Full text of "The aboriginal races of North America; comprising biographical sketches of eminent individuals, and an historical account of the different tribes, from the first discovery of the continent to the present period ... and a copious analytical index"

1 0, t>0 4 1

ABORIGINAL RACES OF NORTH
AMERICA

CC4

NY PUBLIC LIBRAF

H 3 3333

Y THE BRANCH LIBRAR

08081 357

TtfT? KVIT \

n VT->- ,-. T1

r ()n!K r P'JMLIC

y * - J T - -j -

ITBRAHy

fflj

455 FIF,

1 "

i2S

NEW YCh-;.

.r , ..' ^ ^ "

wr ffl xn

- W

"*' J-^iA.JlIV <! Fti'T^/ '^ -i

THE

ABORIGINAL RACES

NORTH AMERICA; ,

COMPRISn

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF EMINENT INDIVIDUALS,

AND

AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES,

FROM

THE FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE CONTINENT

THE PRESENT PERIOD

WITH A DISSERTATION ON THEIR

dDrigin, Slntlquttitii, Manners nnb Customs,

ILLUSTRATIVE NARRATIVES AND ANECDOTES..

AND A

COPIOUS ANAL (

BY SAMUHTO DRAKE.

FIFTEENTH EDITION,

REVISED, WITH VALUABLE ADDITIONS,

BY J. W. O'NEILL.

toitlj gjfamtrmw 0I0refc Stttl-jjlate (Siuplrings.

They waste us; ay, like the April snow
In the warm noon we shrink away;

And fast they follow as we go
Toward the setting day;

Till they shall fill the land, and we

Are driven into the western sea. BRYANT.

PHILADELPHIA :
CHARLES DESILVER,

No. 714 CHESTNUT STREET.

1859.

Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by
CHARLES DESILVER,

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern District of

Pennsylvania.

3049 1

PREFACE.

THE history of the aboriginal races of the American Continent is an
interesting study, not only to the people of this Union, but also to those
of other lands, who regard them as the congeners of the nomadic hordes,
which in times long past swarmed over the plains of now civilized
Europe. In many respects there is a very close resemblance between
the characters and final fate of all the primitive tribes and nations of
the world their mode of government, habits, customs, &c., being
somewhat similar and their recession before the onward march of
civilization, as well as their final absorption or disappearance, following
an inexorable natural law, which decrees the submission of the animal
to intellectual development. From the study of past events alon-e can
an opinion be formed of the causes which gave origin to them, and for
this reason should every American citizen, who desires to understand
the true history of his country, peruse with attention the records of the
former owners of that soil, which ere long will no more give sustenance
to any of their descendants.

No ordinary task is it for the faithful chronicler to trace the history
of a people who have no written annals, and no written language;
whose only records are of a pictographic character ; and whose traditions
are so vague and unconnected as to be very unreliable. Such are the
difficulties he has to encounter anterior to the discovery of America by
Columbus ] and even subsequent to that period, owing to the unsettled
condition of the country until within the last half century, years of
research and comparison are rendered necessary in order to reconcile
conflicting statements, and unravel the tangled web of confused narra-
tives. Believing, however, that the end to be attained, that of giving
to the world a reliable history of the Indians of the North American

(3)

4 PREFACE.

Continent was one which justified the author in making any sacrifice
of time and labor in its accomplishment, he, f'nr many year-, toiled
unremittingly to accomplish this purpose; sparing neither trouble nur
expense in the collection of facts and their sectional arrangement.
Whether he has succeeded in accordance with his hopes he does not
pretend to say; leaving to the judgment of the intelligent reader the
decision of the question, after a thorough and attentive perusal of the
work.

The Indian has been traced through all his misfortunes, wanderings,
and forced transmigrations, to his present home on the western shores
of the Mississippi, where there is every prospect of his speedy absorp-
tion in the Anglo-Saxon current which is so steadily flowing toward the
setting sun ; and the last remnant of the race will soon in spirit, if not
in words, echo the language of a poetic writer, who thus portrays the
eole survivor as apostrophizing the Deity :

"Where is my home my forest home? the proud land of my sires?
Where stands the wigwam of my pride ? where gleam the council fires ?
Where are my fathers' hallowed graves ? my friends so light and free ?
Gone, gone, forever from my view ! Great Spirit ! can it be ? "

CONTENTS.

AN ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION OF

THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS, 9

BOOK I.

ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND
CUSTOMS, &c., OF THE AMERICAN IN-
DIANS.

CHAP. I. Origin of the name Indian Why applied
to the people found in America Ancient authors
supposed to have referred to America in their
writings Theopompus Voyage of Hanno Di-
odorus Siculus Plato Aristotle Seneca, .19

CHAP. II. Modern theorists upon the first peo-
pling of America, 22

CHAP. III. Anecdotes and Narratives, illustra-
tive of the Manners, Customs, Traditions, and
Antiquities of the Indians, '34

CHAP. IV. American antiquities Few Indian
antiquities Of rrounds and their contents
Account of those in Cincinnati In the Miami
country Works supposed to have been built
for defences or fortifications Some at Piqua
Near Hamilton Millbrd Deerfield Six miles
above Lebanon On Paint Creek At Marietta
At Circleville Their age uncertain Works
on Licking River Ancient excavations or wells
near Newark Various other works, 55

BOOK II.

HISTORY OF
NEW ENGLAND

THE
IN-

BlOGRAPHY AND

NORTHERN OR
DIANS.

CHAP. I. Conduct of the early voyagers towards
the Indians Some account of the individuals, 67

CHAP. II. Arrival and first proceedings of the
English who settle at Plimouth Their first
discovery of Indians Their first battle with
them Sumoset Squanto Massasoit and
others, ................................... 75

CHAP. III. Some account of the Massachusetts
Indians Geography of their country Its chiefs

Chikatanbut Wampatuck His war with
the Mohawks, ............................ 106

CHAP. IV. Of the great nation of the Narragan-
setts Geography of their country Canonicus

Miantunnomoh His relations Aids the Eng-
lish in destroying the Pequots Sells Rhode
Island His difficulties with the English Vis-
its Boston His magnanimity and independence

His capture and death Circumstances of his
execution Participation of the whites therein

Impartial view of that affair Traditions
Ninigret Mexam Cuttaquin Ascassassotick

Ninigret Present condition of his descend-
ants Pessacus Killed by the Mohawks,.. .117

CHAP. V. Uncas His character Connections

Geography of the Mohegan country Pequots

Uncas Visits Boston His speech to Gov-
ernor Winthrop Specimen of the 3Iohegan
language Minor chiefs, .............. t . . .149

CHAP. VI. Of the Pequot nation Geography of
their country Sassacus, their first chief, known
to the English War The cause of it, ..... 165

CHAP. VII. Of the Praying or Christian Indians
in New England Labors of John Eliot Wau-
ban the first Christian sagamore Indian laws

Uncas protests against the attempt to convert
his people Ninigret refuses to receive mission-
aries The Indian Bible Wattassacomponum

Hiacoomes Miohqsoo Occum, ......... 175

BOOK III.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NEW
ENGLAND INDIANS, CONTINUED.

CHAP. I. Wampanoag chiefs Alexander Events
which led to the war with Philip Ninigret
Death of Alexander Sassamon, .......... 187

CHAP. II. Life of King Philip His real name
The name of his wife Makes frequent sales of
his lands Account of them His first treaty at
Plimouth Expedition to Nantucket Events
of 1071 Begins the war of 1675 First acts of
hostility Fights the English under Mosely
The great Fight at Narraganset Flies hia
country Visits the Mohawks Ill-devised
stratagem Events of 1676 Is hunted by Cap-
tain Church Akkompoin His wife and son
fall into the hands of Church Flies to Po-
kanoket Is surprised and slain Specimen of

the Wampanoag Language, 197

CHAP. III. LIVES OF PHILIP'S CHIEF CAP-
TAINS Nanuntenoo Reasons for his aiding
Philip His former name Meets the English
and Indians under Captain Peirse Fights and
destroys his whole company at Pawtucket
Surprised and taken His magnanimity
Speech to his captors Is executed and his body
burnt Cassassinnamon Catapazet Mono-
poide Annawon is put to death Quinnapin
His connections and marriage At the cap-
ture of Lancaster Account of his wives
Wetamoo He is taken and shot Tuspaquin
His operations in Philip's war Surrenders
himself, and is put to death Tatoson Captures
a garrison in Plimouth Tyasks Other chiefs

and incidents, 230

CHAP. IV. Chief women conspicuous in Philip's
war Magnus Her country and relations Her
capture and death Awashonks Her men dis-
armed Philip endeavors to engage her against
the English Is finally in the power of Philip
Reclaimed by Church Some particulars of her

family, 243

CHAP. V. A further account of chiefs conspicu-
ous in Philip's war Pumham Taken and slain
His son (iuaqualh Chickon Socononoco
Potock Complaint against Wildbow Delivers
himself up Put to death Stone-wall-John A
great captain His men greatly annoy the
English army in Narraganset Kills several of
them They burn a garrison, and kill fifteen
persons A traffic in Indian prisoners The
burning of Rehoboth and Providence John's
discourse with Roger Williams Is killed
Sagamore John Fate of Matoorias Put to
death on Boston Common His son hanged for
murder Monoco David Andrew James-
the-printer Old Jethero Sagamore-Sam
Visited by Eliot in 1652 Anecdote Peter Je-
thero, 257

CHAP. VI. Friendly Indians Captain Amos
Escapes the slaughter at Pawtucket Com-
mands a company in the eastern war Captain
Lightfoot His services in Philip's war In the
eastern war Kettenanit (Juannapohit Mau-
tamp Monoco Nepanet Employed to treat
with the enemy Brings letters from them
Effects an exchange of prisoners Peter Con-
way Peter Ephraim,, 269

CHAP. VII. Of the Indians in New Hampshire
and Maine previous to their wars with the
whites Dominions of the bashaba Perishes in
war Passaconaway His dominions His last
speech to his people Petitions the court of
Massachusetts Lands allotted to him English
sends a force to disarm him Their fears of his
enmity unfounded They seize and ill treat Lis
son He escapes Traditions concerning him
Wannalancet His situation in Philip's war
Messengers and letters sent him by the English
He again retires into the wilderness Mosely
destroys his village Imprisoned for debt Fa-
vors Christianity A speech Wehanownowit,
sachem of New Hampshire Robinhood His
sales of land in Maine Monquine Kennebis
Assiminasqua Abbigadasaet Their residen-
and sales of land Melancholy fate of

ces

Chocorua, 277

CHAP. VIII. Squando sachem of Saco Attacks

CONTENTS.

the Jownof Saco Singular account of him by ;i
contemporary Tin- ill treatment of hii wife a
cause of \\ ar Ills humanity in ir-torm_' a cnp-
tne M.ulnkau ando C:m-e- of Ins hostility
Assiminasqua His speech Speech of Tarum-
kiu Mug:,' Is carried tn l!<>-tou in CM cute a
treaty Is AladnhHU aii'io's amba-sador Re-
Ir.'i-e of Tho I -.Ma.lokawando's killd-

nesa to prisoners Moxus attacks \\'clls ami is
'n oli' Attacked tin' next sear by the. In-
dians mid'-r Madokawando and a company of
I nchmen Arc repulsed with L In-

cidents of the .siezi Minis. Caslirns A further
OUQtof MOMI- Wanimgiinet Assacambiiit
Further account of .Mu_-i' His death Sy-
inoii, Andrew, Jeotlrey, I'd. i, and Joseph Ac-
count of their depredations Life of Kankama-
-Trrated \vitli ne-lect l-'lies liis country
omee an t nemy Surprise of Dover and
mm.!, i id' Major Waldron Masandosvet Wo-
roinho His tiirt captured b\ Church Kankam-
l'a wife and children taken Hopehoud
-picuous in tho massacre at Salmon Fall-
His death Mattahando Megunneway, ... .286

JHAP. IX. Bomazecn Treachery of the whites
towards him Is imprisoned at Boston S..se-
the life of a female captive Captures Saco
Is killed Arruhawikwabemt His capture and
' n Egeremet Seized at Pemmaquid Bar-
barously murdered Treachery of Chubb Its
requital Captain Tom Surprises Hampton
Dony His fort captured by Colonel Church-
Events of Church's expedition -Captain Sim mo
-Treats with the English atCasco His speech
Wattanummon Captain Samuel His fight
at Damaris Cove Hegan One of the name bar-
barously destroyed by the whites Mogg
Westbrook burns Nerigwok Some account of
the Jesuit Rasle Moulton's expedition to Ner-
igwok Death of Mogg Death of Father Rasle
Notice of Moulton Charlevoix's account of
this affair Paugus Bounty offered for Indian
scalps Captain John Lovewell's first expedi-
tion His second hunt for Indians Falls in with
Paugus Fights him and is slain Incidents
Songs composed on the event, 303

JHAP.~X. The St. Francis Indians Rogers's ex-
pedition against them Philip Sabatis Ar-
nold's expedition Natanis The modern Pe-
nobscots Aitteon Neptune Capt. Francis
Susup murders an Englishman Specimen of the
Penobscot language Rowles His prophecy
Blind Will Killed by the Mohawks Assacam-
buit Visits France and is knighted by the king
Attacks and burns Haverhill His death,. 318

CHAP. XI. Destruction of Deerfield, and captiv-
ity of Reverend John Williams and family, in
1704, 325

CHAP. XII. Various incidents in the history of
the New England Indians, embracing several
important events, with a sequel to some pre-
vious memoirs, 328

BOOK IV.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE
SOUTHERN INDIANS.

CHAP. 1. Preliminary observations respecting the
country of the southern Indians Wingina, the
first Virginia chief known to the English De-
stroys the first colony settled there Menatonon
Skiko Ensenore Second colony abandons
the cf 'intry Tobacco first carried to England
Gr ai</anemeo His kindnesses His family
His deuth Powhatan Boundaries of his coun-
try Surprises the Payankatanks Captain
Smith fi.-hts his people Opekankanough takes
Smith prisoner Takes him to Powhatan, who
condemns him to be put to death Smith's life
saved kt the intercession of Pocahontas IHSO-
lencf of Powhatan increased by Newport's folly
Smith brings him to terms A crown sent over
to Powhatan from England Is crowned em-
peror Speech Uses stratagems to kill Smith
Is baffled in every attempt Smith visits him

-Speeches Pocahontas ngain save- Smith and
hi- comrades from being murdered b\ her father
Tomocomo, M 13

CHAP. II. Reflection ii|uui the character of Pow-

1 1 at an Pocahonta* She MiiL'iilarly elite I tains
Captain Smiili Disaster of a boat's crew
Smith's attempt to surprise Powhatan frus-
trated in consequence Pocahontas saves the
life of Wyfiin Betrayed into the hands of the
Dullish .!ap;:/aws Mr. Judle. marries I'
hontas Optic hi sro I'm-;, hi ml a-- \i-iK Ln^land
Her interview witli Smith Dies at (Jras i
Her son Opekankanough Made prisoner by
Smith Is set at liberty Conducts the mas-
sacre of 1622 Plots tin! extirpation of the
I iL-lish Conducts the horrid massacre of l(il-l
Is taken prisoner His conduct upon the oc-
casion Barbarously wounded hy the uiiard
Last speech, and magnanimity in death Re-
ib'ctions Nickotawanci Totopotomoi Joins
the English against the Rechahecrians Is de-
feated and slain, 355

CHAP. III. Of the Creek Indians Muskogee.s
Prohibit the use of ardent spirits Their rise
and importance Their origin Catawbns
Chiknsaus Cherokees A mode of flattening
their heads Complexion lighter than otl,< r
Indians Seminoles Ruins at Oakmulgee
Fields Expedition of Solo He kills 2000 In-
dians Landonniere Gourges' expedition
Giijalva Moytoy made emperor of the Cher-
okees Sir Alexander Curnming His travels
among the Cherokees Seven chiefs accompany
him to England Attakullakulla Skijagustah
His speech to the king His death, 3C3

CHAP. IV. Settlement of Carolina and Georgia
Tomochichi receives the English Goes to
England with General Oglethorpe Makes a
speech to the king His death War with the
Spaniards Outacitie Malachty Attakulla-
kulla Indians murdered Attakullakulla pre-
vents retaliation upon whites in his power
Cherokee war begins Governor Littleton's
expedition Imprisons their Ambassadors
They are massacred Colonel Montgomery sent
against them Battle near Keowee Chero-
kees take Fort London Siloue Saves the
life of Colonel Byrd Colonel Grant subdues the
Cherokees, and they make peace with the
Whites Chlucco, 369

CHAP. V. Moncachtape, the Yazoo Narrative
of his adventures to the Pacific Ocean Grand
sun, chief of the Natchez Receives great in-
justice from the French Concerts their de-
struction 700 French are cut off War with
them The Natchez destroyed in their turn
Great-Mortar M'Gillivray His birth and edu-
cation Visits New York Troubles of his na-
tionHis death Tame-king Mad-dog, ...380

CHAP. VI. Weatherford His character and
country The corner-stone of the Creek confed-
eracy Favors the designs of Tecumseh Cap-
tures Fort Mimrns Dreadful massacre Sub-
jection of the Creeks Weatherford surrenders
himself His speeches M'Intosh Aids the
Americans Battle of Autossee Great slaugh-
ter of the Indians Battle of the Horse-shoe-
bend Late troubles in the Creek nation
M'Intosh makes illegal sale of lands Exe-
cuted for breaking the laws of his country
Menawway Tustenugge Hawkins Chilly
M'Intosh, son of William Marriage of his sip-
ter Lovett, 388

CHAP. VII. Creek war continued View of the
Creek country General Jackson ordered out
against them Relieves Chinnaby Shelokta
Path-killer Capture of Littafutche The Tal-
lushatches destroyed by General Coffee
Battle of Talladeffii Anecdote Massacre of
the Hallibees Further account of Autossee
battle Battle of Camp Defiance Timpoochie
Battle of Eckanakaka Pushamata Weath-
erford Jim Fife Battle of Emukfau A sec
oud battle Fife's intrepidity Battle of Enoto-
chopko Tohopcka End of the Creek war

CONTENTS.

Death of three Prophets Monohoe M'Queen
Colbert, alias Piomingo His exploits Anec-
dote Murder of John Morris Mushalatubee
Pushamata Speech of Mushalatubee and of
Pushamata to Lafayette at Washington Pu-
shamata dies there Hillishago visits England
Excites the Seminoles to war A modern
Pocahontas Hornotlimed Massacres a boat's
crew in Apalachicola River Is captured with
Hillishago, and hanged Neamathla Removal
of the Florida Indians Their wretched condi-
tion M'Queen Rich in lands and slaves
Flies to Florida, and loses his effects, 394

CHAP. VIII. Grounds of the Seminole war
Circumstances of those Indians misunderstood
Unjustness of the war Neamathla deposed
Treaties Of Moultrie Creek Payne's Land-
ing Council at Camp King Is broken up by
Osceola It is renewed, arid a party agrees to
emigrate Osceola's opposition Is seized and
put in irons Feigns a submission, and is re-
leased Executes an agreement to comply with
the demands of the whites The physical con-
dition of the Indians, 410

CHAP. IX. The Indian:, prepare for war Affair
of Hogtown A mail carrier killed Sales of
the Indians' cattle and horses advertised by the
Indian agent, but none takes place Burnings
and murders are committed Settlement at
New River destroyed Remarkable preserva-
tion of a Mr. Godfrey's family Colonel War-
ren's defeat Swamp fight Destruction of New
Smyrna Defeat and death of Major Dade, with
the destruction of nearly his whole party
Visit to his battle-ground, 414

CHAP. X. Of the principal chiefs and war lead-
ers of the Seminoles Osceola Micanopy
Jumper Massacre of General Thompson and
others at Fort King Battle of the Ouithle-
coochee Fight near Wetumka Great distress
of the country Action of Congress upon it
Battle at Musqaito Many Creeks join the
Seminoles Fight on the Suanee River, ....420

CHAP. XI. Congress makes an appropriation for
carrying on the war Remarks in the Senate of
the United States on the war with the Semi-
noles Debate in the House of Representatives
on the bill for the relief of the inhabitants of
Florida Attack on some Creeks at Bryant's
Ferry General Gaines's campaign in Florida
Fights the Indians on the Ouithlecoochee His
conference with Osceola Resigns his com-
mand, and leaves the country Captain Alli-
son's skirmish The chief Ouchee Billy killed
Siege of Camp McLemore Great sufferings
of its garrison Delivered by Captain Read
The chief Mad Wolf slain, 426

CHAP. XII. Creek War Murders and devasta-
tions begin Eleven persons killed near Colum-
bus Mail routes in possession of the Indians
A steamboat attacked and men killed Chiefs
of the war parties Mail stages destroyed The
town of Roanoke burnt Colonel Lindsay's
Florida affair Excessive dismay of the people
of Georgia Murder of families Fight on the
Chattahoochie Capture of Jim Henry and Ne-
amathla Account of the chiefs Surrender of
the Indians, 433

CHAP. XIII. History of the expatriation of the
Cherokees, , 437

CHAP. XIV. Expatriation of the Cherokees, con-
tinued, 443

CHAP. XV. History of the Cherokees, contin-
ued, 449

CHAP. XVI. History of the Cherokees, conclud-
ed, 454

CHAP. XVII. The Seminole war resumed
Further account of the causes of the war Nu-
merous cases of gross imposition Bad conduct
of government officers A new treaty of remo-
val urged A deputation visits the west Their
report Another treaty Speeches ot the chiefs
Examination of the policy of tne government
relative to a removal of the Indians Character
of borderers Review of the manner treaties of
sale were procured The president angry at the

Indians' presumption Barbarous treatment of
three Mickasaukies, 461

CHAP. XVIII. Carrying the events of the war to
tJte close of the year 1836 Review of early diffi-
culties The Hogtown murder The insult to
Osceola Micanopy King Payne General
Clinch's expedition Gen. Scott attacked
Massacre at Charlotte Harbor Fort Micanopy
besieged Death of officers Lighthouse affair
Battle of Welika Creeks and Cherokee
affairs Indians surpriseo. Murders Battle of
San Felasco Col. Lane's expedition His
melancholy death Gov. Call in command
Battles of the Wahoo Swamp Gen. Jesup
resumes command His expedition to the Wa-
hoo, 470

CHAP. XIX. Events of the tear during the year
1837 Expedition to Ahapopka Osuchee killed
Jesup parleys with the chiefs Col. Hender-
son's expedition Battle of Lake Monroe
Treaty of Fort Dade Unobserved Osceola at
Fort Mellon Numbers of the Seminoles
Sudden abduction of emigrants Jesup requests
to be relieved from command Western Indians
applied to Gen. Hernandez's expedition Cap-
ture of King Philip Surprise of the Uchees
Surrender of chiefs Mediation of Ross Cap-
ture of Osceola and others View of the affair
Wild Cat's escape Battle of Okechobee, 477

CHAP. XX. Embracing the events of 1838 and
1839 Battle of Wacasa Swamp Defeat of
Lieut. Powell Battle of Lucha Hatcha Gen.
Jesup wounded Death of Osceola His char-
acter Gen. Jesup desires to give up the war,
and allow the Indians to live in Florida Not
allowed by the government His talk with Tos-
kegee Indians seized at Fort Jupiter Gen.
Jesup leaves Florida Death of Philip and
Jumper Capt. Ellis's exploit Indians surprise
Capt. Beall Families murdered Crews of
vessels murdered Death of Mushalatubee
Camp Forbes attacked Numerous murders
Capt. Russell and Maj. Noel killed Capt.
Rowell defeated Gen. Macomb takes command
in Florida Endeavors to make a treaty Lieut.
Hulbert killed Reward for Indians Massacre
at Colooshatchie Indians surprised at Fort
Mellon Murders on the Waculla Blood-
hounds to be employed against the Seminoles
Depredations continue, 484

CHAP. XXI. Events of the year 1840 A train of
wagons taken Lieut. Whedan killed Dog
exploits Families destroyed Defeat of Capt.
Rains Lieut. Sanderson's defeat Col. Riley's
exploit Col. Green's Col. Harney's A com-
pany of players attacked Cow Creek skirmish
Indian Key destroyed Lieut. Arthur's ex-
ploit Eleven families destroyed Capt. Beall's
fight Lieut. Hanson's battle Indian hanged
Pacification attempted through a deputation of
Seminoles from Arkansas It fails Whites
taken in aiding Indians Wild Cat's exploit
Sad accident Lieut. Judd ambushed Fort
Hanson burnt Col. Harney's voyage to the
Everglades Hangs nine Indians The chief
Chiakika killedFort Walker attacked Capt.
Davidson dies Lieut. Sherwood's ambush, and
death of Mrs. Montgomery, 491

BOOK V.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OP THE IRO-
QTJOIS OR FIVE NATIONS, AND OTHEB
NEIGHBORING TRIBES OF THE WEST.

CHAP. I. Particulars in the history of the Irp-
quois or Five Nations Extent of their domin-
ions Antiquities and traditions Destroy the
Eries War with the Adirondaks Specimen
of their language Account of the chiefs
Grangula Black-kettle His bloody wars with
the French Adario His singular stratagem to
unite his countrymen against the French De-
stroys Montreal and near a thousand inhabitants
Dies in peace with the French Dekanisora
a renowned orator Peiakarct The miraculous

CONTENTS.

torics concerning him HUtory of the journey
of live Iroquois chiefs to England, 4'J9

CHAP II. Tamany, a fimoun ancient Delaware
His hiritory SnikclliimiH Favors tin- Mora-
vian Brethren Hi* reception of Count /inzin-
dorf His death Canassatego Visits Phila-
delphia His speech to tip- 1)' lawarcs Anec-
dotes lit" liini (ilikhikiui His speech t H.ilf-
kini,' His attachment to the Christian Indians
Meets with mu'-li trouMe from Ca|)tain Pipe
luct of Half-king Of Pipe Glikhikan pcr-
i~he3 in the massacre at Gniulenhuetten Pa-
kanke His history Netawutwoes Becomes a
Christian His speech to Pakanke His death
Pa \noiis Tiideiiskuiul His history and death
White-e\ es His transactions with the mis-
sionaries Skcnando His celebrated speech
Curious anecdote of him Mis death, 512

CHAP. III. Washington's embassy to the French
on the Ohio Battle near Great Meadows, and
death of Jumonville Chiefs met with by
Washington Shinsis Monacatoocha Half-
king Juskakaka White-thunder Alliquipa
Capt. Jacobs Hendrick His history Cu-
rious anecdote of Logan Cresap's war Bat-
tle of Point Pleasant Logan's famous speech
Cornstalk His history Red-hawk Ellinip-
sico The barbarous murder of these three
Melancholy death of Logan Pontiac A re-
nowned warrior Colonel Roger's account of
him His policy Fall of Michilimakinak Me-
nehwehna Siege of Detroit Pontiac's strata-
gem to surprise it Is discovered Official ac-
count of the affair at Bloody Bridge Pontiac
abandons the siege Becomes the friend of the
English Is assassinated, 530

CHAP. IV. Capt. Pipe Situation of affairs on
the frontiers at the period of the revolution
Sad condition of the Moravian Indians at this
period Half-king engages to take them to Can-
ada His speech to them They remonstrate
Half-king Inclines not to molest them, but Capt.
Pipe's counsel prevails, and they are seized
Pipe's conduct thereupon Missionaries taken
to Detroit and examined Pipe goes to accuse
Them Changes his conduct towards them, and
they are acquitted Remarkable deliverance
Captain White-eyes opposes the conduct of
Pipe His speech to his people Colonel Broad-
head's expedition Brutal massacre of a chief
Gelelemend Buokongahelas Reproves the
murder of Major Trueman and others In the
battle of Presq'Isle His death His intre-
pidity Further particulars of Captain Pipe
His famous speech Expedition and defeat of
Colonel Crawford, who is burnt at the stake
Cliiktommo King-crane Little-turtle De-
feats General St. Clair's army Incidents in that
affair Little-turtle's opinion of General Wayne
Visits Philadelphia His interview \vith C.
F. Volney Anecdotes Blue-jacket Defeated
by Gen. Wayne in the battle of Presq'Isle,. .554

CHAP. V. Life of Thayandaneca, called by the
whites Brant His education Visits England
Commissioned there His sister a companion
to Sir Wm. Johnson His letter to the Oneidas
Affair with Herkimer at Unadilla Cuts off
Herkimer and 200 men at Oriakana Anecdote
of Herkimer Burns Springfield Horrid affair
of Wyoming Incidents Destroys Cherry Val-
ley Barbarities of the lories Sullivan's dep-
redations among the Five Nations Brant de-
feated by the Americans at Newtown De-
struction of Minisink, and slaughter of 100 peo-
ple Destruction of Harpersfield Brant's letter
t.j M'Causland Marriage of his daughter Her
husband killed Brant becomes the friend of
peace Visits Philadelphia His marriage
Lands granted him by the king His death His
son John Traits of character One of his sons
killed by him, in an attempt to kill his father
Account of Brant's arrival in England Some
account of his children, 577

CHAP. VI. Facts in the history of the Seneca
nation Sagoyewatha, or Red-jacket His fa-

mous speech to a missionary Hio interview

with Colonel Suclling British inv ude ln> coun
try Resolves to repel them His speech upon
L the event Govemoi Clinton'.) account of him
Witchcrall affair Complains of fin ruach-
nic-nts One of hi* people put to death lor In mi:
ll witch Hi; defends the execut loner His in-
terview with Lafa\i>tte Council at Canand.u-

gua Farmers-brother Red-jacket visits I'iul-

adelphia His speech to tin' u'oM-rnor of I'.ni,-
SN I v.i i) i a Speech of Agwelondoogwai, oi Good-
jieier Narrative of his capture during tlie rev-
olutionary war Farmen-orother, or Hon:.\a-
wus Visits Philadelphia Peter-jaqueite
Visits France Account of his death Memo-
rable speech of Farmers-brother His letti-r to
the secretary of war Notice of several other
Seneca chiefs Koyingqaatah. or Young-king
Juskakaka, or Little-billy Achiout, or Half-
town Kiandogewa, or Big-tree Gyantwaia,
or Corn-plant Address of the three latter to
President Washington Grant of land to Big-
tree His visit to Philadelphia, and death
Further account of Corn-plant His own ac-
count of himself Interesting events in his life
His sons, 593

CHAP. VII. Tecumseh His great exertions to
prevent the whites from overrunning his coun-
try His expedition on Hacker's Creek Co-
operation of his brother, the Prophet Rise of
the difficulties between Tecumseh and Gover-
nor Harrison Speech of the former in a coun-
cil at Vincennes Fearful occurrence in that
council Winnemak Tecumseh visited hy
Governor Harrison at his camp Determination
of war the result of the interview on both sides
Characteristic anecdote of the chief Deter-
mines, in the event of war, to prevent barbar-
ities Battle of Tippecanoe Battle of the
Thames, and death of Tecumseh Description
of his person Important events in his life
Pukeesheno, father of Tecumseh His death
Battle of Magaugo Specimen of the Shawanee
language Particular account of Ellskwatawa,
or the Prophet Account of Round-head Cap-
ture and massacre of General Winchester's
army at the River Raisin Myeerah, or the
Crane, commonly called Walk-m-the-Water
Black-bird Wawnahton Black-thunder
Ongpatonga,.'. 616

CHAP. VIII. Black-hawk's war Historical ac-
count of the tribes engaged in it Treaty be-
tween them Murders among the Sioux and
Chippewas Red-bird Black-hawk Indians
insulted Their country sold without their con-
sent This occasions the war, 637

CHAP. IX. March of Major Stillman Kills
some of Black-hawk's men Stillman's defeat
Menomonies join the whites Settlement de-
stroyed Captivity of two young women Con-
gress orders out troops Indians cut off by Gen-
eral Dodge Snider's defeat Stevenson's de-
feat Defeat of Major Dement Battle of the
Ouisconsin Battle of the 2d of August, and end
of the war, 644

CHAP. X. History of the chiefs under Black-
hawk Neapope Surrender of Black-hawk
Wabokieskie Indians at Washington, 654

CHAP. XI. Observations on the causes of the
war Indians visit the Atlantic States, 601

CHAP. XII. From the time Black-hawk \vas set
at liberty in his own country, in 1833, to his
death, on October 3d, 1838, with other impor-
tant matters connected with the Indians in the
west, 672

CHAP. XIII. Some further particulars of early
events on the borders of Pennsylvania, 678

CHAP. XIV. Early western history Incidents
of battles Skirmishes and defeats, C89

CHAP. XV. Events of the Indian war of 1763
and 1764, on the Ohio, 689

APPENDIX, 697716

INDEX, 717736

ALPHABETICAL ENUMERATION

THE INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS

AN attempt is made, in the following Table, to locate the various bands of
Aborigines, ancient and modern, and to convey the best information respect-
ing their numbers our multifarious sources will warrant. Modern writers
have been, for several years, endeavoring to divide North America into cer-
tain districts, each of which should include all the Indians speaking the same,
or dialects of the same, language ; but whoever has paid any attention to the
subject, must undoubtedly have been convinced that it can never be done
with any degree of accuracy. This has been undertaken in reference to an
approximation of the great question of the origin of this people, from a com-
parison of the various languages used among them. An unwritten language
is easily varied, and there can be no barrier to innovation. A continual in-
termixing of tribes has gone on from the period of their origin to the present
time, judging from what we have daily seen ; and when any two tribes unite,
speaking different languages, or dialects of the same, a new dialect is pro-
duced by such amalgamation. Hence the accumulation of vocabularies
would be like the pursuit of an infinite series in mathematics ; with this
difference, however in the one we recede from the object in pursuit, while
in the other we approach it. But I would not be understood to speak dispar-
agingly of this attempt at classification ; for, if it be unimportant in the main
design, it will be of considerable service to the student in Indian history on
other accounts. Thus, the Uchees are said to speak a primitive language,
and they were districted in a small territory south of the Cherokees ; but,
some 200 years ago, if they then existed as a tribe, and their tradition be
true, they were bounded on the north by one of the great lakes. And
they are said to be descended from the Shawanees by some of themselves.
We know an important community of them is still in existence in Florida.
Have they created a new language in the course of their wanderings? or
have those from whom they separated done so ? Such are the difficulties we
meet with at every step of a classification. But a dissertation upon these
matters cannot now be attempted.

In the following analysis, the names of the tribes have been generally given
in the singular number, for the sake of brevity ; and the word Indians, after
such names, is omitted from the same cause. Few abbreviations have been
used: W. R., west of the Rocky Mountains ; m., miles ; r., river ; 1., lake ;
and perhaps a few others. In some instances, reference is made to the body
of the work, where a more extended account of a tribe is to be found. Such
references are to the Book and Page, the same as in the Index.

ABEKAS, probably Muskogees, under the French at Tombeckbee in 1750.
ABENAKIES, over Maine till 1754, then went to Canada ; 200 in 1689 ; 150 in 1780.
ABSOROKA, (Minetare,) S. branch Yellowstone; lat. 46, Ion. 105 ; 45,000 in 1834.
ACCOKESAW, W. side Colorado, about 200 m. S. W. Nacogdoches, in 1805.
ACOMAK, one of the six tribes in Virginia when settled by the English in 1607-
ADAIZE, 4 m. from Nachitoches, on Lake Macdon ; 40 men in 1805.
ADIE.ONDAKS, (Algonkin,) along the N. shore St. Lawrence ; 100 in 1786. "

10 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

AFFAGOULA, small clan in 1783, on Mississippi r., 8 m. above Point Coupe.
AOAWOM, (WampanoagS,) at Sandwich, .M is-,. ; others at Ipswich, in 10'JO, Sec.
AHWAHAWAY, (Mine-tare.) S. \V. Missouri 1^'Jn, ;; ni. abo\e .Mandans ; 200 in 1805.
AJOUES, S. of the Missouri, and N. of the Padoucas ; 1,100 in 17011.
ALA.NSVU, (Fall,) head branches S. fork Saskashawan ; -J.-'iiH) in 1M04.
ALGONK.IN, over Canada ; from low down tlie St. Lawn-nee to Lake of the Woods.
ALIATAX, three tribes in 1805 among the Rocky Mountains, on heads Platte.
ALICHK, near Nacogdoches in ISO,), then nearly extinet; spoke C'addo.
ALT.AKAWCAH, (1'aunch,) both sides Yellowstone, heads lii^ Horn r. ; 2,200 in 1805.
ALLIHAMA, ((/reeks.) formerly on that r., but removed to Kcd liiver in 1764.
AM\ -. ( Algonkins,) once on St. Lawrence; 500 in I? 1 '".

AN AS . \,r.NTAK)i)K, (Abenaki,) on sources Androscoggin, in Maine, till 1750.
AN 9, once on S. shore Lake Erie, S. W. Senecas, who destroyed tliem in 1072.

VLIIES, (Lapane,) between Rio del Norte and sources of Nuaccs r. ; 3,500 in Ibl7

LA< HinM.A. once on that r. in W. Florida; removed to lied River in 1764.
Ai'i-A LOU8A, aboriginal in the country of their name ; but 40 men in 1805.
AUVAM s ( inoxi, the name by which the Iroquois knew themselves.
AiiAi'AiiAS, S. side main Canada River; 4,000 in 1836, on Kanzas River.
AuMorcHiuuois, or MARACHITE, (Abenaki,) on River St. John, New Brunswick.
AKUKX AMUSE, on St. Antonio River, near its mouth, in Texas ; 120 in 1818.
ASSIXXABOIX, (Sioux,) between Assinn. and Missouri r. ; 1,000 on Ottawa r. in 1836.
ATENAS, in a village with the Faculli in 1836, west of the Rocky Mountains.
ATHAPASCOW, about the shores of the great lake of their name.
ATXAS, (Ojibewas,) next S. of the Athapascow, about lat. 57 N., in 1790.
ATTACAPAS, in a district of their name in Louisiana ; but 50 men in 1805.
ATTAPULGAS, (Seminoles,) on Little r., a branch of Oloklikana, 1820, and 220 souls.
ATTIKAMIGUES, in N. of Canada, destroyed by pestilence in 1670.
Aucosisco, (Abenaki,) between the Saco and Androscoggin River in 1630, &c.
AUGHQUAGA, on E. branch Susquehannah River ; 150 in 1768 ; since extinct.
AYAUAIS, 40 leagues up the Des Moines, S. E. side; 800 in 1805.
AYUTAXS, 8,000 in 1820, S. W. the Missouri, near the Rocky Mountains.

BAYAGOULA, W. bank Mississippi, opposite the Colipasa ; important in 1699.
BEDIES, on Trinity River, La., about 60 m. S. of Nacogdoches ; 100 in 1805.
BIG-DEYILS, (Yonktons,) 2,500 in 1836 ; about the heads of Red River.
BILOXI, at Biloxi, Gulf Mex., 1699 ; a few on Red r., 1804, where they had removed.
BLACKFEET, sources Missouri ; 30,000 in 1834 ; nearly destroyed by small-pox, 1838.
BLANCHE, (Bearded, or White,) upper S. branches of the Missouri in 1820.
BLUE-MUD, W., and in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains in 1820.
BROTHERTON, near Oneida Lake ; composed of various tribes ; 350 in 1836.

CADDO, on Red River in 1717, powerful ; on Sodo Bay in 1800 ; in 1804, 100 men.
CADODACHE, (Nacogdochet,) on Angelina r., 100 m. above the Nechez ; 60 in 1820.
CAIAVAS, or KAIWA, on main Canada River, and S. of it in 1830.
CALASTHOCLE, N. Columbia, on the Pacific, next N. the Chillates ; 200 in 1820.
CALLIMIX, coast of the Pacific, 40 m. X. Columbia River; 1,200 in 1820.
CAMAXCHES, (Shoshone,) warlike and numerous; in interior of Texas.
CAXAHSEE, on Long Island, N. Y., in 1610, from the W. end to Jamaica.
CAXCES, (Kansas,) 1805, from Bay of St. Bernard, over Grand r., toward Vera Cruz.
CAXIBAS, (Abenaki,) numerous in 1607, and after ; on both sides Kennebeck River.
CARAXKOUA, on peninsula of Bay of St. Bernard, Louisiana; 1,500 in 1805.
CAREE, on the coast between the Nuaces and Rio del Norte ; 2,600 in 1817.
CARRIERS, (Nateotetains,) a name given the natives of N. Caledonia by traders.
CASTAHAXA, between sources Padouca fork and Yellowstone ; 5,000 in 1805.
CATAKA, between N. and S. forks of Chien River ; about 3,000 in 1804.
CATAWBA, till late, on their river in S. Carolina ; 1,500 in 1743, and 450 in 1764.
CATHLACUMUPS, on main shore Columbia River, S. W. Wappatoo i. ; 450 in 1820.
CATHLAKAHIKIT, at the rapids of the Columbia, 160 m. up ; 900 in 1820.
CATHLAKAMAPS, 80 m. up Columbia River ; about 700 in 1820.
CATHLAMAT, on the Pacific, 30 m. S. mouth of Columbia River ; 600 in 1820.
CATHLAXAMEXAMEX, on an island in mouth of Wallaumut River ; 400 in 1820.
CATHLAXAQUIAH, (Wappatoo,) S. W. side Wappatoo Island ; 400 in 1820.
CATHLAPOOTLE, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakamaps ; 1,100 in 1820.
CATHLAPOOYA, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth.
CATHLASE.O, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Chippanchikchiks.
CATHLATHLA, 900 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite the Cathlakahikits.
CATHLATH, 500 in 1820, on the Wallaumut River, 60 m. from its mouth.
CATTAXAHAW, between the Saskashawan and Missouri Rivers, in 1805.
CAUGHXEWAGA, places where Christians lived were so called.
CHACTOO, on Red River ; in 1805, but 100 ; indigenous ; always lived there.
CHAOUAXOXS, the French so called the Shawanese ; (Chowans ?)
CHEEGEE, (Cherokees,) 50 to 80 m. S. of them; called also Mid. Settlement, 1780.
CHEHAWS, small tribe on Flint River, destroyed by Georgia militia in 1817-
CHEPEYAX, claim from lat. 60 to 65, Ion. 100 to 110 W. ; 7,500 in 1812.
CHEROKEE, in Georgia, S. Carolina, &c., till 1836: then forced beyond the Mississ.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. H

CHESKITALCTWA, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, W. side Chattahoochee.
CHIEX, (Dog,) near the sources Chien River; 300 in 1805 ; 200 in 1820.
CHIHEELEESH, 40 m. N. of Columbia River ; 1,400 in 1820.

CHICKASAW, between heads of Mobile River in 1780 ; once 10,000 ; now in Arkansas.
CHIPPANCHIKCHIKS, 60 in 1820, N. side Columbia River, 220 m. from its mouth.
CHIKAHOMIXI, on Matapony River, Va., in 1661 ; but 3 or 4 in 1790 ; now extinct.
CHIK.AMAUGAS, on Tennessee River, 90 m. below the Cherokees, in 1790.
CHILLATES, 150 in 1820, on the Pacific, N. Columbia River, beyond the Quieetsos.
CHILLUKITTEQUAU, on the Columbia, next below the Narrows ; 1,400 in 1820.
CHILTZ, N. of Columbia River, on the Pacific, next N. of the Killaxthocles.
CHIMXAHPUM, on Lewis River, N. W. side of the Columbia ; 1,800 in 1820.
CHIXXOOK, on N. side Columbia River ; in 1820, about 400 in 28 lodges.
CHIPPEWAS, about Lake Superior, and other vast regions of the X., very numerous.
CHITIMICHA, on W. bank Miss. River in 1722; once powerful, then slaves.
CHOKTAW, S. of the Creeks ; 15,000 in 1812 ; in 1848 in Arkansas.
CHOPUXXISH, on Kooskooskee River ; 4,300 in 1806, in 73 lodges.
CHOWAXOK, (Shawanese ?) in N. Carolina, on Bennet's Creek, in 1708; 3,000 in 1630.
CHOWAXS, E. of the Tuscaroras in N. Carolina ; 60 join the Tuscaroras in 1720.
CHRISTEXAUX, only another spelling of KXISTEXAUX, which see.
CLAHCLELLAH, 700 in 1820, on the Columbia River, below the rapids.
CLAKSTAR, "W. R., on a river flowing into the Columbia at Wappatoo Island.
CLAMOCTOMICH, on the Pacific, next N. of the Chiltz ; 260 in 1820.
CLAXIMATAS, on the S. "W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 200 in 1820, W. R.
CLAXXARMIXIMUXS, S. W. side of Wappatoo Island ; 280 in 1820, W. R.
CLATSOPS, about 2 m. N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 1,300 in 1820.
CLARKAMES, on a river of their name flowing into the Wallaumut ; 1,800 in 1820.
CXEIS, on a river flowing into Sabine Lake, 1690; the COEXIS of Hennepin, probably.
COHAK.IES, nearly destroyed in Pontiak's time; in 1800, a few near Lake Winnebago.
COLAPISSAS, on E. bank Mississippi in 1720, opposite head of Lake Pontchartrain.
COXCHATTAS came to Appalousas in 1794, from E. the Mississ. ; in 1801, on Sabine.
COXGAREES, a small tribe on Congaree River, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; long since gone.
COXOYS. perhaps Kanhawas, being once on that river ; (Canais, and variations.)
COOKKOO-OOSE, 1,500 in 1806, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., and S. of Killawats
COOPSPELLAR, on a river falling into the Columbia, N. of Clark's ; 1,600 in 1806.
COOSADAS, (Creeks,) once resided near the River Tallapoosie.

COPPER, so called from their copper ornaments, on Coppermine River, in the north.
COREES, (Tuscaroras,) on Neus River, N. Carolina, in 1700, and subsequently.
COROXKAWA, on St. Jacintho River, between Trinity and Brazos ; 350 in 1820.
COWLITSICK, on Columbia River, 62 m. from its mouth, in 3 villages ; 2,400 in 1820.
CREEKS, (Muscogees,) Savannah r. to St. Augustine, thence to Flint r., 1730.
CREES, (Lynx, or Cat,) another name of the Knistenaux, or a part of them.
CROWS, (Absorokas,) S. branches of the Yellowstone River ; 45,000 in 1834.
CUTSAHXIM, on both sides Columbia River, above the Sokulks ; 1,200 in 1820.

DAHCOTA, or DOCOTA, the name by which the Sioux know themselves.

DELAWARE, (Lenna-lenape,) those once on Delaware River and Bay ; 500 in 1750.

DIXOXDADIES, (Hurons,) same called by the French Tionontaties.

DOEGS, small tribe on the Maryland side Potomac River, in 1675.

DOGRIBS, (Blackfeet,) but speak a different language.

DOGS, the Chiens of the French. See CHIEX.

DOTAME, 120 in 1805 ; about the heads of Chien River, in the open country.

EAMUSES. See EMUSAS.

ECHEMIXS, (Canoe-men,) on R. St. Johns; include Passamaquoddies and St. Johns.

EDISTOES, in S. Carolina in 1670 ; a place still bears their name there.

EMUSAS, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 2 m. above the Wekisas ; 20 in 1820.

EXESHURES, at the great Narrows of the Columbia; 1,200 in 1820, in 41 lodges.

ERIES, along E. side of Lake Erie, destroyed by the Iroquois about 1654.

ESAWS, on River Pedee, S. Carolina, in 1701 ; then powerful ; Catawbas, probably.

ESKELOOTS, about 1,000 in 1820, in 21 lodges, or clans, on the Columbia.

ESQUIMAUX, all along the northern coasts of the frozen ocean, N. of 60 N. lat.

ETOHUSSEWAKKES, (Semin.,) on Chattahoochee, 3 m. above Ft. Gaines ; 100 in 1820.

FACULLIES, 100 in 1820; on Stuart Lake, W. Rocky Mount. ; lat. 54, Ion. 125o W.
FALL, so called from their residence at the falls of the Kooskooskee. See ALAXSARS.
FIVE NATIONS, Mohawks, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneidas ; which see.
FLAT-HEADS, (Tutseewas,) on a large river W. R. ; on S. fork Columbia r.
FOLLES AVOIXES, the French so called the Menominies.
FOXD DU LAC, roam from Snake River to the Sandy Lakes.
FOWL-TOWNS, (Seminoles,) 12 m. E. Fort Scott; about 300 in 1820.
FOXES, (Ottagamies,) called R,enards by the French ; dispossessed by B. Hawk's war

GAXAWESE, on the heads of Potomac River ; same as Kanhaways, probably.

GAYHEAD, Martha's Vineyard ; 200 in 1800 ; in 1820, 340.

GRAXD RIVER, on Grand r., N. side L. Ontario ; Mohawks, Senecas, and oth. ; 2,000.

12 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

GROS VENIRES, "W. Mississippi, on Maria River, in 1SOG ; in 1831, 3,000.

HARE-FOOT, next S. of the Esquimaux, and in perpetual war with them.
HALLIHKKS, a tribe of ('reck-;, destroyed in IMo.

H.VNN \KU,I,.VL, 600 in iSiM, on I'.ieitie, S. 1'olumbia. next beyond tlie Luckkarso.
HASS ANAMI -i I-N, a tribe of ^Tipmuks, embraced Christianity in lii'in.
HlHiGiir.MMMo, 1,300 in ISiN, t'rom moiitb of Lastaw River, up it to the forks.
HELLWITS, 100 m. alon-r the Columbia, from the fulls upward, on the X. side.
HERRING POND, a remnant of Wumpanougs, in Sandwich, Mass. ; about 40.
HIETANS, (Cainanches,) erratic bands; from Trinity to Brazos, and Red Kiver.
HIM, (Cadodache,) 200 in IS'J'i, on Angelina r., between Red r. and Rio del Norte.
HITCHITTEES, once on Chattahoochee r. ; 600 now in Arkansas; speak Muskogee.
HOIIILPOS, (Tushepahas,) 300 in 1820, above great falls on Clark's River.
HUMAS, (Oumas,) ' Red nation," in Ixsussees Parish, La., in 1805, below Manchak.
HI/RONS, ("Wyaudots, Quatoghies,) adjacent, and N. gt. lakes; subd. by Iroq., 1650.

ILLINOIS, "the lake of men," both sides Illinois r. ; 12,000 in 1670; 60 towns in 17001
INIES, or TACIIIES, [Texas ?] branch Sabine ; 80 men in 1806; speak Caddo.
IOWAYS, on loway River before Black Hawk's war; 1.100 beyond the Mississippi.
IROQUOIS, 1606, on St. Lawrence, below Quebec; 1687, both sides Ohio, to Miss.
ISATIS, sometimes a name of the Sioux before 1755.
ITHKYEMAMITS, 6UO in 1820, on N. side Columbia, near the Cathlaskos.

JELAX, one of the three tribes of Camanches, on sources Brazos, Del Norte, &c.

KADAPAUS, a tribe in N. Carolina in 1707.

KAHUNKLES, 400 in 1820, W. Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown.

KALOOSAS, a tribe found early in Florida, long since extinct.

KAXEXAVISH, on the Padoucas' fork of the Platte ; 400 in 1805.

KANHAWAS, Ganawese or Canhaways ; on the River Kanhawa, formerly.

KANSAS, on the Arkansas River; about 1,000 in 1836 ; in 1820, 1,850.

KASKASKIAS, (Illin.) on a river of same name flowing into the Mississ. ; 2-50 in 1797-

KASKAYAS, between sources of the Platte and Rocky Mountains ; 3,000 in 1836.

KATTEK.A, (Padoucas,) not located by travellers. See PADOTJCAS.

KEEK.ATSA, (Crows,) both sides Yellowstone, above mouth Big Horn r. ; 3,500 in 1805.

KEYCHE, E. branch Trinity River in 1806 ; once on the Sabine ; 260 in 1820.

KIAWAS, on Padouca River, beyond the Kites ; 1,000 in 1806.

KIGENE, on the shore of Pacific Ocean in 1821, under the chief Skittegates.

KIKAPOO, formerly in Illinois ; now about 300, chiefly beyond the Mississippi.

KILLAMUK, a branch of the Clatsops, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean ; about 1,000.

KILLAWAT, in a large town on the coast of the Pacific, E. of the Luktons.

KILLAXTHOCLES, 100 in 1820, at the mouth of Columbia River, on N. side.

KIMOEXIMS, a band of the Chopunnish, on Lewis's River ; 800 in 1820, in 33 clans.

KIXAI, about Cook's Inlet, on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.

KITES, (Staetans,) between sources Platte and Rocky Mountains ; about 500 in 1820.

KISKAKOXS inhabited Michilimakinak in 1680 ; a Huron tribe.

KXISTENAUX, on Assinnaboin River ; 5,000 in 1812 ; numerous ; -women comely.

KONAGEXS, Esquimaux, inhabiting Kadjak Island, lat. 58, Ion. 152 W.

KOOK.-KOO-OOSE, on the coast of the Pacific, S. of the Killawats ; 1,500 in 1835.

KUSKARAWAOK.S, one of six tribes on E. shore of Chesapeak in 1607 ; (Tuscaroras ?)

LAHANXA, 2,000 in 1820, both sides Columbia, above the mouth of Clark's River.

LAPAXXE. See APACHES.

LARTIELO, 600 in 1820, at the falls of Lastaw River, below "Way ton Lake.

LEAF, (Sioux,) 600 in 1820, on the Missouri, above Prairie du Chien.

LEECH RIVER, about 350 in 1820, near Sandy Lake, lat. 46 9' N.

LEXXA LEXAPE, once from Hudson to Delaware River ; now scattered in the West

LIPAXIS, 800 in 1816, from Rio Grande to the interior of Texas ; light hair.

LOUCHEUX, next N. of the Esquimaux, or S. of lat. 67 15' N.

LUKAWIS, 800 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown.

LUKKARSO, 1,200 in 1820, coast of Pacific, S. of Columbia r., beyond the Shallalah.

LUKTONS, 20 in 1820, W. of the Rocky Mountains ; abode unknown.

MACHAPUXGAS, in N. Carolina in 1700 ; practised circumcision.

MAXDAXS, 1,250 in 1805, 1200 m. fm. mouth of Misso. ; 1838, reduced to 21 by sni. pox.

MAXGOAGS, or TUTELOES, (Iroquois,) Nottoway River, formerly; now extinct.

MAXHATTAXS, (Mohicans,) once on the island where New York city now stands.

MANXAHOAKS, once on the upper waters of the Rappahannock r. ; extinct long ago.

MARACHITES, (Abenakies,) on the St. John's ; a remnant remains.

MARSAPEAGUES, once on. Long Island, S. side of Oyster Bay ; extinct.

MARSHPEES, (Wampanoags,) 315 in 1832; Barnstable Co., Mass. ; mixed with blacks.

MASCOUTIXS, or FIRE IXD., betw. Mississ. and L. Michigan, 1665 ; (Sacs and Foxes ?)

MASSACHUSETTS, the state perpetuates their name.

MASSAWOMES, (Iroquois,) once spread over Kentucky.

MATHLAXOBS, 500 in 1820, on an island in the mouth of "Wallaumut River, W. R.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 13

MAYES, 600 in 1805, St. Gabriel Creek, mouth of Guadaloupe River, Louisiana.
MENOMINIES, (Algonkins,) once on Illinois r. ; now 300 W. Mississippi.
MESSASSAGXES, 2,000 in 1764, N. of, and adjacent to, L. Huron and Superior.
MIAMIS, (Algonkins,) once on the r. of their name ; now 1,500, beyond the Mississ.
MIKASAUKI'ES, (Seminoles,) about 1,000 in 1821 ; very warlike.

MIKMAKS, (Algonkins,) 3,000 in 1760, in Nova Scotia ; the Suriquois of the French.
MIKSUKSEALTOX, (Tushepaha,) 300 in 1820, Clark's River, above great falls, W. R.
MINETARES, 2,500 in 1805, 5 m. above the Mandans, on both sides Knife River.
MIXDAWARCARTOX, in 1805, on both sides Mississippi, from St. Peter's upward.
MIXGOES, once such of the Iroquois were so called as resided upon the Scioto River.
MINSI, Wolf tribe of the Lenna Lenape, once over New Jersey and part of Penn.
MISSOURIES, once on that part of the River just below Grand r., in 1820.
MITCHIGAMIES, one of the five tribes of the Illinois ; location uncertain.
MOHAWKS, head of Five Nations ; formerly on Mohawk r. ; a few now in Canada.
MOHEGANS, or MOHEAKUXXUKS, in 1610, Hudson r. from Esopus to Albany.
MOXACAXS, (Tuscaroras,) once near where Richmond, Virginia, now is.
MOXGOULATCHES, on the W. side of the Mississippi. See BAYAGOULAS.
MOXTAGNES, (Algonkins,) N. side St. Law., betw. Saguenayand Tadousac, in 1609.
MOXTAUKS, on E. end of Long Island, formerly ; head of 13 tribes of that island.
MORATOKS, 80 in 1607 ; 40 in 1669, in Lancaster and Richmond counties, Virginia.
MOSQUITOS, once a numerous race on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien.
MULTXOMAHS. (Wappatoo,) 800 in 1820, mouth of Multnomah River, W. R.
MUNSEYS, (Delawares,) in 1780, N. branch Susquehannah r. ; to the Wabash in 1808.
MUSKOGEES, 17,000 in 1775, on Alabama and Apalachicola Rivers. See B. iv. .

NABEDACHES, (Caddo,) on branch Sabine, 15 m. above the Inies ; 400 in 1805.
NABIJOS, between N. Mexico and the Pacific ; live in stone houses, and manufacture.
NAXDAKOES, 120 in 1805, on Sabine, 60 m. W. of the Yattassees ; (Caddo.)
NAXTIKOKES, 1711, on Nantikoke River; 1755, at Wyoming; same year went west.
NARCOTAH, the name by which the Sioux know themselves.

NARRAGANSETS, S. side of the bay which perpetuates their name; nearly extinct.
NASHUAYS, (Nipmuks,) on that river from its mouth, in Massachusetts.
NATCHEZ, at Natchez ; discovered, 1701 ; chiefly destroyed by French, 1720.
NATCHITOCHES, once at that place ; 100 in 1804 ; "now upon Red River.
NATEOTETAIXS, 200 in 1820, W. R., on a river of their name, W. of the Faculiies.
NATIKS, (Nipmuks,) in Massachusetts, in a town now called after them.
NECHACOKE, (Wappatoo,) 100 in 1820, S. side Columbia, near Quicksand r., W. R.
NEEKEETOO, 700 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. of the Columbia, beyond the Youicone.
NEMALQUIXNER, (Wappatoo,) 200 in 1820, N. side Wallaumut River, 3 m. up.
NIAXTIKS, a tribe of the Narragansets, and in alliance with them, p. 131.
NICARIAGAS, once about Michilimakinak ; joined Iroquois in 1723, as seventh nation.
NIPISSIXS, (original Algonkins,) 400 in 1764, near the source of Ottoway River.
NIPMUKS, eastern interior of Mass. ; 1,500 in 1775 ; extinct. See p. 82, 104, 164, 275.
NORRIDGEWOKS, (Abenakies,) on Penobscot River. See Book iii. 303, 311.
NOTTOWAYS, on Nottoway River, in Virginia; but 2 of clear blood in 1817.
NYACKS, (Mohicans,) or MAXHATTANS, once about the Narrows, in New York.

OAKMULGES, (Muskogees,) to the E. of Flint River; about 200 in 1834.
OCAMECHES, in Virginia in 1607; had before been powerful; then reduced.
OCHEES. See UCHEES. Perhaps Ochesos ; 230 in Florida in 1826, at Ochee BlufL
OCOXAS, (Creeks.) See Book iv. 369.

OJIBWAS, (Chippeways,) 30,000 in 1836, about the great lakes, and N. of them.
OKATIOKIXAXS, (Seminoles,) 580 in 1820, near Fort Gaines, E. side Mississippi.
OMAHAS, 2,200 in 1820, on Elkhorn River, 80 m. from Council Bluffs.
OXEIDAS, one of the Five Nations ; chief seat near Oneida Lake, New York.
OXOXDAGAS, one of the Five Nations ; formerly in New York ; 300 in 1840.
OOTLASHOOTS, (Tushepahas,) 400 in 1820, on Clark's River, W. Rocky Mountains.
OSAGES, 4,000 in 1830, about Arkansas and Osage Rivers ; many tribes.
OTAGAMIES, (Winnebagoes,) 300 in 1780, betw. Lake of the Woods and the Mississ.
OTOES, 1,500 in 1820 ; in 1805, 500 ; 15 leagues up the River Platte, on S. side.
OTTAAVAS, 1670, removed from L. Superior to Michilimakinak ; 2,800 in 1820.
OUIATAXOXS, or WAAS, (Kikapoos,) mouth of Eel r., Ind., 1791, in a village 3 m. long
OUMAS, E. bank Mississippi in 1722, in 2 villages, quarter of a mile from the river.
OWASSISSAS, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on E. waters of St. Mark's River.
OZAS, 2,000 in 1750 ; on Ozaw River in 1780, which flows into the Mississippi.
OzmiES, one of the six tribes on E. shore of Maryland and Virginia in 1607.

PACANAS, on Quelquechose River, La. ; 30 men in 1805 ; 40 m. S. W. Natchitoches.
PADOUCAS, 2,000 warriors in 1724, on the Kansas ; dispersed before 1805.
PADOWAGAS, by some the Senecas were so called ; uncertain.
PAILSH, 200 in 1820, on coast of the Pacific, N. Columbia r., beyond the Potoashs.
PALACHES, a tribe found early in Florida, but long since extinct.
PAMLICO, but 15 in 1708, about Pamlico Sound, in N. Carolina ; extinct.
PAXCAS, once on Red River, of Winnipec 1. ; afterwards joined the Omahas.
PAXIS, (Tonicas,) 4* villages in 1750, S. br. Missouri; 70 villages on Red r., 1755.

14 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

PAXXEII. Sec ALLAKAWKAH, 2,300 in 180.1, on heads B; TTnrn River.
PASCATAAVAYS, once a considerable tribe on the Mai \laml side Potomac River.
PASCAGOULAS, 2~> men in lS'i.">, on R.-d r., 'ill m. helo\v Nati-hitoehes ; from Florida.
PASSAMAQUODDIB, >u S.-hoodak r., Me., in IVrry 1'ieasaiit Point, a Miiall number.
PAUNEE, 10,000 in l.vJ". on tlie 1'latte and Kansas; Republican-;, Lou;.' >, and Picts.
PAAVisTrciEXKMrK, -5)ll in IS'J't ; small, brave tribe, in the prairies of Missouri.
VAW rrrKKTs, (Nipmuks.) on Merrimae River, where Chc-linst'ord now i- ; extinct.
PEGAXS. (Nipmuks,) 10 in 1793, in Dudley, Ma*s., on a reservation of 'Jno arres.
PELLOATPALLAH, (Chopunnish,) 1,600 in 1S'_':>, ,.n Kooskooskee r., above fork*, \V. R
PENOHSCOTS, (Abenakies,) 330, on an island in IVnobscot r., 12 in. above Rancor.
PEXXAKOOKS (Xipmuks,) along Merrimae r., where is now Concord, N. 11., i\(.-.
PEORIAS, 97 in ISiIi), on Current River ; one of the five tribes of the Illinois.
PEQUAKETS, (Abenakies,) on sources Saco River ; destroyed by English in 172-5.
PEQUOTS, about the mouth of Connecticut River; subdued in 1<>.';7.
PHILLIMEES, (Seminoles,) on or near the Suane River, Florida, in 1817.
PIAXKASHAWS, 3,000 once, on the Wabash; in 1780, but 950; since driven west.
PIAXK.ATANK, a tribe in Virginia when first settled ; unlocated.
PINESHOW, (Sioux,) 150 in 1820, on the St. Peter's, 15m. from its mouth.
PISHQUITPAH, 2,600 in 1815, N. side Columbia River, at Muscleshell Rapids, ~W. R.
POTOASH, 200 in 1820, coast Pacific, N. mouth Columbia, beyond Clamoctomichs.
POTTOWATTOMIE, 1671, on Noquet i., L. Michigan ; 1681, at Chicago.
POWHATAXS, 32 tribes spread over Virginia when first discovered by the English.
PUAXS, the Winnebagoes were so called by the French at one period.

QUABAOGS, (Xipmuks,) at a place of the same name, now Brookfield, Mass.
QTJAPAW, 700 in 1820, on Arkansas r., opp. Little Rock ; reduced by sm. pox in 1720.
QUATHLAHPOHTLES, on S. W. side Columbia, above mouth Tahwahnahiook River.
QUATOGHIE, (Wyandots,) once S. side L. Michigan ; sold their lands to Eng. in 1707.
QUESADAS. See COOSADAS.

QTJIEETSOS, on the Pacific ; 250 in 1820; N. Columbia r., next N. of the Quiniilts.
QTJIXIILTS, on coast of the Pacific, N. of Columbia r. ; 250 in 1820 ; next the Pailshs.
QUIXXECHART, coast Pacific, next N. Calasthocles, N. Columbia r. ; 2,000 in 1820.
QUIXXIPISSA are those called Bayagoulas by the Chevalier Tonti.
QUODDIES. See PASSAMAQUODDIE. 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. iii. 181.

RAPIDS. See PAWISTUCIEXEMUKS.

REDGROL T XD, (Seminoles,) 100 in 1820, on Chattahoochie r., 12 m. above Florida line.

REDKXIFE, so called from their copper knives ; roam in the region of Slave Lake.

RED-STICK, (Seminoles,) the Baton Rouge of the French.

RED-"WIXG, (Sioux,) on Lake Pepin, under a chief of their name ; 100 in 1820.

RICAREE, (Paunees,) before 1805, 10 large vill. on Missouri r. ; reduced by small pox.

RIVER, (Mohegans,) S. of the Iroquois, down the N. side of Hudson r.

ROUXD-HEADS, (Hurons,) E. side Lake Superior; 2,500 in 1764.

RYAWAS, on the Padouca fork of the Missouri ; 900 in 1820.

SACHDAGTJGHS, (Powhatans,) perhaps the true name of the Powhatans.

SAXKHIKAXS, the DeLawares knew the Mohawks by that name.

SAXTEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701, on a river perpetuating their name.

SAPOXIES, (Wanamies,) Sapona River, Carolina, in 1700 ; joined Tuscaroras, 1720.

SATAXAS, a name, it is said, given the Shawanees by the Iroquois.

SATJKE, or SAC, united with Fox before 1805 ; then on Mississ., above Illinois.

SATJTEURS, or FALL IXDIAXS of the French, about the falls of St. Mary.

SAVAXXAHS, so called from the river, or the river from them ; perhaps Yamasees.

SCATTAKOOKS, upper part of Troy, N. Y. ; went from New England about 1672.

SEMIXOLES have been established in Florida a hundred years.

SEXECAS, one of the Five Nations ; " ranged many thousand miles " in 1700.

SEPOXES, in Virginia in 1775, but a remnant. See SAPOXIES.

SERRAXXA, (Savannahs ?) in Georgia ; nearly destroyed by the Westoes about 1670.

BEWEES, a small tribe in N. Carolina, mentioned by Lawson in 1710.

SHALLALAH, 1,200 in 1816, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r. next the Cookkoo-oosee.

SHALLATTOOS, on Columbia River, above the Skaddals ; 100 in 1820.

SHAXWAPPOXE, 400 in 1820, on the heads of Cataract and Taptul Rivers.

SHAW AXE, once over Ohio ; 1672, subdued by Iroquois ; 1,383 near St. Louis in 1820.

SHEASTUKLE, 900 in 1820, on the Pacific, S. Columbia r., next beyond the Youitz.

SHIXIKOOKS, a tribe of Long Island, about what is now South Hampton.

SHOSHOXEE, 30,000 in 1820, on plains N. Missouri ; at war with the Blackfeet.

SHOTO, (Wappatoo,) 460 in 1820, on Columbia River, opposite mouth of Wallaumut.

SICAUXIES, 1,000 in 1820, among the spurs of the Rocky Mountains, W. of the Rapids

Sioux, discovered by French, 1660 ; 33,000 in 1820, St. Peter's, Mississ., and Misso. r

SISSATOXES, upper portions of Red r., of L. Winnipec and St. Peter's, in 1820.

SITIMACHA. See CHITIMICHA.

SITKA, on King George III. Islands, on the coast of the Pacific, about lat. 57 N.

Six NATIOXS, (Iroquois.) Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Oneida, Cayuga, Shawane.

SKADDALS, on Catsrrct River, 25 m. N. of the Big Narrows ; 200 in 1820.

SK.EETSOMISH, 2,000 ui 1820, on a river of their name flowing into the Lastaw.

INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS. 15

SKILLOOT, on Columbia River, from Sturgeon Island upward ; 2,500 in 1820.
SK.UNNEMOK.E, or TUCKAPAS, on Vermilion River, La., 6 leagues W. of N. Iberia.
SMOKSHOP, on Columbia r., at the mouth of the Labiche ; 800 in 1820, in 24 clans.
SNAKE. See ALIATANS, or SHOSHONEES.

SOKOKIE, on Saco River, Maine, until 1725, when they withdrew to Canada.
SOKULK, on the Columbia, above mouth of Lewis's River ; 2,400 in 1820.
SOURIQUOIS, (Mikmaks,) once so called by the early French.
SOUTIES, (Ottowas,) a band probably mistaken for a tribe by the French.
SOYENNOM, (Chopunnish,) on N. side E. fork of Lewis's River; 400 in 1820; "W. R.
SPOKAIN, on sources Lewis's River, over a large tract of country, W. Rocky Mts.
SQUANNAROO, on Cataract r., below the Skaddals ; 120 in 1820 ; W. Rocky Mts.
STAETANS, on heads Chien r., with the Kanenavish ; 400 in 1805 ; resemble Kiawas.
STOCKBRIDGE, NEW, (Mohegans and Iroquois,) collected in N. Y., 1786 ; 400 in 1820.
STOCKBRIDGE, Mass., (Mohegans,) settled there in 1734; went to Oneida in 1786.
ST. JOHN'S, (Abenakies,) about 300 still remain on that river.
SUSQUEHANNOK, on W. shore of Md. in 1607 ; that river perpetuates their name.
SUSSEES, near sources of a branch of the Saskashawan, W. Rocky Mountains.
SYMERONS, a numerous race, on the E. side of the Isthmus of Darien.

TACULLIES, " people who go upon water ; " on head waters of Frazier's River, La.

TAHSAGROUDIE, about Detroit in 1723 ; probably Tsonothouans.

TAHUACAXA, on River Brazos ; 3 tribes ; 180 m. up ; 1,200 in 1820.

TALLAHASSE, (Seminoles,) 15 in 1820, between Oloklikana and Mikasaukie.

TALLEWHEANA, (Seminoles,) 210 in 1820, on E. side Flint River, near the Chehaws.

TAMARONAS, a tribe of the Illinois ; perhaps Peorias afterwards.

TAMATLES, (Seminoles,) 7 m. above the Ocheeses, and numbered 220 in 1820.

TARRATINES, E. of Pascataqua River ; the Nipmuks so called the Abenakies.

TATTOWHEHALLYS, (Seminoles,) 130 in 1820; since scattered among other towns.

TAUKAWAYS, on the sources of Trinity, Brazos, De Dios, and Colorado Rivers.

TAWAKENOE, "Three Canes," W. side Brazos r., 200 m. W. of Nacogdoches, 1804.

TAWAWS, (Hurons,) on the Mawme in 1780, 18 m. from Lake Erie.

TELMOCRESSE, (Seminoles,) W. side Chattahoochee, 15 m. above fork; 100 in 1820.

TENISAW, once on that river which flows into Mobile Bay ; went to Red r. in 1765.

TETONS, (Sioux,) " vile miscreants," on Mississ., Misso., St. Peter's; "real pirates."

TIONONTATIES, or DiNONDADiES, a tribe of Hurons, or their general name.

TOCKWOGHS, one of the six tribes on the Chesapeak in 1607.

TONICAS, 20 warriors in 1784, on Mississippi, opp. Point Coupe ; once numerous.

TONKAHANS, a nation or tribe of Texans, said to be cannibals.

TONKAWA, 700 in 1820, erratic, about Bay St. Bernardo.

TOTEROS, on the mountains N. of the Sapones, in N. Carolina, in 1700.

TOTUSKEYS. See MORATOKS.

TOWACANNO, or TOWOASH, one of three tribes on the Brazos. See TAHUACANA.

TSONONTHOUANS, Hennepin so called the Senecas ; by Cox, called Sonnontovans.

TUKABATCHE, on Tallapoosie River, 30 m. above Fort Alabama, in 1775.

TUNICA, (Mobilian,) on Red River, 90 m. above its mouth ; but 30 in 1820.

TUNXIS, (Mohegans,) once in Farmington, Conn. ; monument erected to them, 1840.

TUSHEPAHAS, and OOTLASHOOTS, 5,600 in 1820, on Clark's and Missouri Rivers.

TUSCARORA, on Neus r., N. Carolina, till 1712 ; a few now in Lewiston, Niagara r.

TUTELOES. See MANGOAKS, or MANGOAGS.

TUTSEEWA, on a river W. Rocky Mts., supposed to be a branch of the Columbia.

TWIGHTWEES, (Miamies,) in 1780, on the Great Miami ; so called by the Iroquois.

UCHEE, once on Chattauchee r., 4 towns ; some went to Florida, some west.
UFALLAH, (Seminoles,) 670 in 1820, 12 m. above Fort Gaines, on Chattahoochee r.
UGALJACHMTJTZI, a tribe about Prince William's Sound, N. W. coast.
ULSEAH, on coast of the Pacific, S. Columbia, beyond the Neekeetoos ; 150 in 1820.
UNALACHTGO, one of the three tribes once composing the Lenna Lenape.
UNAMIES, the head tribe of Lenna Lenape.
UNCHAGOGS, a tribe anciently on Long Island, New York.
UPSAROKA, (Minetare,) commonly called Crows.

WAAKICUM, 30 m. up Columbia River, opposite the Cathlamats ; 400 in 1836.

WABINGA, (Iroquois,) between W. branch of Delaware and Hudson r.

WACO, (Panis,) 800 in 1820, on Brazos River, 24 m. from its mouth.

WAHOWPUMS, on N. branch Columbia River, from Lapage r. upward ; 700 in 1806.

WAHP ATONE, (Sioux,) rove in the country on N. W. side St. Peter's River.

WAHPACOOTA, (Sioux ?) in the country S. W. St. Peter's in 1805 ; never stationary.

WAMESITS, (Nipmuks,) once on Merrimac River, where Lowell, Mass., now is.

WATMPANOAG, perhaps the 3d nation in importance in N. E. when settled by the Eng

WAPPINGS, at and about Esopus in 1758 ; also across the Hudson to the Minsi.

WARANANCONGUINS, supposed to be the same as the Wappings.

WASHAWS, on Barrataria Island in 1680, considerable ; 1805, at Bay St. Fosh, 5 only.

WATANONS, or WEAS. See OUIATINONS.

WATEREES, once on the river of that name in S. Carolina, but long since extinct.

WATEPANETO, on the Padouca fork of the Platte, near Rocky Mts. ; 900 in 1820.

1(3 INDIAN TRIBES AND NATIONS.

WATVEXOKS, (Aben ikies,) once from S.i^:i,l;ihork to St. Georgo Rivrr, in Maine.
"WAXSAW, once in S. Carolina, 4") in. above Camden; name still continues.

WKAS, <>r W \AS ( Kikaj 8.) See Ol [ATA.NON8.

WKKISA, (Scniin.,) 'J-'xl in iv.'O, W. side ( 'hattahoorhee, 4 in. above the Cheskitaloas.

WLI.I :i, - ud to be on a southern branch of the Mi-^mri.

WHS 1.1 1 s. in I'i7", "ii A- hlr\ and Kdisto Rivers, in S. Carolina.

WiM'iU'AHATi), \vitli the Kiawas, in 7" lodges in IS 1 ),",, I'.Lilmu-a fork of Platte River.

\VHI.I.I.IM,. on Clark's Kiver, from the mouth of the Lastaw; L'.'iOO in 1S20 ; W. R.

\VuiKi.riKH.s, (Chik uu uiu r >-, ) so called from the place of their residence.

Win IT., W. of Mis^i<>ijij)i K:\er; mentioned by many travellers.

AViOHCOMOCOS, one of the six tribes in Virginia in M'i7, nn ntiom ,] l,\- Smith.

Wi i.i.r.w \ns, (Chopunnish.) .)DO in 1820, on AV'illowah r., which falls into Lewii'e.

Wixxr.HAuu, on S. >;de Lake Michigan until 1832; Ottagamies, ^.'c.

AVoLF, Loups of the French; several nations had trities so called.

WOKKON, '2 leagues from the Tuscaroras in 1701 ; long since extinct.

\Voi,LAv\'ALLA, on Columbia r., from above Muscleshell Rapids, W. Rocky Mts.

TT VAX DOTS, (Hurons,) a great seat at Sandusky in 1780; warlike.

\VYCO.MI:S, on the Susqnehannah in 1648, with some Oneidas, 250.

"\VYXIAWS, a small tribe in N. Carolina in 1701.

YAMACRAW, at the bluff of their name in 1732, near Savannah, about 140 men.
YAMASRE, S. border of S. Carolina; nearly destroyed in 171o by English.
YAMPERACK, (Camanches,) 3 tribes about sources Brazos, del >Jorte, &c. ; 1817 f 30,000
YAXKTOXS, in the plane country adjacent to E. side of the Rocky Mountains.
YATTASSEE, in Louisiana, 50 m. from Natchitoches, on a creek falling into Red r.
YAZOOS, formerly upon the river of their name ; extinct in 1770.
YEAHTEXTAXEE, on banks St. Joseph's r. , which flows into L. Michigan, in 1760.
YEHAH, above the rapids of the Columbia in 1820 ; 2,800, with some others.
YELETPOO, (Chopunnish,) 250 in 1820, on Weancum r., under S. "W. Mountain.
YOUICONE, on the Pacific, next N. of the mouth of Columbia River ; 700 in 1830.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OP THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK I

BOOK I.

ORIGIN, ANTIQUITIES, MANNERS AND CUSTOMS,
&c. OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

O could their ancient Incas rise again,

How would they take up Israel's taunting strain !

Art thou too fallen, Iberia ? Do we see

The robber and the murderer weak as we ?

Thou, that hast wasted earth, and dared despise

Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies,

Thy pomp is in the grave, thy glory laid

Low in the pits thine avarice has made.

We come with joy from our eternal rest,

To see the oppressor in his turn oppressed.

Art thou the God, the thunder of whose hand

Rolled over all our desolated land,

Shook principalities and kingdoms down,

And made the mountains tremble at his frown?

The sword shall light upon thy boasted powers,

And waste them as they wasted ours

'Tis thus Omnipotence his law fulfils,

And vengeance executes what justice wills. COWPK*

CHAPTER I.

Origin of the name Indian. Why applied to the people found in America. Ancient
authors supposed to have referred to America in their writings Theopompus
Voyage of Hanno Diodorus Siculus Plato Aristotle Seneca.

THE name Indian was erroneously applied to the original man of America*
by its first discoverers. The attempt to arrive at the East Indies by sailing
west, caused the discovery of the islands and continent of America. When
they were at first discovered, Columbus, and many after him, supposed they
had arrived at the eastern shore of the continent of India, and hence the peo-
ple they found there were called Indians. The error was not discovered until
the name had so obtained, that it could not well be changed. It is true, that it
matters but little to us by what name the indigenes of a country are known,
and especially those of America, in as far as the name is seldom used among
us but in application to the aboriginal Americans. But with the people of
Europe it was not so unimportant. Situated between the two countries, India
and America, the same name for the inhabitants of both must, at first, have
produced considerable inconvenience, if not confusion ; because, in speaking
of an Indian, no one would know whether an American or a Zealander was
meant, unless by the context of the discourse. Therefore, in a historical point
of view, the error is, at least, as much to be deplored as that the name of the
continent itself should have been derived from Americus instead of Columbus.

* So named from Vesputius Americus, a Florentine, who made a discovery of some part
of tho coast of South America in 1499, two years after Cabot had explored the coast of NartQ
America j but Americus had the fortune to confer his name upon both.

20 ON TlIK OKK.IN OF TI1K INDIANS. [HonK I.

It has hpV-n thepractice of almost every writer, \\lio lias written ahouf^he *
primitive inhabitants of a country, to give some \\ild theories of others, con^
corning their origin, and to clooe the account witb liis own; whicn generally
nas lieen more visionary, if possible, than those of II'IK predecessors Long,
laborious, and, we may add, useless (lis(|uisitions have heen daily laid before
the world, from the disco\ery of America hy ColwribuS to the present time, to
endeavor to explain hv what means the iiihahitants irot from the old to the

Iv *

new world. To act, therefore, in unison with many ol' our predecessors, we
will begin as lar hack as they have done, and so shall commence \\ith Tlnn-
pompuf and others, from intimations in whose writings it is alleged the in-
dents had knowledge of America, and then-lore peopled it.

Theopompus, a learned historian and orator, who flourished in the time ol'
Alt r<ni(/ir the ( Jreat, in a hook entitled Tlntiinvtsia, gives a sort of dialogue
between .U/f/a.v the Phrygian and SY/ou/.<?. The hook itself is lost, but Xlnibo
refers to it, and SEliiouis has given us the substance of the dialogue which fol-
lows. Alter much conversation, Silcnns said to .Miilns, that Kurope, Asia and
Africa were but islands surrounded on all sides by the sea; but that there was
a continent situated beyond these, which was of immense dimensions, even
without limits; and that it was so luxuriant, as to produce animals of prodi-
gious magnitude, and men grew to double the height of themselves, and that
they lived to a far greater age ;* that they had many great cities ; and their
usages and laws were different from ours; that in one city there was more
than a million of inhabitants; that gold and silver were there in vast quanti-
ties.! This is but an abstract from JElianus's extract, but contains all of it that
can be said to refer to a country west of Europe and Africa.J JElian or JEli-
amis lived about A. D. 200.

Hanno flourished when the Carthaginians were in their greatest prosperity,
but the exact time is unknown. Some place his times 40, and others 140,
years before the founding of Rome, which would be about 800 years before
our era. He was an officer of great enterprise, having sailed around and ex-
plored the coast of Africa, set out from the Pillars of Hercules, now called
the Straits of Gibraltar, and sailed westward 30 days. Hence it is inferred by
many, that he must have visited America, or some of its islands. He wrote a
book, which he entitled Periplus, giving an account of his voyages, which was
translated and published about 1533, in Greek. ||

Many, and not without tolerably good reasons, believe that an island or con-
tinent existed in the Atlantic Ocean about this period, but which disappeared
afterwards.

* Bnffon and Raijnal either had not read this story, or they did not believe it to have hem
America ; for they taught that all animals degenerated here. Many of the first adventurers
to the coasts of unknown countries reported them inhabited by giants, f^n-ift wrote Gulliver's
Travels to bring 1 such accounts into ridicule. How well he succeeded is evident from a
comparison of books of voyages and travels before and after his time. Dubartas has this
passage :

Our fearless sailors, in far voyages
( More led by gain's hope than their compasses),
On th' Indian shore have sometime noted some
Whose bodies covered two broad acres room ;
And in the South Sea they have also seen
Some like high-topped and huge-armed trecn ;
And other some, whose monstrous backs did bear
Two mighty wheels, with whirling spokes, that were
Much like the winged and wide-spreading sails
Of any wind-mill turned with merry gales.' 7

JHvine Weeks, p. 117, ed. 4to, 1C13.

f JElian, Variar. Hisloriar. lib. iii. chap. viii.

j Since the text was written, there has come into my hands a copy of a translation of ^Eli-
an's work, " in Englishe (as well according to the truth of the Grceke texte, as of the Latine),
by Abraham Fleming." London, 1576, 4to. It differs not materially from the above, whick
is given from a French version of it.

S Encyclopaedia Perthensis.

f| The best account of Hanno and his vovajres. with which we are acquainted, is to be
found in Mariana's Hist, of Spain, vol. i. 93, 109, 119, 122, 133, and 150, ed. Paris, 1725,
vols. 4to.

CHAP. I.J ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS 21

Diodorus Siculus says that some "PhcGnicians were cast upon a most fertile
island opposite to Africa." Of this, he says, they kept the most studied secrecy,
which was doubtless occasioned by their jealousy of the advantage the discov-
ery might be to the neighboring nations, and which they wished to secure
wholly to themselves. Diodorus Siculus lived about 100 years before Christ
Islands lying west of Europe and Africa are certainly mentioned by Honm
and Horace. They were called Atlantides, and were supposed to be about
10,000 furlongs from Africa. Here existed the poets' fabled Elysian fields.
Hut to be more particular with Diodorus, we will let him speak for himself.
'After having passed the islands which lie beyond the Herculean Strait, we
will speak of those which lie much farther into the ocean. Towards Africa,
and to the west of it, is an immense island in the broad sea, many days' sail
f o;n Lybia. Its soil is very fertile, and its surface variegated with mountains
;:iid valleys. Its coasts are indented with many navigable rivers, and its fields
;:re well cultivated : delicious gardens, and various kinds of plants and trees."
3.o finally sets it down as the finest country known, where the inhabitants
have spacious dwellings, and every thing in the greatest plenty. To s;iy the
I; ast of this account of Diodorus, it corresponds very well with that given of
the Mexicans when first known to the Spaniards, but perhaps it will compare
as well with the Canaries.

Plato's account has more weight, perhaps, than any of the ancients. He
lived about 400 years before the Christian era. A part of his account is as
follows: "In those first times [time of its being first known], the Atlantic
was a most broad island, and there were extant most powerful kings in it,
who, with joint ft/rces, appointed to occupy Asia and Europe : Arid so a most
grievous war was carried on ; in which the Athenians, with the common
consent of the Greeks, opposed themselves, and they became the conquerors
Hut that Atlantic island, by a flood and earthquake, was indeed suddenly
destroyed, and so that warlike people were swallowed up." He adds, in an-
other place, "An island in the mouth of the sea, in the passage to those straits,
called the Pillars of Hercules, did exist ; and that island was greater and larger
than Lybia and Asia ; from which there was an easy passage over to othei
islands, and from those islands to that continent, which is situated out of that
region."* " JVeptune settled in this island, from whose sou, Atlas, its name
was derived, and divided it among his ten sons. To the youngest fell the
extremity of the island, called Gadir, which, in the language of the country,
signifies fertile or abounding in sheep. The descendants of JVeptune reigned
here, from father to son, for a great number of generations in the order of
primogeniture, during the space of 9000 years. They also possessed several
other islands ; and, passing into Europe and Africa, subdued all Lybia as far
as Egypt, and all Europe to Asia Minor. At length the island sunk under
water; and for a long time afterwards the sea thereabouts was full of
rocks and shelves." f This account, although mixed with fable, cannot, we
think, be entirely rejected; and that the ancients had knowledge of countries
westward of Europe appears as plain and as well authenticated as any passage
of history of that period.

Aristotle, or the author of a book which is generally attributed to him, J.
speaks of an island beyond the Straits of Gibraltar; but the passage savors
something of hearsay, and is as follows: " Some say that, beyond the Pillars
of Hercules, the Carthaginians have found a very fertile island, but without
inhabitants, full of forests, navigable rivers, and fruit in abundance. It is
several days' voyage from the main land. Some Carthaginians, charmed by
the fertility of the country, thought to marry and settle there ; but some say
that the government of Carthage forbid the settlement upon pain of death,
from the fear that it would increase in power so as to deprive the mother-
country of her possessions there." If Aristotle had uttered this as a prediction,

* America known to the Ancients, 10, 8vo. Boston, 1773.

( Encyclopaedia Perthensis, art. ATLANTIS.

t De mirabil. auscultat. Opera, vol. i. Voltaire says of this book, " On en fesait honncur
at x Carthaginois, et on citait un livre cTAristote qu '.! n'a pas compose." Essai sur /jj
Ma>.urs et Uesprit des nations, chap. cxlv. p. 703. vol iv of his works. Edit. Paris, 1817,
*n Bvo.

** <>N TIII: OKK.IN <u mi: INDIANS. [COOK t

i -.-it Mich a thing would take place itt regard to some future nation, no one,
I rhap-, \\niilil have called linn a false prophet, for tin- American revolution
v mild lia\e In en its ruliilineiit. This philosopher lived about '.'- 1 \ear- before
f '/i fist.

S<n-tt lived about tin: commencement of the vulgar ei-a. lie wrote tragc
dies, and in one of tlieni occurs this passage:

Vciiicnl

S.-rrula seris, qiiibus
Vinrula rcruiii laxel, ct in^r

r.iirai icllus, Typhisoue im

I >cic^;it nrbrs ; IK-C sil tcrris
Ultima Tlmlr."

I, Act :',. \. :;'/:/.

This is nearer prophecy, and may bo rendered in English thus: " The
time \vill come when the ocean will loosen the chains of nature, and we shall
behold a vast country. A new Typhis shall discover new worlds: Thule
hall no longer be considered the last country of the known world."

\ot only these passages from the ancient authors have been cited and /r-
ited bv moderns, but many more, though less to the point, to show that, in
some way OF Other, America must, have been peopled from some of the eastern
continents. Almost .every country has claimed the honor of having been its
lir.-t discoverer, and hence the progenitor of the Indians. J.nt since the recent
discoveries in the north, writers upon the subject say but little about getting
o\er inhabitants from Europe, Asia, or Africa, through the diilicu.lt w a v of the,
Atlantic seas and islands, as it is much ea>ier to pass them over the narrow chan-
nels of the north in canoes, or upon the ice. Grotius, C.Mather, IJubbarJ, and
a tier them Robertson, are glad to meet with so easy a method of solving u
tjiiestion which they consider as having jtu/xled their predecessors so much.

CHAPTER II.

()f modern theorists upon the, peopling of America St. Gregory Herrera /'.
Morion It'/ 1 1 in inson Wood Josselijn Tknroirirooil .Id air 7^. Williams C.
Miitlur Hubbard-- liohrrlson Smith Voltaire Mitchill J\fC'ulloch Jsord
l\n i in ^tcinton Cabrera .

ST. GREGORY, who flourished in the 7th century, in an epistle to St. Clement,
:*aid that beyond the ocean there was. another world.*

Hirrtra argues, that the new world could not have been known to the
ancients; and that Yfh&tSeneca has said was not true. For that God had Kept
it bill from the old world, giving them no certain knowledge of it; and that,
in the secrecy and incomprehensibility of his providence, he has been pleased
to give it to the Castilian nation. That Seneca's prediction (if so it may be
considered) was a false one, because he said that a new world woidd be dis-
covered in the north, ;-md that it was found in the west.f Herrera wrote
about I5!>H, \ before which time little knowledge was obtained of North
America. This may account for his impeachment of Seneca's prophecy.

Thomas Morton, who came to New England in lb'^'2, published in Ki-'J? an
account of its natural history, with much other curious matter. In speaking
upon the peopling of America, he thinks it altogether out of the question to

* " S. (Jrr^oire sur 1'cpistrc de S. Clement, dit quo passe I'occan, il y a vn aiilre moncl.'
| IL'irera, I Decade, 2.) This is llir u Imlr passage.

1 I hid. 3.

\ He died 27 March, 1G25, at the ape of about fifi years. His name was Tordesillas Antonio
,ie Iferrfraone of the best Spanish historians. His history of the voyages to, and settlement
of America is very minute, and very valu;il.lr. Tin; original in Spani.sh is very rare. Acos*
ta's translation (into French) 3 v. -llo.. l,f>il. is also scarce and valuable. It is this we cite.

CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. '23

suppose that it was peopled by the Tartars from the north, because " a people,
once settled, must be removed by compulsion, or else tempted thereunto in
hopes of better fortunes, upon commendations of the place unto which they
should be drawn to remove. And if it may be thought that these people came
over the frozen sea, then would it be by compulsion. If so, then by whom,
or when ? Or w r hat part of this main continent may be thought to border
upon the country of the Tartars? It is yet unknown ; and it is not like that n
people well enough at ease, will, of their own accord, undertake to travel ovej
a sea of ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with. As
1st, whether there be any land at the end of their unknown way, no land
being in view ; then want of food to sustain life in the mean time upon that
sea of ice. Or how shall they do for fuel, to keep them at night from freezing
to death ? which w r ill not be had in such a place. But it may perhaps be
granted, that the natives of this country might originally come of the scattered
Trojans ; for after that Brutus, who was the fourth from Eneas, left Latium
upon the conflict held with the Latins (where although he gave them a great
overthrow, to the slaughter of their grand captain and many others of the
heroes of Latium, yet he held it more safely to depart unto some other pface
and people, than, by staying, to run the hazard of an unquiet life or doubtful
conquest ; which, as history maketh mention, he performed.) This people
\vas dispersed, there is no question, but the people that lived with him, by
reason of their conversation with the Grecians arid Latins, had a mixed lan-
guage, that participated of both."* This is the main ground of Morton, but
lie says much more upon the subject ; as that the similarity of the languages
of the Indians to the Greek and Roman is very great. From the examples he
gives, we presume he knew as little about the Indian languages as Dr. Mather,
,'ldair, and Boudinot, who thought them almost to coincide with the Hebrew.
Though Morion thinks it very improbable that the Tartars came over by the
north from Asia, because they could not see land beyond the ice, yet he finds
no difficulty in getting them across the wide Atlantic, although he allows them
no compass. That the Indians have a Latin origin he thinks evident, because
lie fancied he heard among their words Pasco-pan, and hence thinks, \v' hout
doubt, their ancestors were acquainted with the god Pan.\

Dr. Williamson\ says, "It can hardly be questioned that the Indians of South
America are descended from a class of the Hindoos, in the southern parts of
Asia." That they could not have come from the north, because the South
America^ Indians are unlike those of the north. This seems to clash with
the more rational views of Father Venegas.^ He writes as follows : " Of all
the parts of America hitherto discovered, the Californians lie nearest to Asia.
We are acquainted with the mode of writing in all the eastern nations. We
can distinguish between the characters of the Japanese, the Chinese, the
Chinese Tartars, the Mogul Tartars, and other nations extending as far as the
Bay of Kamschathka ; and learned dissertations on them, by Mr. Boyer, are
to be found in the acts of the imperial academy of sciences at Petersburg.
What discovery would it be to meet with any of these characters, or others
like them, among the American Indians nearest to Asia! But as to the Cali-
fornians, if ever they were possessed of any invention to perpetuate their me-
moirs, they have entirely lost it; and all that is now found among them,
amounts to no more than some obscure oral traditions, probably more and
more adulterated by a long succession of time. They have not so much as
retained any knowledge of the particular country from which they emi-
grated." This is the account of one who lived many years among the Indians
of California.

Mr. William JFoo(/,|| who left New England in 1633,H after a short stay, says,
" Of their language, which is only peculiar to themselves, not inclining to any
of the refined tongues : Some have thought they might be of the dispersed

* New Canaan, book i, pages 17 and 18. t Ibid. 18.

{ In his Hist. N. Carolina, i. 216.

ft Hist. California, i. 60. His work was published at Madrid, in 1758.

|] The author of a work entitled New England's Prospect, published in London, 16M, in
tin. It is a very rare, and, in some respects, a curious and valuable work.
1i Prospect, 51

24 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BooK I

Jews, because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew ; but by the sain
rule, they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, be-
raiise they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and other
tongues."*

Mr. John Josselyn, who resided some time in New England, from the year
!i-38, says, "The Mohawks are about 500: their speech a dialect of the Tar-
tars (as also is the Turkish tongue)."f In another work,:}: he says, " N. Eng-
land is by some affirmed to be an island, bounded on the north with the Ri\< >
of Canada (so called from Monsieur Cane), on the south with the River Mon-
hrgan or Hudson's River, so called because he was the first that discovered it.
^oine will have America to be an island, which out of question must needs be,
if there be a north-east passage found out into the South Sea. It contains
1,152,400,000 acres. The discovery of the north-west passage (which lies with-
in the River of Canada) was undertaken with the help of some Protestant
Frenchmen, which left Canada, and retired to Boston about the year KJ'<; ( ..
The north-east people of America, that is, N. England, &c., are judged to be
Tartars, called Samoades, being alike in complexion, shape, habit and man-
nei%." We have given here a larger extract than the immediate subject re-
quired, because we would let the reader enjoy his curiosity, as well as w<>
ours, in seeing how people understood things in that day. Barlow, looking
but a small distance beyond those times, with great elegance says,

" In those blank periods, where no man can trace
The gleams of thought thai first illumed his race,
His errors, twined with science, took their birlh,
And forged their fetters for this child of earth,
And when, as oft, he dared expand his view,
And work with nature on the line she drew,
Some monster, gendered in his fears, unmanned
His opening soul, and marred the works he planned.
Fear, the first passion of his helpless state.
Redoubles all the woes that round him wait,
Blocks nature's path, and sends him wandering wide,
Without a guardian, and without a guide."

Colvmbiad, ix. 137, &c.

Reve.-e^d Thomas Thorowgood published a small quarto, in 1652, to prove
that the Indians were the Jews, who had been "lost in the world for the space
of near 2000 years." But Whoever has read Mair or Boudinot, ha% beside a
good deal that, is irrational, read all that in Thorowgood can be termed rational.

Reverend Roger Williams was, at one time, as appears from Thorowgood's
work, || of the same opinion. Being written to for his opinion of the origin of
the natives, "he kindly answers to those letters from Salem in N. Eng. 20th

v O

of the 10th month, more than 10 yeers since, in htec verba" That they did
not come into America from the north-east, as some had imagined, he thought
evident for these reasons : 1. their ancestors affirm they came from the south-
west, and return thence when they die : 2. because they " separate their wo-
men in a little wigwam by themselves in their feminine seasons:" and 3. "be-
side their god Kvttand to the S. West, they hold that JVdnawitnawitM (a goa
over head) made the heavens and the earth ; and some last of affinity with
the Hebrew I have found."

Doctor Cation Mather is an author of such singular qualities, that we almost
'iesiThte to name him, lest we be thought without seriousness in so weighty a
matter. But we will assure the reader, that he is an author with whom we
woviM in no wiso part; and if sometimes we appear not serious in our intro-
(hicvion of him, what is of more importance, we believe him really to be so
\n<.l we are persuaded that we should not be pardoned did we not allow bin;
o ape^k upon the, matter before us.

* Ibid. 11?, ed. 17*34.

t rlis account of t\v> voya^s to New England, printed London, 1673, page 124.

t Vew England Horirec, 4, i\ printed London, 1672.

ft Its title commences, ' fhgi'us Dei : New Discoveries, with sure Arguments to prcve,"

|| ?ages 5 and b.

T Getanmtmoit is <rul >\ fV "aware

CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 25

He says, " It should not pass without remark, that three most memorable
things which have home a very great aspect upon human affairs, did, near the
same time, namely, at the conclusion of the fifteenth, and the beginning of the
sixteenth, century, arise unto the world : the first was the Resurrection of
Literature; the second was the opening of America; the third was the
Reformation of Religion." Thus far we have an instructive view of the sub
ject, calculated to lead to the conclusion that, in the dark ages, when literature
was neglected and forgotten, discoveries might have been also, and hence the
knowledge of America lost for a time. The reader must now summon his
gravity. "But," this author continues, "as probably the Devil, seducing the
first inhabitants of America into it, therein aimed at the having of them and
their posterity out of the sound of the silver trumpets of the gospel, then to be
heard through the Roman empire.* If the Devil had any expectation, that, by
the peopling of America, he should utterly deprive any Europeans of the two
benefits, literature and religion, which dawned upon the miserable world, (one
just before, the other just after,) the first famed navigation hither, 'tis to be
hoped he will be disappointed of that expectation."! The learned doctor,
having forgotten what he had written in his first book, or wishing to inculcate
his doctrine more firmly, nearly repeats a passage which he had at first given,
in a distant part of his work ; J but, there being considerable addition, we re-
rite it : " The natives of the country now possessed by the Ne wen glanders,
had been forlorn and wretched heathen ever since their first herding here ; and
though we know not when or how these Indians first became inhabitants of
this mighty continent, yet we may guess that probably the Devil decoyed thosf;
miserable salvages hither, in hopes that the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ
would never come here to destroy or disturb his absolute empire over them.
Hut our Eliot was in such ill terms with the Devil, as to alarm him with
sounding the silver trumpets of heaven in his territories, and make some noble
and zealous attempts towards outing him of ancient possessions here. There
were, I think, 20 several nations (if I may call them so) of Indians upon that
spot of ground which fell under the influence of our Three United Colonies :
and our Eliot was willing to rescue as many of them as he could from th it
old usurping landlord of America, who is, by the wrath of God, the prince /f
this world." In several places he is decided in the opinion that Indians are
Scythians, and is confirmed in the opinion, on meeting with this passage of
Julius C(sar: "Difficiliiis Invenire quam interficere," which he thus renders,
" It is harder to find them than to foil them." At least, this is a happy appli-
cation of the passage. C&sar was speaking of the Scythians, and our histo-
rian applies the passage in speaking of the sudden attacks of the Indians, and
their agility in hiding themselves from pursuit. Doctor Mather wrote at the
close of the seventeenth century, and his famous book, Magnolia Christi
Americana, was published in 1702.

Adair, who resided 40 years (he says) among the southern Indians, previ-
ous to 1775, published a huge quarto upon their origin, histoiy, &c. He tor-
tures every custom and usage into a like one of the Jews, and almost every
word in then" language into a Hebrew one of the same meaning.

Doctor Boudinot, in his book called "The Star in the West," has followed
up the theory of Adair, with such certainty, as he thinks, as that the "long
lost ten tribes of Israel" are clearly identified in the American Indians. Such

This, we apprehend, is not entirely original with our author, but borders upon plagiarism.
Ward, the celebrated author of the " Simple Cobler of Aggawam," says of the Irish,
Tliese Irish (anciently called anthropophagi, man-eaters) have a tradition among- them, that
when the Devil showed our Saviour all the kingdoms of the earth, and their glory, that he
would not show him Ireland, but reserved it for himself. It is, probably, true ; for he hath
kept it ever since for his own peculiar: the old fox foresaw it would eclipse the glory of all
the rest : he thought it wisdom to keep the land for a Boggards for his unclean spirits employed
in this hemisphere, and the people to do his son and heir (the Pope) that service for which
Lewis the XI kept his Barbor Oliver, which makes them so bloodthirsty." Simple Cobler,
86, 87. Why so much gall is poured out upon the poor Irish, we cannot satisfactorily account.
The circumstance of his writing in the time of Cromwell will explain a part, if not the whole
of the enigma. He was the first minister of Ipswich, Massachusetts, but was born and di
in England.

t Magnalia Christ. Amor. b. i J; Ibid. b. iii $ See Magnalia, b. vl

26 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BooK I

theories have gained many supporters. It is of much higher antiquity than
Adair, and was treated as sin-h visionary speculations should he by authors as
far hack as the historian Hubbunl, who wrote about 1G80, and has this among
other passages : "If any observation he made of their manners and disposi-
tions, it's easier to say from what nations they did not, than from whom they
did, derive their original. Doubtless their conjecture who fancy them to he
descended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried captive by Salamrmeser
and Esarhaddon, hath the least show of reason rf nny other, there being no
footsteps to be observed of their propinquity to them more than to any other of
the tribes of the earth, either as to their language or manners." 1 * This author
was one of the best historians of his times; and, generally, he writes with as
much discernment upon other matters as upon this.

That because the natives of one country and those of another, and each un-
known to the other, have some customs and practices in common, it has been
urged bv some, and not a few, that tliev must have had a common origin : but

/ / * / ^

this, in our apprehension, does not necessarily follow. Who will pretend that
different people, when placed under similar circumstances, will not have simi-
lar wants, and hence similar actions? that like wants will not prompt like ex-
ertions? and like causes produce not like effects? This mode of reasoning
we think sufficient to show, that, although the Indians may have some customs
in common with the Scythians, the Tartars, Chinese, Hindoos, Welsh, and
indeed every other nation, still, the former, for any reason we can see to the
contrary, have as good right to claim to themselves priority of origin as either
or all of the latter.

Doctor Robertson should have proved that people of color produce others
of no color, and the contrary, before he said, " We know with infallible
certainty, that all the human race spring from the same source,"f meaning
Adam. He founds this broad assertion upon the false notion that, to admit
any other would be an inroad upon the verity of the holy Scriptures. Now,
in our view of the subject, we leave them equally inviolate in assuming a very
different ground ;{ namely, that all habitable parts of the world may have been
peopled at the same time, and by different races of men. That it is so peo-
pled, we know : that it was so peopled as far back as we have any account,
we see no reason to disbelieve. Hence, when it ivas not so is as futile to
inquire, as it would be impossible to conceive of the annihilation of space.
When a new country was discovered, much inquiry was made to ascertain
from whence came the inhabitants found upon it not even asking whence
came the other animals. The answer to us is plain. Man, the other animals,
trees and plants of every kind, were placed there by the supreme directing
hand, which carries on every operation of nature by fixed and undeviating
laws. This, it must be plain to every reader, is, at least, as reconcilable to the
Bible history as the theory of Robertson, which is that of Grolius, and all those
who have followed them.

When it has been given in, at least by all who have thought upon the sub-
ject, that climate does not change the complexion of the human race, to hold
up the idea still that all must have sprung from the same source, (Adam,} only
reminds us of our grandmothers, who to this day laugh at us when we tell
them that the earth is a globe. Who, w r e ask, will argue that the negro
changes his color by living among us, or by changing his latitude? Who
have ever become negroes by living in their country, or among them ? Has the
Indian ever changed his complexion by living in London? Do those change
which adopt our manners and customs, and are surrounded by us? Until
these questions can be answered in the affirmative, we discard altogether thai
Unitarian system of peopling the w r orld. We would indeed prefer Ovid's
method :

" Ponere cluritiem coepere, suumque rigorem ;

Mollirique mora, mollitaque ducere formam.

Mox ubi rreverunt, naturaque mitior illis

Contigit," &c. &c.

Metamor. lib i. fab. xi.

' Hist. New England, 27. t Hist. America, book iv.

| Why talk of a theory's clashing with holy writ, and say nothing of the certainty of the
sciences of geography, astronomy, geology, &c. ?

CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. '27

That is, Deucalion and Pyrrha performed the office by travelling over the
country and picking up stones, which, as they cast them over their heads,
became young people as they struck the earth.

We mean not to be understood that the exterior of the skin of people is not
changed by climate, for this is very evident ; but that the children of persons
would be any lighter or darker, whose residence is in a climate different from
that in which they were bora, is what we deny, as in the former case. As
astonishing as it may appear to the succinct reasoner, it is no less true, that
Dr. Samuel Stanhope Smith has put forth an octavo book of more than 400
pages to prove the unity, as he expresses it, ' of the human race,' that is, that
all were originally descended from one man. His reasoning is of this tenor:
" The American and European sailor reside equally at the pole, and under the
equator." Then, in a triumphant air, he demands " Why then should we,
without necessity, assume the hypothesis that originally there existed different
species of the human kind ?" * What kind of argument is contained here we
leave the reader to make out ; and again, when he would prove that all the
human family are of the same tribe, he says that negro slaves at the south,
who live in white families, are gradually found to conform in features to the
whites with whom they livelf Astonishing! and we wonder who, if any,
knew this, beside the author. Again, and we have done with our extraordi-
nary philosopher. He is positive that deformed or disfigured persons will, in
process of time, produce offspring marked in the same way. That is, if a
man practise flattening his nose, his offspring will have a flatter nose than he
would have had, had his progenitor not flattened his ; and so, if this offspring
repeat the process, his offspring will have a less prominent nose ; and so on,
until the nose be driven entirely off the face! In this, certainly, our author
has taken quite a roundabout way to vanquish or put to flight a nose. We
wish he could tell us how many ages or generations it would take to make
this formidable conquest. Now, for any reason we can see to the contrary, it
would be a much less tedious business to cut off a member at once, and thus
accomplish the object in a short period; for to wait several generations for
a fashion seems absurd in the extreme. A man must be n \onstrously blind
to his prejudices, to maintain a doctrine like this. As well might he argue
that colts would be tailless because it has long been the pi ictice to shorten
the tails of horses, of both sexes ; but we have never heard tl at colts' tails are
in the least affected by this practice which has been perforn ed on the horse
so long. | Certainly, if ever, we should think it time to dis. over something
of it ! Nor have we ever heard that a female child has ever been born with
its ears bored, although its ancestors have endured the pain/ il operation foi
many generations and here we shall close our examination of Mr. Smith's
400 pages.

People delight in new theories, and often hazard a tolerable reputation for
the sake of exhibiting their abilities upon a subject on which they have very
vague, or no clear conceptions. Had Dr. Smith rea^l the v\ filings of Sir
Thomas Brown, he could hardly have advanced such absurd opinions as we
have before noticed; if, indeed, he were possessed of a sam mind. Dr.
Brown was of the age previous to that in which Bujfon lived. In speaking
of complexion, he says, "If the fervor of the sun were the sole nause hereof,
in Ethiopia, or any land of negroes, it were also reasonable time inhabitants
of the same latitude, subjected unto the same vicinity of the s, \n, the same
diurnal arch and direction of its rays, should also partake of tie same hue
and complexion, which, notwithstanding, they do not. For the inhabitants
of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion, as are t\\3 inhabit-
ants of Cambogia and Java; insomuch that some conceive the nsgro is
properly a native of Africa ; and that those places in Asia, inhabit! ^ ^iow In

* Smith on Complexion, N. Brunswick, N. J. 1810, p. 11. t Ibid. 1"/0, 111.

t The author pleads not guilty to the charge of plagiarism ; for it was not until SOIIYC months
after the text was written, that he knew that even this idea had occurred to any one. lie has
since read an extract very similar, in Dr. Lawrence's valuable Lectures on Zoology, &c.

On reflection, we have thought our remarks rather pointed, as Mr. Smith is not a living
author ; but what called them forth must be their apology.

23 ON THE oniciN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK i

Moors, aiv Imt the intrusions of ne^ro -s, arriving first from Africa, as we
generally conceive of .M;i' ; ;iiM>(Mr, and the adjoining islands, who retain the
same complexion unto this day. But this delect [of latitude upon complex-
ion] is more ivmarkahle in America, which, although subjected unto both the
tropics, yet are not the inhabitants black between, or near, or under either :
neither to the southward in Bra/il, Chili, or Peru; nor yet to the northward
in Hispaniola, Castilia, del Oro, or Nicaragua. And although in many parts
thereof, there be at present, swarms of negroes, serving under the Spaniard,
yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus,
uid are not indigenous, or proper natives of America." *

Hence it is evident, that 200 years before Dr. Smith wrote, the notion that
situation of place affected materially the color of the human species, was
very justly set down among the "vulgar and common errors" of the times.

Another theory, almost as wild, and quite as ridiculous, respecting the
animals of America, as that advanced by Dr. S. Smith, seems here to pre-
sent itself. We have reference to the well-known assertions of Buffon and
Rai/nal, f two philosophers, who were an honor to the times of Franklin,
which are, that man and other animals in America degenerate. J This has
been met in such a masterly manner by Mr. Jefferson, that to repeat any
thins here would be entirely out of place, since it has been so often copied
into works on both sides of the Atlantic. It may even be found in some of
the best English Encyclopaedias. ||

Smith M does not deal fairly with a passage of Voltaire, relating to the peo-
pling of America ; as he takes only a part of a sentence to comment upon.
Perhaps he thought it as much as he was capable of managing. ** The com-
plete sentence to which we refer we translate as follows: " There are found
men and animals all over the habitable earth : who has put them upon it ?
We have already said, it is he who has made the grass grow in the fields ;
and we should be no more surprised to find in America men, than we should
to find flies." ff We can discover no contradiction between this passage and
another in a distant part of the same work ; and which seems more like the
passage Mr. Smith has cited: "Some do not wish to believe that the cater-
pillars and the snails of one part of the world should be originally from an-
other part : wherefore be astonished, then, that there should be in America
some kinds of animals, and some races of men like our own?"|J

Voltaire has written upon the subject in a manner that will always be
attracting, however much or little credence may be allowed to what he has
written. We will, therefore, extract an entire article wherein he engages
more professedly upon the question than in other parts of his works, in which
he has rather incidentally spoken upon it. The chapter is as follows :
"Since many fail not to make systems upon the manner in which America
has been peopled, it is left only for us to say, that he who created flies in
those regions, created man there also. However pleasant it may be to dis-
pute, it cannot be denied that the Supreme Being, who lives in all nature, |||f
lias created about the 48 two-legged animals without feathers, the color of
whose skin is a mixture of white and carnation, with long beards approaching
to red ; about the line, in Africa and its islands, negroes without beards ; and

* ' Pseudodoyia Epidemica : or Inquiries into very many Received Tenents, and cnmmon-
Iv received Truths; together with the RELIGIO MEDICI. By Thomas Broicrt, Kt. M. D."
Page 373, 6 edition, 4to. London, 1672.

t After speaking of the effect of the climate of the old world in producing man and other
animals in perfection, he adds, "Combien, au contraire. la nature paroit avoir negligf.
nouveau mond ! Les hommes y sont moins forts, moins courageux ; sans barhe et sans poll/'
&c. Histoire Philos. des deux Indes, viii. 210. Ed. Geneva, 1781. 12 vols. 8vo.

\ Voltaire does not say quite as much, hut says this: "La nature enfin avail donne aus
Americanes beaucoup moins d'industrie qu'aux hommes de 1'ancien monde. Toutes ces causes
ensemble ont pu nuire beaucoup a la population." [CEuvres. iv. 19.] This is, however, only
in reference to the Indians.

$ In his Notes on Virginia, Quer. vii. || Perthensis, i. f>37. (Art. AMER. 38.)

If Samuel Smith, who published a history of New Jersey, in 1765, printed at Burlington.

** See Hist. N. J. 8. ft Essai sur les'Moeurs et 1'Esprit dcs Nations. (CEuvres, iv. 18 }

tt Ibid. 708. $$ CEuvres, t. vii. 197, 198.

IH Will the reader of this call Voltaire an atheist ?

CHAP. 11.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 29

in the same latitude, other negroes with beards, some of them having wool
and some hair on their heads; and among them other animals quite white,
having neither hair nor wool, hut a kind of while silk. It does tii.it very
clearly appear what should have prevented God from placing on another
continent animals of the same species, of a copper color, in the same latitude
in which, in Africa and Asia, they are found black ; or even from making them
without beards in the very same latitude in which others possess them. To
what lengths are we carried by the rage for systems joined with the tyranny
of prejudice! We see these animals; it is agreed that God has had the
power to place them where they are ; yet it is not agreed that he has so
placed them. The same persons who readily admit that the beavers of Canada
are of Canadian origin, assert that the men must have come there in boats,
and that Mexico must have been peopled by some of the descendants of
Magog. As well might it be said, that, if there be men in the moon, they
must have been taken there by Astolpho on his hippogriff, when he w r ent to
fetch Roland's senses, which were corked up in a bottle. If America had
been discovered in his time, and there had then been men in Europe system-
atic enough to have advanced, with the Jesuit Lnfitau* that the Caribbees
dssceiided from the inhabitants of Caria, and the Hurons from the Jews, he
would have done well to have brought back the bottle containing the wits of
these reasoners, which he would doubtless have found in the moon, along
with those of Angelica? s lover. The first thing done when an inhabited island
is discovered in the Indian Ocean, or in the South Sea, is to inquire, Whence
came these people ? but as for the trees and the tortoises, they are, without
any hesitation, pronounced to be indigenous ; as if it were more difficult for
nature to make men than to make tortoises. One thing, however, which
seems to countenance this system, is, that there is scarcely an island in the
eastern or western ocean, which does not contain jugglers, quacks, knaves,
and fools. This, it is probable, gave rise to the opinion, that these animals
are of the same race with ourselves."

Some account of what the Indians themselves have said upon the subject
of their origin may be very naturally looked for in this place. Their notions
in this respect can no more be relied upon than the fabled stories of the gods
in ancient mythology. Indeed, their accounts of primitive inhabitants do not
agree beyond their own neighborhood, and often disagree with themselves at
different times. Some say their ancestors came from the north, others from
the north-west, others from the east, and others from the west ; some from
the regions of the air, and some from under the earth. Hence to raise any
theory upon any thing coming from them upon the subject, would show
only that the theorist himself was as ignorant as his informants. We might
as well ask the forest trees how they came planted upon the soil in which
they grow. Not that the Indians are unintelligent in other affairs, any further
than the necessary consequence growing out of their situation implies; nor
are they less so than many who have written upon their history.

" Tn one grave maxim let us all agree
Nature ne'er moant her secrets should be found,
And man's a riddle, which man can't expound ! "

Paine's RULING PASSION.

The different notions of the Indians will be best gathered from their lives
in their proper places in the following work.

Dr. L. Mitchill, of New York, a man who wrote learnedly, if not wjr.ely,
on almost every subject, has, in his opinion, like hundreds before him, set the
great question, How was America peopled! at rest. He has no doubt but the
Indians, in the first place, are of the same color originally as the north-eastern
nations of Asia, and hence sprung from them. What time he settles them in
the country he does not tell us, but gets them into Greenland about the year 8
or 900. Thinks he saw the Scandinavians as far as the shores of the St.
Lawrence, but what time this was he does not say. He must of course make

* He wrute a history of the savages of America, and maintained that the Caribbee laa
was radically Hebrew.

30 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. [BOOK I.

tliess people the builders of the mounds scattered all over the western coun-
try. After all, we apprehend the doctor would have short time for his emi-
grants to do all that nature and art have done touching these matters. In the
first place, it is evident that many ages passed away from the time these
tumuli were begun until they were Finished: 2d, a multitude of ages must
have passed since the use for which they were reared has been known ; for
trees of the age of 200 years grow from the ruins of others which must have
had as great age: and, 3d, no Indian nation or tribe has the least tradition
concerning them.* This could not have happened had the ancestors of the
pivsent Indians been the erectors of them, in the nature of things, f

The observation of an author in Dr. JRees'sEncy eloped ia,} although saying
no more than has been already said in our synopsis, is, nevertheless, so happy,
that we should not feel clear to omit it: "As to those who pretend that the
human race has only of late found its way into America, by crossing the sea
at Kamschatka, or the Straits of Tschutski, either upon the fields of ice or in
canoes, they do not consider that this opinion, besides that it is extremely
difficult of comprehension, has not the least tendency to diminish the prodi-
gy ; for it would be surprising indeed that one half of our planet should have
ivmairied without inhabitants during thousands of years, while the other half
was peopled. What renders this opinion less probable is, that America is
supposed in it to have had animals, since we cannot bring those species of
animals from the old world which do not exist in it, as those of the tapir, the
glama, and the tajactu. Neither can we admit of the recent organization of
matter for the western hemisphere; because, independently of the accumu-
lated difficulties in this hypothesis, and which can by no means be solved,
we shall observe, that the fossil bones discovered in so many parts of Ameri-
ca, and at such small depths, prove that certain species of animals, so far from
having been recently organized, have been annihilated a long while ago."

Before we had known, that, if we were in error, it was in the company of
philosophers, such as we have in this chapter introduced to our readers, we
felt a hesitancy in avowing our opinions upon a matter of so great moment.
But, after all, as it is only matter of honest opinion, no one should be intoler-
ant, although he may be allowed to make himself and even his friends merry
at our expense. When, in the days of Chrysostom, some ventured to assert their
opinions of the rotundity of the earth, that learned father " did laugh at them."
And, when science shall have progressed sufficiently, (if it be possible,) to set-
tle this question, there is a possibility that the Chn/sostoms of these days will
not have the same excuse for their infidelity. But as it is a day of prodigies,
there is some danger of treating lightly even the most seemingly absurd con-
jectures. We therefore feel very safe, and more especially as it required con-
siderable hardihood to laugh even at the theory of the late Mr. Symmes.

When we lately took up a book entitled "Researches, Philosophical and Anti-
quarian, concerning the Aboriginal History of America, by J. H. M'CuLLOH, Jr.
M. D." || we did think, from the imposing appearance of it, that some new
matters on the subject had been discovered; and more particularly when we
read in the preface, that "his first object was to explain the origin of the men
and animals of America, so far as that question is involved with the apparent
physical impediments that have so long kept the subject in total obscurity."
Now, with what success this has been done, to do the author justice, he shall
speak for himself, and the reader then may judge for himself.

"Before we attempt to explain in what manner the men and animals of
America reached this continent, it is necessary to ascertain, if possible, the
circumstances of their original creation ; for upon this essential particular de-
pends the great interest of our present investigation. [We are not able to
discover that he has said any thing further upon it.] It must be evident that
we can arrive at no satisfactory conclusion, if it be doubtful whether the Crea-
tor of the universe made man and the animals but in one locality, from

* Or none but such as are at variance with all history and rationality.

f Archaeologia Americana, i. 325, 326, 341, &c. t Art. AMERICA.

See Acosta's Hist. E. and W. Indies, p. I. ed. London, 1604.

y Published at Baltimore, 1829, in 8\ o.

CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 31

whence thoy were dispersed over the earth ; or whether he created them in
each of those various situations where we now find them living. So far as
this inquiry respects mankind, there can be no reasonable ground to doubt
the one origin of the species. This fact may be proved botli physically and
morally. [If the reader can discover any thing that amounts to proof in
what follows, he will have made a discovery that we could not.] That
man, notwithstanding all the diversities of their appearance, are but of one
species, is a truth now universally admitted by every physiological naturalist.
[That is, notwithstanding a negro be black, an Indian brown, a European
white, still, they are all men. And then follows a quotation from Doctor
Lawrence* to corroborate the fact that men are all of one species. J It is true,
this physiologist does not admit that the human species had their origin but
from one pair; for he observes, the same species might have been created at
the same time in very different parts of the earth. But when we have
analyzed the moral history of mankind, to which Mr. Lawrence seems to have
paid little attention, [and if our author has done it, we would thank him to
show us where we can find it,] we find such strongly-marked analogies in
abstract matters existing among nations the most widely separated from each
other, that we cannot doubt there has been a time, when the whole human
family have intimately participated in one common system of things, whether
it be of truth or of error, of science or of prejudice. [This does not at all
agree with what he savs afterwards, 'We have been unable to discern am

o *

traces of Asiatic or of European civilization in America prior to the discovery
of Columbus.' And again : 'In comparing the barbarian nations of America
with those of the eastern continent, we perceive no points of resemblance
between them, in their moral institutions or in their habits, that are not appar-
ently founded in the necessities of human life.' If, then, there is no affinity,
other than what would accidentally happen from similar circumstances, where-
fore this prating about i strongly -marked analogies] &c. just copied?] As re-
spects the origin of animals, [we have given his best proofs of the origin of man
and their transportation to America,] the subject is much more refractory.
We find them living all over the surface of the earth, and suited by their phys-
ical conformity to a great variety of climates and peculiar localities. Every
one will admit the impossibility of ascertaining the history of their original
creation from the mere natural history of the animals themselves." Now.
as " refractory " as this subject is, we did n<5t .ipect to see it fathered off
upon a miracle, because this was the easy and convenient manner in which
the superstitious of every age accounted for every thing which they at oncp
could not comprehend. And we do not expect, when it is gravely announced,
that a discovery in any science ^s to be shown, that the undertaker is going
to tell us it is accomplished by u miracle, and that, therefore, " he knows not
why he should be called upon to answer objections," &c.

As it would be tedious to the reader, as well as incompatible with our plan,
to quote larger from Mr. M'Culloh's book, \ve shall finish with him after a few
remarks.

We do not object to the capacity of the ark for all animals, but we do
object to its introduction in the question undertaken by Mr. JW'Culloh .; for
every child knows that affair to have been miraculous ; and if any part of the
question depended upon the truth or falsity of a miracle, why plague the world
with a book of some 500 pages, merely to promulgate such a belief, when
a sentence would be all that is required? No one, that admits an overruliiiii
power, or the existence of God, will doubt of his ability to create a myriad of
men, animals, and all matter, by a breath ; or that an ark ten feet square could
contain, comfortably, ten thousand men, as well as one of the dimensions
given in Scripture to contain what that did. Therefore, if one in these day.s
should make a book expressly to explain the cause of the different lengths of
days, or the changes of the seasons, and find, after he had written a vast deal,
that he could in no wise unravel the mystery, and, to close his account, de-
clares it was all a miracle, such an author would be precisely in the predica-
ment of Mr. JWCulloh.

* The celebrated author of Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of
Man

ON THE ORIGIN 7 OF THE INDIANS. [BooK 1

We do not pretend that the subject can be pursued with the certainty of
mathematical calculations; and so long as it is contended that the whole spe-
cies of man spring from one pair, so long will the subject admit of contro-
\MSV: therefore it makes but little or no difference whether the inhabitants
are got into America by the north or the south, the east or the west, as it
regards the main question. For it is very certain that, if there were but one
pair originally, and these placed upon a certain spot, all other places where
people are now found must have been settled by people from the primitive
i-pot, who found their way thither, some how or other, and it is very unimpor-
t; :ii hew, as we have just observed.

Lord Kniin '.s 1 , a writer of great good sense, has not omitted to say some-
thing upon this subject.* He very judiciously asks those who maintain ihat
Am Tiea was peopled from Kamskatka, whether the inhabitants of that region
sp ai; the same language with their American neighbors on the opposite
shores. That they do not, he observes, is fully confirmed by recent accounts
frmi thence; ami " whence we may conclude, with great certainty, that the
u.Uer are not a colony of the former."f We have confirmation upon confirma-
'ii, that thes,' nations speak languages entirely different; and lor the satisiac-
; .en of the curious, we will give a short vocabulary of words in both, with
t! e English against them.

English. Kamskadale. Meoutc.an.\.

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch.

Father Iskh Athan.

Mother Nas-kh Anaan.

Son Pa-atch L'laan.

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn.

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota.

Sister Kos-Khou Anglin.

Husband Skoch Ougiinn.

Woman Skoua-aou A'i-yagar.

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn.

Young boy Pahatch Auckthok.

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik.

A man ,Ouskaams Toyoch.

The people Kouaskou.

Pereons Ouskaamsit.

The head T-Khousa Kamgha.

The face Koua-agh Soghimaginn.

The nose Kaankang. Aughosinn.

The nostrils Kaanga Gouakik.

The eye Nanit Thack.

After observing that "there are several cogent arguments to evince that tne
Americans are not descended from any people in the north of Asia, or in the
north of Europe," Lord Kaimes continues, "I venture still further; which is,
to conjecture, that America has not been peopled from any part of the old
world. But although this last conjecture is in unison with those of many
others, yet his lordship is greatly out in some of the proofs which he adduces
in its support. As we have no ground on which to controvert this opinion,
we may be excused from examining its proofs; but this we will observe, tha,
Lord Kaimes is in the same error about the beardlessness of the Americans as
some other learned Europeans.

The learned Doctor Swinton, in a dissertation upon the peopling of Ameri-

* See his " Sketches of the History of Man" a work which he published in 1774, at Edin-
burgh, in 2 vols. 4to.

t Vol. ii. 71.

t The Aleouteans inhabit the chain of islands which stretch from the north-west point of
America into the neighborhood of Kamskatka. It must be remembered that these names arc
in the French orthography, being taken from a French translation of Billings' s voyage into
those regions, from 1785 to 1794.

$ Doctor John Sn-hiton, the eminent author of many parts of the Ancient Universal Hi*-
'or/I. He died in 1777. aged 74.

CHAP. II.] ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. 33

ea,* after stating the different opinions of various authors who have advocated
in favor of the "dispersed people," the Phcenicians, and other eastern nations,
observes, "that, therefore, the Americans in general were descended from
some people who inhabited a country not so far distant from them as Egypt
and Phoenicia, our readers will, as we apprehend, readily admk. Now, no
country can be pitched upon so proper and convenient for this purpose as the
north-eastern part of Asia, particularly Great Tartary, Siberia, and moiv espe-
cially the peninsula of Kamtschatka. That probably was the tract through
which many Tartarian colonies passed into America, and peopled the most
considerable part of the new world."

This, it is not to be denied, is the most rational way of getting inhabitants
into America, if it must be allowed that it was peopled from the "old world."
Hut it is not quite so easy to account for the existence of equatorial animals
in America, when all authors agree that they never could have passed that
way, as they could not have survived the coldness of the climate, at any sea-
son of the year. Moreover, the vocabulary we have given, if it prove any
filing, proves that either the inhabitants of North America did not come in
from the north-west, or that, if they did, some unknown cause must have, for
ages, suspended all communication between the emigrants and their ancestors
upon the neighboring shores of Asia.

In 1822, there appeared in London a work which attracted some attention,
as most works have upon similar subjects. It was entitled, " Description of
the ruins of an ancient city, discovered near Palenque, in the kingdom of
Guatemala, in Spanish America : translated Iron i the original manuscript re-
port of Capt. Don Antonio Del Rio: followed by a critical investigation and
research into the tli.itury of the Americans, by Dr. Paul Felix Cabrera, of the
city of New Guatemala."

Captain Del Rio was ordered by the Spanish king, in the year 1786, to
make an examination of whatever ruins he might find, which he accordingly
did. From the manuscript he left, which afterwards fell into the hands of
Doctor Cabrera, his work was composed, and is that part of the work which
concerns us in our view of syst' ins or conjectures concerning the peopling of
America. We shall be short with this author, as his system differs very little
from some which we have already sketched. He is very confident that he
tias settled the question how South America received its inhabitants, namely,
from the Phoenicians, who sailed across the Atlantic Ocean, and that the ruined
city described by Captain Del Rio was built by the first adventurers.

Doctor Cabrera calls any system, which, in his view, does not harmonize with
the Scriptures, an innovation upon the "holy Catholic religion;" and rather
than resort to any such, he says, "It is better to believe his [God's] works
miraculous, than endeavor to make an ostentatious display of our talents by
the cunning invention of new systems, in attributing them to natural causes."-]
The same reasoning will apply in this case as in a former. If we are to at
tribute every thing to miracles, wherefore the necessity of investigation?
These authors are fond of investigating matters in their way, but are dis-
pleased if others take the same liberty. And should we follow an author in
his theories, who cuts the whole business short by declaring all to be a mira-
'! ', when he can no longer grope in the labyrinth of his own forming, 0111
' ader would be just in condemning such waste of time. When every thing
which we cannot at first sight understand or comprehend must not be in
liired into, from superstitious doubts, then and there will be fixed the bounds
of all science ; but, as Lord Byron said upon another occasion, not till then.

"If it be allowed (says Dr. LAWRENCE)! that all men are of the same
species, it does not follow that they are all descended from the same family
We have no data for determining this point: it could indeed only be settled
by a knowledge of facts, which have long ago been involved in the impene
trable darkness of antiquity." That climate has nothing to do with the com
piexion, he offers the following in proof:

* Universal History, xx. 162, 163. See Malone's edition of BosweWs Life Dr. John&on
>-. 271. ed. in 5 v. 12mo. London, 1821
t Page 30. \ Lectures on Zoology, &c. 442. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1823.

34 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Boon I.

"The establishments of the Europeans in Asia and America have now sub-
sisted about three centuries. Vasqitrz de Gnma landed at Calicut in 14!>:
and the Portuguese empire in India was founded in the beginning of the tbl-
Icumg centun. Jira/il was discovered and taken possession of by the same
nation in the very first ye;ir of the 16th century. Towards the end of the
IT.th, Mid the b-ginning of the lUth century, Columbus, Cortez, and Pizarro,
s'.!i|ii<Mied tiir the Spaniards the West Indian islands, with the empires of
Mexico and Peru. Sir Walter Ralegh planted an English colony in Virginia
ii. !.<>i: and the French settlement of Canada has rather a later date. The
colonists have, in no instance, approached to the natives of these countries,
and their descendants, where the blood has been kept pure, have, at this time,
the same characters as native Europeans."*

The eminent antiquary JDe Witt Clinton] supposed that the ancient works
found in this country were similar to those supposed to be Roman by Pennant
in Wales. He adds, "The Danes, as well as the nations which erected our
fortifications, were in all probability of Scythian origin. According to Pliny,
the name of Scythian was common to all the nations living in the north of
Asia and Europe." f

CHAPTER III.

Anecdotes, Narratives, &fC. illustrative of the Manners and Customs, Antiquities and

Traditions, 'of the Indians.

int. AN Ottaway chief, known to the French by the name of Whttejokn,
wjjs a great drunkard. Count Frontenac asked him what he thought brandy
to be made of; he replied, that it must be made of hearts and tongues
" For," said he, "when I have drunken plentifully of it, my heart is a thousand
strong, and I can talk, too, with astonishing freedom and rapidity."!

Honor. A chief of the Five Nations, who fought on the side of the English
in the French wars, chanced to meet in battle his own father, who was fight-
ing on the side of the French. Just as he was about to deal a deadly blow
uj on his head, he discovered who he was, and said to him, "You have once
given me life, and now I give it to you. Let me meet you no more; for I
have paid the debt I owed you."

Recklessness. In Connecticut River, about "200 miles from Long Island
Sound, is a narrow of 5 yards only, formed by two shelving mountains of
solid rock. Through this chasm are compelled to pass all the waters which
in the time of the floods bury the northern country." It is a frightful passage
of about 400 yards in length. No boat, or, as my author expresses it, " no
living creature, was ever known to pass through this narrow, except an Indian
woman." This woman had undertaken to cross the river just above, and
although she had the god Bacchus by her side, yet Neptune prevailed in spite
of their united efforts, and the canoe was hurried down the frightful gulf.
While this Indian woman was thus hurrying to certain destruction, as she had
every reason to expect, she seized upon her bottle of rum, and did not take it
from her mouth until the last drop was quaffed. She was marvellously pre-
served, and was actually picked up several miles below, floating in the canoe,
still quite drunk. When it was known what she had done, and being asked
how she dared to drink so much rum with the prospect of certain death before
her, she answered that she knew it was too much for one time, but she was
unwilling that any of it should be lost. ||

* Lectures on Zoology, &P. 464. 465. ed. 8vo. Salem, 1828.

t A Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of the State of A r . York, pages 9, 10
BTO. Albany, 1818.
4 Universa'l Museum for 17G3. $ Ibid. || Peters 's Hist. Connecticut

CHAP. III.] INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 35

Justice. A missionary residing among a certain tribe of Indians, was one
day, after he had been preaching to them, invited by their chief to visit his
wigwam. After having been kindly entertained, and being about to depart,
the chief took him by the hand and said, " I have very bad squaw. She had
two liitle children. One she loved well, the other she hated. In a cold night,
when I was gone hunting in the woods, she shut it out of the wigwam, and
it froze to death. What must be done with her?" The missionary replied,
"She must be hanged." "Ah!" said the chief, "go, then, and hang youi
God, whom you make just like her."

Magnanimity. A hunter, in his wanderings for game, fell among the back
settlements of Virginia, and by reason of the inclemency of the weather, was
induced to seek refuge at the house of a planter, whom he met at his door.
Admission was refused him. Being both hungry and thirsty, he asked for a
morsel of bread and a cup of water, but was answered in every case, " No !
you shall have nothing here ! Get you gone, you Indian dog!" It happened,
in process of time, that this same planter lost himself in the woods, and, after
a fatiguing day's travel, he came to an Indian's cabin, into which he was
welcomed. On inquiring the way, and the distance to the white settlements,
being told by the Indian that he could not go in the night, and being kindly
offered lodging and victuals, he gladly refreshed and reposed himself in the
Indian's cabin. In the morning, he conducted him through the wilderness,
agreeably to his promise the night before, until they came in sight of the
habitations of the whites. As he was about to take his leave of the planter,
he looked him full in the face, and asked him if he did not know him.
Horror-struck at finding himself thus in the power of a man he had so
inhumanly treated, and dumb with shame on thinking of the manner it was
requited, he began at length to make excuses, and beg a thousand pardons,
when the Indian interrupted him, and said, " When you see poor Indians
fainting for a cup of cold water, don't say again, ' Get you gone, you Indian
dog ! ' He then dismissed him to return to his friends. My author adds,
"It is not difficult to say, which of these two had the best claim to the name
of Christian."*

Deception. The captain of a vessel, having a desire to make a present to a
lady of some fine oranges which he had just brought from "the sugar islands,"
gave them to an Indian in his employ to carry to her. Lest he should not
perform the office punctually, he wrote a letter to her, to be taken along with
the present, that she might detect the bearer, if he should fail to deliver the
whole of what he was intrusted with. The Indian, during the journey,
reflected how he should refresh himself with the oranges, and wot be found
out. Not having any apprehension of the manner of communication by
writing, he concluded that it was only necessary to keep his design secret
from the letter itself, supposing that would tell of him if he did not; he there-
fore laid it upon the ground, and rolled a large stone upon it, and retired to
some distance, where he regaled himself with several of the oranges, and then
proceeded on his journey. On delivering the remainder and the letter to the
lady, she asked him where the rest of the oranges were ; he said he had
delivered all ; she told him that the letter said there were several more sent ;
to which he answered that the letter lied, and she must not believe it. But he
was soon confronted in his falsehood, and, begging forgiveness of the offence
was pardoned, f

Shrewdness. As Governor Joseph Dudley of Massachusetts was superin
tending some of his workmen, he took notice of an able-bodied Indian, who,
half-naked, would come and look on, as a pastime, to see his men work. The
governor took occasion one day to ask him why he did not work and get some
clothes, ivhereivith to cover himself. The Indian answered by asking him why
he, did not work. The governor, pointing with his finger to his head, said, " /
work head work, and so have no need to work with my hands as you should.
The Indian then said he would work if any one would employ him.

* Carey's Museum, vi. 40.

f Uring's Voyage to N. England in 1709, 8vo. London. 1726.

36 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [KooK 1-

governor told him he wanted a calf killed, and that, if he would go and do it,
lie would ii'ive him a shilling. II"' accepted tin; oiler, and went immediately
and killed the calf, and then went sauntering ahont as helbre. The go\< mor,
on observing what he had done, asked him why he did lint dress the call
before he left it. The Indian answered, "Ao, ?io, Coponoti ; that uas imt in
the bargain : I was to have a shilling for killing him. Jim lie no di,!, ( ojioii-
o/i?" [governor.] The governor, seeing himselt' thus outwitted, told him to
dress it, and he would give him another shilling.

This done, and in possession of two shillings, the Indian goes directly to a
^rog-shop for rum. After a short stay, he returned to the governor, ai;d
iiim he had given him a had shilling-piece, and presented a brass one to be
exchanged. The governor, thinking possibly it might have been the i .
irave him another. It was not long before he returned a second tim \
another brass shilling to be exchanged ; the governor was now coin h:c: <; <>/'
his knavery, but, not caring to make words at the time, gave him another;
and thus the fellow got four shillings for one.

The governor determined to have 1 the rogue corrected for his abuse, and,
meeting with him soon after, told him he must take a letter to Boston lor him
[and gave him a half a cro\vn for the service.] * The letter was directed to the
keeper of bridewell, ordering him to give the bearer so many lashes ; bur,
mistrusting that all was not exactly agreeable, and meeting a servant of the
governor on the road, ordered him, in the name of his master, to carry the
letter immediately, as he was in haste to return. The consequence was, this
servant got egregious! y whipped. When the governor learned what had
taken place, he felt no little chagrin at being thus twice outwitted by the
Indian.

He did not' see the fellow for some time after this, but at length, falling in
with him, asked him by what means he had cheated and deceived him so
many times. Taking the governor again in his own play, he answered,
pointing with his finger to his head, " Head work, Coponoh, head work ! " The
governor was now so well pleased that he forgave the whole ofTence.f

Equality. An Indian chief, on being asked whether his people were free,
answered, "Why not, since I myself am free, although their king?"f

Matrimony. "An aged Indian, who for many years had spent much time
among the white people, both in Pennsylvania and New Jerse) 7 , one clay,
about the year 1770, observed that the Indians had not only a much easier
way of getting a wife than the whites, but also a more certain way of getting
a good one. ' For,' said he in broken English, ' white man court court-
may be one whole year ! may be two years before he marry ! Well may
bs then he get very good wife but may be not may be very cross! Well,
now suppose cross 1 scold so soon as get awake in the morning! scold all
day! scold until sleep! all one he must keep him! White people have
law forbidding throw 7 away wife he be ever so cross must keep him always !
Well, how does Indian do ? Indian, when he see industrious squaw, he
U'o to him, place his two fore-fingers close aside each other make two like
one then- look squaw in the face see him smile this is all one he say
) s ! so he take him home no danger he be cross! No, no squaw know
too well what Indian do if he cross! throw him away and take another !-
Squaw love to eat meat no husband no meat. Squaw do every thing to
please husband, he do every thing to please squaw live happy.' "

Toleration. In the year 1791, two Creek chiefs accompanied an American
to England, where, as usual, they attracted great attention, and many flocked
around them, as well to learn their ideas of certain things as to behold "the
savages." Being asked their opinion of religion, or of what religion tin } v.
one made answer, that they had no priests in their country, or established
religion, for they thought, that, upon a subject where there was no possibility
of people's agreeing in opinion, and as it was altogether matter of nun

* A sentence added in a version of this anecdote in Carey's Museum, vi. 204.
t Uring, ut supra. 120. j: Careifs Museum, vi. 482.

Heckew elder' s Hist. Ind. Nations.

CHAP. III.] INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. 37

opinion, " it was best that every one should paddle his canoe his own way."
Here is a volume of instruction in a short answer of a savage!

Justice. A white trader sold a quantity of powder to an Indian, and im
posed upon him by making him believe it was a grain which grew like wheat,
by sowing it upon the ground. He was greatly elated by the prospect, not
only of raising his own powder, but of being able to supply others, and there-
by becoming immensely rich. Having prepared his ground with great care,
he sowed his powder with the utmost exactness in the spring. Month aftei
month passed away, but his powder did not even sprout, and winter came
before he was satisfied that he had been deceived. He said nothing; but
some time after, when the trader had forgotten the trick, the same Indian suc-
ceeded in getting credit of him to a large amount. The time set for payment
having expired, he sought out the Indian at his residence, and demanded pa}-
rnent lor his goods. The Indian heard his demand with great complaisance;
then, looking him shrewdly in the eye, said, "Me pay you when my powder
<rrow" This was enough. The guilty white man quickly retraced his steps,
satisfied, we apprehend, to balance his account with the chagrin he had re
ceived.

Hunting. The Indians had methods to catch game which served them ex-
tremely well. The same month in which the Mayflower brought over the
forefathers, November, 1620, to the shores of Pliinonth, several of them
ranged about the woods near by to learn what the country contained. Having
wandered farther than they were apprized, in their endeavor to return, they
say, "We were shrewdly puz/led, and lost our way. As we wandered, we
r-ame to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some
acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some
deer. So, as we were looking at it, ff'illiam Bradford being in the rear, when
he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up,
and he was immediately caught up by the legs. It was (they continue) a very
pretty device, mat If with a rope of their own making, [of bark or some kind
of roots probably,] and having a noose as artificially made as any roper in
England can make, and as like ours as can be ; which we brought away
with us."*

Preaching against Practice. JOHN SIMON was a Sogkonate, who, about the
year 1700, was a settled minister to that tribe. He was a man of strong mind,
generally temperate, but sometimes remiss in the latter particular. The fol-
lowing anecdote is told as characteristic of his notions of justice. Simon,
on account of his deportment, was created justice of the peace, and when dif-
ficulties occurred involving any of his people, he sat with the English justice
to aid in making up judgment. It happened that Simon's squaw, with some
others, had committed some offence. Justice Almy and Simon, in making up
their minds, estimated the amount of the offence differently; Mmy thought
each should receive eight or ten stripes, but Simon said, "No, four or fve art
enough Poor Indians are ignorant, and it is not Christian-like to punish so
hardly those who are ignorant, as those who have knowledge" Simon's judg-
ment prevailed. When Mr. Almy asked John how many his wife should
receive, he said, " Double, because she had knowledge to have done better ; " but
Colonel Almy, out of regard to John's feelings, wholly remitted his wife's
punishment. John looked very serous, and made no reply while in presence
of the court, but, on the first fit opportunity, remonstrated very severely
ti^ainst his judgment, and said to him, " To what purvose do we preach a reli-
gion of justice, if we do unrighteousness in judgment

Sam Hide. There are few, we imagine, who have not heard of this per-
sonage ; but, notwithstanding his great notoriety, we might not be though
serious in the rest of our work, were we to enter seriously into his biography
for the reason, that from his day to this, his name has been a by-word in all
NCAV England, and means as much as to say the greatest of liars. It is on
account of the following anecdote that he is noticed.

* Mount's Relation.

38 INDIAN ANECDOTES AND NARRATIVES. [Boo K I

Sam Hide was a notorious cider-drinker as well as liar, and used to travel the
country to and fro begging it from door to door. At one time he happened
.i\ a region of country where cider was very hard to be procured, either from
Us scarcity, or from Sam's frequent visits. However, cider he was determined
cO have, if lying, in any shape or color, would gain it. Being not far from
the house of an acquaintance, who he knew had cider, hut he knew, or was
well satisfied, that, in the ordinary way of begiririir, he could not get it, he set
his wits at work to lay a plan to insure it. This did not occupy him long.
On arriving at the house of the gentleman, instead of asking for cider, he in-
quired for the man of the house, whom, on appearing, Sam requested to go
aside with him, as he had something of importance to communicate to him.
When they were by themselves, Sam told him he had that morning shot a tine
deer, and that, if he would give him a crown, he would tell him where it war-.
The gentleman did not incline to do this, but offered half a crown. Finally,
Sam said, as he had walked a great distance that morning, and was very dry.
for a half a crown and a mug of cider he would tell him. This was agreed
upon, and the price paid. Now Sam was required to point out the spot where
the deer was to be found, which he did in this manner. He said to his friend.
You know of swh a meadow, describing it Yes You knoiv a big ash tree, with
a big top by the little brook Yes Well, under that tree lies the deer. This w;is
satisfactory, and Sam departed. It is unnecessary to mention that the meadow
was found, and the tree by the brook, but no deer. The duped man could
hardly contain himself on considering what he had been doing. To look-
after Sam for satisfaction would be worse than looking after the deer , so the
farmer concluded to go home contented. Some years after, he happened to
fall in with the Indian ; and he immediately began to rally him for deceiving
him so, and demanded back his money and pay for his cider and trouble.
Why, said Sam, would you find fault if Indian told truth half the time 1 No
Well, says Sam, you find him meadow t Yes You find him tree** Yes
What for then you find fault Sam Hide, when he told you two truth, to one Uet
The affair ended here. Sam heard no more from the farmer.

This is but one of the numerous anecdotes of Sam Hide, which, could they
be collected, would fill many pages. He died in Dedham, 5 January, 1732,
at the great age of 105 years. He was a great jester, and passed for an un-
common wit. In all the wars against the Indians during his lifetime, he
served the English faithfully, and had the name of a brave soldier. He had
himself killed 19 of the enemy, and tried hard to make up the 20th, but was
unable.

Characters contrasted. "An Indian of the Kennebeck tribe, remarka-
ble for his good conduct, received a grant of land from the state, and fixed
himself in a new township where a number of families were settled. Though
not ill treated, yet the common prejudice against Indians prevented any sym-
pathy with him. This w r as shown at the death of his only child, when none
of the people came near him. Shortly afterwards he went to some of the
inhabitants and said to them, When iMte man's child die, Indian man he son-;/
he hflp bury him. WTien my child die, no one speak to me / make his gram
alone. I can no five here. He gave up his farm, dug up the body of his child,
and carrie ! it with him 200 miles through the forests, to join the Canada
Indians!"*

Jj l>t-dicroiis Error. There was published in London, in 1762, "T.HE
AMERICAN GAZETTEER," &c.f in which is the following account of BRISTOL,
1. I. " A county and town in N. England. The capital is remarkable for the
Kin? of Spain's having a palace in it, and being killed there ; and also for
Crown t poet's begging it of Charles II." The blunder did not rest here,
but is ," ' in "TuE N. AMERICAN and the WEST INDIAN GAZETTEER," J &c.
Thuf f' ' of Spain seems to have had the misfortune of being mistaken for
Ph' J ' ' the Wampanoass, alias Pometacom of Pokanoket.

J. f 3 vols. 12mo. without name.

'!'', a!-.' a '.vinous.

I;HAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 39

Origin or Meaning of the Name Canada. It is said, that Canada was discov-
ered by the Spaniards, before the time of Cartier, and that the Bay of Cha-
leurs was discovered by them, and is the same as the Baye des Espagnoles ;
and that the Spaniards, not meeting with any appearances of mines of the
precious metals, said to one another, aca nada, which in their language signi-
fied, nothing here, and forthwith departed from the country. The Indians,
having heard these words, retained them in their memories, and, when the
French came among them, made use of them, probably by way of salutation,
not understanding their import; and they were supposed by the voyagers to
be the name of the country. It was only necessary to drop the first letter,
and use the two words as two syllables, and the word Canada was complete.*

But as long ago as when Father Charlevoix wrote his admirable HISTORY
OF New France, he added a note upon the derivation of the name Canada,
in which he said some derived it from an Iroquois word meaning an assem-
blage of hoiises.f Doctor J. R. Forster has a learned note upon it also, in his
valuable account of Voyages and Discovei-ies in the North. He objects to the
Jlca Nada origin, because, in Spanish, the word for here is not aca, but aqui,
and that to form Canada from *ljiiinada would be forced and unnatural. Yet
he says, " In ancient maps we often find Ca: da Nada" that is, Cape Nothing.
" But from a Canadian [Indian] vocabulary, annexed to the original edition
of the second voyage of Jaques Cartier, Paris, 1545, it appears, that an assem-
blage of houses, or habitations, i. e. a town, was by the natives called Canada.
Cartier says, Hz appMent line Ville Canoaa." Mr. Heckewelder is of much
the same opinion as Charleroix and Forster. He says, that in a prayer-book
in the Mohawk language, he read "Ne K AX \D\-gongh Konwayatsk Nazareth"
which was a translation of "in a CITY called Nazareth."

Origin of the Name Yankee. ANBURY, an author who did not respect the
Americans, any more than many others who have been led captive by them, has
the following paragraph upon this word \ "The lower class of these Yan-
kees apropos, it may not be amiss here just to observe to you the etymology
of this term : it is derived from a Cherokee word, eankke, which signifies
coward and slave. This epithet of yankte was bestowed upon the inhabitants
of N. England by the Virginians, for not assisting them in a war with the
Cherokees, and they have always been held in derision by it. But the name
has been more prevalent since [1775] the commencement of hostilities ; the
soldiery at Boston used it as a term of reproach ; but aller the affair at Bun-
ker's Hill, the Americans gloried in it. Yankee-doodle is now their pecan, a
favorite of favorites, played in their army, esteemed as warlike as the grena-
dier's march it is the lover's spell, the nurse's lullaby. After our rapid suc-
cesses, we held the yankees in great contempt; but it was not a little morti-
fying to hear them play this tune, when their army marched down to our sur-
render."

But Mr. Heckewelder thinks that the Indians, in endeavoring to pronounce
the name English, could get that sound no nearer than these" letters give it,
yengees. This was perhaps the true origin of Yankee.

Jl singular Stratagem to escape Torture. "Some years ago the Shawano
Indians, being obliged to remove from their habitations, in their way took a
Muskohge warrior, known by the name of old Scrany, prisoner ; they bas-
tinadoed him. severely, and condemned him to the fiery torture. He under-

* The authors who have adopted this opinion, are Doctor Mather, [Magnalia, B. viii. 71 ;]
Han-is, [Voyages, ii. 349 ;] Moil, [(ieog. ii. 194;] J. Long, [Voyages and Travels, 2 ;] Boz-
man, [Maryland, 35 ;] Moulton, [N. York, i. 131 ;] Martin, [Louisiana, i. 7.]

Josselyn and Jeffrys seem to he without company as well as authorities for their derivations.
The former [N. England Rarities, 5] says, Canada was " so called from Monsieur Cane."
Flie latter [Hist. America, 1] says, " Canada, in the Indian language, signifies the Mouth oj
lite Country, from can, mouth, and ada, the country."

t Quelques-unes derivent ce nom du mot Iroquois Kannata, qui se prononce Canada, et sig-
nifie un amas de cabannes. Hist. Nouv. France, i. 9.

t Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, 1776, &c. vol. ii. 46,47. Anbur*
was an officer in General Burgoyne's army, and was among the captives surrendered at
Saratoga.

Tliis derivation is almost as ludicrous as thai given by Irving in his Knickerbocker.

40 ; &c., ii. 1. 1 STI; vrm: [BOOK 1.

went a great deal without shouing any concern ; bis countenance and beha-
vior \\ ;e as ii he .-nib !( I not tin- least pain, lit- told hi.- persecutors with a
liold \oice, that In- \\asa \\arrior; that he had gained most of his martial
reput.-.iion at the e\pen>e <>f their nation, and \\as desirous of shoumu them.

in the act of dying, that he u as >t ill as nmch their superior, as when he IK 'add
his gallant coiintrvmen : that although lie had (alien into their hands, and for-
ii ited the protection of the divine po\\er by some impurity or other, when

earn in^ the holy ark of \\ar against his de\oted enemies, \ et lie had >o much
remaining \ irine as would enable him to punish himself more exquisite!} than
all their despicable, ignorant crowd possibly could; and that he \\ould do so,
if the\ i. r a\e him liberty by unt\ in<r him, and handing him one of the red-hoi

. tf 9f %

u r iin-barrels out of the lire. The proposal, and his method of address, appeared
-o exceedingly bold and uncommon, that his request was granted. Then
sudd nly sei/ing one end of the red-hot barrel, and brandishing it from side
to side, leaped down a prodigious steep and high bank into a branch of the
ri\er. di\ed through it, ran over a small island, and passed the other branch,
amid.-t a shower of bullets ; and though numbers of his enemies were in close
pursuit of him, he got into a bramble-swamp, through which, though naked
and in a mangled condition, he reached his own country."

An unparalleled Case of Suffering. "The Shawano Indians captured a
warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put him to the stake, according to tin ir
usual cruel solemnities: having unconcernedly suffered much torture, he told
them, with scorn, they did not know how to punish a noted enemy ; therefore
he was willing to teach them, and would confirm the truth of his assertion if
they allowed him the opportunity. Accordingly he requested of them a pipe
and some tobacco, which was given him ; as soon as he had lighted it, he sat
down, naked as he was, on the women's burning torches, that were within his
circle, and continued smoking his pipe without the least discomposure: On
this a head warrior leaped up, and said, they saw plain enough that he was a
warrior, and not afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only that he was
both spoiled by the fire, and devoted to it by their laws ; however, though he
was a very dangerous enemy, and his nation a treacherous people, it should
be seen that they paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was marked with
war streaks at the cost of many of the lives of their beloved kindred ; and then
by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk instantly put an end to all his
pains." *

Ignorance the Offspring ofalsurd Opinions. The resolution and courage of
the Indians, says Colonel Rogers, "under sickness and pain, is truly surpris-
ing. A young woman will be in labor a whole day without uttering one
irroan or cry; should she betray such a weakness, they would immediately
say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her offspring could not
fail of being cowards."!

A Northern Custom. When Mr. Hearne was on the Coppermine River, in
1771, some of the Copper Indians in his company killed a number of Esqui-
maux, by which act they considered themselves unclean ; and all concerned
in the murder were not allowed to cook any provisions, either for themselves
or others. They were, however, allowed to eat of others' cooking, but not
until they had painted, with a kind of red earth, all the space between their
nose and chin, as well as a greater part of their cheeks, almost to their ears.
Neither would they use any other dish or pipe, than their own. J

Another Pocahontas. While Lewis and Clarke were on the shore of the
Pacific Ocean, in 1805, one of their men went one evening into a village of
the Killamuk Indians, alone, a small distance from his party, and on the
opposite side of a creek from that of the encampment. A strange Indian
happened to be there also, who expressed great respect and love for the white

* The two preceding relations are from I.nn '.<? Voir-gef and Travels, 72 and 73, a book of
small pretensions, but one of the best on Indian hisioi v. Its author lived among the Indians
of the North- West, as an Indian trader, about 19 yeais.

t Concise Account of N. America, 212. J Journey to the Northern Ocean, 205.

CHAP. III.] OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 41

man ; but in reality he meant to murder him for the articles he had about him
This happened to come to the knowledge of a Chinnook woman, and she
determined at once to save his life : therefore, when the white man was about
to return to his companions, the Indian was going to accompany him, and kill
him in the way. As they were about to set out, the woman caught the white
man by the clothes, to prevent his going with the Indian. He, not under-
standing her intention, pulled away from her ; but as a last resort, she ran out
and shrieked, which raised the men in every direction ; and the Indian
became alarmed for his own safety, and made his escape before the white
man knew he had been in danger.

Stif-command in Time of Danger. There was in Carolina a noted chief of
the Yamoisjes, who, in the year 1702, with about 600 of his countrymen,
\v ; nt with Colonel Daniel and Colonel Moore against the Spaniards in Flori-
da. His name was Arratommakaw. When the English were obliged to
abandon their undertaking, and as they were retreating to their boats, they
became alarmed, supposing the Spaniards were upon them. Jlrratommakaw,
having arrived at the boats, was reposing himself upon his oars, and was last
asleep. The soldiers rallied him for being so slow in his retreat, and order, d
him to make more haste : "But he replied, 'No THOUGH YOUR GOVERNOR

LEAVES YOU, I WILL NOT STIR TILL I HAVE SEEN ALL MY MEN BEFORE JJE.' '

Indifference. Jirchihau w r as a sachem of Maryland, whose residence was
upon the Potomack, when that country was settled by the English in 1G33-4.
The place of his residence was named, like the river, Potomack. As usual
with the Indians, he received the English under Governor Calvert with great
attention. It should be noted, that ArtMhau was not head sachem of the
Potomacks, but governed instead of his nephew, who was a child, and wiio,
like the head men of Virginia, was called iveroivance. From this place the
colonists sailed 20 leagues farther up the river, to a place called Piscattaway.
Here a werowance went on board the governor's pinnace, to treat with him,
On being asked whether he was willing the English should settle in his
country, in case they found a place convenient for them, he made answer,
" / 'Will not bid you go, neither will I bid you stay, but you may use your own
discretion" '*

Their Notions of the Learning of the JVhiies. At the congress at Lancaster,
in 1744, between the government of Virginia and the Five Nations, the
Indians were told that, if they would send some of their young men to Vir-
ginia, the English would give them an education at their college. An orator
replied to this offer as follows: "We know that you highly esteem the kind
of learning taught in those colleges, and that the maintenance of our young
men, while with you, would be very expensive to you. We are convinced,
ther 'fore, that you mean to do us good by your proposal, and we thank you
heartily. But you who are wise must know, that different nations have differ-
ent conceptions of things ; and you will therefore not take it amiss, if our ideas
of this kind of education happen not to be the same with yours. We have
had some experience of it: several of our young people were formerly brought
up at the colleges of the northern provinces ; they were instructed in all \ our
sciences; but when they came back to us, they were bad runners; ignorant
of every means of living in the woods; unable to bear either cold or hunger;
kii -\v neither how to build a cabin, take a deer, or kill an enemy; spoke our
language imperfectly ; were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or
counsellors; they were totally good for nothing. We are, however, not the
less obliged by your kind offer, though we decline accepting it: and to show
our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia will send us a dozen of
their sons, we will take great care of their education, instruct them in all we
know, and make men of them." f

Success of a Missionary. Those who have attempted to Christianize the
Indians complain that they are too silent, and that their taciturnity was the
greatest difficulty with which they have to contend. Their notions of pro

* Oldmixnn, [Hist. Maryland.] f Franklin's Essays.

4 *

42 ANECDOTES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK I

priety upon matters of conversation are so nice, that they deem it improper,
in the highest degree, even to deny or contradict any thing that is said, at tin-
time ; and hence the difficulty of knowing what effect any thing has upon
their minds at the time of delivery. In this they have a proper advantage :
for how often does it happen that people would answer very differently upon
a matter, were they to consider upon it but a short time! The Indians seldom
answer a matter of importance the same day, lest, in so doing, they should !><
thought to have treated it as though it was of small consequence. We oftener
repent of a hasty decision, than that we have lost time in maturing our judg-
ments. Now for the anecdote: and as it is from the Essays of Dr. Fra.iklin,
it shall be told in his own way.

"A Swedish minister, having assembled the chiefs of the Susquehannah
Indians, made a sermon to them, acquainting them with the principal historical
facts on which our religion is founded ; such as the fall of our first parents by
eating an apple ; the coming of Christ to repair the mischief; his miracles
and sufferings, &c. When he had finished, an Indian orator stood up to
thank him. ' What you have told us,' said he, l is all very good. It is indeed
bad to eat apples. It is better to make them all into cider. We are much oblige>l
by your kindness in coming so Jar to tell us those things, which you have heard
from your mothers. 1

"When the Indian had told the missionary one of the legends of his nation,
how they had been supplied with maize or corn, beans, and tobacco;* he
treated it with contempt, and said, ' What I delivered to you were sacred
truths ; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood.' The
Indian felt indignant, and replied, l My brother., it seems your friends have not
done you justice in your education; they have not well instructed you in the rules
of common civility. You see that we, who understand and practise those rules,
believe all your stories : why do you refuse to believe ours ? '

Curiosity. " When any of the Indians come into our towns, our people are
apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they
desire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the
want of instruction in the rules of civility and good manners. ' We have,' say
they, 'as much curiosity as you, and when you come into our towns, we wish for
opportunities of looking at you ; but for this purpose we hide ourselves behind
bushes where you are to pass, and never intrude ou^elves into your company? '

Rules of Conversation. "The business of the women is to take exact notice
of what passes, imprint it in their memories, (for they have no writing,) and
communicate it to their children. They are the records of the council, and
they preserve tradition of the stipulations in treaties a hundred years back;
which, when we compare with our writings, we always find exact. He that
would speak rises. The rest observe a profound silence. When he has
finished, and sits down, they leave him five or six minutes to recollect, that, if
he has omitted any thing he intended to say, or has any thing to add, he may
ri^e again, and deliver it. To interrupt another, even in common conversa-
tion, is reckoned highly indecent. How different this is from the conduct of
a jx>lite British House of Commons, where scarce a day passes without some
confusion, that makes the speaker hoarse in calling to order ; and how different
from the mode of conversation in many polite companies of Europe, where,
if you do not deliver your sentence with great rapidity, you are cut off in the
middle of it by the impatient loquacity of those you converse with, and never
suffered to finish it!" Instead of being better since the days of Franklin, we
apprehend it has grown worse. The modest and unassuming often find it
exceeding difficult to gain a hearing at all. Ladies, and many who consider
themselves examples of good manners, transgress to an insufferable degree, in
breaking in upon the conversations of others. Some of these, like a ship

* The story of the beautiful woman, who descended to the earth, and was fed by the
Indians, Black-Hawk is made to tell, in his life, page 78. It is the same often told, and
alluded to by Franklin, in the text. To reward the Indians for their kindness, she caused
corn to grow where her right hand touched the earth, beans where the left rested, and tobacco
where she was seated.

CHAP. III.] OF CUSTOMS AND MANNERS. 43

driven by a north-wester, bearing down the small craft in her course, come
upon us by surprise, and if we attempt to proceed by raising our voices a
little, we are sure to be drowned by a much greater elevation on their part.
It is a want of good breeding, which, it is hoped, every young person whose
eye this may meet, will not be guilty of through life. There is great oppor-
tunity for many of mature years to profit by it.

Lost Confidence. An Indian runner, arriving in a village of his country meiii
requested the immediate attendance of its inhabitants hi council, as he wanted
their answer to important information. The people accordingly assembled,
but when the messenger had with great anxiety delivered his message, and
waited for an answer, none was given, and he soon observed that he was like-
ly to be left alone in his place. A stranger present asked a principal chief the
meaning of this strange proceeding, who gave this answer, " He once told
us a lie"

Comic. An Indian having been found frozen to death, an inquest of his
countrymen was convened to determine by what means he came to such a
death. Their verdict was, "Death from the freezing of a great quantity of
water inside of him, which they were of opinion he had drunken for rum."

A serious Question. About 1794, an officer presented a western chief with
a medal, on one side of which President Washington was represented as armed
with a sword, and on the other an Indian was seen in the act of burying the
hatchet. The chief at once saw the wrong done his countrymen, and very
wisely asked, " Why does not the President bury his sword too ? " *

Self-esteem. A white man, meeting an Indian, accosted him as brother. The
red man, with a great expression of meaning in his countenance, inquired
how they came to be brothers ; the white man replied, O, by way of Adam, I
suppose. The Indian added, " Me thank him Great Spirit we no nearer brothers"

A Preacher taken at his Word. A certain clergyman had for his text on a
time, " Vnw and pay unto the Lord thy vows" An Indian happened to be
present, who stepped up to the priest as soon as he had finished, and said to
him, "Now me vow me go home with you, Mr. Minister." The priest, having
no language of evasion at command, said, " You must go then." When he had
arrived at the home of the minister, the Indian vowed again, saying, " Now
me vow me have supper." When this was finished he said, "Me vow me stay
all night." The priest, by this time, thinking himself sufficiently taxed, re-
plied, "It may be so, but I vow you shall go in the morning." The Indian,
judging from the tone of his host, that more vows would be useless, departed
in the morning sans ceremonie.

A case of signal Barbarity. It is related by BLACK HAWK, in his life, that
some time before the war of 1812, one of the Indians had killed a French-
man at Prairie des Chiens. " The British soon after took him prisoner, and
said they would shoot him next day ! His family were encamped a short dis-
tance below the mouth of the Ouisconsin. He begged permission to go and
see them that night, as he was to die the next day ! They permitted him to go,
after promising to return the next morning by sunrise. He visited his family,
which consisted of a wife and six children. I cannot describe their meeting
and parting, to be understood by the whites ; as it appears that their feelings
are acted upon by certain rules laid down by their preachers! whilst ours are
governed only by the monitor within us. He parted from his wife and chil-
dren, hurried through the prairie to the fort, and arrived in time! The sol-
diers were ready, and immediately marched out and shot him down //" If this
were not cold-blooded, deliberate murder, on. the part of the whites, I have
no conception of what constitutes that crime. What were the circumstances
)f the murder we are not informed ; but whatever they may have been, they
cannot excuse a still greater barbarity. I would not by any means be under-
stood to advocate the cause of a murderer; but I will ask, whether crime is
to be prevented by crime : murder for murder is only a brutal retaliation, ex-
cept where the safety of a community requires the sacrifice.

* Elliot's Works, 178.

i\ NARRATIVES, &c., ILLUSTRATIVE [BOOK 1

iinirh in <i slturl 7V//jr. "A young widow, \\hose hiishard I.- .1
he n d<ad aliniit eight da\>. \\as hastening to tini>h her ^riel', m order that

miirlit lie married to a \oimi_ r \\arrior: she was determined, therefore, to

BVu much in a >ln>ri time : to lliis end she tore her hair, drank spirits, and
I her hrea>!. to make the tears flow abundantly, by \\hich means, on the
iiini 1 o|' the eighth day, she was ready again to mam, having grieved >m-
6eiently."

ff'ir t irn / (t h<inl Question. " When Air. (,V.x7 went over the Alleganies,
in Feb. 1751, on a tour of discovery for the Ohio Company, ' an Indian, \\ ho
spoke good Mnglish, came to him, and said that their great man. the /; ( ,/n/v and
Captain Oppamylitah, (two chiefs ol' the Delawares,) desired to kno\\ \\he
:he Indians' land lay; lor the French claimed all the land on one side of the
Ohio Kiver, and the English on the other.' This que.-tieii Mr. (list found it
h ird to answer, and he evaded it by saving, that the Indians and white men
were all subjects to the same king, and all had an equal privilege of taking
tip and po>se>.ving the land in conformity with the conditions prescribed by
the king."!

Credulity its ouni Punishment. The traveller Jfansey^ according to his own
account, would not enter into conversation with an eminent chielj because he
had heard that it had been said of him, that he had, in his time, "shed blood
enough to swim in." He had a great desire to become acquainted with the
Indian character, but his credulity debarred him effectually from the gratifi-
cation. The chief was a Creek, named FLAMINGO, who, in company with
another called Double-head, visited Philadelphia as ambassadors, in the sum-
mer of 1794. Few travellers discover such scrupulousness, especially those
who come to America. That Flamingo was more bloody than other Indian
warriors, is in no wise probable ; but a mere report of his being a great shed-
der of blood kept Mr. Wansey from saying any more about him.

Just Indignation. HATUAY, a powerful chief of Hispaniola, having fled
from thence to avoid slavery or death when that island was ravaged by the
Spaniards, was taken in 1511, when they conquered Cuba, and burnt at the
stake. After being bound to the stake, a Franciscan friar labored to convert
him to the Catholic faith, by promises of immediate and eternal bliss in the
world to come if he would believe; and that, if he would not, eternal tor-
ments were his only portion. The cazique, with seeming composure, asked
if there were any Spaniards in those regions of bliss. On being answered
that there were, he replied, " Then I will not go to a place where 1 may meet
with one of that accursed race"

Harmless Deception. In a time of Indian troubles, an Indian visited the
house of Governor Jenks, of Rhode Island, when the governor took occasion
to request him, that, if any strange Indian should come to his wigwam, to let
him know it, which the Indian promised to do; but to secure his fidelity, the
governor told him that when he should give him such information, he would
give him a mug of flip. Some time after the Indian came again : " Well, Mr.
Gubenor, strange Indian come my house last night! " "Ah," says the govern-
or, "and what did he say?" "He no speak," replied the Indian. " What, no
speak at all ?" added the governor. " No, he no speak at all." "That certainly
looks suspicions," said his excellency, and inquired if he were still there, and
being told that he was, ordered the promised mug of flip. When this was
disposed of, and the Indian was about to depart, he mildly said, "Mr. Gube-
nor, my squaw have child last night; "and thus the governor's alarm was
suddenly changed into disappointment, and the strange Indian into a new-
born pappoose.

Mammoth Bones. The following very interesting tradition concerning
these bones, among the Indians, will always be read with interest. The ani-
mal to which they once belonged, they called the Big Buffalo; and on the

* Account of the United States by Mr. Isaac Holmes. 36.

t Probably the same we have noticed in Book V. as King Beaver

\ Sparks' s Washington, ii, 15.

CHAP. III.] EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. 45

early maps of the country of the Ohio, we see marked, " Elephants' bones said
to be found here." They were, for some time, by many supposed to have been
the bones of that animal ; but they are pretty generally now believed to have
belonged to a species of animal long since extinct. They have been found
in various parts of the country ; but in the greatest abundance about the salt
licks or springs in Kentucky and Ohio. There has never been an entire
skeleton found, although the one in Peale's museum, in Philadelphia, was so
near perfect, that, by a little ingenuity in supplying its defects with wood-
work, it passes extremely well for such.

The tradition of the Indians concerning this animal is, that he was carniv-
orous, and existed, as late as 1780, in the northern parts of America. Some
Delawares, in the time of the revolutionary war, visited the governor of Vir-
ginia on business, which having been finished, some questions were put to
them concerning their country, and especially what they knew or had heard
respecting the animals whose bones had been found about the salt licks on
the Ohio River. " The chief speaker," continues our author, Mr. Jefferson.
" immediately put himself into an attitude of oratory, and, with a pomp suited
to what he conceived the elevation of his subject," began and repeated as
follows : " In ancient times, a herd of these tremendous animals came to the
Big-bone Licfa, and began an universal destruction of the bear, deer, elks, buffa-
loes, and other animals, which had been created for the use of the Indians : the
great man above, looking down and seeing this, ivas so enraged, that he seized his
lightning, descended to the earth, and seated himself on a neighboring mountain,
on a rock of which his seat and the print of his feet are still to be seen, and hurled
his bolts among them till the whole were slaughtered, except the big bull, who,
presenting his forehead to the shafts, shook them ojf as they fell ; but missing one
at length, it wounded him in the side ; whereon, springing round, lit bounded over
the Ohio, over the Wabash, the Illinois, and, finally, over the great lakes, where he
is living at this day"

Such, say the Indians, is the account handed down to them from their
ancestors, and they could furnish no other information.

JVarrative of the Captivity and bold Exploit of Hannah Duston. The rela-
tion of this affair forms the XXV. article in the Decennium Luctuosum of the
Magnalia Christi Americana, by Dr. Cotton Mather, and is one of the best-
written articles of all we have read from his pen. At its head is this signifi-
cant sentence Dux Fa3mina Facti.

On the 15 March, 1697, a band of about 20 Indians came unexpectedly
upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts ; and, as their numbers were small, they
made their attack with the swiftness of the whirlwind, and as suddenly disap-
peared. The war, of which this irruption was a part, had continued nearly
ten years, and soon afterwards it came to a close. The hous^e which this
party of Indians had singled out as their object of attack, belonged to one Mr,
Thomas * Duston or Dunstan, f in the outskirts of the town. { Mr. Duston was
at work, at some distance from his house, at the time, and whether he was
alarmed for the safety of his family by the shouts of the Indians, or other
cause, we are not informed : but he seems to have arrived there time enough
before the arrival of the Indians, to make some arrangements for the preserva-
tion of his children ; but his wife, who, but about a week before, had been
confined by a child, was unable to rise from her bed, to the distraction of her
agonized husband. No time was to be lost ; Mr. Duston had only time to
lirect his children's flight, (seven in number,) the extremes of whose ages were
rwo and seventeen, and the Indians were upon them. With his gun, the
distressed father mounted his horse, and rode away in the direction of the
children, whom he overtook but about 40 rods from the house. His first
intention was to take up one, if possible, and escape with it. He had no
sooner overtaken them, than this resolution was destroyed ; for to rescue either
to the exclusion of the rest, was worse than death itself to him. He therefore
faced about and met the enemy, who had closely pursued him ; each fired

Mr. Mynck's Hist. Haverhill. 86. f Hntrhinson.

t Eight houses were destroyed at this time, 27 persons killed, and 13 carried away captive
In Mr. B. L. Myrick's History of Haverhill, are the names of the slain, &c.

46 EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTON. [BOOK 1,

upon the other, and it is almost a miracle that none of the little retreating
party were hurt. The Indians did not pursue long, from fear of raising the
neighboring English before they could complete their object, and hence this
part of the family escaped to a place of safety.

We are now to enter fully into the relation of this very tragedy. There
was living in the house of Mr. Duston, as nurse, Mrs. Mary Nejf,* a widow,
whose heroic conduct in sharing the fate of her mistress, when escape was
in her power, will always be viewed with admiration. The Indians were
now in the undisturbed possession of the house, and having driven the
sick woman from her bed, compelled her to sit quietly in the corner of the
fire-place, while they completed the pillage of the house. This business
being finished, it was set on fire, and Mrs. Duston, who before considered
herself unable to walk, was, at the approach of night, obliged to march
into the wilderness, and take her bed upon the cold ground. Mrs. Neff too
late attempted to escape with the infant child, but was intercepted, the child
taken from her, and its brains beat out against a neighboring apple-tree, while
its nurse was compelled to accompany her new and frightful masters also
The captives amounted in all to 13, some of whom, as they became unable to
travel, were murdered, and left exposed upon the way. Although it was neai
night when they quitted Haverhill, they travelled, as they judged, 12 miles
before encamping; "and then," says Dr. Mather, "kept up with their new
masters in a long travel of an hundred and fifty miles, more or less, within a
few days ensuing." f

After journeying awhile, according to their custom, the Indians divided their
prisoners. Mrs. Duston, Mrs. Neff, and a boy named Samuel Leonardson, \ who
had been captivated at Worcester, about 18 months before, fell to the lot of
an Indian family, consisting of twelve persons, two men, three women, and
seven children. These, so far as our accounts go, were very kind to their
prisoners, but told them there was one ceremony which they could not avoid,
and to which they would be subjected when they should arrive at their place
of destination, which was to run the gantlet. The place where this was to be
pel-formed, was at an Indian village, 250 miles from Haverhill, according to
the reckoning of the Indians. In their meandering course, they at length
arrived at an island in the mouth of Contookook River, about six miles above
Concord, in New Hampshire. Here one of the Indian men resided. It had
been determined by the captives, before their arrival, that an effort
should be made to free themselves from their wretched captivity ; and not
only to gain their liberty, but, as we shall presently see, something by way of
remuneration from those who held them in bondage. The heroine, Duston,
had resolved, upon the first opportunity that offered any chance of success, to
kill her captors and scalp them, and to return home with such trophies as
would clearly establish her reputation for heroism, as well as insure her a
bounty from the public. She therefore communicated her design to Mrs.
NeJF and the English boy, who, it would seem, readily enough agreed to it.
To the art of killing and scalping she was a stranger ; and, that there should
be no failure in the business, Mrs. Duston instructed the boy, who, from his
long residence with them, had become as one of the Indians, to inquire of one
of the men how it was done. He did so, and the Indian showed him, with-
out mistrusting the origin of the inquiry. It was now March the 31, and in
the dead of the night following, this bloody tragedy was acted. When the
Indians were in the most sound sleep, these three captives arose, ami softly
arming themselves with the tomahawks of their masters, allotted the number
each should kill ; and so truly did they direct their blows, that but one escaped
that they designed to kill. This was a woman, whom they badly wounded,
and one boy, for some reason they did not wish to harm, and accordingly he
was allowed to escape unhurt. Mrs. Duston killed her master, and Leonard-
son killed the man who had so freely told him, but one day before, where to
deal a deadly blow, and how to take off a scalp.

* She was a daughter of George Corliss, and married \Villiam Nfff, who went after the
army, and died at Pemmaqmd, Feb 1G88. Myrirk, Hist. Havl. 87.

\ Their course was probably very indirect, to elnd pursuit. t Hist. Haverhill. 89

CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHEiNECTADY. 47

All was over before the dawn of day, and all things were got ready for
leaving this place of blood. All the boats but one were scuttled, to prevent
being pursued, and, with what provisions and arms the Indian camp afforded,
they embarked on board the other, and slowly and silently took the course of
the Merrimack River for their homes, where they all soon after arrived with-
out accident.

The whole country was astonished at the relation of the affair, the truth of
which was never for a moment doubted. The ten scalps, and the arms of the
Indians, were evidences not to be questioned ; and the general court gave
them fifty pounds as a reward, and numerous other gratuities were showered
upon them. Colonel Nicholson, governor of Maryland, hearing of the transac-
tion, sent them a generous present also.

Eight other houses were attacked besides Duston's, the owners of which,
says the historian of that town, Mr. Mynck, in every case, were slain while
defending them, and the blood of each stained his own door-sill.

Narrative of the Destruction of Schenectady.* This was an event of great
distress to the whole country, at the time it happened, and we are able to give
some new facts in relation to it from a manuscript, which, we believe, has
never before been published. These facts are contained in a letter from Gov-
3rnor Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, to Governor Hinckley, of Plimouth, dated
about a month after the affair. They are as follow : " Tho' you cannot but
have heard of the horrid massacre committed by the French and Indians at
Senectada, a fortified and well compacted town 20 miles above Albany (which
we had an account of by an express,) yet. we think we have not discharged
our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas upon the Eighth of February,
[1689-90] at midnight when those poor secure wretches were surprised by
the enemy. Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any order
observed in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of them were butchered in
the place ; of whom Lieut. Talmage and four more were of Capt. Bull's com-
pany, besides five of said company carried captive. By this action the French
have given us to understand what we may expect from them as to the fron-
tier towns and seaports of New England. We are not so well acquainted
what number of convenient Havens you have in your colony, besides those of
Plimouth and Bristol. We hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you
to take such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy .at either of
those or any such like place." f

We now proceed to give such other facts as can be gathered from the
numerous printed accounts. It appears that the government of Canada had
planned several expeditions, previous to the setting out of this, against various
important points of the English frontier, as much to gain the warriors of the
Five Nations to their interest, as to distress the English. Governor De Non-
mile had sent over several chief sachems of the Iroquois to France, where,
as usual upon such embassies, great pains were taken to cause them to enter-
tain the highest opinions of the glory and greatness of the French nation.
Among them was Taweraket, a renowned warrior, and two others. It appears
that, during their absence in France, the great war between their countrymen
and the French had ended in the destruction of Montreal, and other places, as
will be seen detailed in our Fifth Book. Hence, when Count Frontenat;
arrived in Canada, in the fall of 1689, instead of finding the Iroquois ready to
join him and his forces which he had brought from France for the conquest
of New York, he found himself obliged to set about a reconciliation of them.
He therefore wisely despatched Taweraket, and the two others, upon that
design. The Five Nations, on being called upon by these chiefs, would takt;
no step without first notifying the English at Albany that a council was to luj
called. The blows which had been so lately given the French of Canada,
had lulled the English into a fatal security, and they let this council pass with
too little attention to its proceedings. On the other hand, the French werv

This was the German name of a pine barren, such as stretches itself between Albany and
Schenectady, over which is now a rail-road.

f French ships, with land forces and munitions, had, but a short time before, hovered upoo
&e coast

48 DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. [BooK 1

fully and ably represented ; and the result was, the existing breach was set in
a lair way to be closed up. This great council was begun 22 January, Kii'O
and cnii-isted of eightN sachems. It was opened by .$>/</< /,-i?/w7///Y, ' a great
Oneida chief!

Meanu liil. 1 , to give employment to the Indians who yet remained their
friends, the expedition was begun which ended in the destruction of Schenec-
fady. Chi 'f Justice Snrit!i\ wrote his account of that affair from a manuscript
! t er leit by Colonel Scliuylcr, at that time mayor of Albany: and it is the
m< >t particular of any account yet published. It is as follows, and bears date
15 February, KJ89:

Alt T t \\o-and-twenty days' march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady,
F< bruary 8. There were about 200 French, and perhaps 50 Catighnewaga
."\ln!ia\vks, and they at first intended to have surprised Albany; but their
inarch had been so long and tedious, occasioned by the deepness of the snow
and coldness of the weather, that, instead of attempting any thing offensive,
they had nearly decided to surrender themselves to the first English they
should meet, such was their distressed situation, in a camp of snow, but a few
miles from the devoted settlement. The Indians,. however, saved them from
the disgrace. They had sent out a small scout from their party, who entered
Schenectady without even exciting suspicion of their errand. When they had
staid as long as the nature of their business required, they withdrew to their
fellows.

Seeing that Schenectady offered such an easy prey, it put new courage into
the French, and they came upon it as above related. The bloody tragedy
commenced between 11 and 12 o'clock, on Saturday night ; and, that every
house might be surprised at nearly the- same time, the enemy divided them-
selves into parties of six or seven men each. Although the town \vas impaled,
no one thought it necessary to close the gates, even at night, presuming the
severity of the season was a sufficient security ; hence the first news of the
approach of the enemy was at every door of every house, which doors were
broken as soon as the profound slumbers of those they were intended to guard.
The same inhuman barbarities now followed, that were afterwards perpetrated
upon the wretched inhabitants of Montreal.! "No tongue," said Colonel
Schuyler, " can express the cruelties that were committed." Sixty-three
houses, and the church, w T ere immediately in a blaze. Enciente women,
in their expiring agonies, saw their infants cast into the flames, being first
delivered by the knife of the midnight assassin ! Sixty-three || persons were
put to death, and twenty-seven were carried into captivity.

A few persons fled towards Albany, with no other covering but their night-
clothes; the horror of whose condition was greatly enhanced by a great fall
of snow; 25 of whom lost their limbs from the severity of the frost. With
these poor fugitives came the intelligence to Albany, and that place was in
dismal confusion, having, as usual upon such occasions, supposed the enemy
to have been seven times more numerous than they really were. About noon,
the next day, the enemy set off from Schenectady, taking all the plunder they
could carry with them, among which were forty of the best horses. Tht r, st,
with all the cattle and other domestic animals, lay slaughtered in the streets.

One of the most considerable men of Schenectady, at this time, was Captain
.Alexander Glen. H He lived on the opposite side of the river, and was suffered
10 escape, because he had delivered many French prisoners from torture and
slavery, who had been taken by the Indians in the former wars. They had
passed his house in the night, and, during the massacre, he had taken the
alarm, and in the morning he was found ready to defend himself. Before
l"aving the village, a French officer summoned him to a ccuncil, upon the
shore of the river, with the tender of personal safety. He at length adventured
uown, and had the great satisfaction of having all his captured friends and
relatives delivered to him ; and the enemy departed, keeping good their
promise that no injury should be done him. ||

' Sadageenaglitie in Pownal on the Colonies, I. 398. f Hist. N. York,

t See Book V. ' Spafford. \\ Golden. 115

*1 Charlevoix calls him The Siew Coudre.

CHAP. III.] DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY. 49

The great Mohawk castle was about 17 miles from Schenectady, and they
did not hear of the massacre until two days after, owing to the state of
travelling. On receiving the news, they immediately joined a party of men
from Albany, and pursued the enemy. After a tedious pursuit, they iell upon
their rear, killed and took 25 of them, and did them some other damage. Sev-
eral chief sachems soon assembled at Albany, to condole with the people, and
animate them against leaving the place, which, it seems, they were about to
do. From a speech of one of the chiefs on this occasion, the following extract
is preserved :

" Brethren, we do not think that what the French have done can be called
a victory ; it is only a further proof of their cruel deceit. The governor of
Canada sent to Onondago, and talks to us of peace with our whole house ; but
war was in his heart, as you now see by woful experience. He did the same
formerly at Cadaracqui, * and in the Senecas' country. This is the third time
he has acted so deceitfully. He has broken open our house at both ends;
formerly in he Senecas' country, and now here. We hope to be revenged
on them."

Accordingly, when messengers came to renew and conclude the treat v

j * *

which had been begun by Taweraket, before mentioned, they were seized and
handed over to the English. They also kept out scouts, and harassed the
French in every direction.

\Ve will now proceed to draw from Charhvoix 1 account of this affair, which
is very minute, as it respects the operations of the French and Indians. Not-
withstanding its great importance in a correct history of the sacking of Sche-
nectady, none of our historians seem to have given themselves the trouble of
laying it before their readers.

Governor Frontcnac, having determined upon an expedition, gave notice to
M. de la Durantaye, who then commanded at Michilimakioak, that he might
assure the llurons and Ottawas, that in a short time they would see a great
change in affairs for the better. He prepared at the same time a large convoy
tj reinforce that post, and he took measures also to raise three war parties,
who should enter by three different routes the country of the English. The
first assembled at Montreal, and consisted of about 110 men, French and
Indians, and was put under the command of .l/.T/. d\-lillt'brtut de Mardd, and
!f Maine de St. Hclene, two lieutenants, under whom .MM. de Repentigny.
d'lberville, DE BOREPOS, DE LA BROSSE, and DE MONTIGNJ, requested permis-
sion to serve as volunteers.

This party marched out before they had determined against what part of
the English frontier they would carry their arms, though ^some parr of New
York w r as understood. Count Frontenac had left that to the two commanders.
After they had marched five or six days, they called a council to determine
upon what place they would attempt. In this council, it was debated, on the
part of the French, that Albany would be the smallest place they ought to
undertake; but the Indians would not agree to it. They contended that, with
their small force, an attack upon Albany would be attended with extreme
hazard. The French being strenuous, the debate grew warm, and an Indian
chief asked them "ho\v long it was since they had so much courage." To
this severe rebuke it was answered, that, if by some past actions they had
discovered cowardice, they should see that now they would retrieve their
character ; they would take Albany or die in the attempt. The Indians, how-
ever, would not consent, and the council broke up without agreeing upon any
thing but to proceed on.

They continued their march until they came to a place where their path
divided into two ; one of which led to Albany, and the other to Schenectady:
here Mantel gave up his design upon Albany, and they marched on harmoni-
ously for the former village. The weather was very severe, and for the nine
following days the little army suffered incredible hardships. The men were
often obliged to wade through water up to their knees, breaking its ice at
every step.

* See Book V.

5 D

50 DESTRUCTION OF SCIIIIMICTADY. [BOOK 1

At 4 o'clock in tlic morning, the beginn ID g of February, they arrived within

two leagii' s of ScheiM'ctady. llrrc they halt' d, and the (treat .]<fiii<i\ chief
of the Iroquois of the Falls of St. Louis, made a speech to them. Jle exhorted
even one io for-ct the hardships they had endured, in the hope of aven^in^
the wrongs they had lor a long lime suffered from the perfidious Kiii^iisli,
\vlio were the authors of them; and in the cl se added, thai they could i,ot
diuiht of the assistance of Heaven against the enemies of God, in a cause
so just.

Hardly had they taken up their line of march, when they met 40 Incli ;n
women, \vho gave them all the necessary information for approaching lli-:
place in safety. A Canadian, named Gig mere, was detached immediately \\ i.!i
nine Indians upon discovery, who acquitted himself to the entire satisfaction
>f his oth'cers. He reconnoitred Schenectady at his leisure, and then rejoined
his comrades.

It had been determined hy the party to put off the attack one day longer ;
hut on the arrival of the scout under Giguiere, it was resolved to proceed
without delay.

Schenectady was then in form like that of a long square, and entered hy
two gates, one at each end. One opened towards Albany, the other upon the
great road leading into the hack country, and which was now possessed hy
the French and Indians. Mantet and St. Jlelene charged at the second
gate, which the Indian women before mentioned had assured them was
;il ways open, and they found it so. D'Ibcrville and Repentigni passed to the
left, in order to enter by the other gate, but, alter losing some time in vainly
endeavoring to find it, were obliged to return and enter with their comrades.

The gate was not only open but unguarded, and the whole party entered
without being discovered. Dividing themselves into several parties, they
waylaid every portal, and then the war-whoop was raised. Mantet formed
and attacked a garrison, where the only resistance of any account was made.
The gate of it was soon forced, and all of the English fell by the sword, and
the garrison was burned. Montigni was wounded, in forcing a house, in liis
arm and body by two blows of a halberd, which put him hors du combat; but
St. Heltne being come to his assistance, the house was taken, and the wounds
of Montigni revenged by the death of all who had shut themselves up in it.

Nothing was now to be seen but massacre and pillage in every place. At
the end of about two hours, the chiefs, believing it due to their safety, posted
bodies of guards at all the avenues, to prevent surprise, and the rest of the
night was spent in refreshing themselves.

Mantet had given orders that the minister of the place should be spared,
whom he had intended for his own prisoner; but he was found among the
promiscuous dead, and no one knew when he was killed, and all his papers
were i turned.

After the place was destroyed, the chiefs ordered all the casks of intoxicat-
ing liquors to be staved, to prevent their men from getting drunk. They
next s-et all the houses on fire, excepting that of a widow, into which Montigni
had been carried, and another belonging to Major Coudre: they were in num-
ber about 40, all well built and furnished ; no booty but that winch could be
easily transported was saved. The lives of about 60 persons were spared;
chiefly women, children, and old men, who had escaped the fury of the onset,
and 30 Indians who happened to be then in the place. The lives of the
Indians were spared that they might carry the news of what had happened to
their countrymen, whom they were requested to inform, that it was not
against them that they intended any harm, but to the English only, whom
they had now despoiled of property to the amount of four hundred thousand
pounds.

They were too near Albany to remain long among the ruins, and they
decamped about noon. The plunder Montigni, whom it was necessary
to carry the prisoners, who were to the numb T of 40 and the want of
provisions, with which they had in their hurry neglected to provide them-
selves retarded much their retreat. Many would have even died of famine,
hfid they not had 50 horses, of which there rema'-ncd but six when they

CHAP. III.] MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 51

arrived at Montreal, upon the 27 March following.* Their want of provisions
obliged them to separate, and in an attack which was made upon one party,
three Indians and six Frenchmen were killed or taken ; an attack, which, for
want of proper caution, cost the army more lives than the capture of Sche-
nectady ; in which they lost but two men, a Frenchman and an Indian.

Murder of Miss Jane McCrea. This young lady " was the second daughter
of James McCrea, minister of Lamington, New Jersey, who died before the
revolution. After his death, she resided with her brother, Colonel John McCrea
of Albany, who removed in 1773 to the neighborhood of Fort Edward. His
house was in what is now Northumberland, on the west side of the Hudson,
three miles north of Fort Miller Falls. In July or August, 1777, being on a visit
to the family of Mrs. McNeil, near Fort Edward, at the close of the week, she was
asked to remain until Monday. On Sunday morning, when the Indians came
to the house, she concealed herself in the cellar ; but they dragged her out by
the hair, and, p!."'* ; "~: her on a horse, proceeded on the road towards Sandy
Hill. They soo, n#x another party of Indians, returning from Argyle, where
they had killed the family of Mr. Bains ; these Indians disapproved the pur-
pose of taking the captive to the British camp, and one of them struck her
with a tomahawk and tore off her scalp. This is the account given by her
nephew. The account of Mrs. McNeil is, that her lover, anxious for her
safety, employed two Indians, with the promise of a barrel of rum, to bring
her to him ; and that, in consequence of their dispute for the right of conduct-
ing her, one of them murdered her. Gen. Gates, in his letter to Gen. Burgoyne
of 2 September, says, ' she was dressed to receive her promised husband.'

" Her brother, on hearing of her fate, sent his family the next day to Albany,
and, repairing to the American camp, buried his sister, with one Lieutenant
Van Vechten, three miles south of Fort Edward. She was 23 years old, of an
amiable and virtuous character, and highly esteemed by all her acquaintance.
It is said, and was believed, that she was engaged in marriage to Captain
David Jones, of the British army, a loyalist, who survived her only a few
years, and died, as was supposed, of grief for her loss. Her nephew, Colonel
James McCrea, lived at Saratoga, in 1823." f

Under the name of Lucinda, Barlow has dwelt upon this murder in a strain
that may be imitated, but not surpassed. We select from him as follows:

"One deed shall tell what fame great Albion draws
From these auxiliars in her barb'rous cause,
Lncinda's fate. The tale, ye nations, hear j
Eternal ages, trace it \vilh a tear."

The poet then makes Lucinda, during a battle, wander from her home to
watch her lover, whom he calls Heartly. She distinguishes him in the con-
flict, and, when his squadron is routed by the Americans, she proceeds to the
contested ground, fancying she had seen him fall at a certain point. But

" He hurries to his tent ; oh, rage ! despair !

No glimpse, no tidings, of the frantic fair;

Save that some carmen, as a-camp they drove,

Had seen her coursing for the western grove.

Faint with fatigue, and choked with burning thirst,

Forth from his friends, with bounding leap, he burst,

Vaults o'er the palisade, with eyes on flame,

And fills the welkin with Lucinda's name."
" The fair one, too, of every aid forlorn,

Had raved and wandered, till officious morn

Awaked the Mohawks from their short repose,

To glean the plunder ere their comrades rose.

Two Mohawks met the maid historian, hold ! ; '

" She starts with eyes upturned and fleeting breath,

In their raised axes views her instant death.

Her hair, half lost along the shrubs she passed,

Roils, in loose tangles, round her lovely waist ;

Her kerchief torn betrays the globes of snow,

That heave responsive to her weight of woe.

* There is no doubt but that they were obliged to subsist chiefly upon their horses,
f President Allen's American Biographical Dictionary, 574.

VJ IIF.KOISM or .Mils MKKKIL. WHITE IMUVNS. [R >OK 1

Wilh calculating |i;iiiv ( - ainl drinon -^rin
Tln-v M-i/.r II.T hands, nil'!, ihrou-di IMT lacr <li\im-.
Dmr tin* dr-ci-mlmi;- -IM- ! (In 1 ^lirn'k she si-nl
\ Mmrd her l<>\ et's -ii"' ; In- ihillii-r ln-nt
\\ illi ;ill llu- -|irrd Ins \\raiird liinlis could yield.
\\ Inilrd his keen blade, and MrHchi-d upon llu- fn-ld
Tin- yelling fiends, who iln-n- di^mim^ -ind
I Icr 'orv >cal|>, iheir horrid |>n/c o! l>loo 1 !
He sunk, delirious, on her hli-li--., c!a\ ,
And passed, in slarts of SCUM-, iln- dp-adl'ul day."

fn a note to tlie above passages, Mr. Barlow says tliis tragical story of Mi-.-
Mr ('nil is detailed almost literal!).

" Extraordinary instance of fern ale heroism, extracted from <t A fin- irrilh u l f
("ttl. James Perry to Hie Rev. Jordan Dodge, dated Nelson Co., A//., k >0 . /////?.

17 ." "On the first of April hist., a number of Indians surrounded the
house of one John *Mtrril, which was discovered by the barking of a dog.
Mcrn'l ste|tj)ed to tin- door to see what he could discover, and received three
mnsket-balls, which caused him to fall back into the house with a bioki-u \>-j
and arm. The Indians rushed on to the door ; but it being instantly fa>iem-d
!>y his wife, who, with a girl of about 15 years of age, stood against it, t!:e
savages could not immediately enter. They broke one part of the door, and

one of them crowded partly through. The heroic mother, in the midst of her
-creamiiiif children and groaning husband, seized an axe, and .gave a fatal
blow to the savage ; and he falling headlong into the house, the others, sup-
posing they had gained their end, rushed after him, until four of them fell in
like manner before the) r discovered their mistake. The rest retreated, which
gave opportunity again to secure the door. The conquerors rejoiced in their
victory, hoping they had killed the whole company ; but their expectations
were soon dashed, by finding the door again attacked, which the bold mother
endeavored once more to secure, with the assistance of the young woman.
Their fears now came on them like a flood ; and they soon heard a noise on
the toj) of the house, and then found the Indians were coming down the
ehimney. All hopes of deliverance seemed now at an end ; but the wounded
man ordered his little child to tumble a couch, that was filled with hair and
feathers, on the fire, which made such a smoke that two stout Indians came
tumbling down into it. The wounded man, at this critical moment, seized a
billet of wood, wounded as he was, and with it succeeded in despatching the
half-smothered Indians. At the same moment, the door was attempted by
another ; but the heroine's arm had become too enfeebled by her over-exertions
to deal a deadly blow. She however caused him to retreat wounded. They
then again set to work to make their house more secure, not knowing but
another attack would be made ; but they were not further disturbed. This
affair happened in the evening, and the victors carefully watched with their
new family until morning. A prisoner, that escaped immediately after, said
the Indian last mentioned was the only one that escaped. He, on returning to
his friends, was asked, 'What new r s?' said, 'Plaguy bad news, for the squaws
tiirht worse than the long-knives.' This affair happened at Newbardstown,
about 15 miles from Sandy Creek, and may be depended upon, as I had the
pleasure to assist in tumbling them into a hole, after they were stripped of'
their head-dresses, and about 20 dollars' worth of silver furniture."

WELSH OR WHITE INDIANS.

" .Varrative of C apt. Isaac Stuart, of the Provincial Cavalri/ of South Carolina,
taken from his own inouth, by I. C., Esq., March, 1782.

" I w-as taken prisoner, about 50 miles to the westward of Fort Pitt, about

18 years ago, by the Indians, and carried to the Wabash, with other white
men. They were executed, with circumstances of horrid barbarity; but it
was my good fortune to call forth the sympathy of a good woman of the
village, who was permitted to redeem me from those who held me prisoner,
by giving them a horse as a ransom. After remaining two years in bondage,
a Spaniard came to the nation, having been sent from Mexico on discoveries

CHAP. III.] WHITE INDIANS. 53

He made application to the chiefs of the Indians for hiring me, and another
white man who was in the like situation, a native of Wales, and named John
Davey, which was complied with. We took our departure and travelled to
the westward, crossing the Mississippi near Red River, up which we travelled
upwards of 700 miles. Here we came to a nation of Indians remarkably
white, and whose hair was of a reddish color, at least, mostly so. They lived
on a small river which emptied itself into Red River, which they called the
River Post ; and in the morning, the day after our arrival, the Welshman
informed me that he was determined to remain with the nation of Indians,
giving as a reason that he understood their language, it being very little dif-
ferent from the Welsh. My curiosity was excited very much by this informa-
tion, and I went with my companion to the chief men of the town, who in-
formed him, in a language that I had no knowledge of, and which had no affin-

' CT O O '

ity with that of any other Indian tongue that I ever heard, that the forefathers
of this nation came from a foreign country, and landed on the east side of the
Mississippi ("describing particularly the country now called West Florida); and
that, on the Spaniards taking possession of the country, they fled to their then
abode ; and, as a proof of what they advanced, they brought out rolls of parch-
ment wrote with blue ink, at least it had a bluish cast. The characters I did
not understand, and the Welshman being unacquainted with letters of any
language, I was not able to know what the meaning of the writing was. They
were a bold, hardy, intrepid people, very warlike, and their women were beau-
tiful, compared with other Indians."

Thus we have given so much of Captain Stuart's narrative as relates to the
WHITE INDIANS. The remainder of it is taken up in details of several ex-
cursions, of many hundred miles, in the interior of the continent, without any
extraordinary occurrence, except the finding of a gold mine. He returned by
way of the Mississippi, and was considered a man of veracity by the late
Lieutenant-colonel Cruger, of South Carolina, who recommended him to the
gentleman who communicated his narrative.

I had determined formerly to devote a chapter to the examination of the
subject of the White Indians; but, on reference to all the sources of informa-
tion in my possession, I found that the whole rested upon no other authority
than such as we have given above, and therefore concluded to give the most
interesting parts of the accounts without comment, and let the reader draw
his own conclusions. There seem to have been a good many accounts con-
cerning the White Indians in circulation about the same period, and the next
we shall notice is found in Mr. Charles Beatty's journal, the substance of which
is as follows :

At the foot of the Alleghany Mountains, in Pennsylvania, Mr. Beatty stopped
at the house of a Mr. John Miller, where he "met with one Benjamin Sutton,
who had been taken captive by the Indians, and had been in different nations,
and lived many years among them. When he was with the Choctaws, at the
Mississippi River, he went to an Indian town, a very considerable distance
from New Orleans, whose inhabitants were of different complexions, not so
tawny as those of the other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. He saw a book
among them, which he supposed was a Welsh Bible, which they carefully kept
wrapped up in a skin, but they could not read it ; and he heard some of those
Indians afterwards, in the lower Shawanee town, speak Welsh with one Lewis,
a Welshman, captive there. This \\felsh tribe now live on the west side of
the Mississippi, a great way above New Orleans."

At Tuscarora valley he met with another man, named Levi Hicks, who had
been a captive from his youth with the Indians. He said he was once attend-
ing an embassy at an Indiai *own, on the west side of the Mississippi, where
the inhabitants spoke Welsh, as he was told, for he did not understand them"
himself. An Indian, named Joseph Peepy, Mr. Beattifs interpreter, said he once
saw some Indians, whom he supposed to be of the same tribe, who talked
Welsh. He was sure thy talked Welsh, for he had been acquainted with
Welsh people, and knew some words they used.

To the above Mr. Beatty adds : " I have been informed, that many years
ago, a clergyman went from Britain to Virginia, and having lived some time
there, went from thence to S. Carolina; but after some time, for some reason

54 WHITE INDIANS. [Boon 1.

he resolved to return to Virginia, and accordingly set out by land, accom-
panied with some other persons. In travelling through the hack parts of the
country, which was then very thinly inhabited, he fell in with a party of In-
dian warriors, going to attack the inhabitants of Virginia. Upon examining
the clergyman, and finding he was going to Virginia, they looked upon him
and his companions as belonging- to that province, and took then! all prisoners,
and told them they must die. The clergyman, in preparation for another
world, went to prayer, and, being a Welshman, prayed in the Welsh language.
One or more of the Indians was much surprised to hear him pray in their own
language. Upon this they spoke to him, and finding he could understand
them, got the sentence of death reversed, and his life was saved. They
took him with them into their country, where he found a tribe whose native
laniringe was Welsh, though the dialect was a little different from his own,
which he soon came to understand. They showed him a book, which lie
found to be the Bible, but which they could not read; and on his reading and
explaining it, their regard for him was much heightened." After some time,
the minister proposed to these people to return to his own country, and prom-
ised to return again to them with others of his friends, who would instruct
them in Christianity; but not long after his return to England, he died, which
put an end to his design.

It is very natural to inquire how these Indians, though descended from the
Welsh, came by books ; for it is well known that the period at which the
Welsh must have come to America, was long before printing was discovered,
or that any writings assumed the form of books as we now have them. It
should be here noted that Mr. Beatty travelled in the autumn of 1766.

Major Rogers, in his "Concise Account of North America," published in
1765, notices the White Indians ; but the geography of their country he leaves
any where on the west of the Mississippi ; probably never having visited them
himself, although he tells us he had travelled very extensively in the interior.
"This fruitful country," he says, " is at present inhabited by a nation of Indi-
ans, called by the others the White Indians, on account of their complexion;
they being much the fairest Indians on the continent. They have, however,
Indian eyes, and a certain guilty Jewish cast with them. This nation is very
numerous, being able to raise between 20 and 30,000 fighting men. They
have no weapons but bows and arrows, tomahawks, and a kind of wooden
pikes, for which reason they often suffer greatly from the eastern Indians, AVJIO
have the use of fire-arms, and frequently visit the White Indians on the banks
of the easterly branch, [of Muddy River?] and kill or captivate them in great
numbers. Such as fall alive into their hands, they generally sell for slaves.
These Indians live in large towns, and have commodious houses; they raise
corn, tame the wild cows, and use both their milk and flesh; they keep great
numbers of dogs, and are very dexterous in hunting; they have little or no
commerce with any nation that we at present are acquainted with."

In the account of Kentucky, written in 1784, by an excellent writer, Mr.
John Filson, we find as follows: After noticing the voyage of .Mai foe, whr.
with his ten ships with emigrants sailed west about 1170, and who were, ac-
cording to the Welsh historians, never heard of after, he proceeds: "This
account has at several times drawn the attention of the world; but as no ves-
tiges of them had then been found, it. was concluded, perhaps too rashly, to be
a fable, or at least that no remains of the colony existed. Of late years, how-
ever, the western settlers have received frequent accounts of a nation, inhab-
iting at a great distance up the Missouri, in manners and appearance resem-
bling the other Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies
of the Christian worship ; and at length this is universally believed there to be
a fact. Capt. .Abraham Chaplain, of Kentucky, a gentleman whose veracity
may be entirely depended upon, assured the author that in the late war [revo-
lution] being with his company in garrison, at Kaskaskia, some Indians came
there, and, speaking the Welsh dialect, were perfectly understood and con-
versed with by two Welshmen in his company, and that they informed them of
the situation of their nation as mentioned above."

Henry Ker, who travelled among 13 tribes of Indians in 1810, &c., names
one near a great mountain which he calls Mnacedeus. He said Di\ Sibiey

CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 55

had told him, when at Natchitoches, that a number of travellers had assured
him, that there was a strong- similarity between the Indian language and
many words of the Welsh. Mr. Ker found nothing among any of the Indians
to indicate a Welsh origin until he arrived among the Mnacedeus. Here
he found many customs which were Welsh, or common to that people, and
he adds ; " I did not understand the Welsh language, or I should have been
enabled to have thrown more light upon so interesting a subject," as they
had ^'printed books among them which were preserved with great care,
they having a tradition that they were brought there by their forefathers."
Upon this, in another place, he observes, " The books appeared very old, and
were evidently printed at a time when there had been very little improvement
made in the casting of types. I obtained a few leaves from one of the chiefs,
sufficient to have thrown light on the subject; but in my subsequent disputes
with the Indians, I lost them, and all my endeavors to obtain more were inef-
fectual."

How or at what time these Indians obtained " printed books," Mr. Ker does
not give us his opinion ; although he says much more about them.

There are a great number of others who have nc_ced those Indians; but
after an examination of them all, I am unable to add much to the above stock
of information concerning them. Upon the whole, we think it may be pretty
safely said, that the existence of a race of Welsh about the regions of the
Missouri does not rest on so good authority as that which has been adduced
to establish the existence of the sea-serpent. Should any one, however, choose
to investigate the subject further, he will find pretty ample references to au-
thors in which the subject has been noticed, in a note to the life of Macloka-
wando, in our third book. In addition to which, he may consult the authorities
of Moulton, as pointed out in his history of New York.

CHAPTER IV.

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES Fete Indian Antiquities Of Mounds and their con-
tents Account of tliosc in Cincinnati In the, Miami country Works sup-
posed to have been built for defences or fortifications Some at Piqua Near
Hamilton Mi/ford Dccrjield Six miles above Lebanon On Paint Creek
Jit Marietta At. Circlevillc Their aye uncertain Works on Licking River

CT ^

Ancient excavations or wells near Newark Various other works.

To describe the antiquities of America would not require a very great
amount of time or space, if we consider only those which are in reality such.
And as to Indian antiquities, they consist in nothing like monuments, says
Mr. Jefferson ; " for," he observes, " I would not honor with that name, arrow-
points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the
large scale, I think there is no remain as respectable as would be a common
ditch for the draining of lands, unless indeed it would be the Barrows, of
which many are to be found all over in this country. These are of differ-
ent sizes, some of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That
they were repositories of the dead, has been obvious to all ; but on what par-
ticular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt Some have thought they
covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of
interment. Some ascribe them to the custom, said to prevail among the In-
dians, of collecting at certain periods the bones of all their dead, wheresoever
deposited at the time of death. Others again suppose them the general sepul-
chres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this
opinion was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found,
those constructed of earth being generally in the softest and most fertile
meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be handed down
from the aboriginal Indians, that when they settled in a town, the first person
who died was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support
him ; and that when another died, a narrow passage was dug to the first, the

55 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BooK 1

second recline;! against him, and the cover of earth replaced, and so on. Then
bein;.r one of these in niy neighborhood, t wished to satisfy myself whetlr
any, and which of these opinions were just. For this purpose, I determined
to open and examine it thoroughly. It was situated on the lo\v grounds of the
Riv;inu:i, about two miles above its principal iork, and opposite to some hills,
on winch had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidal form, of about 40
feel diameter at the base, and had been of about I "2 feet altitude, though nov
reduced by the plough to seven and a half, having been under cultivation about,
a do/en years. Before this it was covered with trees of 12 inches diameter,
and rouiid the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width, from
whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed."

In this mound my author found abundance of human bones, which, from
their position, it was evident had been thrown or piled promiscuously there
together ; bones of the head and feet being in contact ; " some vertical, some
oblique, some horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass." These
bones, when exposed to the air, crumbled to dust. Some of the skulls, jaw-
bones, and teeth, were taken out nearly in a perfect state, but would fall to
pieces on being examined. It was evident that this assemblage of bones was
made up from persons of all ages, and at different periods of time. The
mound was composed of alternate strata of bones, stones, and earth. Hence
it would seem that barrows, or mounds, as they are most usually called, were
formed by the Indians, whose custom it was to collect the bones of their de-
ceased friends at certain periods, and deposit them together in this manner.
" But," Mr. Jefferson observes, "on whatever occasion they may have been
made, they are of considerable notoriety among the Indians: for a party pass-
ing, about 30 years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow is,
went through the woods directly to it, Avithout any instructions or inquiry, and
having staid about it some time, with expressions which were construed to be
those of sorrow, they returned to the high road, which they had left about half
a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey."

In these tumuli are usually found, with the bones, such instruments only as
appear to have been *used for superstitious purposes, ornaments or war. Of
the latter kind, no more formidable weapons have been discovered than toma-
hawks, spears and arrow-heads, which can be supposed to have been deposited
before the arrival of Europeans in America. What Mr. Jefferson found in
the barrow he dissected besides bones, or whether any thing, he does not
inform us. In several of these depositories in the city of Cincinnati, which
Dr. Daniel Drake examined, numerous utensils were found. He has given a
most accurate account of them, in which he has shown himself no less a phi-
losopher than antiquary. He divides them into two classes, ancient and mod-
ern, or ancient and more ancient. " Among the latter," he says, " there is not
a single edifice, nor any ruins which prove the existence, in former ages, of a
building composed of imperishable materials. No fragment of a column, no
bricks, nor a single hewn stone large enough to have been incorporated into
a wall, has been discovered."

There were several of these mounds or tumuli, 20 years ago, within a short
space in and about Cincinnati; but it is a remarkable fact, that the plains on
the opposite side of the River Ohio have no vestiges of the kind. The largest
of those in Cincinnati was, in 1794, about 35 feet in height ; but at this time
it was cut down to 27 by order of General Wayne, to make it serve a a watch-
tower for a sentinel. It was about 440 feet in circumference.

Almost every traveller of late years has said something upon the mounds,
or fortifications, scattered over the south and west, from Florida to the lakes,
and from the Hudson to Mexico and the Pacific Ocean. By some they are
reckoned at several thousands. Mr. Brackenridge supposes there may be
3000; but it would not outrage probability, I presume, to set them down at
twice that number. Indeed no one can form any just estimate in respect to
the number of mounds and fortifications which have been built, any more than
of the period of time which has passed since they were originally erected, for
several obvious reasons; one or two of which may be mentioned: the
plough, excavations and levellings for towns, roads, and various other works,
have entirely destroyed hundreds of them, which had never been described,

CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 57

find whose sites cannot now be ascertained. Another great destruction of
Ihern has been effected by the changing 1 of the course of rivers.

There are various opinions about the uses for which these ancient remains
were constructed: while some of them are too much like modern fortifications
to admit of a doubt of their having been used for defences, others, nearly sim-
ilar in design from their situation entirely exclude the adoption of such an
opinion. Hence we find four kinds of remains formed of earth : two kinds
of mounds or barrows, and two which have been viewed as fortifications.
The barrows or burial piles are distinguished by such as contain articles
which were inhumed with the dead, and those which do not contain them.
From what cause they differ in this respect it is difficult to determine. Some
have supposed the former to contain bones only of warriors, but in such
mounds the bones of infants are found, and hence that hypothesis is over-
thrown ; and indeed an hypothesis can scarcely be raised upon any one matter
concerning them without almost a positive assurance that it has been created
to be destroyed.

As a specimen of the contents of the mounds generally, the following may
be taken ; being such as Dr. Drake found in those he examined: 1. Cylin-
drical stones, such as jasper, rock-crystal, and granite ; with a groove near one
end. 2. A circular piece of cannel coal, with a large opening in the centre,
as though made for the reception of an axis ; and a deep groove in the circum-
ference, suitable for a band. 3. A smaller article of the same shape, but
composed of polished argillaceous earth. 4. A bone, ornamented with several
carved lines, supposed by some to be hieroglyphics. 5. A sculptural repre-
sentation of the head and beak of some rapacious bird. 6. Lumps of lead ore.
7. Isinglass (mica membranacea). This article is very common in mounds,
and seems to have been held in high estimation among the people that con-
structed them ; but we know not that modern Indians have any particular
attachment to it. A superior article, though much like it, was also in great
esteem among the ancient Mexicans. 8. Small pieces of sheet copper, with
perforations. 9. Larger oblong pieces of the same metal, with longitudinal
grooves and ridges. 10. Beads, or sections of small hollow cylinders, appar-.
ently of bone or shell. 11. Teeth of carnivorous animals. 12. Large marine
shells, belonging, perhaps, to the genus buccinum ; cut in such a manner as
to serve for domestic utensils. These, and also the teeth of animals, are
generally found almost entirely decomposed, or in a state resembling chalk.
13. Earthern ware. This seems to have been made of the same material as
that employed by the Indians of Louisiana within our recollection, viz. pounded
muscle and otner river shells, and earth. Some perfect articles have been
found, but they are rare. Pieces, or fragments, are very common. Upon
most of them, confused lines are traced, which doubtless had some meaning;
but no specimen has yet been found having glazing upon it like modern pot-
tery. Some entire vases, of most uncouth appearance, have been found. Mr.
Jltwaier of Ohio, who has pretty fully described the western antiquities, gives
an account of a vessel, which seems to have been used as a jug. It was found
in an ancient work on Cany Fork of Cumberland River, about four feet below
the surface. The body of the vessel is made by three heads, all joined to-
gether at their backs. From these places of contact a neck is formed, which
rises about three inches above the heads. The orifice of this neck is near two
inches in diameter, and the three necks of the heads form the legs of the ves-
sel on which it stands when upright. The heads are all of a size, being about
four inches from the top to the chin. The faces at the eyes are about three
inches broad, which increase in breadth all the way to the chin.

Of the works called fortifications, though already mentioned in general
terms, their importance demands a further consideration.

At Piqua, on the western side of the Great Miami, there is a circular wall
of earth inclosing a space of about 100 feet in diameter, with an opening on
he side most remote from the river. " The adjacent hill, at the distance of
naif a mile, and at the greater elevation of about 100 feet, is the site of a stone
wall, nearly circular, and inclosing perhaps 20 acres. The valley of the river
on one side, and a deep ravine on the other, render the access to three fourths
of this fortification extremely difficult. The wall was carried generally along

58 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES [Boo K 1

the brow of the hill, in one place descending a short distance so as to include
a spring. The silicious limestone of which it was built, must have been tnm-
ported from the bed of the river, which, for two miles opposite these works,
does not at present afford one of 10 pounds weight. They exhibit no marks
of the hammer, or any other tool. The wall was laid up without mortar, and
is now in ruins.

" Lower down the same river, near the mouth of Hole's Creek, on the plain,
there are remains of great extent. The principal wall or bank, which is of
earth, incloses about JGO acres, and is in some parts nearly 12 feet high.
Also below Hamilton, there is a fortification upon the top of a high hill, out of
view from the river, of very difficult approach. This incloses about 50 acres.
Adjacent to this work is a mound 25 feet in diameter at its base, and about
seven feet perpendicular altitude.

" On the elevated point of land above the confluence of the Great Miami
and Ohio, there are extensive and complicated traces, .which, in the opinion of
military men, eminently qualified to judge, are the remains of very strong de-
fensive works."

In the vicinity of Milford, on the Little Miami, are fortifications, the largest
of which are upon the top of the first hill above the confluence of the East
Fork with the Miami. "On the opposite side of the Miami River, above
Round Bottom, are similar antiquities of considerable extent. On the East
Fork, at its head waters, other remains have been discovered, of which the
principal bears a striking resemblance to those above mentioned ; but within,
it differs from any which have yet been examined in this quarter, in having
nine parallel banks or long parapets united at one end, exhibiting very exactly
the figure of a gridiron.

"Further up the Little Miami, at Deerfield, are other interesting remains ;
but those which have attracted more attention than any others in the Miami
country, are situated six miles from Lebanon, above the mouth of Todd's
Fork, an eastern branch of the Miami. On the summit of a ridge at least 200
feet above the valley of the river, there are two irregular trapezoidal figures,
connected at a point where the ridge is very much narrowed by a ravine. The
wall, which is entirely of earth, is generally eight or ten feet high ; but in one
place, where it is conducted over level ground for a short distance, it rises to
18. Its situation is accurately adjusted to the brow of the hill ; and as there
is, in addition to the Miami on the west, deep ravines on the north, the south-
east, and south, it is a position of great strength. The angles in this wall,
both retreating and salient, are numerous, and generally acute. The openings
or gateways are not less than 80 ! They are rarely at equal distances, and are
sometimes within two or three rods of one another. They are not opposite to,
or connected with any existing artificial objects or topographical peculiarities,
and present, therefore, a paradox of some difficulty." These works inclose
almost 100 acres, and one of the state roads from Cincinnati to Chillicothe
passes over its northern part.

On Paint Creek, 10 miles from Chillicothe, are also very extensive as well as
wonderful works. " The wall, which had been conducted along the verge of
the hill, is by estimation about a mile and a half in length. It was formed en-
tirely of undressed freestone, brought chiefly from the streams 250 feet below,
and laid up without mortar or cement of any sort. It is now, like all the walls
of a similar kind which have been discovered in the western country, in a state
of ruins. It exhibits the appearance of having been shaken down by an
earthquake, not a single stone being found upon another in such a manner as
to indicate that to have been its situation in the wall. In several places there
are openings, immediately opposite which, inside, lie piles of stone."

Dr. Harris, in 1803, very accurately described the remains at Marietta, at
the confluence of the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers. "The largest SQUARE
FORT," he observes, " by some called the town, contains 40 acres, encompassed
by a wall of earth from 6 to 10 feet high, and from 25 to 36 in breadth at the
base. On each side are three openings at equal distances, resembling 12 gate-
ways. The entrances at the middle are the largest, particularly that on the
side next the Muskingum. From this outlet is a COVERT WAT, formed of two
parallel walls of earth, 231 feet distant from, each other, measuring from cen-

CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 59

tre to centre. The walls at the most elevated part on the inside are 21 feet in
height, and 42 in breadth at the base, but on the outside average only of five
feet high. This forms a passage of about 360 feet in length, leading by a
gradual descent to the low grounds, where it. probably, at the time of its con-
struction, reached the margin of the river. Its walls commence at 60 feet
from the ramparts of the fort, and increase in elevation as the way descends
tawards the river; and the bottom is crowned in the centre, in the manner of
a well-formed turnpike road. Within the walls of the fort, at the north-west
corner, is an oblong, elevated square, 188 feet long, 132 broad, and nine feet
high; level on the summit, and nearly perpendicular at the sides. At the
centre of each of the sides the earth is projected, forming gradual ascents to
the top, equally regular, and about six feet in width. Near the south wall is
another elevated square, 150 feet by 120, and eight feet high. At the south-
east corner is the third elevated square, 108 by 54 feet, with ascents at the
ends. At the south-east corner of the fort is a semicircular parapet, crowned
with a mound, which guards the opening in the wall. Towards the south-east
is A SIMILAR FORT, containing 20 acres, with a gateway in the centre of each
side and at each corner. These openings are defended with circular mounds."

There are also other works at Marietta, but a mere description of them can-
not interest, as there is so much of sameness about them. And to describe
all that may be met with uould fill a volume of no moderate size: for Dr.
Harris says, " You cannot ride 20 miles in any direction without finding some
of the mounds, or vestiges of the ramparts." We shall, therefore, only notice
the most prominent.

Of first importance are doubtless the works upon the Scioto. The most
magnificent is situated 26 miles south from Columbus, and consists of t\vo
nearly exact figures, a circle and a square, which are contiguous to each other.
A town, having been built within the former, appropriately received the name
of Circleville from that circumstance. According to Mr. ^t water, who has
surveyed these works with great exactness and attention, the circle was origi-
nally 11384 feet in diameter, from external parallel tangents, and the square
was 907 feet upon a side ; giving an area to the latter of 3025 square rods,
and to the circle 3739 nearly ; both making almost 44 acres. The rampart
of the circular fort consists of two parallel walls, and were, at least in the
opinion of my author, 20 feet in height, measuring from the bottom of the
ditch between the circumvallations, before the town of Circleville was built.
"The inner wall was of clay, taken up probably in the northern part of the
fort, where was a low place, and is still considerably lower than any other
part of the work. The outside wall was taken from the ditch which is be-
tween these walls, and is alluvial, consisting of pebbles worn smooth in water
and sand, to a very considerable depth, more than 50 feet at least." At the
time Mr. Jitwater wrote his account, (about 1819,) the outside of the walls was
but about five or six feet high, and the ditch not more ^han 15 feet deep. The
walls of the square fort were, at the same time, about 10 feet high. This fort
had eight gateways or openings, about 20 feet broad, each of which was de-
fended by a rnound four or five feet high, all within the fort, arranged in the
most exact manner ; equidistant and parallel. The circular fort had but one
gateway, which was at its south-east point, and at the place of contact with
the square. In the centre of the square was a remarkable mound, with a
semicircular pavement adjacent to its eastern half, and nearly facing the pas-
sage way into the square fort. Just without the square fort, upon the north
side, and to the east of the centre gateway, rises a large mound. In the op-
posite point of the compass, without the circular one, is another. These,
probably, were the places of burial. As the walls of the square fort lie pretty
nearly in a line with the cardinal points of the horizon, some have supposed
they were originally projected in strict regard to them; their variation not
being more than that of the compass ; but a single fact of this kind can estab-
lish nothing, as mere accident may have given them such direction. '* What
surprised me," says my authority, " on measuring these forts, was the exact
manner in which they had laid down their circle and square ; so that aftei
every effort, by the most cartful survey, to detect some error in their measure*
ment, we found that it was impossible."

AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BOOK I.

As it is not my design to waste time in conjectures upon the authors of
those antiquities, or the remoteness of the period in which they were con-
structed, I will continue my account of them, after an observation upon a
single circumstance. I refer to the fact of the immense trees found growing
upon the mounds and other ancient works. Their having existed for a thou-
sand years, or at least some of them, can scarcely be questioned, when we
l;no\\ t'loni unerring data that trees have been cut upon them of the age of
near 500 years ; and from the vegetable mould out of which they spring, there
is every appearance of several generations of decayed trees of the same kind;
and no forest trees of the present day appear older than those upon the very
works under consideration.

There are in the Forks of Licking River, above Newark, in the county of
Licking, very remarkable remains of antiquity, said by many to be as much so
as any in the west. Here, as at Circleville, the same singular fact is observa-
ble, respecting the openings into the forts; the square ones having several, but
the round ones only one, with a single exception.

Not far below Newark, on the south side of the Licking, are found numer-
ous wells or holes in the earth. " There are," says Mr. Jllwater, " at least a
thousand of them, many of which are now more than 20 feet deep." Though
called wells, my author says they were not dug for that purpose. They have
the appearance of being of the same age as the mounds, and were doubtless
made by the same people ; but for what purpose they could have been made,
few seem willing to hazard a conjecture.

Four or five miles to the north-west of Somerset, in the county of Perry, and
southwardly from the works on the Licking, is a stone fort, inclosing about 40
acres. Its shape is that of a heart, though bounded by straight lines. In or
near its centre is a circular stone mound, which rises like a sugar-loaf from
12 to 15 feet. Near this large work is another small fort, whose walls are of
earth, inclosing but about half an acre. I give these the name of forts, al-
though Mr. Atwater says he does not believe they were ever constructed for
defence.

There are curious remains on both sides of the Ohio, above and opposite the
mouth of the Scioto. Those on the north side, at Portsmouth, are the most
extensive, and those on the other side, directly opposite Alexandria, are
the most regular. They are not more remarkable than many already de-
scribed.

What the true height of these ruined works originally was, cannot be very
well ascertained, as it is almost impossible to know the rate of their diminu-
tion, even were the space of time given : but there can be no doubt that most
of them are much diminished from the action of tempests which have swept
over them for ages. That they were the works of a different race from the
present Indians, has been pretty confidently asserted ; but as yet, proof is en-
tirely wanting to support such conclusion. In a few instances, some European
articles have been found deposited in or about some of the works ; but few
persons of intelligence pronounce them older than others of the same kind
belonging to the period of the French wars.

As it respects inscriptions upon stones, about which much has been said
and written, I am of the opinion, that such are purely Indian, if they were
not made by some white maniac, as some of them most unquestionably have
been, or other persons who deserve to be classed among such; but I would
not be understood to include those of South America, for there the inhabitants
vidently had a hieroglyphic language. Among the inscriptions upon stone
in New England, the " Inscribed Rock," as it is called, at Dighton, Mass., is
doubtless the most remarkable. It is in Taunton River, about six miles below
the town of Taunton, and is partly immersed by the tide. If this inscription
was made by the Indians, it doubtless had some meaning to it ; but I doubt
whether any of them, except such as happened to know what it was done
for, knew any thing of its import. The divers faces, figures of half-formed
animals, and zigzag lines, occupy a space of about '20 square feet. The whim-
rhal conjectures of many persons about the origin of the inscription might
muse, but could not instruct; and it would be a waste of time to give an
account of them.

CHAP. IV. J AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 61

A stone, once thought to contain some marvellous inscription, was deposit-
ed a few years since in the Antiquarian Hall, at Worcester, Mass. ; and it way
with some surprise, that, on examining- it, I found nothing but a few lines of
quartz upon one of its surfaces. The stone was singular in no respect beyond
what may be found in half the farmers' fields and stone fences in New Eng-
land.

In a cave on the bank of the Ohio River, about 20 miles below the mouth
of the Wabash, called Wilson's or Murderer's Cave, are figures engraven upon
stone, which have attracted great attention. It was very early possessed by
one Wilson, who lived in it with his family. He at length turned robber, and,
collecting about 40 other wretches like himself about him, took all the boats
which passed on the river with any valuable goods in them, and murdered the
crews. He was himself murdered by one of his own gang, to get the reward
which was offered for his apprehension. Never having had any drawings of
the hieroglyphics in this cave, we cannot form any very conclusive opinion
upon them. As a proof of their antiquity, it has been mentioned, that among
those unknown characters are many figures of animals not known now to be
in existence; but in rny opinion, this is in no wise a conclusive argument of
their antiquity ; for the same may be said of the uncouth figures of the Indian
manitos of the present day, as well as those of the days of Powkatan.

At Harmony, on the Mississippi, are to be seen the prints of two feet imbed-
ded in hard limestone. The celebrated Rappe, conveyed the stone containing
them from St. Louis, and kept it upon his premises to show to travellers.
They are about the size of those made by a common man of our times, unac-
customed to shoes. Some conclude them to be remains of high antiquity.
They may, or may not be : there are arguments for and against such conclu-
sion ; but on which side the weight of argument lies is a matter not easily to
be settled. If these impressions of feet were made in the soft earth before it
was changed into fossil stone, we should not expect to find impressions, but a
formation filling them of another kind of stone (called organic) from that in
which the impressions were made ; for thus do organic remains discover them-
selves, and not by their absence.

A review of the theories and opinions concerning the race or races anterior
to the present race of Indians would perhaps be interesting to many, and it
would be a pleasing subject to write upon : but, as I have elsewhere intimated,
my only object is to present facts as I find them, without wasting time in com-
mentaries ; unless where deductions cannot well be avoided without leaving
the subject more obscure than it would evidently be without them.

Every conjecture is attended with objections when they are hazarded upon
a subject that cannot be settled. It is time enough to argue a subject of the
nature of this we are upon when all the facts are collected. To write volumes
about Shem, Ham, and Japhet, in connection with a few isolated facts, is a
most ludicrous and worse than useless business. Some have said, it is an
argument that the first population came from the north, because the works of
which we have been speaking increase in importance as we proceed south ;
but why they should not begin until the people who constructed them had ar-
rived within 40 ' of the equator, (for this seems to be their boundary north,) it
is not stated. Perhaps this people came in by way of the St. Lawrence, and
did not need any works to defend them before arriving at the 40 of north
latitude. The reader will readily enough ask, perhaps, For what purpose
could fortifications have been built by the first people ? To defend themselves
from wild beasts, or from one another ? .With this matter, however, we have
nothing to do, but were led to these remarks, preparatory to a comparison be-
t ueen the antiquities of the north with those of the south.

On the other hand, it is said the original people of North America must have
come from the south, and that their progress northward is evident from the
same works; with this difference, that as the people advanced, they dwindled
into insignificance ; and hence the remains which they left are proportionate
to their ability to make them. But there is nothing artificial among the ancient
ruins of North America that will compare with the artificial mountain of Ana-
huac, called Cholula, or Chloluia, which to this day is about 164 feet in perpen-
dicular height, whose base occupies a square, the sides of which measure 1450

(52 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [BooK I

feet. Upon this the Mexicans had an immense wooden temple when Cortez
overrun their empire. A city now hears the name of Cliolula, in Puebla,
(iO miles east of Mexico. Yet it appears from Dr. Beck's Gazetteer of Illinois,
that there is standing between Belleville and St. Louis, a mound (>00 yards in
circumference at its base, and 90 feet in height. Mount Joliet, so named from
the Sieur Joliet, a Frenchman, who travelled upon the Mississippi in HJ7.'J, is
a most distinguished mound. It is on a plain about GOO yards west of the
River Des Plaines, and 150 miles above Fort Clark. Mr. Schoolcraft computed
its height at GO feet, its length about 450 yards, and its width 75. Its sides
are so steep that they are ascended with difficulty. Its top is a beautiful plain,
from which a most delightful prospect is had of the surrounding country. It,
seems to have been composed of the earth of the plain on which it stands.
Lake Joliet is situated in front of it; being a small body of water about a mile
in length.

Although the remains of the ancient inhabitants of South America differ
considerably from those of North America, yet I have no doubt but that the
people are of the same race. The condition even of savages changes. No
nation remains stationary. The western Indians in the neighborhood of the
lakes do not make pottery at the present day, but earthen utensils are still in
use among the remote tribes of the west, which is similar to that dug up in
Ohio, and both are similar to that found in South America.

In speaking of ancient pottery, Mr. Schoolcraft observes, " It is common, in
digging at these salt mines, [in Illinois,] to find fragments of antique pottery,
and even entire pots of a coarse earthenware, at great depths below the sur-
face. One of these pots, which was, until a very recent period, preserved by
a gentleman at Shawaneetown, was disinterred at a depth of 80 feet, and was
of a capacity to contain eight or ten gallons."

We see announced from time to time, in the various newspapers and other
periodicals, discoveries of wonderful things in various places ; but on examina-
tion it is generally found that they fall far short of what we are led to ex-
pect from the descriptions given of them. We hear of the ruins of cities in
the banks of the Mississippi ; copper and iron utensils found at great depths
below the surface, and in situations indicating that they must have been de-
posited there for three, four, or five hundred years ! Dr. McMurtrie relates, in
his "Sketches of Louisville," that an iron hatchet was found beneath the roots
of a tree at Shippingsport, upwards of 200 years old. He said he had no doubt
that the tree had grown over the hatchet after it was deposited there, because
" no human power could have placed it in the particular position in which it
was found."

Upon some other matters about which we have already remarked, the same
author says, " That walls, constructed of bricks and hewn stones, have been
discovered in the western country, is a fact as clear as that the sun shines
when he is in his meridian splendor ; the dogmatical assertion of writers to the
contrary notwithstanding." My author, however, had not seen such remains
himself, but was well assured of their existence by a gentleman of undoubted
veracity. Unfortunately for the case he relates, the persons who discovered
the ruins came upon them in digging, at about .18 feet below the surface of the
ground, and when about to make investigation, water broke in upon them, and
they were obliged to make a hasty retreat.

" A fortified town of considerable extent, near the River St. Francis," upon
the Mississippi, was said to have been discovered by a Mr. Savage, of Louis-
ville. He found its walls standing in some places, and " part of the walls of
a citadel, built of bricks, cemented by mortar" Upon some of these ruins were
trees growing whose annual rings numbered 300. Some of the bricks, says
Dr. McMurtrie, were at Louisville when he wrote his Sketches ; and they were
" composed of clay, mixed with chopped and twisted straw, of regular figures,
hardened by the action of fire or the sun."

Mr. Priest, in his ;< American Antiquities," mentions the ruins of two cities
within a few miles of each other, nearly opposite St. Louis ; but from what he
says of them I am unable to determine what those ruins are composed of.
After pointing out the sight of them, he continues, " Here is situated one of
those pyramids, which is 150 rods in circumference at its base, and 100 feet

CHAP. IV.] AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. 63

high." He speaks of "cities," but describes pyramids and mounds. If there
be any thing like the works of men, at the places he points out, different from
what is common in the west, it is very singular that they should not have at-
tracted the notice of some one of the many thousands of people who have for
50 years passed by them. Mr. Brackenridge speaks of the antiquities at this
place, but does not say any thing about cities. He observes, " The most re-
markable appearances are two groups of mounds or pyramids, the one about
10 miles above Cahokia, the other nearly the same distance below it, which, in
all, exceed 150, of various sizes. The western side also contains a considera-
ble number.

" A more minute description of those about Cahokia, which I visited in the
fall of 1811, will give a tolerable idea of them all. I crossed the Mississippi
at St. Louis, and after passing through the wood which borders the river, about
half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In 15 minutes I found
myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at
a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One
of the largest which I ascended was about 200 paces in circumference at the
bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently undergone considerable
alteration from the washing of the rains. The top was level, with an area suf-
ficient to contain several hundred men."

When Mr. Bartram travelled into South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, be-
tween the years 1773 and 1776, he saw many interesting antiquities. At the
Cherokee town of Cowe, on the Tennessee River, which then contained about
100 houses, he noticed that " The council or town-house was a large rotunda,
capable of accommodating several hundred people : it stands on the top of an
ancient artificial mount of earth, of about 20 feet perpendicular, and the ro-
tunda on the top of it being about 30 feet more, gives the whole fabric an
elevation of about 60 feet from the common surface of the ground. But," Mr.
Bartram continues, " it may be proper to observe, that this mount, on which the
rotunda stands, is of a much ancienter date than the building, and perhaps was
raised for another purpose. The Cherokees themselves are as ignorant as we
are, by what people or for what purpose these artificial hills were raised ; they
have various stories concerning them, the best of which amount to no more
than mere conjecture, and leave us entirely in the dark ; but they have a tra-
dition common with the other nations of Indians, that they found them in much
the same condition as they now appear, when their forefathers arrived from the
west and possessed themselves of the country, after vanquishing the nations
of red men who then inhabited it, who themselves found these mounts when
they took possession of the country, the former possessors delivering the same
story concerning them."

Hence it is to be observed that the mounds in the south are not only the
same as those in the north, but Indian traditions concerning them are the same
also.

At Ottasse, an important town of the Cherokees, the same traveller saw a
most singular column. It stood adjacent to the town, in the centre of an ob-
long square, and was about 40 feet high, and only from two to three feet thick
at its base, and tapered gradually from the ground to its top. What is very
remarkable about this pillar is, that, notwithstanding it is formed of a single
stick of pine timber, the Indians or white traders could give no account for
what purpose it was erected ; and to the inquiries which Mr. Bartram made of
the Indians concerning it, the same answer was given as when questioned about
the mounds ; viz., that their ancestors found it there, and the people that those
ancestors dispossessed knew nothing of its origin. This is not singular when
reference is had to mounds of earth, but when the same account is given con-
cerning perishable material, the shade, at least, of a suspicion is seen lurking
in the back ground. As another singular circumstance, it is observed that no
trees of the kind of which this column was made (pin. palustris] were to be
found at that time nearer than 12 or 15 miles.

In the great council-houses at Ottasse were observed, upon the pillars and
walls, various paintings and sculptures, supposed to be hieroglyphics of his-
torical legends, and political and sacerdotal affairs. " They are," observes
Mr. Bartram, " extremely picturesque or caricature, as men in a variety of at-

64 AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. [Boo* I

titudes, some ludicrous enough, others having the head of some kind of ani-
mal, as those of a duck, turkey, bear, fox, wolf, buck, &c., and again those
kind of creatures are represented having the human lietid. Tln-sc dcsin-ns are
not ill executed ; the outlines bold, free and well proportioned. The pillars
supporting the front or piazza of the council-house of the square are ingenious-
ly formed in the likeness of vast speckled serpents, ascending upwards ; the
Ottasses being of the Snake tribe."

In the fourth book of this work mention has been made of the great high-
ways in Florida. Mr. Bartram mentions them, but not in a very particular
manner, upon the St. John's River. As his sentiments seem to be those of a
man of intelligence, I will offer here his concluding remarks upon the Indian
antiquities of the country he visited. "I deem it necessary to observe, as my
opinion, that none of them that I have seen discover the least signs of the arts,
sciences, or architecture of the Europeans or other inhabitants of the old world,
yet evidently betray every sign or mark of the most distant antiquity."

The above remark is cited to show how different different people make up
their minds upon the same subject; it shows how futile it is for us to spend
time in speculating upon such matters. And, as I have before observed, it u
time enough to build theories after facts have been collected. It can add noth-
ing to our stock of knowledge respecting our antiquities, to talk or write forever
about Nebuchadnezzar and the lost tribes of Jews ; but if the time which has
been spent in this manner had been devoted to some useful pursuit, some use-
ful object would have been attained. As the matter now stands, one object,
nevertheless, is clearly attained, namely, that of misleading or confounding the
understandings of many uninformed people. I am led to make these observa-
tions to put the unwary upon their guard.

In the preceding chapter I have given various accounts of, or accounts from
various authors, who imagine that a colony of Welsh came to America 7 or 800
years ago. It is as truly astonishing as any thing we meet with to observe
how many persons had found proofs of the existence of tribes of Welsh In-
dians, about the same period. As a case exactly in point with that mentioned
at the beginning of the last paragraph, I offer what Mr. Brackenridge says upon
this matter. " That no Welsh nation exists," he observes, " at present, on this
continent, is beyond a doubt. Dr. Barton has taken great pains to ascertain
the languages spoken by those tribes east of the Mississippi, and the Welsh
finds no place amongst them ; since the cession of Louisiana, the tribes west
of the Mississippi have been sufficiently known ; we have had intercourse with
them all, but no Welsh are yet found. In the year 1798, a young Welshman
of the name of Evans ascended the Missouri, in company with Makey, and
remained two years in that country ; he spoke both the ancient and modern
Welsh, and addressed himself to every nation between that river and New
Spain, but found no Welshmen." This, it would seem, is conclusive enough.

Mr. Peck, in his "Gazetteer of Illinois," has aimed so happy a stroke at the
writers on our antiquity, that, had I met with his rod before I had made the
previous remarks, I should most certainly have made use of it. I shall never-
theless use it. After saying something upon the antiquities of Illinois, he pro-
ceeds : " Of one thing the writer is satisfied, that very imperfect and incorrect
data have been relied upon, and very erroneous conclusions drawn, upon west-
ern antiquities. Whoever has time and patience, and is in other respects qual-
iried to explore this field of science, and will use his spade and eyes together,
and restrain his imagination from running riot amongst mounds, fortifications.
horseshoes, medals, and whole cabinets of relics of the 'olden time,' will find
very little more than the indications of rude savages, the ancestors of the
present race of Indians."

OF BOOK FIRST.

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY

OF THE

INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA.

BOOK II

BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF THE NORTHERN
OR NEW ENGLAND INDIANS.

" 'Tis good to muse on nations passed away
Forever from the land we call our own."

YAMOYDEN.

CHAPTER I.

Conduct of the early voyagers towards the Indians Some account of the individ-
uals Donacona Agona Tasquantum, or Squanto Dehamda Skettwarroes
Assacumet Manida Pechmo Monopet Pekenimne Sakaweston Epanow
Manawet IVanape Coneconam.

THE first voyagers to a country were anxious to confirm the truth of their
accounts, and therefore took from their newly-discovered lands whatever
seemed best suited to that object The inhabitants of America carried off
by Europeans were not, perhaps, in any instance, taken away by voyagers
merely for this object, but that they might, in time, learn from them the value
of the country from whence they took them. Besides those forcibly carried
away, there were many, doubtless, who went through overpersuasion, and
ignorance both of the distance and usage they should meet with in a land of
strangers ; which was not always as it should have been, and hence such as
were ill used, if they ever returned to their own country, were prepared to
be revenged on any strangers of the same color, that chanced to come among
them.

In the first voyage of Columbus to America, he took along with him, on his
return to Spain, a considerable number of Indians ; how many we do not
know ; but several died on their passage, and seven were presented to the king.
Fincente Yanez Pinzon, a captain under Columbus, kidnapped four natives,
whom he intended to sell in Spain for slaves ; but Columbus took them from
him, and restored them to their friends. In this first voyage to the islands of
the new world, the blood of several Indians was shed by the hostile arms of
the Spaniards.*

There were three natives presented to Henry VII. by Sebastian Cabot, in
1502, which he had taken from Newfoundland. What were their names, or
what became of them, we are not informed ; but from the notice of historians,
we learn that, when found, "they were clothed with the skins of beasts, and
lived on raw flesh ; but after two years, [residence in England,] were seen in
the king's court clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discerned from
Englishmen." f These were the first Indians ever seen in England, f They

* My present concern not being with the Indians of South America, I beg leave to
refer the reader to a little work lately published, entitled THE OLD INDIAN CHRONICLE,
in which all the prominent facts concerning the atrocities of the Spaniards towards
them will be found stated.

f Rapin's Hist. England, i. 685. ed. fol. See also Purchas, 738.

+ This is upon the authority of Berkely. Instead of England, however, he says Eu-
rope ; but, by saying the six, which Columbus had before taken from St. Salvador, made
their escape, he shows his superficial knowledge of those affair*. Hear Herrera :

" En suitte de cela, [that is, after Columbus had replied to the king's letter about a sec-
ond voyage,] il [Columbus'] partit pour alter h Barcelone auec sept tndiens, parcc que les
autres estoient marts en chemin, II Jit porter aueque luy des perroquets verds, et d*

68 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [Boon II.

were brought to the English court " in their country habit," and " spoke a lan-
guage never heard before out of their own country." *

The French discovered the river St. Lawrence in 1508, and the captain of
the ship \vlio made the discovery, carried several natives to Paris, which were
the first ever seen in France. What were their names, or even how many
they were in number, is not set down in the accounts of this voyage. The
name of tin's captain was Thomas Aubert.\

John Verd-^ini, in the service of Francis I., in 1524, sailed along the Amer-
ican coast, and landed in several places. At one place, which we judge to be
some part of the coast of Connecticut, "20 of his men landed, and went
about two leagues up into the country. The inhabitants fled before them,
but they caught an old woman who had hid herself in the high grass, with a
young woman about 18 years of age. The old woman carried a child on her
back, and had, besides, two little boys with her. The young woman, too,
carried three children of her own sex. Seeing themselves discovered, they
began to shriek, and the old one gave them to understand, by signs, that the
men were fled to the woods. They offered her something to eat, which she
accepted, but the maiden refused it. This girl, who was tall and well shaped,
they were desirous of taking along with them, but as she made a violent
outcry, they contented themselves with taking a boy away with them."|
The name of NEW FRANCE was given to North America in this voyage. In
another voyage here, Verazzini was killed, and, as some say, eaten by the
Indians.

In the year 1576, Capt. Martin, afterwards Sir Martin, Frobishcr sailed from
England for the discovery of a north-west passage; "the only thing of the
world," says a writer of his voyage, " that was left yet vndone." After the
usual vicissitudes attending such an undertaking, at this early period of Eng
lish navigation, he discovered a strait which has ever since borne his name.
About 60 miles within that strait, he went on shore to make discovery of the
country, and was suddenly attacked by the natives, " who had stolen secretly
behinde the rockes ;" and though he "bent himselfe to his halberd," he narrowly
escaped with his life.

Hence there was a well-grounded suspicion in all future communications
with the Indians in this region ; yet, after considerable intercourse, Frobisher's
men became less wary, and five of them, going on shore from a boat, were sur-
prised and carried off, and never heard of again. After this "the subtile trai-
tours were so wary, as they would after that never come within our men's
danger." Notwithstanding, Frobisher found means to entice some of them
alongside of his ship, and after considerable manuoevering, one of them had
his fears so far overcome by the alluring sound of a cow-bell, that he came so
near in his canoe, to obtain one of them, that " the captain, being ready pro-
vided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with rnaine
force, boat and all," into his ship. Whereupon this savage finding himself in
captivity, "for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his
mouth: notwithstanding he died not thereof, but liued vntil he came in Eng-
land, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea."

The next year (1577) Frobisher made another voyage to the same coasts of
America, and on some excursion on land he was attacked and wounded by the
Indians. In York Sound he attacked a party, and killed five or six of them,
and shortly after took two women prisoners.

Such were the impressions given and received between the Europeans and
Indians in that early day of American history.

This was indeed a comparatively barbarous age. Few of the early voyagers
were better than demi-savages ; for they measured the conduct of the Indians
by their own scale of justice ; in which might was too often taken for right.
But we of this age what will be said of us by generations to come, by

rouges, et d'autres choses dignes d 'admiration qui n'auoient iamais este veuPs en Espaf/ne."
Hist, des Indes Occident, i. 102. Ed. 1660, 3 tomes, 4to. See also Harris, Voyayct;, ii.
15. ed. 1764. 2 v. fol. ; Robertson, America, i. 94. ed. 1778, 4to.

* Berkely's Naval Hist. Brit. 268. ed. 17-56, fol. and Harris, Voyages, ii. 191.

t Forster, 432. + Ibid. 434, 435.

CHAP. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS.

the enlightened of distant ages, when they inquire for the causes and reasons
for our conduct in our wars with the Indians in our own times?

The next early voyager we shall notice is Capt. Hendiick Hudson. From
Robert JuePs journal of his voyage it appears that Hudson discovered the river
which bears his name, Sept. 6. 1()09, and explored it probahly as high up at
least as the present site of West Pom/, before he left it. During his stay in
the river Manna-hata, as it was called by the natives, the conduct of his men
towards those people was most unjust, savage, and cruel. We are told that
their first interviews with the natives were friendly, but we are not told how
they became immediately otherwise. The same day Hudson entered the river,
he sent out John Colman to make soundings, in which service he was shot in
his throat with an arrow and killed ; and the next day he was buried on a point
of land which has ever since borne his name. What provocation, if any, led
to this misfortune, is not mentioned, nor does it appear that there was any sus-
pension of intercourse, though a few days after several Indians Avere taken
captive by the ship's crew as they came to trade, and were confined on board.
They escaped soon after, however, by jumping overboard.

By the 15th of September, Hudson had reached considerably above West
Point, and on the 1st of October he began to descend, but came to an anchor
" seven miles below the mountains." An Indian in a canoe, while many others
were around the ship, came under the stern, climbed up by the rudder, entered
the cabin window, which had been left open, and stole some trifling articles.
Being discovered, he was pursued and killed by the mate, " by a shot through
his breast." By this rash act several were so frightened that they jumped
into the river. As a boat from the ship was pursuing them, one in the water
caught hold of the side of the boat; whereupon the cook cut off his hands
with a sword, and he was drowned. The next day two canoes approached
the ship, and shot at it with their bows and arrows ; "in recompense whereof,"
says Juet, " we discharged six muskets, and killed two or three of them."
Soon after, about 100 Indians appeared on a point of land, "to shoot at us;"
then " I shot a falcon at them," says this author, whom I take to have been
the gunner of the ship, " and killed two of them. Yet they manned off another
canoe with nine or ten men, which came to meet us ; so I shot at it also a fal-
con, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their
muskets killed three or four more of them."

This must truly ever be looked upon as a sad beginning of an acquaintance
between the Indians and white people on the southern boundary of New Eng-
land. The former could not view the latter in any other light than a race far
more barbarous than themselves ; inasmuch as they had seen a score of their
people, one after another, sacrificed, while they had killed but a single white
man, probably in a quarrel. We now turn to the northern boundary for
another example or two of early intercourse.

Donacona, a chief upon the River St. Croix, was met with, in 1535, by the
voyager James Cartier, who was well received and kindly treated by him and
his people ; to repay which, Cartier, "partly by stratagem and partly by force,"
carried him to France, where he soon after died.* Notwithstanding, Cartier
was in the country five years after, where he found Agona, the successor of
Donacona, and exchanged presents with him, probably reconciling him by some
plausible account of the absence of Donacona.

Tasquantum, or Tisquantum, was one of the five natives carried from the
coast of New England, in 1605, by Capt. George Way mouth, who had been
sent out to discover a north-west passage. This Indian was known after-
wards to the settlers of Plimouth, by whom he was generally called 'Squanto,
or \Squantum, by abbreviation. The names of the other four were Manida,
Skettwarroes, Dehamda and Jlssacumet.

Although Gorges does not say Dehamda was one brought over at this time, it
is evident that he was, because, so far as we can discover, there were no other
natives at that time in England, but these five.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, Way mouth, "falling short of his course, [in seek-
ing the N. W. passage,] happened into a river on the coast, of America, called
Pemmaquid, from whence he brought five of the natives." " And it so pleased

* Foster, 4-10442.

70 CONDUCT OF EARLY VOYAGERS [Boon II.

our great God that " Wai/mouth, on his return to England, " came into the harhor
of Plymouth, where I then commanded." Three * of whose natives, namely,
Manida, Skctlwarrocs and Tasquantum, " I seized upon. They were all of one na-
tion, but of several parts, and several families. This accident must be acknowl-
edged the means, under God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our plan-

&
tations."

Paying great attention to these natives, he soon understood enough by then)
about the country from whence they came to establish a belief that it was of
great value ; not perhaps making due allowance for its being their home. And
Sir Ferdinando adds, "After I had those people sometimes in my custody, I ob-
served in them an inclination to follow the example of the better sort ; and in
all their carriages, manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of
our common people. And the longer I conversed with them, the better hope
they gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses ;
especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors,
those parts abounded with, being the special marks I leveled at as the only
want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And hav-
ing kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what great
rivers run up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power
they were of, how allied, what enemies they had," &c.

Thus having gained a knowledge of the country, Sir Ferdinando got ready "a
ship furnished with men and all necessaries" for a voyage to America, and sent
as her captain Mr. Henry ChalloungJ with whom he also sent two of his Indians.
The names of these were Jlssacumet and Manida. Chalons, havinor been taken

sick in the beginning of the voyage, altered his course, and lost some time in
the West Indies. After being able to proceed northward, he departed from
Porto Rico, and was soon after taken by a Spanish fleet, and carried into Spain,
" where their ship and goods were confiscate, themselves made prisoners, the
voyage overthrown, and both my natives lost." One, however, Jlssacurmt, was
afterwards recovered, if not the other. This voyage of Chalons was in 1606.

It appears that the Lord Chief Justice Popham\ had agreed to send a vessel
to the aid of Chalons, which was accordingly done before the news of his being
taken was known in England. For Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, " It pleased
the lord chief justice, according to his promise, to despatch Capt. [Martin]
Prin from Bristol, with hope to have found Capt. Challounge;" "but not hear-
ing by any means what became of him, after he had made a perfect discovery
of all those rivers and harbors," " brings with him the most exact discovery of
that coast that ever came to my hands since, and, indeed, he was the best able
to perform it of any I met withal to this present [time,] which, with his relation
of the country, wrought such an impression in the lord chief justice, and us all
that were his associates, that (notwithstanding our first disaster) we set up our
resolutions to follow it with effect."

Dehamda and Skettwarroes were with Prin in this voyage, and were, with-
out doubt, his most efficient aids in surveying the coast. It appears from
Gorges, that Dehamda was sent by the chief justice, who we suppose had con-
sidered him his property, || and Skettwarroes by himself. They returned again
to England with Prin.

* It seems, from this part of his narrative, that he had but three of them, but from
subsequent passages, it appears he had them all. See also America painted to the Life.

f C/tallons, by some. Gorges has sometimes, Chalowns, Chalon, &c.

J The same who presided at the trial of Sir W. Ralegh and his associates, in 1603
See Prince's Worthies of Devon, 672, 673. Fuller, in his Worthies of England, ii. 28-1,
says, " Travelers owed their safety to this judge's severity many years after his death,
which happened Anno Domini 16**," thinking, no doubt, he had much enlightened
his reader by definitely stating that Sir John Popham died some time within a hundred
years. The severity referred to has reference to his importuning King James not to
pardon so many robbers and thieves, which, he said, tended to render the judges con-
temptible, and " which made him more sparing afterward."

Gorges, one of the main springs c.-f these transactions, who wrote the account we
give, makes no mention of any other captain accompanying him; yet Dr. Holmes's
authorities, Annals, i. 12o, led him to record Thomas Hanam as the performer of this
voyage. And a writer of 1622 says, Hanam, or, as he calls him, IJaman, went com-
mander, and Prinne master. See 2 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 3. This agrees with the
account of Gorges the younger.

|l He had probably been given to him by Sir Ferdinando.

CHAP. I.] TOWARDS THE INDIANS. 71

The next year, 1607, these two natives piloted the first New England colony
to the mouth of Sagadahock River, since the Kennebeck. They left England
30 May, and did not arrive here until 8 August following. " As soon as the
president had taken notice of the place, and given order for landing the pro-
visions, he despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the
thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by whom he
was brought to several of them, where he found civil entertainment, and kind
respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as they suddenly became famil-
iar friends, especially by the means of Dehamda and Skitwarrers" " So as the
president was earnestly intreated by Sassenow, Jlberemet, and others, the princi
pal Sagamores, (as they call their great lords,) to go to the Bashabas, who it
seems was their king." They were prevented, however, by adverse weather,
from that^ourney, and thus the promise to do so was unintentionally broken,
" much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The Bashe-
bas, notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son to visit him,
and to beat a trade with him for furs."

Several sad and melancholy accidents conspired to put an end to this first
colony of New England. The first was the loss of their store-house, contain-
ing most of their supplies, by fire, in the winter following, and another was the
death of Lord Popham. It consisted of 100 men, and its beginning was auspi-
cious ; but these calamities, together with the death of their president, broke
down their resolutions. So many discouragements, notwithstanding a ship
with supplies had arrived, determined them to abandon the country, which
they did in the spring.* What became of Dehamda and Skettwarroes there is
no mention, but they probably remained in the country with their friends, un-
less the passage which we shall hereafter extract be construed to mean differ-
ently.f

To return to Tisquantum. There is some disagreement in the narratives of
the contemporary writers in respect to this chief, which shows, either that some
of them are in error, or that there were two of the same name one carried
away by Waymouth, and the other by Hunt. From a critical examination of
the accounts, it is believed there was but one, and that he was carried away by
Waymouthj as Sir Ferdinando Gorges relates, whose account we have given
above.! It is impossible that Sir Ferdinando should have been mistaken in
the names of those he received from Waymouth. The names of those carried
off by Hunt are not given, or but few of them, nor were they kidnapped until
nine years after Way mouth? s voyage. It is, therefore, possible that Squantum,
having returned home from the service of Gorges, went again to England with
some other person, or perhaps even with Hunt. But we are inclined to think
there was but one of the name, and his being carried away an error of inad-
vertence,

Patuxeo, afterward called Plimouth, was the place of residence of Squantum,
who, it is said, was the only person that escaped the great plague of which we
shall particularly speak in the life of Massasoit ; where, at the same time, we
shall take up again the life of Squantum, whose history is so intimately con-
nected with it.

It was in 1611 that Captain Edward Harloiu was sent " to discover an lie
supposed about Cape Cod," who " falling with Monahigan, they found onely
Cape Cod no He but the maine ; there [at Monhigon Island] they detained
three Saluages aboord them, called Pechmo, Monopet and Pekenimne, but
Pechmo leapt ouerboard, and got away ; and not long after, with his consorts,
cut their Boat from their sterne, got her on shore, and so filled her with sand
and guarded her with bowes and arrowes, the English lost her."||

This exploit of Pechmo is as truly brave as it was daring. To have got

* They had " seated themselves in a peninsula, which is at the mouth of this river,
[Sagadahock,] where they built a fortress to defend themselves from their enemies,
which they named St. George." America Painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. p. 19.

f See life Massasoit.

J It is plain, from Prince Chron. 134, that his authors had confounded the names of
these Indians one with another.

6 Sir Fred. Gorges is probably wrong in calling him Henry Harley.

\ Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng., ii. 174.

7-2 HUNT'S VOYAGE. [Boon I.

under the stern of a ship, in the face of armed men, and at the same time to
have succeeded in his design of cutting away and carrying off the boat, was
an ;>ct as hold nnd d irinp;, to say the least, as that performed in the harbor of
Tripoli by onr countryirin Decatur.

From Monhiiron Harlow, proceeding southward, fell in with an island
called then by tip- Indians *\*ohono. From this place " th --y tooke > V,-T <;.<? -
that after lie Irid lived many years in England, went a soldier to the w ir-
<>f Bohemia."* Whether he ever returned we are not told. From this
island they proceeded to Capawick, since called Capote, [Martha's Vineyard.]
Here "they tooke Coneconam and Epenow" and "so, with fine Saluages, they
returned for England."

Epenow, or, as some wrote, Epanow, seems to have been much such a
character as Pechmo artful, cunning, bold and daring. Sir Ferdinando Gorges
is evidently erroneous in part of his statement about this native, in as far as it
relates to his having been brought away by Hunt. For Harloitfs vovagre was
in Ml], and Epanow was sent over to Cape Cod with Captain Hobson, in
1614, some months before Hunt left.

As it is peculiarly gratifying to the writer to hear such old venerable writer-
as Smith, Gorges, &c. speak, the reader perhaps would not pardon him wor-;
he to withhold what the intimate acquaintance of the interesting Epanow says
of him. Hear, then, Sir Ferdinando :

" While I was laboring by what means I might best continue life in my
languishing hopes, there comes one Henry Harley\ unto me, bringing with him
a native of the Island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape
Cod, whose name was Epenewe, a person of goodly stature, strong and well
proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, [by force] with some 29 f
others by a ship of London that endeavored to sell them for slaves in Spaine,
nut being understood that they were Americans, and being found to be unipt
for their uses, they would not meddle with them, this being one of them they
refused, wherein they exprest more worth than those that brought them to the
market, who could not but known that our nation was at that time in travel for
setling of Christian colonies upon that continent, it being an act much tending
to our prejudice, when we came into that part of the countries, as it shall
further appear. How Capt. Rarity came to be possessed of this savage, I
know not, but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for
a wonder. It is true, (as I have said) he was a goodly man, of a brave aspect,
stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English as to bid
those that wondered at him, WELCOME, WELCOME ; this being the last and best
use they could make of him, that was now grown out of the people's wonder.
The captain, falling further into his familiarity, found him to be of acquaintance
and friendship with those subject to the Bashaba, whom the captain well knew,
being himself one of the plantation, sent over by the lord chief justice,
[Popham,] and by that means understood much of his language, found out
the place of his birth," &c.

Before proceeding with the history of Epanow, the account of Capt. Thomas
Hunt's voyage should be related; because it is said that it was chiefly owiii_r
r > his perfidy that the Indians of New England were become so hostile to the
voyagers. Nevertheless, it is plain, that (as we have already said) Hunt did
not commit, his depredations until after Epanow had escaped out of the hands
<>i' the English. Capt. John Smith was in company with Hunt, and we will
hear him relate the whole transaction. After stating that they arrived at Mon-
higon in April, Iol4, spent a long time in trying to catch whales without
success; and as "for gold, it was rather the master's device to get a voyage,
t:iat projected it;" that for trifles they got "near 11000 beaver skins, 100

* Capt. Smith's Gen. Hist. N. Eng. ii. 174.

t Perhaps not the Capt. Harlow before mentioned, though Prince thinks Gorges
means him.

j If in this he refers to those taken by Hunt, as I suppose, he sets .the number
higher than others. His grandson, F. Gorges, in America Painted, &c., says 24 was the
number seized by Hunt.

^ Smith had an Indian named Tantum with him in this voyage, whom he set 014
Bii jre at Cape Cod.

CHAP. I.] EPANOW. 73

martin, and as many otters, the most of them within the distance of SO leagues,"
and his own departure for Europe, Capt. Smith proceeds:

" The other ship staid to fit herself for Spain with the dry fish, which was
sold at Malaga at 4 rials the quintal, each hundred weight two quintals and a
half. But one Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, (when I was gone,)
thinking to prevent that intent I had to make there a plantation, thereby to
keep this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer-
chants more might enjoy wholly the benefit of the trade, and profit of this
country, betrayed four and twenty of those poor salvages aboard his ship, and
most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind usage of me and all our men,
carried them with him to Malaga ; and there, for a little private gain, sold these
s.lly salvages for rials of eight; but this vile act kept him ever after from any
more employment to those parts."

F. Gorges, the younger, is rather confused in his account of Hunt's voyage,
c 1 ..-? well as the elder. But the former intimates that it was on account of Hunt's
selling the Indians he took as slaves, the news of which having got into Eng-
land before Epanow was sent out, caused this Indian to make his escape, and
consequently the overthrow of the vogage ; whereas the latter, Sir Ferdinando,
does not attribute it to that. We will now hear him again upon this interest-
ing subject:

" The reasons of my undertaking the employment for the island of Capawick.

" At the time this new savage [Epanow] came unto me, I had recovered
Assacumet, one of the natives I sent with Capt. Chalownes in his unhappy em-
oloyment, with whom I lodged Epenaw, who at the first hardly understood
one the other's speech, till after a while ; I perceived the difference was no
more than that as ours is between the northern and southern people, so that I
was a little eased in the use I made of my old servant, whom I engaged to give
account of what he learned by conference between themselves, and he as
faithfully performed it."

There seems but little doubt that Epanow and Jlssacumet had contrived a
plan of escape before they left England, and also, by finding out what the Eng-
lish most valued, and assuring them that it was in abundance to be had at a
certain place in their own country, prevailed upon them, or by this pretended
discovery were the means of the voyage being undertaken, of which we are
now to speak. Still, as will be seen, Sir Ferdinando does not speak as though
he had been quite so handsomely duped by his cunning man of the woods.
Gold, it has been said, was the valuable commodity to which Epanow was to
pilot the English. Gorges proceeds:

" They [Capt. Hobson and those who accompanied him] set sail in June, in
Anno 1(J14, being fully instructed how to demean themselves in every kind,
carrying with them Epenow, Assacomet, and Wanape,* another native of those
parts sent me out of the Isle of Wight,f for my better information in the parts
of the country of his knowledge: when as it pleased God that they were
arrived upon the coast, they were piloted from place to place, by the natives
themselves, as well as their hearts could desire. And coming to the harbor
where Epenow was to make good his undertaking, [to point out the gold mine,
no doubt,] the principal inhabitants of the place came aboard; some of them
being his brothers, others his near cousins, [or relatives,] who, after they had
communed together, and were kindly entertained by the captain, departed in
their canoes, promising the next morning to come aboard again, and bring
some trade with them. But Epenow privately (as it appeared) had contracted
with his friends, how he might make his escape without performing what he
had undertaken, being in truth no more than he had told me he was to do
though with loss of his life. For otherwise, if it were found that he had dis-

* Doubtless the same called by others Manawet, who, it would seem from Mr. Hub-
bard, (Hist. N. Eng. 39,) died before Epanow escaped, " soon after the ship's arrival."

f- How he came there, we are at a loss to determine, unless natives were carried off,
of whom no mention is made. This was unquestionably the case, for when it came to
be a common thing for vessels to bring home Indians, no mention, of course, would be
made of them, especially if they went voluntarily, as, no doubt, many did.

74 EPANOW. [BooK II

covered the secrets of his country,* he was sure to have his brains knockt out
as soon as he came ashore ; f for that cause I gave the captain strict charge to
endeavor by all means to prevent his escaping from them. And for the more
surety, I gave order to have three gentlemen of my own kindred to be ever at
hand with him ; clothing him with long garments, fitly to be laid hold on, if
occasion should require. Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come
at the time appointed with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with
their bows ready, the captain calls to them to come aboard ; but they not mov-
ing, he speaks to Epenow to come unto him, where he was in the forecastle
of the ship, he being then in the waste of the ship, between the two gentle-
men that had him in guard ; starts suddenly from them, and coming to the cap-
tain, calls to his friends in English to come aboard, in the interim slips himself
overboard : And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet,
being a strong and heavy man, could not be stayed, and was no sooner in the
water, but the natives, [his friends in the boats,] sent such a shower of arrows,
and came withal desperately so near the ship, that they carried him away in
despight of all the musquetteers aboard, who were, for the number, as good as
our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular [voy-
age] made void and frustrate."

From the whole of this narration it is evident that Epanow was forcibly
retained, if not forcibly carried off, by English. And some relate \ that he
attacked Capt Dermer and his men, supposing they had come to seize and
carry him back to England. It is more probable, we think, that he meant
to be revenged for his late captivity, and, according to real Indian custom,
resolved that the first whites should atone for it, either with their life or liberty.
Gorges does not tell us what his brave " musquetteers " did when Epanoto
escaped, but from other sources we learn that they fired upon his liberators,
killing and wounding some, but how many, they could only conjecture. But
there is no room for conjecture about the damage sustained on the part of the
ship's crew, for it is distinctly stated that when they received the " shower of
arrows," Capt. Hobson and many of his men were wounded.^ And Smith ||
says, " So well he had contrived his businesse, as many reported he intended
to have surprised the ship ; but seeing it could not be effected to his liking,
before them all he leaped ouer boord."

We next meet with Epanow in 1619. Capt. Thomas Dormer, or Dermer, in
the employ of Sir F. Gorges, met with him at Capoge, the place where,
five years before, he made his escape from Capt. Hobson. Gorges writes,
" This savage, speaking some English, laughed at his owne escape, and re-
ported the story of it. Mr. Dormer told him he came from me, and was one of
rny servants, and that I was much grieved he had been so ill used as to be
forced to steal away. This savage was so cunning, that, after he had ques-
tioned him about me, and all he knew belonged unto me, conceived he was
come on purpose to betray him ; and [so] conspired with some of his fellows
to take the captain ; thereupon they laid hands upon him. But he being a
brave, stout gentleman, drew his sword and freed himself, but not without 14
wounds. This disaster forced him to make all possible haste to Virginia to be
cured of his wounds. At the second return [he having just come from there]
he had the misfortune to fall sick and die, of the infirmity many of our nation
are subject unto at their first coming into those parts."

The ship's crew being at the same time on shore, a fight ensued, in which
some of Epanoivs company were slain. " This is the last time," says a writer
in the Historical Collections, " that the soil of Martha's Vineyard was stained
with human blood ; for from that day to the present [1807] no Indian has been
killed by a white man, nor white man by an Indian."

Ir. relation to the fight which Dermer and his men had with the Indians at
the Vineyard, Morton ^ relates that the English went on shore to trade with
them, when they were assaulted and all the men slain but one that kept the

* The secrets of the sandy island Capoge, or the neighboring shores of Cape Cod,
whatever they are now, existed only in faith of such sanguine minds as Sir Ferdinando
and his adherents.

f We need no better display of the craft of Epanow, or proof of his cunning in deep
plots. t Belknap, Amer. Biog. i. 362. Smith's N. England, ii. 178.

|| Ibid. fl N. Eng. Memorial, 58, 59.

CHAP. 11.1 FIRST SETTLEMENT AT PLIMOUTH. 75

boat " But the [captain] himself got on board very sore wounded, and they
had cut off his head upon the cuddy of the boat, had not his man rescued him
with a sword, and so they got him away." Squanto was with Capt. Dermer at
this time, as will be seen in the life of Massasoil.

CHAPTER II.

Arrival and first Proceedings of the English who settle at Plimouth Their first
discovery of Indians Their first battle icith them Samoset Squanto MASSA-
SOIT lyanough Aspinet Cauneconam CAUNBITANT WITTUWAMET PEK-
SUOT HOBOMOK Tukamo hamon Obbatineicat NANEPASHAMET Squaw- Sa-
chem, of Massachusetts Wcbcowet.

IN 1620 some determined white people, with the most astonishing and in-
vincible firmness, undertook to wander 3000 miles from the land of their birth,
and, in the most hazardous manner, to take up a permanent abode upon the
borders of a boundless wilderness, a wilderness as great, or far greater, for
aught they knew, than the expanse of ocean which they were to pass. But
all dangers and difficulties, there to be encountered, weighed nothing in com-
parison with the liberty of conscience which they might enjoy when once
beyond the control of their bigoted persecutors.

These singular people had liberty from their oppressor, James I., to go and
settle in this wilderness, and to possess themselves of some of the lands of
the Indians, provided they paid him or some of his friends for them. No one
seems then to have questioned how this king came by the right and title to
lands here, any more than how he came by his crown. They were less scru-
pulous, perhaps, in this matter, as the king told them, in a charter * which he
granted them, though not till after they had sailed for America, "THAT HE HAD

BEEN GIVEN CERTAINLY TO KNOWE, THAT WITHIN THESE LATE YEARES
THERE HATH, BY GOD's VISITATION, RAIGNED A WONDERFUL PLAGUE, TO-
GETHER WITH MANY HORRIBLE SLAUGHTERS AND MURTHERS, COMMITTED
AMOUNGST THE SAUAGES AND BRUTISH PEOPLE THERE HEERTOFORE INHABIT-
ING, IN A MANNER TO THE UTTER DESTRUCTION, DEVASTACION AND DEPOI 1
ULACION OF THAT WHOLE TERRITORYE, SO THAT THERE IS NOT LEFT, FOR
MANY LEAGUES TOGETHER IN A MANNER, ANY THAT DOE CLAIME OR CHAL-

LENGE ANY KIND OF INTERESTS THEREIN." f This was, doubtless, as wel
known, if not better, to the Pilgrims (as they were aptly called) as to King James

After numerous delays and disappointments, the Pilgrims, to the number ot
41, with their wives, J children, and servants, sailed from Plimouth, in England,
in one small ship, called the Mayflower, on Wednesday, the 6th of September.
Their passage was attended with great peril ; but they safely arrived at Cape
Cod, 9 Nov. following, without the loss of any of their number. They now
proceeded to make the necessary discoveries to seat themselves on the barren
coast. One of the first things they found necessary to do, to preserve ordef
among themselves, was, to form a kind of constitution, or general outline of
government. Having done this, it was signed by the 41, two days after their
arrival, viz. 11 Nov. The same day, 15 or 16 of their number, covered with
armor, proceeded to the land, and commenced discoveries. The Indians did
not show themselves to the English until the 15th, and then they would have
nothing to say to them. About 5 or 6 at first only appeared, who fled into the
woods as soon as they had discovered themselves. The Englishmen followed
them many miles, but could not overtake them.

First Battle with the Indians. This was upon 8 Dec. 1620, and we will give
the account of it in the language of one that was an actor in it. " We went
ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out

* This charter bears date 3 Nov. 1620. Chalmers, Polit. Annals, 81.
f Hazard's Hist. Collections, I, 105, where the entire charter may be seen. It was
afterwards called THE GRAND PLIMOUTH PATENT. Chalmers, ib.
J There were, in all, 28 females.

76 FIRST BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS. SAMOSET. [BooK II.

of the woods that we might come to our shallop. B^ that time we had done,
and our shallop come to us, it was within night [7 Dec.], and we betook us to
our rest, after we had set our watch.

" About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinoll called
. Irm, arm. So we bestirred ourselues, and shot off a couple of .Muskets, and
[the] noyse ceased. We concluded that it was a company of Wolues ami Foxes,
for one [of our company] told vs he had heard such a noyse in \ew-foun /-html.
About tine a clocke in the morning [8 Dec.] wee began to be stirring. Vpou a
sudden we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same
voyces, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroid.
aiue running in and cryed, They are men, Indians, Indians; and with ill their
arrowes came flying amongst vs. Our men ran out with all speed to recover
their armes. The cry of our enemies was dreadfull, especially when our m-n
ran out to recover their Armes. Their note was after this manner, Woalk,
ii'Odch, ha ha hack woach. Our men were no sooner come to their Armes, but
the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit
lesse valiant, who was thought to bee their Captain, stood behind a tree, within
half a musket shot of vs, and there let his arrawes fly at vs. Hee stood three
shots of a musket. At length one of vs, as he said, taking full ayme at him,
he gave an extraordinary cry, and away they went all."

It is not certain that any blood was shed in this battle ; but it was pretty
strongly presumed that the big captain of the Indians was wounded. The
Indians having retreated, the conquerors were left in possession of the battle-
ground, and they proceeded to gather together the trophies of this their first
victory. They picked up 18 arrows, which they sent to their friends in Eng-
land by the return of the Mayflower. Some of these were curiously " headed
with brasse, some with Harts' home, and others with Eagles' clawes." *

It appeared afterwards that this attack was made by the Nauset Indians,
whose chief's name was Jlspinet. Whether he was the leader in this fight, is not
known ; but he probably was. The place where the affair happened was called
by the Indians Namskeket; but the English now called it The First Encounter.

The ELEVENTH OF DECEMBER, ever memorable in the history of
New England, was now come, and this was the day of the LANDING OF
THE PILGRIMS. A place upon the inhospitable shore had been fixed upon,
and was this day taken possession of, and never again deserted. The ship
until then had been their permanent abode, which now they gladly exchanged
for the sandy shore of the bay of Cape Cod.

Welcome, Englishmen ! Welcome, Englishmen ! are words so inseparably
associated with the name of Samoset, that we can never hear the one without
the pleasing recollection of the other. These were the first accents our pil-
grim fathers heard, on the American strand, from any native. We mean intel-
ligible accents, for when they were attacked at Namskeket, on their first
arrival, they heard only the frightful war-whoop.

The first time Indians were seen by the pilgrims, was upon loth Nov. 1620.
" They espied fiue or sixe people, with a Dogge, coming towards them who were
Savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the Wood, and whistled the Dogge
after them."f And though the English ran towards them, when the Indians
perceived it " they ran away might and main," and the English "could not
come near them." Soon after this, Morton says the Indians " got all the
powaws in the country, who, for three days together, in a horid and devilish
manner did curse and execrate them with their conjurations, which assembly

* Mowt's Relation, in 1 Mass. Hist. Col. VIII, 218, 219 ; or, original ed. p. 19 & 20.

t Relation or Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, in N. E. usually cited
Mourt's Relation. It was, no doubt, written by several of the company, or the writer
was assisted by several. Mourt seems to have been the publisher. He appears not to
have written any part of it but the " To the Reader," and I am inclined to believe that
this G. Mourt, being zealous in the cause of the Pilgrims, may have published the work
at his own expense. He published, at least, one other kindred work. I have no scru-
ple but that Richard Gardner was the principal author. About the early settlement of
any country, there never was a more important document. It was printed in 1622, and
is now reprinted in the Mass. Hist. Col., and we hope soon to see it printed in a volume
by itself in a style worthy of its importance. As it stands in the Hist. Collections, it
is very difficult to consult, a part of it being contained in one volume, and the remain'
der in another.

CHAP. 11.] THE PLAGUE. NEW INTERVIEW 77

and service they held in a dark and dismal swamp. Behold how Satan labor-
ed to hinder the gospel from coming into New England ! "

It was on Friday, 16th March, 1621, that Samoset suddenly appeared at
Plimouth, and, says Mauri, "He very boldly came all alone, and along the
houses, strait to the rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not suffering him
lo go in, as undoubtedly he would, out of his boldness." He was naked, "only
a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long." The weather was
very cold, and this author adds, " We cast a horseman's coat about him." To
reward them for their hospitality, Samoset gave them whatever information
they desired. " He had, say they, learned some broken English amongst the
Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of
the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come [there]. He was a
man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of seemly car-
riage. We questioned him of many things : he was the first savage we could
meet withal. He said he was not of those parts, but of Moratiggon, and one
of the sagamores or lords thereof: had been 8 months in these parts, it lyin
hence [to the eastward] a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land.
He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sag-
arnores, and their number of men, and strength." " He had a bow and two
arrows, the one headed, and the other unbended. He was a tall, strait man ;
the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before ; none on his face at
all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and
butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of a mallard ; all which he liked
well." " He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that
about 4 years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there
is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none :
so as there is none to hinder our possession, or lay claim unto it. All the
afternoon we spent in communication with him. We would gladly been rid
of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night. Then we thought to
carry him on ship-board, wherewith he was well content, and went into the
shallop ; but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back.
We lodged [with him] that night at Stephen Hopkins 1 house, and watched
him."

Thus, through the means of this innocent Indian, was a correspondence
happily begun. He left Plimouth the next morning to return to Massasoit.
who, he said, was a sachem having under him 60 men. The English having
left some tools exposed in the woods, on finding that they were missing, rightly
judged the Indians had taken them. They complained of this to Samoset hi
rather a threatening air. " We willed him (say they) that they should be
brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves." When he left them " he
promised within a night or two to come again," and bring some of Massasoifi
men to trade with them in beaver skins. As good as his word, Sam,oset came
the next Sunday, "and brought with him 5 other tall, proper men. They had
every man a deer's skin on him ; and the principal of them had a wild catV
skin, or such like, on one arm. They had most of them long hosen up to theii
groins, close made ; and aboue their groins, to their waist, another leather
they were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like 0111
English gipsies; no hair, or very little, on their faces; on their heads long hail
to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather
broadwise like a fan ; another a fox-tail hanging out." The English had
charged Samoset not to let any who came with him bring their arms ; these
therefore, left "their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town.
We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eal
liberally of our English victuals," and appeared very friendly ; " sang and
danced after their manner, like anticks." "Some of them had their face?
painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad : others
after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins, but we
would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and
we would truck for all ; which they promised within a night or two, and
would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should ; and
they brought all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our
absence. So, because of the day [Sunday], we dismissed them so soon as WP
7 *

78 CAPT. HUNT. IYANOUGH OF CUMMAUUID. [BOOK II

could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himsell
so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning.
Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to
their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and
a piece of cloth to tie about his waist."

Samosd returned again, the next day, bringing with him Squanto, mentioned
in the last chapter, lie was "the only native (says MOD RT'S RELATION) of
Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of the 20 [or 24] captives, thai
by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill
with master John Slaine, a merchant, and could speak a little English, with
three others." They brought a few articles for trade, but the more important
news "that their great sagamore, MASSASOYT, was hard by," whose introduc-
tion to them accordingly followed.

In June, 1(521, a boy, John Bittington, having been lost in the woods, several
English, with Squanto and Tokamahamon, undertook a voyage to Nauset in
search for him. Squanto was their interpreter; "the other, Tokamahamon, a
special friend." The weather was fair when they set out, " but ere they had
been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning
and thunder, insomuch that a [water] spout arose not far from them." How-
ever, they escaped danger, and arrived at night at Cunimaquid. Here they
met with some Indians, who informed them that the boy was at Nauset.
These Indians treated them with great kindness, inviting them on shore to eat
with them.

lyanough was sachem of this place, and these were his men. " They brought
us to their sachim (says Mourt) or governor, whom they call lyanough" who
then appeared about 26 years of age, " but very personable, gentle, courteous,
and fair-conditioned, indeed, not like a savage, save for his attire. His enter-
tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various."
Thus is portrayed the amiable character, lyanough, by those who knew him.
We can add but little of him except his wretched fate. The severity executed
upon Wittuwamet and Peksuot caused such consternation and dread of the
English among many, that they forsook their wonted habitations, fled into
swamps, and lived in unhealthy places, in a state of starvation, until many died
with diseases which they had thus contracted. Among such victims were
lyanough, *4 spinet, Coneconam, and many more. Hence the English supposed
they were in PeksuoCs conspiracy, as will be more particularly related here-
after.

While the English were with lyanough, at Cummaquid, they relate that
there was an old woman, whom they judged to be no less than 100 years old,
who came to see them, because she had never seen English; "yet (say they)
[she] could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping
and crying excessively." They inquired the reason of it, and were told that
she had three sons, " who, when master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard
nis ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain." Squanto
being present, who was carried away at the same time, was acquainted with
the circumstances, and thus the English became knowing to her distress, and
told her they were sorry, that Hunt was a bad man, but that all the other Eng-
lish were well disposed, and would never injure her. They then gave her a
few trinkets, which considerably appeased her.

Our voyagers now proceed to Nauset, accompanied by lyanough and two
of his men. ^spinet was the sachem of this place, to whom Squanto was sent,
lyanough and his men having gone before. Squanto having informed ^spinet
that his English friends had come for the boy, he "came (they relate) with a
great train, and brought the boy with him," one carrying him through the
water. This being at or near the place where an attack was made on the
English, on their first arrival in the country, as has been related, caused them
to be on their guard at this time.

At this time, ^spinet had in his company "not less than an hundred;" half
of whom attended the boy to the boat, and the rest "stood aloof," with their
bows and arrows, looking on. Aspinet delivered up the boy in a formal man-
ner, "behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife on
him, and likewise on another, that first entertained the boy, and brought him
thither."

CHAP. II.] IYANOUGH. ASPINET. DEATH OF SQUANTO. 79

lyanough did not accompany the expedition in their return from Nauset, but
went home by land, and was ready to entertain the company on their return.
From contrary winds and a want of fresh water, the voyagers were obliged to
touch again at Cummaquid. " There (say they) we met again with lyanough,
and the most of his town." " He, being still willing to gratify us, took a rund-
et, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none
good, yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the meant line
the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop ;* the
men also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough himself talcing a
bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it about one of us."

They were not able to get out of the harbor of Cummaquid from baffling
winds and tides, which lyanough seeing, the next morning he ran along the
shore after them, and they took him into then" shallop, and returned with him
to his town, where he entertained them in a manner not inferior to what he had
done before. They now succeeded in getting water, and shortly after returned
home in safety.

While at Nauset, the English heard that Massasoit had been attacked and
carried off by the Narragansets, which led to the expedition of Standish and
Allerton against Caunbitant, as will be found related in his life.

About this time, six sachems of the neighboring country had then- fidelity
tested, by being called upon to sign a treaty subjecting themselves to King
James, as will be found, also, in that life. But to return again to Jlspinet, and
other sachems of Cape Cod.

By the improvidence of a company settled at Wessaguscus, under the direc-
tion of Mr. Thomas Weston, in 1622, they had been brought to the very brink
of starvation in the whiter of that year. In fact, the Plimouth people were but
very little better off; and but for the kindness of the Indians, the worst of
consequences might have ensued to both these infant colonies.

As the winter progressed, the two colonies entered into articles of agreement
to go on a trading voyage among the Indians of Cape Cod to buy corn, and
whatever else might conduce to their livelihood. Squanto was pilot in this
expedition ; but he died before it was accomplished, and the record of his
death stands thus in WINSLOW'S RELATION :

"But here [at Manamoyk, since Chatham], though they had determined to
make a second essay [to pass within the shoals of Cape Cod] ; yet God had
otherwise disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he
there died, which crossed their southward trading, and the more, because the
master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and
not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them." His disorder,
according to Prince, was a fever, "bleeding much at the nose, which the
Indians reckon a fatal symptom." He desired the governor would pray for
him, that he might go to the Englishmen's God, "bequeathing his things to
sundry of his English friends, as remembrances of his love ; of whom we
have a great loss."

Thus died the famous Squanto, or Tasquantum, in December, 1622. To
him the pilgrims were greatly indebted, although he often, through extreme
folly and shortsightedness, gave them, as well as himself and others, a great
deal of trouble, as in the life of Massasoit and Hobomok will appear.

Thus, at the commencement of the voyage, the pilot was taken away by
death, and the expedition came near being abandoned. However, before
Squanto died, he succeeded in introducing his friends to the sachem of Mana-
moick and his people, where they were received and entertained in a manner
that would do honor to any people in any age. It is the more worthy of
remark, as none of the English had ever been there before, and were utter
strangers to them. After they had refreshed them "with store of venison and
other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance," they sold then/
" 8 hogsheads of corn and beans, though the people were but few"

From Manamoick they proceeded to Massachusetts, but could do nothing

* It was a custom with most Indian nations to dance when strangers came among them.
Baron Lahontan says it was the manner of the Iroqnois to dance " lorsque les Strangers
varment dans lenr pals, ou qn<> leurs eiinenris enroient des jtmbassadeurs pour faire des propo-
tit~ ts de paix.' Memcires de L'Amenque, ii. 110.

80 SQUAMTO. [BOOK 11

there, as Mr. Jl'eston's men had ruined the market by giving "as nrieli for i\
{uan of corn, as we used to do for a heaver's skin." Therefore they n turned
:igain to Cape Cod, to Nanset, " when; tlie sacheni .^spimt used the governor
very kindly, and \\here they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and IK .-us: also
it a place called MoUachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and corn
also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace,
that they could not. get their corn on board the ship: so they made a stack of it,
and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. *']s/nn<t
was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they
could send for it ; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this
lie faithfully did, and the governor returiii'd home by land, "receiving great
kindness from the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sick-
ness among the Massachusetts Indians, "not unlike the plague, if not the
same ;" but no particulars of it are recorded.

Some time after, Strtndish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual,
gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of AspineCs men happening
10 come to one of Blandish? s boats, which being left entirely without guard, he
took out a tew trinkets, such as "beads, scissors, and other trifles," which when
the English captain found out, "he took certain of his company with him, and
went to the sachem, telling him what bad happened, and requiring the same
again, or the party that stole them," "or else he would revenge it on them b/.forc
his departure" and so departed for the night, "refusing whatsoever kindness they
offered" However, tbe next morning, Jlspinet, attended by many of his men,
went to the English, "in a stately manner," and restored all the "trifles;" for
the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension
as the man tor taking them.

Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet,
inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it
in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not
elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as
we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob-
scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its
duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly
abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they
died so fast "that the living were not able to burv the dead." When the Eng-

"~U O

lish arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many
places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had
destroyed " multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen
people of God."

" Some had expired in fight, the brands
Still rusted in their bony hands,

In plague and famine some.' 7 CAMPBELL.

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some
stiange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or
phenomenon ; hence the appearance of a comet, hi 1618, was considered by
some the precursor of this pestilence.*

\Ve will give here, from a curious work, f in the language of the author, an
interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the
people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of
a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Mas-
sasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus : "But contrary wise,
[the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them,"
when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their "wickedness," telling
rhem God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell
.heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as
they lay in their houses, and the living, that were- able to shift for themselves,
would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground

* The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, " as therein no less than four
were observed." /. Mather's Discourse concerning; Comets, 108. Boston, 12mo. 1G83.
There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rushwortli's Hist.
Col. of that year.

t Mew English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1-637.

CHAP. II.] SQUANTO. MASSASOIT. 81

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but
one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; the living being (as it seems) not
able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray
upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations,
made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed
in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha."

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast
of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he
sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under
one Vines,\ to remain and trade in the country. These were his own .servants,
and he ordered "them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow then-
business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to
seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over,
I come to be truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I
should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay
there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the
\\AY\ had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with
such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore
afflicted with the plague ; for that the country was in a manner left void of
inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Fines, and the rest with him that lay in the
cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be
God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed
there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most impor-
tant facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particulars
I mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or
continuance of this plague among the Indians ; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the
above, " and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private
profit," &c.

In Capt. Smith's account of New England, published in 1631, he has a
passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from
Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that
they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them,
their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about
it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this,
he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about,
had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the
king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried
off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed
by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom
they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the disease was
the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore
begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars.

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters hi Indian
history.

MASSASOIT, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket
or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bris-
tol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace than war, and
\vas, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed
repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties.

This chief's name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Jlsuh-
mequin, Oosamerjuen, Osamekin, Owsamequin,Owsamequine,Ussamequen, Wasam-
t^in, &c. ; but the name by which he is generally known in histoiy, is that with
which we commence his life. Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name,

* Mr. Morton first came over in 1G22. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble
and losses from those of a different religion, he was banished out of the country, and had his
property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be pretended
'hat Morton h<td no religion, we say, " Judge not." He professed to have.

t Mr. Richard Vines. America painted to tlte Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659.

| A great war among the Indians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but
:he particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and
Iribes to the west of Pascataqua.

Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not
to be heeded. If any man knew, we mav be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did.

82 MASSASOIT. [BOOK 11

"the printed accounts generally spell liiin J\fa,<tsasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes
him jl/c/,<?.<w.9o)//, and .M<issus<>i/<t hut I find the ancient people, from tlicir
fathers in Plimonth colony, pronounced his name .Wn-fHts-so-il." Still we find
no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been so
long established ; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, ho
knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary.

It has often heen thought strange, that so mild a sachem as .M/.s-.sv/W/ should
have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has heen increased when
we consider, that Indian possessions are irenerally ohtained hy prowess and
great personal courage. We know of none who could hoast of such e.\tensi\e
dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and
children. Poicluitan, Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we
could name, have swayed many trihes, hut theirs was a temporary union, in an
run rirency of war. That Massasoit should he ahle to hold so many trihes
together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That
he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Jlnnawon is so
direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of
what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations
of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's father."

The limits of his country towards the Nipmuks, or inland Indians, are not
precise, but upon the east and west we are sure. It is evident, however, from
the following extract, that, in 1047, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about
their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another
to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances impelled. "The Nopnat
(Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty ;
part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem,
and parte to the Mohegens." * And certainly, in 1660, those of Quabaog
belonged to Massasoit or Wassamegin^ as he was then called (if he be the
same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncos. He
owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between
Narraganset and Massachusetts bays ; extending inland between Pawtucket
and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before,
together with all the contiguous islands. It. was filled with many tribes or
nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle
all their difficulties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the
Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more,
probable, for in Philip* s war there was a constant intercourse between them,
and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the
country of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narra-
gansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the
Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with the heads of some
of the Ehiglish, to show that they had joined hi the war, he was at first fired
upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, he was
received with them.

Mctssasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope,
or Pokanoket. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from
what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope
corrupted from the Indian words Mon-topJ but with what reason we are not
informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, be-
fore proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a
description of it. It appears to the best advantage from the village of Fall
River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four
miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state-
He learned from the Indian themselves, "that the Massachusetts were called so from the Bin--
Hills." In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, the definition of Mass*-
chusett is, ' cm hill in the form of an arrow's head."

* Records of the U. Col. in Hazard, ii. ( J L 2.

t Alden's Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 68.5. President Stiles, in his notes to the second
edition of CHURCH'S HIST. PHILIP'S WAR, p. 1, spells it Mont-haup ; but it is not so in ihr
text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Man-top is derived
from Indian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of tbtt twc
English words commonly used in naming it.

the

CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 83

house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles
distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.* It is
very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular
To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add
materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a
principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house.
This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in
the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, Winslow
and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such addition, as an
immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike
appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, completes
the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and,
indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful.

This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanokei,
which signified in their language the tvood or land on the other side of the water,
and to the Wampanoags by the name Soivwams. And it is worthy remark here
that Kiiequenaku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands.
Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine, trees. There was a
place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where he spent some part
of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near
Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others.

Sir Francis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot
upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years after
he had taken possession, and named the same country New England or New
Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing,
that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so
stands upon the pages of history. But it is very clear that Sir Francis is justly
entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no fur-
ther than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt. Smith named the
country New England. We will now hear Smith f on this matter. " New
England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to Noua Jllbion. in
the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his
voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England."

Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New Eng-
land, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is
the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to
stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith neither takes to him-
self the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor
does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying him,
have done.

The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Jlmericus, would not permit
or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor
due to him in his day ; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name
New England in 1614.

It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed.
He was visited by the " king of the country," who submitted his territories to
him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual
trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became
greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the "king
of the country " here mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of
knowing, as our accounts do not give any name ; but it was upon his domin-
ions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper
to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unaccepta-
ble to our readers.J

* Yamoyden, 259.

f See his " Description of N. England," and the error may henceforth be dispensed with.

} The first authority which we found for these interesting' facts, (interesting to every son of
New England,) is a work entitled "Naval Biography/' &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. Svo.
London, 1805, and is in these words : " The first attempt towards a regular colonization of
N. England, occurs in the year 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Amer-
ican continent was first distinguished by the captains Barlow and Amidas ; that Sir Francis
Drake, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Eng-
lishman who landed in these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kings submitted his territory j

84 M \SS.\SOIT. [BOOK II.

Smith landed in many places upon the shores of JWassasoit's dominions, one
Of which places he named PlimOUtky Vfhich happened to lie the same \\Lich
now hears that name.

Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to the shores
of IWassasuit, alter Sir Francis Dntlif. Hisvo\age was in Kitrj, and he was
the !ii>i who came in a direct course from Old to .New England, lie landed
in the same place where Sir Francis did Hi years hefore. The route had hith-
erto heen hy the Canaries and West India islands, and a voyage to and from
New lOngland took up nearly a year.

\Ve can know nothing of the early times of Massasoil. Our next visitor to
his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dcnncr. This \\as
in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon ; thence, in that month, for Virginia,
in an open pinnace; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore, lie
found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people ;
and larther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then
prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead.
I'rom thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to \a-
masket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit
Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoifs
people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before.

But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own
manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchas, the compiler of the
Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619.

"When I arrived at my savage's [Squanto's] native country, (finding all
dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called Nummasfaquyt,
where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey farther
west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two
kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with
that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave
me content in whatsoever I demanded ; where I found that former relations
were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Massta-

and that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N.
England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately
procured a charter," &c. Vol. I. p. 337, 338. If we could know from whence the above was
taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps,
settle the question. Oldmixon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially
related. Mr. Bancroft, in his I. Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmixon, through
carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586,
because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 40 days
from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England.
See "The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake" &,c., small 12mo., London,
(without date), page 133. See also Slit/i's Virginia, p. 16.

What is said in Blame's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words
ere, " The year following (1585), Sir Richard Greenvile conveyed an English colony thither
[this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the
government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till the
next year (1586), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drake,
into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blome's work was
printed in 1687, and may have been Oldmixon's authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV.,
p. 291, it is said. " Sir Francis Drake, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a
very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country was so much forgotten in 1602,
thrit Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Forster's
error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1585, is surprising; but it is still more surpri>-
ing that any one. pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspach,
Newfoundland, 74. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's
expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen ; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen
FJhaheth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval fopce, to dispossess any Portuguese, or others.
tlmt he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of
which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese
przes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast up
into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there
were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens 5 and hence inattentive
writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distin-
guished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same
family. The expedition of Sir Bernard was the year before that of Sir Francis, and hence
arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt.
George Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593 5 but whether any of there
landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown.

CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 85

chusit, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the north-east of Cape
Cod."

We have mentioned his interview with Massasoit, whom we suppose waa
one of the kings mentioned hi the letter, and Quadequina was no doubt the
other.

In another letter, Mr. Derme.r says the Indians would have killed him at
Namasket, had not Squanto entreated hard for him. " Their desire of revenge
(he adds) was occasioned by an Englishman, who, having many of them on
board, made great slaughter of them with their murderers and small shot, when
(as they say) they offered no injury on their parts."

Mr. Thomas Morton,* the author who made himself so merry at the expense
of the Pilgrims of Plimouth, has the following passage concerning these
Frenchmen : " It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to
inhabit at new Plimmouth in New England, that, upon some distast given in
the Massachussets Bay, by Frenchmen, then trading there with the natives for
beaver, they set upon the men, at such advantage, that they killed manie of
them, burned their shipp, then riding at anchor by an island there, now called
Peddock's Island, in memory of Leonard Peddock that landed there, (where
many wilde anckiesf haunted that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) dis-
tributing them unto five sachems which were lords of the severall territories
adjoyning, they did keep them so long as they lived, only to sport themselves
at them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is
the generall worke they require of a servant. One of these five men outliving
the rest, had learned so much of their language, as to rebuke them for their
bloudy deede : saying that God would be angry with them for it ; and that he
would hi his displeasure destroy them ; but the salvages (it seems, boasting
of their strength) replyed, and said, that they were so many that God could not
kill them." This seems to be the same story, only differently told from that
related above from Smith.

Dec. 11, O. S.,| 1620, the pilgrims had arrived at Plimouth, and possessed
themselves of a portion of Massasoifs country. With the nature of their
proceedings, he was at first unacquainted, and sent occasionally some of his
men to observe their strange motions. Very few of these Indians, however,
were seen by the pilgrims. At length he sent one of his men, who had been
some time with the English fishing vessels about the countiy of the Kenne-
beck, and had learned a little of their language, to observe more strictly what
was progressing among the strangers at his place of Patuxet, which these
intruders now called Plimouth. This was in March, 1621.

* In his " New Canaan." 22, 23.

t Modern naturalists do not seem to have been acquainted with this animal !

I The length of a year was fixed by Julius Ccesar at 365 days and 6 hours, or 365^ days.
This 5 of a day being omitted for 4 years amounted to a whole day, and was then added to
the 365 in the month of February, which 4th year was called leap year, because it leaped
forward one day. But by this supputation it was perceived that the year was too long, and
consequently the seasons were getting out of place. Pope Gregory found, in 1582, that the
vernal equinox, which at the time of the Nicene council, A. D. 325, fell on 21 March, fell now
10 days beyond it ; therefore he ordered 10 days to be struck out of October, 1582 ; and to
prevent the recurrence of the difficulty in future, decreed that 3 days should be abated in every
400 years, by restoring leap years to common years at the end of 3 successive centuries, and
making leap year again at the close of every 4th century. Thus 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, &c.
though divisible by 4, are common years, but 2000, 2400, 2800, &c. are leap years. This
method of keeping the year is called NEW STYLE, and that before the reformation by
Gregory, OLD STYLE. Even this correction does not set the year exactly right ; but the error
is so small that it amounts to scarce a day and a half in 5000 years, and we need not
trouble ourselves about a nearer approximation.

Because this correction had a Catholic or Popish origin, Protestants would not for a long-
time adopt it. At length, in the year 1751, the English Parliament enacted, that the 3d of
Sept. of that year should be called the 14th, thereby striking out 11 days, which their calendar
at that late period required, to reduce it to the Gregorian. And hence the reason of our
calling the 11 Dec. O. S., the 22 N S. The reason also of our adding 11 days instead of 10
is obvious, because, in adopting the Catholic method 170 years after it had been introduced
by Gregory, another day was gained, and therefore 10-j-l=ll.

86 MASSASOIT. [UDOK II

We have, in speakinir of Sinnotift and ,S'<//w/i/r>, observed that it was through

tin- agency of the former that a knowledge was gained liytln- pilgrims of.l///.f-

S'lxoit. li \\as upon '2'2 .March, Ki'21, that they brought ihr \\elcome news to
Plimonth, that lli ir chid' \\as near at hand;' "and they brought with them

(saj tin- Pilgrims) some few skins to truck, and .-omered herrings, newlj taken
and dried, luit not salted ; and signified unto us, that tin ir great sagamore,
.Uav.s'./.s-o//, \\as hard hy, with Quadequina, his brother. They could not well
express in English what they would ; but alter an hour the kin<: came to tb
top oi' an hill [supposed to be that now called //W/.vo/i'.s 1 , on the south side of
Town-brook] over against us, and bad iu bis train (>0 men, that \\e could
well behold thorn, and they us. We were not willing to send our go\rrnor
to them, and they unwilling to come to us: so Si/uunto went again unto him.
who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did,
which was Edward H"inslow^ to know his mind, and to signify the mind and
will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. \\ e
sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain, with a jewel in it. To
Qwtilequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and
v\ithal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter,
which were all willingly accepted."

The Englishman then made a speech to him about his king's love and good-
ness to him and his people, and that he accepted of him as his friend and ally
" lie liked well of the speech, (say the English,) and heard it attentively, though
the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself,
and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and
armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it; but, on the
other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the
end he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the
brook, and some 20 men following him. We kept six or seven as hostages for

our messenger."

As Massasoit proceeded to meet the English, they met him with six soldiers,
who saluted each other. Several of his men were with him, but all left their
bows and arrows behind. They were conducted to a new house which was
partly finished, and a green rug was spread upon the floor, and several cush-
ions for Massasoit and his chiefs to sit down upon. Then came the English
governor, followed by a drummer and trumpeter and a few soldiers, and after
kissing one another, all sat down. Some strong water being brought, the
governor drank to Massasoit, who in his turn "drank a great draught, that
made him sweat all the while after."

They now proceeded to make a treaty, which stipulated, that neither Massa-
soit nor any of his people should do hurt to the English, and that if they
did they should be given up to be punished by them ; and that if the English
did any harm to him or any of his people, they (the English) would do the like
to them. That if any did unjustly war against him, the English were to aid
him, and he was to do the same in his turn, and by so doing King James would
esteem him his friend and ally.

"All which (they say) the king seemed to like well, and it was applauded
of his followers." And they add, "All the while he sat by the governor, he
trembled for fear."

At this time he is described as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able
body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing
differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone
beads about his neck; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco,
which he drank, and gave us to drink.f His face was painted with a sad red

* Mo//rt's narrative is here continued from the last extract in p. 10, without any omission.

1 1 presume lhat hy " drinking tobacco," smoking is meant. Tho pilgrims were probably
not acquainted with the practice of smoking at all, and hence this sort of misnomer is not
strange, though it may be thought a little odd. How long smokhig went by the name oi
drinking at Plimouth I do not learn ; but in 1645 this entry is found in the Plimoutb records:
" Anthony Thaclter and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order con-
cerning disorderly drinking of Tobacco."

Rcger Williams says, in his Key, " Generally all the men throughout the country have a
tobacco-bag, with a pipe in it, hanging at their back."

Dr. Tliachersays, that an aged man in Plimouth, who was a greai smoker, used to terra

CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 87

like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All ins
followers likewise were, in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black,
some red, some yellow, and some white ; some with crosses and other antic
works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in ap-
pearance. The king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife.
He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it a?
well as they could. Samoset and Squanto stayed all night with us." Massasoit
retired into the woods, about half a mile from the English, and there encamped
at night with his men, women and children. Thus ended March 22d, 1621.

During his first visit to the English, he expressed great signs of fear, and
during the treaty could not refrain from trembling.* Thus it is easy to see
how much hand he had in making it, but would that there had never been worse
ones made.

It was agreed that some of his people should come and plant near by, in a
few days, and live there all summer. "That night we kept good watch, but
there was no appearance of danger. The next morning divers of their people
came over to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. Some of them
told us the king would have some of us come to see him. Capt. Standish and
Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their man-
ner. He gave them three or four ground nuts and some tobacco. We cannot
yet conceive, (they continue,) but that he is willing to have peace with us ; for
they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work
and fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily havf
done ; and especially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narrohigansets. 1
that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to
him ; for our pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 10
or 11 of the clock ; and our governor bid them send the king's kettle, and filled
it with peas, which pleased them well ; and so they went their way." Thus
ended the first visit of Massasoit to the pilgrims. We should here note that he
ever after treated the English with kindness, and the peace now concluded
was undisturbed for nearly 40 years. Not that any writing or articles of a
treaty, of which he never had any adequate idea, was the cause of his friendly
behavior, but it was the natural goodness of his heart.

The pilgrims report, that at this time he was at war with the Narragansets.
But if this were the case, it could have been nothing more than some small
skirmishing.

Meanwhile Squanto and Samoset remained with the English, instruct ing them
how to live in their country ; equal in all respects to Robinson Crusoe's man
Friday, and had De Foe lived in that age he might have made as good a story
from their history as he did from that of Alexander Selkirk. "Squanto went to
fish [a day or two after Massasoit left] for eels. At night he came home with
as many as he could lift in one hand, which our people were glad of. They
were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with
his hands, without any other instrument."

it drinking tobacco. Hist. Plim. 34. This we infer was within the recollection of the au-
thor.

The notion that tobacco is so called from the islrnd Tobago, is erroneously entertained by
many. When Sir Francis Drake discovered the country to the north of California, in 1579.
the writer of the account of his voyage says, the Indians presented the admiral with a small
basket made of rusht-s, rilled with an herb they called tabah. From another passage it
appears, that the Indians of that region, like those of New England, had bags in which tobacco
was ferried. Burney's Voijages, L 3447.

* And, with this fact before him, the author of " Tales of the Indians" says, the treaty was
made with deliberation and cheerfulness on the part of Massasoit!

t Few Indian names have been spelt more ways than this. From the nature of the Indian
language, it is evident that no / should be used in it. Nahigonsik and Nantigansick, R
Williams. Nechegansitt, Gookin. Nantyg^gansiks, Callender. Nanohigganset, IVinslow's
Good News from N. Eng. Nanhyganset, Judge JoJmson's Life of Gen. Greene. These arc
S'jt few of the permutations without the r, and those with it are still more numerous.

The meaning of the name is still uncertain. Madam Knight, in her Journal, 22 and 23.
says, at a place where she happened to put up for a night in that country, she heard some ot
the " town topers" disputing about the origin of the word Narruganset " One said it was sn
named by Indians, because there grew a brier there of a prodigious height and bigness, wh<i
quoted an Indian of so barbarous a name for his author that she could not write it." Another
said it meant a celebrated spring, which was very cold in summer, and " as hot as could be
imagined in the winter."

88 MASS \s<;lT. [Moon II

Tliis Stfiutiil'i became afteru ards ;ui important personage in Indian politics,
find .-ome of his mami-m res remind us of some nianairini: politicians of OU1
n\\ii limes. In li % J % 2, lie forf'it-'d his lite l>\ pldttinir 1<> destro\ that of .

.1 .

rot/, as \\ill l>e tiiimd related ill the \\f0ofHobomok. < >li that occasion, .
i MiM'lf to I Mi 1 1 u>i it 1 1, " Ueiiii: inneli <> (Tended and enraged again-t
." lint tin- governor succeeded in allaying his \\ rath for that time. S>oii
r, iie sent a messenger t<i entreat the go\ crimr to consent to \\\< being put t<
! .tii : the governor said lie deserved death, lint as he knew not how to get
.-.loin:- \\iihont him in his intercourse with the Indians, he would spare him.

I ) I- rinined in liis |iur|iose, Massasoii .-.'on sent the same inessenirer again,
iccompanied lv many others, who ollered many beaver skins that
miii'ht ho given up to them. They demanded him in the name of
;s being one of his subjects, whom, (says WinsloiOj) by our first article- <.f
e, we could not retain. But out ol' respect to the Hnidi>h, they would not
- ';. him without their consent. MassasoU had sent his own knife to lie used
in cutting oil' his head and hands, which were to he brought to him,

.Meantime Si/uatitn came and delivered himself up to the governor, charging
nitk with his overthrow, and telling him to deliver him or not to the mes-
sengers of Massasoit, as he thought fit. It. seems from the narrative that, as
: lie governor was ahout to do it, they grew impatient at the delay, and went
oft' in a rage. The delay was occasioned by the appearance of a boat in the
liarbor, which the governor pretended might be that of an enemy, as there had
lieen a rumor that the French had meditated breaking up the settlement of the
Knglish in this region. This, however, was doubtless only a pretence, and
employed to wear out the patience of his unwelcome visitors. Hence that
Mitssnsoit should for some time after "seem to frown" on the English, as they
complain, is certainly no wonder.

The next summer, in June or July, MassasoU was visited by several of the
English, among whom was Mr. Edward Winslow, Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and
Squanto as their interpreter. Their object was to find out his place of resi-
dence, in case they should have to call upon him for assistance ; to keep good
the friendly correspondence commenced at Plimouth ; and especially to cause
him to prevent his men from hanging about them, and living upon them,
which was then considered very burdensome, as they had begun to grow short
of provisions. That their visit might be acceptable, they took along, for a
present, a trooper's red coat, with some lace upon it, and a copper chain ; with
these Massasoit was exceedingly well pleased. The chain, they told him, he
must send as a signal, when any of his men wished to visit them, so that they
might not be imposed upon by strangers.

When the English arrived at Pokanoket, Massasoit was absent, but w r as
immediately sent for. Being informed that he was coming, the English began
to prepare to shoot oft" their guns ; this so frightened the women and children,
that they ran away, and would not return until the interpreter assured them
that they need not fear; and when Massasoit arrived, they saluted him by a
discharge, at which he was very much elated ; and "who, after their manner,
(says one of the company,) kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house,
and set us down by him, where, having delivered our message and presents,
and having put the coat on his back, and the chain about his neck, he was not
a little proud to behold himself, and his men also, to see their king so bravely
attired/ 1 A new treaty was now held with him, and he very good-naturedly
assented to all that was desired. He then made a speech to his men, many of
them being assembled to see the English, which, as near as they could learn its
meaning, acquainted them with what course they might pursue in regard to
the English. Among other things, he said, "Am I not Massasoit, commander
'//" the country about us^ Is not such and such places mine, and the people of
t/iem? They shall take their skins to the English" This his people applauded,
[n his speech, "he named at least thirty places," over which he had control.
"This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of Eng-
land and of the king's majesty, marvelling that he should live without a wife.'
lie seems to have been embittered against the French, and wished "us not to
suffer them to come to Narraganset, for it was King James's country, and he

* Mourt's Relation, in Col. J/c/w. I fist. ooc.

CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT

was King James's man." He had no victuals at this time to give to the Eng-
lish, and night coming on, they retired to rest supperless. He had but one
bed, if so it might be called, " being only planks laid a foot from the ground,
and a thin mat upon them."* "He laid us on the bed with himself and his
wife, they at the one end, and we at the other. Two more of his men, for
want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our
lodging than of our journey."

" The next day, many of their sachims or petty governors came to see ITS.
and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for
skins and knives." It is amusing to learn that the English tried to get a
chance in this gambling affair. They say, "There we challenged them to
shoot with them for skins," but they were too cunning for them, " only they
desired to see one of us shoot at a mark ; who shooting with hail shot, the} 1
wondered to see the mark so full of holes."

The next day, about one o'clock, Massasoit brought two large fishes and
boiled them ; but the pilgrims still thought their chance for refreshment very
small, as "there were at least forty looking for a share in them ;" but scanty as
it was, it came very timely, as they had fasted two nights and a day. The
English now left him, at which he was veiy sorrowful.

" Very importunate he was (says our author) to have us stay with them
longer. But we desired to keep the sabbath at home, and feared we should
either be light-headed for want of sleep ; for what with bad lodging, the sav-
ages' barbarous singing, (for they used to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas
within doors, and musketoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our
being there ; we much fearing, that if we should stay any longer, we should
not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that, on Friday morn-
ing, before sunrising, we took our leave, and departed, Massasoyt being both
grieved and ashamed, that he could no better entertain us. And retaining
Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing
another, called Tokamahaffion, in his place, whom we had found faithful before
and after upon all occasions."

This faithful servant, Tokamahamon, was in the famous " voyage to the
kingdom of Nauset," and was conspicuous for his courage in the expedition
against Cnunbitant.

In 1623, Massasoit sent to his friends in Plimouth to inform them that he
was very dangerously sick. Desiring to render him aid if possible, the gov-
ernor despatched Mr. Winsloiu again, with some medicines and cordials, and
Hobboniok as interpreter ; " having one Master John Hamden, a gentleman of
London, who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the country, for
my consort." f In their way they found many of his subjects were gone to
Pokanoket, it being their custom for all friends to attend on such occasions.
" When we came thither (says Mr. Winslow] we found the house so full of
men, as we could scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make
way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making
such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and, therefore, unlike
to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed
his arms, legs and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they had made an end
of their charming, one told him that his friends, the English, were come to see
him. Having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, he asked, who
was come. They told him Winsnoiv, (for they cannot pronounce the letter /,

* L'.t Salle savs ( Expedition in America, p. 11.) of the Indians' beds in general, that " the}'
are made up with some pieces of wood, upon which they lay skins full of wool or straw, but,
for (heir covering', they use the finest sort of skins, or else mats finely wrought."

t W'i/isloir's Relation The Mr. Hamden mentioned, is supposed, by some, to be the
celebrated John Hamden, famous in the time of Charles I., and who died of a wound received
in an attempt to intercept Prince Rupert, near Oxford, while supporting 1 the cause of the
parliament. See Rapin's England, ii. 477, and Kennet, iii. 137.

It would be highly gratifying, could the certainty of this matter be known ; but, as yet, wo
must acknowledge that all is mere speculation. Nevertheless, we are pleased to meet with
the names of such valued martyrs -f liberty upon any page, and even though they should
sometimes seem rather mal apropos to the case in hand. We cannot learn that any of
Harnden's biographers have discovered that he visited America. Still there is a presumptioc

" The village Hampden, that, with dauntless breast,
The little tyrant of his fields withstood." GRAY'S EI.EGT

{)0 M \SSVSOIT. [

hut ordinarily n in the place thereof, i' Hi- desired to spcaU with inc. When
I came tu him, and they told him of it, lie put lorth his hand t<> me, \\hich 1
took. Then he >;i'c\ t\\i<v, though very inwardly, l\n H ins/ioir .' which is tu
say, . /// limn ll'iiixlnir .' 1 answered, . Ililn , that is, )'/\. Then he doubled
these words: .Malta necn woncknnct nnmcn, Wvn&now ! that is to say, () H'ins-
Inic, I xhtill in i-i r see thce again!" Jlut contrary to his nwn evpeetatioris, n-
well as all his friends, by the kind exertions of .Mr. H inslow, he in a short tinn
entirely recovered. This being a passage i if great interest in the life oj'the great
.U^.s'.vf/xofV, we will here go more into detail concerning it. When he had become
able to speak, he desired Mr. Jf'inslow to provide him a broth from some kind
of fowl : "so (says he) I took a man with rue, and made a shot at a couple of
ducks, some sixscore paces of!', and killed one, at which he wondered : so \\ :
returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he
much desired ; never did I see a man so low brought, recover in that measure
in so short a time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hobbamork I must
take on the top thereof, saying it would make him very sick again if lie did eat
it; this he acquainted Mnssassowat therewith, who would not be persuaded to
it, though I pressed it very much, showing the strength thereof, and the weak-
ness of his stomach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwithstanding, he
made a gross meal of it, and ate as much as would well have satisfied a man in
health." As Winslow had said, it made him very sick, and he vomited with
such violence that it made the blood stream from his nose. This bleeding
caused them great alarm, as it continued for four hours. When his nose ceased
bleeding, he fell asleep, and did not awake for 6 or 8 hours more. After he
awoke, Mr. Winslow washed his face " and supplied his beard and nose with a
linnen cloth," when taking a quantity of water into his nose, by fiercely eject-
ing it, the blood began again to flow, and again his attendants thought he could
not recover, but, to their great satisfaction, it soon stopped, and he gained
strength rapidly.

For this attention of the English he was very grateful, and always believed
that his preservation at this time was owing to the benefit he received from
Mr. Winslow. In his way on his visit to Massasoit, Mr. Winslow broke a bottle
containing some preparation, and, deeming it necessary to the sachem's recov-
ery, wrote a letter to the governor of Plimouth for another, and some chickens
in which he gave him an account of his success thus far. The intention w r as
no sooner made known to Massasoit, than one of his men \vas sent off, at two
o'clock at night, for Plimouth, who returned again with astonishing quickness.
The chickens being alive, Massasoit was so pleased with them, and, being
better would not suffer them to be killed, and kept them with the idea of rais-
ing more. While at MassasoiVs residence, and just as they were about to
depart, the sachem told Hobomok of a plot laid by some of his subordinate
chiefs for the purpose of cutting off the two English plantations, which he
charged him to acquaint the English with, which he did. Massasoit stated
that he had been urged to join in it, or give his consent thereunto, but had
always refused, and used his endeavors to prevent it. The particulars of the
evils which that plot brought upon its authors will be found in the history of
Wittuwamet.

At this time the English became more sensible of the real virtues of Massa-
soit than ever before. His great anxiety for the welfare of his people was
manifested by his desiring Mr. Winslow, or, as Winslow himself expresses it,
"He caused me to go from one to another, [in his village,] requesting me to
wash their mouths also, [many of his people being sick at that time,] and ghe
to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying they were good folk "

* Every people, and consequently every language, have their peculiarities. Baron Lahon-
tan, Memoires de la Amerique, ii. 236, 237, says, " Je dirai de la lanoue. des Hurons et des
Iroquois une chose assez curieuse, qui est qu'il ne s'ytrouve point delettres lo.biales ; c j est a dire,
de. b, f, m, p. Cependant, cette langtie des Hurons paroit etre fort belle et de tin son tout a
fait bean; quoi qu'ils ne ferment jamais leurs If-vres en parlant." And "J'ai passe quatre jours
a vouloir faire prononcer a des Hurons les lettres labiates, niaisje n'ai pu y reiissir, et je croin
qu'en dix ans Us ne pourrout dire ces mots, bon, fils. Monsieur. Pontchartrain 5 car au lieu di
dire bon, Us diroient ouon, au lieu de fils, Us prononceroient rils ; au lieu de monsieur, caoun-
sieur, au lieu de Pontchartrain, Couchartrain." Hence it seems their languages are analo
gous,

CHAP. II.] MASSASOIT. 91

An account of his character as given by Hobomok will be found in the life of
that chief or paniese.

"Many whilst we were there (says Winslow) came to see him ; some, b\
their report, from a place not less than 100 miles from thence."

In 1632, a short war was carried on between Massasoit and Canonicus, the
sachem of the Narragansets, but the English interfering with a force und< r
the spirited Captain Standish, ended it with very little bloodshed. Massasoit
expected a serious contest; and, as usual on such occasions, changed his name,
and was ever after known by the name of Owsamequin, or Ousamequin. Our
historical records furnish no particulars of hie war with the Narragansets, fur
ther than we have stated.

We may infer from a letter written by Roger Williams, that some of
Plimouth instigated Massasoit, or Ousamequin, as we should now call him, to
lay claim to Providence, which gave that good man some trouble, because, iu
that case, his lands were considered as belonging to Plimouth, in whose juris-
diction he was not suffered to reside : and, moreover, he had bought and paid
for all he possessed, of the Narraganset sachems. It was in 1635 that JMr.
Williams fled to that country, to avoid being seized and sent to England. lie
found that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh were at bitter enmity with Ousame-
quin, but by his great exertions he restored peace, without which he could not
have been secure, in a border of the dominion of either. Ousamequin was
well acquainted with Mr. Williams, whom he had often seen during his two
years' residence at Plimouth, and was a great friend to him, and therefore he
listened readily to his benevolent instructions ; giving up the land in dispute
between himself and the Narraganset sachems, which was the island now
called Rhode Island, Prudence Island, and perhaps some others, together with
Providence. "And (says Mr. Williams) I never denied him, nor Meantinomy,
whatever they desired of me." Hence their love and attachment for him, for
this is their own mode of living.

It appears that, before Miantunn&motfs reverses of fortune, he had, by some
means or other, got possession of some of the dominions of Ousamequin,
For at the meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in the
autumn of 1643, they order, "That Plymouth labor by all due means to restore
Woosamequin to his full liberties, in respect of any encroachments by the
Nanohiggansetts, or any other natives ; that so the properties of the Indians
may be preserved to themselves, and that no one sagamore encroach upon the
rest as of late : and that Woosamequin be reduced to those former terms and
agreements between Plymouth and him."*

Under date 1638, Gov. Winthrop says, " Oivsamekin, the sachem of Acoome-
meck, on this side Connecticut, came to [him] the governor, and brought a
present of 18 skins of beaver from himself and the sachems of Mohegan
beyond Connecticut and Pakontuckett." They having heard that the English
were about to make war upon them was the cause of their sending this
present. The governor accepted it, and told Ousamequin, that if they had not
wronged the English, nor assisted their enemies, they had nothing to fear ;
and, giving him a letter to the governor of Connecticut, dismissed him well
satisfied.!

In 1649, Ousamequin sold to Miles Standish, and the other inhabitants of
Duxbury, " a tract of land usually called Saughtucket" seven miles square.
This was Bridgewater. It had been before granted to them, only, however, in
preemption. They agreed to pay Ousamequin seven coats, of a yard and a
half each, nine hatchets, eight hoes, twenty knives, four moose skins, and ten
and a half yards of cotton cloth.

By a deed bearing date 9th March, 1653, Qusemaquin and his son Wamsitto,
[Wamsutta,] afterwards called Alexander, sold to the English of Plimouth "all
those severall parcells of land lyeing on the south-easterly side of Sinkunke,
alias Rehoboth, bounded by a little brooke of water called Moskituash westerly,
and soe riming by a dead swamp eastward, and soe by marked trees as Ousa-
mequin and Wamsitto directed, unto the great riuer, and all the meadow about

* Records of the U. Colonies. t Journal, i. 2G4.

92 M \SSASOIT. [BooK 11

the sides of both, and about the neck called ( 'hachacust, also Papasquasb neck,
also the meadow from the hay to Keecomewett," \ c. For this the considera-
tion was "'{."> sterling."

By a writing bearing date "this twenty-one of September, 16.77," ()usm/n-
quin sa\, s " I / '.winn i/ncn do by these presents ratily and allow the sale of a
certain island called ( 'hesewanocke, or Hogg Island, which my son ll'mnsllla
sold to R icluml Smith, of Portsmouth in R. I., with m\ consent, \\hich deed
of sale or bargain made the 7th of February in the \ear Hi.TiJ, 1 do ratify, own
and confirm.' 1

In 16.">6, Roger Williams says that Oiutamequin, by one of his sachems,
" was at daily feud with Pumham about the title and lordship of Warwick ; '
and that hostility was daily expected. But we are not informed that any thing
serious took place.

This is the year in which it has been generally supposed that Ousamequin
died, but it is an error of Hutchinson's transplanting from Mr. Hubbard's work
into his own. That an error should flourish in so good a soil as that of the
"History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay," is no wonder; but it is a
wonder that the "accurate Hutchmson" should set down that date, from that
passage of the Indian Wars, which was evidently made without reflection.
It being at that time thought a circumstance of no consequence.

That the sachem of Pokanoket should be scarcely known to our records
between 1657 and 1661, a space of only about three years, as we have shown,
is not very surprising, when we reflect that he was entirely subservient to the
English, and nearly or quite all of his lands being before disposed of, or given
up to them. This, therefore, is a plain reason why we do not meet with his
name to deeds and other instruments. And, besides this consideration, another
sachem was known to be associated with him at the former period, who seems
to have acted as Ousamequirfs representative."

He w r as alive in 1661, and as late in that year as September.* Several
months previous to this, On&ko, with about seventy men, fell upon a defence-
less town within the dominions of Qusamtquin, killing three persons, and car-
rying away six others captive. He complained to the General Court of
Massachusetts, which interfered in his behalf, and the matter was soon
settled, f

From the " Relation " of Dr. /. Mather, it is clear that he lived until 1662.
His words are, u Alexander being dead, [having died in 1662,] his broth vr Philip,
of late cursed memory, rose up in his stead, and he was no sooner styled
sachem, but immediately, in the year 1662, there were vehement suspicions of
his bloody treachery against the English." \

Hence, as we do not hear of Alexander as sachem until 1662, which is also
the year of his death, it is fair to conclude that he could not have been long in
office at the time of his death ; nor could he have been styled "chief sachem "
until after the death of his father.

Whether Massasoit had more than two sons, is not certain, although it is
confidently believed that he had. It is probable that his family was large. A
company of soldiers from Bridgewater, in a skirmish with Philip, took his
sister, and killed a brother of Ousamequin, whose name was Unkompoen, or
.'Ikkompoin. \\ That he had another brother, called Quadequina, has been
mentioned.

Gov. Wintkrop gives the following anecdote of Ousamequin. As Mr. Ed-
icard Winslow was returning from a trading voyage southward, having left his
vessel, he traveled home by land, and in the way stopped with his old friend
Massasoit, who agreed to accompany him the rest of the way. In the mean
time, Ousamequin sent one of his men forward to Plimouth, to surprise the
people with the news of Mr. Winsloiifs death. By his manner of relating it.
and the particular circumstances attending, no one doubted of its truth, and
every one was grieved and mourned exceedingly at their great loss. But

* Some records which Mr. Dn^erftt consulted in preparing his History of Attic-borough, led
him to conclude that Massasoit died previous to June, IfifiO.

t Original mam/script documents. The particulars of these matters will be given at large,
fc-hen we come to treat of the life of ?'/KV.S.

t Relation, 72. $ /. Mather, 44. || Church, 38, edit. 4to

CHAP. II.] EXPEDITION AGAINST CAUNBITANT. 93

presently they were as much surprised at seeing him coming in company
with Ousanequin. When it was known among the people that the sachem
had sent this news to them, they demanded why he should thus deceive them.
He replied that it was to make him the more welcome when he did return,
and that this was a custom of his people.

One of the most renowned captains within the dominions of Massasoit was
CAUNBITAJVT,* whose residence was at a place called Mettapoiset, in tha
present town of Swansey. His character was much the same as that of the
famous Metacomet. The English were always viewed by him as intruders
and enemies of his race, and there is little doubt but he intended to wrest
the country out of their hands on the first opportunity.

In August, 1621, Caunbitant was supposed to be in the interest of the Nar-
ragansets, and plotting with them to overthrow Massasoit ; and, being at
Namasket seeking, say the Pilgrims, "to draw the hearts of Massasoyfs sub-
jects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace be-
tween Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ;
also at Tokamahamon, and one Hobomok, (two Indians or Lemes, one of
which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special
and trusty man of Massasoyfs,) Tokamahamon went to him, but the other
two would not ; yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see if
they could hear of their king, and, lodging at Namaschet, were dicovered to
Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum, (for he
had said, if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue.) Hobbamok see-
ing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held [holding] a knife at his
breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them, and came to New Pli-
mouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain."

Upon this the Plimouth people sent an expedition, under Standish, of 14
men,f " and Hobbamok for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of
Tisquantum on Coubatant our bitter enemy, and to retain JVepeof, another
sachem, or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was
become of our friend Massasoyt"

After much toil, the little army arrived near the place they expected to find
Caunbitant. " Before we came to the town (says the narrator) we sat down
and eat such as our knapsacks afforded ; that being done, w r e threw them
aside, and all such things as might hinder us, and so went on and beset the
house, according to our last resolution! Those that entered, demanded if
Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We
charged them not to stir, for if Coubatant were not there, we would not med
die with them ; if he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on
him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters: but howso-
ever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding,
some of them pressed out at a private door, and escaped, but with some
wounds. At length perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant
was returned [home] with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living,
and in the town ; [then] offering some tobacco, [and] other, such as they
had to eat."

In this hurley hurley, (as they call it,) two guns were fired " at random,"
to the great terror of all but Squanto and Tokamahamon, "who, though they
knew not our end in coming, yet assured them [so frightened] of our honesty,
[niid] that we would not hurt them." The Indian boys, seeing the squaws
protected, cried out, Neemquaes ! Neensquaes ! that is, I am a squaw! I am a
ftquaw! and the women tried to screen themselves in Hobomok's presence,
reminding him that he w r as their friend.

This attack upon a defenceless house was made at midnight, and must
have been terrible, in an inconceivable degree, to its inmates, especially the
sound of the English guns, which few, if any of them, had ever heard before.
The relator proceeds : "But to be short, we kept them we had, and made
them make a fire that we might see to search the house ; hi the meantime,

* Corbitant, Coubatant, and Conbitant, were ways of writing' his name also, by his coil
icinporaries.
t Ten, says the Relation.

04 . TREATY WITH THE INDIANS. [BoOK II

Hobbannk gat on the top of tin* house, ;md called Tisfjuantum and Toknma-
h(imon. n They soon came, with some others with tin rn, Mime, armed and
others naked. The English tooka\\;i\ the ho\\s and arro\\s from those that
were armed, but promi.-ed to return them as soon as it was day, which they
probably did.

They kept possession of the captured wigwam until daylight, v\hen they
re'vased their jirisoners, and marched into the town (as tiie\ call it) of the
\.iniaskets. Here, it appears, Sti\mnto had a house, to \\hich they went, and
i ok breakliist, and held a court afterward, from which they issued forth the
'dlloNNing decree against Caunbitmit :

" Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us, but all Couba-
innfs Jiiction were fled away. There in the midst of them we manifested
a rain our intendment, assuring them, that, although Coubitant had now
escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he
continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had
kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so
justly deserved it. Moreover, ifJIfassaaoyt did not return in safety from Nar-
rohigiransct, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or
oiler violence to Tisquantimij Hobomok, or any of JMassasoi/fs subjects, we
woidd revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those
[who] were wounded, [how many is not mentioned,] we were sorry for it,
thoiiiih themselves procured it in not staving in the house at our command :

* O

\et, if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them. At
this offer one man and a woman that were wounded went home with us,
Tisfjuantum and many other known friends accompanying us, and offering
all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had to ease us. So that
by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night alter
we set forth."*

Notwithstanding these rough passages, Caunbitant became in appearance
reconciled to the English, and on the 13th Sept. following (1621) went to
Plimouth and signed a treaty of amity. It was through the intercession of
J\Iass(isoit that he became again reconciled, but the English always doubted
his sincerity, as most probably they had reason to. The treaty or submission
was in these words :

" Know all men by these presents, that we whose names are underwritten,
do acknowledge ourselves to be the royal subjects of King James, king of
Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. In witness
whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, we have subscribed our names, or
marks, as followeth :

OHQUAMEHUD, NATTAWAHUNT, QUADAQUINA,
CAWNACOME, CAUNBATANT, HUTTMOIDEN,

OBBATINNUA, CHIKKATABAK, APANNOW."

Of some of these sachems nothing is known beyond this transaction, and
of others very little.

Obbatinua is supposed to have been sachem of Shawmut, where Boston
now stands.

Cawnacome and vQpannow may be the same before spoken of as Coneconcnn
and Epanow, though I am rather of opinion that *Qpannow means ^spinet of
Nauset.f Nattawahwnt we shall again meet with, under the name Nashoonon.
Coneconam was sachem of Manomet, on Cape Cod.

When, in the winter of 1623, the English traversed the country to trade
with the Indians for corn, they visited him among other chiefs ; who, the
say, " it seemed was of good respect, and authority, amongst the Indians.
For whilst the governor w-as there, within night, in bitter cold weather, came
two men from Manamoyck, before spoken of, and having set aside their bows

* From Mourt, tit supra, and signed only with the capital letter A, which is supposed to
stand for Isaac Allerton, who accompanied Standish perhaps. From the use of the pronoun
in the first person, the writer, whoever he was. must have been present

* See chapter i. of b. ii.

CHAP. Il.J CAUNBITANT. 95

and quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe
of tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all
remained silent, expecting when they would speak. At length they looked
toward Canacum ; and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a
present to him, from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco, and many
beads, which the other received thankfully. After which he made a long
speech to him," the meaning of which Hobomok said was, that two of their
men fell out in a game, " for they use gaming as much as any where, and
will play aw r ay all, even their skin from their backs, yea their wive's skins
also," and one killed the other. That the murderer was a powow, "one of
special note amongst them," and one whom they did not like to part with ;
yet they were threatened with war, if they did not kill the murderer. That,
therefore, their sachem deferred acting until the advice of Coneconam wa.s
first obtained.

After consulting with this chief, and some of his head men, these messen-
gers desired Hobomotfs judgment upon the matter. With some deference
he replied, that " he thought it was better that one should die than many,
since he had deserved it;" "whereupon he passed the sentence of death
upon him."

We shall have occasion again to notice this chief, at whose house the first
act of a tragic scene was acted, which in its course brought ruin upon its
projectors.

When Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. John Hamden went to visit Massasoit
in his sickness, in 1623, they heard by some Indians, when near Caunbitanfs
residence, that Massasoit was really dead : they, therefore, though with much
hesitation, ventured to his house, hoping they might treat with him, he being
then thought the successor of Massasoit. But he w r as not at home. The
squaw r sachem, his wife, treated them with great kindness, and learning here
that Massasoit was still alive, they made all haste to Pokanoket. When they
returned, they staid all night with Caunbitant, at his house, who accompanied
them there from Massasoifs.

Mr. Winslow gives the account in these words : " That night, through the
earnest request of Conbatant, who, till now, remained at Sowaaras, or
Puckanokick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way, I had much
conference with him, so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician,
yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased than wdien the
like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, if in
case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massasoit had been, and should send
word thereof to Patuxet, for maskiest,* [that is, physic,] whether their master
governor would send it; and if he would, whether I would come therewith
to him. To both which I answered, yea; whereat he gave me many joyful
thanks." He then expressed his surprise that two Englishmen should ad-
venture so far alone into their country, and asked them if they were not

t. / 4,'

afraid. Mr. Winslow said, "where was true love, there was no fear." "But,''
said Caunbitant, "if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh
it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, ivith the
mouth of your pieces presented towards us?" Mr. Winslow told him that was a
mark of respect, and that they received their best friends in that manner;
but to this he shook his head, and answered, that he did not like such salu-
tations, f

When Caunbitant saw his visiters crave a blessing before eating, and
return thanks afterwards, he desired to know what it meant. "Hereupon 1
took occasion (says our author) to tell them of God's works of creation and
preservation, of the laws and ordinances, especially of the ten command-
ments." They found no particular fault with the commandments, except
the seventh, but said there were many inconveniences in that a man should
be tied to one woman. About which they reasoned a good while.

When Mr. Winsloiv explained the goodness of God in bestowing on them
all their comforts, and that for this reason they thanked and blessed him

* In Williams's Key, Maskit is translated, " Give me some physic."
t Good News from'N. England, Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc.

96 WITTUWAMET. PEKSUOT. [!:. K II.

"tlii? r.!l ot'them concluded to In- very v\ < II : and said they belie\ed aln.o-t
rill the same things, and that the same |in\\tT that \\c call (iod lhe\ callfd
f\i<-liltrt>." "Here \\e remained only llial ni'jht, but ne\er had belter i nter
laimiirnt amongst an\ of them."

"What became of tnis chief is unknown. His name appearing no more in
our r< cords, leads us t( suppose that lie either fled his countn on the n,i:r
iler tsf It illincumct, Ptksuot, and others, or that lie died ahoiil that lin.e.

WITTUWAMET was a Massachusetts chief; as \\as his companion y-Y^jwo/,
luit their particular residence has not been assigned, fl ilhnntind \vasa de? -
perate and bold fellow, and, like most other warriors, delighted in sheddin;.
the blood of his enemies. It is not improbable but that he became exasper-
ated against the English from the many abuses some of them had practised
upon his countrymen. This will account, perhaps, for all the severity and
malignity portrayed by the forefathers in his character. He was one of tho.-< .

I *. *

they say, who murdered some of the crew of the French ship, cast away
1 1] 'oi i (\-ipe Cod, as we have before mentioned.

That Wittuwamjd) Ptksuot, and some other chiefs, intended to have freed
their country of intruders in the year 1623, there can be no doubt, and in rt -
lating the rise, progress and termination of their league to effect this object,
we shall, to avoid the charge of partiality, adhere closely to the record.

AVe have before, in speaking of Caunecum, or Coneconam, mentioned the
voyage of the governor of Plimouth to that sachem's country to trade for
corn ; that was in January, 1G23. Not being able to bring away all he ob-
tained, Captain ,M?7es Standish was sent the next month to take it to Plimouth,
also to purchase more at the same place, but he did not meet with very good
reception, which led him to apprehend there was mischief at hand. And
immediately after, while at Coneconani's house with two or three of his com-

pany, "in came two of the Massachusetts men. The chief oi' them was
called tnttmcamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued
his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his
own valor, and derided their weakness, especially because, as he said, they
died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain
took a dagger from about his neck, which he had gotten of Master Western's
people, and presented it to the sachem, [Coneconam,] and after made a long
speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort as the captain, though
he be the best linguist among us, could not gather any thing from it. The
end of it was afterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Massachu-
seucks formerly concluded to ruinate Mr. Wcstorfs colony; and thought
themselves, being about 30 or 40 men, strong enough to execute the same :
yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more
strength to themselves, to make their party good against us at Plimouth :
concluding that if we remained, though they had no other arguments to use
against us, yet we would never leave the death of our countrymen unre-
venged ; and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of
both plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this sachem, as
:.lso the other, called Janough, and many others, to assist them; and now
again came to prosecute the same; and since there was so fair an opportu-
i.ity offered by the captain's presence, they thought best to make sure of him
; nd his company."

Coneconam, alter this speech, treated Standish with neglect, and was very
I artial to Witturvamet, which much increased the jealousy of the former.
These Indians meantime contrived to kill Standish, having employed a "lusty
Indian of Paomet " to execute the plan. The weather was severely cold,
and Standish lodged on shore at night, and this was the time he was to have
been killed. But the extreme coldness of the night kept him from sleeping,
and thus he avoided assassination.

We have had occasion, in the life of Massasoit, to mention that that chief
had been solicited to engage in this confederacy, and of his charging Hobomok
to warn the English of it. The people of the places named at that time by
Massasoit, as in the plot, were Nauset, Paomet, Succonet, Mattachiest, Mano*-
met, Agowaywam, and the Island of Capawack. "Therefore, (says Mr
Winslow in his Relation,) as we respected the lives of our countrymen and

CHAP. Il.J

WITTUWAMET. WESTON'S COLONY.

our own safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the
authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we
would not strike a stroke till they first began, Ilj said he, [Massasoit to
Hobomok,] upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when
their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they not being able to defend
themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives," and it would
be with difficulty that they preserved their own; "and therefore he coun-
selled, without delay, to take away the principals, and then the plot would
cease."

Meanwhile Weston's men had fallen into a miserable and wretched condi-
tion ; some, to procure a daily sustenance, became servants to the Indians,
" fetching them \vood and water, &c., and all for a meal's meat." Those
who were thus degraded, were, of course, only a few who had abandoned
themselves to riot and dissipation, but whose conduct had affected the well
being of the whole, notwithstanding. Some of these wretches, in their ex-
tremities, had stolen corn from the Indians, on whose complaint they had
been put in the stocks and whipped. This not giving the Indians satisfac-
tion, one was hanged. This was in February, 1623.

About this capital punishment much has been written ; some doubting the
fact that any one was hanged, others that it was the real offender, &c. But
in our opinion the facts are incontestable that one was hanged ; but whether
the one really guilty or not, is not quite so easily settled. The fact that one
was hanged for another appears to have been of common notoriety, both in
Old and New England, from shortly after the affair until the beginning of
the next century.*

Mr. Hubbard f has this passage upon the affair : " Certain it is, they [the
Indians] were so provoked with their filching and stealing, that they thicr.t-
ened them, as the Philistines did Samson's father-in-law, after the loss of their
corn ; insomuch that the company, as some report, pretended, in way of satis-

. faction, to punish him that did the theft, but, in his stead, hanged a poor, de-
crepit old man, that was unserviceable to the company, [an old bed-rid
weaver,!] an d burdensome to keep alive, which was the ground of the story

' with which the merry gentleman, that wrote the poem called HDDIBRAS, did,
in his poetical fancy, make so much sport." And from the same author it ap-
pears that the circumstance w r as well known at Plimouth, but they pretended
that the right person was hanged, or, in our authors own words, " as if the
person hanged was really guilty of stealing, as may be were many of the rest,
and if they were driven by necessity to content the Indians, at that time, to
do justice, there being some of Mr. Westorfs company living, it is possible it
might be executed not on him that most deserved, but on him that could be
best spared, or who was not like to live long if he had been let alone."

It will now be expected that w r e produce the passage of Hudibras. Here
it is :

" Though nice and dark the point appear,
(Quoth Ralph,) it may hold up, and clear.
That Sinners may supply the place
Of suffering' Saints, is a plain Case.
Justice gives Sentence, many times,
On one Man for another's crimes.
Our Brethren of New England use
Choice Malefactors to excuse.
And hang the Guiltless in their stead,
Of whom the Churches have less need :
As lately 't happened : In a town
There lived a Cobbler, and but one,
That out of Doctrine could cut Use,
And mend Men's Lives, as well as Shoes.
This precious Brother having slain,
In times of Peace, an Indian,
(Not out of Malice, but mere Zeal,
Because he was an infidel,)

The mighty Tottipottymoy ,
Sent to our Elders an Envoy,
Complaining sorely of the Breach
Of League, held forth by Brother Patch,
Against the Articles in force,
Between both churches, his and ours,
For which he craved the Saints to render
Into his Hands, or hang th' Offender:
But they, maturely having weighed,
They had no more but him o' th' Trade,
(A Man that served them in a double
Capacity, to Teach and Cobble,)
Resolved to spare him ; yet to do
The Indian Hoghan Moghgan, too,
Impartial Justice, in his stead, did
Hang an old Weaver that was Bed-rid.
Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd,
And in your Room another Whipp'd 1 ''

* See Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 145. and b. i. chap. iii. ante.

i Hist. N. Eng. 77. \ Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. iii. 148

9 G

98 WITTUVVAMKT. VVKSTO.VS COLONY. L P,ooK II.

The following note was earl] printed to this passage: "Tlie history of

the cobbler had been attested liy persons of good credit, \vljo \\ere upon the
place when it was done." Mr. Jlul/ir \\rote tliis part of his lludihras
before KJ(i&

Thomas Morton, who was one of the company, though perhaps absent ;;t
flie time, pretends that there was no plot of the Indians, and insinuate?, that
the Plimoutheans caused all the trouble, and that their rashness caused the
Indians to massacre some of their men, as we shall presently relate from a
book which Mr. Morton published.'

"Master H'eston's plantation being settled at. \\Yssagiiscns, his senai :.-.
many of them lazy persons, that would use no endeavor to take the ben-, :,i
of the country, some of them fell sick and died.

"One amongst the rest, an able-bodied man, that ranged the woods, to see
what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barn, and from thence
did take a cap full of corn. The salvage owner of it, finding' by the loot
[track] some English had been there, came to the plantation, and made com-
plaint after this manner. The chief commander of the company, on this
occasion, called a Parliament of all his people, but those that were sick and
ill at ease.f And wisely now they must consult, upon this huge complaint,
that a privy [paltry] knife or string of beads would well enough have quali-
fied: And Edward Johnson was a special judge of this business. The lact
was there in repetition, construction made, that it was fellony, and by the
laws of England punished with death, and this in execution must be put for
an example, and likewise to appease the salvage; when straightways one
arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said lie could not well
gainsay the former sentence ; yet he had conceived, within the compass of
his brain, an enibrio, that was of special consequence to be delivered, and
cherished, he said ; that it would most aptly serve to pacify the salvage's
complaint, and save the life of one that might (if need should be) stand them
in some good stead ; being young and strong, fit for resistance against an
enemy, which might come unexpectedly, for any thing they knew.

"The oration made was liked of every one, and he intreated to show the
means how this may be performed. Says he, you all agree that one must
die, and one shall die. This young man's clothes we will take off, and put
upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape death ;
such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must. Put the young
man's clothes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in the other's
stead. Amen, says one, and so says many more. And this had like to have
proved their final sentence ; and being there confirmed by act of Parliament
to after ages for a precedent. But that one, with a ravenous voice, begun to
croak and bellow for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion ; alleging
such deceits might be a means hereafter to exasperate the minds of the com-
plaining salvages, and that, by his death, the salvages should see their zeal
to justice, and, therefore, he should die. This was concluded ; yet, never-
theless, a scruple w r as made ; now to countermand this act did represent
itself unto their minds, which was how they should do to get the man's good
will : this was indeed a special obstacle : for without that (they all agreed) it
would be dangerous, for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mis-
chief should befall them every man. He was a person that, in his wrath,
did seem to be a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw-
bone of an ass: therefore they called the man, and by persuasion got him
fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who
with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all these wise judges of this
Parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it hath been credibly reported,) and
made the chief judge of them all buckle to him."

This is an entire chapter of the NEW CANAAN, which, on account of its
great rarity, we have given in full. In his next chapter Mr. Morton proceeds
to narrate the circumstances of the "massacre" of Wittuwamet, Peksuot, and
other Massachusetts Indians, and the consequences of it. But we shall no\v

* Entitled New English Canaan, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637.

t Against this sentence, in the margin, is ' A poor comp aint. 1 '

CHAP. II.] WASSAPINEWAT. MASSACRE AT WESSAGUSCUS. 99

draw from the Plimouth historian, and afterwards use Morton's chapter as
we find occasion.

Mr. Winsloiv says that Mr. Weston's men " knew not of this conspiracy of
the Indians before his [ John Sanders, their ' overseer '] going ; neither was it
known to any of us till our return from Sowaams, or Puckanokick : at which
time also another sachim, called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the
sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with
Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the sa^ie
thing," [as Massasoit had done.]

It was now the 23d March, 1623, " a yearly court day " at Plimouth, c ri
which war was proclaimed, " in public court," against the Massachusetts
Indians. "We came to this conclusion, (says Winslow,} that Captain Standish
should take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make his party good
against all the Indians in the Massachusetts Bay ; and as because, as all
men know that have to do with them in that kind, it is impossible to deal
with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay
for others : therefore he should pretend trade as at other times : but first go
to the English, [at Wessaguscus,] and acquaint them with the plot, and the
end of their own coming, that, comparing it with their own carriages
towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly
take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbare, if it were
possible, till such time as he could make sure JVittuwamat, that bloody and
bold villain before spoken of; whose head he had order to bring with him,
that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition."

We will now hear a word of what Mr. Morton has to say upon this trans-
action. " After the end of that Parliament, [which ended in the hanging
of one,*] some of the plantation there, about three persons, went to live
with Checatawback and his company, and had very good quarter, for all the
former quarrel with the Plimouth planters.f They are not like Will Som-
mers, { to take one for another. There they purposed to stay until Master
Westorfs arrival : but the Plimouth men intending no good to him, (as
appeared by the consequence,) came in the mean time to Wessaguscus, and
there pretended to feast the salvages of those parts, bringing with them
pork, and things for the purpose, which they set before the salvages. They
eat thereof without suspicion of any mischief, [and] who were, taken upon
a watchword given, and with their own knives (hanging about their necks)
were, by the Plimouth planters, stabbed and slain. One of which was
hanged up there, after the slaughter." When this came to the knowledge
of Chikataubufs people, they murdered the three English who had taken up
their residence with them, as they lay asleep, in revenge for the murder of
their countrymen. ||

After Standish was ready to proceed against Jf'ittuwamet, but before he
set out, one arrived from Wessaguscus almost famished,^! and gave the
people of Plimouth a lamentable account of the situation of his fellows ;
that not the least of their calamities was their being insulted by the Indians,
i whose boldness increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they got,

* As mentioned in our last extract from this author.

t Referring, it is supposed, to the quarrel with Caunbitant.

| The person who proposed hanging a sick man instead of the real offender.

$ New English Canaan, 111. || Ibid.

il His name was Phinehas Prat. An Indian followed him to kill him, but, by losing the
direct path, the Indian missed him. In 1662, the .general court of Massachusetts, in answer
to a petition of Phinehas Prat, then of Charlestown, which was accompanied " with a nar-
rative of the straights and hardships that the first planters of this colony underwent in their
endeavors to plant themselves at Plimouth, and since, whereof he was one, the court judgeth
it meet to grant him 300 acres of land, where it is to be had, not hirdering a plantation.''
MS. among thejiles in our state-house.

I have not been able to discover the narrative of Prat, after long search. Mr. Hubbard
probably used it in compiling his Hist, of New England.

At the court, 3 May, 1665, land was ordered to be laid out for Prat, "in the wilderness on
the east of me Mcrrimack P ; -er, near the upper end of Nacook Brook, on the south-east of it."
Conrt Files, ut supra.

Pnit married, in Plimouth, a daughter of Cuthbert Cuthbertson, in 1630. See 2 Col. Hist.
Soc. vii. 122.

100 MASSACKI; AT wi:ssA<;rscus. [BOOK n

they [the Indians] would take it out of their pots, and cat [it] belore their
laces," and that if they tried to prevent them, they would hold a knili' at
their breasts: and to sali>ty them, they had hanged one of tlicir company:
'That they had sold tlicir clothes for corn, and \\crc rcad\ to starxc both
with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to -( t \ictual> b\
reason of their nakedness."

This truly was a wretched picture of this second colony of .Massachusetts.
the knou ledge of which (says H'insloir) "gave us good encourage incut t<
proceed in our intendinents." Accordingly, the next day, M<ni<!ixh, v\ith
Hobotnok and eight Englishmen, set out uj)on the expedition. His taking M>
fe\v men shows how a few English i:nns were vet i'eared by the Indians.

Nevertheless, the historians would have us understand that Standish \\onld
:ake no more, because he would not have the Indians mistrust that he came
to fight them ; and they wotdd insinuate that it was owing to his p-eat \aior.

AVhen Blandish arrived at WessagUBCUS, he ibuud the people scat ten d
about, apprehending no danger whatever, engaged in their ordinary aliairs.
When he told them of the danger they were in from the Indians, the\ -aid
'they feared not the Indians, but lived, and suffered them to lodge with
them, not having sword or gun, or needing the same." Standish now in-
formed them of the plot, which was the first intimation, it appears, they had
of it. He ordered them to call in their men, and enjoined secrecv of his
intended massacre. But it seems from Winsloitfs Relation, that the Indians
got word of it, or mistrusted his design ; probably some of the Wessagus-
cus men warned them of it, who did not believe there was any plot.

Meantime, an Indian came to trade, and afterwards went away in friend-
ship. Standish) more sagacious than the rest, said he saw treachery in his
eye, and suspected his end in coming there was discovered. Shortly alter,
Peksuot, " who was a paniese,* being a man of a notable spirit," came to
Hobomok, and told him, He understood the captain was come to kill him and the
rest of the Indians there. "Tell him, (said Peksuot,) we know it, but fear him
not, neither will we shun him ; but let him begin when he dare [s], he will
not take us unawares."

The Indians now, as we might expect, began to prepare to meet the
danger, and the English say many of them came divers times into their
presence, and " would whet and sharpen the point of their knives," " and
use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wiltu-
icamai bragged of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the handle there
was pictured a woman's face ; but, said he, I have another at home, u-hereirith 1
have killed both French and English, and that hath a mail's face on it ; and by and
by these two must marry." To this he added, HINNAIM NAMEN, HIKNAIM MI-
CHEN, MATTA CUTS : that is, By and by it shoidd see, and by and by it should eat,
but not speak. "Also Pecksuot, (continues Winslow,} being a man of greater
stature than the captain, told him though he were a great captain, yet he was
but a little man : and, said he, though I be no sachem, yet I am a man of great
strength and courage. These things the captain observed, yet bare with pa-
tience for the present."

It will be seen, in what we have related, as well as what we are about to
add, that Thomas Morton's account, in some of the main facts, agrees with
that of Winslow. From the latter it appears that Standish, after considerable
maneuvering, could get advantage over but few of the Indians. At length
having got Peksuot and Wittuwamat " both together, with another man, and
a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wittuwamat,
and, villain like, trod in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weakei
sort of men, and having about as many of his own company in a room with
them, gave the word to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began himself
with Pecksuot, and, snatching his own knife from his neck, though with much

* " The Panieses are men of preat courage and wisedome, and to these also the Deuill
appeareth more familiarly than to others, and as wee conceiue, maketh couenant with them tc
preserue them from death by wounds with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c." Wimlmv's Rela-
tion. In speaking 1 of the origin of calumet, Charleroix says, some Indians told him that i
was given by the sun to Panis, a nation upon the Missouri. Voyage dans I'Amerique.

CHAP. II.] OBTAKIEST. HOBOMOK. 101

struggling, and killed him therewith the point whereof he had made as sharp
as a needle, and ground the back also to an edge. Wittuwamet and the other
man the, rest killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused to be hanged."

We could now wish this bloody tale were finished, but we have promised
to keep close to the record. Mr. Winslow continues, " But it is incredible
how many wounds these two panieses received before they died, not making any
fearful noise, but catching at their weapons, and striving to the last.

" Hobbamock stood by all this time,* and meddled not, observing how our
men demeaned themselves in this action." After the affray was ended, he
said to Standish, "Yesterday Pecksuot bragged of his own strength and
stature, said, though you were a great captain, yet you were but a little man
but to-day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground."

Standish was now sent to a company of Weston's men, who ordered them
to kill the Indians that were among them. They killed two. Himself with
some of his men killed another, at another place. As they were pursuing
this business, intending to kill all they could lay hands upon, " through the
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who discovered [disclosed] and
crossed their proceedings."

Joined by some of Mr. Weston's men, Standish discovered a few Indians,
and pursued them. Standish gained a hill which the Indians also strove to
occupy, and who, after shooting a few arrows, fled. " Whereupon Hobba-
mock cast off his coat, and being a known paniese, theirs being now killed,
chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him."
One who made a stand to shoot Standish had his arm broken by a shot,
which is all the advantage claimed by the English. The Indians got into a
swamp, and after some bravadoing on both sides, the parties separated.
After assisting the settlers of Wessaguscus to leave the place, the English
returned to Plimouth, taking along the head of Wittuwamet, which they set
up in their fort.

Meanwhile the Indian that followed Prat from Wessaguscus, as he returned
from Manomet, called at Plimouth in a friendly manner, and was there
seized and put in irons. Being asked if he knew the head of Wittuwamet,
said he did, and "looked piteously" upon it. "Then he confessed the
plot," and said his sachem, Obtakiest, had been drawn into it by the impor-
tunity of all the people. He denied any hand in it himself, and begged his
life might be spared. Said he was not a Massachuset, but only resided as a
stranger among them. Hobomok " also gave a good report of him, and be-
sought for him ; but was bribed so to do it." They finally concluded to spare
him, " the rather, because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest."
The message they charged him with was this, that they had never intended
to deal so with him, until they were forced to it by their treachery, and,
therefore, they might thank themselves for their own overthrow ; and as he
had now began, if he persisted in his course, " his country should not hold
him:" that he should forthwith send to Plimouth "the three Englishmen he
had, and not kill them."f

The English heard nothing from Obtakiest for a long time ; at length he
sent a woman to them, (probably no man would venture,) to tell them he
was sorry that the English were killed, before he heard from them, also
that he wished for peace, but none of his men durst come to treat about it.
The English learned from this woman, that he was in great consternation,
" having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, ex-
pecting when we would take further vengeance on him." The terror was
now general among them, and many, as we have elsewhere said, died through
fear and want. To this dismal narrative Mr. Winslow adds, " And certainly

* This, we suppose, is the affair to which President Allen alludes, in his American Biog-
raphy, (id ed.) when he says, "he [Hobomofc] fought bravely by his [Standisli's] side, in
iii23." If standing and looking on be fighting, then did Hobomok fight bravely on this
occasion.

f Morton, in his Neiv Canaan. Ill, says, these three men went to reside with Cliikataubut ;
hence Morton very reasonably suggests, that if the Plimouth people intended the men of
Wessaguscus any good, wliy did they not first see that all of them were out of danger before
Beginning war ?

102 HOBOMOK. SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. I BOOK II

it is strange to bear how many of late liave, and still daily die ainongsl
them; neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease ; because through
fear they set little or no corn, which is the stall' of life, and without which
they cannot long preserve health and strength."

These affairs call lor no commentary, that must accompany every mind
through every step of the relation. It would be weakness, as appears to us,
to attempt a vindication of the rash conduct of the English. Amid their
sufferings, some poor Indians resolved to attempt to appease the wrath of
the English governor by presents. Four set out by water in a boat for
Plimouth, but by accident were overset, and three of them were drowned:
the other returned back.

When Mr. Robinson, the father of the Plimouth church, heard how his
people had conducted in this affair with the Indians, he wrote to them, to
consider of the disposition of Captain Standish, "who was of a warm tem-
per," but he hoped the Lord had sent him among them for a good end, if
they used him as they ought. "He doubted," he said, "whether there was
not wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's image,"
which was so necessary; and above all, that "it would have been happy if
they had converted some before they had killed any."

The reader lias now passed through a period of Indian history of much
interest, wherein he will doubtless have found much to admire, and more
that he could have wished otherwise. Our business, however, we will
here remind him, is that of a dealer in facts altogether, and he must take
them, dry as they are, without any labored commentaries from us. Although
we have had occasion to introduce Hobomok several times, yet there remain
transactions of considerable interest in his life yet to be noticed.

HOBOMOK, or Hobbamock, was a great paniese or war captain among the
Wampanoags, as we have already had occasion to observe. He came to
Plimouth about the end of July, 1621, and continued with the English as
long as he lived. He was a principal means of the lasting friendship of
Massasoit, which Morton says, he " much furthered ; and that he was a
proper lusty young man, and one that was in account among the Indians in
those parts for his valor." He was of the greatest service in learning them
how to cultivate such fruits as were peculiar to the country, such as corn,
beans, &c. The account of his mission to Massasoit, to learn the truth of a
report that the Narragansets had made war upon him, and his interruption
and trouble from Caunbitant are already related.

Being a favorite of Massasoit, and one of his chief captains, the pilgrims-
found that they need not apprehend any treachery on his part, as Hobomok
was so completely in their interest, and also in that of the great sachem,
that he would advise them if any thing evil were on foot against them.
What strengthened them in this opinion was the following circumstance.
The Massachusetts Indians had for some time been inviting the English
into their country to trade for furs. When, in March, 1622, they began to
make ready for the voyage, Hobomok "told us, (says Winslow,} that he feared
the Massachusetts, or Massachuseuks, for they so called the people of that
place, were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneuks, a people of
Nanohigganset, and that they, therefore, would take this opportunity to cut
off' Capt. Standish and his company abroad ; but howsoever, in the mean-
time, it was to be feared, [he said,] that the Nanohigganeuks would assault
the town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy ; as also that 7Ys-
quantum was in the confederacy, who, [he said,] we should find, woidd use
many persuasions to draw us from our shallops to the Indians' houses for
their better advantage."

Nevertheless, they proceeded on their voyage, and when they had turned
the point called the Gurnet's Nose, a false messenger came running into
Plimouth town, apparently in a great fright, out of breath, and bleeding
from a wound in his face. He told them that Caunbitant, with many of the
Narragansets, and he believed Massasoit with them, were coming to de-
stroy the English. No one doubted of his sincerity, and the first thought of
the people was to bring back their military leader, who had just gone in
the boat with Hobomok. A piece of cannon was immediately discharged

CHAP. II.] HOBOMOK. SQUANTO'S PERFIDY. 1C;!

which, to their great joy, soon caused the boat to return, not having got ort
of hearing. They had no sooner arrived, than Hobomok told them there was
no truth in the report, and said it was a plot of Squanto, who was then with
them, and even one of those in the boat; that he knew Massasoit would not
undertake such an enterprise without consulting him. Hobomok was confi-
dent, because he w r as himself a great chief, and one of Massasoifs counsel-
lors. Squanto denied all knowledge of any plot, and thus ended the affair.
The English, however, seemed well satisfied that Squanto had laid this shal-
low plot to set them against Massasoit, thinking they would destroy him, by
which means he expected to become chief sachem himself; and this seems
the more probable, as Massasoit was for some time irreconcilable because
they withheld him from him, when he had forfeited his life, as in our nar-
ration has been set forth. But entirely to satisfy the English, Hobomok sent
his wife to Pokanoket privately to gain exact intelligence, and her return
only verified what her husband had said.

" Thus by degrees (continues Winslow] we began to discover Tisquantum,
whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his countrymen,
by means of his nearness and favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he
stood. In general, his course was, to persuade them he could lead us to
peace or war at his pleasure ; and would oft threaten the Indians, sending
them word, in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that
thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their peace, insomuch as they
had him in greater esteem than many of their sachems , yea, they them-
selves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and
protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas divers
were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode,
now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and
innocency therein ; assuring them, till they begun with us, they should have
no cause to fear : and if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they
should punish them as liars, and seekers of their and our disturbance ; which
gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides." "For these and the like
abuses, the governor sharply reproved him, yet was he so necessary and
profitable an instrument, as at that time we could not miss him."

To the end that he might possess his countrymen with great fear of the
English, Tisquantum told them the English kept the plague buried in their
store-house, and that they could send it, at any time, and to any place, to
destroy whatever persons or people they would, though they themselves
stirred not out of doors. Among the rest, he had made Hobomok believe
this tale, who asked the English if it were true, and being informed that it
was not, it exploded like his other impostures.

There is but little doubt that Squanto was in the interest of Caunbitant,
and lived among the English as a spy, while Hobomok was honestly, as he
pretended, a strong friend to them ; but for some time it was nearly impos-
sible for them to know which was their best friend, as each seemed emu-
lous to outvie the other in good offices. They were, however, at this time
satisfied ; for, Hobomok's wife having told Massasoit what had happened, and
that it was one of Squanto 1 s men that gave the alarm, satisfied him that that
sagamore had caused it, and he therefore demanded him of the English,
that he might put him to death, according to their law, as has been related.
But the English, regarding the benefit resulting to them from saving his
life, more than keeping inviolate the treaty before made with Massasoit.
evaded the demand, and thus Squanto was permitted to escape.

Hobomok was greatly beloved by Massasoit, notwithstanding he became a
professed Christian, and Massasoit was always opposed to the English religion
himself. It has been told in the life of the great Massasoit, how valuable
was the agency of Hobomok, in faithfully revealing the mischievous plot of
Caunbitant, which terminated in the death of Wittuwamd and Peksuot. He
was the pilot of the English when they visited Massasoit in his sickness,
whom before their arrival thev considered dead, which caused ffreat mani-

/ O

festations of grief in Hobomok. He often exclaimed, as they were on
their way, " Neen ivomasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus" &c., which is.

104 A VOYAGE. NANEPASHEMET. OBBATINEWAT. [BOOK Jl

"Mv loving Sachem, ni\ IovinL r Sachem ! many have I known, but never anv

tf m *

like tliee." Then, turning to iMr. H'inslow, said, "While you live you will
never see his like among the Indians; that he was no liar, nor bloody and
?ruel like other Jndians. In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed ; ea.-y
to be reconciled towards such as had offended him ; that his reason w;;s
such as to cause him to receive advice of mean men ; and that he governed
iiis people better with few blows, than others did with many."

In the division of the land at Plimouth among the inhabitants, Holcmo!:
received a lot as his share, on which he resided after the English manner
and died a Christian among them. The year of his death does not appear,
but was previous to 1(342.

It has already been mentioned that the pilerims made a voyage to 3Ias>:--

* / o

chusetts in the autumn of 1621. It was in this voyage that they became
acquainted with the fame of Nanepashemet. The English had heard that
the Indians in the Massachusetts had threatened them, and they went (says
Mourt) "partly to see the country, partly to make peace with them, and
partly to procure their truck."

Squanto was pilot in this voyage. They went ashore in the bottom of the
bay, and landed under a cliff which some* have supposed was what has
been since called Copp's Hill, f now the north part of Boston. This was on
20th Sept. 1621. They saw no Indians until some time after they went
ashore, but found a parcel of lobsters which they had collected, with which
they refreshed themselves. Soon after, as they were proceeding on an
excursion, " they met a woman coming for her lobsters." They told her
what they had done, and paid her for them. She told them where to find
Indians, and Squanto went to them to prepare them for meeting with the
English.

Obbatinewat now received the voyagers. This sachem (if he be the
same) had made peace with the English at Plimouth only seven days pre-
vious, as we have had occasion to notice. He told them he was sachem of
the place, and was subject to Massasoit ; and that he dared not remain long
in any place, from fear of the Tarratines, who were "wont to come at har-
vest and take away their corn, and many times kill them." Also that Squaiv-
Sache.m of Massachusetts was his enemy. This Squaw-Sachem, J as we be-
lieve, was chief of those inland Indians since denominated the Nipnets, or
Xipmucks, and lived at this time near Wachuset Mountain. The English
intended to have visited her at this time, but found the distance too great
to proceed. They received the greatest kindness from all the Indian^ they
met with, and mentioned that of Obbatinewat in particular. And they say,
; ' We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledged themselves to be
King James his men, and if he also would submit himself, \\ we would be his
safeguard from his enemies, which he did."

At another place, " having gone three miles, in arms, up in the country,
we came (say they) to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house
pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemef,
their king, in his life-time had lived.H His house was not like others, but a
scaffold was largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the]
ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill. Not
far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort," built by Nanepashemet. It

Dr. Belknap appears to have been the first who suggested this. See his Biog. ii. 224.

t We had supposed this eminence to have been so called from a copse or clump of trees,
which for a long time remained upon it, after it became known to the whites; but Shmr.
Descrip. Boston, f>7. says it \vas named from one Copp, a shoemaker. And Snow, Hist.
Boston, 105, says William Copp was the proprietor of " a portion of the hill."

t " Sachems or sagamores, which are but one and the same title, the first more usual
with the southward, the other with the northward Indians, to express the title of him that hath
the chief command of a place or people." Hist. N. E. 60.

Shattuck (Hist. Concord, 2) says she was visited at this time by these voyagers, but 1
am not able to arrive at any such conclusion from any source of information in my pos-
session.

|| It does not seem from this that he is the same who before had submitted at Plimouth, as
Mr. Prince supposes.

U Mr. Shattuck in his Hist. Concord, says, this " was in Medford, near Mystic Pond."

CHAP II. 1 NANEPASHEMET. HIS DEATH, &c IQ.J

\vas made with "poles some 30 or 40 foot long, stuck in the ground, as thick
as they could be set one by another, and with these they enclosed a ring
some 40 or 50 loot over. A trench, breast high, was digged on each side.*
One way there was to get into it with a bridge. In the midst of this pali-
sado stood the frame of an house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried.
About a mile from hence, we came to such another, but seated on the top
of an hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the
time of his death."

According to Mr. Lewis, Nanepashemet was killed about the year 1619, and
his widow, who was Squaw-Sachem belbre named, continued the government.-}
He left live children,:): four of whose names we gather from the interesting
History of Lynn ; viz. 1. Montowampate, called by the English Sagamore
James. He was sachem of Saugus. 2. Abigail, a daughter. 3. Wonohaqua-
ham, called Sagamore John, sachem of Winnesimet. 4. Winnepurkitt, called
Sagamore George, or George Rumneymarsh, the successor of Montowampate at
Saugus. Of most of these we shall speak in detail hereafter.

Squaw- Sachem, according to the authority last mentioned, was the spouse
of Wappacowet^ or Webcowit, in 1635. She and her husband, lour years
after, 1639, deeded to Jot ham Gibbones "the reversion of all that parcel of
land which lies against the ponds of Mystic, together with the said ponds,
all which we reserved from Charlestown and Cambridge, late called New-
town, after the death of me, the said Squaw-Sachem." The consideration was,
"the many kindnesses and benefits we have received from the hands of
Captain Edward Gibbones, of Boston."

TJi SQUA-SACHEM'S mark ^^
WEBCOWIT'S mark - 1 L -

Webcowit was a powwow priest, or magical physician, and was considered
next in importance to Nanepashemet among the subjects of that chiefj after
his death ; as a matter of course, his widow took him to her bed. It does
lot appear, that he was either much respected or thought much of; especial-
ly by his wife, as in the above extract from their deed, no provision seems
to have been made for him after her death, if he outlived her. At all
events, we may conclude, without hazard we think, that if breeches had
been in fashion among Indians, the wife of JFebcowit would have been ac-
countable for the article in this case.

In 1(343, Massachusetts covenanted with " Wassamequin, Nashoonon, Kutch-
amaquin, Massaconomet, and Squaw-Sachem,"^ to the end that mutual bene-
fit might accrue to each party. The sachems put themselves under the
government of the English, agreeing to observe their laws, in as far as they
should be made to understand them. For this confidence and concession
of their persons and lands into their hands, the English on their part agreed
to extend the same protection to them and their people as to their English
subjects.il

What had become of Webcowit at this time does not appear ; perhaps he
ivas off powwowing, or at home, doing the ordinary labor of the household.
We hear of him, however, four years after, (1647,) "taking an active part"
in the endeavors made by the English to Christianize his countrymen. " He
asked the English why some of them had been 27 years in the land, and
never taught them to know God till then. Had you done it sooner, (said
he,) we might have known much of God by this time, arid much sin might
have been prevented, but now some of us are grown [too] old in sin."

* Might not, then, the western mounds have bei n formed by Indians ?

f Hist. Lynn, 16.

\ Shattuck, ib. who fixes her residence at Concord j she, doubtless, had several places of
residence.

$ His name is spelt Wehcowits to MS. deed in my possession, and in Mr. Shattuck's MSS
Wibhacowitts , as appears from his History.

|| In the Histonj of the Narraganset Country, these names are written Wassamegun,
Aashawanon, Cutshamacke, Massanomell, and Squa- Sachem. See 3 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc
i. 212.

If See Gookin's MS. Hist. Praying Indie ns.

106 SOME ACCOUNT OF THE MASSACHUSETTS. [Boon 11.

The English said they repented of their neglect; but recollecting themselves
Answered, "You were not willing to heare till now," and that God had not
turned their hearts till thru.

Of the sachems who made the covenant above named, the first we supposr.
to have beeii Massasoit, on the part of the Wampanoage, who at this time
was, perhaps, among the Nipmuks; Nashoonon, a Nipmuk chief, with whom
Massasoit now resided. His residence was near what was since Magus Hill,
in Worcester county. He was probably at Plimouth, 13 Sept., 1621, where
he signed a treaty with eight others, as we have set down in the life of Caun-
bitant His name is there spelt Nattawahunt. In Winthrop's Journal,
it is Nashacoivarn, and we suppose he was father of Nassowanno, mentioned
by Wliitney.\ KutcJiamaquin was sachem of Dorchester and vicinity, and
Massaconomet was Mascononomo.

CHAPTER HI.

Some account of the Massachusetts Geography of their country CHIKATAUBUT
WAMPATUCK his war with the Muhawks MASCONONOMO CANONICUS MON-
TOWAMPATE Small -pox distresses the Indians WONOHAQUAHAM WINNEPUR-
KIT MANATAHQ.UA SCITTERYGUSSET NATTAHATTAWANTS WAHGUMACUT-
JACK-STRAW JAMES.

NOT long before the settlement of Plimouth, the Massachusetts had been
a numerous people, but were greatly reduced at this time ; partly from the
great plague, of which we have already spoken, and subsequently from their
wars with the Tarratines. Of this war none but the scanty records of the
first settlers are to be had, and in them few particulars are preserved ; J
therefore it will not be expected that ever a complete account of the territo-
ries and power of the Massachusetts can be given ; broken down as they
were at the time they became known to the Europeans ; for we have seen that
their sachems, when first visited by the Plimouth people, were shifting for
their lives not daring to lodge a second night in the same place, from their
fear of the Tarratines. Hence, if these Indians had existed as an independ-
ent tribe, their history was long since swept away " in gloomy tempests,"
and obscured in " a night of clouds," and nothing but a meagre tradition re-
mained. For some time after the country was settled, they would fly for
protection from the Tariatines to the houses of the English.

It is said, by Mr. Gookin, that " their chief sachem held dominion over
many other petty governors ; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punka-
paog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pokom-
takuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in
former times, arm for war about 3000 men, as the old Indians declare.
They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts ; but held amity,
for the most part, with the Pawkunnawkutts." Near the mouth of Charles
River " used to be the general rendezvous of all the Indians, both on the
south and north side of the country ."|| HutckinsonM says, "That circle
which now makes the harbors of Boston and Charlestown, round by Mai-
den, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester,
was the capital of a great sachem,** much revered by all the plantations
round about. The tradition is, that this sachem had his principal seat upon
a small hill, or rising upland, in the midst of a body of salt marsh in the
township of Dorchester, near to a place called Squantum."ff Hence it will

* Hist. Concord, 25. t Hist. Worcester Co. 174.

J This war was caused, says Mr. Huhhard, " upon the account of some treachery " on
the part of the western tribes, i. e. t

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 148.

IT From Neal's Hist. N. Etifc., probably, which see.

** It will be a good while before the present possessors of the country can boast of such a
sapital.

ft Hist. Mass. i. 460. And here it was, I suppose, that the Plimouth people landed in iheii

the tribes west of the 3Ierrimac-k. Hist. New Eng. 30.

Hist. N. Eng. 32

CHAP. Ill] CHIKATAUBUT VISITS BOSTON. 107

be observed, that among the accounts of the earliest writers, the dominions
of the different sachems were considered as comprehended within very
different limits ; a kind of general idea, therefore, can only be had of the
extent of their possessions. It is evident that the Massachusetts were either
subject to the Narragan setts, or in alliance with them; for when the latter
were at war with the Pequots, Chikataubut and Sagamore John both wenl
with many men to aid Canonicus, who had sent for them. This war began
in 1632, and ended hi 1635, to the advantage of the Pequots.

We shall now proceed to speak of the chiefs agreeably to our plan.

Chikataubut, or Chikkatabak, in English, a house-a-Jire, was a sachem of
considerable note, and generally supposed to have had dominion over the
Massachusetts Indians. Thomas Morton mentions him in his NEW CANAAN,
as sachem of Passonagesit, (about Weymouth,) and says his mother was
buried there. I need make no comments upon the authority, or warn the
reader concerning the stories of Morton, as this is done in almost every
book, early and late, about New England ; but shall relate the following
from him.

In the first settling of Plimouth, some of the company, in wandering about
upon discovery, came upon an Indian grave, which was that of the mother
of Chikataubut. Over the body a stake was set in the ground, and
tw r o bear-skins, sewed together, spread over it ; these the English took
away. When this came to the knowledge of Chikataubut, he complained to
his people, and demanded immediate vengeance. When they were as-
sembled, he thus harangued them : " When last the glorious light of all the
sky was underneath this globe, and birds grew silent, I began to settle, as
my custom is, to take repose. Before mine eyes were fast closed, me tho't
I saw a vision, at which my spirit was much troubled, and trembling at that
doleful sight, a spirit cried aloud, ' Behold ! my son, whom I have cherished ;
see the paps that gave thee suck, the hands that clasped thee warm, and fed
thee oft ; canst thou forget to take revenge of those wild people, that hath
my monument defaced in a despiteful manner ; disdaining our ancient anti-
quities, and honorable customs. See now the sachem's grave lies like unto
the common people, of ignoble race defaced. Thy mother doth complain,
implores thy aid against this thievish people new come hither; if this be
suffered, I shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation.' "*

Battle was the unanimous resolve, and the English were watched, and
followed from place to place, until at length, as some were going ashore in
a boat, they fell upon them, but gained no advantage. After maintaining
the fight for some time, and being driven from tree to tree, the chief captain
was wounded in the arm, and the whole took to flight. This action caused
the natives about Plimouth to look upon the English as invincible, and this
was the reason why peace was so long maintained between them. Of the
time and circumstances of this battle or fight we have detailed at length in
a previous chapter.

Mourfs Relation goes far to establish the main facts in the above account.
It says, " We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and cov-
ered the corpse up again," and, "there was variety of opinions amongst us
about the embalmed person," but no mention of the bear-skins.

From a comparison of the different accounts, there is but little doubt, that
the English were attacked at Namskekit, in consequence of their depreda-
tions upon the graves, corn, &c. of the Indians.

In 16*21, Chikataubut, with eight other sachems, acknowledged, by a writ-
ten instrument, which we have already given, themselves the subjects of
King James. Ten years after this, 23 March, 1631, he visited Governor
Winihrop at Boston, and presented him with a hogshead of corn. Many of
"his sannops and squaws" came with him, but were most of them sent
away, "after they had all dined," although it thundered and rained, and the
governor urged their stay ; Chikataubut probably feared they would be

voyage to Massachusetts before spoken of, and from Squanto who was with them it probably
received its name.

* If this be fiction, a modern compiler has deceived some of his readers. The article in
the Analectic Magazine may have been his source of information, but the original may be
Seen '".' 1 T "~'r"n' 7Vi/i Clrimwn. lOfi qprl 107

108 CIIIK ATAUKUT HIS DEATH. [BooK II.

burdensome. At this time he wore English clothes, and sat at the govern-
or's table, " where he behaved himself as soberly, &c. as an Englishman. 91

Not long after, lie called on (Jovrrnor Winthrop,Bnd desired to buy clothes
for himself ; the governor informed him that "English sagamores did not
use to truck ;* but he called his tailor, and gave him order to make him a
suit of clothes ; whereupon he gave the governor two large skins ol' coat
beaver." In a few days his clothes were ready, and the governor "put him
into a very good new suit from head to foot, and after, he set meat before
them ; but he would not eat till the governor had given thanks, and after meat
he desired him to do the like, and so departed."

June 14, 1631, at a court, Chikataubut was ordered to pay a small skin of
beaver, to satisfy for one of his men's having killed a pig, which he com-
plied with. A man by the name of Plastoive, and some others, having stolen
corn Irom him, the same year, the court, Sept. 27, ordered that Plastowe .should
restore "two-fold," and lose his title of gentleman, and pay 5. This I sup-
pose they deemed equivalent to four-fold. His accomplices were whipped,
to the same amount The next year we find him engaged with other sachems
in an expedition against the Pequots. The same year two of his men were
convicted of assaulting some persons of Dorchester in their houses. " They
were put in the bilboes," and himself required to beat them, which he did.f

The small-pox was very prevalent among the Indians in 1633, in which
3"ear, some time in November, Chikataubut died.

The residence of the family of Chikataubut was at Tehticut., now included
in Middleborough. He was in obedience to Massasoit, and, like other chiefs,
had various places of resort, to suit the different seasons of the year;
sometimes at Wessaguscusset, sometimes at Neponset, and especially upon
that part of NamasketJ called Tehticut. This was truly a river of saga-
mores. Its abundant stores of fish, in the spring, drew them from all parts
of the realm of the chief sachem.

In deeds, given by the Indians, the place of their residence is generally
mentioned, and from what we shall recite in the progress of this article, it
will be seen that the same chief has different residences assigned to him.

August 5, 1665, Quincy, then Braintree, was deeded by a son of Chikatau-
but, in these terms :

"To all Indian people to whom these presents shall come; Wampatuck,
alias Josiah Sagamore, of Massathusetts, in Newengland, the son of Chikatau-
but deceased, sendeth greeting. Know yoo that the said Wampatuck, being
of full age and power, according to the order and custom of the natives.
hath, with the consent of his wise men, viz. Squamog, his brother Daniel,
m\d Old Hahatun, and William Mananiomott, Job Nassott, Manuntago William
JVakanton\\ * "For divers goods and valuable reasons therunto ; and in
special for "21 10s. in hand. It was subscribed and witnessed thus:

JOSIAH, alias WAMPATUCK, his fQ inarke.
DANIEL SQUAMOG, and a mark.
OLD NAHATU:V, and a mark.
WILLIAM MAJVUMON, and a mark.
JOB NOISTENNS.

ROBERT, alias MAMUNTAGO, and a mark.
WILLIAM HAHATUN.
In presence of

THOMAS KEYAHGUNSSON, and a mark Q.
JOSEPH MANUMON, his g mark,
THOMAS WEYMODS, his O mark.

* However true this might have been of the governor, at least, we think, he should
have used the plural

t " The most usual custom amongst them in exercising 1 punishments, is, for the sachem
either to heat, or whip, or put to death with his own hand, to which the common sort most
quietly submit." Williams.

\ Namauasuck signified in their lansruageyzs/ies, and some early wrote Namascheuck.

History of Quincy, by Rev. Mr. Whitney, taken from the original in the possession of the
Hon. J. Q. Adams.

J| Nahaton, or Ahaton, and the same sometimes written Ne/imden. See \Vortliingtoii
tns'. 1^-edliA'im, 21 tie suid ianui> ipou (Aar:e> Rjver in 1680 ih.

CHAP. III.] WAMPATUCK. HIS MOHAWK WAR. 109

There is a quit-claim deed from " Charles Josias, alias Josias Wampatuck,
grandson of Chikataubut, dated 19 Mar. 1695, of Boston and the adjacent
country, and the islands in the harbor, to the " proprietated inhabitants of the
town of Boston," to be seen among the Suffolk records.* Wampatuck says.
or some one/or him, "Forasmuch as I am informed, and well assured frcflii
several ancient Indians, as well those of my council as others, that, upon
the first coming of the English to sit down and settle in those parts of New
England, my above-named grandfather, Chikataubut, by and with the advice
of his council, for encouragement thereof moving, did give, grant, sell, alien-
ate, and confirm unto the English planters," the lands above named.

Besides Josias, there signed this deed with him, Jfliawton, sen., William Ha-
haton, and Robert Momentauge.

Josias, or Josiah Wampatuck, \vas sachem of Mattakeesett,f and, from
the deeds which he gave, must have been the owner of much of the lands
southward of Boston. In 1653, he sold to Timothy Hatherly, James Cudworth,
Joseph Tilden, Humphrey Turner, William Hatch, John Hoare, and James Tor-
rey, a large tract of land in the vicinity of Accord Pond and North Rjver.

In 1662, he sold Pachage Neck, [now called Ptchade,] "lying between
Namassakett riuer and a brook falling into Teticutt riuer, viz. the most
westerly of the three small brookes that do fall into the said riuer;" like-
wise all the meadow upon said three brooks, for 21. Also, another tract
bounded by Plimouth and Duxbury on one side, and Bridgewater on the
other, extending to the great pond Mattakeeset ; provided it included not the
1000 acres given to his son and George Wampey, about those ponds. This
deed was witnessed by George Wampey and John Wampowes.

After the death of his father, Josias was often called Josias Chikataubut.
In the PLIMOUTH RECORDS we find this notice, but without date : "Memoran-
dum, that Josias Chickabutt and his wife doe ow r ne the whole necke of Pun-
kateesett to beloing vnto Plymouth men," &c.

In 1668, " Josias Chickatabutt, sachem of Namassakeesett," sold to Robert
Studson of Scituate, a tract of land called Nanumackeuitt, for a " valuable
consideration," as the deed expresses it. This tract was bounded on the
east by Scituate.

Josias had a son Jeremy ; and " Charles Josiah, son of Jeremy, was the last of
the race."J Of Josiah, Mr. Gookin gives us important information.

War between the Massachusett Indians and Mohawks. In the year 1669, " the
war having now continued between the Maquas and our Indians, about six
years, divers Indians, our neighbors, united their forces together, and made
an army of about 6 or 700 men, and marched into the Maquas' country, to
take revenge of them. This enterprise was contrived and undertaken
without the privity, and contrary to the advice of their English friends. Mr.
Eliot and myself, in particular, dissuaded them, and gave them several
reasons against it, but they would not hear us." Five of the Christian
Indians went out with them, and but one only returned alive. " The chief-
est general in this expedition was the principal sachem of Massachusetts,
named Josiah, alias Chekatabutt, a wise and stout man, of middle age, but a
very vicious person. He had considerable knowledge in the Christian
religion ; and sometime, when he was younger, seemed to profess it for a
time; for he was bred up by his uncle, Kuchamakin, who was the first
sachem and his people to whom Mr. Eliot preached."

Of those who went out with Wampatuk from other tribes we have no rec-
ord ; but there were many, probably, as usual upon such expeditions.

This army arrived at the Mohawk fort after a journey of about 200 miles ;
when, upon besieging it some time, and having some of their men killed in
sallies, and sundry others sick, they gave up the siege and retreated. Mean-
while the Mohawks pursued them, got in their front, and, from an ambush,

* Printed at length in Snow's Hist. Boston, 389, et cet.
i Deajte's Hist. Scituate, 144.

$ Ibid. Sqnamaug was a brother of Josiah, and ruled " as sachem during the minority "
of Jeremy. Dr. Harris, Hist. Dorchester, 16, 17.
1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 166.

110 MASCONONOMO OF AGAWAM. fBoox II

attacked them in a defile, and a great fight ensued. Finally the Mohawk?
were put to flight by the extraordinary bravery and prowess of Chikataubut
and his captains. But what was most calamitous in this disastrous expedi-
tion, was, the loss of the great chief Chikataubut, who, after performing prodi-
gies of valor, was lulled in repelling the Mohawks in their last attack, with
almost all his captains, in number about 50, as was supposed.* This was a
severe stroke to these Indians, and they suffered much from chagrin on
their return home. The Mohawks considered themselves their masters,
tind although a peace was brought about between them, by the mediation of
the English and Dutch on each side, yet the Massachusetts and others often
tsiiff.-m! from their incursions.

A chief of much the same importance as Chikataubut and his sons, was
Mascononomo, or Masconomo, sachem of Agawam, since called Ipswich.
When the fleet which brought over the colony that settled Boston, in 1G30,
anchored near Cape Ann, he welcomed them to his shores, and spent some
time on board one of the ships.f

On the 28th June, 1638, Mascononomet J executed a deed of "all his lands
in Ipswich," to John Winthrop,JT^ for the sum of 20.

At a court in July, 1631, it was ordered, that "the sagamore of Agawam is
banished from coming into any Englishman's house for a year, under penalty
often beaver-skins." || This w r as probably done in retaliation lor his having
committed acts of violence on the Tarratines, who soon after came out
with great force against Mascononomo ; he having, "as was usually said,
treacherously killed some of those Tarratine families."1I It would seem
that he expected an attack, and had therefore called to his aid some of the
sachems near Boston ; for it so happened that Montowampate and Wonoha-
quaham were at Agawam when the Tarratiues made an attack, but whether
bv concert or accident is not clear.

To the number of 100 men, in three canoes, the Tarratines came out on
this enterprise, on the 8 August following. They attacked Mascononomo and
his guests in his wigwam in the night, killed seven men, wounded Mascono-
nomo himself, and Montowampate, and Wonohaquaham, and several others who
afterwards died. They took the wife of Montowampate captive, but it so hap-
pened that Abraham Shurd of Pemmaquid ransomed her, and sent her home,
where she arrived on the 17 September the same autumn.** From Mr. Cob-
befs account, it appears that they came against the English, who, but for an
Indian, named Robin, would have been cut off, as the able men at this time,
belonging to Ipswich, did not exceed 30; and most of these were from home
on the day the attack was to have been made. Robin, having by some means
found out their intentions, went to John Perkins,^ and told him that on such
a day four Tarratines would come and invite the English to trade, " and draw
them down the hill to the water side," when 40 canoes full of armed Indians
would be ready, under " the brow of the hill," to fall upon them. It tunic d
out as Robin had reported ; but the Indians were frightened off by a false
show of numbers, an old drum, and a few guns, without effecting their
objectft

We hear no more of him until 1644, March 8, when, at a court held in
Boston, " Cutshamekin and Squaw-Sachem, Masconomo, Nashacowam and Was-
samasrin, two sachems near the great hill to the west, called Wachusett, came
into the court, and, according to their former tender to the governor, desired
to be received under our protection and government, upon the same terms

* 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 167.

t Hist. N. England.

t This is doubtless the most correct spelling of his name. It is scarce spelt twice alike ir
the MS. records.

Records of Gen. Court, v. 381. || Prince, 357.

IT Hubbard's N. E. 145.

** Wintlirop's Jour. Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 39, 40. Felt's Hist. Ipswich, 3.

tt Quarter-master, " living then in a little hut upon his father's island on this side of Jeof
rv's Neck." MS. Narratire.
" tt Cobbet's MS. Narrative.

They desired this from their great fear of the Mohawks, it is said.

CHAP. III.] MONTOWAMPATE. WONOHAQUAHAM. Ill

that Pumham and Sacononoco were. So we causing them to understand the
articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to
all,* they were solemnly received, and then presented the court with twenty-
six fathom of wampum, and the court gave each of them a coat of two yards
of cloth, and their dinner; and to them and their men, eveiy one of them, a
cup of sac at their departure ; so they took leave, and went away very joyful." f

In the Town Records of Ipswich, under date 18 June 1658, a grant is made to
the widow of Mascononoino, of "that parcel of land which her husband had
f.-nced in," so long as she should remain a widow. Her husband was the last
of the sachems of Agawam, and with him, says Mr. Felt, descended "his feble
and broken scepter to the grave." He died on the 6 March, 1658, and was
buried on Sagamore Hill, now within the bounds of Hamilton. His gun and
other valuable implements were interred with him. "Idle curiosity, wanton,
sacrilegious sport, prompted an individual to dig up the remains of this chief j
and to carry his scull on a pole through Ipswich streets. Such an act of bar-
barity was severely frowned upon, and speedily visited with retributive civil
justice."!

MONTOWAMPATE, sagamore of Lynn and Marblehead, was known more
generally among the whites as Sagamore James. He was son of Nanepashemei,
and brother of Wonohaqvaham and Winnepurkitt.^ He died in 1633, of the
small-pox, "with most of his people. It is said that these two promised, if
ever they recovered, to live with the English, and serve their God."||
Montowampate, having been defrauded of 20 beaver-skins, by a man named
Waits, who had since gone to England, he went to Gov. Winthrop on the 20
March, 1631, to know how he should obtain recompense. The governor gave
him a letter to Emanuel Downing, Esq. of London, from which circumstance
it would seem that the chief determined to go there ; and it is said that he
actually visited England and received his due.^f The histories of those times
give a melancholy picture of the distresses caused by the small-pox among the
" wretched natives." " There are," says Mather, " some old planters surviving
to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians ; even whole families of
them all dead at once. In one of the wigwams they found a poor infant suck-
ing at the breast of the dead mother."** The same author observes that, before
the disease began, the Indians had begun to quarrel with the English about
the bounds of their lands, " but God ended the controversy by sending the
small-pox among the Indians at Saugus, who were before that time exceeding-
ly numerous."

We have mentioned another of the family of JVanepashemet, also a sachem.
This was Wonohaquaham, called by the English Sagamore John, of Winisimet.
His residence was at what was then called Rumncymarsh, part of which is
now in Chelsea and part in Saugus. As early as 1631, he had cause to com-
plain that some of the English settlers had burnt two of his wigwams.
" Which wigwams," says Governor Dudley,^ " were not inhabited, but stood in
a place convenient for their shelter, when, upon occasion, they should travel
that way." The court, upon examination, found that a servant of Sir R. Sul-
tonstall had been the means of the mischief, whose master was ordered to
make satisfaction, "which he did by seven yards of cloth, and that his servant
pay him, at the end of his time, fifty shillings sterling.''^ Sagamore John died
at Winisimet, in 1633, of the small-pox. He desired to become acquainted
with the Englishmen's God, in his sickness, and requested them to take his
two sons and instruct them in Christianity, which they did.||||

Winmpurkitt,^*\ who married a daughter of Passaconaway, makes considera-
ble figure also in our Indian annals. He was born about 1616, and succeeded
Montowampate, at his death, in 1633. The English called him George Rumney-

f The articles which they subscribed, will be seen at large when the Manuscript Hist, of I/IP
Praying Indians, by Daniel Gookin, shall be published. They do not read precisely a*
rendered by Winthrop.

f Winthrorf s Journal. \ Hist. Ipswich, 5. Lewis's Hist. Lynn, 16, 17.

II Hist, of 'New England, 195. H History of Lynn, 33. ** Relation, &c. 23.

ft Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 25, edition 1G96.

jj Prince's Chronology. History of New England, 195. 650.

|| || Wonder-working Providence. HIT Spelt also Winnaperket

112 MANATAHQUA.NATTAHATTA WANTS. [BOOK II

marsh, and at one time he was proprietor of Deer Island, in I'oston harbor

In the latter part of his hit', he went to Barbadoes. It is supposed that h<
was carried there with the prisoners who were sold for slaves, at the end ol'
Philips war. Jfe died soon alter his return, in 1084, at the house of .Vuuiin-
fjuff^/i, aged 6S \ears." Ahawayetsquaine, daughter ot' Poquanum, is also nien-
tioned as his wife, by whom he had several children.'

.Vaniitahqua, called also Black-William, was a saehein, and proprietor o' N.I-
hant, when the adjacent country was settled by the whites. II. s ihther \<"!
at Swampscot, and was also a sagamore, but probably was de-id befor. ill
English settled in the country .f A traveller in this thenj wilderness \v >rld.
thus notices William, and his possessing Nahant. "One Black-ivilliaia, an
I a <f inn Duke, out of his generosity gave this place in general to the plantation
of Saugus, so that no other can appropriate it to himself." lie was a gre;.t
friend to the whites, but his friendship w r as repaid, as was that of many other-
of that and even much later times. There was a man by the name of lf'ull< r
Bagnall, nicknamed Great // ot, " a wicked fellow," who had much wronged
the Indians, killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some of
those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As some v 'ssri-
were upon the eastern coast in search of pirates, in January, 1633, they yut in
at Richmond's Island, where they fell in with Black-william. This w,\s the
place where Bagnall had been killed about two years before ; but whether he
had any thing to do with it, does not appear, nor do I find that any one, even
his murderers, pretended he was any way implicated; but, out of revenge for
Bagnall's death, these pirate-hunters hanged Black-william. On the contrary,
it was particularly mentioned || that Bagnall was killed by Squidraysd and his
men, some Indians belonging to that part of the country.

This Squidrayset, or Scitterygusset, for whose act Manatahqua r-i'ffered, was
the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, Maine. A civek ^iear the
mouth of Presumpscot River perpetuates his name to this day. Mr. ff'illis
supposes he w r as saehein of the Aucocisco tribe, who inhabited L >t<\ >en the
Androscoggin and Saco rivers; and that from Aucocisco come. Oasco.1I
There can be but little doubt that Bagnall deserved his fate,** if auj c<?serve
such ; but the other was the act of white men, and we leave the r \ aer to
draw the parallel between the two : perhaps he will inquire, Were, the rai'i derers
of MANATAHQUA brought to justice? All we can answer is, The. records :tre si-
lent. Perhaps it was considered an offset to the murder of Bagnall.

JVattahattawants, in the year 1642, sold to Simon Willard, in behalf of "Mr.
Jfinthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Noivell, and Mr. Jllden," a large tract of land upon
both sides Concord River. "Mr. Winthrop, our present governor, 1*260 acres,
Mr. Dudley, 1500 acres, on the S. E. side of the river, Mr. Nowell, 500 acres,
and Mr. Allen, 500 acres, on the N. E. side of the river, and in consideration
hereof the said Simon giueth to the said Nattahattawants six fadom of waom-
pampege, one wastcoat, and one breeches, and the said JVattahattawants doth
covenant and bind himself, that hee nor any other Indians shall set traps with-
iu this ground, so as any cattle might recieve hurt thereby, and what catile
shall receive hurt by this meanes, hee shall be lyable to make it good." [In
the deed, JVattahattawants is called sachem of that land.]

Witnessed by The mark of @ NATAHATTA WANTS.

three whites. The mark of @ WINNIPIX, an Indian

tJiat traded for Tuw.ff

The name of this chief, as appears from documents copied by Mr. $hattuck$.
was understood Tahattawan, Tahattawants, Jlttawan, Jlttawanee, and Jlhatawa-
iiee. He was sachem of Musketaquid, since Concord, and a supporter and

* Hist. Lynn. i Hist. N. Eng.

1 1633. William Wood, author of New Eng. Prospect.

Wiulhrop's Journal, i. 62, 63. || Winthrop, ib.

IT Col. Maine Hist. Soc. i. G3.

** He had, in about three years, by extortion, as we infer from Winthrop, accumulated
a!>out JtMOO from among the Indians. See Journal ut supra.
ft Suffolk Records of Deeds, vol. i. No. 34. \\ Hist. Concord, Mass, passim chap. i.

CHAP. III.J WAHGUMACUT. JACK-STRAW. 113

propagator of Christianity among his people, and an honest and upright man.
The celebrated Wuhan married his eldest daughter. John Tahattawan was his
son, who lived at Nashoba, where he was chief ruler of the praying Indians
a deserving Indian. He died about 1670. His widow was daughter of John.
sagamore of Patucket, upon the Merrimack, who married Oonamog, another
ruler of the praying Indians, of Marlborough. Her only son by Tahattawan *
was killed by some white ruffians, who came upon them while in their wig
wains, and his mother was badly wounded at the same time. Of this affair
we shall have occasion elsewhere to be more particular. Naanashquaw, ar>
other daughter, married JVaanishcow, called John Thomas, who died at Natick,
aged 110 years.

We know very little of a sachem of the name of Wahgumacut,}- except that
he lived upon Connecticut River, and came to Boston in 1631, with a request
to the governor " to have some English to plant in his country ; " and as an
inducement, said he would "find them corn, and give them, yearly, 80 skins
of beaver." The governor, however, dismissed him without giving him any
encouragement ; doubting, it seems, the reality of his friendship. But it is
more probable that he was sincere, as he was at this time in great fear of the
Pequots, and judged that if some of the English would reside with him, he
should be able to maintain his country.

There accompanied Wahgumacut to Boston an Indian named Jackstraic.i
who was his interpreter, and Sagamore John. We have labored to find some
further particulars of him, but all that we can ascertain with certainty, is, that
he had lived some time in England with Sir Walter Rakgh. How Sir Walttr

* Mr. Gookin writes this name Tohatooner, that of the father Tahattau-arre. MS. Hist.
Praying Indians, 105.

f Waliginnacut, according 1 to Mr. Savage's reading 1 of Winthrop. Our text is according
to Prince, who also used \Vinthrop in MS. It is truly diverting to see how the author of
Tales of tlie Indians has displayed his invention upon the passage in Winthrop's Journal
bringing to our knowledge this chief. We will give the passage of Winthrop, that the reader
may judge whether great ignorance, or misrepresentation " of set purpose'' be chargeable
10 him. " He [Gov. Winthrop'] discovered after [ Wahginnacut was gone], that the said
sagamore is a very treacherous man, and at war with the Pekoalh (a far greater sagamore.")
Now, every child that has read about the Indians, it seems to us, ought to know that the
meaning of Pekoath was mistaken by the governor, and no more meant a chief than the
Alassasoits meant what the Plimouth people first supposed it to mean. In the one case, the
name of a tribe was mistaken for that of a chief, and in the other the chief for the tribe.
.Mistakes of this kind were not uncommon before our fathers became acquainted with the
Country. Winthrop says, too, the Mohawks was a great sachem. Now, who ever thought
there was a chief of that name ?

\ Probably so named from the Maidstone minister, who flourished in Wat Tyler's rebellion,
and whose real name was John Ball, but afterwards nick-named Jack Straw. He became
chaplain to [Vat's army, they having let him out of prison. A text which he made great use
of in preaching to his liberators was this :

When Adam dalfe and Eve span,
Who was then a gentleman ?

This we apprehend was construed, Down with the nobility! See Rapin's Eng. i. 457. LD
Kennet, i. 247, John Wraw is called Jack Straiv. He was beheaded.

" The imputation of the first bringing in of tobacco into England lies on this heroic knight.
Winstanley's Worthies, 259. " Besides the consumption of the purse, and impairing of our
inward parts, the immoderate, vain and phantastical abuse of the hellish weed, corruptelh the
natural sweetness of the breath, stupifieth the brain 5 and indeed is so prejudicial to the
general esteem of our country." Ibid. 211. Whether Jack-straw were the servant who
acted a part in the often-told anecdote of Sir Walter Ralegh's smoking tobacco, on its first
being taken to England, we shall not presume to assert 5 but, for the sake of the anecdote, we
will admit the fact ; it is variously related, but is said to be, in substance, as follows. At one
time, it was so very unpopular to use tobacco in any way in England, that many who had got
attached to it, used it only privately. Sir Walter was smoking in his study, at a certain time,
and, being thirsty, called to his servant to bring him a tankard of beer. Jack hastily obeyed
the summons, and Sir Walter, forgetting to cease smoking 1 , was in the act of spouting a
volume of smoke from his mouth when his servant entered. Jack, seeing his master smoking
prodigiously at the mouth, thought no other but he was all on fire inside, having never seen
such a phenomenon in all England before ; dashed the quart of liquor at once in his face, and
ran out screaming, " Massa's a fire ! Massa's a fire ! "

Having dismissed the servant, every one might reasonably expect a few words concerning
his master. Sir Walter Ralegh may truly be said to have lived in an age fruitful in great and
worthy characters. Captain John Smith comes to our notice through his agency, and th<j

10* H

114 JAMES-PRINTER, OR JAMES-TIIE-PRINTER. [Boox II

came by him, dors not saiislaetorily appear. Captains Amidas and Barlow
sailed ID America in his employ, and on their return carried overHvo natives
from Virginia, whose names wen- Wanchesc and .Manteo.* It is barely possible;
that one of these was afterwards Jack-straw.

A Vipmnck Indian, of no small note in his time, it may in the next place be
proper to notice.

Jam*'* J'rintcr, or James-lhe-printcr, was the son of JVaoow, brother of Tvkft-
p<irillin\ and Anaweakin. \Vlien a child, he was instructed at the Indian
charity school, at Cambridge. Jn ]<!.">!>, he was put apprentice to Samiu'
Green, to learn the printer's business;}; and he is spoken of as having run
away from his master in 1675. If, after an apprenticeship of 1G yeai>, cue
'ould not leave his master without the charge of absconding, at least, both th--
master and apprentice should be pitied. In relation to this matter, Mr. Hub-

renowned first English circumnavigator was his contemporary. He, like the last named,
born in the county of Devonshire, in 1552. in the parish of Budley. Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
so well known in our annals, was his half-brother, his father having- married Sir Humphrey's
mother, a widow*, by whom he had Walter, a fourth son.f The great successes and dis-
coveries of the celebrated admiral Sir Francis Drake gave a new impetus to the English
nation in maritime affairs, and consequent thereupon was the settlement of North America
as great an era, to say the least, as was ever recorded in history. No one shone more
conspicuous in those undertakings than Sir Walter Ralegh. After persevering a long time,
he established a colony in Virginia, in 1607. He was a man of great valor and address, and
a favorite with the great Queen Elizabeth, the promoter of his undertakings, one of whose
''maids of honor' 7 he married. In this affair some charge him with having first dishonored
that lady, and was for a time under the queen's displeasure in consequence, but marrying her
restored him to favor. The city of Ralegh in Virginia was so named by his direction. He
was conspicuous with Drake and Howard in the destruction of the Spanish armada in 1588.
On the death of the queen, he was imprisoned almost 13 years in the tower of London, upon
the charge of treason. It was during his imprisonment that he wrote his great and learned
work, the History of the World. The alleged crime of treason has long since been viewed
by all the world as without foundation, and the punishment of Ralegh reflects all its blackness
upon the character of James I. The ground of the charge was, that Ralegh and others were
in a conspiracy against the king, and were designing to place on the throne Arabella Stewart.l
He was never pardoned, although the king set him at liberty, and permitted him to go on an
expedition to South America in search of a gold mine of which he had gained some intima-
tions in a previous visit to those countries. His attempt to find gold failed, but he took the
town of St. Thomas, and established in it a garrison. This was a depredation, as Spain
nd England were then at peace, but Ralegh had the king's commission. The Spanish
ambassador complained loudly against the transaction, and the miserable James, to extricate
himself, and appease the Spanish king, ordered Ralegh to be seized on his return, who, upon
the old charge of treason, was sentenced to be beheaded, which was executed upon him 2Dth
Oct. 1618. " I shall only hint," says Dr. Polwhele,\\ ''that the execution of this great man,
whom James was advised to sacrifice to the advancement of the peace with Spain, hath left an
indelible stain on the memory of that misguided monarch." It appears from another account U
that Sir Walter, on arriving at the mouth of the Oronoko, was taken " desperately sick," and
sent forward a company under one of his captains in search of the gold mine. That they
ivert met by the Spaniards, who attacked them, and that this was the cause of their assault-
ing St. Thomas, and being obliged to descend the river without effecting 1 the object they
were upon.

The following circumstance respecting the celebrated History of the World, not being
generally known, cannot but be acceptable to the reader. The first volume (which is what
we have of it) was published before he was imprisoned the last time. Just before his execu-
tion, he sent for the publisher of it. When he came, Sir Walter took him by the hand, and,
"after some discourse, askt him how that work of his sold. Mr. Burre [the name of the
publisher] returned this answer, that it had sold so slowly that it had undone him. At whir-ii
words of his. Sir Walter Ralegh, stepping to his desk, reaches his other part of his history to
Mr. Burre, which he had brought down to the times he lived in; clapping his hand on In*
breast, he took the other un printed part of his works into his hand, with a sigh, saying, ' Ah,
my friend, hath the first part undone thee, the second volume shall undo no more; this
ungrateful world is unworthy of it.' When, immediately going to the fire-side, threw it i.i
and set his foot on it till it was consumed."**

*See Caylfy's Life Sir W. Ralegh, \. 70. ed. Lond. 1816, 2 vols. 8vo.

t Some author of Indian tales might delight himself for a long time in ringing changes on
hJ4 Indian preacher's name, without inventing any new ones ; for it is not, as I remember,
spelt twice alike in our authorities. J Thomas, Hist. Printing.

*" Of Otho Gi'bert, of Compton, Esq. 1 ' Polwhele's Hi,<t. Dfvon, ii. 219.
t Stith, Hist. Virginia, 7. Second son, says Mr. Polwfide, Devon, ii. 219.
I Rapin's Eng. ii. 161. Tindal's notes in Rapin, ii. 195.

|| Hist. Devonshire, i. 25J. IT Winstanley, Worthies, 256.

** Winstanley, Worthies, 257.

CHAP III.] JAMES-THE-PRINTER. KUTCHMAKIN. 115

says,* " He had attained some skill in printing, and might have attained
irv-ie, had he not, like a false villain, ran away from his master before his
t'-me was out." And the same author observes that the name printer *vas
-uperadded to distinguish him from others named James.

Dr. I. Mather* has this record of James-printer. "July 8, [1676.] Wheieas
the council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, signifying, that such
Indians as cLd, within 14 days, come in to the English, might hope for mercy,
divers of them did this day return from among the Nipmucks. Among
others, Jamec, ar Indian, who could not only read and write, but had learned
the art of printing, notwithstanding his apostasy, did venture himself upon the
mercy and truth of the English declaration, which he had seen and read,
promising for the future to venture his life against the common enemy. He
and the other now :ome in, affirm that very many of the Indians are dead
since this war began and f :>at more have died by the hand of God, in respect
of diseases, fluxes and fevers, which have been amongst them, than have been
killed with the sword."

Mr. Thomas says, \ it was owing to the amor patrifE of James-printer that he
left his master and joined in Philip's war. But how much amor patri(E he
must have had to have kept him an apprentice 16 years is not mentioned.

It was in 1685 that the second edition of the famous Indian Bible was
completed. From the following testimony of Mr. Eliot will be seen how
much the success of that undertaking was considered to depend on James-
the-printer. In 1683, hi writing to the Hon. Robert Boyle at London, Mr. Eliot
*ays, " I desire to see it done before I die, and I am so deep in years, that I
cannot expect to live long; besides, we have but one man, viz. the Indian
Printer, that is able to compose the sheets, and correct the press with under-
standing." In another, from the same to the same, dated a year after, he says,
" Our slow progress needeth an apology. We have been much hindered by
the sickness the last year. Our workmen have been all sick, and we have but
few hands, (at printing,) one Englishman, and a boy, and one Indian," &c.

This Indian was undoubtedly James-the-printer. And Mr. Thomas adds,
" Some of James's descendants were not long since living in Grafton ; they
bore the surname of Printer. '

There was an Indian named Job JVesutan, who was also concerned in the
first edition of the Indian Bible. He was a valiant soldier, and went with the
English of Massachusetts, in the first expedition to Mount Hope, where he
was slain in battle. " He was a very good linguist in the English tongue, and
was Mr. Eliot's assistant and interpreter in his translation of the Bible and
other books in the Indian language." ||

In a letter of the commissioners of the U. C. of New England, to the
corporation in England, we find this postscript. " Two of the Indian youths
formerly brought up to read and write, are put apprentice ; the one to a
carpenter, the other to Mr. Green the printer, who take their trades and
follow then* business veiy well." James-the-printer was probably one of these.
Nesutan, we presume, was only an interpreter. The above-mentioned letter
was dated 10th Sept. 1660.

In 1698, James was teacher to five Indian families at Hassinammisco.^f
In 1709, he seems to have got through with his apprenticeship, and to have
bad some interest in carrying on the printing business. For, in the title
pages of the Indian and English Psalter, printed in that vear, is this imprint:
" BOSTON, N. E. Upprinthomunne au B. GREEN, & J. PRINTER, wutcht
guhtiantamioe Chapanukke ut New England, &c. 1709."

We shall now pass to notice a Massachusetts sachem, who, like too many
others, does not appear to the best advantage ; nevertheless, we doubt not but
as much so as he deserves, as by the sequel will be seen. We mean

Kutckmakin, known also by several other names, or variations of the same
name ; as. Kutshamaquin, Cutshamoquen, Cutchamokin, and many more, as, in

" Narrative, 96. t Brief Hisl. 89. } Hist. Printing, i. 290.

Hist. Printing-, i. 292, 293. || Gookin, Hist. Praying Indians.^

U Information from Mr. E. Tuckerman, Jr. Hassinammisoo. Hassanamesit, &c. signified
a place of stones. Thomas, ut supra.

11G KUTCHMAKIN. WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II.

different parts of our work, extracts will necessarily show. He was one of
those sarlx'ins who, in 1(J4-'J 4, signed a submission to the English, as has
been mentioned in a preceding chapter.

In 16:56, Kutshamakin sold to the people of Dorchester, Unrat.-iquisset,
being the part of that town since called Milton. This, it appears, was at some
period his residence. Though he was a sachem under Wbosamequin, yet, like
Caunbitant, he was opposed to the settlement of the English in his country.
He soon, however, became reconciled to it, and became a Christian. When
Mr. Eliot desired to know why he was opposed to his people's becoming
Christians, he said, then they would pay him no tribute.

When the English of Massachusetts sent to Canonicus, to inquire into the
cause of the murder of John Oldham, Kutshamakin accompanied them as
interpreter, fighter, or whatever was required of him.

As no satisfaction could be had of the Pequots, for the murder of Mr. Old-
bam, it was resolved, in 1636, to send an army into their country "to fight with
them," if what, in the opinion of the English, as a recompense, were not to be
obtained without. The armament consisted of about 90 men. These first
went to Block Island, where they saw a few Indians before they landed, who,
after shooting a few arrows, which wounded two of the English, fled. The
Indians had here "two plantations, three miles in sunder, and about 60
wigwams, some veiy large and fair, and above 200 acres of corn." This the
English destroyed, "staved seven canoes," and after two days spent in this
business, and hunting for Indians without success, sailed to the main land,
where Kutshamakin performed his part in hastening on the Pequot calamity.
Having waylaid one of that nation, he shot and scalped him. The scalp he
sent to CanonicuSj who sent it about among all his sachem friends; thus
expressing his approbation of the murder, and willingness to engage his
friends to fight for the English. As a further proof of his approval of the act,
he not only thanked the English, but gave Kutshamakin four fathom of
wampum.

Capt. Lion Gardener gives us some particulars of this affair, which are very
valuable for the light they throw on this part of owr early transactions with the
Pequots. The affair we have just mentioned happened immediately after
Endicott, Turner, and Underhill arrived at Saybrook, from Block Island. Capt.
Gardener then commanded the fort, who spoke to them as follows of their
undertaking: "You come hither to raise these wasps about my ears, and then
you will take wing and flee away." It so came to pass ; and although he was
much opposed to their going, yet they went, agreeably to their instructions.
Gardener instructed them how to proceed, to avoid being surprised ; but the
Indians played them a Yankee trick, as in the sequel will appear.

On coming to the Pequot town, they inquired for the sachem,* wishing to
parley with him: his people said "he was from home, but within three hours
lie would come; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, there came
none." But the Indians came fearlessly, in great numbers, and spoke to them,
through the interpreter, Kutshamakin, for some time. This delay was a strata-
gem which succeeded well ; for they rightly guessed that the English had
come to injure them in their persons, or property, or both. Therefore, while
some were entertaining the English with words, others carried off their effects
and hid them. When they had done this, a signal was given, and all the
Indians ran av-ay. The English then fell to burning and destroying every
tiling they could meet with. Gardener had sent some of his men with the
others, who were unaccountably left on shore when the others reembarked,
and weie pursued, and two of them wounded by the Indians.

"The Bay-men killed not a man, save that one, Kichomiquim, c-m Indian
sachem of t>e Bay, killed a Pequit ; and thus began the war between the
Indians and us, in these parts." f The Pequots henceforth used every means
f kill the English, and many were taken by them, and some tortured in their
Manner. "Thus far," adds Gardener, "I had written in a book, that all men

* Sassactts, says Whithrop (i. 194.) ; but being- told he was gone to Long Island, the gene
ral demanded to see " the other sachem. &c." which was doubtless Mononotlo.
t3 Coll. Hist. Soc. iii. HI. &c.

CHAP. IV.] OF THE NARRAGANSETS . TASHTASSUCK 117

and posterity might know how and why so many honest men had their blood
shed, yea, and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive,
only because Kichamokin, a Bay Indian, killed one Pequot."

To say the least of our author, he had the best possible means to be correctly
informed of these matters, and we know not that he had any motive to mis-
represent them.

Governor IVlnthrop mentions, under date 1646, that Mr. Eliot lectured
constantly "one week at the wigwam of one Wabon, a new sachem near
\Vaterto\vn mill, and the other the next week in the wigwam of Cutshamekin,
near Dorchester mill." We shall have occasion hi another chapter to speak
of Kutshamakin.

In 1648, Cutchamekin, as he was then called, and Jojeuny appear as witnesses
to a deed made by another Indian called Cato, alias Goodman. Lane and
Griffin were the grantees " in behalf of the rest of the people of Sudbury."
The tract of land sold adjoined Sudbury, and was five miles square ; for
which Cato received five pounds. Jojeuny was brother to Cato.*

CHAPTER IV.

Of the great nation of the Narragansets Geography of their country CANONICUS

MIANTUNNOMOH His relations Aids the English in destroying the Pequots
Sells Rhode Island His difficulties with the English Visits Boston His mag-
nanimity and independence Charged with a conspiracy against the whites Ably
repels it WAIANDANCE becomes his secret enemy His speech to IVaiandance and
his people His war with Uncas His capture and death Circumstances of his
execution Participation of the whites therein Impartial view of that affair
Traditions NINIGRET MEXAM, alias MEXANO Affair of Cuttaquin and Uncas

Character of Ascassassotick Ninigret visits the Dutch Accused by the English
of plotting icith them Ally defends himself Notices of various other Indians
War between Ninigrct and Ascassassotick Present condition of his descendants
Further account of Pessacust Killed by the Mohawks.

THE bounds of Narraganset were, as described in the times of the sachems, f
" Pautuckit River, Q,uenebage[Quinebauge]and Nipmuck,"northerly;" westerly
by a brook called Wequapaug, not far \ from Paquatuck River ; southerly by
the sea, or main ocean ; and easterly by the Nanhiganset Bay, wherein lieth
many islands, by deeds bought of the Nanhiganset sachems." Coweesett and
Xiantick, though sometimes applied to this country, were names only of places
within it. According to Mr. Gookin, " the territory of then* sachem extended
about 30 or 40 miles from Sekunk River and Narragausitt Bay, including
Rhode Island and other islands in that bay." Pawcatuck River separated
them from the Pequots. This nation, under Canonicus, had, in 1642, arrived
.it the zenith of its greatness, and was supposed to have contained a population
of thirty thousand. This estimate was by Richard Smith, jr., who, with his
father, lived in their country.

In 1766, or about that year, Mr. Samuel Drake made a catalogue of the
Xarraganset Indians. This catalogue contained the names of about 315 per-
sons. Mr. Drake spent 14 years among them, chiefly in the capacity of a
rhool master. He wrote an account of them, but whether it was ever pub-
lished I cannot learn.

A census of those calling themselves a remnant of the Narragansets, taken
Feb. 1832, was 315 ; only seven of whom were unmixed. The Indians
themselves make their number 364. ||

Of the early times of this nation, some of the first English inhabitants
learned from the old Indians, that they had, previous to their arrival, a sachem
named Tashtassuck, and their encomiums upon his wisdom and valor were

* Suffolk Reg. Deeds. There is no name signed to the deed, but in the place thereof, is the
}ir*lure of some four-legged animal drawn on his back.

fSee 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. i. 210. + Four or five miles, says Gookin.

$ See Beatfy's Journal, 10G. j| MS. letter of Rev. Mr. Ely.

US CANONIUUS. fBooii II

n;uch the same as the Delaware* reported of their great chief Tamany , thai
since, there had not been his equal, tVe. Tashtassuck had hut two children, a
* n and daughter; these, he joined in marriage, heeanse he could find none
worthy of them out of his family. The product of this marriage was four
sons, of whom Canonicus was the oldest.*

CA.NO.MCUS,! the great sachem of the Narragansets, was contemporary with
Miantunnomoh, who was his nephew. We know not the time of his birth, bu.
a son of his was at Boston in 1631, the next year after it was settled. lint th-
yme of his death is minutely recorded by Governor H'inthrop, in his "Journal,''
thu>: ".1111164,1647. Canonicus, the great sachem of Narraganset, died, a
very old man.' 51 He is generally supposed to have been about 85 years of age
when he died.

The Wampanoags were in great fear of the Narragansets about the time the
English came to Fliciouth, and at one time war actually existed, and Massasoit
fled before Canonicus, and applied to the English for protection.

Eduard Wmzloi) relates, in his GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND, that, in
Feb. 1622, Canonicus sent into Plimouth, by one of his men, a bundle of
arrows, bound with a rattlesnake's skin, and there left them, and retired. The
Narragansets, who were reported at this time " many thousand strong," hearing
of the weakness of the English, "began, (says the above-named author,) to
breath forth many threats against us," although they had the last summer
"desired and obtained peace with us." "Insomuch as the common talk of
our neighbor Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come
against us." They were now imboldened from the circumstance that the
English had just added to their numbers, but not to their arms nor provisions.
The ship Fortune had, not long before, landed 35 persons at Plimouth, and
the Narragansets seem to have been well informed of all the circumstances.
This, (says Mr. Winslow,} " occasioned them to slight and brave us with so
many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who \vas sent
by Conaucus, their chief sachem or king, accompanied with one Tokamahamon,
a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our interpreter,
who not being at home, seemed rather to be glad than sorry; and leaving for
him a bundle of new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to depart
with all expedition."

When Squanto was made acquainted with the circumstance, he told the
English that it was a challenge for war. Governor Bradford took the rattle-
snake's skin, and filled it with powder and shot, and returned it to Canonicus ;
at the same time instructing the messenger to bid him defiance, and invite him
to a trial of strength. The messenger, and his insulting carriage, had the
desired effect upon Canonicus, for he would not receive the skin, and it was
cast out of every community of the Indians, until it at last was returned to
Plimouth, and all its contents. This was a demonstration that he was awed
into silence and respect of the English, by the decided stand and hostile
attitude they assumed.

In 1621, soon after the war with Caunbitant was over, among those who
sought the friendship of the English, was Canonicus himself, notwithstanding
he was now courting war again so soon. He had doubtless nearly got rid of
the frar that the news of StandisK's conduct first inspired, and had taken up
again his old resolution of fighting the strangers at Plimouth.

He is mentioned with great respect by Rev. Roger Williams, J in the year
1654. After observing that many hundreds of the English were witnesses to
the friendly disposition of the Narragansets, he says, "Their late famous long-
lived Caunonicus so lived and died, and in the same most honorable manner
and solemnity, (in their way,) as you laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker,
Mr. Winihrop, did they honor this their prudent and peaceable prince ; yea,

* Hutchinson, i. 458, who met with this account in MS. ; but we do not give implicit credit
to it, as, at best, it is tradition.

t'i'his spelling' does not convey the true pronunciation of the name; other spellii j^s will h
noticed in the course of his biography. Its sound approached so near the Latin woi 1 canoni>
tus, that it became confounded with it. Qunnoune was early written.

t Manuscript letter to the governor of Massachusetts.

C'HAP. IV.J CANOXICUS. MASCUS. 119

through all their towns and countries how frequently do many, and oft times,
our Englishmen travel alone with safety and loving kindness ?"

The following statement of Roger Williams is in a deposition, dated Xarra-
ganset, 18 June, 1682, and, although varying a little from the above, contains
tacts very pertinent to our purpose, lie says, "1 testify that it was the genera)
and constant declaration, that Canonicus his father had three sons, whereof
Canonicus was the heir, and his youngest brother's son Meantinomy (because
of his youth) was his marshal and executioner, and did nothing without his
uncle Canonicus' consent. And therefore I declare to posterity, that were it
not for the favor that God gave me with Canonicus, none of these parts, no,
not Rhode Island, had been purchased or obtained ; for I never got any thing
of Canonicus but by gift."

When Mr. John Oldham was killed near Block Island, and an investigation
set on foot by the English to ascertain the murderers, they were fully satisfied
that Canonicus and Miantunnomoh had no hand in the affair, but that "the six
other Narraganset sachems had." No wonder he took great offence at the
conduct of the English concerning the death of Miantunnomoh. The Warwick
settlers considered it a great piece of injustice, and Mr. Samuel Gorton wrote a
letter for Canonicus to the government of Massachusetts, notifying them that
he had resolved to be revenged upon the Mohegans. Upon this the English
despatched messengers to Narraganset to inquire of Canonicus whether he
authorized the letter. He treated them with great coldness, and would not
admit them into his wigwam for the space of two hours after their arrival,
although it was exceedingly rainy. When they were admitted, he frowned
upon them, and gave them answers foreign to the purpose, and referred them
to Pessacus. This was a very cold reception, compared with that which the
messengers received when sent to him for information respecting the death
of Mr. Oldham. " They returned with acceptance and good success of their
business; observing in the sachem much state, great command of his men,
and marvellous wisdom in his answers; and in the carriage of the whole
treaty, clearing himself and his neighbors of the murder, and offering revenge
of it, yet upon very safe and wary conditions."

This sachem is said to have governed in great harmony with his nephew.
"The chiefest government in the country is divided between a younger sachem,
Miantunnomu, and an elder sachem, Caunaunacus, of about fourscore years old, '
this young man's uncle ; and their agreement, in the government is remarkable.
The old sachem will not be offended at what the young sachem doth ; and the
young sachem will not do what he conceives will displease his uncle."f With
this passage before him, Mr. Durfee versifies as follows, in his poem called
ff'hatcheer :

" Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and old,
One young 1 , and strong-, and terrible in right,
All Narraganset and Coweset hold ;

One lodge they build one counsel fire they light."

" At a meeting of the commissioners of the United Colonies at Boston, vij
Sept., 1643," it was agreed that Massachusetts, in behalf of the other colonies,
"give Conoonacus and the Nanohiggunsets to understand, that from time to
time " they have taken notice of their violation of the covenant between them,
notwithstanding the great manifestations of their love to them by the English ;
that they had concurred with Miantunnomoh in his late mischievous plots, by
which lie had intended "to root out the body of the English" from the coun-
try, by gifts and allurements to other Indians ; and that he had invaded Uncas.
contrary to the "tripartie covenant" between himself, Uncas, and Connecticut.
Therefore, knowing "how peaceable Conanacus and Mascus, the late father of
Myantenomo, governed that great people," they ascribed the late "tumults and
outbreakings" to the malicious, rash and ambitious spirit of Miantunnomoh,
more than to " any affected way of their own."

Notwithstanding, Miantunnomoh being now put to death, the English ami
their confederate Indian sachems, namely, " Vncus, sagamore of the Mohegins.

"*This was written about 1543. tCol. R. I. Hist. Soc vol. i.

120 CANOMCUS. HIS WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. [BOOK II

and liis j>eoplo, Woosamequine and his people, Sacanocoe and his people, Pum-
ham and his people, wen- disposed, they said, still to have peace with the
Narragansets; but should expect a more faithful observance of their agree-
ment than they had shown hitherto." This determination was to be imme-
diately laid h"lore them, and a prompt answer demanded.

In a grave assembly, upon a certain occasion, Canoni