a right to the
truth, there the equivocation is forbidden ; where, as far
as the rights of the questioner are concerned, a lie is law-
ful, there, out of a reverence for God's verbal currency,
which, to most modern Englishmen, appears fantastic,
literal truth is laboriously preserved. Where St. Alfonsa
would allow of equivocation, his Protestant critics would,
in all probability, lie more or less clumsily ; that is about
the difference between them.
(7.) "That a nobleman, ashamed to beg or work,
may steal to supply his needs if he be poor" (iv. 520).
Supposing, says St. Alfonso, that he is in extreme or
most grievous necessity, not merely "poor," as Dr.
Littledale puts it, and the disgrace of begging or work-
ing " worse to him than death." This is an extreme
specimen of a race of noblemen happily now extinct,
but which existed in St. Alfonso's day. The Saint is in
no way responsible for such a social product ; but when
he comes across it, he naturally treats it as tenderly as
he may. Supposing a young lady were offered, as her
one resource from starvation, the post of assistant
PROBABIL1SM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI. 167
slaughterman, St. Alfonso would say, and I suppose
every one else would say, that she might take what was
sufficient for the moment, instead of attempting to earn
a respectable livelihood in the shambles.
St. Alfonso brought out an edition of Busembaum's
theology, and from Busembaum Dr. Littledale takes
the following maxims: — (i.) "A very poor man may
steal what is necessary for the relief of his own want,
and what a man may steal for himself he may steal for
another very destitute person. (2.) Any person trying
to prevent such a theft, may be lawfully killed by the
thief" (torn. iii. lib. iii. par. i, tract 5, c. i). The first
maxim, if for Dr. Littledale's " very poor " be substituted
Busembaum's " in extreme necessity," is the universal
teaching of theologians; for, in extreme necessity, to
take what is necessary is not theft, but the use of what
the law of nature has made your own ; and so emended
the maxim is found in Busembaum. As to the second
maxim, it would seem to result that if you are attacked
when in the enjoyment of your strict right, you may
defend yourself, or another in like circumstances, to the
death. The supposition of the circumstances is prac-
tically an extravagance, from their extreme unlikelihood ;
but, speculatively, the case admits of no other solution.
I do not know that Orlando, in " As you Like it," has ever
been reproached for his vindication of his own and old
Adam's necessities. Act. ii. scene 7 : " Forbear, and
eat no more. . . . He dies that touches any of this
Iruit till I and my affairs are answered." For all that,
this second maxim does not appear in the place referred
to, neither can I find it anywhere in Busembaum, St.
Alfonso, or Gury.
From Escobar, the casuist with whom Dr. Littledale
winds up, it might not perhaps be impossible to extract one
or more condemned propositions on the side of laxity.
With his usual ill-fortune, however, Dr. Littledale has
pitched on one which is quite unexceptionable. To cast ofl
1 68 PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
the religious habit is regarded as an act of apostasy from
that religion, and, as such, has been visited by excommu-
nication. But if done for the moment, with no inten-
tion of leaving the order, even though for the bad object
of escaping detection in wrongdoing, it is, of course, not
reckoned apostasy, and the excommunication attached
to that crime is not incurred; and this is Escobar's state-
ment. Some seven or eight grossly false statements, not
to mention misrepresentations, is no bad crop from less
than three pages. Assuredly the laxest Probabilism ever
condemned by the Church would fail to justify Dr.
Littledale's interpretation of the commandment against
false witness.
Since the appearance of the above section in the
"Tablet" of February 7, 1880, Dr. Littledale has published
his second and third editions. Both the emendations
he has thought fit to make therein, and those he has
dispensed himself from making, deserve notice.
i. The passage which runs in the first edition, "St.
Alfonso Liguori, whose teaching all Roman Catholic
confessors [are now bound to follow in the confessional] "
substitutes for the words I have bracketed, ed. 2, "are
now free to follow," ed. 3, "are now encouraged to fol-
low.'* Ed. i, " As a doctor, not only is there no error
in his writings [but it is necessary to submit to his teach-
ing] j " ed. 2, " but it is necessary to admit his teaching ; "
ed. 3, " but his teaching is to guide bishops and clergy
in forming their judgments on difficult cases, and to be
a standard whereby they are themselves to be judged.
(Leo IV. cited by Benedict XIV., de Canonizatione,
iv. xi. 15)."
As I have noticed before, Dr. Littledale's theory of
religious controversy is evidently this : to say as many
awkward things of an antagonist as you can lay your
tongue to, backed with references here and there to any
authoritative writer who comes to hand, and sooner or
later the truth will articulate itself to your advantage.
PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI. 169
Benedict XIV. is chosen, and Dr. Littledale boldly
appeals to him for a variety of statements of which he
has not one syllable. There is nothing about a saint's
writings "containing no error;" nothing about having
to "submit" to a doctor's teaching: but never mind;
what with slightly changing the reference and modifying
the sentiment, it will go hard if Dr. Littledale cannot
find something to back up his theory about doctors, in
Benedict XIV. ; and by the time he has arrived at his
third edition he has found a passage, quoted by Benedict
XIV. from Leo IV., to the effect that bishops are not
only to judge but even to be judged in accordance with
the teaching of doctors. It would have been well for
Dr. Littledale had he contented himself with the modest
vagueness of his second edition, "it is necessary to
admit," and let Benedict XIV. alone; as it is he has
blundered again. Leo IV. is not speaking of the
writings of doctors when he says, "It is these according
to which bishops judge, and bishops are judged and
clergy," but of the canons of General Councils and the
decrees of the Popes. The passage, indeed, goes on to
say that if the above do not suffice for a decision, then,
if they can find dicta to the point of " Jerome, Augustine.
Isidore, and other like holy doctors, these are to be
confidently adopted and published, or recourse is to be
had to the Apostolic See on the matter" (see Labbe,
lorn. ix. p. 1027). No doubt this is high testimony to
the authority of doctors, but I would observe (i) that
it is not clear that the authority contemplated is not a
consensus doctorum ; (2) that it is not final, since there
is the alternative of a "recourse" to the Holy See.
Benedict XIV. simply quotes the passage for the sake of
Isidore's name, whose doctorate he is discussing.
Dr. Littledale's readers are never warned of the various
retractations in his second and third editions, and he
must know full well that not one reader in a thousand
dreams of collating.
1 70 PROBABILISM AND ST. ALFONSO LIGUORI.
In his "Rejoinder" to Mr. Arnold (Contemporary
Review, May 1880, p. 811), he insists that if Catholics
may dissent from saints and doctors, it is only on such
"minor and open questions as, e.g., how many nails were
used at the crucifixion." This is not the opinion either
of St. Alfonso or of Benedict XIV., the latter specially
points out that even an error in faith, if it was a point in
the Saint's time not yet decided by the Church, is no
bar to canonisation. The instance I have given above
is on a grave question of simony, and Dr. Littledale seems
to forget that he has himself quoted the Angelic Doctor
against the Immaculate Conception.
In this same "Rejoinder" (p. 811), he calmly puts
aside the disproofs of his account of Probabilism pro-
duced from the works of its professors, and appeals to
the "Provincial Letters" and the Rigorist " Biblio-
theque " of Richard and Giraud. Now it is conceivable
that some special weight should be conceded to a hostile
criticism either of admitted principles or of results, but
for a statement of principles it is but reasonable to go to
the authors themselves and not to their opponents. What
would be thought of a man who, setting up for a sober
biographer of Mr. Gladstone, should draw his account of
that gentleman's sentiments, not from his speeches and
writings, but exclusively from the pages of *' Vanity Fair "
and the " Daily Telegraph " ?
In a letter to the "Guardian" of April 14, 1880, Dr.
Littledale professes to adhere to all his citations from
St. Alfonso. Now I have no intention of making the
slightest appeal to Dr. Littledale ; my appeal is to that
large proportion of Englishmen who really hold that
justice is a divine right which no one can forfeit. I will
ask them to turn again to what I have said on Dr.
Littledale's charges, i, 2, and 3. For instance, take the
last and worst. 1 maintain that he has quoted St. Alfonso
as saying that under certain circumstances a man may
kill another without incurring a particular ecclesiastical
CARDINAL BELLARMINE. I ^ I
penalty, and that he has left out the circumstance on
which St. Alfonso's whole decision turns, viz., that it is
a case of strictest self-defence. There is no English
authority on criminal law, from Blackstone downwards,
which, under such unscrupulous excision, may not be
made to justify murder. Three courses are open to
Dr. Littledale : either to deny that self-defence is a
circumstance in the case, or to maintain that under
the circumstances self-defence is unlawful, or to with-
draw the charge and justify St. Alfonso.*
§ 2. Cardinal Bellarmine.
Dr. Littledale (p. 114) appeals to Bellarmine as teach
ing the supremacy of the Pope over the commandments
of God and the dictates of conscience, and he quotes the
well-known passage, De Rom. Pont. iv. 5 : "If the- Pope
should err by enjoining vices, or forbidding virtues, the
Church would be obliged to believe vices to be good
and virtues bad, unless it would sin against conscience."
Had Dr. Littledale ventured to make an appreciation of
the whole of this chapter v. — a very short one, — or had
he even pursued his quotation a line or two further, the
complete unappositeness of the quotation would have
appeared at once. The thesis of Bellarmine's fifth
chapter is this : the Pope cannot err in the substantial
morality of a law in which he prescribes or forbids, in a
matter of morals, a certain course of action to the whole
Church ; *>., he cannot make such a law for the whole
Church as would involve those who obeyed it in a breach
of the moral law. He proves this : First, because the
very fact of the Pope, the Church's God-given guide, so
doing would be a grievous injury to the Church, deroga-
ting from her security and sanctity. Secondly, he en-
deavours to show that the Church's faith is in a certain
manner involved in his thesis, inasmuch as it is part of
that faith that every virtue is good and vice bad ; and at last
* See Appendix, Note F.
172 CONDEMNATION OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT.
comes the passage quoted by Dr. Littledale, "If the Pope,n
&c., with the following words as its immediate context :
tf For the Church is bound, in doubtful matters, to acquiesce
in the judgment of the Supreme Pontiff, and to do what
he commands, and to abstain from doing what he forbids ;
and lest perchance she should act against her conscience,
she is bound to believe that good which he commands,
that bad which he forbids." The argument is, in doubt-
ful matters, i.e., where the right and wrong of the course
prescribed is not apparent, the Church must obey the
Pope's command, — an application of the common prin-
ciple " in doubtful matters the presumption is always in
favour of any command of a legitimate superior." But
every moral agent who would not act against his con-
science must say to himself, "This action I am doing is
right ; " and Bellarmine considers that such a testimony
on the part of the Church equivalently pledges her faith
to the objective righteousness of the course. Various
points in this difficult chapter admit of controversy ; but
one point at least is clear, Bellarmine is speaking here
exclusively of the Church's duty towards a Papal precept
in doubtful matters.
Bellarmine is not proposing to himself, as St. Paul
did, the case of authority contradicting revealed truth ;
but in doubtful matters, where the practical duty of
obedience is fairly assumed to be dictated by con-
science, he argues from the seriousness of an error upon
such a scale to its impossibility, and so to infallibility.
Thus the infallibility he invokes sanctions the rights of
conscience.
§ 3. Condemnation of Private Judgment.
The case as between Catholic and Protestant on thi«
point loses all consistency in Dr. Littledale's hands.
•When the Church condemns private judgment, she does
not condemn conscience, which she admits to have the
CONDEMNATION OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT. 173
inalienable right of constituting the immediate rule of all
moral action. Neither does she condemn all exercise of
private judgment in the sense of all free exercise of the
reason in matters of religion ; for, as Dr. Littledale fairly
points out, it is as much an act of private judgment to say,
This is an authority whose dicta I shall accept without
question, as to say, I will only accept what I can get
direct proof of; or, to make the parallel more pertinent,
the recognition that an authority is such that I ought to
submit to it without question, is no less the result of an act of
private judgment than the recognition that I must receive
nothing without direct proof. The difference between
the two states is not in their origin, but in their relation
to the future exercise of private judgment. The one has
found an authority limiting that exercise in certain direc-
tions, the other has found that no such authority exists.
What the Church condemns is the extension of the
exercise of private judgment to this exclusion of all
authority; this refusal to accept even on an authority
presumably divine what you cannot get other proof of.
When private judgment is denounced as an evil by
Catholic writers, it is this usurpation of private judgment
that is meant ; just as when we condemn egotism, we are
not condemning the action of the self-regarding principle
itself, but its tyranny over the legitimate claims of other
interests.
Of course, no religious Protestant allows himself to reject
altogether an authority demanding the submission of his
reason. He accepts what he conceives to be clear state-
ments of Scripture for which he can obtain no other proof
whatever. But such Protestant believer in authority, though
that of the Bible only, has always been felt by the common
instinct of mankind to be an anomaly, and is now a fast-
diminishing survival ; and so the terms " authority " and
" private judgment " have come to be looked upon, and
not unfairly, as the distinguishing symbols of the Ca-
tholic who believes in an abiding divine authority in
174 CONDEMNATION OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT.
the Church, and the Protestant who believes that no such
authority exists.
Dr. Littledale's passages from Scripture on behalf of
private judgment do not suggest even a superficial
difficulty, but not so with his passage from St. Augus-
tine, which is as follows : " Authority is first in time,
but reason in fact. The learner must believe, but when
taught he ought to judge" (De Ord. ii. c. ix.). The
latter half which we have underlined certainly looks as
if, according to St. Augustine, private judgment was to
supersede authority. On turning, however, to the " De
Ordine," one is relieved to find that this telling sentence
is certainly not the immediate context of the words with
which Dr. Littledale has united it in one continuous quo-
tation ; nor is it any part of chapter ix. The sentence is
a gloss of Dr. Littledale's which has unfortunately slipped
into the text between the inverted commas ; and, more-
over, it is a gloss which no one who has taken the trouble
to read the whole of n. 26 can possibly accept as con-
veying the Saint's meaning. St. Augustine is engaged in
illustrating his favourite idea, " fides quaerens intellectum."
faith learning how to reason ; or theological apprehen-
sion, especially the theology of the spiritual life, the dis-
cipline of the law of God. Authority is first in time, but
" ratio," /.£, the perfection of theological knowledge, is
first, " in re " or idea, inasmuch as it is the end to which
authority is the means. " None but authority opens the
gate, which each one having entered without any doubt-
fulness follows the precepts of the most excellent life,
through which when he has become a pupil, then at
length he shall learn with what reason they are endued
which he followed before reasoning on them, and what
that reason is which, after the nursery of authority, he
now, firm and fit, doth pursue and lay hold of." The
function here of reason is intellectually to assimilate the
teaching of authority, not to question its truth ; and so
to be taught of God, who is at once the reason of
authority and the authority of reason.
THE SIXTH CANON OF NIOEA. 175
Charge IV. — Untrustworthiness.
Dr. Littledale (p. 100), in words which, having already
quoted at length, I do not care to repeat, charges the
Roman Church, from the fifth to the nineteenth century,
with systematic fraud and misrepresentation ; and her cpn-
troversialists with "almost never" telling the truth, and
" the whole truth in no case whatsoever." I will take his
instances in order.
§ 1. The Nicene and Sardican Canons.
Various Popes — Zosimus, Leo, and Felix III. — quoted
in bad faith the Sardican Canons for the Nicene. I
answer that numbers of the ancient codices of the
Councils had the Sardican Canons with the Nicene under
the title of Nicene, and not merely Roman codices, but
others of Gaul, Spain, and Ireland. This is the case
with the very ancient codex published by Justellus. The
Sardican Council was regarded as an appendix of the
Nicene even in the East ; the Council of Constantinople
of 382, in its letter to the Pope, quotes a Sardican canon
as Nicene (see Ballerini, St. Leo, torn. iii. De Antiq.
Collect. Can. pars. i. cap. 6, n. 14, and Coustant, p.
566, note). De Marca and Baluze — severe critics as
they are where the Pope is concerned — admit — to use
the words of the latter (ap. Ballerini, /. c. pars. 2, cap. i,
n. xiii.) — "that Innocent, Zosimus, and Leo are to be
wholly acquitted of fraud (alieni sunt ab omni dolo) in
quoting the Sardican Canons as belonging to the Council
of Nicsea, since they were supported by the authority of
their scrinia and the old collection."
§ 2. The Sixth Canon of Nicaea.
"The Roman legates," says Dr. Littledale, "at the
Council of Chalcedon produced a forged copy of the
Nicene Canons, containing in the sixth canon the words,
1)6 THE BAPTISM OF CONSTANTINE.
'The Roman See has always had the primacy/ which
were promptly repudiated by the Council." I answer
that the Roman copy was never repudiated by the
Council. A Greek copy without the clause in question
appears in the Acts, besides the one read by the legates ;
but, according to the Ballerini and Hefele, this was a
later interpolation in the Acts, and the only one read at
the Council was that of the legates. Anyhow, as Hefele
observes, there is not a word suggestive of repudiation
(Councils, vol. i. p. 402, Eng. tr.). After the reading
of this sixth canon, and the first, second, and third canons
of Constantinople, "the imperial commissioners who
were present at the Synod" acknowledged that "the
most ancient right of all (ir?b ndvrcav r« KguTtfa) and the
pre-eminence (xa/ n$* Jga/psrov r/pw) belong to the Arch-
bishop of old Rome," and then went on to make an
analogous claim on behalf of Constantinople. As to
the clause itself, its genuineness has been maintained by
several distinguished modern scholars, amongst others
by the learned Jesuit Zaccaria (Eccles. Hist, dissert, v.
cap. 2). It is probably a gloss, but one almost syn-
chronous with the original ; its appearance in so many
and such various ancient codices shows that there is not
the slightest ground for regarding it as a Roman forgery.
§ 3. The Baptism of Constantine.
The myth of Constantine's baptism in Rome by St.
Sylvester was, Dr. Littledale maintains, a Roman forgery
to secure the possession of territory, " the famous so-
called Donation of Constantine."
I answer that the legend of Constantine's Roman
baptism originated in the fifth century, but the " Dona-
tion of Constantine " belongs at the earliest to the middle
of the eighth century, so that the former could hardly
have been invented to provide for the latter. Again,
the Legend of Sylvester makes no mention of territorial
THE FALSE DECRETALS. 177
right. Dr. Dollinger (Papstfabeln, Eng. tr. pp. 89-
100) remarks that "the true account of the first Christian
emperor's baptism at the end of his life by an Arian
bishop soon became quite incredible both to West and
East."
§ 4. St. Peter's Letter.
In 754, says Dr. Littledale, Pope Stephen III. forged
a letter in the name of the Apostle St. Peter, and sent
it to Pepin, king of France, urging him to come to his
defence.
I answer that there is nothing in the letter to suggest
more than a rhetorical impersonation. Neither Pepin
nor his Franks were fools to be so played on. More-
over, had the letter pretended to be a literal missive
from St. Peter, there would necessarily be some legend
to explain the Pope's getting it, of angelic visitation, or
the like, but there is nothing of the kind. When Fleury
is appealed to on the subject, it should be remembered
that he belongs to a strain of writers to whom any license
of the imagination was an unintelligible abomination.
Even Fe'ne'lon himself had no word to say of the Gothic
cathedrals of France, except to apologise for their bar-
barism. Gibbon acquits the Pope of any dishonest in-
tention. (D. and F. vol. vi. ch. 49 note.)
§ 5. The False Decretals.
The " False Decretals," a collection of letters and
decrees of early Popes and Councils, " all intended to
augment the Papal authority," we are told, "were fabri-
cated in Western Gaul about 845, and were eagerly
seized on by Pope Nicholas I., an ambitious and per-
fectly unscrupulous pontiff, to aid in revolutionising the
Church, as he, in fact, largely succeeded in doing." As a
specimen of the principles by which the Church was
" revolutionised," Dr. Littledale produces the following :
" Not even amongst the Apostles was there equality, but
if
178 THE FALSE DECRETALS.
one was set over all." "The head of the Church is the
Roman Church." " The Church of Rome, by a unique
privilege, has the right of opening and shutting the gates
of heaven to whom she will" Now, so far from these
being new principles, any one who will turn to the
patristic passages I have collected on Papal prerogative
will find them almost word for word. The first is
asserted by St. Chrysostom, in Joan. Horn. Ixxxviii. n. i.
(quoted, p. 7) ; the second by St. Ambrose and Council
of Aquileia (quoted, p. 42) ; and the third by St. Maxi-
mus (quoted, p. 17).
As to the contents of these decretals a large number
of critics, Protestant as well as Catholic, are quite in
accord with the Ballerini's summing up (1. c. pars. iii.
cap. 6, sec. 3), viz., that when they appeared they repre-
sented a discipline " which had either been long estab-
lished, or had been already introduced." For Protestant
authorities, see Neander, "Church History," vol. vi. p.
7, ed. Bohn; Bowden, "Life of Gregory VII.," p. 56;
and Milman, " Lat. Christ," vol. ii. p. 307.*
As to the statement in the False Decretals that no Coun-
cil can be held without the leave of the Roman Pontiff, I
grant that, as applied to all diocesan or provincial synods,
this involves a disciplinary innovation ; but it is certain,
says Blascus (Comment in Pseudo-Isidore, cap. 9, sec.
2), that the Popes did not apply it to any synod but such
as pretended in some sense to be general, or to deal with
the reserved cases of bishops. No writer, says the same
authority, before the twelfth century applies this prohi-
bition to synods generally; and the Roman correctors
of Gratian, Annot, ad Can. 4, diss. 17, limit it expressly
to synods pretending to judge General Synods. As to
CEcumenical Councils, Socrates (A.D. 429) testifies that
"our ecclesiastical canon decrees that the Churches
* The whole of what I say here on the False Decretals is taken
almost word for word from my "Critique on Mr. Ffoulkes,"
Longmans, 1869.
THE FALSE DECRETALS. 179
should not pass laws without consulting the Roman
Bishop" (Hist. Eccles. ii. 8), a canon which he quotes
Pope Julius as appealing to more than a century before
(ib. ii. 17); and Sozomen, in a passage already quoted,
asserts that it is a law that what is passed in opposition
to the Pope is null.
As regards the forgery itself, critics, Protestant and
Catholic, are agreed that the Pope had nothing to do
with it ; nay, that it was not executed directly in his
interest. These decretals were forged in Gaul, not in
Rome; and their immediate object was to relieve the
bishops and the inferior clergy from the tyranny of the
metropolitans, who were but too frequently the tools of
the secular power. In pursuit of this end, they aimed
at equalising, to a certain extent, the different orders of
the clergy, by uniting them all equally with their head
and centre, the Pope, and so giving them a point (Pappui
outside the sphere of lay influence. When they exalt
the Pope, it is only to pull themselves out of the mire ;
and it has been observed (see Blascus, ib. c. 10), that
these decretals, where the interests of the Episcopate
are not at stake, do not concern themselves to uphold
even the well-established privileges of the Holy See, and
in some cases (whether wittingly or not is uncertain)
actually contravene them.
But it is urged, if the Pope be not a coiner, he is at
least the conscious utterer of false coin : he had dupli-
cates of all the genuine letters of his predecessors in his
portfolio ; and if he did not actually discover that these
were forgeries, it was because he felt they were, and would
not look. As to St. Nicholas I., the Pope in whose time
the False Decretals first appeared, Protestant as well as
Catholic writers bear witness to his heroic character,
his unflinching championship of oppressed innocence,
his magnanimity in times of peril and affliction: It is
impossible not to feel that he is as unlikely a man to
have lent himself to a lie as can well be imagined. As
l8o THE FALSE DECRETALS.
to the solemn and public lie with which Dr. Littledale-
charges him, it has no existence out of Dr. Littledale's
imagination. The Pope never asserted that he had
copies of these documents, or, rather, of these extracts
from documents, for nothing more had come under his
notice ; he only insisted that the fact of not being in the
codex of Adrian did not prevent a document extant
in the Roman archives or elsewhere from having autho-
rity. It is not, however, upon the Pope's good character
alone that I would ground my defence. Dr. Littledale
grounds his charge upon the assumption that the Pope
was in a position naturally and easily to detect any fraud
that should take the form of a Papal letter. This as-
sumption I maintain to be utterly false. The fact of
the duplicate of a Papal letter not being found in the
Roman archives, not only did not prove it spurious, but
in very many instances could not create any fair pre-
sumption against it. It is true that the Popes, like other
bishops, were by the way of laying up in their archives
copies of the letters they wrote, and of the more im-
portant letters which they received.* We have frequent
references and appeals in the letters to and from the
Holy See to the contents of the Roman archives ; but
it is impossible not to be struck with the short periods
of time which these appeals cover. I think I am right
in saying that, with one exception, they do not extend
beyond a century, and that most fall far short of it. I
know of only one exception, and that was when in 531
Theodore of Thessalonica produced from his archives
Papal letters from Damasus downwards, a space of about
150 years, all extant and all genuine, and asked Boni-
face II. to verify them from the Roman scrinia. Curi-
ously enough, we do not know how far the Roman
* There must have been many accidental exceptions to this rule*
Nicholas I. (Ep. 27) mentions that this letter of his had not been
officially transcribed, owing to his " scriniarii " not being at ths
time available.
THE FALSE DECRETALS. l8l
scrinia stood the trial, for the narrative document (see
Labbe, torn. v. p. 843) is imperfect.
Mabillon (De Re Diplom. suppl. p. 5) enumerates the
many dangers that beset the ancient archives. They
were, moreover, peculiarly liable both to be neglected
-and tampered with, owing to the fact that the notarii
and scriniarii, who were alone capable of reading, trans-
scribing, and classifying the manuscripts, were a small
and consequently irresponsible class. This was so much
felt to be the case, that from time to time custodes were
appointed to watch over the honesty of the notarii^ and
keep them to their duty. The responsibility of these
officials was, of course, in direct ratio to the want of cul-
ture of their time and country ; thus in Italy we may
presume they must have had things very much their own
way for several centuries preceding the era we are con-
sidering. Under these circumstances, nothing is more
natural than that the Roman archives should have sus-
tained vast and frequent losses ; and we are not surprised
when Baronius (torn. v. an. 381, xxxi.) points out to us
that the Roman archives had evidently suffered a serious
loss between the times of Damasus and Gregory I. He
quotes St. Gregory, lib. vi. ep. 15 (Ed. Ben. lib. vii. ep.
34) to the effect that the Roman Church knew nothing
of the condemnation of the Eudoxians, except from
doubtful or corrupt sources ; and remarks that, seeing
that several of the ancient Fathers speak of Eudoxius as
accused and convicted of frightful heresy, St. Gregory's
words clearly show, "jacturam passa esse Romana arch-
ivia." I may observe that the letter of Liberius to Con-
stantius (see Coustant, p. 423) speaks of Eudoxius as
having refused to condemn Arius, and being therefore
excommunicate ; and this letter must have been origi-
nally in the Roman archives.
In this same letter Liberius testifies that he has got
the letter of Alexander of Alexandria to Pope Sylvester
concerning the Arian controversy; " manent literse ;" and
1 82 THE FALSE DECRETALS.
Constant remarks that, of course, there were numbers of
letters to and from Sylvester on the same subject, though
none have come down to us (p. 247).
In the eighth century St. Boniface of Mainz (Ep. 40)
tells Nothelm of Canterbury that, as regarded the famous
letter of St. Gregory I. to St. Augustine, the Roman
scriniarii had looked in the archives of the Roman
Church and could not find it.
In 743 the Germans rested their right to marry " in
quarta generatione" upon an indult of Pope Gregory II.,
which could not be discovered in the Roman archives,
but which Pope Zachary did not on that account reject
as spurious. These are his words : " We must confess
that in Germany a document has been for some time
current which we do not find in our archives. We are
told by the Germans that Pope Gregory, of blessed
memory, when he was leading them by the light of
divine grace to the religion of Christ, granted them
leave to marry in quarta generatione, whilst they were yet
rude and had to be solicited to the faith. Although we
cannot find the document, we do not hesitate to believe
it genuine" (Labbe, torn. vii. p. 287).
We have only to look through Coustant's volume to
see that numbers of the Papal letters do not come from
the Roman archives, but from those of other sees, par-
ticularly Vercellae and the famous Gallic sees of Aries
and Vienne. The editor of the " Bullarium Romanum,
Rome 1739," in his preface, after 'noticing the losses
which the Roman archives had sustained, particularly in
Papal letters, from Leo I. to Innocent III., observes
that numbers of these autographs, " of which no longer
any mention or trace remains in the Roman archives,"
have been found intact in the archives of other
cathedral towns and monasteries.
It has been said that the fact that so many of the
Pseudo- Decretals profess to be the letters of Popes of
the times of persecution, should have awakened sus-
THE FALSE DECRETALS. 183
picion. But it must be remembered, first, that there is
great reason for supposing that Pope Nicholas never
saw more than certain portions of these decretals, with
which he indicates an acquaintance, although nowhere
formally quoting them ; secondly, that it is well known
that the Popes, in the times of persecution, did write
and write frequently; witness the genuine fragments
of their letters in Eusebius, Hilary, and elsewhere.
Moreover, the Fathers testify an acquaintance with other
documents which are wholly lost; St. Augustine, for
instance (Ep. 43, n. 16), shows that he knew, in extenso,
the decree of Melchiades condemning Donatus ; and
St. Jerome speaks of the four letters written by St. Cor-
nelius to Fabius of Antioch as extant in his time.
There was nothing in these relics of the times of per-
secution in that age to awaken suspicion, whilst there
was much to attract devotion. Men naturally welcomed
their discovery with the same devotion, and certainly
with no greater surprise, than they did the kindred dis-
covery of the martyrs' bodies. St. Nicholas in his letter
to the Bishops of Gaul (Labbe, torn. x. p. 282) shows
what idea was uppermost in his mind when he refers to
these decrees, of which he had seen something and
heard more, as the decrees of those " quorum videmus
Deo auctore Sanctam Ecclesiam aut roseo cruore flori-
dam, aut rorifluis sudoribus et salubribus eloquiis adorna-
tam." Again, it must be remembered that the Holy See
received these- decretals from the Gallic Church, upon
whose learning it had been taught to depend in its con-
troversies with the civil power and Greek heresy.
We find a remarkable instance of this dependence
recorded by Paschasius, in his "Life of Wala" (ap.
Mabillon, Act. S. Ord. Ben. sec. iv. pars, i, p. 511). He
relates that he and Wala (A.D. 833) showed Gregory IV.
— then in France, engaged in the difficult and dangerous
task of reconciling the king and his sons — "sundry
documents, confirmed by the authority of the holy Fathers
184 THE FALSE DECRETALS.
and his own predecessors, against which none might deny
that he had the power — forsooth God's, the blessed
Apostle Peter's, and his own — to go and send unto all
nations for the faith of Christ, the peace of the Churches,
the preaching of the Gospel, and the assertion of the
truth; and that in him resided the supreme authority
and living power of blessed Peter, in virtue of which
he might judge all and himself be judged of none. Which
documents he graciously received, and was exceedingly
comforted."
Some writers have thought that they discerned here
evidence of the Pseudo-Decretals, but the idea is very
generally abandoned. One strong argument against it
appears to me to be the fact that Agobard, who belonged
to the same party as Wala and Paschasius, in his letter to
the king, which exactly coincides in time with his friend's
mission to Gregory, and in which he has the same object
in view with them, viz., the exaltation of Papal pre-
rogative, grounds his argument exclusively upon genuine
documents. However this may be, the whole account
is curiously illustrative of the influence of the French
Church upon the Holy See.
But not only did the Pope receive these False Decretals
from the French bishops, but the French bishops them-
selves furnished him with what he might well regard as
a crucial test of their genuineness. For even when
Hincmar in his controversy with Nicholas does his best
to disprove their cogency at law, he never so much as
suggests a doubt of their genuineness. It is true that in
his subsequent dispute with Adrian II. Hincmar uses
rather different language; but even then he hints at
nothing more than that they have been garbled and
interpolated by his own nephew and others, to serve
their private ends.
In the letter to the Bishops of Gaul, quoted above,
the Pope clearly assumes that there may be other re-
servoirs of authentic decretals besides the archives;
THE FALSE DECRETALS. 185
when, in meeting Hincmar's attempt to restrict the legal
cogency of decretals to those contained in the codex
of Adrian I., he says, " God forbid that we should not
embrace the decretals which the Roman Church penes se
in suis archivis et vetustis rite monument's, recondita
venerantur." The "vetusta monumenta," no doubt, in-
cluded all such well-authorised collections as the Pseudo-
Isidorian professed to be.
Besides the fact of the frequent losses which the
R man archives had sustained, rendering their contents
at any given time an unsafe criterion of genuineness, it
was exceedingly difficult to find out what they did con-
tain ; for, as I have said, only a very small class, the
" scriniarii," were competent to engage in the search.
These were put upon their oath that they had produced
all that they could find regarding the cause in hand, as
we find, e.g., in the Acts of the Sixth Council. And, for
these experts, the search was, doubtless, exceedingly
difficult when covering any considerable length of time,
and when documents were wanted that had not been
previously arranged for controversial purposes. Often,
indeed, it could have been little else than a wild hunt
amongst boxes of manuscripts in various stages of decay,
when the subject of any successful discovery might well
be described as "Deo revelante reperta" (see Nicholas'
Letter to Herard, Labbe, torn. x. p. 298).
The Ballerini (St. Leo, torn. i. p. 511), after remarking
upon the number of St. Leo's letters that were lost, thus
account for these and other losses : — "After the general
collections of the canons and Papal letters, originally
-compiled by private persons for private use, had got so
generally into circulation that the Popes themselves took
their predecessors' letters oftener from these private
collections than from the Apostolic scrinia, it came
about that the autographs of these same letters which were
in the Apostolic scrinia, gradually falling into neglect
as time went on, perished."
1 86 THE FALSE DECRETALS.
This, then, is St. Nicholas' position. He is presented
with portions of documents — for we have no proof they
were more — which accurately represent the ecclesias-
tical spirit of the day, a recommendation rather than a
difficulty in an uncritical age. Their genuineness was
attested by the Church of Gaul, a Church incomparably
more learned than his own ; and attested, moreover,
even against its own interests. The genuineness of
these documents was in no sense on its trial ; it was un-
disputed. The presumption must have appeared strongly
in favour of the genuineness of documents at once so
orthodox and so apposite ; had any heresy cropped up
in them, then, indeed, it would have been another matter.
But more than this: the Pope, even if a doubt had
crossed his mind, which is in the highest degree impro-
bable, had not in the Roman archives any satisfactory
test of their genuineness.
It is sometimes said that the detection of the Pseudo-
Decretals was the work of the reformers, and would
never have taken place without them. £t may be as well,
before leaving the subject, briefly to notice this point.
The war which the German reformers began in the
sixteenth century to wage with Rome naturally gave a
peculiar zest to the pursuit of any discovery which might
seem detrimental to their great adversary; and it is
undeniable that the Magdeburg Centuriators, as early
as 1559, exposed the Pseudo-Decretals with a degree of
completeness which had not been reached before. The
controversial prominence which they naturally gave to
the subject obtained for them very generally the credit
of the discovery ; but it is a mistake to suppose that the
forgery had not been substantially discovered before. As
early as 1431 Cardinal de Cusa in his work, " De Con-
cordia Catholica" (lib. iii. cap. 2), gives it as his opinion
that the Donation of Constantine, as well as the writings
attributed to St. Clement, St. Anastasius, and StMelchiades,
were apocryphal ; and urges against them exactly the same
THE FALSE DECRETALS. 187
critical arguments — viz., their anachronisms, the silence
of antiquity, &c. — which were afterwards applied by the
Centuriators to others of the False Decretals. More-
over, neither the Centuriators nor their successor in the
next century, Blondel, by any means completed the dis-
covery of the Pseudo-Isidorian forgery. Many of the
documents which had passed these critics, keen and
eager as they were, as genuine, were exploded as forgeries
by the laborious industry and acumen of the Ballerini
in the last century. Bellarmine and Baronius, who followed
close upon the Centuriators, rejected the Pseudo-Decretals;
and no one who at all realises what the spirit of historical
criticism is, and to what an extent the great Catholic
writers of the last three centuries, Baronius, the Bolland-
ists, and the Ballerini, were animated by it, can doubt that
the Pseudo-Decretals died a natural, not a violent, death.
Dead ! it may be urged ; but they are not dead, the
Church uses them still. Is it not intelligible that pas-
sages from the Pseudo-Decretals may be used as texts, a?
convenient traditionary formulae, simply for what they
represent, and in no sense as authorities ; that they may
be too closely associated with the practice of the ecclesias-
tical courts to be eliminated without inconvenience ? The
right which they represent is established on other grounds,
and has long ago been realised by prescription ; and
what the Canonist Wilhelm (ap. Mabillon de Re Diplom.
torn. i. p. 248) says of " documenta suffecta, substituta,
vicaria legitimorum," may be well applied to the Pseudo-
Decretals. " Public instruments, sealed in court, strong in
the authority of great names, are called in question by
historians; and often what the judge has approved in
the forum the man of letters condemns in his study. In
which case I would compound and so attemper matters
as that, whilst the learned should rightly reject such
documents as historical evidence, their forensic repute
and authority might still remain to them."
f 88 THE CYPRIANIC INTERPOLATIONS.
§ 6. The Cyprianic Interpolations.
The following probably spurious passages appear im-
bedded in the " De Unitate Ecclesise," n. 4 :— " Upon
him (Peter) alone He builds His Church and commits
His sheep to be fed ; . . . and the primacy is given to
Peter, that it might be shown that the Church is one and
the Chair one. . . . He who opposes and resists the
Church, who forsakes the Chair of Peter upon which the
Church is built, can he trust that he is in the Church ? "
The whole of this is very probably a gloss slipped into the
text. It has a large weight of codices against it, some
twenty-seven to eight. It is first quoted in the letter of
Pelagius II. to the bishops of Istria, written at the end of
the sixth century, and often ascribed to Gregory the Great,
who was at that time Pelagius' secretary. It was first
introduced into the text by Manutius on the authority of
a Vatican MS. ; but, as Fell remarks, not without a note
to say what he was doing. There has been nothing
underhand whatever in our treatment of the text. The
Benedictine editor, whilstretainingthe text, has introduced
Baluze's damaging criticism in a note. If " Ultramon-
tanes," as Dr. Littledale says, are constantly quoting this
passage, it is not for lack of other Cyprianic passages to
their purpose. Neander admits that these clauses contain
nothing that St. Cyprian has not taught elsewhere in
passages of admitted authenticity, one of which he regards
as stronger than anything in the controverted clauses
(ed. Bohn, v. i, p. 298). The following passages are
uncontroverted : — " There is one Church and one Chair,
founded by the voice of the Lord upon a rock " (Ep. 43,
n. 5). " Peter, whom the Lord chose as chief, and upon
whom he built His Church " (Ep. 71 ad Quint). "The
Chair of Peter and the ruling Church, whence the unity
of the priesthood has its source, and to which heretical
perfidy cannot gain access " (Ep. 59 ad Cornel.) ; and
(Ep. 45) St. Cyprian speaks of Pope Cornelius and "his
"ROMA LOCUTA EST." 189
communion, that is to say, the unity and charity of the
Catholic Church," and of the Roman Church, as " the
root and womb of the Catholic Church." The Protestant
historian Mosheim expresses his conviction that they
must be blind who do not see that St. Cyprian's theory of
the Papacy must issue in the modern Catholic system
(De Gall, appell. ad Cone. Univ. sec. 13). (See Allnatt,
Cath. Pet. p. 41, and p. 93.)
§ 7. " Roma locuta est."
The attribution to St. Augustine of the phrase, " Rome
has spoken, the cause is ended," no doubt involves a
certain rhetorical exaggeration. The sentiment is far
more intense in this terse form than as it really runs :
" The results of two Councils on the matter (Pelagianism)
have been sent to the Apostolic See, and replies have
come thence ; the cause is ended, would that the error
may end some time." Still the substance is the same.
St. Augustine said that the cause was over when a report
had been made to the Holy See and an answer received.
The cause was over, />., the plea of error that it was, or
might possibly be, Catholic truth ; just as Arius' cause
was over after Nicaea, though his error endured much
longer. As to the Council of Ephesus, there is no proof
that it decided anything on the subject of Pelagianism ;
but supposing it to have done so, yet this, according to
ecclesiastical usage, need have involved no denial of
the legal finality of the previous judgment; no con-
tradiction of St. Augustine's "the cause is ended ;" but
only an implication that the error still endured though
it had no legal leg to stand on. Pope Zosimus never
manifested the slightest sympathy with Pelagianism ; his
fault was an over-readiness in accepting the explanations
of the plausible Pelagian Celestius as real, in spite of
the warnings of the African Church.*
* See Appendix, Note G.
1 90 CARDINAL BARONIUS.
§ 8. Forged Greek Catena.
This was a forgery introduced into the West by Latin
missionaries from the East in the thirteenth century;
undoubtedly of Latin origin, the Greek being clearly a
translation from the Latin. But there is nothing to
make one suppose that the Pope (Urban IV.) was not
as honest as every one admits St. Thomas was, in his
acceptance of it
§ 9. Cardinal Baronius.
" Baronius," says Dr. Littledale, " has also falsified
the Roman Martyrology by inventing statements that
various early bishops, whose mere names stand in the
old editions, were consecrated and given mission by St.
Peter from Rome, so as to make Rome appear the
mother Church of these places, and he has altered the
date of St. Denis of Paris by 200 years with the same
view." He refers to Janus, " The Pope and the Council,"
pp. 399, 400. But how, I would ask, can a man be said
to " invent a statement " when he gives careful references
to ancient authors, whose works, when consulted, are
found actually to contain that very statement ? But this
is Baronius' case. Dr. Littledale cannot have consulted
the very work he is maligning, but has contented him-
self with borrowing the convenient slander from "Janus."
In his "Rejoinder" to Mr. Arnold he renews his appeal
to "Janus, a title which — it is an open secret — veils
the most illustrious modern name in ecclesiastical
learning." Well, but no "illustrious name," whether
"veiled" or otherwise, can gild an open falsehood.
The three specimens of what Dr, Littledale calls an
"invented statement" are nothing of the kind. The
statements are as follow : — that St. Memmius (August 5)
and St. Julian (January 27) were consecrated and sent
to Gaul by St. Peter; and that Denis the Areopagite
CARDINAL BARONIUS. 19!
is identical with St. Denis of France, (i.) As to St
Memmius, the statement appears in Frodoard, a monk
of Rheims (A.D. 951), and also in an ancient biography
attributed to the sixth century (see Ruinart's note in his
edition of Gregory of Tours, p. 947.) (2.) As to St. Julian,
the statement occurs in his biography by Lethald in the
tenth century, an abstract from early sources (see " Acta
Sanctorum" in die). (3. ) The theory of the identity of the
Areopagite with St. Denis of France, and his mission
from St. Clement, is allowed byLabbe (De Script. Eccles.)
and by Morinus (De Ordinat. Sacr. par. ii. p. 26) — the
last being its resolute opponent — to have very generally
prevailed in the East and West ever since the ninth
century. For ancient authorities on its behalf, both
Gallic and Greek, see Halloix, Vita S. Dionysii, op.
Dion. torn. ii. p. 522, ed. Paris, 1644.
Baronius' connection with the Roman Martyrology
which bears his name is as follows : — He was employed
on the work in 1580 when a simple Oratorian priest
• — his cardinalate only dates from 1596 — by Cardinal
Sirlet, who had been put by Gregory XIII. at the head
of a commission for editing the Martyrology. The first
edition appeared in 1584, to the correction of the text
of which Baronius contributed ; but it is quite impossible
to regard him as solely or even mainly responsible for
the text. The second edition appeared in 1586, to
which Baronius furnished a mass of learned annotations,
after the accession of Sixtus V. These notes naturally
led the whole work to be appropriated to him in the
popular estimation. It must be remembered that there
was no adequate textus receptus of the Martyrology for
its editors to work on. In the city of Rome itself the
different great Churches had for long had their own
Martyrologies, and in Baronius' day there were two still
in use — Usuard's and the old Vatican. The object cf
the editors was to make one Martyrology that should
embrace and supersede all others, and to that end they
IQ2 CARDINAL BARONIUS.
drew from every source available to them. The sources
are thus enumerated by Laemmer (De Martyrol. Rom.
Parerg. p. 22): — "A very ancient Greek Menology,
Latinised by Cardinal William Sirlet, various writings
of the Fathers, especially St. Gregory's Dialogues, and
various catalogues and monuments, especially from the
Churches of Italy." As to the Breviary, there was no
textus receptus of the hagiographies of the second nocturn
till Pius V.'s Breviary of 1568. With this edition no one
has pretended that Baronius had anything whatever to
do ; and it is in this edition that some of the state-
ments about the early Popes which so excite Janus and
Dr. Littledale's indignation first make their appearance.
Here use has been made of various uncritical sources,
such as the Papal Acts contained in the collection of
Isidore Mercator, and the Liber Pontificalis. The sources
are scrupulously indicated. There is not the least
ground for supposing that even the passages taken from
Isidore were recognised as spurious, although the col-
lection itself was beginning to be viewed with suspicion.
When these lections reappear substantially as they were,
in Clement VIII.'s Breviary of 1602, revised by Bellar-
mine, Baronius, and their coadjutors, the worst that can
be said is that they let the original statements stand,
which, if they had been true to their critical instinct,
they would have eliminated. But it is hard to say what
degree of liberty the commission may have enjoyed.
For a list of their emendations, exclusively verbal and
chronological, "see De Smedt (Introd. Gen. ad Hist.
Eccles. Appendix C). Gavantus, a member of the
Clementine Commission (Comment, in Rubric. Brev.
sect. 5. cap. xii. n. 16), gives the following account :—
" That it seemed good to them to restore the lections of
the saints bona fide in correspondence to historical fact,
and that with as little change as possible ; and where
there was any controversy, and the statement, supported
as it was by the authority of a grave author, might seem
CARDINAL BARONIUS. 193
to have some probability, it was retained as it was, since
it could not be charged with untruth, although perhaps
the opposite opinion might be more generally received ;"
and Baronius himself, when people expressed their
astonishment that he should have passed the legend of
Marcellinus' sacrifice which he had rejected in his
Annals, answered (Insert, ad An. 302, n. 103), " I would
have men to know that the Roman Church, in her
excessive tenacity of old usage, has considered that
what she has found to have been publicly read for more
than eight hundred years should not so lightly be done
away, even though very irksome to her. For the rest,
the same Roman Church (as Gelasius admonisheth) is
not accustomed to read or put out for reading any saint's
Acts as a Gospel, but rather leaves them all to be weighed
in those scales of the Apostle : " Prove all things ; what is
good, keep."* This is quite intelligible, and suggests
anything but disingenuousness.
Doubtless the Annals of Baronius contain a multitude
of statements and conclusions which have been rejected
by subsequent criticism ; but the vastness of the erudition,
the perseverance, which itself has something of the
character of genius, and the candour which never cloaks
a wrong, have been abundantly acknowledged by even his
most unsparing critics. What Protestant ever lashed
more fearlessly the vices of Popes than this their devoted
champion ? Is not the denunciation of the tenth-century
Popes inseparably connected with his name ? And yet,
because the too realistic colouring of his conception of
the Papacy now and again overpowered his historical
sense, and gave rise to such theories as that of the falsifi-
cation of the Acts of the Sixth Council, it has become the
fashion amongst modern enemies of Rome to call Baronius
dishonest. Critics, the eve\yday outcome of modern
"learning made easy," with its infinite choice of apparatus,
* For this and other passages proving the absolute freedom of
Catholic criticism on the subject, see De Smedt, I.e. pp. 181-192.
N
194 CARDINAL NEWMAN.
think they may take a sort of "lion's ride," snarling and
tearing, as they go, upon one, but for whose labours they
tvould have chosen some easier profession than that of
ecclesiastical historian. Baronius in his lifetime had often
to defend himself against the charge of ultra-criticism, for
not presenting, to use his own metaphor, the whole mass
of what came up in his net, instead of sitting on the shore
and choosing out the good from the bad. See Laemmer, /. c.
p. 69, and again p. 41, where Baronius complains of the
jeopardy his Annotations were in, until God put " the
spirit of Daniel in Cardinal Caraffa to defend his in-
tegrity * contra seniores Israel.'"
Naturally and fairly the Church has been ever slow,
and will be ever slow, in breaking with ancient traditions,
especially such as are intertwined with popular devotion,
at the bidding of criticism ; but gradually the final word
of mature criticism is accepted. It would certainly be
rash to reform our chronology at the suggestion of Dr.
Littledale. In his " Rejoinder " to Mr. Arnold he says,
" The plain fact that cannot be evaded is, that Baronius
was intrusted by Urban VIII. with the reform of the
Breviary and Martyrology." Now I have no wish to
evade anything, but "the plain fact" happens to be that
Baronius, who died 1607, had been in his grave some six-
teen years before Urban came to the throne in 1623.
Professor Lsemmer, a most careful student of Baronius
and everything connected with him, pronounces that in
all his work he showed himself " a most sincere seeker
after truth, a man who deemed it criminal and impious to
assert or defend anything unsupported by some evidence
of its truth " (/. c. p. 38). The words might serve as his
epitaph.
§ 10. Cardinal Newman.
" Even Cardinal Newman's ' natural love of truth ' n as
early as 1856 succumbed, Dr. Littledale informs us
CARDINAL NEWMAN. 1 95
(p. in), inthe atmosphere of Roman untruthfulness.* For,
after pledging himself that " Callista " " has not admitted
any actual interference with known facts without notice
being taken of its having done so," he describes one
picture of our Lady between St. Peter and St. Paul in
the attitude of prayer, of a type unknown till the century
after St. Cyprian's, and another of a still more recent type ;
and under the first he has inscribed the word " advocata,"
which Dr. Littledale has not met with as an independent
title before the Salve Regina of the eleventh century.
I answer — (i.) Picture No. i is taken from an ancient
gilt glass, one of a number found in the catacombs and
assigned to the third century, the century of St. Cyprian,
by the principal authority on such matters when Cardinal
Newman was in Rome in 1847. Subsequently to that
date De Rossi, on the score not of the design but of the
material, the gilt glass, " assigns them to a period ranging
from the middle of the third century to the beginning of
the fourth century " (Roma Sotterranea, Northcote and
Brownlow, part ii. p. 302). Now it must be remembered
that St. Cyprian did not die till 258. (2.) In the Orante
of the catacomb frescoes — a female figure in the attitude
of prayer — both De Rossi and his English exponents
repeatedly recognise the Blessed Virgin, and this where
they ascribe an earlier date to the painting than the third
century. There is nothing, therefore, in the second
picture in " Callista " — our Lady as an Orante at the back
of the altar — to distinguish it as belonging to a later
type than the first. As to the use of the word "advocata"
— taken from the famous passage of St. Irenseus, who
wrote in the previous century — as an independent title, I
answer, Cardinal Newman did not pledge himself in a
work of fiction to put in nothing for which he could not
produce a distinct authority, but only to abstain from
" actual interference with known facts." t What, I would
ask, is the known fact interfered with here ? St. Gregory
* See Appendix, Note H.
t See remarks prefixed to the new edition of " Callista. "
196 SOME OTHER CONTROVERSIALISTS.
Nazianzen (vid. sup.) puts a direct invocation of our Lady's
patronage into the mouth of St. Justina, whom he supposes.
to have been a contemporary of St. Cyprian's; and the word
"advocata'' even as a title of invocation — though there-
is nothing to show that the Cardinal so uses it — was used
centuries before the Salve Regina. The title " advocata "
appears in the Serm. de Laudibus B. V. M., attributed,
though improbably, to St. Ephrem, op. Graec. et Lat.
ed Asseman, vol. iii. ; and such Greek equivalents as
sra^axXjjroc, adixovftetuv Kgoffrarqs (patron), /agff/V?j£
(mediator), swarm in the Precationes (ib. vol. iii.), which,
though probably not St. Ephrem's, no one has as yet rele-
gated to the eleventh century.
According to the Benedictine Index it would appear^
as Dr. Littledale says, that the Blessed Virgin is not
once mentioned by St. Cyprian ; but to talk as he does
of that Father's " copious pen," is nonsense. Why, of
the single, thin volume which contains his " Opera
Omnia " in the Benedictine edition, nearly half is doubt-
ful or spurious. Dr. Littledale has looked out "Maria"
in the Benedictine Index ; let him look out " Scriptura
Sacra," and he will find, if I am not mistaken, that it
is not once mentioned, except in spurious or doubtful
works. After all, Dr. Littledale is mistaken when he says>
" there is not one solitary mention direct or indirect" Our
Lady is mentioned by St. Cyprian, Ep. Ixxii. " Christum,
de Maria Virgine natum."
§ 11. Some other Controversialists.
The honesty of St. Alfonso and of Cardinal Wiseman is
called in question, because they have been convicted of
quoting spurious patristic authorities. I suppose we may
say of both that they were brought up in an uncritical
school. It is by no means easy to wield vast learning
like Cardinal Wiseman's, especially at the call of the
moment, with perfect accuracy. Dr. Littledale's success
SOME OTHER CONTROVERSIALISTS. 197
in this line, with what excuse of learning I know not,
has hardly been such as to warrant him in any great
punctiliousness in his demands upon others.
Catholics have inherited a vast mass of literary pro-
perty from their predecessors of different ages ; and, as
is often the case with members of one household, there
has been considerable misappropriation of things prac-
tically held in common. Criticism had been for long
more or less in abeyance ; and until controversy has
forced us to be critical, we have been contented to enjoy
a sort of literary communion of saints. I have no
sympathy with an uncritical use of authorities; but I
conceive that there is all the difference between the
culpability, so to call it, of such uncritical enjoyment
and the criminality of the uncritical aggressor — the man
who supposes away a character when he should prove
a charge, and claims a verdict in his favour by a dexter-
ous misquotation or a non-existent precedent.
Father Anderdon and Padre Faa di Bruno are attacked
for some very innocent remarks. Father Anderdon, in a
small tract, "What do Catholics Really Believe ?" had
written, " It is false to say that the Church forbids the
reading Scripture in the true and correct translation."
So it is; as false as any statement in the " Plain Reasons."
And, again, " When Protestants invented their religion,
they split the commandment (i.e., Com. I.) and the ex-
planation (/>., Com. II.) in two, by way of being differ-
ent from the Church." This is a popular rendering
doubtless, but perfectly true as far as it goes. How is
it to the purpose to appeal to Origen and Jerome?
Doubtless it gave the Protestant division a convenient
precedent; but this does not interfere with the fact
that Protestants found the commandment one, and out
of no reverence for Origen or Jerome, but solely to make
a point against the Catholic Church, split it in twain.
Father Anderdon is much too acute to have appealed
to the cultus of mayors, except as proving, what ordinary
198 FAITH NOT TO BE KEPT WITH HERETICS.
Englishmen are so apt to forget, that " worship " need
not mean divine worship.
For a defence of Padre Faa di Bruno's appeal in
" Catholic Belief" to the ancient Eastern liturgies on
behalf of the doctrine of purgatory, I must refer to what
I say below (p. 222) under the head of Indulgences.
I know two very honest and able persons who are
devout believers in the reality of the " Nag's Head
Fable," and who are ever ready to undertake its defence
against all comers. The weight of historical probability
is, to my mind, strongly against it; but as a myth, its
growth was, under the circumstances, most natural and
reasonable. As to disproof, it requires more than the
disproof of a single circumstance, even if the fact of
Scory's Edwardine consecration can be regarded as dis-
proving its repetition at the Nag's Head, which I do not
see. With regard to the recognition of the validity of
the Edwardine rite, supposed to be involved in Bonner's
license to Scory, Canon Estcourt has pointed out that
the license has not one word of any episcopal function
or of coadjutorship, and need mean nothing more than
his rehabilitation as priest, an order he had received ac-
cording to the Roman rite.
§ 12. Faith not to be kept with Heretics.
Inserted in the course of Dr. Littledale's treatment of
Roman untrustworthiness, is a section on the old charge
of "faith not to be kept with heretics." At first one is
a little startled, and inclined to ask what a question of
allegiance or safe conduct has to do with misstatement
and misquotation. But Dr. Littledale's meaning is, after
all, sufficiently clear. He would suggest that the rationale
of what he calls our systematic untruthfumess is that
faith is not to be kept with heretics, who are outlawed
from truth as well as from charity. Now, as I under-
stand the charge, it is nothing less than this : that
OLLKOI
FAITH NOT TO BE KEPT WITH HERETICS. *99Lw-
Roman Catholics justify the making promises to
which they have no intention of keeping — promises
which they could keep without sin, but because the
recipients are heretics they may break without sinning.
Now, I can only answer that this has always been de-
nounced as abhorrent to the first principles of morality
by every Catholic writer on the subject. At the same
time, if a promise has been made to a heretic to assist
him in any such evil purpose as the furtherance of his
heresy or the injury of the Church, it follows the law of
a promise to commit any other unlawful act, such as
theft or murder, and not only need not, but must not.
be fulfilled. Again, when an act of allegiance has been
made to a Christian suzerain, the existence of an im-
plicit contract has always been assumed by which the
suzerain is pledged to remain what he was — a son of
the Church — as a condition of retaining his vassal ; so
that the tatter's repudiation of allegiance is only lawful
when ensuing upon its ipso facto dissolution. This is
the Catholic teaching on the subject, and the passages
quoted by Dr. Littledale from the Canon Law have no
other meaning.
But John Huss, in spite of a safe conduct granted by
the Emperor Sigismund, " to go, stay, and return," was
put to death by the Council of Constance. Upon this
charge of Dr. Littledale I observe — ist. That one who
stands up for the continuity of the Church of England,
as Dr. Littledale does, can no more disclaim his share in
the shame of any barbarity that may have been practised
by the Council of Constance than I can. It was a
council in which England was thoroughly represented,
and the Papal power reduced to its lowest function.
2d. That a pledge granted by one party cannot be vio-
lated by another. The General Council of Constance
claimed a jurisdiction of its own, independent of the
Emperor, so that no imperial safe conduct as such, what-
ever force it might have as a recommendation, could be
200 FAITH NOT TO BE KEPT WITH HERETICS.
sufficient to pledge the Council This is clearly recog-
nised by Huss, who no less than four times (Ep. 5, 6,
and 49) boasts that he has come to Constance without
the Pope's safe conduct (sine salvo conductu). 3d. The
safe conduct given in extenso by Natalis Alexander (sec.
15 diss. vi. p. 499) is a mere passport, addressed to
those communes through which Huss would have to
pass to and from Constance, ordering protection and
assistance for his transit, tarriance, and return (transire,
stare, morari, et redire). It never pretends to address
itself to the Council, and still less to speak in its name.
4th. It was never understood either by the Emperor or
by Huss himself to bar the sentence of the Council, to
which the latter had appealed, and at whose hands he
had expressed his willingness to accept the punishment
of heretics if convicted. All that the Emperor, and
indeed Huss himself until the last desperate moment,
claimed on the strength of his safe conduct was pro-
tection from violence and liberty to plead. 5th. The
utmost that the safe conduct could by any possibility be
supposed to grant is immunity from the consequences
of past crimes; it could have no effect upon subsequent
crimes. Even if it may be supposed to hold Huss
harmless, as regards any judicial action with regard to
his past heresies and seditions, it could in no way cover
the fresh offence he committed in persisting in his heresy
after the decision of the Council. This the Emperor
implies repeatedly (see Acta Hussii — a Hussite com-
pilation— fol. 24, ap. Nat. Alex. /. c. p. 503) when he
insists that if he will submit to the Council he will stand
his friend and hold him harmless, but if he will not
then he will be the first to move his burning. The
status of heresy, as distinct from any other form of
criminality, with rights of its own, had never been con-
ceived at the time of the Council of Constance, and
Huss had come facing the alternative of triumph or
death, as his own words show (Act Hussii, fol. 2) : " If
FAITH NOT TO BE KEPT WITH HERETICS. 2OI
it convicts me of error, or shall prove me to have taught
contrary to the faith, I do not refuse to undergo any
punishment of heretics." He procured the imperial
safe conduct, which was formally a mere passport and
security against violence, and was anyhow a fair pretext,
valeat quantum, for claiming that the Emperor should
stand his friend and hold him harmless as regards the
past ; and all this the Emperor certainly fulfilled to the
utmost.
So far from its being true that, as Dr. Littledale says,
Huss " was at once imprisoned, tried, and burnt," the
exact contrary was the case. He arrived at Constance
on the 3d of November 1414, and certainly remained in
perfect liberty till his examination on the 28th, when it
was proved that he had violated the express condition
of the Council, that as an excommunicate he should
neither celebrate nor preach. He was not sentenced
until July 6, 1415, seven months after his arrest, during
which time the Fathers and the Emperor did all they
could to win him to a better mind. " This great crime,"
as Dr. Littledale calls it, far from arousing " a general
outcry," was approved by the whole Christian world of
the day, with the exception of the heretics who regretted
their leader.
Of the two canons with which the Council is sup-
posed to have met the Hussite charge against the Em-
peror, the second is generally abandoned as spurious.
The first, under Dr. Littledale's manipulation, has cer-
tainly assumed an ugly look. " Notwithstanding safe con-
ducts . . . the competent judge may," &c., looks as if
the judge had granted a safe conduct, protecting against
judgment, and might in the case of heretics then pro-
ceed to violate it ; but when we supply the context after
" safe conduct," " of kings or other secular princes, in
the case of heresy," we encounter the obvious statement
that one jurisdiction cannot bind another which is inde-
pendent of it, and an assertion concerning the character
202 THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE IMPUTATION.
of " safe conducts," viz., that they are not " contra jus "
but " contra vim." That this was the admitted charactei
of the "salvus conductus" amongst jurists of every
school, is abundantly proved by Natalis Alexander (/. <:.
p. 499). Whatever may be our sentiments of pity for
Huss, who certainly displayed a courage of a very noble
type ; however much, in the light of subsequent events,
we may deplore his execution as a mistake, it is a simple
fact that the Council violated no safe conduct, and only
acted on a maxim of criminal jurisprudence, which at that
day was regarded as nothing less than a truism, when
they dealt with an obstinate heretic in the one way in
which it was considered reasonable to deal with an obsti-
nate heretic. At the time of the Council of Trent heresy
had vindicated for itself a status de facto though not de
jure, and the Council, wishing to treat with it on that
basis, formally set aside all possible precedent to the
contrary, which it might be attempted to draw from the
Council of Constance; but it certainly did not thereby
sanction any particular version of what took place there.
Charge V. — Cruelty and Intolerance.
I 1. The General Character of the Imputation.
The Roman Church is specially cruel and intolerant,
says Dr. Littledale (p. 115-20); witness the massacre
of St. Bartholomew and various assassinations of kings
and others, successful or attempted, with which Popes
or Jesuits, or at least Catholics, are supposed, rightly or
wrongly, to have had something to do. Once Dr. Little-
dale thought and wrote differently. In his lecture entitled
" Innovations " (1868, p. 19), he says, " Everybody knows
there was a horrible massacre of the French Protestants
on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1572; but few know that
the atrocities which the Protestants themselves, ten years
before, had committed at Beaugeney, Montauban,
THE GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE IMPUTATION. 2OJ
Nismes, Montpellier, Grenoble, and Lyons equalled, if
they did not exceed, that terrible crime. Again, I do
not suppose there are ten people in this room who ever
heard of the Nones of Haarlem. William the Silent,
Prince of Orange, the famous leader of the revolt of the
Netherlands against Spain, posted a large body of
soldiers round the square of Haarlem one Corpus
Christi Day when the Catholics were all at church. As
soon as service was over, the congregation streamed out
and were hemmed in and massacred by the Protestant
soldiery. A slaughter of not much less atrocity signa-
lised the introduction of Lutheranism into Sweden by
the butcherly tyrant, Gustavus Wasa. Once more, dwell
as much as you like upon Mary's three hundred victims ;
she honestly thought (and she had a great deal to make
her think) that she was saving England from a horde of
licentious infidels." A very different writer, Mr. Lecky,
"Rationalism in Europe" (vol. i. p. 51, ed. 1870), thus
contrasts Catholic and Protestant intolerance : " Catholi-
cism was an ancient Church. She had gained a great
part of her influence by vast services to mankind. She
rested avowedly on the principle of authority. She was
defending herself against aggression and innovation. . . .
She might point to the priceless blessings she had be-
stowed upon humanity, to the slavery she had destroyed,
to the civilisation she had founded, to the many genera-
tions she had led with honour to the grave. She might
show how completely her doctrines were interwoven
with the whole social system, how fearful would be the
convulsion if they were destroyed, and how absolutely
incompatible they were with the acknowledgment of
private judgment. These considerations would not
make her blameless, but they would at least palliate her
guilt. But what shall we say of a Church that was but
a thing of yesterday, a Church that had as yet no services
to show, no claims upon the gratitude of mankind, a
Church that was by profession the creature of private
2O4 URBAN II. AND THE EXCOMMUNICATE.
judgment, and was in reality generated by the intrigues
of a corrupt court, which nevertheless suppressed by
force a worship that multitudes deemed necessary to
their salvation ; and by all her organs and with all her
energies persecuted those who clung to the religion of
their fathers? What shall we say of a religion which
comprised at most but a fourth part of the Christian
world, and which the first explosion of private judgment
had shivered into countless sects, which was nevertheless
so pervaded by the spirit of dogmatism that each of
these sects asserted its distinctive doctrines with the
same confidence, and persecuted with the same un-
hesitating violence, as a Church which was venerable
with the homage of twelve centuries ? . . .So strong and
so general was its intolerance that for some time it may,
I believe, be truly said that there were more instances
of partial toleration being advocated by Roman Catholics
than by orthodox Protestants."
§ 2. Urban II. and the Excommunicate.
Urban II., we are told (p. 117), lays down the maxim,
"We do not account them as murderers who, burning with
zeal for their Catholic mother against excommunicate
persons, have happened to slay some of them " (Ep. xxii.
ed. Migne). The words quoted are the central sentence
of the following fragment : — " Enjoin upon slayers of ex-
communicate persons a measure of suitable satisfaction,
according to their intention, as you have learned in the
practice of the Roman Church (here follows the sentence
quoted). But in order that the discipline of the said
mother Church may not be departed from, impose upon
them in the manner we have said a suitable penance,
by means of which they may appease the eyes of the
divine simplicity in case they may have incurred any
guilt of mixed motive (dupliritatis) through human
frailty in the said deed of violence." This is a
URBAN II. AND THE EXCOMMUNICATE. 2O$
mere fragment imbedded in Gratian, from which it
is taken to do duty as Urban's Ep. cxxii. (not xxii.) in
Migne's edition. It is quoted by Dr. Littledale as
though it were a Papal license to private individuals to
kill excommunicated persons at their discretion. This
view of the passage is put out of court by the writer of
" Replies to Lord Acton," " Dublin Review," January 7,
1875. I shall attempt a summary of his argument.
Gratian where he quotes this passage is exclusively dis-
cussing such legalised puttings to death as that by
soldiers in time of war, or by the officers of a court of
justice. The penance was imposed for slaying in a just
war "according to their intention," i.*., so far as the
soldier acknowledged an admixture of corrupt motives,
such as greed or vengeance. The existence of this
practice in the Church of that period is confirmed "by a
passage from a Council of Mayence quoted by Ivo
(Dec. x. 152) : " Concerning those who commit homicide
in public war." The Pope speaks here of excommuni-
cate, instead of any other form of public enemy, because
he was legislating with a special view to the pertinacious
breakers of the " Truce of God " who had incurred ex-
communication, and whom all Christians in a position
to do so were exhorted to repress by force. If acting
from pure motives, with an honest desire to reduce the
rebels against the Church's law to obedience, " they may
happen to slay some of them ; " — Clearly this is no deli-
berate making away with an excommunicated person,
but a reference to the chances of battle ; — then it was to
be accounted no homicide, nor deserving of penance ; not
so if other evil motives had intruded. This is substan-
tially the view of writers as different as De Marca* (Notae
ad Cone. Claremont, ad can. i.), Berardi and Hergen-
rother.
* De Marca maintains that the reference is not to public war strictly
ipeaking, but to righteous armed repression on the part of individuals.
2O6 PIUS IV. AND LUCCA.
§ 3. Pius IV. and Lucca.
Pius IV., say? Dr. Littledale, approved of a decree of
the state of Lucca setting a large price upon the heads
of " Protestant refugees who had fled from that city,"
and described it as a pious and praiseworthy decree, and
that nothing could redound more to God's honour, pro-
vided it were thoroughly carried into execution." Now
any one would gather from this indictment that this
judgment of death was the substance of the Lucca decree,
or at least that this special enactment had been singled
out by the Pope for commendation. Neither is the case.
The decrees, copies of which have been sent to the Pope,
contain a variety of regulations for the conduct of Lucca
merchants in such places as were open to Protestant
influence, securing the fulfilment of their religious duties
and their abstinence from any communication in sacred
matters with heretics. We meet with much the same
sort of legislation in the Councils of St. Charles Borromeo
(see Acta Eccles. Mediolan. passim). Amongst these
regulations it is laid down that if "certain declared
heretics and rebels" among the refugees from Lucca
should after a certain date be found in certain specified
localities where the Lucca merchants were wont to resort,
a price is set upon their heads. The government was
driven to these strong measures by the number of hereti-
cal and seditious pamphlets introduced by the exiles
into their city in the bales of merchandise. Especial
precautions were taken to prevent this dangerous inter-
course in Lyons, one of their principal markets, which
in 1562 was a chief headquarter of the Huguenots. It
must be remembered that outlawry in the legislation of
the time all over Europe, England included, involved
the condition that the outlaw might be slain with im-
punity; and here the outlaw was not unreasonably
regarded as an aggressor, and as such was condemned to
death. The points which Pius selects for commendation
PIUS V. AND QUEEN ELIZABETH. 207
are precisely those regulating the conduct of the Catholic
Lucca merchants. Of this penalty upon "declared
rebels and heretics " he says no word whatever. See the
Letter of Pius IV. ap. Raynald. in an. 1562, n. cxxxviii
containing all the material clauses, and, in extenso^
Archivio Storico Italiano, torn, x., ap. Bodl. Arm. i.
n. 65, and the original Letter, Arch. Vat. Arm. xli. Ep.
Pius IV. lib. \\. p. 244, of which last I have a copy
before me.
§ 4. Pius V. and Queen Elizabeth.
Pius V., says Dr. Littledale, "plotted with Ridolfi, a
Florentine, the assassination of Queen Elizabeth." He
refers to Lord Acton's letters to the "Times" of November
9 and 27, 1874. Now any one who chooses to read the
two articles entitled " The Mission of Ridolfi " in the
" Month " for February and March 1875, in which Lord
Acton is answered, may assure himself that Pius V. never
did anything of the kind. The plot approved of was
nothing less than an armed rising of the English Catholics
under the leadership of the Duke of Norfolk. That the
assassination of Elizabeth formed no part of the English
project submitted to the king of Spain and the Pope, is
made quite clear by detailed references to all the con-
temporary state papers.
The following is a brief abstract of the evidence : —
1. Norfolk says that he and his friends are determined
to hazard a battle, " ed insignorirmi a un tempo della
propria persona della Regina d'Inghilterra per assicu-
rarmi di quella della Regina di Scotia." Another of the
conspirators, the Bishop of Ross, expressly provides that
the life of the queen of England should " no way be put
in peril."
2. No word of the intended assassination is to be
found in any one of the trials of the conspirators ; nor in
the detailed Spanish report on the English proposition ;
208 THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
nor in the report from Rome by the Spanish ambassador
of Ridolfi's mission there ; nor again in Ridolfi's official
report to the Spanish Court of what he had done in Rome.
3. The first appearance of the assassination project in
the state papers of the time occurs in the shape of a sug-
gestion of Alva's to the king, that it should be exacted as
a pledge from the conspirators before giving them
substantial assistance. When, however, Ridolfi, on his
return from Rome, found that the king and Alva had
taken up the idea, he at once volunteers the statement
that the English lords were ready to kill the queen ; but
the Spaniards did not attach any credence to this im-
promptu, and Ridolfi, whom they have all along suspected
to be a mere wind-bag, is quietly shelved.
The Spanish court never ventured to propose the
assassination of the queen to the English conspirators,
and we have a letter of Philip's to Alva in 1571, saying
that it certainly must not be exacted as a condition
of assistance. The idea of suggesting it to the Pope
never seems to have entered any one's head. Thus the
assassination plot ended, where it began, in the Spanish
minds which invented it.
§ 5. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew.
As to this massacre of the Huguenots, the most recent
researches have failed to show that Pope Gregory XIII.
had either suggested or approved what he knew to be
an act of treachery ; although he certainly approved the
violent repression of a truculent heresy when it had taken
place. It must be remembered that the Huguenots
were in a state of almost chronic conspiracy. It was
admitted by contemporary Protestants, Lutherans of
Germany, " that the Huguenots were not martyrs, but
rebels who had died not for religion but for sedition,"
and their own patriarch, Beza, protested that " nobody
who had known the state of the French Protestants
THE INQUISITION. 209
could deny that it was a most just judgment upon them,'*
quoted in an article on the subject in the " North British
Review" for October 1869.
§ 6. Jacques Clement, Bavaillac, and Sundry.
As to the assassins of Henry III. and Henry IV. of
France, they were both men whose fanaticism had more
or less upset their reason, and who, so far as can be
discovered, drew their inspiration entirely from their own
disordered fantasy. To this isolation Ravaillac testified
calmly and persistently throughout the course of his
tremendous torments. The Catholic party was com-
pletely reconciled with the king at the time of his death ;
and the Jesuits especially were his staunch allies, whom
he had bound to himself by signal favours. The as-
sassin and the would-be assassin of William of Orange
would seem to have been fanatics of much the same
type, although the former appears to have been, at least
after the act, formally approved by the Court of Spain.
Dr. Littledale's statement that the Jesuits ventured upon
the public cultus of the would-be assassin will appear
sufficiently incredible if we recollect that — to say nothing
of its monstrous impolicy — Rome has absolutely for-
bidden any such anticipation of her judgment, even in
the case of a notoriously holy person. The Gunpowder
Plot the Jesuits did all they could to hinder, short of
violating the seal of confession, which, I suppose, Dr.
Littledale will hardly insist that it was their duty to do.
§ 7. The Inquisition.
Heresy presented itself to the medieval mind as the
extremest form of high treason, the most unnatural and
the least excusable of crimes. The medieval heretic
was, as a rule, a very loathsome combination of the
scamp and the ruffian. The English reformers as de-
scribed by Dr. Littledale's eloquent pen (Innovations)
2IO THE INQUISITION.
are no unfit representatives of the class, profane,
bloody, and treacherous, beside whom their Catholic
opponents show as angels of light, and even the monsters
of the French Revolution look almost amiable. Against
such persons the action of the Inquisition, if severe,
might well appear most necessary and salutary. What-
ever may be said of its severity, it well deserved its
reputation of ihejustesf tribunal in Christendom \ and its
penal code, when contrasted with those of contemporary
secular courts, may be fairly accounted mild. Bishop
Hefele (Life of Ximenes, chap, xvii.), after giving a list
of tortures from the code of Charles V., such as burying
alive, red-hot pincers, mutilation, &c., continues, "the
Inquisition knows nothing of such barbarous punish-
ments." He quotes the admission of Llorente, the
hostile historian of the Spanish Inquisition, that the
Inquisitorial prisons, in marked contrast to all others,
were decent and wholesome, and their inmates never
weighed down by heavy "chains, handcuffs, iron collars,"
&c. Again, Hefele observes, while civil legislation
admitted the repetition of the rack, the Inquisition
allowed it but once in the same case ; and it took every
precaution to ensure an absolutely fair trial, punishing
with severity anything of the nature of false witness.
" The Holy Office was not allowed to pronounce sen-
tence as long as one witness for the defence remained
unexamined, even if this witness lived in America; it
was equally forbidden to protract the imprisonment by
awaiting evidence against the prisoner from distant
countries." (See Hefele, /. t.)
Dr. Littledale (116, note) asserts that 10,220 persons
were burned in Spain by Torquemada in eighteen years.
Llorente had put the number at 8800, but Hefele shows
that this is a monstrous exaggeration, and that 2000 is
nearer the mark. There is something very cynical in
thus exaggerating an exaggeration. Again, there is another
important consideration tending, as Dr. Hefele reminds
TOLERATION. 211
us, still further vastly to reduce the numbers of the victims
of religious intolerance. The Inquisition had to deal
with " Sodomites, polygamists, blasphemers, church-
robbers, usurers, &c., &c.," and even with murderers and
rebels, if their deeds were in any way connected with the
affairs of the Inquisition."
§ 8. Busembaum's Teaching-.
"The Medulla Theologiae Moralis " of Herman
Busembaum, S.J., we are told, contains a defence of parri-
cide and regicide — why omit prelaticide ? — on theological
grounds. Now this is true precisely in the sense, and
in no other, in which it is true that every English law-
book from Blackstone downwards contains a defence of
murder upon legal grounds. The passage from Busem-
baum is as follows (lib. iii. Tract iv. cap. i., Dub. 3, n. 8) :
— " To defend life and limb, a son, a religious, a subject, if
it be necessary, to the length of slaying, may defend him-
self against his parent, abbot, prince ; unless, perchance,
from his death should arise great inconvenience, such as
wars," &c. I challenge the production of a single writer
of repute on English law who speaks otherwise, unless it
be to omit the amiable scruple of the " unless perchance."
Will Dr. Littledale pretend that if once the hands of his
angry Ordinary had made good their grasp upon his
throat, he must submit to be strangled, and could not, if
the worst came to the worst, slay him and escape, without
incurring the guilt of prelaticide ? or have Dr. Littledale
and his party any such tender scruples about kings as
beset the Gallican and Anglican Churches of the seven-
teenth century ?
§ 9. Toleration.
Mr. Lecky has, as we have seen, given it as his judg-
ment that, for some time, there was more of toleration
amongst Catholics than amongst Protestants. I will add
212 TOLERATION.
that, in spite of this, Catholics have far more commonly-
proved the loyal subjects of a Protestant govern-
ment than Protestants have of a Catholic government.
This is made out very clearly in a little book entitled
" Rome and Babel," ed. 2, 1653. But, urges Dr. Little-
dale, " all other Christian bodies have repented of their
intolerance. Rome alone refrains from persecution
because she cannot help it." I answer, that this repen-
tance of the other Christian bodies is a mere figure of
speech; they look as if they would never any more
commit the hideous anomaly of persecuting in the name
of liberty, but that is all ; there is something in their
initial inconsistency which precludes all confidence. As
to actual cruelty, I do not suppose anybody believes
that even such ardent Catholics as Pius IX. or the
Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster would be one whit
more likely to exercise it, if they could, in the cause of
religion, than Dr. Pusey or Archbishop Tait. The real
difference lies in this, that the Roman Church has been
always careful to prevent at all costs the false principle
of religious in differ entism being introduced under the
cloak of a sentimental reaction from persecution, how-
ever natural and however right. The duty of all men
in regard to the support of what they are convinced is
true and salutary, and the extinction of what they know
to be false and mischievous, cannot be less than com-
mensurate with their power ; and so in days when
government » could practically do what it would, its
responsibility in this respect was enormous ; whereas to
enforce a mere opinion one way or the other would be
immoral. The only legitimate qualification of this duty
is introduced by the question of expediency, which prac-
tically may altogether suspend the legitimate exercise of
the power in various spheres and under special conditions.
This is admitted by all persons who regard religious,
truth as an attainable certainty, and are speaking ad-
visedly, as, for instance, Mr. Gladstone, "A Chapter of
INTENTION. 213
Autobiography," p. 58. This truth the Catholic Church
has never lost sight of, and therefore alone, or at least
sufficiently alone, to contrast sharply with " other Chris-
tian bodies," she has declined to erect the toleration,
which in various degrees she does not hesitate to practise,
into a moral principle applicable to all times and cir-
cumstances.
Charge VI. — Uncertainty as regards the Sacraments.
§ 1. Intention.
" There is the greatest possible doubt," says Dr. Little-
tkle (p. 12), "as to the validity of every sacramental
office or act performed in the Roman Church," because
of the Tridentine doctrine of the necessity of an intention
on the part of the minister to do what the Church does
in that act. But it is only when the minister withholds
his intention, or intends not to act as the minister of
the sacrament he pretends, that there would be an in-
validating want of intention. There is nothing, e.g., to
prevent the operation of a sufficient intention, in the
infidelity which would necessarily bar all formal intention
of giving sacramental grace, or again in a positive inten-
tion to bar one or more of the effects of the sacrament.
That such necessary intention may conceivably be
absent, is the common doctrine in the Church ; but the
opinion of Catharinus and Salmeron, that an intention
such as must inevitably accompany any externally proper
performance of the rite is sufficient for validity, is ten-
able ; and this opinion is practically identical with that
which Dr. Littledale defends. Whilst insisting that this
question is not closed amongst us, I profess my unhesi-
tating adhesion to the common opinion, and deny that it
is open in any way to Dr. Littledale's objection. The
point in dispute admits of a very simple solution. We
•Catholics think that, in addition to the matter and form
214 INTENTION.
of a sacrament, the intention to perform the rite qua rite
is necessary ; whilst Anglicans deny that any such inten-
tion is necessary. It is only fair to suppose that each
party will, as a general rule, perform what they regard as
necessary, and that each will from time to time omit
what they consider irrelevant; now, if Anglicans are
right, the surplusage in our practice can have no possible
tendency to make the sacrament as administered by us
invalid ; whereas, if our view be right and intention
necessary, Anglicans are so far on the way to administer
invalid sacraments. Thus, in proportion to the proba-
bility of the Catholic view the Anglican sacraments are
doubtful, whilst the probability of the Anglican view has
no tendency to make Catholic sacraments doubtful.*
What Dr. Littledale should have said is, not that
sacraments in the Roman Catholic Church have been
rendered doubtful by the prevalent theory regarding
intention, but that Catholics, if consistent, ought to feel
doubtful, which is a very different matter. To this other
objection I answer, that our confidence in God's provi-
dence over His Church assures us that He would never
allow any serious disturbance in the economy of the
sacraments. Our efforts, meanwhile, are directed to-
securing as far as possible that the " tutior pars," — the
safer course — should ever be taken in the administration
of the sacraments, and not to denaturalising the theology
of the sacraments in order to bar an objection. The
common view, supported by the great weight of both
pre-Tridentine and post-Tridentine authorities, so far
from being a piece of gratuitous subtlety, is the natural if
not the inevitable outcome of the sacramental idea. In
drawing this out, theologians have not been inventing a
* As a logical appreciation of Dr. Littledale's charge this is fair
and just, but the argument does not admit of being pressed against
ihe certainty of Anglican sacraments, inasmuch as no intention
lhat mere carelessness can eliminate is necessary according to the
Catholic view.
INTENTION. 215
system, but only analysing revealed facts by the light of
reason, doing, indeed, in regard to the sacraments pre-
cisely what the Fathers did in regard to the two natures
of Christ.
The argument runs thus : — i. The valid administration
of a sacrament must be an " actus humanus," an intelli-
gent, moral act, since the administration of the sacra-
ments is presented as a matter of moral obligation.
" Go and teach all nations, baptizing them," &c. This
will exclude the action of drunkards, madmen, or
sleepers. 2. The action must be intended, and intended
not merely as a certain material movement of the hands
and lips, but with a sufficient specification of its object
or idea, to distinguish it from other possible combina-
tions of the same words and actions which have no sac-
ramental effect. As St. Bonaventure says (4 Dist. 6,
qu. i, art. 2), " Christ's institution, although He ordained
the words and matter to one object, limited them not to
it ; for they can be adapted and are adapted to other
uses. Therefore that in the particular case they be so
applied, it is necessary that the intention of the minister
should come in wherewith he intends by that act and
^ford to produce that effect, or at least to do what the
Church does, or to dispense what Christ instituted."
In respect to the ultimate effect, the sacramental grace
-••-take Baptism, for instance — the minister is merely an
instrument, a conduit ; and, supposing the baptism per-
formed, no defect of intention, or contrary intention on
the minister's part, in regard to the subsequent effect,
can prove a bar. But, as regards the ablution, />., its
specification as a sacred ablution, the minister is no
mere instrument but an intelligent second cause, acting
from internal motives, and with an intention of its own
(cf. Scotus, lib. iv. Dist. 6, qu. 5).*
* See remark in the Introduction, to the effect that, so far as
Anglicans had orders, they were derived from persons brought up
in the Roman doctrine of intention.
2 1 6 INTENTION.
But, our adversaries urge, this makes everything un-
certain ; for instance, it is uncertain if the priest has the
proper intention of consecrating, and so, if our Lord is
present under this or that particle. But just so is it
uncertain, in nine cases out of ten, to the individual
worshipper, whether this or that wine or flour was what
•t pretended to be. It comes to this, that after every
precaution has been taken we must accept the rest on
trust. Certainly, when we compare the likelihood of
the two cases, defect of intention and defect of matter,
it irmst be evident that, whilst the latter may easily occur
from accident, the former could only be the result of a
malice so deliberate and so extravagant as almost to
cross the bounds of sanity.
Dr. Littledale, in his third edition, appeals to the
recent decision as to the nullity of the marriage of the
Prince of Monaco and Lady Mary Hamilton, as though
it illustrated the uncertainty introduced by the common
doctrine of intention. The instance is quite beside the
mark. The contract is the essence of the marriage, its
matter and form, and the intention to contract is of the
essence of the contract. Thus intention occupies a
position in matrimony quite different from that which it
occupies in other sacraments. Proof that the consent
to the external ceremony was unlawfully constrained, and
the internal "animus contrahendi" entirely wanting,
would have sufficed for a declaration of nullity, although
no theory as to the general necessity of sacramental
intention had prevailed. The " animus contrahendi"
is required for the validity of a contract by the great
majority, not only of theologians, but of the writers on
civil law, although, of course, an obligation either to
contract or compensate would lie upon the fraudulent
contractor. The nullity of the marriage in question
turned, not merely on the lack of internal consent, but
on the lack of freedom. In the case of marriage, that
Church which almost alone maintains its strict indis-
PENANCE. — SATISFACTION. 21 7
solubleness naturally and most righteously insists that
the contract should be absolutely free.
§ 2. Penance— Satisfaction.
Dr. Littledale (p. 127) lays down that the modern
discipline, which gives absolution before penance and
prescribes penance for forgiven sin, contradicts the
teaching both of Scripture and the Fathers; and that
when once "absolution had been received, the sin and
its consequences, temporal and eternal, were blotted out
by God's merciful forgiveness." On the contrary, Scrip-
ture and the Fathers are at hopeless variance with Dr.
Littledale. Nathan said at once upon David's repent-
ance, " The Lord also hath taken away thy sin : thou
shalt not die;" and as immediately subjoins, "nevertheless
because thou hast given occasion to the enemies of God
to blaspheme, for this thing the child that is born to
thee shall surely die," on which St. Gregory the Great
(lib. 9, Moral, c. 34, op. t. i, p. 313) remarks, "In no-
wise is sin spared, because it is never absolved without
punishment. Thus David deserved to hear after his
confession, ' The Lord hath taken away thy sin,' and yet,
afflicted with many torments, he often paid the debt
of the sin which he had committed ; " and St. Augustine
in Ps. 1., "'Thou hast loved truth,' that is, Thou hast
not left unpunished their sins, even whom Thou hast
forgiven : Thou hast so far deferred mercy that Thou
mightest preserve truth." And again (in Joan. Tract 124,
lorn. iii. pars. 2, p. 821) : "Man is obliged to suffer even
after his sins have been forgiven, although the cause of
his coming into that misery was sin ; for the punishment
is prolonged beyond the guilt, lest the guilt be accounted
little if the punishment end with it, and so, either to
show what misery is due, or for the amendment of an
unstable life, or the practice of necessary patience,
temporal punishment holdeth the man whom guilt doth
not retain unto everlasting punishment."
2 1 8 PENANCE. — SATISFACTION.
When Dr. Littledale says of the ancient penances
(p. 126), "Their object was on the one hand to be tests
of sincerity, and on the other to associate suffering with
sin in the penitent's memory," he falls lamentably short
of the doctrine of the early Church. St. Cyprian, for
example (Ep. 55 ad Corn.), speaks of penance " satisfying
an indignant God," " redeeming sins," " washing away
wounds." This is recognised by the Protestant Chem-
nitius in his " Examination of the Council of Trent,"
who allows that Tertullian, Ambrose, and Augustine
used equivalent language. Another famous Protestant
controversialist, Flaccus Illyricus, denounces Tertullian,
Origen, Cyprian, Hilary, Gregory Nazianzen, Ambrose,
Jerome, Chrysostom, Augustine, Leo, Prosper, Maxitnus,
Paulinus, Gregory the Great, Bede, and many others,
for teaching the Roman doctrine of satisfaction.*
The Catholic doctrine now, as it was always, is that
the penitential works done by one in a state of justi-
fication satisfy, in the sense of applying to the individual
penitent the satisfactions of Christ, through whose merits
alone the penitential works are accepted as satisfactory ;
whilst penitential works done out of a state of justifica-
tion satisfy "de congruo" in the sense that they inv
petrate and dispose towards the grace of justification,
wherein real satisfaction may be made. Granting that
it was the rule in the early Church to exact the penance
before absolution, yet it is quite certain that this did not
arise from any scruple at penance after forgiveness ; for
penitents absolved on what was supposed to be their
deathbed were, on recovery, required to complete their
penance, and Dr. Littledale can hardly suppose that
their guilt returned with their restoration to health,
Again, perfect contrition, involving justification, must
have been frequent enough amongst the early penitents,
and in those cases a large part of the penance would be
* See Hurter, TheoL Dogm., torn. iii. n. 553, and note.
PENANCE. — SATISFACTION. 2 1 9
for forgiven sin. Moreover, it is highly probable that,
even in the early Church, absolution was frequently
given immediately after confession, and that the post-
penitential absolution was only a formal admission to
communion. (See Hurter, /. c. note to p. 551.)
As to the modern practice suggesting, as Dr. Little-
dale insists, some insufficiency in Christ's blood to obtain
redemption, it is obvious that a system in which forgive-
ness is granted previous to the performance of the
penance, tends not to make more, but rather to make
less, of human satisfaction. That there is some special
worth in suffering, not regarded in itself but as an -ex-
pression of love, can hardly be denied in the presence
of Christ's passion ; that punishment avails not merely
so far as it is remedial, but also as an expiation to
Divine justice, can hardly be denied by any honest
believer in hell torments.
It is the sinner, Dr. Littledale complains, " for whom
Rome makes things easy," while the saint " must lead a
life of incessant torture." This complaint of the pro-
digal's elder brother has ever been found in the mouths
of heretics of the Montanist and Novatian type. It
must be remembered — (i.) That what is made easy for the
sinner is escape from hell, whilst the difficult labours of
the saints are not a point of necessity but of love. (2.)
That on the one hand, from him to whom much has been
given much will be required, and none have received so
bountifully of God as the saints have ; and on the other,
that this very love makes the hardest labours light.
In conclusion, I would ask how Dr. Littledale recon-
ciles his denunciation of the Roman practice of giving
absolution before penance with the well-known fact that
Ritualist clergymen habitually do the same? In the
"Priest's Prayer- Bo ok" (fourth edition, Masters, 1870)
the cases are enumerated in which absolution is to be
deferred — which do not differ substantially from those
in Catholic books — but such enumeration is absurd if
absolution is habitually deferred until after penance.
320 INDULGENCES.
§ 3. Indulgences— Purgatory.
Dr. Littledale (p. 87) informs us that, on the subject
of indulgences "the actual Roman doctrine is this:
there are penalties attached to all sin, culpa or eternal
punishment ; pcena or temporal punishment, including
that of purgatory." This is only the outset of his ex-
position, but I am obliged to stop short. What Roman
theologian ever used culpa in the sense of "eternal
punishment"? Culpa is guilt, and never has any other
meaning or shade of meaning; poena, punishment, is
divided into two, eternal and temporal; indulgences
deal exclusively with the last subdivision, temporal
punishment. The blunder is a convenient one, as en-
abling Dr. Littledale to misread in his own favour "The
Master of the Sentences." God alone, the Church only
intra sacramentum where God's action predominates,
can absolve from guilt and from eternal punishment.
This is the doctrine of Lombard (Dist. xviii. lib. 4), to
which Dr. Littledale appeals. The pcena he is speaking
of, when he says that it is God who absolves "a pcena,"
is eternal punishment. He repeatedly uses the term
" eternal" or its equivalent in this very distinction, never
once the term "temporal." But Dr. Littledale having
settled that culpa means " eternal punishment," there is
nothing else for posna to mean except " temporal pun-
ishment," and the qualification "eternal," by which the
" Master" thought that he had secured his meaning, is
quietly ignored.
No doubt the modern use of indulgences did not
begin till the Middle Ages. But the question is, whether
the change of practice involved any real change of
principle or doctrine. Dr. Littledale deprecates our
appeal to the indulgence of penance shown to the in-
cestuous Corinthian, and to the lapsed at the martyrs'
intercession; but both are assertions of principles
which form the theological justification of the modern
INDULGENCES. 221
use, viz., vicarious satisfaction, and its application by
Church authority. Neither can it be maintained for a
moment that these ancient indulgences, so to call them,
had no effect beyond the ecclesiastical forum, for Christ
had promised that what was loosed upon earth should
be loosed in heaven. Nothing indeed but the confidence
inspired by this promise would justify such indulgences
from the charge of grievous cruelty, for they would other-
wise be simply reservations for other and more grievous
torments.
Indulgences, Dr. Littledale insists, " destroy devo-
tion." What, such a manifestation of God's mercy? In
which the penitent finds Christ and His saints assisting
him in his path of penance by helping him to bear his
cross. Again, we are told it is "a coarse attempt at
making a huckstering bargain with Almighty God."
But we suppose that the bargain, such as it is, is made
by God and not by the sinner. The Church, in virtue
of Christ's promise, and in His name, accepts in lieu of
periods of canonical penance certain pious or beneficent
acts. She absolves directly from the canonical periods,
indirectly from the unknown purgatorial periods which
these anticipated and corresponded with. A knowledge
of this might have saved Dr. Littledale from charging
Catholic apologists, like Bishop Milner and Cardinal
Wiseman, who speak of indulgences as absolutions from
canonical penance, with the Lutheran doctrine which
denies the extension of indulgences beyond the eccle-
siastical forum.
The application of indulgences to the souls in purga-
tory is only " per modum suffragii," *>., it is a ransom
offered, admittedly sufficient, but the application of which
in this or that degree, to this or that person, is not
covenanted, though confidently expected in answer to
the Church's prayer.
Dr. Littledale objects that, since God loves the souls
in purgatory, it is for their disadvantage that they should
222 INDULGENCES.
be delivered from their prison before the term of their
sentence has expired. But this, surely, is an objection to
prayer altogether; if suffering enters into God's scheme
of mercy in our regard, so too may deliverance therefrom
by prayer. Souls in purgatory are not merely under-
going a process of cleansing but of expiation, and it is
in both processes that the suffrages of the Church militant
bear a part.
Dr. Littledale quarrels with the conception of purga-
tory as a place at once of rest and of suffering. Of
course it is impossible to conceive, in the sense of picturing
to oneself, that which has no precise parallel upon earth;
but one can perfectly understand the elements out of
which such an intellectual conception inevitably results,
viz., on the one hand a perfect resignation to the Divine
will, and freedom from that which alone can disturb an
immortal soul fully self-conscious, that is, from sin ; and,
on the other, separation from Him who is the one centre
of their attraction.
Dr. Littledale protests against the existence of any
torment in purgatory besides that of loss; but what
spiritual torture can approach in intensity the conscious-
ness of such loss ? He insists that the Greek Church
has always rejected the idea of any other suffering.
Now, it is true that the Greeks are not wont to represent
to themselves purgatorial sufferings under the form of
fire, but on the other hand they frequently speak of its
pains under forms quite as material, " darkness " and
" bonds " and " stripes." See the passages from Greek
offices collected by Leo Allatius, "Consens. de Purgat."
Nos. xii. xiii.
Dr. Littledale is indignant at the advantage the rich,
who can leave copious alms for masses, may get in the
way of indulgences and suffrages over the poor. He
proceeds to denounce the Roman Church as the Church
of the rich rather than of the poor. Nay, she is the
Church of Him who, whilst He spake of the difficulty of
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 223
the rich man entering heaven, yet sufficiently indicated
that riches well used had their own advantage, when He
bade, " Make to yourselves friends of the Mammon of
unrighteousness, that when you are cast out they may
receive you into everlasting tabernacles." This advan-
tage, such as it is, is part of the Christian system. But
can it in any sense be considered as turning the scale of
spiritual advantage in favour of the rich ? Certainly not ;
the difficulty under which the rich labour is something
much more serious than that of getting out of purgatory,
viz., that of saving their souls. And then each fresh
degree of eternal glory, such as the poor have exceptional
means of acquiring, would far more than compensate for
any prolongation of purgatorial pains ; to say nothing of
the poor being more likely to satisfy for their sins here,
and so to anticipate purgatory. As to this last point
Dr. Littledale demurs, and expresses a doubt as to
whether it be generally received. I should like to know
what other view he would suggest as conceivable.
As to the poor being comparatively ill off for masses,
it may be true that those who do not by an alms secure
a special application to themselves, do not get so many
masses specially offered for them, yet the effective
application of the mass cannot be supposed to be so
limited as that there should not be abundant fruit for
others both in the way of impetration and of satisfaction ;
and the poor and the neglected occupy the next place
naturally in every priest's intention to the giver of the
alms, to say nothing of the numberless masses in which
the celebrant is free to follow his own intention. After
all, according to the theory of a special fruit accruing to
the giver of the alms, he is enriched without making
others poorer.
§ 4. The Roman Penitentiary.
Dr. Littledale not only tells us what is " the actual
Roman doctrine" on the subject of indulgences, but he
224 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
proceeds to give us some curious information (p. 85 ) as-
to "what indulgences used to be." Previous to the
Council of Trent, he says there were, ist, "pardons" for
sin ; 2d, " licenses to commit sin" both purchasable for
money. His grounds for this horrible charge are — ist.
Its appearance in more or less equivalent terms in the
" Centum Gravamina," a list of grievances urged against
Rome by what Dr. Littledale is pleased to describe as
the " Roman Catholic princes of Germany alarmed at
the progress of Lutheranism," who had assembled at
Nuremberg in 1522. 2d. The fact that "the Pope
(Adrian VI.), instead of indignantly denying the truth of
these horrible charges, implicitly admitted the facts to be
as stated. Indeed he could not have done otherwise,
for the book entitled * Taxes of the Sacred Apostolic
Penitentiary ' was then and is still extant with a regular
tariff for the absolution of all kinds of sin." Dr. Little-
dale concludes with referring his readers to a reprint of
the Roman and Parisian editions, 1510 and 1520 re-
spectively, of the " Taxae " by Professor Gibbings, where
the whole matter is fully treated.
I must premise that I have no intention of denying
that various abuses were rife in the action of the Roman
curia previous to the Council of Trent of a more or less
indefensible character. At the same time I do not
include among abuses the Pope's claim to tax the
revenues of the Church for the support of the curia, to
impose pecuniary fines for various offences of a public
character, and to direct their application to such object&
of common religious interest as he might think fit, such
as the building of churches or the repulse of the infidel.
That such a right was sometimes abused, that certain
exercises thereof as specially liable to abuse were to be
deprecated in toto, cannot invalidate the right itself.
Neither am I concerned to discuss the extravagant stories
which the local distributors of indulgence, without the
countenance of authority, may have put in circulation
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 225
concerning the extent of the privileges at their disposal.
The idea of a money payment for an indulgence was,
that in lieu of other penance you were giving an alms for
a pious or charitable purpose, though in the hands of
unscrupulous persons it may have sometimes become
nothing less than a traffic. I admit that there is a fair
field here for a Protestant critic, who is careful to dis-
tinguish history from hearsay and invective from sober
accusation, to select such charges as Catholics could only
meet by an acknowledgment that various crying abuses
in high places did exist which needed reformation, but
which were reformed. The point here to be considered
is, whether amongst other abuses, this particular one
with which Dr. Littledale charges us ever existed, viz.,
that pardon for past sin and license for future sin, wa?
sold by Rome.
We shall take the various points of Dr. Littledale's
accusation in order, i. The charges of the German
princes. If it be true that "the Catholic princes of Ger-
many," i.e., the princes of the Catholic party in opposition
to that of the Lutherans, really charged the Holy See
with such a practice, this, without going any further,
would be a most damaging fact. But instead of the con-
stituents of the Assembly of Nuremberg of 1522 being
properly described as "the Catholic princes of Germany
alarmed at the progress of Lutheranism," it is on all
hands admitted that Luther's sympathisers constituted
by far the most active element in the Assembly. See
Rinaldus(*Vz fl/z;20),Fleury's "Continuator,"and Cochlaeus'
" Acta Lutheri." To speak precisely, it was an assembly
of German princes, the great majority of whom, even
where least committed to Luther's religious tenets, yet had
the strongest sympathy for him on political grounds, and
were wholly adverse to taking any active measures against
him. The formal enactment passed by the Assembly, in
deference to the Emperor, against the Lutherans, was stu-
diously calculated to leave them practically unmolested.
226 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
1 The hundred grievances " were notoriously brought
forward at the time to stop the legate's mouth when he
urged on his master's part the adoption of active measures
against the heretics.
But what were the charges brought by the princes,
be they Catholic or Lutheran ? Do they amount to Dr.
Littledale's ?
The ones bearing on the subject are as follows : —
(Cap. i.) They charge, not Rome, but the local pur-
veyors with attaching to their indulgences the promise of
the forgiveness of " past and future sin." This is clearly
an exaggerated representation of a dispensation called
" confessionale," by which the reservation of certain sins
and censures to the bishop or the Pope is taken off in
favour of the recipient, so that he can get absolution for
these sins on confessing them to a priest with ordinary
faculties. This dispensation, though not itself an indul-
gence, was often connected therewith ; and a survival of
the connection remains to this day in the suspension of
such reservations on the occasion of a jubilee.
It has been suggested with some probability by Sylvius,
that this withdrawal of the reservation of sins often
accompanying an indulgence, affords an explanation of
the form in which some of the more ancient indulgences
were wont to run " a culpa et pcena." * Before the rise
of sectarian polemic this form had exercised the minds
of theologians, and it makes conclusively against the
Protestant interpretation, that it never entered into any
theologian's head to interpret it as expressing a direct
remission of guilt. St. Antoninus, in the fifteenth cen-
tury, regards it as a mere expression of plenariness, and
as only true as supposing the sacramental absolution
of which the indulgence formed the complement.t
Morinus explains it as dispensing from that part of the
* In 3m qu. xxv. art. 2.
t "Locutio tamen talis proprie non est vera." Summ. Pars i.
Tit. x. cap. iii. p. 603.
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 22 /
ancient penance which preceded absolution, and so carry-
ing with it, as it were, the absolution which it procured
should be no longer deferred.* However this may be,
the " confessionale " for a certain single time or number
of times — the only extant examples, I believe, avail once
and at the hour of death — removed the reservation with
regard not only to past sins but also to such sins as might
be subsequently committed. It came practically to this,
that the recipient, so far as it availed, might find a con-
fessor, even for such of his sins as were reserved, in any
priest with ordinary faculties ; but, in itself, it gave him
no absolution for the past, and secured him none for the
future ; he must still satisfy his confessor, whoever he
might be, of his good dispositions, and accept the pen-
ance imposed, or he could not be absolved. For such
an one matters were so far reduced to the original con-
dition in which they were before the action of the Pope
or bishop in reserving the sin. It is this freedom of
confession, operative both for the present and for 'the
future, which the princes denounce as a license to com-
mit fresh sin. But it is obvious that this could only
have had such an effect quite accidentally, as any copia
confessoris might.
(Cap. iv.) They charge "his Papal Holiness and
the other bishops and pillars of the Roman Church with
obliging penitents to pay for receiving absolution from
reserved sins." Here, at least, there is no suggestion of an
absolution or license to commit fresh sin. It is probably
a misrepresentation of the practice of exacting a " mulcta
pecuniaria " or fine from such penitents as, in addition
to their absolution in the sacrament, required a writ of
absolution " in foro externo," — that is in the ecclesiastical
public courts — from public excommunication or other
censure, t by the production of which writ they might
* De Poen. Lib. x., cap. 22.
t A stigma barring the exercise of certain ecclesiastical functions
and privileges.
228 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
stop legal action to their disadvantage. This custom
was in no way peculiar to the Roman Curia, but prevailed
in every episcopal chancery in Christendom. Although
the "forum internum " (the private court of the sacra-
ment of Penance, and of other business of analogous
privacy) has always been the proper field of the Peniten-
tiary, yet until the office of the Dataria was erected by
Pius IV. into a distinct congregation, the Penitentiary
had to deal with various business belonging to the
"forum externum," in which 'case a fine called a " com-
positio" was sometimes imposed.
Pope Adrian VI. during the few months of life remain-
ing to him — he died in 1523 — may well have been too
much engrossed in his measures of reform to criticise
the insolent exaggerations of the German princes. These
" Gravamina,5' with other documents and amongst them
the " Taxae," were printed and circulated by the Lutheran
party. Their edition of the " Taxae " was interpolated for
controversial purposes, as were also a variety of other
editions. They were made to do duty in controversy as
nothing less than the Church of Rome's price-list of sins,
in which you may discover the precise sum for which you
can purchase forgiveness for the past, and immunity for
the future, in regard to any sin you had committed or
were minded to commit. The charge was so gross and
so pestilent that Catholic apologists may well have felt
that they had no resource but to rebut it roundly as an
heretical forgery — as it stood it was nothing less. To
analyse the elements of forgery and misinterpretation
under the circumstances might naturally appear beside
the mark, even where a criterion for such an analysis
\vas available. In the latest and by far the most learned
Catholic treatise on the subject, "Indulgences, Absolu-
tions, and Tax Tables " (by the Very Rev. T. L. Green,
Washbourne, 1872), the author admits that the Roman
editions of the Penitentiary " Taxse " are genuine. In the
same year, but subsequently, appeared " The Taxes of
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 2 29
the Apostolic Penitentiary," by Professor Gibbings, the
work to which Dr. Littledale refers. Professor Gibbings
nowhere, so far as I know, commits himself to what is by
far the most outrageous part of Dr. Littledale's charge,
viz., that Rome sold absolution for future sin. He is
contented with maintaining that the sums mentioned in
the Tax Tables are bona-fide prices for which absolution
could be obtained for past crimes "toties quoties." So
far as collecting authorities goes for the genuineness of
the Tables, Professor Gibbings' work gives evidence of
considerable industry and research, and I must confess
that so far as I have tested his quotations their fairness
stands in marked contrast to those of Dr. Littledale.
The only marvel is his not seeing that the very same
authorities which make for the genuineness of the Tables
go far to prove that they could not possibly be a price-
list of sins, but were a tariff-list of official fees for the
expedition of documents, in some cases of a public
character, accompanied by a fine under the title of " com-
positio."
Before entering upon any detailed appreciation of
these Tables, I must insist that it is quite gratuitous of
Dr. Littledale to connect them in any way with the
traffic of indulgences. Indulgences proper are not once
mentioned in them from first to last. It is true that the
" confessionale," or license to confess a reserved sin to
an ordinary confessor, does appear j but this, although
it sometimes accompanied an indulgence, has nothing
really to do either with the essence of an indulgence —
the remission of temporal punishment due to sin, in this
world or in the next — or with the Protestant misconcep-
tion thereof, the remission of sins.
I am inclined to accept Professor Gibbings' edition
of Paris, 1520, as genuine, but I must nevertheless take
exception to his misleading title, " The Taxes, &c.,
reprinted 'from the Roman edition of 1500, and the Pari-
sian edition of 1520." In reality he has made no attempt
230 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
at collating the Roman edition, but gives the Parisian
pure and simple-. No formal notice has been taken of
the fact that the " Summarium Litterarum," occupying
the last ten pages of the twenty-one pages of the
" Taxes," is altogether wanting in the Roman edition ;
nor that the phrase " in foro conscientiae " — upon which
both Professor Gibbings and Dr. Green consider that a
good deal turns — is found exclusively in this " Summa-
rium." These are grave editorial faults, whatever may be
their controversial importance.
The Tax Table of the Roman Penitentiary — assum-
ing its genuineness precisely as it stands in Professor
Gibbings' volume — consists of Dispensations, or releases
from legal obligations and impediments ; Commuta-
tions, or exchanges of one prescribed work for another;
Licenses, perpetual or temporary, e.g., to say mass in
places unlicensed by the Ordinary ; and Absolution, the
meaning of which is in dispute ; to each of which -\
sum of money is appended. A single entry will serve
as an example : — " Absolution for a canon who has
elected an unworthy prelate, G. vii.," that is to say,
seven grosse or is. 5jd., which might represent, accord-
ing to present value, from 8s. to 143. Two points have
to be considered : — I. What is this an absolution from?
2. In what relation does this tax of seven grosse stand
to the absolution ?
(i.) Can this "absolutio" be an act of sacramental
absolution from sin ? Now, on the face of it, it is a
document, as the frequent expression " littera " and the
title, " Summarium Litterarum Expediendarum," suffi-
ciently prove. But no letter or document can be
made a medium of sacramental absolution. No such
use is admitted to be valid, or is recorded at any time
to have prevailed in the Church. At most, then, this.
" absolution " is a certificate that absolution has been
given, or a form in which absolution may be given by
the person to whom it is transmitted. That it is a
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 231
transmission of powers of some sort would appear from
expressions such as this: " Absolutio ista committitur
suo rectori." " "Si tamen sit clericus, committitur ordi-
nario suo et non altero." But is it from sin at all that
the form absolves? I believe it certainly is not. I
believe it to be an absolution from a reserved censure,
in virtue of which censure the sin was reserved, and on
absolution from which the sin ceases to be reserved.
My reasons for so believing are as follows : — i. As a
general rule, the sins mentioned in the Tax Tables are
known to have a reserved censure attached to them. 2.
It is certain that some of these absolutions, which are
prima facie absolutions from sin, are really absolutions
from censure, e.g. (p. n.), "absolution for a priest,
who, bouna by a certain special sentence, celebrates the
divine offices, and does not care whether he is absolved
or not, G. vii." Now, if this were an absolution from
sin, it would merely IDC a bad joke, because the not
caring would, as every Catholic knows, prove an effec-
tual bar to any such absolution; but not so, neces-
sarily, in the case of absolution from censure which is
of ecclesiastical imposition, and may demand removal
on grounds of expediency and charity quite independ-
ently of the dispositions of the culprit. If it be urged
that certain of the sins mentioned have no censure
attached to them, it must be remembered that many-
sins once incurred the grievous censure of excommuni-
cation which do so no more ; again, that in such excep-
tional cases, if there be any, the absolution is anyhow a
form directly affecting the reservation of the sin and not
the sin itself.
The following passage from St. Antoninus, the chief
theological authority of the fifteenth century (Summ.
Theol. pars. ii. tit. i. cap. 4), is much to the purpose,
though the money payment which he mentions is clearly
not the taxa of the Tables, but the compositio of which
I have yet to speak. Money may be lawfully exacted,
232 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
he says, " on the score of punishment, as, in the case
of absolution from excommunication, a sum is some-
times exacted, not for the absolution, because that would
be simony, but in punishment ; and so too in the reserved
cases of sins. For a pecuniary penance may be imposed
as a penalty for the foregoing sin. . . . But inasmuch
as this looks to have the colour of avarice, therefore
people had better refrain, or they should act at once
so carefully and so openly as that it should be clear
to those who pay, that the absolver in this way is not
keeping such money for himself, but is distributing it
to the poor." St. Antoninus is clearly contemplating
public cases external to the sacrament ; and the clause
" so too " (sic etiam), by which " the absolution from
reserved cases of sins is subjoined to the absolution
from excommunication," suggests that the latter is a sub-
division and partial example of the former, the absolution
in the latter instance being effected by an absolution
from excommunication.
I believe, then, the " absolution " in question to be
a form of absolution from censure, the transmission
of which form to the ordinary or a selected confessor,
removed the reservation pro hac vice, so that he might,
after absolving the offender from the censure, afterwards
proceed or not, according to the dispositions of the
penitent, to absolve him in the sacrament of Penance.
As I have already observed, I can see no intrinsic
grounds for objecting to the genuineness ofthe Paris edition.
I cannot reject the " Summarium," because it is precisely
this "Summarium" and nothing else which figures as
the Tax Table of the Penitentiary in the Tractatus
Univ. Juris, Venice, 1584, torn. xv. p. i, p. 376, "Duce
et auspice Greg, xiii." Moreover, this same volume is
appealed to as an authority on the Roman chancery by
Rigaltius in his great work " De Cancellaria Romana,"
written under the eye of Pope Benedict XIV., without
any hint of suspicion, as Professor Gibbings has pointed
out.
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 235
Both Professor Gibbings and Dr. Green regard the
expression " in foro conscientiae," which appears thrice
in the " Summarium," and nowhere else, as equivalent
to " in foro sacramentali," that is, in the sacrament of
Penance. This, however, is certainly a mistake. The
learned Franciscan Elbel (Theol. Decal. pars. v. p. 253)
tells us that the " forum internum " is divided into the
"forum pcenitentiae seu sacramentale," and the "forum
conscientise seu non sacramentale." Ferraris' nomencla-
ture, though differing slightly, substantially comes to the
same thing (Bibl. verb. Forum). Whilst making the same
division of the " forum internum " into " sacramentale "
and non "sacramentale," he uses the term "forum con-
scientiae" as its equivalent and so as applicable to either
division. A matter was not considered as properly
belonging to the " forum externum " until some kind of
legal action had commenced. Certainly matters that
concerned more than one person, which on the one
hand had never come and were never meant to come
into court, and on the other were no mere concern
between confessor and penitent, were designated as
appertaining to the "forum internum" or " conscientiae."
When the phrase occurs in the " Summarium " it does not,
as I conceive, exceptionalise those particular cases in
contradistinction to the rest, which must be supposed to
belong to the " forum externum," but merely lays stress
upon the fact that certain particular cases which might
naturally seem to belong to the external forum here, on
one account or other, do not or need not. The practical
difference was sufficiently important, as the documents
issued " in foro externo " could be produced in court as
legal evidence, not so those issued "in foro interno."
In criminal cases belonging to the "forum externum,"
and therefore requiring the writ of absolution to run in
the same forum, a penal fine was sometimes imposed
under the title of "compositio" or commutation — a relic
of the old "redemptio pecuniaria." But this, as the
234 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
Tax Tables are careful to say (p. 15), never takes
place when the matter is secret, therefore a fortiori never
in that most secret matter which lies between the con-
fessor and his penitent.
(2.) But what are the " taxse ; " are they prices, or
fines, or expeditionary fees ? I consider the arguments
for their being expeditionary fees to be simply irresis-
tible. Nothing can be clearer than that the taxes of the
Chancery occupy exactly the same position in regard
to the documents to which they are attached as these
Penitentiary taxes ; but John XXII. , in instituting the
former, lays down (see Green, p. 169), respecting the
taxes of certain clauses, "that no account shall be
taken of the greater or less value of the favour which
is granted, or of the greater or less amount of revenue
or income which may probably accrue from the same,
so as on that account proportionately to tax the letter
containing the said clauses ; but that such regard should
be paid to the labour, as that a longer writing should
be charged more and a shorter writing less." The
Penitentiary tables, moreover, speak for themselves to
the same effect (p. 12) : " Note, that when a letter is re-
quired to be redated, a third part of the taxation is paid
to the redater;" again, every time the conjunction "et"
occurs the tax is doubled. Again, if we turn to the
entry at the bottom of page 20, concerning the " compo-
sitio " or fine paid in a public case to the Datary for con-
tracting marriage in the second or third degree, we find
that " it is very commonly twenty-five ducats, and four for
the expediting of the Bulls" Whereas in the private case
at p. 12, for contracting in the third degree the " taxa ;; is
four ducats one grosse, as nearly as possible the expedi-
tionary fee of the public case. The taxes were, then,
expeditionary fees.
This view is further borne out by the English Act of
Parliament of 1583 (see Green, p. 163), by which the
whole tax system, "all the customable dispensations,
THE ROMA>* PENITENTIARY. 235
faculties, licenses, and other writings wont be sped at
Rome" are transferred to Canterbury ; and order is taken
" that no man suing for dispensation, &c., shall pay any
more for their dispensations, &c., than shall be contained,
taxed, and limited, in the said duplicate books of taxes
(the drawing up of two books had been previously pre-
scribed). Only composition excepted, of which being
arbitrary no tax can be made, wherefore the tax thereof
shall be set and limited by the discretion of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Chancellor of Eng-
land, or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal for the time
being," which tax, if it extend to £4 or above, <; shall be
divided into three parts, whereof two shall be perceived
by the said clerk of Chancery, . . . and the third shall
be taken by the said clerk of the Archbishop, and his
commissary, and his said clerk and registrar." Dr.
Green (p. 167) quotes from Burns' "Ecclesiastical Law,"
the fees for absolution from excommunication and sus-
pension, " one shilling and sixpence."
These taxes of the Roman Penitentiary, moderate as
they were, were wholly suppressed by Pius V. His
predecessor, Pius IV., had by erecting the Dataria into a
separate court effectually restricted the Penitentiary to the
internal forum. These measures were dictated by a sense
of the importance of guarding the neighbourhood of the
confessional from all semblance or possible suspicion of
avarice, in accordance with the warning of St. Antoni-
nus, and in no sense because the practice of exacting
such fees was in itself simoniacal.
As to simony, the whole question is a most complicated
and difficult one. There is, of course, simony proper,
the direct bartering of spiritual goods for temporal, which,
explicitly forbidden by the Word of God, the instinct of
Christendom has always regarded as one of the most
heinous sins that can possibly be committed. At the
same time it has always been allowed, in accordance
with Scripture, that the minister of the Gospel should
236 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
live by the Gospel ; and that he should be maintained in
that status which belongs to his position in the hierarchy
of the Church. Whatever may have been the complain ir
made from time to time against particular exactions, it
was a principle recognised thoroughly by the conscience
of medieval Christendom, that the Pope and the whole
apparatus of his world-wide government, as it certainly
existed to the advantage, so had a right to exist at the
expense, of universal Christendom. In taxing its various
spiritual favours and dispensations, the Roman Curia was
only carrying out on a scale proportionate to its larger
wants a system that prevailed everywhere.
On the whole the money exacted as alms, or fine, or
onus, or fee, was righteously expended in the interests of
Christendom, but grievous abuses there doubtless were,
ana yet more grievous reports. The vast machinery,
compared with which the chancery of England or France
was a trifle, was excessively difficult to revise and regulate.
But Pope after Pope busied himself in the work of refor-
mation, and the issue of the Tax Tables of the Roman
Penitentiary, and of the Roman Chancery, which re-
pressed arbitrary exaction by attaching a fixed fee to the
deed, and the confining all " composition " to cases of
public legal cognisance, were most important steps in the
process of reformation. It was practically completed, as
far as the Penitentiary was concerned, by the regulations
of Pius IV. and Pius V. to which I have already referred.
As to the charge of reserving spiritual favours for the
rich who could pay for them, nothing can be more
grossly unjust. Roman ecclesiastical legislation teems
with provisions for the gratuitous ministration of favours
to the poor. In numberless cases they were excused
from applying to the Curia at all, but might obtain the
satisfaction they needed from their own ordinaries ; and
where they were obliged to have recourse to Rome,
advocates, as Dr. Green points out, were appointed to
plead their causes gratuitously. What can better prove
THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY. 237
the reality of the provision made for the poor man in
this respect than the fact of the frequent abuse of the
rich man's pleading " in forma pauperis " ?
Of course where there was question of commuting
other penance for alms, the poor were so far at a dis-
advantage. But this disadvantage was shared by Rome's
other darlings, the monks and friars. St. Peter Damian
(ap. Morin. de Poen. lib. x. cap. 18) tells us that in the
tenth century the monk's penance of fasting, watching,
&c., was often commuted to stripes, a commutation cor-
responding to that of the lay proprietor's into alms.
An intense appreciation of the advantage in which the
poor stood, as compared with the rich, in respect to
Christ's blessing, was a characteristic of the Middle Ages.
It only seemed fair to the medieval mind that the rich
should have what advantage in the way of almsgiving
their wealth might give, towards redressing the balance.
A great deal has been said about the brutality of the
following note in the Paris edition of the Chancery Tax
Tables : — " Note carefully that graces and dispensations
of this sort are not granted to the poor, because they are
not, and therefore cannot be, consoled (quia non sunt ideo
non possunt consolari)." Dr. Green points out that it is
appended to dispensations for contracting and solemni-
zing marriages within the second degree of relationship,
which the Council of Trent directs (sess. xxiv. ) should not
be granted except to great princes, and only upon public
grounds. Of course the poor had no place here. I
demur at the justice of Dr. Green's remark as to the
profanity of the supposed Scriptural allusion to Matt. ii.
1 8. " Consolari" was the technical term for receiving a
dispensation grace, and medieval Latin ever ran quite
naturally in the track of Scripture phraseology.*
We are now in a position to appreciate the gratuitous
malignity of Dr. Littledale's calumny, that the Popes
affixed prices to licenses for future and absolutions for
past sin, in the tax-book of the Roman Penitentiary.
* See Appendix, Note I.
238 THE ROMAN PENITENTIARY.
I have proved, in detail, that they have done neither
the one nor the other.
The first is a monstrosity so subversive of the first
principles of natural morality that we find no trace of
its existence even in the records of ecclesiastical condem-
nation. Had the Papacy ever identified itself with such
a practice, it is no exaggeration to say that it would long
ago have been swept away by the just indignation of
Christendom. The second — an indefinitely milder charge
— has ever been condemned as a most grievous form
of simony, for which no shadow of excuse has ever been
suggested. Every Pope, every theologian denounces it,
and yet Dr. Littledale and Professor Gibbings would
have us believe that Pope after Pope, reaching even into
post-Tridentine times, in open defiance of the eagei
criticism of hostile Protestants, has embodied this prac-
tice in an official manual, and sanctioned its insertion in
repeated collections of canon law. Is this charge in-
telligible on any other ground than that embodied in
the title of one of Cardinal Newman's Lectures, " Truth
not sufficient for the Protestant view " ?
In Dr. Littledale's third edition, whilst the text remains
unaltered, there is appended the following note (p. 100) :
— " No doubt these charges began as mere legal costs in
the ecclesiastical courts in suing out pardons, but there
is no avoiding the conclusion that they were perverted
into a tariff for sins themselves, though probably never
by any lawful or binding authority." In this note Dr.
Littledale talks of the " taxae " beginning as one thing
and ending as another, quite forgetting that it is a docu-
ment and not merely a practice to which he has
appealed, and which is under consideration. A docu-
ment cannot change. In the text the tax- book is sup-
posed to have shut the Pope's mouth because it is a
price-list of sins ; but if it was ever a table of expedi-
tionary fees, instead of shutting the Pope's mouth it
would have strengthened his hands. Even Dr. Littledale
REV. JAMES A. GRANT BEQUEST TO
ST, MARY'S COLLEGE LIBRARY, 1926
MARRIAGE DISPENSATIONS. 239
can hardly suppose that the Holy See had turned the
identical fixed expeditionary fees in the tax-book into
prices of sins, for the mere sake of playing at simony
gratuitously.
The text remaining in its original offensiveness, "there
is no avoiding the conclusion " that the note is a mere
expedient to bar criticism upon the falsehood which it
does nothing effectually to correct.
§ 5. The Mass Honorarium.
As to what Dr. Littledale is pleased to call the mass-
traffic, he ought to know that no priest is allowed to
require as a mass-honorarium more than the slender alms
fixed by the diocesan tax ; and that where he is obliged
to get the mass said by another, he is forbidden to retain
any portion of the alms for himself. No mass-traffic
is possible, except in direct violation of the Church's
ordinances ; and such violation even the prohibition of
all honorarium would make no whit less possible.
§ 6. Marriage Dispensations.
As to marriage dispensations, Dr. Littledale insists
that either there should be no prohibitory law or no
dispensation. But this is certainly not in accordance
with the general experience. It is often very important
that the existence of a general law should bar a contrary
use, and at the same time that some relaxation should
be possible in particular cases. It is precisely the want
of such dispensing authority in this country which has
made the demand for the "Deceased Wife's Sister's"
Bill so urgent. The dispensation may be thus indirectly
as much in favour of the law as of the individual. The
pecuniary fine or compensation exacted in such cases
has at least the advantage of making the suit onerous
and therefore more exceptional, whilst it can always be
remitted in cases of real necessity.
240 UNITY OF FAITH AND CHARITY.
Charge VI L — Lack of the Four Notes of the Church.
Dr. Littledale (pp. 153-180) argues that the notes of
the Church of Christ are conspicuously wanting to the
Roman Catholic Church. I have already met, directly
or indirectly, in other parts of this " Reply " much of
what he says here, but something still remains to answer,
and the roundness of Dr. Littledale's accusation here
almost demands a special notice.
§ 1. Unity of Faith and Charity.
This unity we do not possess, says Dr. Littledale, — (i.)
Because "there is a marked distinction between the
religion of the vulgar and that of the educated." I
insist that there is not the slightest doctrinal distinction
between the devotion of the two classes ; and that, for
the rest, you may as well deny the existence of a com-
mon English language because the educated and un-
educated articulate it differently. But, in reality, the
wonder is all the other way. The striking thing about our
Catholic Churches is precisely the unanimity of the de-
votion, the absence of class distinction. At Mass and
Benediction, Rosary and Stations, the educated and
uneducated are equally at home. (2.) Because some
persons shrink from using devotional language in regard
to the Blessed Virgin which others approve of. I answer
that, either this involves some doctrinal difference in
their appreciation of the prerogatives of Mary, which Dr.
Littledale does not venture to assert, or the difference
is one of taste and temperament, and does not militate
against unity of faith. (3.) Because there are maxi-
misers and minimisers ; the former inclined to regard
any Papal utterance as a final expression of authority,
and so as an exercise of infallibility ; the latter more
cautious and critical — unduly so, their adversaries would
say — in their estimate of the functions and action of
UNITY OF FAITH AND CHARITY. 241
authority, and more apprehensive of the dangers of pre-
cipitation than of the inconvenience of delay, in any
matter admitting of a doubt. Whence it arises that
several important Papal documents can be pointed to,
wherein it is disputed amongst Catholics, whether the
Pope has spoken infallibly. But here again the differ-
ence is not one of doctrine ; and even as to the point
of difference, viz., the formal authority of the particular
document, there is a virtual agreement, a unity in posse,
implied in the submission of both parties to the autho-
rity from which the document emanated. Of course it
is impossible that many minds should be actively en-
gaged upon various theological questions without differ-
ing upon numberless important points. The distinction
between the condition of Roman Catholics and that of
the sects in this respect is that, as regards a certain
body of explicit doctrine, there is a unity of belief in
esse; and as regards other theological points there is a
unity of belief in posse, in the possession of an authority
which alternately tolerates and settles these disputes with
a discretion which is beyond question. On the con-
trary, when we turn to the sects, and notably to Angli-
canism, we find that this unity of faith exists neither
in esse nor in posse. There is no body of doctrine in
regard to which Anglicans can be said to be at one,
or in defence of which they can eliminate gainsayers \
and no authority to deal with emergent questions.
The phenomenon of unity, which Dr. Littledale is
obliged in some sort to concede to us, he insists is of
artificial production, the result of a long course of re-
pressive action on the part of authority. Of course it is
to the persistent energy of a living authority that we owe
oui unity ; but when Dr. Littledale would make out that
it has this effect, not in virtue of the moral weight of a
Divine sanction, but by a sort of physical terrorism, he
should ask himself what physical material hold has the
Holy See upon, say, the unendowed clergy of England
Q
*4 2 SANCTITY.
or France ? What material loss would the priest have to
face who should be forced to abandon his meagre hardly-
earned stipend for any other pursuit that can be sug-
gested? Of the few who here and there have aban-
doned their vocation, I do not think their acquaintance
are ever tempted to feel that there has been any excep-
tional courage on the part of the seceders which can
reflect upon the courage of those who remain.
§ 2. Sanctity.
Anyhow, says Dr. Littledale, " the standard of life and
conduct is, to say the very least, no higher in Roman
Catholic populations than elsewhere. In England, on
the contrary, whereas Roman Catholics are less than five
per cent, of the population, they contribute, wherever
they are collected — for, of course, there are many parts
of England and Wales where there are none or few — from
sixteen to more than twenty-four (in second and third
editions " to sixty-seven ") per cent, of criminals to our
prisons ; that is to say, from three to five (eds. 2 and 3,
" thirteen ") times their fair share of crime."
I do not intend to follow Dr. Littledale into the sta-
tistics he gives of various prisons (note, third edition),
but one piece of unfairness I must point out which his
statistics bear on their very face. Being, as we are,
about five per cent, of the whole population, five per
cent, is supposed to be our proper criminal proportion
throughout England; but against this is set the fact, not of
our criminal proportion throughout England, but of our
proportion in places like Clerkenwell, Liverpool, or
Manchester, where Catholics, instead of being five per
cent., are from ten to thirty per cent, of the population.
Whatever may be said of the accuracy of the statistics
of the various prisons, quoted by Dr. Littledale, I deny
that they can afford any criterion of the moral condition
of the different denominations until (i) the proportion
SANCTITY. 243
of the very poor belonging to each denomination is
discounted; and (2) the various crimes for which the
prisoners are committed are tabulated. The moral
quality of the causes of committal admits of almost in-
finite variations. My own belief, grounded on a gaol
experience of some years, is, that the admittedly large
Catholic percentage is to be attributed to an excess of
morally venial offences, which only just, but repeatedly,
bring their perpetrators within the grasp of the law.
The poor Irish, of whom our town congregations mainly
consist, in their non-natural condition of close packing in
the lowest parts of our great towns, are peculiarly liable
to the temptations of a row, and are always getting into
trouble from such causes. I believe the statistics of such
crimes as deliberate murder, rape, or the more serious
sort of fraud, would tell a very different tale.
As to a comparison of populations it is hard to find any
satisfactory basis for the calculation. I can only express
my belief that the morality of the average Irish, Italian,
Breton, and Spanish village is as superior to its English
counterpart — the village that has grown up beneath the
fostering care of the Establishment — as, let us say, the
spiritual life of a St. Vincent of Paul to that of an aver-
age Low Church bishop.
The Roman Church is not holy (p. 167), because the
Liguorianism she has adopted is " fatal to holiness." I
fully admit that if the Church had adopted the opinions
Dr. Littledale attributes to St. Alfonso, it would dis-
tinctly militate against her holiness; but then I have
already shown that those opinions are falsely imputed to
the Saint.
But the local Church of Rome is so particularly wicked,
insists Dr. Littledale. Here one subject of discussion is
exchanged for another. We have been speaking of the
Roman Catholic Church, i.e., of a body which, embracing
the vast majority of Christians, is in communion with
the See of Rome. Still, any reproach thrown upon the
244 SANCTITY.
local Church of Rome is indirectly a reproach to the
whole Church, and merits a careful scrutiny.
No doubt there have been bad Popes and grievous
disorders of one kind or another in the Roman Church.
It must be remembered that the Pope's lot was cast in
a city which was not merely the centre of Pagan supersti-
tion but of national degeneration — a very focus of active
dissolution. There were no materials there for forming
an organic whole. When the Papal rule began the
Roman people were a mixed race, without any national
character to build upon, and their city a hostelry of nations.
And yet Rome under the Popes has produced a con-
tinual succession of brilliant examples of sanctity; has
been ever foremost in the interests of religion, charity,
and education. In no city in the world are there more
institutions, such as hospitals, and refuges of all sorts for
the needy and afflicted. In no city in the world are
there fuller opportunities of education of the highest
order, absolutely gratis, offered to all classes alike. And
these advantages existed in Rome when they did not
exist in any parallel degree elsewhere.
Various inaccuracies doubtless have crept into the
catalogue of the Roman Pontiffs, and it may fairly be
maintained that one or two amongst them have been
accredited with a title of sanctity to which they had no
rigj.it ; but there still remains a goodly number of indis-
putable saints. Dr. Littledale's attempts at correction
can hardly be regarded as felicitous. He rejects Liberius,
whose holy life and labours are attested by so many
witnesses, on the ground of his having accepted, in a
moment of weakness, a temporising creed which at least
contained no positive error, and consented to a breach
of communion with St. Athanasius ; although his whole
subsequent career was a protestation of orthodoxy. It
is obvious that such a line of criticism would tell severely
against St. Peter's claims to a place in the calendar.
Again, he denounces St. Damasus as "a murderous
SANCTITY. 245
rioter," because he is charged by two partisans of the
-anti-Pope Ursicinus with usurping the Papacy and taking
an active share in the conflicts of the time. He enunci-
ates this view as though there were no other, in the face
of a cloud of witnesses including St. Jerome, his adver-
sary Rufinus, St. Ambrose, and the Council of Aquileia,
of which last testimony Tillemont (Mem. torn. viii. St.
Damase, art. i.) says, after recounting the calumnies Dr.
Littledale has made his own, " Mais il vaut mieux en
juger par l'assemble"e des eveques les plus saints et les
plus £clairez qui fussent alors dans 1'Occident, et qui
n'avoient point d'autre interest dans cette affaire que
celui de la ve'rite' et la justice."
Once indeed Dr. Littledale was far less indisposed to
recognise the note of sanctity in the Roman Catholic
Church. I have before me a sermon published by him
in 1868, preached at the eleventh anniversary of the
A. P. U. C., in which the Roman Catholic Church is
presented under a very different aspect from that of the
hideous beldame, idolatrous, mendacious, greedy, cruel,
and unholy, of the "Plain Reasons;" with whom,
•assuredly, any exchange of the offices of intercommunion
would be nothing less than sacrilegious. In those days,
however serious may have been the doctrinal misappre-
hensions of Dr. Littledale and his friends, however im-
possible for Catholics formally to co-operate with them
upon the doctrinal basis of a "divided Church," we
could not but sympathise deeply with their yearnings, not
merely for union in the abstract, but for union with us.
Dr. Littledale selects with admirable felicity for the text
of his sermon on reunion Isaiah xix. 24, 25 : "In that
day shall Israel be third with Egypt and Assyria, even a
blessing in the midst of the land ; whom the Lord of
Hosts shall bless, saying, ' Blessed be Egypt my people,
and Assyria the work of my hands, and Israel mine in-
heritance. ' ' He then in a triptych picture presents us,
tinder the figures of Egypt, Israel, and Assyria, with his
246 SANCTITY.
conceptions of the Greek, Roman, and English commu-
nions. In each portraiture, as the necessity of his theory
'required, there is a distinctive excellence; in each, a
particular want, which union with the other two is to
supply. But that of the Roman Church is indefinitely
the most noble portrait of the three, and indeed the only
one in which the marks of the true Church, the traits of
primitive Christianity, are distinctly visible. " The zeal
(he says) of her priests, her monks, and her nuns (and
below, 'the faith and holiness of her leaders ') remains
undiminished. They teach by precept and. example,
patience, hope, and repentance, to the suffering and
dying outcast, . . . while a noble army of martyrs has
come forward even in our days to bear the message of
the cross to heathen nations." Shadows are thrown in,
no doubt, but these cannot be said to fall so much upon
the formal character of the Church as upon those masses
of her subjects who inherit the Catholic name without
attempting to lead Catholic lives. Whereas his criticism
upon the Greek Communion is, that it possesses a 'eposit
of truth which is no " vital principle ; " upon Anglicanism,
that it is " a religion, calm, equable, comforting, useful
in its degree," and, as a fact, has had more success in
keeping out downright irreligion from the sheltered
nationality to which it is confined than the Roman
Church from her storm-swept masses ; " but that it rarely
shows supernatural powers, or kindles amongst us the
spirit which educates saints and martyrs, or trains its
priestly members as leaders of the people, whom they
will follow because of their holy life and burning words."
What have the last twelve years done to Dr. Littledale
that he should feel it his vocation to rake every gutter,
old and new, for wherewithal to cast at her whom he
once acknowledged as " Israel, mine inheritance " ?
Perhaps she whom he designates "the great Latin
Church," "the mightiest Church in the world," has
failed to appreciate his proposal of an alliance upon
SANCTITY. 247
equal terms, and has hardly seen that she had aught to
learn from "a religion" which, though "calm, equable,
comforting, useful in its degree," yet " rarely shows super-
natural powers." Whatever may be the cause, the fact
is certain: Dr. Littledale spurns what he once almost
worshipped.
And yet, even in the " Plain Reasons," he acknow-
ledges that Rome can, and does, produce examples of
heroic sanctity the like of which is not to be found else-
where. I must allow that his one redeeming point is a
certain obstinate instinct for the reality of Catholic
sanctity ; but after kneeling for a moment at the shrines
of St. Charles Borromeo, St. Francis Xavier, and St.
Vincent of Paul, he leaps up in the very spirit of an
energumen, and strives desperately to wrest the fact of
the existence of such saints into an argument against
the Church which has produced them. They are, for-
sooth, the prize scholars to whose elaborate training the
interests of the community have been sacrificed ; the
precious crop whose costly production exhausts the soil,
leaving it too utterly impoverished for any further
growth. Will any honest student of hagiography,
whether appreciating the Catholic idea of sanctity or
not, admit that this is the history of " the saint,"
either as distinguished from the worldling or from
other good and edifying persons — that he is the prize
outcome of systematic training? For the model semi-
narist to turn out a saint, is surely an exception; whilst
saints are met with in every class and condition of life,
beggars and nobles, bishops and needlewomen, the
rejected of all systems as often as the prizemen of any.
So far as the saints are taught of any save of God, it
is by other saints, whose teaching is not so much a
system as the manifestation of the Divine light within
them in the intercourse of daily life. And what is there
more generous, more overflowing, than sanctity, what
less confined to system and routine, what more universal
248 CATHOLICITY.
in its influence ? Where do we ever meet with a saint
in the pages of history without finding other saints about
him, or at least a large circle of saintly souls, of disciples
who can say in some degree of their earthly master what
they say of their heavenly, " In thy light we have seen
light " ? Is it not a fact that every saint pays back a
thousand times over all that he has ever drawn in the
way of sanctity from any human system, however en-
lightened? Is not the whole world the richer, the
better, the happier for him ? I wonder how much the
three who occupy the foremost place in Dr. Littledale's
calendar, St. Charles Borromeo, St. Francis Xavier, and
St. Vincent of Paul, owed to systematic training. St.
Charles had about as much of it as Joseph in Potiphar's
house, St. Francis passed his novitiate in heroic vaga-
bondage with St. Ignatius, and St. Vincent's sanctity
was educated amid the jeers of Moslem taskmasters.
No ! sanctity is not the result of any system ; it is the
product of the Word of God, of the action of the sacra-
ments, under the special instinct and seal of the Holy
Spirit. It is the hundredfold yield of the same divine
seed which, with some, brings forth thirtyfold, and with
others lies idle. In a field where this highest yield is
conspicuously wanting, there, assuredly, is some admix-
ture of an alien seed, or some systematic frustration of
the Divine sower.
§ 3. Catholicity.
The Roman Catholic Church is not Catholic, Dr.
Littledale says, because — ist, she sometimes calls herself
" Roman Catholic " and sometimes " Roman ;" 2dly, she
is not as numerous as some people consider, and her
increase does not keep up to the ratio of the increase
of the population ; 3dly, in the centralising movement
which has long been going on, many local and national
religious usages have disappeared, and there is every-
CATHOLICITY. 249
where an increasing tendency to assimilation with the
use of Rome ; 4thly, certain works which either repudi-
ated the thesis of Papal infallibility as part of the neces-
sary credettda, or rejected it altogether when urged in
the form of a Protestant objection, are, since the Vatican
decree, no longer tolerated.
I answer — (i.) The note of Catholicity is in contrast
with that of nationality. It involves a claim to have
been given a world-wide mission in the text, " Go and
teach all nations," and by its historical position in the
world to have realised that mission. It is precisely
because it is " Roman," />., because it starts from a
centre whose circumference is not commensurate with
any national boundaries, but world- wide, that it can
claim to be Catholic.
(2.) Though not all it is everywhere ; and if it does
not increase in a corresponding ratio to the increase of
the world's population, of what Christian body can the
reverse be said ? Anyhow, it has still to be proved that
the Catholic Church does not increase in a larger ratio
than the sects. There is no tendency, as population
increases, in men to cease to be men or Englishmen to
be Englishmen ; but, alas ! there is a strong tendency in
the members of a religious body, as generations succeed
one another, to cease first from the practice and then
from the name of religion. It may well be that our
conversions are not sufficient to keep up a religious
growth proportionate to the increase of the population.
(3.) Such assimilation of religious observance as Dr.
Littledale points to, certainly cannot be construed into
a derogation from Catholicity, the very idea of which
is world-wide unity. This centralisation, whatever may
be thought of this or that manifestation, is the result of
an instinctive defensive action against aggressive secu-
larism. It is the more natural in places where the local
traditional usage has been to a great extent broken by
a phenomenon like the French Revolution.
250 CATHOLICITY.
(4.) The very idea of a development of doctrine
necessarily implies a corresponding change, in an op-
posite direction, in the economy of toleration. Lan-
guage that was allowed before Nicsea, ceased to be
tolerable after that Council.
One very striking manifestation of the note of Catho-
licity is the persistence and success of the Church's
missionary labours amongst the heathen, in which she
presents a very marked contrast to every other Christian
body. How does Dr. Littledale face this ? By repeating
the manoeuvre noted in the preceding section, and again
adroitly changing the subject of debate from the Roman
Catholic Church to the local Church of Rome. He
observes that the Church of Rome is not the great
missionary centre she has been taken for ; that she only
originated one ancient Church outside Italy, the North
African ; cannot prove that she really started the
Churches of Gaul ; did really start the English mission,
but did no more than aid and authorise the other medi-
eval missions, the German, for instance ; only took to
originating missions with the Jesuits in 1527, or more
strictly with the Propaganda (1622-27), when she planted
the Churches of Southern and Central America, and made
more or less conversions in the East Indies, China,
Japan, and the Pacific Islands. If this is the worst
Dr. Littledale can say in depreciation of Rome as a
missionary centre, one hardly sees that he has gained
much. Here one naturally expects some comparison
with the missionary exploits of other Christian bodies.
Only one such attempt is made, and it is a sufficiently
audacious one; he hurls the colossal empire of Russia at
our heads. "The Eastern Church has made one mis-
sionary conquest since its quarrel with Rome, greater
than all Roman missionary efforts put together." But
what sort of a Russia does Dr. Littledale suppose it to
have been that the Church of Constantinople converted?
The barbarous tribes on the shores of the Euxine and the
CATHOLICITY. 251
Caspian were indeed the germs of the mighty Russian
empire, but their future greatness can hardly be allowed
to enter into pur estimate of the missionary effort in-
volved in their original conversion before they had
grown to be great. At the same time I am not denying
that the conversion of Russia was a real and very magni-
ficent missionary achievement ; and it took place after
the schismatical quarrel of the Greek Church had
begun. To quote the words of one of the profoundest
students of Russian history, Mr. W. Palmer (Preface to
"The Replies of Nicon"),— "It was obtained chiefly
during those two centuries of alternate schisms and
reunions which intervened between Photius and Cerula-
rius, and it by no means stopped short on the consum-
mation of the schism by Cerularius, but continued still to
spread till 1240.'' This phenomenon is not the difficulty
to us which Dr. Littledale supposes. The main work
was done before the consummation of the schism ; and
even into the schism was carried an orthodox belief,
true sacraments, and a widely distributed stock of invin-
cible ignorance. The half-felled tree bore its crop of
fruit for a season or two, and then acquiesced in hopeless
barrenness, as the schism gradually hardened down from
an act into a state, and a dogmatic apology for schism
became more and more incorporated with it, and so in-
vested it more and more with the character of heresy.
Protestant missions, Anglican or otherwise, Dr. Littledale
has not thought it wise to mention.
In a note which appears ed. 3, p. 205, Dr. Littledale
says that nothing so Erastian can be laid to the charge
of the Anglican clergy as the official erection of the con-
fessional into an organ of political information, which he
says was done in Naples under the Bourbons. I demur
at any acute phase of Erastianism however monstrous,
in the teeth of Church authority, being accepted, even if
it were true, as an equivalent to the quiet functionalising
as a state-creature, which has ever characterised Angli-
252 APOSTOLICITY.
canism. But the real difference here is, that whilst the
facts of our charge of Erastianism against the Church of
England are matters of history, admitted on all hands,
Dr. Littledale's charge against the Church in Naples
rests exclusively upon the bon motoia. French infidel racon-
teur. M. Mazade, Dr. Littledale's authority, recounts,
"Revue des Deux Mondes," December i, 1866, that
when Victor Emmanuel was entering Naples in triumph,
an ecclesiastical dignitary stepped up and asked in a
low voice " to whom were the reports of confessions to
be transmitted thenceforward ? " He adds that such was
found to have been the practice. But it is precisely the
evidence for this practice that is completely wanting.
Thus it is in a " mauvaise plaisanterie," whether on the
part of the actor or the narrator, that Dr. Littledale is
reduced to look for his equivalent to Anglican Erastian-
ism. Had the monstrous charge been true, does any one
believe that there would have been this jaunty publicity
with its stage whisper ? Assuredly, long before such
a usage could have been established, a Neapolitan mob
would have made short work with the Bourbons.
§ 4. Apostolicity.
Dr. Littledale's charge of deviation from Apostolic doc-
trine has been answered by me in other places. As to
lapse of succession, owing to a defective intention, which
Dr. Littledale would argue from the supposed infidelity of
certain priests and bishops, I answer that it is no part of
the Catholic doctrine of intention that any invalidating
defect therein can be argued from defect in faith.
Neither do we hold that consecration by one bishop only,
when authorised by the Holy See, imports any doubt of
the validity of a consecration — which is another of Dr.
Littledale's arguments for an interrupted succession.
The truth is, all these charges are in their very nature
beside the mark. We are discussing a note of the Church,
CONCLUSION. 253
and a note is a conspicuous quality, not an obscure
suspicion, or a far-fetched and doubtful conclusion.
Apostolicity of doctrine, or the personal faith of a
minister, or canonical observance, cannot possibly form
a note of the Church, which, to be a note, should appeal
at once to the understanding of commonly intelligent
persons. The note of Apostolicity means simply the
continuous solidarity of the institution. It necessarily
assumes that an institution founded by the Apostles is
extant somewhere, for without this assumption it would
be open to the objection that it could only manifest itself
as the result of an antiquarian investigation, which few are
capable of understanding, fewer of conducting. On the
aforesaid assumption the note vindicates itself by an
exhaustive process intelligible to every one. The con-
clusion that the Roman Catholic Church is Apostolic
results from the fact that every other body of Christians
started with a schism, the leaders and date of which are
a matter of history ; whereas nothing of the kind can by
any possibility be said of the Roman Catholic Church,
the Apostolicity of which therefore you can only escape
admitting, by maintaining that the institution of the
Apostles is no longer extant.*
Conclusion.
I have now finished my defence of the various points
of Catholic faith and practice which it has pleased Dr.
Littledale to impugn. I have no desire to convert my
defence into an attack. It is notorious that we are for
ever standing on the defensive, whilst assaults are made
upon us from every point of the compass ; and we may
be tempted from time to time to complain that this
should be the case. It is so much more easy to catch
popular approval by the brilliancy of an assault, than to
* Various points brought by Dr. Littledale under this head I
have answered, p. 10, pp. 21-25, PP- 38-83.
254 CONCLUSION.
command it by the steady virtues of a defence. But a
little consideration should convince us that our relative
positions are precisely what they should be. We are on
the defensive, because we alone hold a position that is
worth defending. We are in possession of the tradition
of the medieval Church, itself an outgrowth of the Church
of the Fathers, and severed from it by no period of
convulsion and division such as brought our adversaries
into the world. On this ground, if on no other, the
presumption is in our favour that the territory we oc-
cupy is our own, and it must remain in our favour until
we are proved wrong. We must, then, look to be
incessantly attacked, and we must be prepared for some-
thing less than justice even from the fairest of our foes.
To establish our hopelessly evil character, if not in one
way then in another, is, for them, a matter of life and
death. It is necessary for them to prove that we are
antichrist, otherwise they are shown to be Christ's
enemies by the mere fact of their division from us. On
our side there is not the same temptation to be aggres-
sive ; we are not called upon to establish anything in
our enemy's regard, they are " jam judicati ; '; their
initial act presumably condemns them, and renders their
position to the end of time damnable, whatever may be
said of the personal innocence of individuals who have
inherited a state they had no part in forming. We are
not distressed, but pleased, when we meet with a true
zeal for Christianity amongst Protestants, because it
makes the distanc; between us less, and suggests that
ultimate union is less . mprobable than it might seem. We
cannot, for the sake of an additional argument that we
do not want, wish our adversaries one whit worse than
they are. And yet, although this is true on the whole,
and will remain true to the end, there is nothing in the
nature of things to prevent our taking up the aggressive.
There is no reason why we should not make as much
of their ill deeds as they have tried to make of ours;
CONCLUSION. 255
only " bad luck to us," to use Cardinal Newman's word,
" we have never kept a register of Protestant scandals."*
However, we may be fairly content to let Protestant
authorities speak for themselves ; and I would have
my readers forecast as a possible contribution for
" promoting Christian knowledge " " a History of the
Church of England," of which the first chapter should
contain a vivid description, by Dr. Littledale, of the
unmitigated scoundrelism of the reformers ; t in which
the same author should be allowed to carry on a history
of the episcopate down to the present date, and that of
the second order of the clergy down to the recent High
Church revival ; and of which the last chapter should
be a reproduction of himself as the modern Anglican
controversialist, whose "Plain Reasons" High Church
and Low Church have been contented to accept as a
model of English integrity.
I have no intention of becoming a chronicler of An-
glican scandals. Nevertheless, I cannot admit that
there is anything either in their past history or their
present condition to make us reconsider, were that pos-
sible, our judgment that Anglicans ceased to be part of
the Church of Christ when they forsook Rome. We may
have a certain regard for Anglicanism as a state function,
as representing the adhesion of a great nation to Chris-
tianity, nay a sentiment for it as the religious habitat
of many whose memories we cherish with affection and
respect. Anglicanism so considered is the creation of
its best men, and lives only in their memories. But
as a kingdom, a fold, a ship, a mother, all images
under which Christ's Church is presented to us, it is
absolutely featureless, it is simply nothing. Like the
room set apart for family prayers, it may deserve re-
* Speech at the Catholic Reunion, Jan. 27, 1880.
t "Cruelty, impiety, and licentious foulness" are Dr. Little-
dale's words. — " Innovations," note F.
256 CONCLUSION.
spect as a place where good men have worshipped, but
it is not a consecrated Church, has no sacramental pre-
sence, is no House of God.
Anglicanism is no Church, because it has not, and
never has had, any effective spiritual authority ; it can-
not eject from its body manifest heretics ; nor even pro-
nounce with a recognised voice that such ought to be
ejected. It escapes formal heresy in its Articles, if it
does escape, only in virtue of its not being quite sure
what it meant by its Articles, and what it did not mean.
Again, those who allow themselves to form one church
with persons they regard as heretics cannot belong to
the Church of Christ, for " what communication has
light with darkness?" This last argument applies to
Ritualists with special force, because they regard nine-
tenths of their brethren, and almost all their superiors,
as nothing less than heretics ; and when they are called
upon to prove a continuity of Catholic doctrine in the
Church of England, are just able here and there to lay
their finger upon a single thread of orthodox testimony
which, absolutely invisible in the storm of the Reforma-
tion, shines out for a moment among the Caroline
divines, and then once again under Victoria. If ortho-
dox doctrine just now asserts itself in fuller volume and
more sonorous tone, it is precisely because all legal
repression in this country is fast becoming impossible.
Pope Pelagius II., writing to schismatics pure and
simple, insists that they are " without the fold/' " torn
from the vine," whilst the " unity " and " soundness " of
the Church remains, though she suffers in the sympathy
of charity with those who are parted from her. (Ep.
ad. Episcopos Istriae. Labbe, torn. vi. p. 259). But of
schismatics in heretical communion Pope St. Gelasius
speaks far more severely. " You say, it is not read
anywhere that Acacius said aught against the faith, as
did Eutyches and his successors ; as though it were not
worse to know the truth and yet to communicate with
CONCLUSION. 257
the enemies of the truth. ... Of such indeed it is
well said — ' they go down alive into hell ; ' who, whilst
they seem to live with that true and Catholic life by
which * the just man liveth/ do straightway fall down
the precipice of evil into the hell of heretical communion "
(Ep. i, ad. Euphem. Labbe, torn. v. p. 286).
I have said that we must be prepared for something
less than justice. We can hardly look for the philo-
sophical appreciation of a Guizot or a Hurter in any
mere writer of polemic ; and we must expect to hear the
changes rung upon such topics as the " St. Bartholomew"
and the " False Decretals " with a somewhat wearisome
persistency. But even polemical license has its limits ;
a controversialist is bound to ask himself whether the
particular statement he is making is in itself true;
whether it comes from a respectable source or is mere
gossip. It is not enough to say, " The cause I oppose is
so very evil, that whatever may be the truth of my par-
ticular imputation, its equivalent if not itself is deserved ;"
or again, " The effect of my statements or misstatements
on the public is to produce, on the whole, a very righteous
impression of my enemy; and thus the very misstate-
ments become in a certain sense truths, inasmuch as they
contribute to truth." This would seem to be the theory
upon which many an electioneering speech is made;
but then it is excused, I will not say justified, by the
implication that it is only for the moment, as a set-off to
the other side; that it is an understood thing that all
floating unpleasantnesses may be utilised, without any
call to test their value, by either side against its opponent ;
that nothing of this sort is exactly believed. It would
be sad indeed if religious controversy should be reduced
to such a level. And yet Dr. Littledale has gone far
towards recognising it as his own. (" Rejoinder," Con-
temporary Review, May 1880) — the italics are mine : — '* I
have been unable to find room for digressions, explana-
tions, and guardings of statements. Knowing how hard
R
258 CONCLUSION.
it is to drive ideas into untutored minds, I have been
compelled to aim primarily at incisiveness, and to omit
nearly all qualifications of leading propositions, which I
could and would use in fuller writing for a more learned
class of readers, or in detailed conversation with any one.
For ordinary persons, to set down everything which con-
ditions a statement is not to make their view more
accurate, but to attenuate it till it eludes their grasp
altogether." I see, Dr. Littledale — in view probably of
uniting Christendom against the advance of infidelity —
presents one body of Christians to another in a series of
"unqualified propositions " for the sake of "incisiveness;"
or, in other words, deliberately paints us ten times
blacker than he really thinks, and under other circum-
stances would not mind acknowledging, that we are, lest
we should somehow be thought too well of.
This is my solution of a problem which has been
teasing me through many a weary month, viz., how Dr.
Littledale could possibly have said a number of the things
he has said. I am wholly unable to treat such points
after the summary fashion of my antagonist. _The
" solemn lie " theory, to which he is so partial, is utterly
repulsive to me, and is so contrary to my experience of
human nature that my relief at being thus helped to an
explanation is considerable.
Dr. Littledale then, I am willing to admit, has com-
mitted himself to an illicit pursuit of truth, truth politic,
truth artistic, it may be, at the expense of truths of detail,
a respect for which ordinary folks associate with common
honesty ; and he has failed, as such unscrupulous efforts
deserve to fail. His theory is an utterly dangerous one,
and it is excessively difficult to keep it within any sort
of bounds. It has led Dr. Littledale into a variety of
scrapes, amongst others, that of quoting a nameless Arian
for a Father, and putting his own words into St. Augus-
tine's mouth. Nay, the very last sentence of his book, with
its triumphant ring, in which the great Doctor of Hippo
CONCLUSION. 259
is made to do duty as such an uncompromising anti-
papalist, is a mere misquotation. The words he quotes
are, " We who are Christians in name and deed do not
believe in Peter, but in Him on whom Peter himself
believed" (De Civit. Dei. xviii. 54). Neither do we believe
in Peter, *>., as the supreme object and ultimate autho-
rity of our belief. But are we to believe Peter ? Hear
St. Augustine in the words immediately following those
quoted by Dr. Littledale : " Built up by the words of Peter
concerning Christ, not charm-poisoned, not deceived by
his witchcraft, but supported by his beneficence ; that
Master of Peter in the doctrine which leads to eternal
life, the same is our Master."
APPENDIX TO SECOND EDITION.
Note A, p. 35.
DR. LlTTLEDALE says (p. 147) that the Inquisition's
formal notice to Galileo (1633) "states expressly that
the declaration of 1616 was made by the Pope himself,
and that resistance to it was therefore heresy." This is
anything but the case. Galileo had put into court in
1633, as a defence against the charge of relapse and dis-
obedience, a certificate in Italian which he had obtained
from Bellarmine in 1616, to the effect that he had never
been made to abjure, or submitted to penance, but merely
had communicated to him "una dichiarazione fatta da
nostro Signore (the Pope), e publicato dalla Sacra Con-
gregatione dell' Indice," containing the statement that the
Copernican doctrine was " contrary to Holy Scripture, and
therefore could not be defended or held." In the notice
of 1633 the Inquisitors, in their recapitulation of Galileo's
defence, simply recite the words of the certificate which he
had put in. Whilst remarking upon its inadequacy as a plea,
they do nothing to make its description of the document of
1616 their own. They make no charge of heresy on the
ground of resistance to a declaration of the Pope, neither
does the certificate. No doubt, the Index decree of 1616,
as well as the Inquisitional Process of 1633, are fairly
regarded as in some sense Papal acts ; but this does not
make them definitions ex cathedra.
APPENDIX. 26l
The attempt to establish the ex cathedra character of
decrees of the Index as such, by an appeal to Pius VI.,
may be best tested by the words of his two Briefs to the
Bishop of Chiusi.
In his first Brief the Pope charges the Bishop with
deliberately departing " ab Apostolica doctrina non semel ; "
with favouring propositions already " ab ea proscriptis ; "
and finally with recommending catechisms " censura
Apostolicae sedis notatos." Again, " If you had submitted
to us " the two pastorals, one of which contained ' speci-
men catecheseos,' " you would not have dared to embrace
propositions often proscribed by the definitive judgment of
the Roman Pontiffs."
In reply, the Bishop asks what are his " errors," what
the sentiments in any degree deflecting "dalle decisioni
dommatiche."
In his second Brief the Pope answers, " You ask an
explanation as to what your letter contains at variance
" cum dogmaticis Apostolicae sedis judiciis ; " and then
tells him that it is principally his maintaining that " the
Jansenist heresy is a mere phantasm and pretence,"
although so many Popes have condemned it ; and his use
and praise of books in which " the decrees of the Apostolic
See are attacked and detracted from ; " and his " making
light of the censures attached to them." Amongst the
books praised and distributed by the Italian Jansenists
was the " Reflections " of Quesnel, the subject matter of
the " Unigenitus" condemnation, which Ricci was never
tired of pronouncing "a golden book."
Throughout these two Briefs the Pope is careful to treat
the neglect of the "censura" of the Index merely as an
aggravating circumstance or specification of the substantial
charge, which was the maintenance of propositions already
condemned by the "judicia dogmatica," although subse-
quently the Bishop tried to make capital out of the Galileo
case by identifying them. Nothing but a belief in the
infallibility of any one who contradicts the Pope even in his
262 APPENDIX.
interpretation of his own acts, can account for Canon
Jenkins maintaining that Pius VI. has declared a mere
censure of the Index to be a dogmatic judgment ex
cathedra.
Note B, p. 43.
Pope Julius, in his letter to the Eusebians, preserved by
St. Athanasius (Hist Tract., Eng. tr., p. 56), thus asserts
his prerogative : " Supposing, as you assert, that some
offence rested upon these persons, the case ought to have
been conducted against them, not after this manner, but
according to the canon of the Church. Word should have
been written of it to us all (the Pope and the Synod over
which he was presiding), that so a just sentence might
proceed from all ; for the sufferers were Bishops and
Churches of no ordinary note, but those which the
Apostles themselves had* governed in their own persons.
And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church of
the Alexandrians in particular ? Are you ignorant that the
custom has been for word to be written first to us, and then
for a just sentence to be passed from this place ? If then
any such suspicion rested upon the Bishop there, notice
thereof ought to have been sent to the Church of this
place ; whereas, after neglecting to inform us, and proceed-
ing on their own authority as they pleased, now they
desire to obtain our concurrence in their decision, though
we never condemned him. Not so have the constitutions
of Paul (dictrdfyis), not so have the traditions of the Fathers
directed ; this is another form of procedure, a novel
practice. I beseech you readily bear with me ; what I
write is for the common good. For what we have received
from the blessed Apostle Peter, that I signify to you ; and
I should not have written this, as deeming that these
things were manifest unto all men, had not these proceed-
ings so disturbed us."
APPENDIX. 263
Sozomen's paraphrase of what Julius says is in my text.
Socrates, H. E., lib. ii. c. 8, commits himself to the follow-
ing direct statement in regard to the Council of Antioch : —
" Neither was Julius the bishop of the city of Rome
there, neither did he send any one thither to fill his
place, although a canon of the Church forbids that the
Churches should make laws against the judgment (votoct
rqv yv<jj[*w} of the Bishop of Rome." This reappears (c. 17)
as a paraphrase of Pope Julius' letter.
Note C,* p. 88.
That the theophanies of the Old Testament are repre-
sentations of the Divinity by the medium of created angels,
and not direct manifestations of the Second Person of the
Blessed Trinity, is the view which, since its exposition by
St. Augustine in the second and third books of his " De
Trinitate," gradually prevailed in the Church. It was the
view of the old synagogue, according to Delitzsch (in Gen.
ed. 4, p. 484), perhaps the most learned Hebraist amongst
orthodox Protestants, who advocates it ; of the Septuagint,
as Keil, who opposes it, admits. It is defended by Kalisch,
an equally learned Jew (on Leviticus, vol. ii. p. 295), and
by Dr. Pusey (on Daniel, pp. 515-521). The scriptural
objections to the uncreated theophany are very serious,
and to my mind irresistible. I. Acts vii. 30: St. Stephen,
referring to Exodus iii., says, "There appeared to him in
the desert of Mount Sinai an angel (ayyjXo?) in a flame of
fire in a bush." This, which is the Vulgate reading, the
"Revised Version" has adopted for "an angel of the Lord"
of the "Authorised." Now "an angel" cannot possibly
mean "Almighty God." 2. Heb. ii. 2, 3: " For if the word
* The substance of this note, together with the German references,
has been supplied me by the kindness of the Rev. Fr. Addis.
264 APPENDIX.
spoken by angels became steadfast, and every transgression
and disobedience received a just recompense of reward ;
how shall we escape if we neglect so great salvation, which
having begun to be declared by the Lord, was confirmed
unto us by them that heard Him ? " " Angels " (dyyiXwv)
cannot mean God. Moreover, St. Paul's distinction between
the " word spoken by angels " and " declared by the Lord"
would be lost if the " angel of the Lord " of the Old Testa-
ment is God the Son. See, too, Gal. iii. 19, on the law
" ordained by angels in the hand of a Mediator ; " and
Acts vii. 53 (the last words of St. Stephen's speech),
" who have received the law by the disposition of angels,
and have not kept it " (sis 3/arayag, Vulg. " ex dispositione,"
St. Augustine "ex edictis"). St. Paul and St. Stephen
are witnesses for the teaching of the ancient synagogue and
the Gentile dispersion, and their words are a portion of
Holy Writ. See St. Augustine's argument (De Trin., lib.
iii. in fin.)
It is admitted, of course, that the "angel of the Lord"
in a certain sense identifies himself with God ; so too do
the prophets in different degrees. But he also emphatically
distinguishes himself from Him. Thus, Gen. xxii. 16, he
says, "'I have sworn by myself,' saith the Lord (or 'it
is an oracle of the Lord ')," the very formula the prophets
use in repeating God's words; he contrasts himself with
the Lord to whom sacrifice is to be offered (Judges xiii. 16),
and prays to the Lord of Hosts (Zach. i. 12).
As regards the three who appeared to Abraham (Gen.
xviii.), it has been maintained that the one whom he
addressed (ver. 3) as "Lord" (Adonai), did not merely repre-
sent God but was God, whereas if, following St. Augustine
(De Trinitate, lib. ii. in fin.), we compare this chapter
with the next, we find that though the Lord or the one
more specially representing God stayed to converse with
Abraham, whilst the two others fulfilled their mission to
Sodom, yet Lot prostrates himself before the latter, and
(vers. 1 8, 19) addressed one of them by the same Divine
APPENDIX. 265
name (Adonai), showing that each was capable of repre-
senting the Divinity according as the Divine countenance
was sealed upon him, whereas only one could ever have
been God.
Although great names are quoted amongst the early
Fathers for the uncreated theophany (see Petavius de Trin.,
lib. viii. c. 2), it is fair to remark — I. That the scope of
many of these Fathers is rather to appropriate the mani-
festations to the Second Person than to deny His repre-
sentation by angels. St. Athanasius, e.g. (Orat., iii. c.
Arian, § 14) ap. Puseyin Dan., p. 5 1 6, says of the manifes-
tation to Moses in the wilderness, " He who appeared was
an angel, but God spoke in him." 2. That the language of
Borne of them, e.g., Justin and Tertullian, is hardly to be
reconciled with any adequate conception of the Son's
Divinity. A middle theory is maintained by Mill in his
" Essay on the Historical Character of St. Luke's First
Chapter" (note A), which distinguishes the theophanies
subsequent to the idolatrous worship of the calf, as appear-
ances of created angels, from the preceding ones, in which
God manifested Himself immediately. He maintains
especially that " the leader of the army of the Lord,"
before whom Josue bows down, is a created angel, quoting
in this sense, and for his general theory, Theodoret
(Quaest. IV. in Jesum filium Nave).
In conclusion, I would submit that even precluding the
interposition of any angelic intelligence, the appearance of
a human or an angelic figure performing a variety of material
actions, such as eating, &c., implies a created objective
phenomenon, a true image essentially distinct from the
Creator ; for no Father, unless it be Tertullian (Adv.
Marc., iii. 9), has ventured to suggest an hypostatic union.
266 APPENDIX.
Note D, p. 135.
The words of the Council of Trent (Decretum de edi-
tione et usu sacrorum librorum, sess. iv.) prohibit an inter-
pretation "contra unanimem consensum Patrum." The
Profession, or Creed, of Pius IV. enacted on admission to
" ecclesiastical cures, benefices, or dignities," promises not
to interpret Scripture " Nisi juxta unanimem consensum
Patrum." An attempt has been made to insist upon this
difference, as though it were a setting aside on the part of
the Pope of the previous decree, and a substitution of the
prohibition of any interpretation of Scripture unsupported
by a unanimous consent of the Fathers. To this absurd
suggestion it is a sufficient answer to insist that in order
to go " otherwise than according to," even as to go " con-
trary to," a unanimous consent, the unanimous consent
must be first obtained, seeing that where it does not exist,
neither prohibition finds its subject matter ; and this is
quite sufficient for my controversial purpose. But it may
be further asked whether some alteration of the Tridentine
decree in the direction of increased stringency, is not
implied in the new phrase in Pope Pius' Creed. I answer
that this is precluded by the character of the latter
document. A profession of faith exacted from certain
individuals under special circumstances is not the form in
which an alteration in a decree of a General Council con-
firmed by the Pope could be introduced. Moreover, the
Vatican Council (Constit. de Fid. Cath., c. 2), in renewing
the Tridentine decree, adopts the phrase "contra," not
" nisi juxta." Cardinal Franzelin (De Div. Trad, et
Script., Thes. xviii. p. 186) lays down that what is
forbidden by both phrases is neither more nor less than
this — (i.) the formal rejection of a sense defined by the
unanimous consent of the Fathers ; (2.) any interpreta-
tion so different as to be incompatible with that sense.
Thus no additional sense, however new, need on this
account be regarded as transgressing the " nisi juxta."
APPENDIX. 207
Note E, p. 151.
Since my first edition Canon Jenkins has published
(Religious Tract Society) "The Devotion of the Sacred
Heart." This tract, as others from the same pen, deserves
the praise of considerable industry of a certain kind,
though, I cannot but think, most captiously and perversely
applied. It affords an opponent a fair opportunity for an
exhaustive treatment of the whole subject, but I must
content myself here with noticing a few points bearing
more or less directly upon what I have written.
i. A passage is quoted by Canon Jenkins (p. 27) from
the pastoral of the Jansenist Bishop of Chiusi, attributing
the origin of the cult of the Sacred Heart to Goodwin.
" It is certain that it has its origin from Thomas Goodwin
of the Calvinistic or Nestorian sect." Thus Dr. Littledale
is relieved of the credit of its first attribution to Goodwin.
Canon Jenkins, after professing a perfect reliance on the
trustworthiness of the Italian Jansenists, hardly compatible
with much knowledge of their history, proceeds, as he says,
" to trace the connection " for himself. All that he does,
however, is to show that Goodwin's book has a certain
character of devotion which, if Fr. Colombiere came across
it, might suggest that it was possible to introduce the
devotion to the Sacred Heart into England. The fact
that Goodwin (The Heart of Christ, p. 128) quotes a
certain Catholic theologian whom he calls Justinian as
coinciding with him, proves, I would submit, that the
Puritan borrowed from the Catholic rather than the
Catholic from the Puritan. Justinian is none other,
according to Canon Jenkins, than " one of the greatest of
the practical and devotional writers of the Church of Rome,
St. Laurence Justiniani." Now, the quotation in question
is a grave piece of scholastic insistence upon the duration
in heaven of such affections as are unconnected with sin
and shame, and is as unlike in texture and colour the
writings of St. Laurence as may well be. The passage, m
268 APPENDIX.
fact, forms part of the commentary of a very different
writer, Benedict Justiniani, SJ. (published in Lyons,
J^is), on St. Paul's Epistles. It comments on Hebrews
iv. 15, — " For we have not a high priest who cannot have
compassion on our infirmities " (" that cannot be touched
with the feeling of our infirmities," Authorised and Re-
vised versions). There are no more indications here of a
cultus of the Sacred Heart than there are in Goodwin ; but
there is much on the tenderness of Christ for sinners, and
of a special readiness arising from past human experience
to have pity, but which excludes all present suffering.
This is substantially the teaching of all Catholic theologians
on the subject, and I do not think Goodwin means to go
beyond it : his strongest phrases are qualified with an " as
it were."
Before Canon Jenkins complains that a present suffering
in heaven is taught in the devotional language addressed to
Christ in heaven outraged by sinners, it is but fair that he
should handle the many passages in Scripture to the full as
anthropomorphic, e.g., Eph. iv. 30, Heb. iv. 15, Micheas
vii. i, Ezechiel xvi. 43. Whether we understand this
heavenly grief in Justiniani's sense, or content ourselves
with contemplating the sympathetic union of Christ's
mystic body, it can hardly be unsafe that our devotional
language should run in the lines of Scripture phraseology.
"Who," exclaims St. Augustine (Enarr. in Ps. lii., torn,
iv. p. 486), "brings forth and is in anguish? The faithful
know well, for from thence they spring. Here Christ
brings forth, here Christ suffers, the Head is above, the
members below. Nor otherwise than as bringing forth and
suffering pain would He have cried out, ' Saul, Saul, why
persecutest thou me?'" We are cruel to Christ in heaven,
inasmuch as we are cruel to ourselves and others for whom
Christ died, and whom He espoused in His Blood.
2. Canon Jenkins lays great stress (p. 46 and se.q^ upon
the fact that Cardinal Lambertini, afterwards Benedict XIV.,
opposed, as " Promotor Fidei," the institution of the Feast
APPENDIX. 269
of the Sacred Heart with a vast array of arguments ; which
opposition was never retracted. Canon Jenkins can never
have realised the meaning of the office of " Promotor
Fidei." This is explained by Lambertini himself (De Serv.
Dei Beatif., lib. i. c. 18, n. I and 2) to involve the duty
" of raising difficulties of all sorts for the better bringing
out the truth." He points out that since the decrees of
Urban VIII., the " Promotores " have never failed to raise
objections, though often, " ex defectu materise," of the
slightest kind, in order " not to seem to fall short of their
office." He insists that there is no necessary correspond-
ence between the Promoter's real opinion and the difficulties
which he raises " officially " (ratione officii). To his own
animadversions on this very case, he is careful to append a
protestation, "eas omnes exaratas a se fuisse ut munus
sibi commissum adimpleret " (Posit. Causse, an. 1765, part
iii. p. 8 ; ap Nilles de Sac. Cord., torn. i. p. n.) As
Pope, he issued no less than 419 Briefs of Indulgence
to as many confraternities of the Sacred Heart. Canon
Jenkins pooh-poohs any argument being drawn from these
concessions, as to the Pope's sentiment ; and he does so on
the singular ground that Cajetan will not allow the indul-
gence on the Feast of the Conception to militate for the
doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed
Virgin. The Canon forgets that Cajetan only justifies
himself by the alleged uncertainty of the object of the feast
and indulgence, which might, he thinks, be the " sancti-
fication in utero" and not the conception. (See Tract, de
Concep. B. V., c. v.)
3. The charge of Nestorianism made against the cult of
the Sacred Heart is to the last degree baseless. The Nesto-
rians actually separated in their belief the human nature
from the Divine by the introduction of a human personality,
thus depriving the human nature of all claim to Divine
worship ; whereas the Catholic worshipper of the Sacred
Heart " praecisione pure mentali," by a mere concentration
of the attention, dwells on one part in order more perfectly
to worship the whole as its perfections are symbolised in
2 70 APPENDIX.
that part. It is in this sense only that the worship is
accounted symbolic. Not that in this devotion the heart
is a mere figure under which Christ's love is symbolised,
but that in the worship of the whole Christ His most
Sacred Heart is explicitly and precisely contemplated,
because it is the natural symbol of His love for us and of
the virtues of which He is the exemplar, according to His
own words, " Learn of Me, for I am meek and humble of
heart."
Such division of its subject matter naturally belongs to
all vehement human affection, whether bestowed on the
creature or the Creator. It is not the " disjecta membra "
of childhood that Longfellow addresses so pathetically in
his " Weariness " through the successive stanzas which
begin « O little feet," " O little hands," " O little heart ; "
but it is the pathos and beauty of childhood contemplated
in symbolic parts that we may the better grasp the whole.
It is another thing to say that amongst Nestorians such a
cult would be suspicious ; so too would be the use of the
crucifix in its representation of bare humanity. In matter
of fact, it is precisely in England, where the cult of the
Sacred Heart is regarded as superstitious, that religious
literature and religious art reek of Nestorianism, whereas
in France and Italy, as a religious feature, it is not known.
4. In conclusion, it may be as well to point out to
Ritualists who are inclined to welcome Canon Jenkins as
an ally, that he admits (p. 21) that the cult of the Sacred
Heart which he denounces is the natural outcome of that
" gravest and most fruitful of all the errors of mediae val
Romanism, the doctrine of the Corporeal Presence of
Christ in the Eucharist, absolutely, and without respect to
the recipient."
APPENDIX. 271
Note F, p. 171.
Dr Littledale, in his leaf of additions and corrections
prefixed to his fourth edition, throws another stone at St.
Alfonso. ' Add " that a litigant in a just cause may
suborn perjured evidence, in order to obtain a judgment in
his own favour (III. iii. 77.)"' He charges St. Alfonso
with teaching that such a litigant may bribe a man to
•swear what he knows to be false, in order that he, the
litigant, may obtain a verdict. If this is Dr. Littledale's
meaning, and I can divine no other, I answer that St. Alfonso
teaches nothing of the kind. The question he is consider-
ing is this : " whether it is lawful to put a man who will
perjure himself upon his oath " (an liceat petere juramen-
tum a pejeraturo) ; and he answers, following the Salmanti-
censes, the Continuator of Tournely, Cajetan, Suarez, &c.,
that, " if there be a sufficient reason " (modo adsit justa
causa), not "in a just cause," as Dr Littledale translates
it, it is lawful. The instances he gives of such lawful
action are that of a judge administering an oath, " ratione
officii," and that of a litigant who has a strong interest in
putting a scamp into the witness-box in order to expose a
conspiracy by exhibiting one of the conspirators as a
perjurer. It is hardly necessary to say that the justice of
such a course is recognised every day in the practice of our
law courts. Even if St. Alfonso were in any degree
obscure, a reference to any of the authorities to which
he appeals would sufficiently show that this is the point
under consideration, and no other. All theologians unite
in condemning the procuring any sort of false evidence,
whether it is believed true by the suborner and disbelieved
by the witness, or believed true by the witness and false
by the suborner. No moral theologian could express the
opinion Dr. Littledale attributes to St. Alfonso and retain
his reputation for sanity Has Dr. Littledale no friend to
tell him that, if he is an honest man, he is not doing him-
self justice ?
272 APPENDIX.
Note G, p. 189.
The perfect orthodoxy of Pope Zosimus in the affair of
Celestius is repeatedly asserted by St. Augustine. Celestius
vfas not indeed submitted to penitence. St. Augustine's
word is "purgatio," which here means the exaction of
a profession of faith by authority ; Zosimus obliged
Celestius to make a profession in the words of Pope
Innocent, and suffered him to explain the "libellus" which'
he had offered Pope Zosimus, in the sense of the profes-
sion ; and so Celestius was sent back to Africa, to use St.
Augustine's words, " tied in a wholesome knot " (vinculo
saluberrimo obstrictus.) This is his comment on the
whole proceeding: — " Profecto quidquid interea lenius
actum est cum Celestio, servata dumtaxat antiquissimae et
robustissimae fidei firmitate, correctionis fuit clementissimae
suasio, non approbatio exitiosissimse pravitatis. Et quod
ab eodem sacerdote (Zosimo) postea Celestius et Pelagius
repetita auctoritate damnati sunt paululum intermissae
jam necessario proferendae severitatis fuit, non pnevaricatio
prius cognitae, vel nova cognitio, veritatis." (See Hurter,
Ep. Sel. Pont. Rom., note, pp. 133-136 ; and Coustant, Ad-
monitio in Duas Epistolas, Ep. R. P., pp. 938-943.)
Note H, p. 195.
The " Church Quarterly " in its article " Fr.ther Ryder
and Dr. Littledale" (July 1881, p. 566) remarks that "if
Cardinal Newman's most unfortunate preface to Mr.
Hutton's work on the Anglican ministry, to which we
have called particular attention ourselves, had been in
existence when ' Plain Reasons ' was on the stocks, Dr.
Littledale would have had ample materials for a much
graver charge than that of mere bias in that eminent person,
which he based on a passage in * Callista.'" It is highly
APPENDIX. 273
characteristic of the school of controversy to which the
" Church Quarterly " belongs, to meet the refutation of one
charge by the production of a second.
The writer's reference is to an article in the same Review
of April 1880, entitled "Anglican Orders." Here the
Cardinal's preface is styled " disingenuous," inasmuch as
he " therein pledges himself to this belief on a point of
history ; that Anglican doctrine upon the Christian sacrifice
does not rise higher than in the quotation from Water-
land," whereas, of course, he was well aware of the catena
of Anglican divines in the appendix to Dr. Pusey's tract
on the Eucharist (No. 81, Tracts for the Times), some of
whom held a far higher doctrine than the highest indicated
by Waterland. The Cardinal quotes (Pre£, pp. xi. xii. )
Waterland's enumeration of the various forms of Anglican
doctrine on the Eucharistic sacrifice, to the effect that,
setting aside the spiritual sacrifice of the heart, the highest
view of what is sacrificed therein does not rise above the
idea of a sacrifice of Bread and Wine. The Cardinal
instances, among others, Hickes and Johnson as maintain-
ing this doctrine. The reviewer quotes nearly three pages
of extracts from the appendix, insists that the Cardinal
(Apologia, p. 181) had already admitted the exhibition of a
far higher doctrine in Andrews when he says, " I claimed
in behalf of who would, that he might hold in the Anglican
Church the mass all but transubstantiation with Andrews ; "
u can it be," exclaims the reviewer, " that the habit of
saying the things required for his position, which formerly
produced utterances against Rome, is now producing utter-
ances against Anglicanism ? It is no moral blessing, but
an immense moral calamity, when a habit of thinking what
one's controversial position requires, and saying it, obtains
the sanction of infallibility, and so passes beyond reforma-
tion, probably beyond consciousness." Nothing can make
this language other than indecent ; the question is whether
the charge of error has any basis in fact.
The Cardinal contrasts the doctrine of the Sacerdotium
274 APPENDIX.
held by Catholics and Ritualists, that "in the Holy Eucharist
the Gospel priest offers Christ in His Body and Blood for
the living and the dead, and that by virtue of such offering
he is a priest," with the highest doctrine on the subject
previously maintained, and asks, " Is there not an infinite
difference " between them ? The " Church Quarterly" does
not complain that the Cardinal has set the Ritualist doctrine
too high, but that in order to support his charge of innova-
tion he has set the previous teaching too low.
The question to be considered is, what theological posi-
tion these Anglican divines took up with regard to the
Eucharistic sacrifice ; not whether there are not expres-
sions here and there in their writings which, taken by
themselves, might seem by the higher level of their devo-
tional appreciation to suggest a higher doctrine. The
Caroline divines were exceedingly anxious to make every
patristic expression they came across their own, and the
Nonjurors, rejected by their Church of the present, naturally
turned with the stronger yearning to the Church of the past.
As a whole, the writers in Dr. Pusey's Catena held a
sacrifice of Bread and Wine representing the expiatory
sacrifice of the Cross, in which the Bread and Wine after
consecration became the instrument to the faithful communi-
cant of a union with Christ's Body and Blood, i.e., with the
merits of His Passion. But did any of them reach a higher
doctrinal level ? I believe that, as regards the sacrifice,
they certainly did not.
When asked the precise question what is it that is offered,
they had only one answer, " Bread and Wine." Indeed
there was no other answer they could make, whilst reject-
ing the doctrine of Trent (Sess. xiii. c. i), that Christ is
really present on the altar after consecration and (Sess. xii.
c. 2 ) is indeed offered up in the sacrifice.
They never answered " Christ," nor even " the Body and
Blood of Christ," unless with the qualification, " mystically
present," which they always took — at least except in
the act of communion — in the sense of " symbolically
APPENDIX. 275
represented." Neither does Dr. Pusey's own doctrine in
the tract go beyond this (p. 6). " They first offered to God
His gifts in commemoration of His inestimable gift, and
placed them upon His altar here, to be received and pre-
sented on the heavenly altar by Him our High Priest ; and
then trusted to receive them back, conveying to them the
ttfe-giving Body and Blood." And then (p. 10), after
rejecting transubstantiation with Bishop Andrews, whose
words he quotes (Respons. ad Card. Bellarm., c. 8), " Do
ye take away from the mass your transubstantiation, and
we shall not long have any question about the sacrifice,"
Dr. Pusey involves in this rejection the whole edifice of
Catholic doctrine concerning the real presence and the
sacrifice built upon it, by identifying himself with Ridley,
whom he thus quotes (Brief. Declaration, p. 6), "What is the
matter of the sacrament ? whether it is the natural substance
of bread, or the natural substance of Christ's own Body?
For if it be Christ's own natural Body, born of the Virgin,
then assuredly they must needs grant transubstantiation,
that is, a change of the substance of bread into the substance
of Christ's Body. Then also they must needs grant the
carnal and corporeal presence of Christ's Body. Then
must the sacrament be adored with the honour due to
Christ Himself for the unity of the two natures in one per-
son. Then if the priest do offer the sacrament, he doth
offer indeed Christ Himself."
When Hickes says that "the mystical or sacramental
Body and Blood of Christ " is " offered up unto God " (ap.
" Church Quarterly," p. 213), it is certain that he simply
means the Bread and Wine symbolising Christ's Body and
Blood ; for he says that Christ's presence is "imputed" by
a sort of " legal fiction " (Christian Priesthood Asserted, p.
151), which virtually by its effects makes as though He were
present.* This too is Johnson's doctrine (The Unbloody
* A doctrine identical with his own is attributed by Hickes to
Thorndike (Account of Third Edit., p. xxxi.) and by Johnson to
Hickes (Pref. Ep., p. xv.)
276 APPENDIX.
Sacrifice, vol. i. p. 214). Under the title "A distinct
answer to those who ask what is offered," he says, " We
offer the Bread and Wine, separated from all other obla-
tions of the people ; we offer them as having been solemnljr
pronounced, by the words of institution, to be the full
representatives of Christ's Body and Blood. And we make
propitiation with them, after God has first by the illapse of
the Holy Spirit perfected the consecration of them. When
we say we offer Bread and Wine, and that we offer the
Body and Blood of Christ, we mean the same material
things. . . . When we say we offer Bread and Wine, we
don't mean the products and first-fruits of the earth ; but
the memorials of Christ's Passion, the authoritative repre-
sentations of Christ's Body and Blood ; or, if you will
speak with the primitive Church, the true Body and Blood
of Christ ; and on the other side, when we say we offer the
Body and Blood, we don't mean, what is commonly called
the sacrifice of the mass, not the substantial Body and
Blood of Christ, much less His divinity ; but the Bread and
Wine substituted by the Divine Word for His own Body and
Blood j and upon which God, at the prayers of the priests
and people, sends down His peculiar spiritual benediction,
by which it becomes a sacrifice of a sweet-smelling savour,
as being therefore fully consecrated into the spiritual Body
and Blood of Christ, and therefore fit wherewith to propitiate
the Divine mercy."
Again, in his " Propitiatory Oblation," published anony-
mously (Pusey's Append., p. 310): — I. "The Papists hold
that, in the sacrifice of the mass, the whole Christ, God
and man, is offered up hypostatically to the Father in the
Eucharist, and is to be worshipped there by men under the
species of bread and wine. This doctrine is utterly re-
nounced by all Protestants, by those who assert the Eucha-
ristic oblation as well as by those who deny it. 2. The
Papists assert the substantial presence of Christ's Body and
Blood, under the species of bread and wine in the Holy
Eucharist ; and that the sacrifice of the cross and altar are
APPENDIX. 277
substantially the same. But this is peremptorily denied by
those who declare for the oblation of the Eucharist in the
Church of England."
Again (Preface to vol. ii. p. xxviii. ) : " Dr. Wise slily in-
sinuates that it is my practice to elevate the bread and
ivine^ and it is true, that I did sometimes, about four or
five years ago, in the act of consecration, lift up the bread
and wine higher than usual, that the people might see the
bread broken, and the cup taken into my hand, as the
rubric directs, and for no other reason, some people who
seemed very desirous to see the holy action sitting at a
great distance from the Lord's table in this very large
church • but I never elevated the elements after consecra-
tion; nay, I believe it horrible superstition in those that do it,
if any such there be ; and I do further solemnly declare it to
be my sentiment, that to elevate and adore the sacrament,
according to the practice of the Church of Rome,is downright
idolatry." All this, be it remembered, whilst maintaining (see
vol. i. p. 249,) that the " consecration was permanent,"
and approving of reservation. Neither could the real pre-
sence of the Body and Blood of Christ be supposed without
His hypostatic presence, for that would be the heresy of
dividing Christ; therefore there can be no real presence
but such as demands the adoration these writers persistently
refuse.
With the passages just given contrast the manuals of
modern Ritualism, e.g., Mr. Carter's " Treasury of Devo-
tion," so cordially, and, I would add, so justly, approved by
the late Bishop of Salisbury.
" After the Act of Consecration."
" Hail ! most Holy Flesh of Christ." " Hail ! heavenly
Drink of Jesus' Blood."
"Acts of Adoration." " Hail to thee, true Body sprung
from the Virgin Mary's womb ! The same that on the Cross
was hung and bore for man the bitter doom." ft I adore.
Thee, O Lord my God, whom I now behold veiled beneath
these earthly forms. Prostrate I adore Thy Majesty." Again,
278 APPENDIX.
" O most merciful Father, who hast so loved me as to give
to me Thy only-begotten Son for my food and drink, and
with Him all things, look upon the face of Thy anointed, in
whom Thou art well pleased. This Thy Beloved Son, and
with Him my heart, I offer and present to Thee." Again,
compare " The Priest's Prayer-Book" (p. 16, London: 1 870):
" Let this holy mixture of the Body and Blood of Our Lord
Jesus Christ be to me and all who partake thereof salvation
of body and soul," and (p. 1 7), addressing Christ, Thou
" dost still expose Thyself to the profanity of ungodly men
rather than withdraw Thy Sacred Body from our churches/'
Neither of these manuals are accounted at all extreme, and
yet they exhibit Christ upon the altar as hypostatically pre-
sent under the sacramental veils, and thus offered, worshipped,
and reserved. All which points of doctrine are emphatically
rejected by Hickes and Johnson, and certainly never have
been produced from the works of earlier writers.*
It is true, however, that, as regards the real presence,
Andrews and Cosin, in words at least, go further than
Hickes and Johnson. Andrews in his answer to Bellarmine,
c. i. p. 1 1 (ap. Cosin. Hist, of Transub.,p. 21), admits a "vera
praesentia " (transl. " real "), and says, that it is only the
manner of the presence that is in dispute. And again, in
words already quoted, " But do ye take away from the mass
your transubstantiation-, and there will not be long any con^
troversy with us concerning the sacrifice." And Cosin (see
p. 53) speaks of the "real and substantial presence of the
Body of Christ in the sacrament." Yet when these writers
come to speak of the sacrifice, it is never the real substantial
body, still less the whole Christ, that is offered, but a symbolic
commemoration of the past sacrifice of the Cross, only not
a "naked commemoration" (See Cosin ap. Pusey, Append.,
p. 136), in virtue of a presence of the "Body and Blood" "to
all that faithfully receive it" That this presence is merely
" in usu " and relative is brought out with perfect clearness
* This is not the case, I admit, with Sir W. Palmer, who wrote his hook
** On the Church '' after the Movement had begun.
APPENDIX. 279
by Cosin (Hist, of Transub., p. 61) : " We also deny that
the elements still retain the nature of sacraments when not
used according to Divine institution, that is given by Christ's
ministers, and received by His people ; so that Christ in the
consecrated bread ought not, cannot be kept and preserved,
to be carried about, because He is present only to the com-
municants." Andrews himself gives plain proof that when
he said, " Do ye take away . . . your transubstantiation,"
he did in fact put away all substantial presence " extra
usum," all presence that could be offered, or reserved, and
not merely a particular manner of substantiation. For thus
he speaks of the words of institution : — " De ' hoc est ' fide
firma tenemus quod sit, de * hoc modo est/ ut sit Per, sive
In, sive Cum, sive Sul>, sive Trans, nullum inibi Verbum
est." Thus, in the language of Andrews, a "real presence"
need not involve the presence of a substantial reality ; and
" trans " and " sub " disappear together. In this sense, as
we have seen, does Dr. Pusey understand Andrews to reject
transubstantiation ; and in this sense, assuredly, did Cardinal
Newman in his Apologia accredit Andrews with holding
"the mass short of transubstantiation."
I think I have made it sufficiently clear that Dr. Water-
land's and Cardinal Newman's doctrinal estimate of Anglican
teaching on the Eucharistic sacrifice is the true one, and
that the "Church Quarterly" is left without any cloak in fact,
to cover its solemn impertinence.
There is something irresistibly amusing in the reproaches
which the "Church Quarterly" addresses to the "great
apostle of development " for not applying its principles to
their teaching on the Eucharistic sacrifice as related to
that of their predecessors. No theory of development that
I ever heard of, certainly not Cardinal Newman's, could
pretend to recognise the germ of a doctrine in a system
which begins with a rejection of that doctrine in its fully
developed form, with which it finds itself face to face. The
gradual process by which Anglicans have worked their way
back to the doctrine of the Eucharistic sacrifice which they
280 APPENDIX.
originally rejected may doubtless be regarded as a process
of moral and intellectual recovery, but it certainly is not a
development in the theological sense of the word, the
gradual maturing and realisation of a theological idea. The
bud indeed develops into the full flower, and we may
recognise in its earlier stages its ultimate outcome, but the
stamen of the fully developed bloom when once stripped of
its leaves has no future contained within itself; it can
only give place to another flower.
Note I, p. 237.
Dr. Green, in the preface to his second edition (p. vi.),
points out that Dr. Littledale had in his first and second
editions left out the word " hujusmodi," " of this sort,"
which limited the application of the note excluding the poor
to dispensations "in secundo gradu;" when, however, in his
third edition he finds it necessary to insert the word, the
amended sentence retains its place immediately after a
recapitulation of the whole subject matter of the Peniten-
tiary Taxae, "parricide, incest," &c., as though these were
all taken in by what is really a form of exclusion. Neither
does Dr. Littledale notice that the note appears, not in the
Penitentiary Taxae at all, but in those of the Chancery,
which are of a very different character (See Gibbings, Pre-
face, p. 95). Dr. Green, it is only fair to say, regards the
note as the sarcastic comment of a hostile critic. The only
editions, he considers, in which it occurs bear all the marks
of private compilation.
INDEX.
ABSOLUTION, from poena, 217 seg. mis-
rep, by Dr. L., 218, 219, 220; among
Ritualists, 219 ; from culpa. et poena,
not always meaning directly from
"guilt," 226 ; in foro extemo, 227 J
from "future sin," sold, a false charge,
224-229 ; in connection with the taxae,
230, 231
Addis, Fr., 40, 137, 263
Adoration, acts of, 88, 90; of the image of
Christ, 97 ; of the cross, 114, 116, 121, 122
Advocate, advocata, title of Mary, 101,
102, 195, 196
Aelred, St., on Papal Supremacy, 81
Agatho, P., 5, 19, 78, 133
Alcuin, on Papal Prerogative, 80 ; on
images, 116
Aldhelm, St., on Papal Prerogative, 79 ;
on images, 116
Alfonso, St. Liguori, on Mary, 129 ; his
authority as Doctor of the Church ex-
aggerated by L., 159 ; his Probabilism,
161-163 ; falsely charged by L. with
teaching immoral doctrine, 163, 164,
271 ; on equivocation and stealing in ex-
trentfi, 166, 167
Allatius, Leo, on Purgatory, 222
Allies, Mr., 59, 62
Allnatt, Mr., 4, 158, 186, xvi.
Ambrose, St., on the Peti ine texts, 2, 7 ; on
Infallibility, 15 ; on Jurisdiction, 42 ; on
Mary, 93, 101 ; on adoration of the cross,
121, 122
Anastasius, I. P., 24 ; on Jurisdiction, 42
Anastasius, Bibl., on the cross and images,
117
Andrews, 273, 279
Angels, worship of, 87, 88; of the Gnostics,
89 ; the Angel of the Lord, 263-265
Anglican, controversialists, 46, 78; first
and second commandment, 112; sacra-
ments, 214 ; Divines on the Eucharistic
sacrifice, 273 seq.
Anglicanism, no Church, 255, 256
Ansel m, St., on Papal Prerogative, 80
Anthropomorphism, 112, 120
Ante-Nicene, testimony for St. Peter's Ro-
man Episcopate, 48 ; Fathers on Mary, 93
Anti-Vatican dilemma, 37, 38
Antoninus, St., 161, 226, 231, 435
Apiarius, 60
Apostles, how infallib'e, 4 ; whether all
equal, 22 ; as to Jurisdiction, 39, 41
Apostolicity, Note of the Church, 252, 253
Apostolic See, its importance as to Chris-
tian religion, 12, 19
Apparition of our Lady, 97, 101.
Appeals, 43 ; of Bishops, 49, 52, 60, 61 ; not
contested by St. Augustine, 62 ; resisted
by Hilary of Aries, 65
Archives, Roman, 180-182 ; losses of, 185
Arian heresy, 26 ; appealed against to the
Pope, 43 ; an Arian taken by L. for a
Father, 258
Arnold, Dr., or the second commandmenti
113
Asterius, on Infall., 15 ; on Intercession, 91
Athanasius, St., and Liberius, 27, 28; on
Angel-worship, 89 ; on Idolatry, 120
Augustine, St., on the Petrine texts, 3, 7 ;
on Primacy, 63 J on St. Stephen and St.
Cyprian, 58, 59 ; and the Holy See, 60
seg. ; on Intercession, 90 ; on miracles by
relics, 92 ; on Mary, 93, 100 ; on Idolatry,
119,1122, 123; on BibleJ authority, 152,
153 ; on private judgment, 174 ; on pen-
ance, 217 ; on the Immaculate Concep-
tion, 135, 136 ; on Theophanies, 263 ; mis-
2uoted by L., 258, 259 ; his " Roma
icuta. est," 189
Augustine, St., of England, ordained by
order of the Pope, 77
Authority and private judgment, 173
Avitus of Vienne, on Supremacy, 44
BALUZE, 69, 175
Ballerini, 51, 60, 66, 69, 175, 176, 178, 185,
187
Baptism, minister of, 215 ; conditional,
xiii. ; of Constantine, 176, 177
Barbosa, 135
Baronius, Card., 65, 187 ; wrongly charged
by L. with falsifying the Roman Martyr-
ology and Breviary, 190
Basil, St., on the Petrine texts, 2 ; on sin
in Mary, 108 ; on Communion sub un&, 140
Basil, of Seleucia, on Mary, 98
Becanus, 27, 135
232
INDEX.
Societies heretical in principle, 154
Biblical studies in the Catholic C!
hurch,
bede, Yen., on the Petrine texts, 8 ; on Pa-
pal Prerogative, 77, 79 ; on images, 116
Bellarmine, Card., 10, 30, 34 ; charged by
L. with having invented the Catholic in-
terpretation of Luke xxii., 4, 6 ; on im-
ages, 114; on external acts of worship,
130 ; on Pope and conscience, 171 ; his
share in the R. Breviary, 192
Benedict IX., 30, 31
Benedict XIV., misquoted by L., 159, 169.
See also JLambertini
Bennettis, 57, 58
Bernard, St., on Infallibility, 20; on Supre-
macy, 44 ; on Immaculate Conception,
J35> I37 J explained, 138
Bib.e, Sixtine Edition of, 33 ; Editions be-
fore Reformation, 158 ; and Church, 152 ;
Bible- reading pernicious if independent,
153-157 ; B. Interpretation, 135, 266 ; B.
il in
L the
154-158
Bishop, his authority limited, 53 ; B. of
bishops, 40 ; universal, 70. See Title
Bishops, equality of, 23, 71 ; contrasted
with Apostles, 39 ; their relation to the
Pope, 44, 82
Bonaventure, St., on Communion sub utra-
que, 141 ; on Intention in Sacraments,
215
Boniface L, 57, 60; II., 180 ; IV., 77;
VIII., on Doctors of the Church, 159
Boniface, St. of Mainz, 182
Borromeo, St. Charles, 161, 206, 247, 248
Bramhall, 48, 145
Bieen, 83
Breviary. See Baronius
Bright, Canon, 78
Bruno, of Asti, on the Petrine texts, 7
Bull of Leo X., 32, 33 ; of Paul IV., ex
apostolatus officio, 73, 74
Burns, on fees fur absolution from cen-
sures, 235
Busenbaum, S. ]., 167 ; misrepr. by L., 211
CAJETAN, 30, 269
Canons of Councils and Papal Supremacy,
Canons of Nicea and Sardica, 50, 51, 61 ;
how these came to be confused, 175
Canons of Sardica in the old Gallican col-
lections, 57
Canons the Sixth of Nicea, 175, 176
- — the Ninth of Chalcedon, 50, 51, 52
the Twenty-eighth of Chalcedon, 50, 54
• of Elvira, 120 ; of Trullo, 51 ; of Cler-
mont, 141
Canterbury, its rank and authority from
the Pope, 79
Caramue!, 34
Carpocratians, 120 ; and image of Christ, fa
Cartwright, 146
Casuistry, its origin and nature according
to L. , 160, 161
Catacombs, 103, 109, 113, 131
Catechisms, Jansenistic, 35 ; Catholic cal-
umniated by L., in; of Council of
Trent, 112; Lutheran, 113
Catena. See England and Papal Preroga-
tive. Greek forged, 190
Catharinus, 6, 213
"Cathedra," Petri, the all-ruling, pre-
siding, 18 ; "ex cathedra," 13, 26; re-
quirements for, 28, 37, 74
Catholic and Roman, 17, 20, 41, 75, seq.
See also 248 seq.
Catholicity, as a Note of the Church, 248-
250
" Causae maiores," 52, 67
Cave, 48, 97; on Opus Imperfectum, 155
Ceillier, 44
Celestine, P., 42, 61, 63, 77
Celestius, 189, 272
Centuriators, 186, 187
Chair of Peter, 40, 41 ; of Antioch, 47, 48
Chancery. See Taxes
Charges, L.'s, against the Church, reduced
to seven, 86-240. See vi.-viii.
" Charismata," personal, 39, 154
Chillingworth, 36
Chiusi, Bishop of, 35; and Pius VI., 261,
267
Christ, divine personality and invocation
of, 104 ; not divided, 147 ; not suffering
in heaven, 268 seq.
Chrysologus, St. Peter, on Infallibility, 15
Chrysostom, St. John, on the Petrine
texts, 3, 7 ; on Papal Supremacy, 47, 48 ;
on angel worship, 89; on Intercession,
90, 91 ; on images, 124, 131 ; on Bible
reading, 152, 153, 154; false passage
quoted by L., 155
Church, of Antioch, 46, 47 ; of Corinth,
14 ; of Constantinople, 71 ; of Gaul, 179-
186; of Ireland, 77; of Jerusalem, 18 ;
how mother of all the churches, 47 ; her
dying words, 18 J the Jewish, 27 ; of
Rome, its praises by the Fathers, 14, 16,
17 ; by L. formerly, 246, 247 ; head of all
the churches, 20, 81, passim', ambiguity
of the term in L.'s mouth, 243, 250;
whether the whole Church, 75 ; seq. ;
charged by L., with depending on one,
132
Church Quarterly, its impertinent charg*
against Cardinal Newman, 272-280
Clement, St., of Rome, 14, 40, 186
Clement, of Alexandria, on Worship o£
Angels, 89
Cloveshoe, Council of, 79
INDEX.
283
Coleridge, Fr., 108
Collyridians, 105, no
Commandment, the Fiist, 111-113
Communion, with Apostolic See, 12, 14,
15, 19, 21, 25; necessary, 56-58. See also
81, 83
Communion, under one and two kinds,
138-143
"Compositio," an ecclesiastical fine, 228,
235
Conception, of Christ afc Spir. S.t its signi-
ficance, 136. See Immaculate
Concomitance, its denial, a heresy, 142,
143
" Confessionale, " an ecclesiastical dispen-
sation, 226, 227, 229
Confessors, and St. Alfonso's Theology,
159 ; physicians and judges, 162 ; prac-
tically Probabi lists, ib. Special faculties
for, see ' ' Confessionale "
Confirmation, Papal, of a sentence, 13, 19 ;
of a Synod, 43 ; of the Fifth Council, 69
Coninck, 114
Conscience, its rights, 172, 173
Consent, of the Fathers, falsely stated by
L., 1-9 ; as a rule of interpretation, 135,
266 '
Constance, 31 ; on communion, 141 ; and
Huss, 199
Constantinople, its privileges and rank,
" Constitutum" of P. Vigilius, 69
Controversialists, Catholic and Protestant,
^75, 196. 253» 254» 257
Converts, their motives, XL, xn.
Copernicanism, 34-36 ; also 260, 261
Cosmas, of Jerusalem, on Mary, 96
Cossart, 72
" Contemporary Review," 48, 75, 170, 257
Council, of Antioch, 58 ; Aries, 6, 77 ;
Aquileia, 42 ; Chalcedon, 16, 42, 43, 64,
68, 69, 147, 175, 176 ; Constantinople, 42 ;
Ephesus, 15, 63, 147 ; Frankfort, 115 ;
Laodicea, 98 ; Lateran, 18 ; Milevis, 50 ;
Nicea, 47 ; Rome, 50 j Tarragon, 16 ;
Trent, 32, 33 ; on images, misrepresented
by L., 122, 123; Sardica, 77 the Va-
tican, 13 ; the Third on Mary, 93, 94 ;
the Fourth, 42, 43 ; the Fifth, 29, 68 ; on
Mary, 94 ; the Sixth, 5, 9 ; in re Hon-
orius, 28 seq. ; acts of, 185 ; the Seventh
on Intercession, 95 ; on images, 114 seq. ;
its cecumenicity, 115, 117 ; the Eighth,
12
Constant, 27, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 69, 182, 272
Creeds, see Papal Prerogative ; the Sir-
mian, 27, 28 ; of Pope Pius IV., 185, 266
Creature worship, 86 seq.
Croiset, 151
Cultus, of Christ, 104, 105 ; of hi» human
nature, 126; of the Sacred Heart, its ob-
ject, 147 ; not new, 148 ; absurd charge
of heresy against it, 147, 267, 269, 270
Cultus of AJary, 92-111; its logical ne
cessity, 104 ; authority in Scripture, 106,
108; in Fathers, 108-110; its imperfect
development in early church accounted
for, 104-108; see also 127; alleged ex-
cess in, 124 seq. ; L.'s objections from
Scripture, 131
Cultus, of Relics, 91
of the Cross, 114, 116, 121, 122
of the Book of Gospels, 116, 117
of saints, 89 ; its end, 128 ; an obli-
gation of reason, 131 ; character of saint
worship among Anglicans, 124, 125
Cures, by relics, 91, 92
Cyprian, St., on the Petrine texts, 4 ; on
Infallibility, 15 ; on Jurisdiction, 40 ; on
Peter's Roman Episcopate, 49 ; whether
excommunicated, 58 ; on penance, 218 J
mentions our Lady, 196
Cyprianic Interpolations, 188
Cyril, St., of Alexandria, on the Petrine
texts, 3, 6, 7 ; on Papal Supremacy, 42,
63 ; on worship of God and saints, 90 ;
on Mary, 107, 108 ; on idolatry, 120 ; on
images, 124
DAMASUS, P. 21 ; his moral character vin
dicated against L., 244, 245
Debituin, culpae et mortis, 136
De Cusa, Cardinal, 186
Defensive, why Catholics always on the
254
Definition, of faith, condition of, 28 ; bj
Pope alone, 37, 38
" Deipara," 96, 98
Deluzsch, 263
De Maica, 66, 175, 205
Denis, St., the Areopagite, and of Paris,
90, 191
Deposition, of Nestorius, 63 ; of Arnulf,
71 ; of popes, 30 ; of a bishop, a causti
inaior, 52 ; of bishops by Apostolic See
alone, 43
De Rossi, 113
De Smedt, 192
Development, 83-85, 134. See C. of Mary
, Anglican, 279, 280
Devotion, its true idea and conditions, 126,
127 : see also 105 ; its language, 128 ; 10.
particular shrines and images, 118; of
Ritualists to Mary, 124, 127 ; not de-
stroyed by Indulgences, 221
Dioscorus, 57
Diptychs, 57, 58, note, 69
Dispensation, in marriage, 239.
fessionale"
" Diurnut liber," 30
See "Ccn
INDEX.
" Divided" church, in what sense, 75
Divinisation, of creatures by grace, 126
•Divus, Diva (title of Mary), really taken
from Scripture and Fathers, 126
Doctor, of the Church, his authority, 159,
160, 169
Doctor, omni exceptione tnaior mistrans-
lated by L., 163
Dollinger, Dr., 10, 177
Donation of Constantine, 176, 177, 186
Donatists, 62
Donatus, 183
Doubts, religious, how solved, 44
Dulia, 86, 90, 115, 126
Dungal, 116
Du Pin, 97
EDWARDINE Rite, 198
Election, of Pope, 73
Elizabeth, plotted assassination of, 207,
208
England, and Papal Prerogative, 76-83
Ephrem, St. Syrus, on Mary, 93, 101, 137,
196
Epiphanius, St., on the Petrine texts, 2;
on Mary, 93 ; against Collyridians, 105,
no ; on images, xai
Error, charge of, in faith, 132 ; in morals,
159
Escobar, 167
Estcourt, Canon, 198
Eucharist, its connection with devotion to
the Sacred Heart recognised by Canon
Jenkins, 270; as a sacrifice among An-
glicans, 273 seq.
Eusebius, of Cesarea, on images, 121
Eusebians, 262
Evagrius, 22, 24
" Exarch," 52
Excommunication, sometimes partial only,
57 ; of a Pope monstrous, 57, 58, 69 ; of
Meletius, 59 ; absolution from, 232
Excommunicate persons, their murder,
204 seq.
" Execittores" Papal, in Africa, 61
FABIAN, 49
Fabius, of Antioch, 183
Fabri, 34
Faith, its certainty and integrity, how
through the Pope, 20 ', its wounds, how
healed, 20, 80 ; its unconditional charac-
ter, 132, 133 ; articles of, their growth,
134 ; necessity of, 143, 144 ; whether to be
kept with heretics, 198 seq.
False Decretals, 45, 76, 78 ; examined, 177
seq. ; how still used by the Church, 187
Fathers (see Consent), term including the
Apostles, 54 ; quoted by L. against cultus
< if Saints. 89
Faure, S. J., 35
Felix III., P., 175
Firmilian, St., 58
Fisher, Cardinal, 83
Flacius Illyricus, 218
Flavian, 52
Flemish Editions of the Bible before
Luther, 158
Foundation of the Church, 16, 17, 18, 19,
65, 79
Forbes, John, 145
"Formula," the, of St. Peter's tradition is
enunciated by the Pope, 19
Forgeries, 21 ; alleged Roman, 175 seq
Forum intemum, externum, Sacrameo-
tale, conscientiae, 166, 227, 228, 233
Franzelin, Cardinal, 266
Frodoard, monk, 191
Fromond of Louvain, 34
" Full of grace," 98, 100
GALILEO, 33, 34, 35, 36, 260, 261
Gavantus, 192
Gelasius, P., on Papal Supremacy, 43 ;
Sacramentary of, 98 ; on comm. sub.
•uir&que, 141 ; on schismatics, 256
General Councils, their object, 84, 85 ;
L.'s test of their validity, 115 ; infall. of,
132, 133, 178, 179
Gebert, 71
German Editions of Bible before Luther,
158
Gibbings, Taxae, 224, 229 ; Parisian not
Roman Edition, 230
Gibbon, 177
" Glories of Mary, ' 128
Gnostics, 89, 131
Goodwin, 150, 267
Grace, what it is, 126 ; Sacramental, 2131
215
Grassi, S. J., 34
" Gravamina centum," 224
Giaveson, 58
Green, Dr., 228, 237, 280
Gregory, St. Naz., on Petrine texts, 7, 8;
on Mary's intercession, 101, 195, 196 ',
on Bible-reading, 154
Gregory, St. Nyssen, on c. of Saints, 91 ;
on Mary, 101
Gregory, St., the Great, on the Petrine
texts,' 3, s, 8 ; rejects the title of " Uni-
versal Bishop, 70 ; and England, 76, 80,
182 ; on Mary, 96, 97 ; on Roman Ar-
chives, 181 ; on Satisfaction, 217
Gregory II., P., 28, 30 ; on picture-worship,
95, 97! his marriage Indult, 182; IV^,
183 ; V., 72; VI., 31; VII. invoked by
L., 4; IX., 76; XII , 31; XIII. and
the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 208 ;
and Tax-tables, 232
INDEX.
23,
Grostete, on Papal supremacy, 82
Grotius, 48
Growth of Papal power, 83, 85
Gunpowder Plot, 209
Gury, 143, 144; misquoted by L., 145;
misrepresented, 163
HAKPER, S. J., 136
Hearer, must be infallible? answer to L.'s
sceptical remark, 36
Hefele, 28, 176, 210
Helena, St., adoring the cross, 121, 122
Heresy, the Monothelite, 18 ; whether in
the letters of Honorius, 29, 30 ', in Popes,
30 ; before election, 73 ; its status at the
Council of Trent, 202 ; its nature in
Middle Ages, 209; its unconcern for
truth, 89
Heretical mouth, "shut and fastened "by
Rome, 17
Heretics, how convicted, 20, 44, 81, 82
Hergenrother, Cardinal, 5, 205
Hilary, St., on the Petrine texts, 3 ; on
supremacy, 41 ; on Mary in judgment,
no
Hilary, St., of Aries, and St. Leo, 65
Hilarian fragment, the Sixth, 28
Hincmar, 184
Holiness. See Sanctity
Honorary titles, 45
Honorius, P., 21, 28—30
Hormisdas, formula of, 12
Hurter, S. J., 94, 148, 218, 272
Huss, 199, 200
Hussites, 142
" Hyperdulia," in
IB AS, 69 ; epistle of, 70
Idolatry, charged on Catholics, 118, 122,
123, 124 ; in Scripture, 119
Ignatius, St., on Infallibility, 14
Images, 88, in, 124
Immaculate Conception, 134-138
Incarnation not disregarded in the Ro-
mish Church, 143 ; L.'s self-contradic-
tion, 146
Indefectibility of the Church, how under-
stood by L., 26
Index, Congregation, 33, 34; its decisions
not ex cathedra, 35, also 260, 261
Indulgences, principle of, use ancient and
modern, 220-223 ', local abuses, 224, 225 ;
their connection with dispensation from
reserved sin, 226; whether a disadvan-
tage to the poor, 222, 223 ; horribly mis-
represented, 224
Infallibility, Papal (see also xii., xiii.), 6, 12,
13; proofs from the Fathers from the
First to the Twelfth century, 14-20 ; not
articulately present in the minds of all
the Fathers, 21 ; the a priori argument
for, misunderstood by L., 26; L.'s dis-
proofs, 26-33 » belongs to an undoubted
Pope, 30, 31 ; is not Inspiration, 32 ;
passive, 133 ; Bellarmine's argument, 172
Innocent I., 25, 47, 63, 67 ; XL, and
Quietism, 151
Inquisition, Congregation, 33, 34
Intention, in Sacraments generally, 213
seq. ; in matrimony specially, 216, 252.
See also xii., xiii.
Intercession of Saints, 90, 91, 95 seq.
Intolerance, Catholic and Protestant, 2oa
seq.
Invocation, of Angels, 89 ; of Saints, 90,
91 ; of Christ in the New Testament and
early Church, 104 J mediate, 129
Irenaeus, St., on Infallibility, 14 ; on Su-
premacy, 40 ; on Angel worship, 89 ; on
Mary, 93, 101, 102 ; against image wor-
ship, 89 ; onr danger of Bible reading,
153, 154
Irregularity, 73, 165
Isidore, St., Hisp., on Supremacy, 44
Isidore, of Pelusium, on Bible reading, 155,
156
Isidore, Mercator, 192
Italian Editions of Bible before Luther,
158
Ivo, on Communion sub utr&que, 141, 205
JACQUES Clement, 209
Jansenists, 35, 261
Jansenius, 32
Janssen, 158
Jerome, St., on the Petrine texts, 2 ; on
I Infallibility, 21 ; never changed his view,
22-25 ; see also, 38 ; on intercession, 90 ;
on worship of relics, 91 ; on Mary, 93,
j IO°
I Jesuits, cruelly accused by L., 146 ; also
I 202
Jews, their worship, 113
, John, St., pillar of all the churches, 47;
! his relation to St. Peter, 48
I John, St., Damascene, on worship of Saints,
Jonas, of Orleans, 116
Jovinian, 22
"Judicia. dogmatica" 35, 261
Judicium elucidationis, 65
Julian, St., 190
Julius, P., 43, 262
Jurisdiction, definition and division of, 38 ;
source of, 50 ; the Pope's, in England, 76
Justin, St., on Mary, 93
286
INDEX.
Justina, St., 101, 196
fustiniani, St. Laurence, confused with
Benedict, S.J., 267, 268
Juvenal, of Jerus., 47
'CALISCH, 263
Keil, 263
Keys, of the Kingdom of Heaven, 15 ', of
aith, 20 ; how far common to all the
Apostles, 47
tCuinoel, 108
LABBB, passim
I^actantius quoted against image worship,
120
Laemmer, on the Roman Martyrology,
192, 194
La Marca, 56, 141
Lambertini, Cardinal, 268, 269
Lanfranc, on Papal Supremacy, 80
Lansperg, on the Sacred Heart, 149
Latria, 86, 90, 126. See also 114, 115
Latrocinium, of Ephesus, 52
Lecky, 203, 211
f^eo, St., on the Petrine texts, 2, § ; on
Papal Supremacy, 43 ; on restoration to
communion, 57 ; and Chalcedon, 64 ; and
Hilary, 65 ; degraded by L., 68, 175 ;
lost letters of, 185
Leo II., 29, 30, 79 ; IX., on Infallibility,
20; XII., on Protestant Bibles, 154
Liber diurnus, 30 ; Pontificalis, 192
Liberius, P., 27, 181 ; his character, 244
Licenses, to commit sin, a false charge,
224 seq.
Lingard, 77, 78, 116
" Litterae formatae" 41
Ultledale, Dr., his retractations without
Acknowledgment, 144, 145, 156, 168, 169,
238, 242 ; his ignorance of theology and
theological language, 27, 55, 142, 145 ;
his method of controversy, 89, 112, 124 ;
146, 147, 168, 224, 243, 250, 258 ; his mis-
quotations, 163, 164, 167, 174, 259 ; his
misrepresentations, 172, 220, 224, 271 ;
his mis-statements, 9, 63, 64, 69, 159,
168, 169, 196, 224, 271 ; his mistransla-
tions, 156, 163, 167, 220, 271
Llorente, 210
London, churches of, in honour of Mary,
Lucca, decrees of, against Protestant refu-
gees, 206
Luther, 32, 33, 157
Mabillon, 181 _
Macao, Inquisition of, 146
Madonna and Child, 103, 113 ; of St. Luke,
118
Vlalou, 152
Margaret Mary, Alacoque, 150
Marcellinus, P., 193
Marriage, a declaration of nullity, 216 ;
dispensation, 239
Martyrology, Roman. See Baronius
Mary, according- to the Fathers t tlie
second Eve, who wrought the world's
salvation, 93 ; staff of orthodoxy, 94 ;
Domino. Angelorum, above Angels and
Saints, nearest to God, 95, 96, 97, 99 ;
Mediatrix and ladder of God, 95, 98, 196 ;
Champion of Christians, all hope in her,
whose intercession suffers no refusal,
96 ; to be venerated by all, 94, 96 ; her
superior power of working miracles, 98 ;
in Scripture, not rebuked, 106, 107 ; sin-
less, 108, 109; as liOrante" 113, 195
Mass, application of, 223 ; honorarium,
239 ; traffic, charge of L. , 239
Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 202, 208
Massacres by Protestants, 203
Maximus, St., on Infallibility, 16 ; on
Mary, 93, 94
Mayence, Council of, 205
Melchiades, P., 183, 186
Meletius and the Holy See, 59
Memmius, St., 190, 191
Members of the Church, who? 75 seq,
Mennas, 58
Metropolitans, of Cesarea, 47 ; of Cyprus,
115 ; of England, 78, 79
Mill, on Theophanies, 265
Milman, 84, 178
Milner misrepresented, 221
Miracles wrought through invocation of
Saints and by relics, 91, 92. See also
98, 107
Minucius Felix, his protest against wor-
ship of crosses, 120
Missions, Catholic and Schismatic, 250, 251
Molinos, 151
Morinus, 57, 191, 226
Muratori, 98
NAG'S Head fable, 198
Natalis, Alexander, 44, 47, 51, 57, 58, 66,
1 1 6, 120, 200, 202
Neander, 178, 188
Necessitas, praecepti et medii, 139 ; not
understood by L., 143 ; admitted by An-
glican Divines, 145
Nestorianism, 70
Mestorius, 63
Newman, Cardinal, 26, 85, 93, 101, 103.
104, 107, 109, 131, 238, 255 ; L.'s wan-
ton charge against him, 194, 195; vin-
dicated against the Church-Quarterly,
273-279
Nicolas I., 20; defamed by L., 176, 177;
his true character, 179, 186
INDEX.
287
Nilles, 269
Nil us, on Mary, 93
Norfolk, Duke of, 207
Noris, Cardinal, 69
Northcote and Brownlow, 91, 113, 195
Notes of the Church ; what a Note is, 253 ;
not wanting in the Roman Church, 240
Nothelm of Canterbury, 182
Nuremberg, Assembly of, 225
OBEDIENCE, of Mary, 102; of God to man,
128; to the Pope in matters doubtful,
172
Obscurity of the Vatican definition al-
leged, 36
" Operations" in Christ, 29 seg.
Optatus of Milevis, 41
" Orante," 113, 195
Origen, on the Petrine texts, 2 ; on Angel-
worship, 89; quoted against image-
worship, 120, 131 ; on Bible-reading, 154
Original sin, 136
Osservatore Romano, 75
PAGI, 28, 31
Paley, on the First Commandment, 112
Pallium, 72
Papacy, no human institution, 39, 45, 73 ;
in the tenth century, 71 J contested, 31
Papal, Prerogative and the Creeds, n,
12 ; Infallibility and the Fathers, 12 seg.
Prerogative and Conciliar Canons, 49
seg. ; Prerogative and England, 76 ;
proved from catena of English authori-
ties, 79
Papebroch, 65
Paschasius, 183
Patriarchate, of the Pope, 39, 46, 54 ; of
Antioch, 47
Paul, St., 9, 10, 87
Paul IV., 73
Paulinus, of Antioch, 59 ; of Nola on
images, 121; on adoration of the cross,
122, 131
Pearson, 48
Pelagius, 136, 189
Pelagius, P. II., 5, 188; on schismatics,
256
Penance. See Satisfaction
Penitentiary, congregation. See Taxae
Petavius, 28
Peter, St., his privilege and titles, 1-9;
never degraded from Apostolic office, 8 ;
not restricted, 9, 10 ; his privilege accord-
ing to L., 10, ii ; his praises in the
Church of Ephesus and Chalcedon, 15,
16 ; his connection with Rome, 48 ; his
so-called letter, 177
Peter, of Antioch, 43 ; of Celle, 160; Chry-
sologus, on Mary, 100; Damiun, 8, 9;
Lombard, on the knowledge Saints have
of our prayers, 131, 132
Philip, the Legate, 15, 42
Photius, 51, 57
Pictures. See Images
Pisa, 31
Pistoja, 35
Pius IV., i, 135 ; and decrees of Lucca,
206 ; erects Dataria, 235
Pius V., his Breviary, 192 ; charged falsely
with plotting against the life of Eliza-
beth, 207 ; suppresses Penitentiary taxes,
235
Pius VI., 34, 35
Pius IX., calumniously called afree-mason,
Pope, the centre of a twofold unity in the
Church, 12, 13; apostolic head, 19; suc-
cessor of St. Peter, 10, 19, 20, 72, 184 ',
Prince of the whole Church, 43 ; vicar ol
God, 44 ; and Canon law, 55 ; un-poping
himself, 48, 75 ; if doubtful, 30, 31
Popes, 32 ; quoting Sardican Canons, 175 J
have no share in the issue of the false
Decretals, 179 ; their moral character
and sanctity maintained against L., 244
Prayers, of saints, 90 ; to saints, 91, 94-96
Price list, falsely supposed for sins, 229 ;
calumny in regard to, 237; L.'s shift,
238
Primacy. See Papal Prerogative
Private judgment, 172, 173
Privilegiutn, personate, reale, 55
Privilege, meaning of, 50
Probabilisrn, 159 ; wrongly described by
L., 160,' itsjorigin and true notion, 162
Proclus, St., on Mary, 99, 100
Promoter fidei, office of, 269
Protestant, authorities for Peter in Rome,
48 ; on the necessity of Papal power, 84 ;
on the false Decretals, 178 ; on the Cy-
prianic testimonies as to the Papacy, 188,
189 ; on Protestant intolerance, 203, 208,
209 ; on satisfaction, 218
Purgatory, L.'s strange objections, 222
Pusey, Dr., 212, 263, 273 seg
QUALITY and quantity in devotion, 125
Quesnel, 65
Quietism, 151
RAVAILLAC, 209
Reformers, 32 ; and Pseudo-decretals, 186 ;
those of England characterised by L.,
209, 210, 255
Relative latria, 87
Relics. See Cultus
Resistance to Pope, 46 ; but cf. 57. 59
Revelation, its interpreter, 26, 27
288
INDEX-
Ricci, 261.
Ridolfi, 207
Kigali! us, 239
Rinaldus, 225
Ritualists, and comm. sub utr&que, 142 ;
and casuistry, 101 ; and absolution, 219 ;
their Eucharistic Manuals, 277
* Roma locuta est" See St. Augustine
" Roma Sotteranea," 91, 113, 195
Russia, conversion of, 251
SACRAMENTAL system, 73
Sacraments, uncertainty in, 213 seq
Sanctity in the Church of Rome, 247, 248
Satisfaction, 217 seq.
Schism guarded against by Peter's privi-
lege, 22, 38.
Schismatics, who are, 41, 80, 82, 256
Schneeman, S.J., 40
Self-defence, 167, 17^1, 211
Seminaries, studies in, 158
Simon Stylites, devotion to in Rome, 124
Simony, 73, 170, 235
Smcius, P., 42
Sirlet, Cardinal, 191, 192
Sixtus V., 33, 157
Socrates, 178, 263
Sozomen, on Papal supremacy, 43, 179,
263
Statistics of L. regarding Catholic prison-
ers, unfair, 242, 243
Stephen, of Dora, on Infallibility, 18
Stephen III. and St. Peter's letter, 177
Stigmata, borne by saints in heaven, 91
Suarez on image-worship, 114
Succession in the Roman See, 72 ; uninter-
rupted, 252
Successors of Peter, 15, 20, 21, 25, 80
Sylvester, St., 176, 181, 182
Sylvius, 226
TABLET, 25, 144, 168
Taxae, Tax-tables, 224-238
Tertullian, 4, n, 40, 49, 93, 108, 265
Theodoret, 59, 69, 92, 119, 124
Theophanies, 87, 88, 263-265
Thomas, St., of Canterbury, on Papal
Supremacy, 81, 82
Thomas, St., Aquinas, 86 ; doctrine dis-
torted by L., 114; on Immaculate Con-
ception, 135, 138 ; on Communion sub
utrdque, 141
Thomassin, 97, 140, 142
" Three Chapters," 29, 68
Tillemont, 24, 27, 60, 65, 243
Title, of Son of God, 51 ; of Universal
Bishops, 70, 78 ; of servus servonan
Dei, 71
Titles, honorary, 45, 46
Titles of Mary, 93 seq.
Toleration in principle and fact, 211, 213
Tostatus, 9
Tournon, Cardinal, 146
Trinity, belief in, 143-145
Truilo, council in, 51
Turrecremata, 30
UNCERTAINTY. See Faith and Sacrament
Unity of the Church, 12 ; how preserved,
32, 40, 4xk 188 : possible and actual in the
Roman Cfcurui, 241, 242
Untrustworthiness, charge of, 175
Unfaithfulness, charge of, 195, 198. See
also St. Alfcnso, Cardinal Newman,
Controversialists
Urban II., 204; IV., 190 ; VIII., 159
Ursicinus, Antipope, 245
VALLARSI, 22, 24
Vasquez, 114, 135
Vatican. See Council and Definition
Vercellone, 157
Vicar, of Christ's love (Peter), 7 ; of God,
44 ; Popes, Vicars of Peter, 16, 80, 81
Vicariate, its highest characteristic, 8
Victor, St., 57
Vigilantius, 91
Vigilius, P., 29, 58, 68; of Aries, 76
Vincent, St., of Lerins, 83, 133; of Paul,
247, 248
Vitalian, P., 78
" Voto, in" 139
Vulgate, 33
WARD, Dr., 107
Wasa, Gustav, 203
Wicliffites, 142
Wilfrid, St., 79
Wilhelm, Canonist, 187
Wills, in Chri>t, two morally one, 99
Wiseman, Cardinal, false charge against,
196, 197 ; misrepresented, 221
Wordsworth, 95
Worship. See Cultus, Latria, and Dulia
YORK, raised to metropolitan rank by Pope
Leo II., 79
ZACHARIA, S. J., 176
Zachary, P., 79, 182
Zephyrinus, P., 40
Zosimus, P., 60, 175, 189, £73
Date Due
12208