2B
A LECTURE
BY
ROBERT G. INGERSOLL.
chains from the bodies of men— nothing
r than to destroy the phantoms of the soul
NEW YORK.
C. P. FARRELL, PUBLISHER,
1895.
PROSE-POEMS
— AND —
SELECTIONS,
BY
ROBERT ft TNGERSOLL.
_^^_. VA« A_ --- --- »
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ADDRESS C. F\ KARRELL, PUBLISHER,
4OO Fifth Avenue, New Vprk City.
Abraham Lincoln.
By permission of the Century Co.
A LECTURE
BY
ROBERT G. INGERSOLL
Nothing is grander than to break chains from the bodies of men— nothing
nobler than to destroy the phantoms of the soul.
NEW YORK.
C. P. FARRELL, PUBLISHER,
1895,
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1894,
BY ROBERT G. INGERSOLL,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C.
.
THE. ECK.LER PREJ-J.
33 TULTON v5r.
NEW YORK.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
i.
the 1 2th of February, 1809, two babes were
born — one in the woods of Kentucky, amid
the hardships and poverty of pioneers ; one in Eng-
land, surrounded by wealth and culture. One was
educated in the University of Nature, the other at
Cambridge.
One associated his name with the enfranchisement
of labor, with the emancipation of millions, with the
salvation of the Republic. He is known to us as
Abraham Lincoln.
The other broke the chains of superstition and
filled the world with intellectual light, and he is
known as Charles Darwin.
Nothing is grander than to break chains from the
4 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
bodies of men — nothing nobler than to destroy the
phantoms of the soul.
Because of these two men the Nineteenth Century
is illustrious.
A few men and women make a nation glorious —
Shakespeare made England immortal, Voltaire civil-
ized and humanized France, Goethe, Schiller and
Humboldt lifted Germany into the light. Angelo,
Raphael, Galileo and Bruno crowned with fadeless
laurel the Italian brow, and now the most precious
treasure of the Great Republic is the memory of
Abraham Lincoln.
Every generation has its heroes, its iconoclasts, its
pioneers, its ideals. The people always have been
and still are divided, at least into classes — the many,
who with their backs to the sunrise worship the
past, and the few, who keep their faces towards the
dawn — the many, who are satisfied with the world
as it is ; the few, who labor and suffer for the future,
for those to be, and who seek to rescue the op-
pressed, to destroy the cruel distinctions of caste,
and to civilize mankind.
Yet it sometimes happens that the liberator of one
age becomes the oppressor of the next. His repu-
tation becomes so great — he is so revered and wor-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 5
shipped — that his followers, in his name, attack the
hero who endeavors to take another step in advance.
The heroes of the Revolution, forgetting the jus-
tice for which they fought, put chains upon the limbs
of others, and in their names the lovers of liberty
were denounced as ingrates and traitors.
During the Revolution our fathers to justify their
rebellion dug down to the bed-rock of human rights
and planted their standard there. They declared
that all men were entitled to liberty and that govern-
ment derived its power from the consent of the
governed. But when victory came, the great prin-
ciples were forgotten and chains were put upon the
limbs of men. Both of the great political parties
were controlled by greed and selfishness. Both
were the defenders and protectors of slavery. For
nearly three-quarters of a century these parties had
control of the Republic. The principal object of
both parties was the protection of the infamous in-
stitution. Both were eager to secure the Southern
vote and both sacrificed principle and honor upon
the altar of success.
At last the Whig party died and the Republican
was born. This party was opposed to the further
extension of slavery. The Democratic party of the
6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
South wished to make the " divine institution "
national — while the Democrats of the North wanted
the question decided by each territory for itself.
Each of these parties had conservatives and ex-
tremists. The extremists of the Democratic party
were in the rear and wished to go back ; the ex-
tremists of the Republican party were in the front,
and wished to go forward. The extreme Democrat
was willing to destroy the Union for the sake of
slavery, and the extreme Republican was willing to
destroy the Union for the sake of liberty.
Neither party could succeed without the votes of
its extremists.
This was the condition in i858-6o.
When Lincoln was a child his parents removed
from Kentucky to Indiana. A few trees were felled
— a log hut open to the south, no floor, no window,
was built — a little land plowed and here the Lincolns
lived. Here the patient, thoughtful, silent, loving
mother died — died in the wide forest as a leaf dies,
leaving nothing to her son but the memory of her
love.
In a few years the family moved to Illinois. Lin-
coln then almost grown, clad in skins, with no woven
stitch upon his body — walking and driving the
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 7
cattle. Another farm was opened — a few acres
subdued and enough raised to keep the wolf from
the door. Lincoln quit the farm — went down the
Ohio and Mississippi as a hand on a flat-boat —
afterwards clerked in a country store — then in part-
nership with another bought the store — failed.
Nothing left but a few debts — learned the art of
surveying — made about half a living and paid some-
thing on the debts — read law — admitted to the bar
*_>
— tried a few small cases — nominated for the legis-
lature and made a speech.
This speech was in favor of a tariff, not only for
revenue, but to encourage American manufacturers
and to protect American workingmen. Lincoln
knew then as well as we do now, that everything,
to the limits of the possible, that Americans use
should be produced by the energy, skill and in-
genuity of Americans. He knew that the more
industries we had, the greater variety of things we
made, the greater would be the development of the
American brain. And he knew that great men and
great women are the best things that a nation can
produce, — the finest crop a country can possibly
raise.
He knew that a nation that sells raw material will
o ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
grow ignorant and poor, while the people who man-
ufacture will grow intelligent and rich. To dig, to
chop, to plow, requires more muscle than mind, more
strength than thought.
To invent, to manufacture, to take advantage of
the forces of nature — this requires thought, talent,
genius. This develops the brain and gives wings
to the imagination.
It is better for Americans to purchase from Amer-
icans, even if the things purchased cost more.
If we purchase a ton of steel rails from England
for twenty dollars, then we have the rails and Eng-
land the money. But if we buy a ton of steel rails
from an American for twenty-five dollars, then
America has the rails and the money both.
Judging from the present universal depression and
the recent elections, Lincoln, in his first speech,
stood on solid rock and was absolutely right. Lin-
coln was educated in the University of Nature —
educated by cloud and star — by field and winding
stream — by billowed plains and solemn forests — by
morning's birth and death of clay — by storm and
night — by the ever eager Spring — by Summer's
wealth of leaf and vine and flower — the sad and
transient o-lories of the Autumn woods — and Win-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 9
ter, builder of home and fireside, and whose storms
without, create the social warmth within.
He was perfectly acquainted with the political
questions of the day — heard them discussed at
taverns and country stores, at voting places and
courts and on the stump. He knew all the argu-
ments for and against, and no man of his time was
better equipped for intellectual conflict. He knew
the average mind — the thoughts of the people, the
hopes and prejudices of his fellow-men. He had
the power of accurate statement. He was logical,
candid and sincere. In addition, he had the " touch
of nature that makes the whole world kin."
In 1 858 he was a candidate for the Senate against
Stephen A. Douglas.
The extreme Democrats would not vote for Dou^-
o
las, but the extreme Republicans did vote for Lin-
coln. Lincoln occupied the middle ground, and was
the compromise candidate of his own party. He
had lived for many years in the intellectual territory
of compromise — in a part of our country settled by
Northern and Southern men — where Northern and
Southern ideas met, and the ideas of the two sec-
tions were brought together and compared.
The sympathies of Lincoln, his ties of kindred,
IO ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
were with the South. His convictions, his sense of
justice, and his ideals, were with the North. He
knew the horrors of slavery, and he felt the un-
speakable ecstacies and glories of freedom. He had
the kindness, the gentleness, of true greatness, and
he could not have been a master ; he had the man-
hood and independence of true greatness, and he
could not have been a slave. He was just, and was
incapable of putting a burden upon others that he
himself would not willingly bear.
He was merciful and profound, and it was not
necessary for him to read the history of the world to
know that liberty and slavery could not live in the
same nation, or in the same brain. Lincoln was a
statesman. And there is this difference between a
politician and a statesman. A politician schemes
and works in every way to make the people do
something for him. A statesman wishes to do some-
thing for the people. With him place and power
are means to an end, and the end is the good of his
country.
In this campaign Lincoln demonstrated three things
— first, that he was the intellectual superior of his op-
ponent ; second, that he was right ; and third, that a
majority of the voters of Illinois were on his side.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I I
II.
TN 1860 the Republic reached a crisis. The con-
flict between liberty and slavery could no longer
be delayed. For three-quarters of a century the
forces had been gathering for the battle.
After the Revolution, principle was sacrificed for
the sake of gain. The Constitution contradicted the
Declaration. Liberty as a principle was held in con-
tempt. Slavery took possession of the Government.
Slavery made the laws, corrupted courts, dominated
presidents and demoralized the people.
I do not hold the South responsible for slavery
any more than I do the North, The fact is, that
individuals and nations act as they must. There is
no chance. Back of every event — of every hope,
prejudice, fancy and dream — of every opinion and
belief — of every vice and virtue — of every smile
and curse, is the efficient cause. The present mo-
ment is the child, and the necessary child, of all the
past.
Northern politicians wanted office, and so they
defended slavery — Northern merchants wanted to
sell their goods to the South, and so they were the
enemies of freedom. The preacher wished to please
12 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the people who paid his salary, and so he denounced
the slave for not being satisfied with the position in
which the good God had placed him.
The respectable, the rich, the prosperous, the
holders of and the seekers for office, held liberty in
contempt. They regarded the Constitution as far
more sacred than the rights of men. — Candidates
for the presidency were applauded because they had
tried to make slave States of free territory, and the
highest Court solemnly and ignorantly decided that
colored men and women had no rights. Men who
insisted that freedom was better than slavery, and
that mothers should not be robbed of their babes,
were hated, despised and mobbed. Mr. Douglas
voiced the feelings of millions when he declared that
he did not care whether slavery was voted up or
down. Upon this question the people, a majority
of them, were almost savages. Honor, manhood,
conscience, principle — all sacrificed for the sake of
gain or office.
From the heights of philosophy — standing above
the contending hosts, above the prejudices, the
sentimentalities of the day — Lincoln was great
enough and brave enough and wise enough to utter
these prophetic words :
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 13
"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this
Government cannot permanently endure half slave and half
free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved ; I do not ex-
pect the house to fall ; but I do expect it will cease to be
divided. It will become all the one thing or the other. Either
the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is
in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push
it further until it becomes alike lawful in all the States, old as
well as new, North as well as South."
This declaration was the standard around which
gathered the grandest political party the world has
ever seen, and this declaration made Lincoln the
leader of that vast host.
In this, the first great crisis, Lincoln uttered the
victorious truth that made him the foremost man in
the Republic.
The Republican party nominated him for the
presidency and the people decided at the polls that
a house divided against itself could not stand, and
that slavery had cursed soul and soil enough.
It is not a common thing to elect a really great
man to fill the highest official position. I do not say
that the great presidents have been chosen by acci-
dent. Probably it would be better to say that they
were the favorites of a happy chance.
The average man is afraid of genius. He feels as
14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
an awkward man feels in the presence of a sleight-
of-hand performer. He admires and suspects.
Genius appears to carry too much sail — to lack
prudence, has too much courage. The ballast of
dullness inspires confidence.
By a happy chance Lincoln was nominated and
elected in spite of his fitness — and the patient,
gentle, just and loving man was called upon to bear
as great a burden as man has ever borne.
III.
r~PHEN came another crisis — the crisis of Seces-
sion, and Civil War.
Again Lincoln spoke the deepest feeling and the
highest thought of the Nation. In his first message
he said :
"The central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy."
He also showed conclusively that the North and
South, in spite of secession, must remain face to
face — that physically they could not separate • — that
they must have more or less commerce, and that
this commerce must be carried on, either between
the two sections as friends, or as aliens :
This situation and its consequences he pointed
out to absolute perfection in these words :
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I 5
' ' Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ?
Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than
laws among friends ? ' '
After having stated fully and fairly the philosophy
of the conflict, after having said enough to satisfy
any calm and thoughtful mind, he addressed himself
to the hearts of America. Probably there are few
finer passages in literature than the close of Lin-
coln's inaugural address :
" I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We
must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it
must not break, our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of
memory stretching from every battlefield and patriotic grave to
every loving heart and hearthstone all over this broad land,
will swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as
surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. ' '
These noble, these touching, these pathetic words,
were delivered in the presence of rebellion, in the
midst of spies and conspirators — surrounded by but
few friends, most of whom were unknown, and some
of whom were wavering in their fidelity — at a time
when secession was arrogant and organized, when
patriotism was silent, and when, to quote the ex-
pressive words of Lincoln himself, " Sinners were
calling the righteous to repentance."
When Lincoln became President, he was held in
1 6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
contempt by the South — underrated by the North
and East — not appreciated even by his cabinet —
and yet he was not only one of the wisest, but one
of the shrewdest of mankind. Knowing that he had
the right to enforce the laws of the Union in all
parts of the United States and Territories — know-
ing, as he did, that the secessionists were in the
wrong, he also knew that they had sympathizers not
only in the North but in other lands.
Consequently he felt that it was of the utmost im-
portance that the South should fire the first shot,
should do some act that would solidify the North
and gain for us the justification of the civilized world.
He proposed to give food to the soldiers at Sum-
ter. He asked the advice of all his cabinet on this
question, and all, with the exception of Montgomery
Blair, answered in the negative, giving their reasons
in writing. In spite of this, Lincoln took his own
course — endeavored to send the supplies, and while
thus engaged, doing his simple duty, the South
commenced actual hostilities and fired on the fort.
The course pursued by Lincoln was absolutely right,
and the act of the South to a great extent solidified
the North, and gained for the Republic the justifica-
tion of a great number of people in other lands.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I 7
At that time Lincoln appreciated the scope and
consequences of the impending conflict. Above all
other thoughts in his mind was this :
" This conflict will settle the question, at least for
" centuries to come, whether man is capable of
" governing himself, and consequently is of greater
" importance to the free than to the enslaved."
He knew what depended on the issue and he said :
" We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last,
" best hope of earth."
IV.
TPHEN came a crisis in the North. It became
clearer and clearer to Lincoln's mind, day by
day, that the rebellion was slavery, and that it was
necessary to keep the border States on the side of
the Union. For this purpose he proposed a scheme
of emancipation and colonization — a scheme by
which the owners of slaves should be paid the full
value of what they called their " property."
He knew that if the border States agreed to grad-
ual emancipation, and received compensation for
their slaves, they would be forever lost to the Con-
federacy, whether secession succeeded or not. It
was objected at the time, by some, that the scheme
1 8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
was far too expensive ; but Lincoln, wiser than his
advisers — far wiser than his enemies — demon-
strated that from an economical point of view, his
course was best.
He proposed that $400 be paid for slaves, includ-
ing men, women and children. This was a large
price, and yet he showred how much cheaper it was
to purchase than to carry on the war.
At that time, at the price mentioned, there were
about $75o,ooo worth of slaves in Delaware. The
cost of carrying on the war was at least two millions
of dollars a day, and for one-third of one day's ex-
penses, all the slaves in Delaware could be purchased.
He also showed that all the slaves in Delaware,
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri could be bought,
at the same price, for less than the expense of carry-
ing on the war for eighty-seven days.
This was the wisest thing that could have been
proposed, and yet such was the madness of the
South, such the indignation of the North, that the
advice was unheeded.
Again, in July, 1862, he urged on the Representa-
tives of the border States a scheme of gradual com-
pensated emancipation ; but the Representatives
were too deaf to hear, too blind to see.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 19
Lincoln always hated slavery, and yet he felt the
obligations and duties of his position. In his first
message he assured the South that the laws, includ-
ing the most odious of all — the law for the return
o
of fugitive slaves — would be enforced. The South
would not hear. Afterwards he proposed to pur-
chase the slaves of the border States, but the propo-
sition was hardly discussed — hardly heard. Events
came thick and fast ; theories gave way to facts, and
everything was left to force.
The extreme Democrat of the North was fearful
that slavery might be destroyed, that the Constitu-
tion might be broken, and that Lincoln, after all,
could not be trusted ; and at the same time the radi-
cal Republican feared that Lincoln loved the Union
more than he did liberty.
The fact is, that he tried to discharge the obliga-
tions of his great office, knowing from the first that
slavery must perish. The course pursued by Lin-
coln was so gentle, so kind and persistent, so wise
and logical, that millions of Northern Democrats
sprang to the defence, not only of the Union, but of
his administration. Lincoln refused to be led or
hurried by Fremont or Hunter, by Greeley or Sum-
ner. From first to last he was the real leader, and
he kept step with events.
2O ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
V.
the 22cl of July, 1862, Lincoln sent word to
the members of his cabinet that he wished to
see them. It so happened that Secretary Chase was
the first to arrive. He found Lincoln reading a
book. Looking up from the page, the President
said : " Chase, did you ever read this book ?" "What
book is it ?" asked Chase. "Artemus Ward," re-
plied Lincoln. " Let me read you this chapter,
entitled ' Wax Wurx in Albany! ' And so he began
reading while the other members of the cabinet one
by one came in. At last Stanton told Mr. Lincoln
that he was in a great hurry, and if any business was
to be done he would like to do it at once. Where-
upon Mr. Lincoln laid down the open book — opened
a drawer, took out a paper and said : " Gentlemen, I
have called you together to notify you what I have
determined to do — I want no advice. Nothing can
change my mind."
He then read the Proclamation of Emancipation -
Chase thought there ought to be something about
God at the close, to which Lincoln replied : " Put it
in, it won't hurt it." It was also agreed that the
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 21
President would wait for a victory in the field before
giving the Proclamation to the world.
The meeting was over, the members went their
way. Mr. Chase was the last to go, and as he went
through the door looked back and saw that Mr. Lin-
coln had taken up the book and was again engrossed
in the Wax Wurx at Albany.
This was on the 22d of July, 1862. On the 22d
of August of the same year — after Lincoln wrote
his celebrated letter to Horace Greeley, in which he
stated that his object was to save the Union ; that he
would save it with slavery if he could ; that if it was
necessary to destroy slavery in order to save the
Union, he would ; in other words, he would do what
was necessary to save the Union.
This letter disheartened, to a great degree, thou-
sands and millions of the friends of freedom. They
felt that Mr. Lincoln had not attained the moral
height upon which they supposed he stood. And
yet, when this letter was written, the Emancipation
Proclamation was in his hands, and had been for
thirty days, waiting only an opportunity to give it to
the world.
Some two weeks after the letter to Greeley, Lin-
coln was waited on by a committee of clergymen,
22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
and was by them informed that it was God's will that
he should issue a Proclamation of Emancipation.
He replied to them, in substance, that the day of
miracles had passed. He also mildly and kindly
suggested that if it were God's will this Proclamation
should be issued, certainly God would have made
known that will to him — to the person whose duty
it was to issue it.
On the 22d day of September, 1862, the most
glorious date in the history of the Republic, the
Proclamation of Emancipation was issued.
Lincoln had reached the generalization of all argu-
ment upon the question of slavery and freedom — a
generalization that never has been, and probably
never will be, excelled :
' ' In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the
free."
This is absolutely true. Liberty can be retained,
can be enjoyed, only by giving it to others. The
spendthrift saves, the miser is prodigal. In the realm
of Freedom, waste is husbandry. He who puts
chains upon the body of another shackles his own
soul. The moment the Proclamation was issued,
the cause of the Republic became sacred. From
that moment the North fought for the human race.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23
From that moment the North stood under the blue
and stars, the flag of Nature — sublime and free.
In 1831, Lincoln went down the Mississippi on a
flat-boat. He received the extravagant salary of
ten dollars a month. When he reached New Or-
leans, he and some of his companions went about
the city.
Among other places, they visited a slave market,
where men and women were being sold at auction.
A young colored girl was on the block. Lincoln
heard the brutal words of the auctioneer — the savage
remarks of bidders. The scene filled his soul with
indignation and horror.
Turning to his companions, he said, " Boys, if I
ever get a chance to hit slavery, by God I'll hit it
hard ! "
The helpless girl, unconsciously, had planted in a
great heart the seeds of the Proclamation.
Thirty-one years afterwards the chance came, the
oath was kept, and to four millions of slaves, of men,
women and children, was restored liberty, the jewel
of the soul.
In the history, in the fiction of the world, there is
nothing more intensely dramatic than this.
Lincoln held within his brain the grandest truths,
24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
and he held them as unconsciously, as easily, as
naturally, as a waveless pool holds within its stainless
breast a thousand stars.
In these two years we had traveled from the Or-
dinance of Secession to the Proclamation of Eman-
cipation.
VI.
T \ TE were surrounded by enemies. Many of the
so-called great in Europe and England were
against us. They hated the Republic, despised our
institutions, and sought in many ways to aid the
South.
Mr. Gladstone announced that Jefferson Davis had
made a nation, and that he did not believe the restor-
ation of the American Union by force attainable.
From the Vatican came words of encouragement
for the South.
It was declared that the North was fighting for
empire and the South for independence.
The Marquis of Salisbury said : " The people of
the South are the natural allies of England. The
North keeps an opposition shop in the same depart-
ment of trade as ourselves."
Not a very elevated sentiment — but English.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25
Some of their statesmen declared that the subju-
gation of the South by the North would be a calamity
to the world.
Louis Napoleon was another enemy, and he en-
deavored to establish a monarchy in Mexico, to the
end that the great North might be destroyed. But
the patience, the uncommon common sense, the
statesmanship of Lincoln — in spite of foreign hate
and Northern division — triumphed over all. And
now we forgive all foes. Victory makes forgiveness
easy.
Lincoln was, by nature, a diplomat. He knew
the art of sailing against the wind. He had as
much shrewdness as is consistent with honesty.
He understood, not only the rights of individ-
uals, but of nations. In all his correspondence
with other governments he neither wrote nor
sanctioned a line which afterwards was used to
tie his hands. In the use of perfect English he
easily rose above all his advisers and all his
fellows.
No one claims that Lincoln did all. He could
have done nothing without the generals in the field ;
and the generals could have done nothing without
their armies. The praise is due to all — to the
26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
private as much as to the officer ; to the lowest who
did his duty, as much as to the highest.
My heart goes out to the brave private as much
as to the leader of the host.
But Lincoln stood at the centre and with infinite
patience, with consummate skill, with the genius of
goodness, directed, cheered, consoled and conquered.
VII.
OLAVERY was the cause of the war, and slavery
was the perpetual stumbling-block. As the war
went on, question after question arose — questions
that could not be answered by theories. Should we
hand back the slave to his master, when the master
was using his slave to destroy the Union ? If the
South was right, slaves were property, and by the
laws of war anything that might be used to the ad-
vantage of the enemy might be confiscated by us.
Events did not wait for discussion. General Butler
denominated the negro as " a contraband." Con-
gress provided that the property of the rebels might
be confiscated.
The extreme Democrats of the North regarded
the slave as more sacred than life. It was no harm
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 2?
to kill the master — to burn his house, to ravage his
fields — but you must not free his slave.
If in war, a nation has the right to take the prop-
erty of its citizens — of its friends — certainly it has
the right to take the property of those it has the
right to kill.
Lincoln was wise enough to know that war
is governed by the laws of war, and that dur-
ing the conflict constitutions are silent. All
that he could do he did in the interests of
peace. He offered to execute every law — in-
cluding the most infamous of all — to buy the
slaves in the border States — to establish grad-
ual, compensated emancipation ; but the South
would not hear. Then he confiscated the prop-
erty of rebels — treated the slaves as contraband
of war, used them to put down the rebellion,
armed them and clothed them in the uniform
of the Republic — was in favor of making
them citizens and allowing them to stand on
an equality with their white brethren under the
flag of the Nation. During these years Lincoln
moved with events, and every step he took has
been justified by the considerate judgment of man-
kind.
2& ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
VIII.
T INCOLN not only watched the war, but kept his
*-' hand on the political pulse. In 1863 a tide set
in against the administration. A Republican meet-
ing was to be held in Springfield, Illinois, and Lin-
coln wrote a letter to be read at this convention.
It was in his happiest vein. It was a perfect defense
of his administration, including the Proclamation of
Emancipation. Among other things he said :
" But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or it is not
valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction, but if it is valid
it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought
to life."
To the Northern Democrats who said they would
not fight for negroes, Lincoln replied :
' ' Some of them seem willing to fight for you — but no
matter."
Of negro soldiers :
' ' But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why
should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them ?
If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the
strongest motive — even the promise of freedom. And the
promise, being made, must be kept."
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 2Q
There is one line in this letter that will give it
immortality :
' ' The Father of waters again goes unvexed to the sea. ' '
This line is worthy of Shakespeare.
Another :
"Among free men there can be no successful appeal from the
ballot to the bullet."
He draws a comparison between the white men
against us and the black men for us :
"And then there will be some black men who can remember
that with silent tongue and clenched teeth and steady eye and
well-poised bayonet they have helped mankind on to this great
consummation ; while I fear there will be some white ones un-
able to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech
they strove to hinder it. ' '
Under the influence of this letter, the love of coun-
try, of the Union, and above all, the love of liberty,
took possession of the heroic North.
There was the greatest moral exaltation ever
known.
The spirit of liberty took possession of the people.
The masses became sublime.
To fight for yourself is natural — to fight for others
is grand — to fight for your country is noble — to
3O ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
fight for the human race — for the liberty of hand
and brain — is nobler still.
As a matter of fact, the defenders of slavery had
sown the seeds of their own defeat. They dug the
pit in which they fell. Clay and Webster and thou-
sands of others, had by their eloquence made the
Union almost sacred. The Union was the very tree
of life, the source and stream and sea of liberty and
law.
For the sake of slavery millions stood by the
Union, for the sake of liberty millions knelt at the
altar of the Union ; and this love of the Union
is what, at last, overwhelmed the Confederate
hosts.
It does not seem possible that only a few
years ago our Constitution, our laws, our Courts,
the Pulpit and the Press defended and upheld
the institution of slavery — that it was a crime to
feed the hungry — to give water to the lips of
thirst — shelter to a woman flying from the whip
and chain !
The old flag still flies — the stars are there — the
stains have gone.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31
IX.
T INCOLN always saw the end. He was unmoved
*-* by the storms and currents of the times. He
advanced too rapidly for the conservative politicians,
too slowly for the radical enthusiasts. He occupied
the line of safety, and held by his personality — by
the force of his great character, by his charming
candor — the masses on his side.
The soldiers thought of him as a father.
All who had lost their sons in battle felt that they
had his sympathy — felt that his face was as sad as
theirs. They knew that Lincoln was actuated by
one motive, and that his energies were bent to the
attainment of one end — the salvation of the Re-
public.
They knew that he was kind, sincere and merci-
ful. They knew that in his veins there was no drop
of tyrants' blood. They knew that he used his
power to protect the innocent, to save reputation
and life — that he had the brain of a philosopher —
the heart of a mother.
During all the years of war, Lincoln stood the
embodiment of mercy, between discipline and death.
He pitied the imprisoned and condemned. He took
32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the unfortunate in his arms, and was the friend even
of the convict. He knew temptation's strength —
the weakness of the will — and how in fury's sudden
flame the judgment drops the scales, and passion —
blind and deaf — usurps the throne.
One day a woman, accompanied by a Senator,
called on the President. The woman was the wife
of one of Mosby's men. Her husband had been
captured, tried and condemned to be shot. She
came to ask for the pardon of her husband. The
President heard her story and then asked what kind
of man her husband was. " Is he intemperate, does
he abuse the children and beat you ? " " No, no,"
said the wife, " he is a good man, a good husband,
he loves me and he loves the children, and we can-
not live without him. The only trouble is that he
is a fool about politics — I live in the North, born
there, and if I get him home, he will do no more
fighting for the South." " Well," said Mr. Lincoln,
after examining the papers, " I will pardon your
husband and turn him over to you for safe keeping."
The poor woman, overcome with joy, sobbed as
though her heart would break.
" My dear woman," said Lincoln, " if I had known
how badly it was going to make you feel, I never
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 33
would have pardoned him." " You do not under-
stand me," she cried between her sobs. " You do
not understand me." " Yes, yes, I do," answered
the President, " and if you do not go away at once I
shall be crying with you."
On another occasion, a member of Congress, on
his way to see Lincoln, found in one of the ante-
rooms of the White House an old white-haired man,
sobbing — his wrinkled face wet with tears. The
old man told him that for several days he had tried
to see the President — that he wanted a pardon for
his son. The Congressman told the old man to
come with him and he would introduce him to Mr.
Lincoln. On being introduced, the old man said :
" Mr. Lincoln, my wife sent me to you. We had
three boys. They all joined your army. One of
'em has been killed — one's a fighting now, and one
of 'em, the youngest, has been tried for deserting
and he's going to be shot day after to-morrow. He
never deserted. He's wild, and he may have drunk
too much and wandered off, but he never deserted,
Taint in the blood - — he's his mother's favorite, and
if he's shot, I know she'll die." The President,
turning to his secretary, said : " Telegraph General
Butler to suspend the execution in the case of
34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
[giving the name] until further orders from me, and
ask him to answer - — ."
The Congressman congratulated the old man on
his success — but the old man did not respond. He
was not satisfied. " Mr. President," he began, <l I
can't take that news home. It won't satisfy his
mother. How do I know but what you'll give further
orders to-morrow?" "My good man," said Mr.
Lincoln, " I have to do the best I can. The generals
are complaining because I pardon so many. They
say that my mercy destroys discipline. Now, when
you get home you tell his mother what you said to
me about my giving further orders, and then you tell
her that I said this : ' If your son lives until they get
further orders from me, that when he does die peo-
ple will say that old Methusaleh was a baby com-
pared to him.' '
The pardoning power is the only remnant of ab-
solute sovereignty that a President has. Through
all the years, Lincoln will be known as Lincoln the
loving, Lincoln the merciful.
-
L
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 36
X.
INCOLN had the keenest sense of humor, and
always saw the laughable side even of disaster.
In his humor there was logic and the best of sense.
No matter how complicated the question, or how
embarrassing the situation, his humor furnished an
answer, and a door of escape.
Vallandingham was a friend of the South, and did
what he could to sow the seeds of failure. In his
opinion everything, except rebellion, was unconsti-
tutional.
He was arrested, convicted by a court martial, and
sentenced to imprisonment.
There was doubt about the legality of the trial,
and thousands in the North denounced the whole
proceeding as tyrannical and infamous. At the same
time millions demanded that Vallandingham should
be punished.
Lincoln's humor came to the rescue. He disap-
proved of the findings of the court, changed the
punishment, and ordered that Mr. Vallandingham
should be sent to his friends in the South.
Those who regarded the act as unconstitutional
almost forgave it for the sake of its humor.
36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Horace Greeley always had the idea that he was
greatly superior to Lincoln, because he lived in a
larger town, and for a long time insisted that the
people of the North and the people of the South
desired peace. He took it upon himself to lecture;
Lincoln. Lincoln, with that wonderful sense of
humor, united with shrewdness and profound wisdom,
told Greeley that, if the South really wanted peace,
he (Lincoln) desired the same thing, and was doing
all he could to bring it about. Greeley insisted that
a commissioner should be appointed, with authority
to negotiate with the representatives of the Con-
federacy. This was Lincoln's opportunity. He
authorized Greeley to act as such commissioner.
The great editor felt that he was caught. For a
time he hesitated, but finally went, and found that
the Southern commissioners were willing to take
into consideration any offers of peace that Lincoln
might make, consistent with the independence of the
Confederacy.
The failure of Greeley was humiliating, and the
position in which he was left, absurd.
Again the humor of Lincoln had triumphed.
Lincoln, to satisfy a few fault-finders in the North,
went to Grant's headquarters and met some Con-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 37
federate commissioners. He urged that it was hardly
proper for him to negotiate with the representatives
of rebels in arms — that if the South wanted peace,
all they had to do was to stop fighting. One of the
commissioners cited as a precedent the fact that
Charles the First negotiated with rebels in arms.
To which Lincoln replied that Charles the First lost
his head.
The conference came to nothing, as Mr. Lincoln
expected.
The commissioners, one of them being Alexander
H. Stephens, who, when in good health, weighed
about ninety pounds, dined with the President and
Gen. Grant. After dinner, as they were leaving,
Stephens put on an English ulster, the tails of which
reached the ground, while the collar was somewhat
above the wearer's head.
As Stephens went out, Lincoln touched Grant and
said : " Grant, look at Stephens. Did you ever see
as little a nubbin with as much shuck ? "
Lincoln always tried to do things in the easiest
way. He did not waste his strength. He was not
particular about moving along straight lines. He
did not tunnel the mountains. He was willing to go
around, and reach the end desired as a river reaches
the sea.
38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
XL
of the most wonderful things ever done by
Lincoln was the promotion of General Hooker.
After the battle of Fredericksburg, General Burnside
found great fault with Hooker, and wished to have
him removed from the Army of the Potomac. Lin-
coln disapproved of Burnside's order, and gave
Hooker the command. He then wrote Hooker this
memorable letter :
' ' I have placed you at the head of the Army of the Poto-
mac. Of course I have done this upon what appears to me to
be sufficient reasons, and yet I think it best for you to know
that there are some things in regard to which I am not quite
satisfied with you. I believe you to be a brave and skillful
soldier — which, of course, I like. I also believe you do not
mix politics with your profession — in which you are right.
You have confidence — which is a valuable, if not an indispen-
sable, quality. You are ambitious, which, within reasonable
bounds, does good rather than harm ; but I think that during
General Burnside's command of the army you have taken
counsel of your ambition to thwart him as much as you could —
in which you did a great wrong to the country and to a most
meritorious and honorable brother officer. I have heard, in
such a way as to believe it, of your recently saying that both
the army and the Government needed a dictator. Of course it
was not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given you com-
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 39
mand. Only those generals who gain successes can set up
dictators. What I now ask of you is military successes, and I
will risk the dictatorship. The Government will support you
to the utmost of its ability, which is neither more nor less than
it has done and will do for all commanders. I much fear that
the spirit which you have aided to infuse into the army, of
criticising their commander and withholding confidence in him,
will now turn upon you. I shall assist you, so far as I can, to
put it down. Neither you, nor Napoleon, if he were alive, can
get any good out of an army while such a spirit prevails in it.
And now beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but with
energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and give us victories."
This letter has, in my judgment, no parallel. The
mistaken magnanimity is almost equal to the
prophecy :
" I much fear that the spirit which you have aided to infuse
into the army, of criticising their command and withholding
confidence in him, will now turn upon you."
Chancellorsville was the fulfillment.
XII.
/VAR. LINCOLN was a statesman. The great
stumbling-block — the great obstruction — in
Lincoln's way, and in the way of thousands, was the
old doctrine of States Rights.
This doctrine was first established to protect
slavery. It was clung to to protect the inter-State
4O ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
slave trade. It became sacred in connection with
the Fugitive Slave Law, and it was finally used as
the corner-stone of Secession.
This doctrine was never appealed to in defense of
the right — -always in support of the wrong. For
many years politicians upon both sides of this ques-
tion endeavored to express the exact relations ex-
isting between the Federal Government and the
States, and I know of no one who succeeded, except
Lincoln. In his message of 1861, delivered on July
the 4th, the definition is given, and it is perfect :
" Whatever concerns the whole should be confided to the
whole — to the General Government. Whatever concerns only
the State should be left exclusively to the State. ' '
When that definition is realized in practice, this
country becomes a Nation. Then we shall know
that the first allegiance of the citizen is not to his
State, but to the Republic, and that the first duty of
the Republic is to protect the citizen, not only when
in other lands, but at home, and that this duty can-
not be discharged by delegating it to the States.
Lincoln believed in the sovereignty of the people
— in the supremacy of the Nation — in the territorial
integrity of the Republic.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41
XIII.
A GREAT actor can be known only when he has
** assumed the principal character in a great
drama. Possibly the greatest actors have never ap-
peared, and it may be that the greatest soldiers have
lived the lives of perfect peace. Lincoln assumed
the leading part in the greatest drama ever enacted
upon the stage of this continent.
His criticisms of military movements, his corre-
spondence with his generals and others on the con-
duct of the war, show that he was at all times master
of the situation — that he was a natural strategist,
that he appreciated the difficulties and advantages
of every kind, and that in " the still and mental "
field of war he stood the peer of any man beneath
the flag.
Had McClelland followed his advice, he would
have taken Richmond.
Had Hooker acted in accordance with his sugges-
tions, Chancellorsville would have been a victory for
the Nation.
Lincoln's political prophecies were all fulfilled.
We know now that he not only stood at the top,
but that he occupied the centre, from first to last,
42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
and that he did this by reason of his intelligence,
his humor, his philosophy, his courage and his
patriotism.
In passions' storm he stood, unmoved, patient, just
and candid. In his brain there was no cloud, and in
his heart no hate. He longed to save the South as
well as North, to see the Nation one and free.
He lived until the end was known.
He lived until the Confederacy was dead — until
Lee surrendered, until Davis fled, until the doors of
Libby Prison were opened, until the Republic was
supreme.
He lived until Lincoln and Liberty were united
forever.
He lived to cross the desert — to reach the palms
of victory — to hear the murmured music of the wel-
come waves.
He lived until all loyal hearts were his — until the
history of his deeds made music in the souls of men
- until he knew that on Columbia's Calendar of
worth and fame his name stood first.
He lived until there remained nothing for him to
do as great as he had done.
What he did was worth living for, worth dying for.
He lived until he stood in the midst of universal
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43
Joy, beneath the outstretched wings of Peace — the
foremost man in all the world.
And then the horror came. Night fell on noon.
The Savior of the Republic, the breaker of chains,
the liberator of millions, he who had " assured free-
dom to the free," was dead.
Upon his brow Fame placed the immortal wreath,
and for the first time in the history of the world a
Nation bowed and wept.
The memory of Lincoln is the strongest, tenderest
tie that binds all hearts together now, and holds all
States beneath a Nation's flag.
XIV.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN — strange mingling of
** mirth and tears, of the tragic and grotesque,
of cap and crown, of Socrates and Democritus, of
/Esop and Marcus Aurelius, of all that is gentle and
just, humorous and honest, merciful, wise, laughable,
lovable and divine, and all consecrated to the use of
man ; while through all, and over all, were an over-
whelming sense of obligation, of chivalric loyalty to
truth, and upon all, the shadow of the tragic end.
Nearly all the great historic characters are impos-
44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
sible monsters, disproportioned by flattery, or by
calumny deformed. We know nothing of their
peculiarities, or nothing but their peculiarities.
About these oaks there clings none of the earth of
humanity.
Washington is now only a steel engraving. About
the real man who lived and loved and hated and
schemed, we know but little. The glass through
which we look at him is of such high magnifying
power that the features are exceedingly indistinct.
Hundreds of people are now engaged in smooth-
ing out the lines of Lincoln's face — forcing all
features to the common mould — so that he may be
known, not as he really was, but, according to their
poor standard, as he should have been.
Lincoln was not a type. He stands alone — no
ancestors, no fellows, and no successors.
He had the advantage of living in a new country,
of social equality, of personal freedom, of seeing in
the horizon of his future the perpetual star of hope.
He preserved his individuality and his self-respect.
He knew and mingled with men of every kind ;
and, after all, men are the best books. He became
acquainted with the ambitions and hopes of the
heart, the means used to accomplish ends, the
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 4
springs of action and the seeds of thought. He was
familiar with nature, with actual things, with com-
mon facts. He loved and appreciated the poem of
the year, the drama of the seasons.
In a new country a man must possess at least
three virtues — honesty, courage and generosity.
In cultivated society, cultivation is often more im-
portant than soil. A well-executed counterfeit
passes more readily than a blurred genuine. It is
necessary only to observe the unwritten laws of
society — to be honest enough to keep out of prison,
and generous enough to subscribe in public — where
the subscription can be defended as an investment.
In a new country, character is essential ; in the
old, reputation is sufficient. In the new, they find
what a man really is ; in the old, he generally passes
for what he resembles. People separated only by
distance are much nearer together, than those divided
by the walls of caste.
It is no advantage to live in a great city, where
poverty degrades and failure brings despair. The
fields are lovelier than paved streets, and the great
forests than walls of brick. Oaks and elms are more
poetic than steeples and chimneys.
In the country is the idea of home. There you
46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
see the rising and setting sun ; you become ac-
quainted with the stars and clouds. The constella-
tions are your friends. You hear the rain on the
roof and listen to the rhythmic sighing of the winds.
You are thrilled by the resurrection called Spring,
touched and saddened by Autumn — the grace and
poetry of death. Every field is a picture, a land-
scape : every landscape a poem ; every flower a
tender thought, and every forest a fairy-land. In
the country you preserve your identity — your per-
sonality. There you are an aggregation of atoms ;
but in the city you are only an atom of an aggrega-
tion.
In the country you keep your cheek close to the
breast of Nature. You are calmed and ennobled by
the space, the amplitude and scope of earth and sky
-by the constancy of the stars.
Lincoln never finished his education. To the
night of his death he was a pupil, a learner, an
inquirer, a seeker after knowledge. You have no
idea how many men are spoiled by what is called
education. For the most part, colleges are places
where pebbles are polished and diamonds are
dimmed. If Shakespeare had graduated at Oxford,
he might have been a quibbling attorney, or a hypo-
critical parson.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 47
Lincoln was a great lawyer. There is nothing
shrewder in this world than intelligent honesty.
Perfect candor is sword and shield.
He understood the natue of man. As a lawyer
he endeavored to get at the truth, at the very heart
of a case. H"e was not willing even to deceive him-
self. No matter what his interest said, what his
passion demanded, he was great enough to find the
truth and strong enough to pronounce judgment
against his own desires.
Lincoln was a many-sided man, acquainted with
smiles and tears, complex in brain, single in heart,
direct as light ; and his words, candid as mirrors,
gave the perfect image of his thought. He was
never afraid to ask — never too dignified to admit
that he did not know. No man had keener wit, or
kinder humor.
It may be that humor is the pilot of reason.
People without humor drift unconsciously into ab-
surdity. Humor sees the other side — stands in the
mind like a spectator, a good-natured critic, and
gives its opinion before judgment is reached. Humor
goes with good nature, and good nature is the
climate of reason. In anger, reason abdicates and
malice extinguishes the torch. Such was the humor
48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
of Lincoln that he could tell even unpleasant truths
as charmingly as most men can tell the things we
wish to hear.
He was not solemn. Solemnity is a mask worn
by ignorance and hypocrisy — it is the preface, pro-
logue, and index to the cunning or the stupid.
He was natural in his life and thought — master
of the story-teller's art, in illustration apt, in applica-
tion perfect, liberal in speech, shocking Pharisees
and prudes, using any word that wit could disinfect.
He was a logician. His logic shed light. In its
presence the obscure became luminous, and the
most complex and intricate political and metaphysi-
cal knots seemed to untie themselves. Logic is the
necessary product of intelligence and sincerity. It
cannot be learned. It is the child of a clear head
and a good heart.
Lincoln was candid, and with candor often de-
ceived the deceitful. He had intellect without arro-
gance, genius without pride, and religion without
cant — that is to say, without bigotry and without
deceit.
He was an orator — clear, sincere, natural. He
did not pretend. He did not say what he thought
others thought, but what he thought.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49
If you wish to be sublime you must be natural —
you must keep close to the grass. You must sit by
the fireside of the heart : above the clouds it is too
cold. You must be simple in your speech : too
much polish suggests insincerity.
The great orator idealizes the real, transfigures the
common, makes even the inanimate throb and thrill,
fills the gallery of the imagination with statues and
pictures perfect in form and color, brings to light the
gold hoarded by memory the miser, shows the glit-
tering coin to the spendthrift hope, enriches the
brain, ennobles the heart, and quickens the con-
science. Between his lips words bud and blossom.
If you wish to know the difference between an
orator and an elocutionist — between what is felt and
what is said — between what the heart and brain can
do together and what the brain can do alone — read
Lincoln's wondrous speech at Gettysburg, and then
the oration of Edward Everett.
The speech of Lincoln will never be forgotten.
It will live until languages are dead and lips are
dust. The oration of Everett will never be read.
The elocutionists believe in the virtue of voice,
the sublimity of syntax, the majesty of long sen-
tences, and the genius of gesture.
50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
The orator loves the real, the simple, the natural.
He places the thought above all. He knows that
the greatest ideas should be expressed in the short-
est words — that the greatest statues need the least
drapery.
Lincoln was an immense personality — firm but not
obstinate. Obstinacy is egotism — firmness, heroism.
He influenced others without effort, unconsciously ;
and they submitted to him as men submit to nature
— unconsciously. He was severe with himself, and
for that reason lenient with others.
He appeared to apologize for being kinder than
his fellows.
He did merciful things as stealthily as others com-
mitted crimes.
Almost ashamed of tenderness, he said and did the
noblest words and deeds with that charming con-
fusion, that awkwardness, that is the perfect grace of
modesty.
As a noble man, wishing to pay a small debt to a
poor neighbor, reluctantly offers a hundred-dollar
bill and asks for change, fearing that he may be sus-
pected either of making a display of wealth or a pre-
tense of payment, so Lincoln hesitated to show his
wealth of goodness, even to the best he knew.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 5 1
A great man stooping, not wishing to make his
fellows feel that they were small or mean.
By his candor, by his kindness, by his perfect
freedom from restraint, by saying what he thought,
and saying it absolutely in his own way, he made it
not only possible, but popular, to be natural. He
was the enemy of mock solemnity, of the stupidly
respectable, of the cold and formal.
He wore no official robes either on his body or his
soul. He never pretended to be more or less, or
other, or different, from what he really was.
He had the unconscious naturalness of Nature's
self.
He built upon the rock. The foundation was se-
cure and broad. The structure was a pyramid,
narrowing as it rose. Through days and nights of
sorrow, through years of grief and pain, with un-
swerving purpose, " with malice towards none, with
charity for all," with infinite patience, with unclouded
vision, he hoped and toiled. Stone after stone was
laid, until at last the Proclamation found its place.
On that the Goddess stands.
He knew others, because perfectly acquainted
with himself. He cared nothing for place, but every-
thing for principle ; little for money, but every-
52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
thing for independence. Where no principle was
involved, easily swayed — willing to go slowly, if in
the right direction — sometimes willing to stop ; but
he would not go back, and he would not go wrong.
He was willing to wait. He knew that the event
was not waiting, and that fate was not the fool of
chance. He knew that slavery had defenders, but
no defense, and that they who attack the right must
wound themselves.
He was neither tyrant nor slave. He neither
knelt nor scorned.
With him, men were neither great nor small —
they were right or wrong.
Through manners, clothes, titles, rags and race he
saw the real — that which is. Beyond accident,
policy, compromise and war he saw the end.
He was patient as Destiny, whose undecipherable
hieroglyphs were so deeply graven on his sad and
tragic face.
Nothing discloses real character like the use of
power. It is easy for the weak to be gentle. Most
people can bear adversity. But if you wish to know
what a man really is, give him power. This is the
supreme test. It is the glory of Lincoln that, having
almost absolute power, he never abused it, except
on the side of mercy.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63
Wealth could not purchase, power could not awe,
this divine, this loving man.
He knew no fear except the fear of doing wrong.
Hating slavery, pitying the master — seeking to
conquer, not persons, but prejudices — he was the
embodiment of the self-denial, the courage, the hope
and the nobility of a Nation.
He spoke not to inflame, not to upbraid, but to
convince.
He raised his hands, not to strike, but in bene-
diction
He longed to pardon.
He loved to see the pearls of joy on the cheeks of
a wife whose husband he had rescued from death.
Lincoln was the grandest figure of the fiercest
civil war. He is the gentlest memory of our
world.
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Panel, 18 x 24 in. $5.00
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JUST PUBLISHED!
AN ADDRESS
BY
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DELIVERED BEFORE THE
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AT ALBANY, N. Y., JAN. 21, 1890.
C. P. FARRELL, .Publisher,
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ROBERT G. INGERSOLL'S WRITINGS.
ONLY AUTHORIZED EDITIONS.
Vol. I. — THE GODS AND OTHER LECTURES. Contents: "The Gods,"
" Humboldt," " Thomas Paine," " Individuality," " Heretics and Heresies."
I2mo, cloth, $1.25; paper, 50 cents.
Vol. II. — THE GHOSTS AND OTHER LECTURES. Contents: "The
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Independence," "About Farming in Illinois," "Tribute to Rev. Alexander
Clark." lamo, cloth, $1.25; paper, 50 cents.
Vol. ill. — SOME MISTAKES OF MOSES. lamo, 278 pp, cloth, $1.25;
paper, 50 cts.
Vol. IV. — INGERSOLL ON TALMAGIAN THEOLOGY. (New.) 443PP-.
cloth, gilt top, $2.00; plain cloth, $1.25; paper, 50 cents.
WHAT MUST WE Do TO BE SAVED. 89 pp., iamo, paper, 35 cents.
THE C.HRISTIAN RELIGION. A Series of Articles on the Christian
Religion. By Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, Judge Jeremiah S. Black, and Prof.
Geo. P. Fisher. The only complete and authorized edition ; one volume,
8vo, 143 pages, cloth, $1.00 ; paper, 50 cents.
ADDRESS ON CIVIL RIGHTS. By Col. Robert G. Ingersoll. Price, to cts.
ORTHODOXY. This is the latest lecture by Robert G. Ingersoll, reviewing
the creeds of the churches and answering them from their own standards.
Garbled, incomplete, and ridiculous reports of this lecture, taken from the
newspapers, have already appeared. They do the author great injustice and
deceive the reading public. This edition, coming direct from the author's own
publisher, is complete, and contains three times as much material as any of the
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courage buyers to purchase in large quantities for general circulation and mission-
ary work among intelligent and brave thinkers. Liberal discount to large buyers.
INGERSOLL'S LECTURES COMPLETE.
Bound in One Volume.
To meet the demand for Mr. Ingersoll's works, the publisher has had all his
lectures, excepting the latest on " Orthodoxy," bound in one beautiful volume, in
half calf, library style, and containing over 1,300 pages, which is sold at the ex-
ceedingly low price of {5.00. Postpaid.
JUST PUBLISHED !
PROSE-POEMS AND SELECTIONS. Robert G. IWSOll.
volume is eminently suited for presentation purposes, for any season or occasion.
To help it serve this purpose, a fine steel portrait, with autograph fac-simile, has
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In silk cloth, bevele'd edges, gilt back and side, $2.50; in half calf, mottled
edges, elegant librarv style, $4.50 ; in full Turkey morocco, gilt, exquisitely fine,
$7.50; in full tree calf- highest possible style and finish, $9.00.
COL. INGERSOLL'S NOTE TO THE PUBLIC.
WASHINGTON, D. C., ?uly io,,i88o.
I wish to notify the public that all books and pamphlets purporting to contain
«ny lectures, and not containing the imprint of Mr. C. P. FARRELL as publisher,
are spurious, grossly inaccurate, filled with mistakes, horribly printed, and out-
rageously unjust to me. The publishers of all such are simply literary thieves and
pirates, and are obtaining money from the public under false pretences. These
wretches have published one lefture under four titles, and several others under
two or three. I take this course to warn the public that these publications are
fraudulent ; the only correct editions being those published by Mr. C. P. Farrell.
C. P. FARRELL, Published Bookseller & Importer,
New York
43" HEADQUARTERS FOR ALL LIBERAL ANL SCIENTIFIC PUBLICATIONS."^*
ARGUMENT
BY
ROBERT G. INGERSOLL
IN THE
TRIAL OK C. B. REYNOLD'S
KOR
" ^Blasphemy, "
N1OR.RISTOWN, NEW JERSEY.
Stenographically reported, and revised by the Author.
Handsome 8vo, 86 pp., beautiful type, fine paper,
Price, cloth, 5O cts. ; paper cover, 25 cts.
In this Argument MR. INGERSOLL again shows his great
forensic powers. All his heart and brain are in it. It is one
of his greatest productions. It is in his chosen field of intel-
lectual combat, and we see him as the splendid champion of
human liberty and the rights of man. His love of freedom and
justice, hatred of tyranny and chains, sympathy for the op-
pressed, misguided and enthralled, his courage and candor,
have in this Argument full scope of expression, and he makes
grand use of the opportunity. Such a flood of light — of
eloquence, legal learning, logic, pathos, poetry and patriotism
is not often poured out in a Court of Justice.
The many calls for this Argument in complete and accurate
shape have led to this publication, as revised by MR. INGER-
SOLL himself. All other publications are the merest fictions —
reprints from meagre and misleading newspaper references.
Lawyers and advocates will find this the model of an address
to a jury ; statesmen and politicians a clear exposition of Con-
stitutional rights and powers ; and intelligent, patriotic and free
men and women everywhere, a Magna Charta of their rights.
AddreeE C. F. FARRELL, Publisher. 400 Fifth Ave., Nev Tork City.
A Grand Book : as interesting and entertaining as any novel !
INGERSOLL'S
Interviews on Ta Image
These Interviews were called out in answer to a series of
theological discourses by Mr. Talmage. Three of them were
originally given to a reporter of the daily press, but were after-
wards revised and enlarged and three others added. The three
newspaper reports being immediately pirated by so-called enter-
prising but unprincipled publishers, were put upon the market in
flimsy paper covers and heralded as the genuine " Ingersoll In-
terviews." It is sufficient to say that in no other shape than the
present complete volume are these " Interviews " to be had in
their accurate and authorized entirety.
As to the subject-matter it is essentially polemical, although
not bitterly so. The foolish as well as serious phases of theo-
logical ignorance and assumption are exposed to merited ridicule,
and the weapons of good-natured wit and sarcasm are employed
to laugh and shame religious superstition and arrogance out of
court. In the " Talmagian Catechism " especially, which sums
up the six interviews, are shafts of wit and satire as keen and
polished as ever sped from human brain. They go straight to the
mark, and remind one of Voltaire's pointed though not poisoned
arrows aimed at the priestly pretensions of his day. In the
graver and more serious statements and arguments, the facts and
figures are splendidly marshalled and bear down with resistless
form upon the theological foe, breaking his ranks and scattering
his forces like chaff before a gale.
There is not in literature another such book. It is a free-
Sought library in itself, and especially timely just now when
i)ibles and creeds are being overhauled and "revision and divis-
ion are in the air." No collection of Mr. Ingersoll's books is
complete that does not include this in some respects his most
remarkable work.
A handsome 8°, 443 pages, gilt top, beveled edges, good paper,
bold type, $2.00. From same plates, plain cloth, $1.25. Paper,
500. Sent post-paid upon receipt of price.
C. P. FARRELL, PUBLISHER, New York.
Works of Thomas Paine.
The Author Hero of the American Revolution and the promoter ami defender of
the Kevo'tutinn in France.
ComiUOU Sense. A Revolutionary pamphlet, addressed to the inhabitants
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The Crisis. Containing the full XVI. numbers. Written during the darkest
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Paine's Religious and Theological Works Complete, com-
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marks on Robert Hall's Sermons- The word Religion; Cain and Abel ; The
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Volume I. contains: Common Sense and the Epistle to the Quakers; The
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Volume II. contains: Rights of Man in two Parts, (Part I. being an Answer
to Burke's Attack on the French Revolution ; Part II. contains Principle and
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Onslow; Dissertation on First Principles of Government; Letters to Mr.
Secretary Dundas; Speech in the French National Convention; Reasons
for Sparing the Life of Louis Capet; Letter to the People of France ; On the
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and Fall ot the English System of Finance ; Agrarian Justice, etc.
Life Of Thomas Paine. By the Editor of the National, with Preface
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THE DEVIL'S PULPIT By Rev. Robert Taylor ; with a Sketch of the Author's life,
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ASTRO-THEOLOGICAL LECTURES. By Rev? Robert Taylor ; containing the
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The History of Don Quixote of la Mancha.
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NOTICES.
" This prettily printed ana prettily illustrated collection of Spanish Ro-
mances deserve their welcome from all students of seventeenth century liter-
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"A handy and beautiful edition of the works of the Spanish masters of
romance We mav say of this edition of the immortal work of Cer-
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"Handy in form, they are well printed from clear type, and are got up
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ing public have reason to congratulate themselves that so neat, compact, and
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reach. The publisher has spared no pains with them."— Scotsman.
Popular editions of the Spanish Romances.
Asmodeus; or, the Devil upon Two Sticks.
By A. R. Le Sage. With designs by Tony Johannot. Translated
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Adventures related in an amusing manner. The writer exhibits remark-
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Translated from the French of Le Sage by Tobias Smollett. With
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Shakespeare Portrayed by Himself. AReveia^
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INGERSOLL'S LECTURES,
+ IN ONE VOLUME, t*
CONTENTS:
THE GODS. HUMBOLDT, INDIVIDUALITY,
THOMAS PAINE, HERETICS AND HERESIES.
THE GHOSTS.
THE LIBERTY OF MAN, WOMAN AND CHILD,
THE CENTENNIAL ORATION, OR DECLARATION OF
INDEPENDENCE, July 4, 1876.
WHAT I KNOW ABOUT FARMING IN ILLINOIS.
SPEECH AT CINCINNATI IN 1876, nominating
James G. Elaine for the Presidency.
THE PAST RISES BEFORE ME; OR, VISION OF WAR,
an extract from a Speech made at the Soldiers and Sailors
Reunion at Indianapolis, Indiana, Sept. 21, 1876.
A TRIBUTE TO EBON C. INGERSOLL.
SOME MISTAKES OF MOSES.
WHAT MUST WE DO TO BE SAVED?
SIX INTERVIEWS WITH ROBERT G. INGERSOLL
ON SIX SERMONS BY THE Rev. T. DEWITT
TALMAGE, D. D. ; to which is added a
TALMAGIAN CATECHISM.
And FOUR PREFACES, which contain some of Mr. Ingersoll's
wittiest and brightest sayings.
This volume contains a fine steel portrait of the author, and
has had the greatest popularity, is beautifully bound in Half
Morocco, mottled edges, 1,300 pages, good paper, large type,
small 8vo. ^
Price, post paid, $5.00.
IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIHIIinil lltllllllllllHI1Hf[IIIIIIIHIHllllll!!llllllllllllllllllllll!ltll!IIIIHIIIHI1l|i
New Books by Col. R. G. Ingersoll.
A NEW LECTURE
Price, paper, Twenty-five cents.
a* Sin. *?
"SOMETHING BRAND NEW!"
TXGERSOLL'S startling, brilliant and . thr'llingly eloquent letters, which crea-
1 ated $uch a sensation when published in the Aerv York World, to;..
with the replies of famous clergymen and writers, a verdict from a jury o
inent men uf New York, Curious Facts About Suicides, celebrated Essays and
Opinions of noted men, and an astonishing and original chapter, Great Suicides
of History ! Price, heavy paper, with portrait of Col. Ingersoll, 25 cents.
Tlie Amer: s: "This is something brand new — curious, en-
tertaining, and startling The letters are among the finest products of Colonel
Ingersoli's genius. * * * Bound to have a wide sale."
HIS GREAT: LECTURE ON
SHAKESPEARE
Paper, Twenty-five cents.
1 Lecture on Abraham Lincoln 1
Price, T^wenty-flve cents, paper.
I THE GREAT INGERSOLL CONTROVERSY. |
CONTAINING THE FAMOUS CHRISTMAS SERMON, BY
COL. R. G. INGERSOLL,
= The indignant protests thereby evoked from Ministers of various denomina-
tions, and Colonel Ingersoli's replies to the same.
A work of tremendous interest to ev&liinkinx Man and Woman.
Reprinted in full from the Correspondence oThe Subject by Special Permission
of "The Evening Telegram." Price, paper, 25 cents.
= Address C. !». FA.K,REL,L, <4OO Fifth A.ve., JV.